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AUTHOR: 
 
 CAESAR, JULIUS 
 
 TITLE : 
 
 COMMENTARII DE BELLO 
 GALLICO 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 LONDON 
 
 DA TE : 
 
 1890 
 
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 Caesar, -m Juli 
 
 "e belle Gallico . 1890 
 
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 ...Co^nentarli uo telle Gullico, with notes by 
 
 :;f :!:;^' ^newed. London. Bell, 1390. 
 
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 (grammar ^cfttwl Xlassi'cs. 
 
 C. JULII CAE SARIS 
 
 COMMENTAEII DE BELLO GALLICO. 
 
 WITH NOTES, 
 
 Br 
 
 GEOEGE LOKG. 
 
 'a il^cto Cttiition. 
 
 LOXDON : 
 
 GEORGE BELL k SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN; 
 
 WHITTAKEE & CO., WHITE HART STREET, E.G. 
 
 1890. 
 
-3 
 O 
 
 f 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 LONDON S 
 
 PRINTED BY GILBERT AND .RIVINGTON, LD., 
 
 ST. JOHN'S HOUSE, CLEKKENWELL KOAD, E.C. 
 
 D 
 
 ± 
 
 ^1C (6 
 oE- io 
 
 s 
 
 1} 
 
 i 
 
 PAGV 
 
 Preface 
 
 Introduction 
 
 Lib. I. (B.C. 58) [ [ [ * 3^ 
 
 Note on Caesar's Rampart along the Rhone . . loi 
 Note on Caesar's Passage over the Alps (i. 10) . . 102 
 
 Note on Caesar's Triplex Acies iq^ 
 
 Lib. II. (B.C. 57) . . 106 
 
 Note on Noviodunum Suesstonum 143 
 
 Note on the Battle on the Sambre . . . . ib 
 
 Lib. III. (B.C. 5C) .' . .' U6 
 
 NoTETocia .... .... 176 
 
 Lib. IV. (B.C. 55) ,-_ 
 
 Lib. V. (B.C. 54) . 216 
 
 Note on Caesar's British Expeditions (b.c. 55, 54) . 274 
 
 Note on Wissant gg- 
 
 Lib. VI. (B.C. 53) 286 
 
 Lib. VII. (B.C. 52) '327 
 
 Note on Aduatuca ^j^ 
 
 Note on Gergovia ^jg 
 
 Note on Alesia . . ,,- 
 
 •••••« 417 
 
 Lib. VIII. (B.C. 51, 50) ^gQ 
 
 Index to the Notes ••...... 465 
 
 39^526 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 I HAVE used for the first five books of the Gallic war t/ve text 
 of C. E. Christ. Schneider, Halle. Schneider has given the 
 various readings at great length; and his edition contains many 
 valuable notes in Latin, which have often been useful to me. 
 Probably his text of the first five books may be accepted as the 
 best that can be made; at least I have not thought it judicious 
 to differ from it very often. The editor appears to be in no 
 hurry over his work, for the edition of the first four books is 
 dated 1840; and the edition of the fifth book, which is printed 
 separately, is dated 1849. 
 
 I have used for the other three books the edition of the Com- 
 mentarii by C. W. Elberling, Copenhagen, 1827; and I have 
 also compared it with Schneider in the first five books. It con- 
 tains some of the various readings, probably the most important. 
 I have used a copy which was lent to me by Professor Key, who 
 has marked many passages, and his hints have often been useful 
 to me. In many cases I have not adopted Elberling's readings, 
 but I have noted nearly all the instances in the eight books in 
 which I have differed from him, except a few which are of very 
 little importance. 
 
 I have also used an edition of the eight books of the Com- 
 mentarii by M. C. G. Herzog, Leipzig, 1831. Herzog has not 
 given any various readings, and I have not sytematically noticed 
 
Yl 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 the passages in which his text differs from mine. This edition 
 contains a large hody of notes in German, most of which I have 
 read, and some of them I have found useful. His notes are 
 chiefly grammatical and archaeological. He has very little on 
 the geography, and that little is bad. The same remark as 
 to the geography applies to Schneider's notes. But Schneider 
 as a critic is very superior to Herzog, and he has evidently stu- 
 died Caesar with great care. I have sometimes expressed my 
 dissent from him very decidedly, which makes it the more neces- 
 sary for me to state that I have a high opinion of his critical 
 judgment and learning. 
 
 The editions of Oudendorp, of Clarke, and of Oberlin which 
 y contains the notes of Morus, or some of them at least, have also 
 
 been used sometimes. 
 
 I have written an Introduction for the purpose of giving stu- 
 dents, and teachers also, some ideas on the physical character 
 of the country comprised within the limits of Caesar's Gallia, of 
 the political divisions of the country in Caesar's time, and of the 
 history of Gallia before Caesar began his campaigns. Some of 
 the materials for this Introduction have been got from the useful 
 articles on the geography of France in the Penny Cyclopaedia 
 by the Rev. J. C. Means, from D'Anville, from Walckenaer 
 (Geographic ancienne historique et comparee des (iaules, &c. 
 Paris, 1839) ; others from a great variety of places, and some 
 from my own observation '. I have often referred to Walckenaer 
 in my notes, as he is one of the last who has written on the 
 comparative geography of the Gauls. His work is useful, but 
 after a long acquaintance with it I value it less. He relies too 
 much on bare resemblances of names to be a safe guide ; and 
 sometimes he states things as facts which are pure inventions or 
 blunders. 
 
 I have endeavoured to make a useful edition of the Com- 
 mentarii so far as it was possible within limits. I have neither 
 said all that miglit be said, nor all that I could have said ; but 
 
 1 Since I wrote this Preface, I have written all the articles on Gallia in 
 the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. Many of these articles 
 will assist a student in reading the Gallic war. But the ancient geography 
 of Gallia is not yet exhausted, and there is still matter both of addition and 
 correction. 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 VII 
 
 enough, I hope, to help students to read the book with piofit, 
 and to prepare the way for an edition worthy of it. For I am 
 one of those who think that Caesar's Commentarii are worth 
 reading ; but as there are some who have a different opinion, 
 though I do not value their opinion, I will briefly state why I 
 think that it is the best book of its kind that ever was written. 
 
 There are very few books that are worth the trouble of read- 
 ing often. Every civilized nation however has some such books, 
 which have outlived the rest. A book that is to be read in all 
 time must not be a big one. There are big books that are good 
 in their kind, but we do not want them for daily use. A lasting 
 book should also treat of something that has a lasting interest. 
 It may be a poem, a drama, a history, a biography, or other 
 things. If the matter is good, we next inquire about the 
 form, the literary character of the work, and the character of 
 the writer. In Caesar's Gallic war we have all that we can 
 want. It is short; and that is a great deal. It contains the 
 history of the complete subjugation of the most warlike nation 
 of Europe : at is the commencement of the history of France, 
 not of the people, for that goes much further back, but the 
 commencement of the history of France as a modern political 
 community. A French historian (Amedee Thierry, Histoire des 
 Gaulois), who has written the history of the Gallic race from 
 the earliest period to the final Romanizing of Gallia, observes 
 that nineteen-twentieths of the people now called French are 
 the descendants of the Gallic race. After tracing this people 
 in all the countries into which it has penetrated, he finds the 
 character always the same — intelligent, lively, brave, impetuous, 
 but unsteady, little capable of consistency and order, vain and 
 disunited. The character appears at all periods, before the 
 Roman conquest of Gallia, and after it became a Roman pro- 
 vince ; it shows itself under the dominion of the PVanks in 
 Gallia, notwithstanding conquest and mixture of races; audit 
 appears at intervals under the institutions of the middle ages. 
 Nor has it disappeared in our times. Modern civilization has 
 not transformed the ancient Gaul, though it has put a new dress 
 on him. "If," says Thierry, ** we were to examine ourselves 
 well at any of these critical times, when nations, breaking 
 through all social conventions, display themselves, as we may 
 
via 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 say, in the nudity of their nature, would it be impossible to dis- 
 cover some sign of this union of virtues and vices ? " 
 
 In tliese Commentarii also, for the first time 2,* the unknown 
 misty island of the west is unveiled. It is no great deal that we 
 learn about Britain, but the invasion of Caesar opened it to the 
 Romans. It became under the empire a Roman province, and 
 our civilization, like that of Gallia, is of Roman original. Thus 
 two countries, whose shores stand face to face with ever threat- 
 ening aspect, the two most powerful nations in the world, were 
 tamed and tutored by the Romans. The Gaul has repaid his 
 instructor m modern times by many a terrible visit, as he used 
 to do before Caesar put him in chains, and he now has his hand 
 on the Roman Capitol. The Briton has been made almost 
 another man since the Roman left him. One invader after 
 another has come to make his home here ; and if tlie Briton 
 was like the Gaul in Caesar's time, he is now wonderfully urlike 
 him both m good and bad qualities; for he has both. 
 
 Tlie man who broke the power of Gallia in an eight years' 
 war has written the history of the war himself =«. I^e was a sol- 
 dier in his youth, like most Romans of rank, and he had been a 
 governor in Spain shortly before he was consul. But it was not 
 till after he was more than forty years of age that his military 
 career commenced, and he obtained a field wide enough for his 
 daring and capacious genius. It was Caesar's ambition to con- 
 quer the Gauls, and it was prudent policy in the Romans, for 
 Italy was never safe so long as the restless and warlike men 
 beyond the Alps were unsubdued. The rapidity of Caesar's 
 movements, the immense extent of country over which his mili- 
 tary operations extended, his battles, his sieges, his defeats, and 
 his victories, with their political consequences, give to his work 
 an untiring interest, if we read it with proper knowledge and in a 
 proper way. Nor let any man, who thinks that he knows some- 
 thing of modern warfare, venture to disparage either the Roman 
 or his enemies without a map always before him, and his attention 
 
 « I do not mean to say that nothing was known of Britain before Caesar', 
 t.me but that h.s mvasion is to us the commencement of its history 
 
 Of the first seven years. The eighth is by another hand. See the 
 remarks on the Preface to the Eighth Book. 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 well awake to the significance of a few words written in the 
 Latin language, and written by Caesar. The Gauls fought with 
 courage and desperation ; they showed military talent, and in 
 the arm of cavalry they were strong. They were inferior in in- 
 fantry and in their weapons; and they were weakened by poli- 
 tical disunion. Caesar pursued his bold career through hazards 
 and dangers enough to have stopped a prudent man ; but his 
 eyes were always open, and his vigilance never slumbered ; his 
 presence of mind never left him, and he was full of resources in 
 his vigorous understanding and his resolute will. He, who said 
 himself that he was not cruel, who spared the lives of Roman 
 citizens, his enemies, who pardoned his countrymen who would 
 have taken his life, pursued barbarians with unrelenting fero- 
 city. He spared neither age nor sex ; he slaughtered men in 
 battle, in flight, and after submission ; he plundered them, sold 
 them for slaves ; he mutilated them ; he burnt their houses ; 
 he wasted their fields; he left them to perish in the winter, 
 houseless and without food. His most formidable enemy, who 
 was cruel like himself, and as active and as brave, the Gallic 
 chief who in the seventh year of the war made a last effort to 
 crush the Roman proconsul, and nobly surrendered to save his 
 countrymen, was thrown into a Roman dungeon, to wait six 
 years for Caesar's triumph ; and tlien he was put to death. 
 
 Such a man, with all his great qualities, ought not to be made 
 the object of vulgar admiration, as he often is, by modern writers. 
 He ought to be estimated justly. He was better than many, 
 perhaps than most of his contemporaries ; and that is all that 
 we can say. 
 
 A man sliould not be traduced, even if he lived near two 
 thousand years ago. But as to the Gallic wars, we have 
 Caesar's own account of himself, and I do not see how people 
 who have any rectitude of judgment, can differ in opinion on 
 this part of his life. His private character in some respects was 
 as loose as it could be. He was very temperate in eating and 
 drinking, as all men must be if they would be as active as he 
 was. In the Civil war his character appears to great advantage, 
 and a civil war tries a man's temper. Cicero, though he joined 
 the other side, admits that Pompeius and his men would have 
 used their victory worse. Caesar had certainly a rare genius, 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 and a great elevation and nobleness of character. The best 
 testimony in his favour is that of an humble friend, a man 
 unknown to fame, one Matius, who loved Caesar while he was 
 alive, and was content to enjoy his friendship without availing 
 himself of it for his own advantage. He cherished the memory 
 of Caesar after his murder, and expressed his detestation of the 
 men who had done the deed. He says this in a letter to his 
 old friend Cicero (Ad Fam. xi. 28), who was on the most inti- 
 mate terms with most of Caesar's assassins. It is a truly honest, 
 sensible letter, worthy of a Roman of the best times of the 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 Caesar's great talents and the affairs in which he was engaged 
 have made him the foremost man of all time. After the con- 
 quest of Gaul he descended upon Italy (b.c. 49), and his feeble 
 opponents fled before him. He left Italy for Spain, which was 
 held for the Senate by the legati of Pompeius, and in little more 
 than a month he cleared Spain of his enemies. On his way 
 back to Italy he finished the siege of Massilia, which he had 
 commenced on his march into Spain ; and before the end of the 
 year he crossed the sea from Brundisium, to prosecute the war 
 against his own countrymen in Epirus and Thessaly, where he 
 defeated Cn. Pompeius his rival, and once his son-in-law. In 
 Egypt, at Alexandria, he got into a difficult position, from 
 which he extricated himself with his usual dexterity. In the 
 Roman province of Africa he had another desperate contest to 
 sustain against the surviving partizans of Pompeius ; and finally 
 in Spain, where he had twice before been actively employed, he 
 defeated the last remnant of the Pompeian party at the bloody 
 battle of Munda (b.c 4oj. So many events, so much activity 
 and daring, and success, have seldom been crowded into the 
 space of a few years; and a military history from such a man, 
 short and clear, written in plain, simple language, is a rare 
 thing. There have been many illustrious commanders, some of 
 them better men than Caesar, and some who have played a great 
 part in the affairs of the world. But Caesar brought undei 
 Roman dominion a country extending from the Pyrenees to the 
 outlets of the Rhine, and then he compelled the Roman world 
 to submit to himself. He died by the hands of mean men, 
 whom he had pardoned and bought, but he left his name be- 
 
 PKEEACE. 
 
 20 
 
 hind him, and prepared the way for a kinsman to establish an 
 imperial dynasty of Caesars. His great and varied talents place 
 him even higher than his fortunes. He was a successful soldier, 
 and a usurper with great ability for civil administration. But 
 he was more than that. There is no man like him all in all; 
 and no man can be compared with him. 
 
 Cicero, who knew Caesar well, and was no friend to him, 
 though at one time he pretended to be his friend, allows 
 that nobody could have used with greater moderation the 
 power that he seized. To Romans he was mild and merciful. 
 He was generous and liberal ; a man of taste and learning 
 equal to any of his age. Cicero says that there was hardly an 
 orator of his time who spoke Latin so well ; and he had a rare 
 sagacity and penetration. Cicero gives the character of the 
 Commentarii in a few expressive words : he compares the style 
 to a beautiful figure, naked, well-formed, and graceful, divested 
 of all ornament*. He adds: "but while Caesar's design was 
 that others might have something to their hand if they had a 
 mind to write history, perhaps he has accommodated the triflers 
 who shall attempt to ornament his matter after the fashion of 
 those who use the curfing irons for the hair: he has certainly 
 deterred all men of sound judgment from writing, for in history 
 there is nothing more agreeable than brevity accompanied with 
 simplicity and clearness" (Brutus, c. 75). Luckily Caesar's 
 work has escaped the danger* of being turned into a history by 
 
 * Compare Quintilian's judgment, Inst. Or. x. 1. 
 
 » There was risk of such things in those days. Greeks were the men who 
 would have done the thing best in the worst style. When Caesar was 
 engaged in his Spanish war, Cicero gave one Apollonius, a learned man, a 
 letter of introduction to Caesar. Apollonius had been in the Alexandrine 
 war, looking out, we may conjecture, for a subject to spoil. He went after 
 Caesar to Spain with Cicero's letter; and what do you suppose he wanted » 
 To write the history of Caesar's wars in Greek. Cicero says he thought 
 Apollonius could do it. However he adds, "you will be a much better 
 judge of this." (Cicero, Ad Fam. xiii. 16.) The few letters that passed 
 between Caesar and Cicero are well worth reading. They raise our opinion 
 of Caesar, but not of Cicero. There is a Greek historian who has partly 
 done what Apollonius wished to do. Dion Cassius has given a sketch -of 
 Caesar's Gallic war in his Roman History. He has misunderstood, con- 
 founded, and perverted Caesar's campaigns, and if we had only Dion's nar- 
 
lii 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 some phrase-maker. If it had been laid hold of by one of the 
 craft, it might have been forgotten in the period of declining 
 taste, and a miserable piece of rhetoric have been transmitted to 
 us, mstead of a plain, manly, and vigorous work. It is one of 
 the best parts of Caesar's fortune that his Commentarii on the 
 Gallic and the Civil war have been preserved untouched. The 
 L.ghth Book is a sample of the way in which even a Roman 
 might have handled the matter. It is an attempt to write like 
 Caesar, and it is a failure. It is very unequal. Some parts here 
 and there look like Caesar's work ; others are confused, obscure, 
 and m bad taste. 
 
 It has been n.uch disputed when Caesar wrote his Commen- 
 taru». Nobody can tell; at least there is no direct evidence, 
 rhe best way of judging is to read the book rapidly, but care- 
 fully, when a man has mastered it as well as he can. This is 
 the only way to form a just opinion on the question. I believe 
 that he wrote it during his campaigns, though he may have 
 made slight alterations and even additions at different times. 
 But It was all finished and well known before b.c 46. (See 
 
 rative of the Gallic war, we sl.ould know very little about it. But a Roman 
 has done worse. Florus* chapter on the Gallic war (iii. 10) shows 
 What an Epitouiator can do ; and yet there are modern Epitomes as bad 
 
 Roman Commentarii were different from Roman Historiae. Com- 
 mentani were brief, simple narratives, out of which Historiae might be 
 made. When Cicero (Ad Fam. v. 12) asked Lucceius to write the history 
 ot his consulship, he promised to supply him with 'Commentarii rerum 
 omnium.' We have a couple of Historiae by Sallust, one of them a his- 
 tory of Jugurtha's war, a real Hi.toria different altogether from Caesai'-s 
 Commentani, and of no value at all as a military narrative, whatever merit 
 It may have as an Histo.iv A Ron.an Historia is a modem History a 
 work of words, of reflections, in which the writer's opinions occupy a great 
 space, a thing that has sometimes its peculiar merit, and sometimes has 
 none. Montaigne has described the thing well (ii. c. 10) in his discourse 
 of Books. I am of his mind that the only good histories are those which 
 have been written by men who directed the affairs of which they write or 
 took part in them as actora or spectators, or were versed in matters of Uiat 
 kind about which they write. Such are the best of the Greek and Roman 
 books of history. Montaigne's judgment of Caesar and his writings is exact 
 and true; it is the judgment of a man who formed an opinion after reflec- 
 tion and knew how to express it well. See also the Essays, ii. c. 34 Obsor- 
 rations on Julius Caesar's Method of Making War. ' 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 ZIll 
 
 I* 
 
 the remark on the beginning of the Eighth Book.) It would 
 take many words to explain the grounds of my opinion. I will 
 give one or two reasons. There are inconsistencies in the work, 
 which are not inconsistencies, if the books were written as the 
 events happened. There is a brevity, sometimes an incomplete- 
 ness in the narrative, which I have observed in many writers, 
 who are writing of things before them, which are plain enough 
 to them then, but would not seem so plain to them if they wrote 
 afterwards. They would feel certain difficulties themselves and 
 try to remove them for others. It is impossible to understand 
 the attack on Gergovia, unless a man has seen the place or has 
 a perfect map of it. Even then there is some difficulty ; but the 
 chief difliculties disappear as soon as a man gets on the ground 
 and approaches Gergovia from the point where Caesar made his 
 attack. Such a description as Caesar's could only be made on 
 the spot, or when the facts were still fresh in the memory. 
 Caesar's blockade of Alesia also is very clear when we know the 
 ground. It was clear to himself, for he saw it and set down 
 what he saw; and though we cannot see the lines and the battle, 
 we can see the ground, and see that he wrote as a man would 
 do on the spot, or when the memory of the thing was fresh. 
 Again, the battle of Ilerda (B. C. i. 41, &c.) is often found ob- 
 scure, but a view of the ground is said to make the whole per- 
 fectly clear. 
 
 Both Caesar's accuracy and his veracity have been questioned. 
 I think that a man who reads his book carefully will have a 
 favourable opinion of both ; and if we try him by the test of 
 the localities, as, for instance, his description of Helvetia and 
 the Rhine, the earthen rampart that he made from Geneva to 
 Fort L'Ecluse (i. 8), his description of the position of Avaricum 
 (Bourges), by the ground at Gergovia, and by the siege of Ale- 
 sia, we shall believe him to be both accurate and veracious. A 
 man of his talent and wonderful diligence must have been accu- 
 rate ; and a man of his fearless, generous, and proud character 
 could hardly be a liar. His work was published very soon after 
 the Gallic war was ended, and there were plenty of people who 
 could tell whether it was true or false. Asinius PoUio indeed 
 (Suetonius, Caesar, c. 56) denies his accuracy and veracity ; and 
 his testimony may go for what it is worth. (See note on Lib. 
 
XI7 
 
 PEBFACE 
 
 «!'; ,1 u f,' *^ ''**'"" °^ '*'""«'• """""anders Caesar 
 sent despatches (hterae) to the Senate, which existed even to 
 the fme of Suetonius (Caesar, c. 56). He could not well write 
 m h,s Commentaru any thing that contradicted his despatches; 
 and I do not see why we should doubt the truth of his despatche 
 without any evidence. They were probably i„ his brief and 
 sententious style ; full in facts and few in wo^rds. His wly „f 
 writing was the soldier's style as he says himself (Plut. Caesar, 
 0. 3) . They were not on large pieces of paper, as other gover 
 nors used to write but on small pages such as people usfd for 
 n emorandum books. It is evidence of his veracity that there i 
 almost nothing about himself in the Commentarii. He writes i 
 tlie third person, and one might forget that Caesar is the writer 
 1 hey might have been written by somebody else. He tells his 
 defeat before Gergovia very plainly, and many other thLgs whith 
 are not in is favour. Nor does he dwell more on th! afflit 
 that took place under his own eye, than on what his officers did 
 
 ground and of Ro ' '""' '""^^'"^^ '"°"^^^^^ ^' ^^^'^ 
 felisT it Th/ T "^'""' ^^"^^"''^' '^ understand and 
 that Vn T ^^ 7"''^ '"''^' "^^'^^^ ^'^ P^««-« over things 
 
 1"' ter h" r^'l'T'' '' '''' ^"'J^^^-- -^^ --it in'a 
 or sluchas'r ^'^ t""^^^'- «^ --Plaint by ignorant 
 critics, such a General Warnery. The general some time a^o 
 made an attack on Caesar's works, which is the most mLrable 
 Feceot,,hat a man of any ability, and the g" 
 . d to have had some, ever wrote. Tl>e foundation 1>f nearly 
 all lus comment is a misunderstanding of the text. The oene a^ 
 was answered by Roesch, a German officer, and his ^ork 
 
 ^ar als • ' 'r ^'"""^"^^^ "'^^ ''' Commentarien d 
 Cdsar als eine Beantwortung des Remarques sur Cesar des 
 
 had shut up iu Bruadisiuu.. (CkI, Id Itt ix! uIr) '""' "'^" '^^ 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 X7 
 
 Roesch, who gave lectures on the military art, says that 
 among all the ancient and modem military histories, he knows 
 of none that he found better adapted for lectures on strategy 
 than the Commentarii. Caesar's work is used by military stu- 
 dents, but if it is simply read in the way that books are gene- 
 rally read, it is not made so instructive as it might be. If a 
 student were to master this book in a proper manner, he would 
 learn the operations of an eight years' campaign, carried on in 
 great difficulties, and over a very wide surface. He would 
 acquire a good knowledge of the large part of Europe which is 
 included within the Gallia of Caesar, and with proper maps he 
 would be made familiar with every kind of ground on which 
 military operations can be carried on,— mountains, plains, coasts, 
 rivers, woods, swamps, and defiles. Such a course of reading 
 l*^ under an experienced officer would be very profitable. It would 
 be a sound discipline. It is not supposed to be the province of 
 an ordinary teacher to read Caesar in this way, though a man 
 who has studied Caesar might explain all his great operations 
 very well ; and no person should read Caesar without a careful 
 study of the geography. It is with the view of giving some 
 information of this kind that I wrote the Introduction, which, 
 imperfect as it is, may be useful. I could do it better if I had 
 to do it again, and if it were done at more length. He who 
 undertakes to explain Caesar fully to military students should 
 have military experience; and if any such shall try their hands 
 at it, they should not be discouraged if they find that they have 
 much to learn of the Latin language. If they read carefully, 
 they will improve as they go on. Caesar will teach them Latin 
 as well as other things ». 
 
 I have not ventured to say much on the battles; partly 
 because it would have been out of place in a small work like 
 
 « Caesar has been a text book with some great commanders. Caesar, 
 Bays Montaigne, was Marshal Piero Strozzis man, 'and doubtless he made 
 ti.e best clioice.' The heroic Captain John Smith, the founder of the 
 colony of Virginia, studied two books, Marcus Aurclius' Meditations and 
 Machiavelli's Art of War. Machiavelli's design was to restore the Roman 
 discipline and so keep the foreigner out of Italy. If the Italians had fol- 
 lowed Machiavelli's advice, the foreigner would have ceased to vex them, 
 and the best thing that the Italians can do, is to follow it now. 
 
XVI 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 this, and partly because it would be useless for a man to attempt 
 it unless he could do it well. So far as J have read the remarks 
 of those who find fault with Caesar and those who judge him 
 favourably, I am inclined to think that the Roman knew how to 
 order his battles against the men that he had to deal with as 
 well as any general in modern times directs the men and the 
 means at his command. Caesar's campaigns in the country of 
 the Eburones were like our wars against the natives of South 
 Africa, and he showed that he understood his business by cut- 
 ting through their forests, burnnig their houses, driving off their 
 cattle, and destroying their crops. When he had to deal with 
 better disciplined men, or with his own countrymen, he showed 
 himself master of all the military skill of the time, in sieges, 
 marches, and pitched battles. 
 
 Koesch observes that ancient war is more simple than modern, 
 and is more easily understood. Ancient history also was 
 written, the best part of it, with more military knowledge than 
 modern history, except wliere we have a military history by a 
 soldier. As all the movements were more simple, and the 
 ordering of the battles, so the whole could be seen better, for 
 there was no smoke and less noise. A teacher who has any 
 turn for practical affairs may be able with proper study to give 
 some fair account to his pupils of these ancient histories, which 
 are essentially military. Livy, though not a soldier, took a 
 good deal of pains with this part of his work, and understood it 
 pretty well. Thucydides, himself a soldier, knew the art of war 
 of his own age; and Polybius was thoroughly master of it. 
 Caesar knew it, if any body did. It has always been supposed 
 by the French writers on ancient military affiiirs, Folard, Guis- 
 chardt, who wrote in French, and others, that there is a good 
 deal to be learned from the Greeks and Romans. Indeed it 
 would be strange if the conquerors of the world had not left us 
 something in this kind worth studying. The Romans have 
 taught us a great deal about civil administration, and about 
 roads, canals, bridges, aqueducts, and draining ; to which we 
 may add farming, both the cultivation of land and tlie manage- 
 ment of stock. They taught law to the nations of Europe after 
 they had beaten them; and I assume that modern military 
 science is derived from the Romans. It is certnin that we mighr 
 
 /•, 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 XVII 
 
 yet learn something from them K Some of our own countrymen 
 have had a high opinion of them in this line, as Lieutenant 
 Clarke's sensible preface to his translation of Vegetius shows. 
 And Captain John Bingham, in his translation of Aeiian's 
 lactic of the Greeks (Lonc^on, 1616), says, " Aelian hath in a 
 small volume so expressed the arte (military), that nothing i- 
 more short, nothing more linked together in coherence of pre- 
 cepts, and yet distinguished by such variety, that all motions 
 requisite or to be used in a battle are fully expressed therein." 
 
 I have done what I could, in a short compass, for the geo- 
 graphy of Caesar, without which a commentary on his writings 
 is of very little value. There are some things that I have not 
 been able to explain. Many Englishmen go abroad every year, 
 and they might amuse themselves with examining the ground 
 of Caesar's operations, among which the campaign against the 
 Beilovaci (viii. 6—22), and the site of Uxellodunum (viii. 32), 
 require further investigation. The notes on the language arJ 
 intended to explain all ordinary difficulties. I have done tlu- 
 best that I could in the space ; but I do not expect that I have 
 always avoided error. Our knowledge of the Latin language 
 requires to he improved before we can undertake to explain 
 Caesar as he ought to be explained. The book is generally 
 considered to be fit for beginners onlv, and it is in some 
 respects well suited for them ; but it is also a book which con- 
 tarns difficulty enough to employ those who suppose that they 
 have made considerable proficiency in the Latin language. 
 
 * Machiavelli, Discorsi, iii. 
 Arte della Guerra. 
 
 3G, and I. Introd. Also the books Dell' 
 
 Brighton College, 
 Oct. 12, 1052. 
 
 G. LONG 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 I HAVE used for the revision of the sixth book of the Gallic 
 war Schneider's edition of that book (Halle, 1852). Schneider 
 has not yet edited the seventli and eighth books. I have alst 
 used Kraiier's second edition of the Comnientarii with German 
 notes (Berlin, 1855). Krancr's notes have been written chiefly 
 to explain the language, and they are useful. His notes on tli'e 
 matter of the text and on Caesar's military operations are less 
 complete ; and indeed the explanation of this part of the author 
 liardly seems to have been within his design. The little that he 
 has said in his notes on the geography is worth nothing, but there 
 is a pretty good geograpiiical index at the end of the volume. 
 He has also written a useful essay on the military system of 
 Caesar (Das Kriegswesen bei Ciisar), which is prefixed to his 
 edition of the Bellnm Civile. 
 
 Kraner states that he is indebted for most of the corrections 
 of his first edition, and they are not few, to two Programmes bv 
 /)r. Miiller of Kiel (Bemerkung»?n zu Ciisar's Gallischem Kriege, 
 Kiel, 1854, 1855). I have also used Miiller's remarks, and 1 have 
 been much helped by them. In some difficult passages he has 
 
 j^iven the same explanations as are given in my first edition 
 
 ^18 2). In other passages I have corrected or improved my 
 
 i.ates by the help of Miiller's. 
 
 A careful revision of the Commentarii has confirmed me in 
 
 tlie opinion of the difficulty of fully explaining Caesar; a diffi 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 XIX 
 
 culty which does not come from the author's language, for no 
 man ever knew belter what to say, and no man ever wrote with 
 more force and precision. The difficulty is inherent in the 
 matter, and partly too it comes from this great soldier's manner 
 of writing. As he was resolute and quick in action, so he waj 
 positive and brief in speech, saying just enough for his purpose 
 and not caring if others were satisfied with that which satisfied 
 himself. 
 
 Most teachers have neither time nor inclination for making 
 editions of classical authors. But there are many who could do 
 good service if they would follow Muller's example. A few 
 short notes from some of our best masters, who are continually 
 reading the same authors, would be a valuable contribution to 
 our materials for understanding the ancient texts. No persons 
 are more likely to discover the meaning of difficult passages and 
 to correct old errors, than those who are employed in teaching 
 and take pleasure in their work. 
 
 There are only two historians of antiquity, who as military 
 writers are worth a serious study, Caesar and Polybius, and 
 neither of them has yet received all the explanation that he 
 requn-es. I say as military writers, for there are other historians 
 who are valuable in other ways, Thucydides and Tacitus, for 
 exan.ple. Caesar is generally made only a school-book and 
 neglected afterwards. But when his writings shall be truly ap- 
 predated, they will take the place which is due to them in our 
 liberal studies. Polybius is a difficult writer, and his style is not 
 pleasant; but he was a soldier, a man of letters, and a political 
 writer of the first class. He will be studied as he ought to be 
 when we shall be wise enough to employ our limited time only 
 on the best writers either ancient or modern, and leave the rest 
 to those who read every thing, without making a distinction 
 between the books which still speak to us in eloquent language 
 and those which have no life in them and never had 
 
 Brighton College, 
 Nov. 4, 1859. 
 
 G. LONG 
 
INTRODUCTION, 
 
 Op all the nations whom the Romans called Barbari, there is 
 none whose history is more intimately connected with Rome 
 than the history of the Celtae or Galli. 
 
 In Caesar's time there were two great divisions of the Gallic 
 nation in Europe, the Galli south of the Alps and the Galli 
 north of the Alps. Gallia Transalpina, according to the political 
 geography of the time of Augustus, was separated from Italia by 
 the river Var (Varus), which enters the sea between the French 
 town of Antibes (Antipolis) and the Italian town of Nizza 
 (Nicaea). Tliere is no natural separation between the Alps and 
 the Apenni^ies. On each side of Genoa (Genua), east and west, 
 the mountains, which here form the southern boundary of the 
 basin of the Po (Padus), run along the margin of the Medi- 
 terranean, leaving between them and the sea only a narrow strip 
 of land, on which the Romans made their military road called 
 the Via Aurelia. This was an ancient line of road, and the only 
 route by which a man can pass direct from the valley of the 
 Rhone in Transalpine Gallia into Italy south of the Apennines. 
 Some 3f the ancient geographers (Strabo, p. 202) consider the 
 Alps to commence at Vado (Sabbaton Vada), which is about 
 half-way between Albenga (Albium Ingaunum) and Genoa. 
 Polybius (ii. 17) in a very loose way places the junction of the 
 Alps and Apennines above Marseille, not far from the sea. The 
 course of the Alps from Genoa is in a general western direction 
 as far as the Var. About the meridian of the Var they take a 
 general north course as far as the passage of the (^reat St. 
 Bernard, and the head of the valley of the Dora Baltea (Duria) 
 one of the affluents of the Po. From the Great St. Bernard the 
 iixis of the mountains has a general E. \. E. course to Mount St. 
 
2 INTKODUCTIOK 
 
 Gothard (probably Mons Adulas), in which are the remotest 
 sources of the Rhine (Rhenus). All the country to the west 
 and north-west of the mountain barrier just described, from the 
 neighbourhood of Genoa to Mount St. Gothard, belonged to 
 Transalpine Gaul, with the exception of the small portion west 
 of Genoa and along the coast of the Mediterranean, which was 
 part of the Ligurian country. 
 
 The eastern boundary of Gallia was formed by the course of 
 the Rhine from Mount St. Gothard to its entrance into the 
 North Sea or German Ocean. The Romans ,of Caesar's time 
 knew that the Rhine flowed through a large hike, the Lake of 
 Constanz or Bodensee (Lacus Rrigantinus). From the Lake of 
 Constanz the Rhine has a general western course as far as the 
 bend where the city of Basle is situated; and from Basle its 
 general course is north as far as Wesel, at the junction of the 
 Rhine and Lippe (Luppia). From Wesel its general course is 
 west to its outlets in the Nortii Sea. The length of the Rhine 
 was not accurately known either by Caesar or by any of the 
 authorities of Strabo. Its whole course is about 950 miles. 
 Caesar (Bell. Gall. iv. 10) says that the Rhine rises in the 
 country of the Lepontii, and forms the eastern boundary of the 
 following tribes, which he enumerates in order from north to 
 south : Nantuates (a corrupted name probably, iii. 1 ; iv. 10), 
 Helvetii, Sequani, Mediomatrici, Tribocci or Tribocchi, and 
 Treviri. According to Caesar, the Lepontii inhabited the high 
 valleys in which are the sources of the Rhine. 
 
 The Alps, from Genoa to Mount St. Gothard, and the Rlune, 
 from its source to its outlet, formed the eastern and north- 
 eastern limit of Caesar's Gallia, which thus comprehended, in 
 addition to the modern territory of France, the whole of Belgium, 
 a small part of the Netherlands, Luxemburg, those parts olf the 
 German states which lie west of the Rhine, the larger part of 
 Switzerland, and a part of Savoy, which belongs to the king- 
 dom of Sardinia. The area of France is about 200,925 square 
 miles. The area of Caesar's Gallia is perhaps nearly 210,000 
 square miles. 
 
 The southern boundary of Gallia along the Mediterranean 
 extended from the Var to Port Vendre near Bellegarde (Portus 
 Veneris), at the eastern extremity of the Pyrenees and south of 
 
 INTEODUCTIOjN". 
 
 3 
 
 
 Perpignan ; and, strictly speaking, somewhat further. The 
 distance ^ from the Var to Cape Notre Dame, near Toulon, is 
 about 82 milts ; and from Cape Notre Dame to the canal of 
 Aigues Mortes, east of Montpellier, 8' miles ; and from Aigues 
 Mortes to Port Vendre, a few miles north of the Spanish 
 frontier, 90 miles. Aigues Mortes is at the head of the Gulf of 
 Lions (Gallicus Sinus). The real boundary of Gallia on the 
 Spanish side may have been the Pyre.iaeum Promontorium, or 
 Cap Creux, which is a short distance south of Portus Venerii 
 The whole distance from the Var to the extreme limit of the 
 Pyrenees, in the way in which it is here estimated, is 259 miles. 
 The natural boundary between France and Spain (Hispania) 
 on the south-west is the lofty range of the Pyrenees (Pyrenaei, 
 called nvpr)vn by the Greeks), several summits of which exceed 
 the elevation of 10,000 feet above the sea-level. The small 
 river Bidasoa, which flows into the Bay of Biscay, forms below 
 Irun the present boundary between France and Spain. The 
 direct length of the Pyrenees from Port Vendre to the mouth of 
 the Bidasoa is about 255 miles. 
 
 From the mouth of the Adour (Aturis), north of the Bidasoa, 
 a long line of low sandy coast extends nearly due north to the 
 Gironde, or the aestuary of the Garonne (Garumna) ; and this 
 general direction of the coast is continued as far as the Sevre of 
 Niort. This line, from the Spanish frontier to the mouth of the 
 Sevre, is about 206 miles. The coast now takes a north-west 
 direction as far as Bee du Raz, near 48° N. lat., in the depart- 
 ment of Finisteie; then a general north direction to a point 
 north-west of the port of Brest ; and then a general direction 
 nearly due east as far as Mont St. Michel, in Cancale Bay. The 
 respective lengtl.s of the three sides thus determined are— 208 
 miles, 34 miles, and 148 miles. The north-western part of "the 
 tract which is limited by these three lines contains the province 
 of Bretagne, as it subsisted before the French Revolution of 
 17S9, and most of those maritime stales which Caesar calls 
 Armoricae Civitates. The north and west coast of Bretagne is 
 
 1 All these are direct distances, measured in a right line betwcfn iwo 
 pomts. If all the windings of the coasts were measured, some of tU 
 distances would be greatly increased. 
 
 B 2 
 
* 3NTR0DUCTI0X. 
 
 indented by numerous bays, and is generallv bold and broken • 
 and tins character of tlie coast continues along the south-uesi 
 side of the peninsula as far as the mouth of the Loire A 
 smaller peninsula follows, called Cotantin in the ante-revolu- 
 tionary geography of France ; it is bounded by a line drawn 
 from Mont St. Michel to Cap La Hogue, and from Cap La 
 Hogue to Havre at ihe mouth of the Seine (Sequana). These 
 sides are respectively 79 and 94 miles long. The direct line 
 fi-om Havre to Cap Gris Nez, which is between Boulog.^e and 
 Calais, and the nearest point to the coast of Britain, is 116 
 miles; and from Cap Gris Nez to the Belgian frontier, which is 
 about half-way between Dunkerque and Nieuport, 44 miles 
 tvom Cap Gns Nez northward the coast is low, flat, and sandy 
 as far as the mouth of the Schelde (Scaldis), a distance from 
 the Flinch frontier of about 50 miles. The direct distance 
 from the outlet of the Schelde to that of the Maas, which we 
 may at present consider the main outlet of the Rhine, is nearly 
 50 m.les more. The interval between the outlets of these two 
 rivers ,s filled with low flat islands, a country of swamps and 
 marshes m its natural state, which the labour of man defends 
 against the assaults of the ocean and the floods of rivers and 
 has converted from a wilderness into a fruitful land. 
 
 Tins enormous extent of country between 42° 25' N. lat the 
 parallel of the eastern boundary of the Pyrenees, to nearly 52° 
 U.e parallel of Arnhem on the Rhine, in the Dutch province of 
 Guelderland, was the scene of Caesar's Gallic campaigns from 
 the early part of b.c. 58 to the close of b.c. 51. Its dimensions 
 will be st.ll better understood from the following facts. A straic^ht 
 ine drawn from the mouth of the Var in a north-west direction 
 to the northern point of Bretagne is about 660 miles; and a 
 hne drawn from the Spanish frontier on the west side of the 
 rvrenees to 48° 50' N lit ro 17' i- i , „, . 
 
 ■,r,n„tri- -1 . ; 8 1/ E. long, on the Rhine is 
 
 abont 60 nnles. Another line drawn from this point on the 
 Rhn,e through Paris, nearly due west, to Bee dn R.az in Bre- 
 agne ,s about 594 n.iles. A line from the eastern extremity of 
 the Pyrenees to Paris is 445 miles; and a line from Paris to 
 Arnhem about 2"0 miles. 
 
 part of Galha. This is one of the great natural divisions of the 
 
 INTEODUCTIOJS". 5 
 
 c .untry, and is very different from the rest. The basin of the 
 Rhone is the whole surface which is drained by the Rhone and 
 its numerous affluents, which discharge their waters into the 
 Mediterranean. It is the only mountainous country in France, 
 with the exception of the Auvergne and other parts of central 
 France, the north slope of the Pyrenees, and a part of the 
 Vosges. All the rest of the drainage of the Gallia of Caesar is 
 carried into the Atlantic Ocean. That part of the Rhone basin 
 which is south of Lyon lies between Italy and the rest of Gallia, 
 and in climate and products it is more like Italy than France. 
 The olive grows in the southern part of the basin of the Rhone, 
 but not further north than the town of Orange (Arausio) in 44° 
 lO'N. lat. ; and on the west side of the Rhone as we travel 
 from Nimes to the Cevennes, we find that the olive tree dis-' 
 appears about Anduse at the base of the Cevennes, as Strabo 
 correctly says (iv. p. 178). The high lands which form t'ae 
 water-shed between the streams which flow into the Mediterra- 
 nean and those which belong to the basin of the Garonne, 
 branch off from the Pyrenees in a north-east direction, within 
 the present department of the Pyrenees Orientales. In the 
 parallel of Narbonne the high lands are interrupted by a de- 
 pression, througli which the canal of Languedoc is made, and 
 thus Narbonne on the Mediterranean is connected with Toulouse 
 in the valley of the Garonne. This easy communication between 
 the Aude (Atax), on which Narbonne stands, and the waters of 
 the Garonne by a small portage or land journey was noticed by 
 the Greek geographers (Posidonius, quoted by Strabo, p. 188, 
 189); and the same facility of communication was observed to 
 exist between the head waters of the Saone (Arar) and those of 
 the Seine. 
 
 The western boundary of the valley of the Rhone, from the 
 canal of Languedoc, is formed by the mountain-range of the 
 Cevennes (Cevenna, Cemmenum in Strabo), which run north- 
 east ; and in the latitude of the junction of the Rhone and the 
 Isere (Isara) they approach near to the west bank of the 
 Rhone, as Strabo correctly observes. From this point the high 
 land runs northwards, under various names, parallel to the west 
 bank of the Rhone and its affluent the Saone, leaving only a 
 narrow tract between the high lands and the rivers. The 
 
-■■! 
 
 6 
 
 IXTEODUCTIOiY, 
 
 Cejennes properly so called, do not extend further north than 
 45 N. lat where Mount Mezone i, situated, which is 5820 feet 
 Iwgh, and near it the river Loire (Ligeris) rises. The mountain 
 
 s 4888 feet h,gh. The face of the C^vennes which is turned 
 towards .he valley of the Rhone rises like a wall, the descent 
 on this side he„,g snon and rapid. In winter the mountains are 
 covered with deep snow (Bell. Gall. vii. 8). 
 
 The high lands which bound the western side of the valley of 
 the Saone north of 45° N. lat., under the names of the Vivarais 
 Forez, Lyonnois Beaujolais, and Charollois are mere hills com- 
 pared wuh the Cevennes. They extend as far north as Lan. s 
 (Andomatunum), wh.ch stands on the north side of a rang^ of 
 nils winch runnmg eastward under the name of Cote dO, and 
 
 parall 1 (480 N. at.) are the sources of the Mame (Ma.rona) 
 an affluent of the Seine ,- of the Mosel (Mosa), an affluent of 
 the Rlnne, of the Maas (Mosa), which joins the Rhine; and "f 
 
 to y^ P Tf "' ^??'"^ '^''"'^'^ "' """«'' »" ">e south-west 
 to the Fauc, les, and through them as connected with the Co' te 
 
 d Or and thus wuh the northern continuation of the Cevennes 
 
 O the .o.Uh they approach near to the Jura. Caesar (Be " 
 
 Gall. ,v. 10) makes the Mosa (Maas) rise in the Vosegus wh h 
 
 .3 not true of the Vosges properly so called ; but f„ fact 1 
 
 extends the name of Vosegus to the Fancil les, a ,d here the 
 
 Maas h.s US source. The Vosges commence at the depression 
 
 and Altknch ; which depression separates the Vosges on the 
 south rom the range of the Jura. The Vosges exlnd ab^« 
 
 course of the Rhine, fhcy terminate in the bend of the Rhine 
 between Mamz (Mogontiacum) and Bin^en (Bin^us^wl 1 
 J., the junction of the Rhine and the s^Z H f Nah' the 
 ..ghest summits of the Vosges are above 4000 feet. The s.I 
 
 V osges and the Rhine is flat and fertile 
 
 ^^^'''^''T""""""^" °f ""^ •'"™ Mountains, which have 
 retained the.r name (Bell. Gall. i. S). extends in a somh-we,! 
 
 INTEODUCTIOX. 7 
 
 direction a distance of 170 miles from a point on the Rhine 
 between Basle and the iunctioii of the Rhine with the Aar, to 
 the junction of the Rhnne and the Guiers, in the department of 
 Isere. This range runs to the west of the hikes of Bieniie, 
 Neufchatel, and Geneva (Lacus Lemannus). Mount Dole, north 
 of Geneva, is ahout 5500 feet high ; and Reculet, which is north- 
 west of Geneva, is still higher. The highest points of the Jura 
 are covered with snow during one half of the year. The Rhone 
 after leaving the lake of Geneva passes through a deep gorge or 
 gap in the Jura (B. G. i. 6). The high lands continue south of 
 tliis gap and west of the Lac de Bourguet to the banks of the 
 Isere ; south of which river, and east of Grenoble, the Alps 
 occupy all the surface, except the narrow valleys of the Isere 
 and of its tributary the Arc. 
 
 The surface comprehended between the Cevennes and their 
 continuation on the west side of the Saone, the heights of 
 Langres on the nortli, and part of the Vosges, of the Jura and 
 of the Alps on the east, forms the basin of the Rhone. All the 
 rivers of this division of France are small streams except the 
 Rhone and its branches. The Aude (Atax) descends from the 
 Pyrenees, and enters the sea below Narbonne. The Orbe (Orbis 
 or Obris) rises in the Cevennes, and after a course of about 65 
 miles enters the sea below Beziers (Baeterrae). The Herault 
 (Araris) also rises in the Cevennes,* and, after a course of about 
 80 miles, enters the sea near Agde ^Agatha). The Saone has a 
 general southern course of 304 miles to its junction with the 
 Rhone at Lyon. The Doubs (Alduasdubis or Dubis, B. G. i. 
 .38) rises in one of the higher parts of the Jura, north of Geneva. 
 It runs in a north-east direction in one of the long valleys of the 
 Jura for 75 miles, as far as Porentruy in Switzerland and Mont 
 Terrible. Here it is turned suddenly to the west, in which 
 direction it flows as far as St. Hippolyte, when it begins to run 
 north. Again it makes a sharp bend and turns south-west past 
 the town of Besanyou (Vesontio, B. G. i. 38), which it nearly 
 encircles. Passing by Dole it joins the Saone on the left bank 
 at Verdun sur Saone, after a course of above 200 miles. 
 
 Below the junction of the Saone and the Rhone at Lyon the 
 basin of the Rhone is in the form of an immense triangle, the 
 apex of which is at Lyon. The base is the coast of the Mediter- 
 
8 
 
 lA^TRODFCTION. 
 
 land. It nses ,„ a glacer, which also feeds the Rhine and 
 descends hy a curse of about 80 nnles in a west-south-wesl 
 d,rect,on to Martigny or Martinach (Octodurus) in Wa M, I! 
 
 Gal : Sr'n '-'1 V''''"r -^'"^ ^-^^^^ --- 1 w^"^ 
 
 .t s ct d' :tf ^r.^^^^^^^^^^ "' "- ^-^ °^ 
 
 , • . • ,/ Caesars Craliic catDpaign. One obiect in 
 
 . »mter„,g at Mar.inach was to clear the passage of .he Alnsfo 
 he Itahan n.erchants who would reach Ocfoduvus from the 
 
 Bernard, for th,s pass was used by traders in Caesar's time 
 From Mart,g„y the Rhone has a north-west course for bout 20 
 mdes when u enters the huge cavity called .he Lak f Ge eva 
 (La us Lemannus), which is (illed by its waters and tho sot 
 
 f et. 5 be Rhone issues from the western extremity of the lake 
 at .life town of Geneva m G i 9 a^ i .i ' 
 ift-Caesar', .1,.^ tI \ ^' ^'^'^ "'^'''' ""^ » ''ridge 
 
 ip^aesar s fme. The nver then passes through .he gap of the 
 
 Jura, and flows in a general south-west direction. 5i t h manv 
 bends to ,ts junction with the Saone at Lyon. From Z7Z 
 t.o„ of the two streams the course of the Rhone is sou ha fr" 
 as Aries (Arela.e), where it divides into two brand" onet 
 
 n i inland 7t"'i, """1 ^""'P'' "'''^'' ^'-'^'- ""•"' 
 
 liiiies inland. It is a mass of rounded shin^Ip ul,;.!, 
 
 n.any thousand acres. This plain is desc S bVs tabo^Tp" 
 
 outlets of the Rhone may have varied. The whole course of 
 
 tl.e Rhone, from the ice-fields of Switzerland to the Meditetra 
 nean, is above 500 miles. iuediterra- 
 
 Of "tS: S:;:' are''"-'" "^'"" '^""'^^^ ^' ^^- ^-- b-- 
 
 the lihone, are an immense mountain mass, the highest 
 
 IJS^TRODUCTION. 9 
 
 summits of which are covered with perpetual snow. Afont Blanc 
 south-east of Geneva and north of the pass of the Petit St. Bernard! 
 IS 15 700 feet high. South of Mont Blanc and Iving nearly in a 
 line from north to south, are Mont Iseran, 13;275 feet high • 
 Mont Cenis, 11,460 feet; Mont Genevre, 11,790 feet- and 
 Monte Viso (Vesulus), in which is the source of the Po, 12,600 
 <eet high. These Alps had various names. The portion which 
 extends from the neighbourhood of Albium Ingaunum to Vesulus 
 was called Alpes xMaritimae. The Alpes Cottiae, so called as it 
 seems, from a Gallic chieftain Cottius, extended from the Vesu- 
 lus to Mont Cenis, or about there. The Alpes Giaiae extended 
 northward from Mont Cenis to Mont Blanc, or nearly as far- 
 and the Alpes Penninae extended from Mont Bh.nc to the 
 Cxothard and the sources of the Rhone and the Rhine The 
 name Graiae is merely a Gallic word with a Latin termination 
 formed from the Celtic Grau or Crau « a craggy rock;' and the 
 element Pen of the word Penninae, which means ' summit ' is 
 also a Celtic word, which appears in the word Apennines, and 
 in several places in Great Britain, as Pen-maen-mawr, Ben 
 Lomond, and many other mountain names. Caesar mentions a 
 mountain tribe called the Graioceli, in which word we may 
 perhaps have the same element Grau (Bell. Gall. i. 10). 
 
 The Alps send out nunierous branches to the west, which 
 cover a large part of the country between the highest range and 
 the Rhone. Numerous streams flow down the Alpine valleys to 
 the Rhone, and two considerable rivers. The Isere (Isara) has 
 Its source in the mountain mass of Iseran, between Mont Cenis 
 and Mont Blanc. It is joined on the left bank at Bourgneuf 
 by the Arc, which flows down the long valley of the Maurienne 
 up which valley is the modern road over Mont Cenis to Turin 
 m Italy. Flowing to Grenoble the Isere is there joined on the 
 left bank by the Drac, and from Grenoble it has a general west • 
 course to the Rhone near Valence. The Durance (Druentia) ' 
 descends from the high tract between Monte Viso and Mont 
 Genevre, and flowing by a very irregular course past Embrun 
 Sisteron, and CavaiUon, joins the Rhone at Avignon (Avenio) ' 
 There were several passes in these Alps which led from the 
 valley of the Po into Gallia Transalpina. The road from Turin 
 (Augusta Taurinorum) ta Xiriancon and Embrun, in the depart- 
 
10 
 
 TXTHODUCTIOX. 
 
 ment of Ilautes Alpes, is over the Mont Genevre, from the 
 valley of the Dora Riparia, a branch of tlie Po, to the valley of 
 the Durance. This is the route which Caesar took on one occa- 
 sion (R G. i. 10). The last place in Cisalpine Gallia which he 
 mentions in this route is Ocelum, which D'Anville (Notice de 
 la Gaule Ancienne) places at Uxeau or Ocello2 in the valley of 
 Pra-Gelas and Clusone (Cluso, a branch of the Padus) on the 
 road from Pinerolo in Piedmont to the pass of Mont Genevre. 
 The pass of the Mont Cenis, now the most common road from 
 France into Italy, was not used by tlie Romans, so far as we 
 know. At least it was not one of their great Alpine roads, for 
 the Itnieraries do not mark any places along it. The pass over 
 the Graian Alps, or the pass of the Little St. Bernard, is pro- 
 bably the route which Hannibal followed when he led his army 
 into Italy over the Alps (b.c. 218); and it became one of the 
 Roman roads. The road from Aosta in Piedmont to the valley 
 of the Isere in France leads over this pass. The road over the 
 Pennme Alps, by the pass of the Great St. Bernard to Marti- 
 nach, has been already mentioned. 
 
 This description is necessary for the understanding of the 
 Gallic war of Caesar. Tlie first Province which the Romans 
 formed north of the Alps was in the basin of the Rhone; and 
 this is the Provincia of Caesar as he generally calls it (B.'g. i. 
 1). He also calls it Gallia Ulterior (i. 7. 10). In b.c. 118 the 
 Romans settled the colony of Narbonne (Narbo Martins), and 
 about this time was formed in Transalpine Gallia, the Roman 
 Provmcia which was afterwards distinguished by the name of 
 Narbonensis. The Provincia can, however, hardly be con- 
 sidered as fully secured until Caesar's conquest of all Gallia 
 Transalpina. Caesar states that Geneva was the limit of the 
 Provincia in that direction. North of Geneva and of the Rho- 
 danus was the country of the Helvetii. The western boundary 
 of the Helvetii was the Jura. Between the Jura and the Saone 
 were the Sequani. Neither the Sequani nor the Helvetii were 
 included in the Provincia (B. G. i. 2). South of the Rhodanus 
 between its issue from the Lake of Geneva and its junction with 
 
 3 Also Walckenaer, Gcograrhie ^c. dcs Gaules, i. .538. See note »t th« 
 end of Book I. 
 
 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 11 
 
 {•i.| 
 
 the Saone, were the Allobroges, who were included in the Pro- 
 vincia (B. G. i. 7). The neighbours of the Allobroges on the 
 east were the Veragri, Nantuates, and Seduni, along the south 
 bank of the Lake of Geneva and in the Valais ; and these tribes 
 were not included in the Provincia (iii. 1. 6). The Segusiani, 
 who were on the north side of the Rhone, above the junction of 
 the Rhone and the Saone, and also on the west side of the 
 Saone, were beyond the limits of the Provincia (B. G. i. 10; 
 vii. 64). It appears, however, that the Allobroges had some 
 lands north of the Rhone (i. 11). The northern boundary of 
 the Provincia on the west side of the Rhone was formed by the 
 high lands on the west and by the Rhone just below Lyon. The 
 most western town in the Provincia was Toulouse (Tolosa), in 
 the country of the Volcae Tectosages. Caesar would not allow 
 the Helvetii to leave their country and seize the lands of the 
 Santoni, who were situated on the north side of the aestuary of 
 the Garonne, because he thought that the Helvetii would be 
 dangerous neighbours to the parts about Tolosa. Toulouse is 
 in the basin of the Garonne, and according to Caesar's general 
 description (i. 1) it belongs to Aquitania. The boundary 
 between the territory of the Tolosates and of the Ausci, who 
 were in Aquitania, was the Gimone, a branch of the Garonne. 
 The Romans had been at Toulouse more than half a century 
 before Caesar was proconsul of the Provincia; and they had a 
 good claim to the town, for Q. Servilius Caepio, in e.g. 106, 
 took the place and plundered the treasures of the temple. He 
 was charged with appropriating to his own use the rich booty 
 of gold. A Roman colony was subsequently sent to Toulouse; 
 and the fertile territory of the Tolosates was included within the 
 limits of the Provincia of Caesar's time. Among the Roman 
 colonies of Gallia Narbonensis, Pliny (H. N. iii. 4) mentions 
 Tolosa. 
 
 The remainder of the country included within the boundaries 
 of Gallia is drained by the streams which flow into the Atlantic 
 Ocean (Oceanus). It is generally a plain country. P'xcept the 
 central part there is no mountainous country within the basins 
 of the Garonne, the Loire, and the Seine. It is near 400 miles 
 from Calais to the mountains of Auvergne, and there is not an 
 elevation in all the distance that can be called a mountain. The 
 
' > 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 l-eninsula of Bretajne is genernlly a n.gged country ; but the 
 highest su,„mit. in the depart.nent of Fmis.ere do not exceed 
 1000 feet. J he highest point of the Menez mountains, uln'oh 
 are ,„ the department of Cotes di, Nord, are about 1300 feet 
 Ihe western and northern parts of the peninsula of Bretagne do 
 not m fact belong to the basins of the Loire or of the Seine 
 Ihe penmsula of Cotantin in the depart.nent of La Manche U 
 a so rugged, but it does not belong to the basin of the Seine. 
 Ihat peninsula, which before the Revolution formed La Bre- 
 ^gne, comprehends the present five departn.ents of He et 
 Vilaine, Loire Inferieure, Cotes du Nord, Morbihan, and 
 
 The first river-basin on the south is that of the Adour 
 ^^tuns), which ,8 bounded by tiie Pyrenees and by a low range 
 which runs nearly due north from the central part of the Pvre^ 
 nees and terminates on the Garonne, above Bordeaux (Burdi- 
 gaJa). Ihe course of the Adour is near 200 miles 
 
 The basin of the Garonne is bounded on the west by the 
 offset from the Pyrenees just mentioned ; on the south by the 
 Pyrenees; on the east by the range of the Cevennes and its 
 southern continuation, as already de..cribed; on the north- 
 east by the mountain region of the Auvergne ; and on the 
 north by the inconsiderable elevations which separate the basins 
 ot the Garonne and the Loire. This northern boundary of the 
 basin of the Garonne is a range of hills, which extend from the 
 central mass of Auvergne, through the departments of Vienna 
 and Deux Sevres, to the mouth of the Loire. This range in 
 part of Its course in the department of Deux Sevres is called 
 Oatine. It separates the basin of the Loire from that of the 
 Garonne, and also from the small basins of the Ciiarente and 
 Sevre Niortaise, which lie between the lower course of the 
 Garonne and the Loire. 
 
 The general course of the Garonne is north-west from its 
 source in the high Pyrenees: its chief affluent, the Dordo^ne 
 (Duranius), flows from the Mont Dor and the mountains of °the 
 Auvergne. The Garonne is about 360 miles long; and the 
 Dordogne about 290. They flow into one aestuar; named the 
 Gironde which the ancient Greek geographers called a sea-lake 
 {XifivoeaXaaTa: Strabo, p. 190). The area drained by the 
 
 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 13 
 
 Garonne and its branches is larger than the basin of the Seine, 
 but less than that of the Loire. Between the Garonne and the 
 Loire is tlie basin of the Charente (Carantonus). Though the 
 Charente has a basin of comparatively small extent, its course 
 is about 200 miles. 
 
 The largest river of France is the Loire (Ligeris or Liger, 
 A(iyjjp). B. tween 45° and 46*^ N. lat. lies the volcanic region 
 of the Auvergne, the most mountainous tract within the limits 
 of France. This mountain-region is chiefly in the modern de- 
 partments of Puy de Dome and Cantal. The principal range of 
 heights runs tlirough the department of Puy de Dome from north 
 to south \ The Puy de Dome, which rises like an obtuse cone 
 west of Clermont Ferrand, is 4800 feet high ; and other heights 
 which belong to the same range as the Puy de Dome are nearly 
 as high. That part of the Auvergne mountains called the 
 Monts Dor is south of the Monts D6me, as this series of Puys is 
 sometimes called, and contains still higher summits ; the Puy 
 Gros is 5925 feet, and Puy Ferrand 6116 feet high; and further 
 south, Le Plomb de Cantal, from which the department of 
 Cantal takes its name, is 6090 feet high; and the Puy de 
 Sancy, said to be 6224 feet high, is the most elevated summit 
 in central France. East of the Monts Dome and the Monts 
 Dor is the parallel range of the mountains of Forez and La 
 Madeleine, and between these two ranges in the basin of the 
 Allier lies an extensive plain called La Limagne d'Auvergne, 
 one of the most fertile districts in Europe. This mountain- 
 tract of the Auvergne was the territory of the Arverni, whose 
 hill city, Gergovia, Caesar (B. G. vii. 36) unsuccessfully 
 attacked. Tiieir capital, which Strabo calls Nemossos, appears 
 to be Clermont Ferrand. 
 
 The Allier (Elaver, B. G. vii. 34) rises in Mont Lozere, on 
 the north-west face of the Cevennes, not very far from the 
 sources of the Loire. It has a northern direction through the 
 Limagne d'Auvergne, and, after a course of 200 miles, johis the 
 Loire near Nevers (Noviodunum or Nevirnum). The Loire also 
 rises in the Cevennes, in xMont Mezene. It flows north in a 
 
 » This series of lieislits called Piiys is wpIi markt-d in sheet No. IG6 of 
 the map of France, pubJisheJ by the Depot de la Guerre, 1854, 
 
u 
 
 INTEODUCTIOjN. 
 
 ( J 
 
 INTEODUCTIOX. 
 
 15 
 
 long narrow valley, which lies between the valley of the Allier 
 and of the Rhone. After the junction of the Allier and the 
 Loire, the united stream flows north-west to Orleans (Genabum, 
 B. G. vii. 3. 11), which Strabo says is about the middle of the 
 course of the Loire, and this is nearly true. From Orleans the 
 Loire has a general west course, through a wide valley, to the 
 ocean, which it enters below the city of Nantes. Though 
 the valley of the Allier is not very wide, and that of the upper 
 Loire is narrower, these two streams drain a large surface, for 
 the course of each before their junction is about 200 miles. 
 Below the junction of these two streams the basin of the Loire, 
 on the south side, comprises a great surface ; for the heights 
 which form the water-shed between the basins of the Loire and 
 the Garonne are at least 100 miles distant from the Loire, in 
 the meridian of Orleans. Tins wide tract on the south side of 
 the bed of the Loire is drained by the Cher, the Indre, and the 
 Vienne, which full into the Loire on the left bank. The Cher 
 has a course of 200 miles, the Indrc of above 100, and the 
 Vienne about 180 miles. The Vienne drains an extensive sur- 
 face, and has many large affluents. It has a much larger basin 
 than the Thames. On the right bank the basin of the Loire, 
 as far as Orleans, is narrow ; but below this city it widens to 
 the north, and is bounded by the high plains of Beauce and the 
 prolongation of the Armoric mountains, which separate the 
 lower basin of the Loire from that, of the Seine. This tract on 
 the right side of the Loire is drained by the Sarthe, the basin 
 of which is nearly as large as that of the Vienne. The Sarthe 
 joins the Loire on the right bank, a little below Angers (Ande- 
 cavi), in the district which Caesar (B. G. iii. 7) calls the country 
 of the Andes. The whole course of the Loire is about 530 
 miles, and the surface which it drains is estimated at about 
 50,000 square miles, which is equal to the whole area of 
 England. Tliis immense extent of surface explains the fact of 
 the Loire being subject to inundations, which son;etimes cause 
 great damage. Caesar on one occasion (vii. 55) mentions a 
 rising of the waters, which was owing to the melting of the 
 snow in the Cevennes and in the mountains of Auvero-iip. 
 
 The Vilaine properly belongs to the basin of the Loire, though 
 it does not flow into the Loire. It rises in the Armoric ran^^e. 
 
 wliich runs westward to the extremity of Bretagne, and part of 
 it has the name of Menez. The Vilaine flows past Rennes, 
 which, in the Roman period, was Condate, but derives its pre- 
 sent name from the Redones (ii. 34), who occupied this country 
 in Caesar's time. It flows past the small port of Redon, and 
 enters the sea about twenty miles north of the mouth of the 
 Loire. 
 
 The last great river-basin of France is that of the Seine. The 
 sources of the Seine are in the high lands of Langres, which, 
 with the Cote d'Or, form the south-eastern limit of its basin. 
 On the east the boundary is the high lands which run north- 
 ward parallel to the course of the Maas or Meuse, as the French 
 call it, and past Clermont in the Argonne and past Varennes to 
 the Ardennes. On the north-east the boundary is the rough hilly 
 tract of the Ardennes, and on the north the moderately elevated 
 country which extends westward, and terminates on the north 
 side of the outlet of the Seine. The Seine flows past Chatillon 
 sur Seine, Troyes, and Melun to Paris (Lutetia Parisiorum, B, 
 G. vi. 3; vii. 57), the original site of which was the island in 
 the Seine called La Cite, on which the Cathedral of Noire Dame 
 stands. The Seine is joined a few miles above Paris by the 
 Marne (Matrona, B. G. i. 1), which rises in tlie heights near 
 Langres, not far from the source of the xMeuse, and, flowing 
 past Chalons sur Marne (Durocatalaunum), joins the Seine 
 on the right bank. The length of the IMarne is about 260 
 miles. Below Paris the Seine is joined on the right bank, near 
 Pontoise, by the Oise (Isara), one branch of which, the Aisne 
 (Axona, B. G. ii. 5. 9), rises in the Argonne, and flowing 
 westward past Soissons joins the Oise. Below the jmiction of 
 tiie Oise the Seine receives no large stream. It flows through 
 a valley which is generally narrow, and the river is continually 
 deflected from a straight course by the projections of the high 
 lands which bound the river-valley. It passes Rouen (Roto, 
 magus), where it is now crossed by a stone bridge, and enters 
 the sea below Havre, after a course of about 470 miles. The 
 basin of the Seine is estimated at about 20,000 square miles, or 
 little more than one half of the basin of the Loire. 
 
 A range of chalk heights extends from Clermont on the 
 Oise westward to the neighbourhood of Calais, and forms the 
 
\ 
 
 16 
 
 IXTRODUCTIOX. 
 
 northern boundary of the bashi of the river Somnie (Samara), 
 which flows past Amiens (Samarobriva, B. G. v. 24. 53), and 
 enters the English Clianiud about niidway between the mouth 
 of tlie Seine and Calais. The chalk forms a cliff at Cap Gria 
 Nez, about half-v\ay between Calais and JJoulogne, opposite 
 to the chalk cliffs on the coast of Kent (Cantium, B. G. v. 
 13. 22). 
 
 Strabo (p. 199) says that there were four lines of transit which 
 were used for passing from Gallia to Britain (Britannia), from 
 the mouths of the Rhine, the Seine, the Loire, and the Ga- 
 ronne. It was not, however, usual to sail from the mouths of 
 the Rhine ; but those who made the most northern passage set 
 out from Itiuni, or Itius Tortus, Wissant, or Witsand ^ between 
 Cap Gris Nez and Calais; and this is the place where Caesar em- 
 barked on his British expeditions (B. G. iv. 22 ; v. 2). Articles 
 of merchandize were sent up the Saone fiom Lyon (Lugdunuin) 
 and then conveyed by land to the Seine, down which they were 
 conveyed in boats to the country of the Caleti (Pays de Caux) 
 at the mouth of the Seine, and thence carried over to Britain 
 (Strabo, p. 189). But the navigation of the Seine was consi- 
 dered somewhat longer than that of the Loire; and as the 
 voyage up the Rhone was difficult, owing to the rapidity of the 
 stream, goods were taken by land from the Provincia to the 
 Loire, and carried down that river. It was not until after 
 several efforts that the Romans found their way to the Cassi- 
 terides, the peninsula of Cornwall and tlie adjacent Scilly 
 islands; and it seems that they first passed over from th** 
 Spanish coast (Strabo, p. 176). But in the time of Diodorus 
 (v. 22), who wrote under Augustus, the tin of Cornwall was 
 brought by the natives to an island, Ictis, supposed to be the 
 Isle of Wight, though part of Diodorus's description is not 
 applicable to the sea about this island ; and it has been sut?- 
 gested that he may mean St. Michaels Mount in Cornwall. At 
 Ictis it was purchased by merchants (mercatores), and carried 
 to the French coast, and then conveyed on pack-horses to the 
 Rhone. The voyage up the Seine would be much more tedious 
 
 4 Walckcnacr, Geoffraphie, ^c. des Cmiles. i. 448; and the article Itius 
 t'uriuft l.y G. L. iu the Diet, of Greek jiml Koiuuii Gco-'iaDhv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 17 
 
 than a land-journey*. This tin trade is spoken of earlier than 
 the time of Diodorus. Posidonius quoted by Strabo (p. 147) 
 speaks of the tin of Britain being brought to Massilia. Caesar 
 also (B. G. iii. 8) speaks of the trade between the Veneti and 
 Britain as carried on in Venetian ships. The commerce between 
 Britain and Gallia is far older than our historical records. 
 
 The Rhine, from its source to the sea, was the boundary of 
 Caesar's Gallia ; and no description of its basin is necessary 
 herf^, except of those parts which are on the west side of the 
 river. That part of Gallia which lies north of the basin of the 
 Seine and the Somme is a level country, and a part of the great 
 plain of Northern Europe. The part which lies between the 
 Miias (Mosa) and the sea is nearly a dead level. This flat 
 3ountry is drained by the Escaut or Schelde (Scaldis, B. G. vi. 
 33), which rises in the Ardennes, about 50° N. lat., near the 
 sources of the Somme. It flows in a general north course past 
 Cambrai, Bouchain, Valenciennes, Conde, Tournay, and Oude- 
 narde, to Gand, where it receives the Lys on the left bank. 
 From Gand it flows east to Termonde, and then north to An- 
 twerp, where it is 1200 feet wide and a deep river, navigable by 
 the largpst ships. From Antwerp it flows north-west, and joins 
 the North Sea by two arms, which embrace three low, flat 
 islands. The length of the Schelde is about 200 miles. Caesar 
 says that it flows into the Mosa, which is not the fact; but in 
 his time all the country between the mouth of the Schelde and 
 of the Maas was probably a swamp, and he gave the best 
 account of the Schelde that he could. 
 
 The Maas or Meuse (Mosn, B. G. iv. 10) rises in 48° N. 
 lat. in the Faucilles, or the heights which unite the Cote d'Or 
 to the Vosges. Caesar therefore was not far wrong when he 
 said that it rose in the Vosges. The Maas has a general north 
 course past Verdun, Sedan, and Mezieres, to Givet, where it 
 leaves the present frontier of France ; from Givet it flows past 
 Dinant to Namur in Belgium. As far as Sedan it flows in a 
 
 * Diodorus says that they conveyed it in thirty days from the coast to 
 the outlet of the Rhone {UftoXri) ; but there is some mistake here. In 
 thirty days they might carry it to the Saone, and there it would be em- 
 ba.ked on the river. Ho may perhaps mean the junction of the Rhone and 
 Saone 
 
18 
 
 TXTKODUCTIOX. 
 
 INTRO DUCT I OX. 
 
 19 
 
 ^ 
 
 narrow valley boundod by hills. From Natmir it flows liorlli- 
 fast to Luik or J/uVo, niul ilu'ii noith to Maist.iclit. llo- 
 twccn Dinant and 1/icge the Maas flows in a drfj) bed brtwccn 
 liigh steep batiks. This part of its course presents some rcsem- 
 blance, though ou a smaller scale, to the valley of the Ilhine, 
 between Hingen and Coblenz, which is bounded by high land. 
 The country to the cast of the river, between Liege and Maas- 
 tricht is hiliy as far as Verviers and Aix la Ci.apcllo. The Mans 
 has a general north course as far as Grave in Guelderland (51° 
 45' M. lat.), f«om which town it has a western course for 80 
 miles, ])arallel to tl»at arm of the Rhine which is called the Waal. 
 The Maas and Waal unite at Gorcum, and the nanie of Waal 
 ends tlurc. The whole course of the Maun to Gorcum is about 
 4G0 miles. At Gorcum the Maas divides again. The branch 
 which is most navigated passes by Rotterdam into the North 
 Sea. The Waal is the Vahalis of Caesar (B. (i. iv. 10), which 
 he describes ns flowing into the Mosa from the Rhine; for the 
 Rhine divides into two arms at rannerden in Holland, of which 
 arms the southern is the Waal, and this branch has much the 
 greater volume of water. The Rhine flows north-north-west 
 from rannerden to Arnheu), a little above which town it divides 
 again into two branches. One branch, called the Yssel, runs 
 north to the Zuider Zee, and the Rhine continues a western 
 course for about 30 miles, when it divides again at Wyk by 
 Duurstede. Of the two new arms thus formed, the largest is the 
 Lek, which runs west-south-west, and joins the Maas at Krimpcn, 
 above Rotterdam. The other arm, called the Kron.me Rhyn.or 
 Crooked Rhine, runs north-west to Utrecht, where it again divides 
 One arm, called the Vecht, runs northward into the Zuider Zee: 
 the other, the Oude Rhyn, runs westward through the flats of 
 Holland, and past Loydcn. A small .pianlity of water is sliil 
 discharged into the sea at Katwyk near Leydet). Though 
 there i^ no doub^ that this flat, watery country has undergone 
 cn^nsiderahle changes since Caesar's tin.e, both by the action of 
 water and the labour of man, his general description of the 
 outlets of the Rhine, and of the country about them (iv. 10), is 
 
 still correct. 
 
 The Moscl (Mosa, Mosella, or Mosula) rises on the west side 
 of the Vosges. It has a general north course past Mctz 
 
 (Divodurmn, iji the territory of the ^[«•diomntrici, R. G. iv. 10) 
 to Trier, in the country of the 'I'r«'viii (I». (r. iv. 10). From 
 \ Trier, which the French call 'J'rtrvcs, the river has a north- 
 I nortli-cast coast to C(d)lenz (Conflucntes), where it joins the 
 Rhine. It is navigable for steam-boats in some seasoi»s as far 
 as Metz, and always ns far a'' 'J'rier. The whole course of the 
 Moscl is about 2S0 miles. In the middle part of its course it 
 flows through the plain of Lorraiin', or the ]»rosent department 
 of Meurthe. Indow 'I'rier it flows with a very winding coijrse 
 in a deep narrow valley, boimded by bills, the sides of which 
 are covered with the vine where the aspect is suitable. Rut the 
 hills are onlv hills as grcn from the river, for it flows at the 
 bottom of a deip ravine, the nuirtjius of which are bomidrd by 
 a hi^'h nmlnlatitig table-land, 'i'his charactJM istic is seen very 
 clearly when we a<rend from the banks of the river at Cochein 
 and attain the elevated table-land, which stretches past Mayen 
 northward to the basin which contains the Lake of Laach, tlie 
 surface of which is near 7n() (Vet above the level of the Rhine 
 at tlie neighbourinir town of Andr-rnach. 'Ihe Mosel is not par- 
 ticularly described by Caesar; but he means to speak of it (B. G. 
 iv. 1.5), where ho describes the (Jennans as driven by him into 
 the water at the conflucticc of the Mosa and Rhenns (B. G. iv. 
 15). He cannot mean the Mosa, which he has spoken of as 
 rising in the Vosges; for he says that this river (the ALias) re- 
 ceives a branch from the Rhine (Waal) ; and therefore it cannot 
 he said to join the Rhine. If, then, the reading is correct (B. G. 
 iv. 15), the Mo'^el, or little Mosa, was alsr) calh^d Mosa, as well 
 as the larger streajn, from which it is snllicicntly distinguished 
 by Caesar's words ** ad conflucntem Mosae et Rheni." Besides, 
 it is ]dain that this short campaimi against the Germans, which 
 ended in their being driven into the Rhin<", van carried oji east 
 of the ^^^as, and in the cotmtry of the Treviri ; and, as the 
 routed Germans fled to the Bhine, it must have been near 
 Coblenz (ad conflucntem .Mosae et Rheni) where they were 
 drowned. It is made still clearer tliat the confluence of th.e 
 Mosa atid the Klienus cannot be any ('f)nfluence of the Maas 
 and the Rhine, when we cojisider that Caesar (B. (J. vi. .'}.'}) 
 8U|)poses the Schclde to flow into the Maas; for, if the Mosa of 
 Lib. iv. c. 13 is the Maas, then Caesar must have suppose^f the 
 
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 INTKODUCTIOX. 
 
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 20 
 
 INTllODUCTIOX. 
 
 Scliolde to flow into tlic Mans aiul tl»e Maas int.. the Klilnc. And 
 it is plain from his own story that he knew btltcr tlian tliat (iv. 
 ir-, note). 
 
 Caesar's government included Illyricum <» and Cisalpine Gallia, 
 or Gallia Citerior, as he calls it ; hut, as none of Caesar's military 
 operations wore carried on within Cisalpine Gallia, a brief sketch 
 of it will be snllicient. Gallia Cisalj)ina was boundrd by the 
 Alps, as already described, from the neiirhbonrhood of Genoa 
 to the iMons Adnlas (Mont Gothard). The Alps extend east of 
 Mont Gothard, under the nan»e of Alpes Khaelicae, to the Bren- 
 ner ill the T\r()l. The mountains east of these ns far as the 
 sources of the I'iavc (IMavis) aro the Alpes Noricnc ; and the 
 Alpes Carnieae or Juliae ixtend t<» the head of the Hadriatic 
 and the borders of Illyricuu). This is the northern boundary of 
 Cisalpine (Jallia. The southern boundary was formed by the 
 Apennines, which from Genoa run eastward as far as Pontremoli, 
 and then cast-south-east, sendin«r out many stnall ollsels, which 
 approach the Hadriatic at 4 1° N. lat. Poiybius (ii. 14) makes 
 the plain of North Italy extend as far south as Sinigaglia (Sena 
 Gallica) north of Ancona. IJut the southern limit of Caesar's 
 province on the cast side of Italy was the small river Rubicon, 
 which enters the sea between Ariminmn and Ravenna. It d(.es 
 not appear how far Caesar's province extended froin Genoa 
 along the west side of the It;dian peninsula; but in the time of 
 Augustus the river Magra (Macra), which enters the sea a little 
 east of the Gulf of Spezzia (I'ortus Lunensis) was the boundary 
 ot Liguria. Cisalpine (iallia is an immense j>lain drained by 
 the I\) (Padus) and by the rivers uhich (low into it from the 
 Alps on the west and the north, and fron. the Apennines on the 
 south. The Po rises in Monte Viso (Vesulus), and, descending 
 iluough deep Alpine valleys, takes a m.rihern conr>e to Turin 
 (Augusta Taurinortnn). A little below this town it has a ge- 
 neral eastern course, with considerable bends. After the jiuiction 
 of the Tanaro (Tanarus), which doccnds from the northern 
 slope of the Apennines, it runs through the wide plain of Lom- 
 
 • WedouMtknow tlio limits of tho Illyricum; and ihc qucftion «?oci 
 not any wuy concern the Gallic war. C.icsar mentions Illyricum (IJ. G. 
 u. 35; iii. 7; V. 1) Bcvcml times. It was oiganiicd attcr Roman fashion, 
 and divided into Couvcutus Jmidici (B. G. v. 2). 
 
 I'. 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 i 
 
 
 INTKODUCTION. 
 
 21 
 
 i 
 
 bardy past Piaconza (Pl.irontia) and Cremona, and enters the 
 Hadriatic in a low swanipy country, after having divided into 
 two principal branches, of which the left has a course of about 
 20 miles to the sea from the point of bifurcation. This noble 
 river is swelled by nun.erous large strean.s from the Alps, aj)d 
 smaller stre.nns from the Apennines. There aro periodical floods 
 in the sun)mer when the snows on tho Alps melt. The plain of 
 the Po, the embankments of the river, its floods, and the delta 
 of this, one of the largest of European rivers, are n.atter for a 
 volume. The whole comse of the river is above 4.00 miles. From 
 Piacenza to the sea, the fertile pl.iins are prc.tecled against the 
 floods by embankments, the origin of which is more ancient than 
 the Roman c<.n(|u.st of it.dy. The length of this plain, from 
 Turin to the outlets of the Po and the Adige, in the Hadriatic, is 
 about 300 miles, direct distance; and the width from north to 
 south, measmed across the lower course of the Adige and the 
 Po, is above 100 nn'les. The area of the basin of the Po and of 
 the Adige is about 40,000 square miles, which is considerably 
 less than that of the Loire. 
 
 The Adige (A thesis, or Ktsch, as the Germans call it), which 
 descends in a h)ng narrow valley through the AIj)m, has a 
 southern course as far as Verona, where it enters the great plain 
 of North Italy. It then takes a south-east and eastern course 
 to the Hadriatic, which it enters north of the mouths of the Po. 
 The Adige formed the boundary between Gallia Cisalpina or 
 the country of the Galli, in its narrower sense, and the Vencti 
 or Ileneti, whose cf»nntry extended from the Adige to Trieste 
 (Tergeste). Strabo (j). 212) thought th.it the Veneti uerc a co- 
 lony from the Veneti of Gallia Transalpina, who occupied the 
 west coast of Ihetagne north of the n.o.ith of the Loire; but 
 Poly bins (ii. 17) was of a difl'erent opinion, and the fact of the 
 enmity between these Veneti and their (Jallic neighbours as 
 well as other facts, are in favoiir of the opinion of Polvbius. 
 Aquileia, at the head of the Hadiiatie, wiis colonized by the 
 Romans, the attemi)t of s«.me Tr.msalpine (ialii to est.iblish 
 tliems(lves in that neighbourhood having pointed it out ns a 
 suitable position for a garrison (Liv. xxxix. 22). Caesar (B. G. 
 i. 10) had three legions stationed there, which he carried over 
 the ;Mps (n.c. 58) to strengthen himself against the Helvetii. 
 
 i 
 
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 INTilODUCTIOX. 
 
 INTLIODUCTIOX. 
 
I 
 
 A 
 
 22 
 
 INTEODUCTIOX. 
 
 l^^TK0DUCT10x\. 
 
 23 
 
 j y • Genoa wns a Ligiuian city. Tlie Ligiircs in the lime of 
 
 * ' Caesar were conlincil wiihiii nujch narrower liinita ih.ui tlicy 
 
 once possessed ; liut they sliil occupied llie Maritime Alps nnii 
 tlieir soutliern slope; also pait of tlic soutli- western anjrlc of the 
 
 I ,. basin of tlio I'o ; and the Apennines east «»f Cii-noa as far as 
 
 the Macni, ami part of CJallia west of the Var along the coast 
 
 j . as far as the Uhonc. The Ligurcs were a distinct people from 
 
 the Galli ; and according to the opinion of some writers an Ibe- 
 rian race. Others make them a dillerent people both from the 
 Galli and the Iberes. The question is not of easy solution; and 
 
 , it belongs to atiother place. 
 
 It was a Roman tradition (I/ivy, v. X]) that the Transalpine 
 Galli first crossed the Alps and dcscentled intt» the plains of the 
 I'o. in the rciirn of Tartiuinius Priscus, or somewhere about 
 15. c. GOO. The Gallic invaders enumerated by Livy were 
 drafted from the IJiliirigcs, Arverni, Scnoncs, Aedui, Ambarri; 
 
 jl Carnutes, and Aulerci. They lixed themselves between the 
 
 Ticino (Ticinus) and the Adda (Addua), both of them Alpine 
 ailluents of the I'o, where they founded Milan (Mediolanum), 
 which is the same name as the chief city of the Santoni in 
 Transalpine Gallia, and perhaps also the name of a city in the 
 territory of the Aedui (Liv. v. .'} I ; I'ln.y, II. N. iii. 17). I.ut 
 the circumstances of this Gallic invasion, as they are told by 
 Livy, are very improbable; and there are good reasons for sup- 
 posing that there were Galli in Italy long before the time at 
 which he lixes this immigration. According to Livy, afti-r these 
 invaders the Cenomani came, and scitletl themselves about the 
 neighbourhood of Brescia (Brixia) and Verona. The Boii and 
 
 ki,, Liiiiiones followed, and the whole country north of the Vo 
 
 S/ except the territory of the Veneti, was occupied by Gallic tribes, 
 
 The Galli afterwards crossed the Po and finally drove the 
 Etruscans out of all their settlenients on both sides of the river 
 A tribe called the Senones penetrated into lliat part of Umbria 
 which is on the Uadriatic, and occupied it as far as the Aesis; 
 and their name is still perpetuated in the town of Sinigaglia 
 (Sena Gallica;. Sena Gallica was made a Roman colony after 
 the Romans had exterminated the Senones (about b.c. 283). 
 
 From the time of the Gallic settlements in Italy till their 
 e.vterminaiion or complete subjugation, they were the terror of 
 
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 "T^ 
 
 all the Italian peoples. Their maraudi.ig habits and desperate 
 courage made them most dangerous neighbours. In B.r. ',]00 
 they sacked and burnt Ron.r, after totally dcfeatmg the Ronu.n 
 army on the Allia. In n.c. 221 the Romans defeated the Bon, 
 and two years nfterwanls the Insubres. According to their 
 policy the Romans geeurrd th.ir con'p.estH by f.,undmg two 
 colonies, Piacenza (Placenlia) on th.' soulh bank of the Po, and 
 Cremona, east of Placentia, not far from the north bank of the 
 river. IlnnnibaPs obj.'ct in crossing the Alps to n.vade Italy 
 (D.c. 218) was to rouse the Galli against Rome; and under his 
 lireclion, these undisciplined, but desperate fighters, contributed 
 .argely to the defeat of the Rou.ans at the Trasymenus and 
 Cannae. The Boii were comi.h trly subjugated by the Romans 
 D.c. 191; and two years later the Latin colony of Bidogmi 
 (Bononia) was founded. The Roman colonics of Parma and 
 Mutina were founded n.c. 183; and thus the Romans had a 
 line of posts extending from Plicentia along the \ la Acmilia to 
 Ariminum on the Hadrialic. The establishn.ent of the cohmy 
 of Aquileia d.c. 181 secured the north-eastern frontier; and 
 from about this time we may date the secure cstabli^hlncnt of 
 the Provincia of Citerior Gallia. 
 
 Caesar includes Citcrior Gallia in the term Italia (B. G. i. 10. 
 54; ii. 35); and Citcrior Gallia forms a part of the peninsula 
 of 'italv, when we view merely its physical boundaries, as Po- 
 lybius'(ii. H) docs in his description. The Lex Pompcia of 
 B.C. 89 gave the Roman citizenship to the cities south of the Po 
 (Cispadani) and the Latinit.".^ to th(»se north of the Po (Tians- 
 padani). In u.c. 49 the T.auspadani received the Roman 
 citizenship; and in b.c. 41 Citcrior Gallia ceased to be a pro- 
 vince, and was made a part of Italy (Dion Cass, xlvin. 12). 
 Caesa'r therefore ai)plied the term Italia '.o Citcrior Gallia in a 
 geographical, not a i..,lilical sense; for :.ll Citcrior Gallia was 
 under his government. 
 
 Caesar divides Transalpine Gallia into three parts, one of 
 . which was inhabited by the Belgae ; a second part by the 
 Anuitani; and a third by the people who called themselves 
 Celiac, and were called Galli by the Romans. Gallia in this 
 passage does not include the Provincia : it is used as a geo- 
 graphical term to designate the whole territory occupied by 
 
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 IXTEODUCTIO^^ 
 
 three different nations, one of which has the particuhir name of 
 Galli (• Gallia . . . omnis . . . tertiam . . . Galli.' B. G. i. 1}. 
 
 The Provincia in Caesar's time, Provincia nostra (B. G. i. 33) 
 and Gallia Provincia (i. 44), contained Celtae, Ligures, Greeks 
 in the Phocaean colony of Marseille (Massilia), and in the 
 colonies of Marseille along the coast, Antipolis, Agathe, and 
 others. 
 
 The Aquitani occupied the greater part of the country be- 
 tween the Pyrenees and the Garonne. They differed from the 
 Celtae in language and personal appearance. They resembled 
 the Iberians more than the Galli (Strabo, p. 176) ; and it seems 
 that they were Iberians. The representatives of these Iberian* 
 at the present day are the Basque population of the French 
 side of the Pyrenees. The Bituriges Vivisci, who occupied the 
 tract between the aestuary of the Garonne and the ocean, were 
 Celtae (Strabo, p. 190). 
 
 The country between the Garonne and the Seine was in the 
 possession of the Celtae, as they called themselves in their own 
 tongue (B. G. i. 1). The eastern boundary of the country of 
 the Celtae was the Rhine; and the territory o^ two Celtic na- 
 tions, the Helvetii and the Sequani, extended to the banks of 
 this river (i. 2). Caesar says that these Celtae were the same 
 people that the Romans called Galli ; the Romans, it seems, 
 never called the Galli of Italy by the name of Celtae, so far as 
 we know. Strabo (p. 189) says that the people of Gallia Nar- 
 bonensis (the Provincia) were originally called Celtae, and that 
 from them the name Celtae was given by the Greeks to all the 
 Galli, or Galatae, as he calls them. It seems most likely that 
 the term Celtae was a local name, and that Celtica was properly 
 the country between the Garonne and the Seine 7. 
 
 7 Polybius describes (iii. 39) the Pyrenees as the boundary between the 
 Iberes and the Celtae (KsXroi) ; and in another passage lie says that the 
 Transalpini Galatae (FaXaxat) are so called only on account of their posi- 
 tion north of the Alps, and that they differ in no respect from the Galatae 
 louth of the Alps. There are passages in wlii( h he appears to intend to 
 designate by the term Celtae those who crossed the mountains to invade 
 Italy (ii. 23, &c.), as distinguished from the CJalatae settled in the north of 
 Italy. Yet there are passages (ii. 18) in which he uses the terms Celtae and 
 Galatae indifferently; and it really seems as if there was some confusion 
 
 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 25 
 
 Tlie Belgae inhabited Gallia north of the Seine and the 
 Mame (B. G. i. 1), and differed in language and in other re- 
 spects from the Celtae. Caesar also distinguishes them from the 
 Germani, whose country was east of the Rhine. Before Caesar's 
 time, however, the Germans had crossed the Rhine. The Remi, 
 whose chief town was the origin of Rheims, and who, in those 
 parts, were the i:earest of the Belgae to the Celtae, told Caesar 
 that most of the Belgae (B. G. ii. 4) were of German origin, 
 which implies that all were not ; that they came from beyond 
 the Pthine, and expelled the G.illi from Belgium, as Caesar .on 
 one occasion calls the country of the Belgae (v. 24), if the 
 reading * Belgio ' is to be preferred to * Belgis.' Some tribes 
 who lived between the Rhine and the Maas were called by the 
 general name Germani ; these tribes were the Condrusi, Ebu- 
 rones, Caeraesi, and Paemani. In another passage (vi. 32) 
 Caesar mentions the Segni with the Condrusi as Germans; and 
 he places these two tribes between the Eburones and the Treviri, 
 Tacitus (German, c. 28) says that the Nervii and Treviri prided 
 themselves on their Germanic origin ; but neither individuals 
 nor nations are always entitled to that descent which they claim 
 with most pretension. He adds that the Vangiones, Tribocci, 
 and Nemetes, who inhabited the Gallic bank of the Rhine, were 
 certainly Germans. The expressions attributed to the Remi by 
 Caesar (B. G. ii. 4), seem to imply that the Remi and Suessiones 
 did not consider themselves Germans. There were also Belgae 
 on the coast of Britain (v. 12), who had passed over the sea for 
 the purpose of booty. Most of the British Belgae retained the 
 names of the tribes to which they belonged, after they settled in 
 Britain. Caesar and other writers include among the Gallic Belgae 
 all the people who lived within certain geographical limits west 
 of the Rhine and north of the Seine, both people of Germanic 
 I ace and others. But it is exceedingly difficult to say who the 
 Belgae were, who were not Germans. An ingenious French 
 historian " considers them of the same stock as the population 
 of Britain, and that they were a branch of the Gallic race, whose 
 
 in his mind about these two terms. Livy (v. 34) speaks of the Celtae of 
 ri-ansali)ine Gallia as ' pars Galliae tenia.' 
 8 A. Thierry, Histoire dcs Gaulois. 
 
2G 
 
 IJS^TEODUCTION. 
 
 general name is unknown to us, but whom we know to be 
 Kymri. He observes that Strabo (p. 194), who might have de- 
 rived his information from Posidonius^, wlio had travelled in 
 Gallia, speaks of the Paroceanitic Belgae, and adds that the 
 Veneti were one division of these Belgae. These Paroceanitic 
 Belgae are the Armoricae Civitates of Caesar (B. G. v. 53 ; vii. 
 75). The word ' Armoric * is apparently a compound of two 
 Gaelic words, ar, ' on,' and mor^ *the sea;' and Caesar, in fact, 
 explains it so (vii. 75 ; viii. 31). 
 
 The Greeks of Phocaea, in Asia Minor, established themselves 
 on the south coast of Gallia about b.c. 600, in the territory of the 
 Segobrigae\ where they founded Marseille, which the Greeks 
 called Massalia, and tlie Romans Massilia. On the conquest of 
 Western Asia by Cyrus tlie Persian, many of the Phocaeans 
 quitted their home, and a part of the emigrants were received 
 by their brethren of Marseille. The city was strengthened by 
 this addition ; and though it had often to maintain a contest 
 with the neighbouring Ligurians, it became a flom-ishing com- 
 mercial town, and a seat of learning. All the arts connected with 
 maritime affairs were cultivated. Pytheas, a Massaliot, and a 
 contemporary of Alexander the Great, sailed northward along 
 the coast of the Atlantic; but how far his discoveries extended 
 it is difficult to determine. Marseille established its colonies 
 along the coast of Liguria, Gallia, and the north-east part of 
 Spain. East of the Var were Monaco (Portus Herculis Mo- 
 noeci) and Nizza (Nicaea, * the city of victory '). Between the 
 Var and Marseille were Antibes (Antipolis), Eaube (Olbia), and 
 others. Between Marseille and the Pyrenees were Rhodanusia 
 and Agde (Agathe) ; and south of the Pyrenees, Rosas (Rhoda), 
 Ampurias (Emporiae), and Denia (Dianium). Cavaillon (Ca- 
 bellio) on the Durance was also a Massaliot settlement (Arte- 
 midorus, quoted by Stephanus, Ka(3t\\i(jjv). 
 
 In B.C. 154, the Ligures Oxybii and Deciates, who occupied 
 the entrance of Gallia, west of the Var, were besieging Antipolis 
 
 8 Fragments of Posidonius are in Strabo and Diodorus Siculus. They 
 contain the most valuable information that we possess on Gallia, after the 
 Coraiuentaries of Caesar. 
 
 1 Aristotle, in his treatise on the Political Constitution of Massalia, 
 quoted by Athenacus, p. 57i\ 
 
 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 27 
 
 and Nicaea, which seem to have still been dependencies of 
 Massilia, for the Massaliots called in the aid of the Romans. 
 The consul Q. Opimius came to their help, defeated these Li- 
 gurians, and gave part of their territory to the Massaliots. A 
 second time the Massaliots implored the aid of Rome, for they 
 were now attacked by the Salyes, also a Ligurian Iribe (e.c. 125). 
 The consul M. Fulvius Flaccus, a friend of C. Sempronius Grac- 
 chus, came and defeated the Salyes, and he also attacked the 
 Vocontii. Flaccus had a triumph over the Ligures and the 
 Vocontii (b.c 123). His successor, C. Sextius Calvinus (consul 
 B.C. 124), completed the subjugation of the Salyes (b.c 123), 
 plundered their territory, and sold the people for slaves. During 
 his stay in southern Gallia (b.c 122), being pleased with the 
 agreeable position of his winter camp, which was a few miles 
 north of Marseille, on a hill where there were warm springs, he 
 converted the site of his camp into a permanent settlement. 
 This was the origin of Aix, which the Romans called Aquae 
 Sextiae, a Colonia Latina, and their first establishment in Trans- 
 alpine Gallia. 
 
 About this time the Aedui and Allobroges were at war. The 
 AUobroges had for their allies the Arverni, then the most 
 powerful of the Gallic nations. The Aedui made a treaty with 
 the Romans, and received the magnificent title of brethren and 
 kinsmen of the Romans (i. 45 ; vi. 12; vii. 54). This alliance 
 was followed by a war between the Romans and the Allobroges, 
 who were aided by the Arverni and the Ruteni. The consul 
 Cn. Domitius (b.c 122) came to demand of the Allobroges the 
 chiefs of the Salyes who had escaped into their territory. The 
 consul was met on the road by the ambassador of the Allo- 
 broges, sent by their king 2. The ambassador was richly dressed, 
 and had a train of attendants and dogs, which the barbarians 
 used for protection. He was followed by a minstrel, who sung 
 the praises of the king, of the Allobroges, and of the ambassador. 
 Notwithstanding all that the minstrel said of the noble blood, 
 the courage, and the wealth of his patrons and countrymen, the 
 consul turned a deaf ear, and rejected the ambassador's prayer 
 
 ■ Appian is probably mistaken about the king's name. He calls him 
 fiituitus. 
 
28 
 
 IxNTEODUCTION. 
 
 for the pardon of the chiefs (Appian, De llehus Gallicis, Excerpt, 
 xii.). Doinitius in the following year fought a battle with the 
 AUobroges, who were too impatient to wait for their friends, the 
 Arverni and Ruteni. The battle was fought at the confluence 
 of the Sorgue (Sulgas) and the Rhone, at Vindalium, a little 
 above Avignon, and the AUobroges were signally defeated. In 
 the same year (b.c. 121) the consul Q. Fabius Maximus had the 
 command in the Provincia, and Domitius still remained there 
 with a large force under him. The Gallic confederates were 
 again defeated by the Romans witl) terrific slaughter, near the 
 junction of the Rhone and the Iscre (Strabo, p. 191), and a large 
 number of Celtae were drowned by the breaking of a bridge 
 across the Rhone, which they were crossing in their flight. Bi- 
 tuitus, king of the Arverni (as the best authorities call him), 
 was treacherously seized by Domitius, and sent to Rome. The 
 senate kept him a prisoner on the lake Fucinus ; and his son, 
 Congentiatus, was also taken and kept a prisoner in Italy. The 
 Arverni and Ruteni lost none of their territory, nor were they 
 made tributary (B. G. i. 45) ; in fact, their country was not 
 easy to invade. But the AUobroges were made Roman sub- 
 jects, and tlieir country was reduced within the limits of a pro- 
 vince, according to the Roman phrase. The original Provincia 
 seems to have comprehended the country between the Alps and 
 the Rhone, from the Leman lake to the Mediterranean. Mas- 
 silia, however, still retained its independence. The succeeding 
 consuls carried the Roman arms west of the Rhone, as far as the 
 Pyrenees; and thus they secured the route from Italy to Spain, 
 along the coast of Genoa, and through the passes of the eastern 
 Pyrenees. But they still wanted a road from the upper valley 
 of the Po into Transalpine Gaul; and, accordingly, they got 
 possession of the route over the Alpes Graiae. The consul Q. 
 Marcius Rex (b.c 118) extirpated the brave Alpine tribe of the 
 Stoeni, and thus secured the passes in tliese parts. This was 
 followed by the settlement of the Roman colony of Narbonne 
 (Narbo Marcius) on the Aude, which secured the Roman power 
 on the west side of the Rhone. 
 
 The Romans had often been alarmed by the incursions of the 
 Cisalpine and Transalpine Galli. But a more terrible enemy 
 appeared for the first time in b.c 113. The Cimbri and Teu- 
 
 INTllODUCTIOK 
 
 29 
 
 tones, a whole people in a state of migration, came from the 
 country east of the Rhine, and north of the Danube. They fell 
 upon Noreia, to the north of the Tridentine Alps ; and the pos- 
 session of Noreia secured the entrance of Italy on this side. The 
 consul Cn. Papirius Carbo was sent against them ; and, as the 
 barbarians did not advance towards him, he entered the Alpine 
 regions in search of them, his pretext being that the Norici were 
 Roman allies. The Teutones pretended that they were ignorant 
 of this fact, and they promised by their deputies not to molest 
 the Norici. The consul received the deputies kindly, and gave 
 them guides to conduct them back. The guides were instructed 
 to lead the Teutonic deputies by a circuitous route, and the 
 consul, taking a short cut, fell on the barbarians unexpectedly. 
 But his treachery was punished, for he lost many of his men, 
 and he would probably have been destroyed with his army, if a 
 storm had not separated the combatants. The Romans, scat- 
 tered in the confusion, did not rally till the third day ; and the 
 Teutones, making no further attempt, retired into the country 
 of the Celtae, as Appian says ; but it is difficult to determine 
 whether he means Celtica, or whether his statement is of any 
 value (Appian, De Rebus Gallicis, Excerpt, xiii.). Livy (Epit. 
 G3) calls these invaders Cin)bri. A few years later the Cimbri 
 and Teutones were in Belgium, where they appear to have 
 found a people with whom they recognized some relationship. 
 Caesar (B. G. ii. 4) says that the Belgae were the only Ga 11 
 who kept the Teutones and Cimbri out of their territories; but 
 this is not consistent with what he says in another place (ii. 29), 
 that the Aduatuci, who were in or near the country of the 
 Eburones in Belgium, were the descendants of GOOO Cimbri and 
 Teutones, who were left here by their brethren to guard their 
 cattle and baggage, when they set out for the invasion of the 
 Provincia and Italy. These invaders ravaged Celtica most piti- 
 lessly ; and the Celtae, shut up in their towns, were reduced to 
 the extremity of living on human flesh (B. G. vii. 77). When 
 Celtica could no longer feed them, the Cimbri and Teutones 
 entered the Provincia. In b.c 109 they defeated the consul 
 M. Junius Silanus. Two years later (b.c 107), the Tigurini, 
 one of the Helvetic cantons, passed into the territory of the 
 AUobroges, under the command of Divico. The consul L. Cas- 
 
30 
 
 INTKODUCTIOX. 
 
 sius Longinus, who marched to oppose tliem, was killed, and 
 his army was compelled ignominiously to go under the yok» 
 (B. G. i. 7). In this battle fell L. Piso, a legatus of Cassius, 
 and the grandfather of Caesar's father-in-law, L. Calpurnius 
 Piso (i. 12). The soldiers who survived the defeat bought their 
 escape by giving hostages, and a half of all that they had (Liv. 
 Epit. 65; Orosius, v. 15). M. Aurelius Scaurus, a Roman le- 
 gatus, was also routed by the Cimbri, and taken prisoner. Being 
 called to the council of the barbarians, who were meditating the 
 invasion of Italy, Scaurus advised them against the attempt, 
 remarking that the Romans were invincible. A ferocious bar- 
 barian named Boiorix, irritated by the remarks of the Roman, 
 killed him on the spot (Liv. Ep. 67). 
 
 During his consulship (b.c. 106) Q. StTvilius Caepio sacked 
 Toulouse, the capital of the Volcae Tectosages^ who, it seems, 
 had formed a league with the Cimbri and Teutones. In b.c 105 
 the consul Manlius was in the Provincia, and Caepio also re- 
 mained there. Manlius and Caepio, each at the head of an 
 army, were opposed to tlie invaders near the bar.ks of the 
 Rhone; and the camp of each successively, that of Manlius 
 first, was stormed by the enemy. The Romans are said to have 
 lost the incredible number of 80,000 men and 40,000 slaves and 
 camp-followers (Liv. Epit. 67)— in fact, both their armies, for it 
 is said that ten men only escaped from this terrible massacre. 
 One of the few who escaped was Q. Sertorius, who afterwards 
 held Spain for several years against all the power of his own 
 countrymen of Rome. 
 
 The Cimbri, separating from the Teutones, ravaged all the 
 country between the Rhone and the Pyrenees. I hey also passed 
 the defile of the Pyrenees, probably at the eastern extremity of 
 this range, and extended their ravages into Spain ; but being 
 driven back by the Celtiberi, a people of mingled Celtic and 
 Iberian stock, they returned to join the Teutones. In b.c 102 
 the Cimbri took the route to Italy across Switzerland and by 
 the Alps of Tridentum down the valley of the Adige. The 
 Teutones and a people called the Ambrones directed their course 
 along the east side of the Rhone, with the design of crossino- the 
 Maritime Alps or the Apennines of Genoa. The two nations, it 
 is said, agreed to meet on the banks of the Po. But the Ro- 
 
 INTEODUCTIOIS'. 
 
 31 
 
 mans had still a general, C. Marius, in whom they could trust 
 (Sallust, Jug 114). Marius, now consul for the fourth time 
 (b.c. 102), posted himself in his camp on the east side of the 
 Rhone, and the Roman soldier for several days watched from 
 his rampart this countless host of savages pass by him with 
 menaces and insults. The Roman followed the enemy, and 
 came up with them at Aquae Sextiae (Aix), where he ga\e 
 them a decisive defeat. Thousands fell on the bloody field, and 
 the remainder who were dispersed were cut off by the people of 
 the country. Teutobocchus, the Teuton king, was seized in his 
 flight, and carried to Marius, who made the gigantic barbarian 
 walk in his triumphal procession at Rome. The putrefying car- 
 cases were left to fertilize the ground (Plutarch, Marius, c 21), 
 and the name of Pourrieres, which the place retains to this day, 
 is supposed to be a corruption of Putridi Campi. A pyramid 
 was erected on the field of battle to commemorate the victory 
 of Marius. The bas-reliefs represented C. Marius standing on 
 a shield supported by soldiers, and in the attitude of a general 
 proclaimed Imperator'. 
 
 In the following year C. Marius, consul for the fifth time, 
 and his colleague, Q. Catulus, met the Cimbri near Vercellae, 
 north of the Po. 'llie Cimbri had made their way over the 
 eastern Alps, in the expectation of joining their friends the 
 Teutones. Instead of them they met the victorious Roman 
 army, and, after a most desperate resistance, thousands were 
 destroyed (Plutarch, AVarius, c. 25). Many of the women 
 perished either by the sword of the Romans or by their own 
 hands. The dogs of the Cimbri still kept the soldiers at bay, 
 and defended the waggons after their masters had fallen. The 
 Romans despatched the dogs with arrows. Thus the military 
 ability of one man saved Rome from a ferocious horde who had 
 defeated seven armies and threatened the destruction of the 
 Roman state. 
 
 In the ci\nl wars which ended in the usui-pation of L. Cor- 
 
 ^ Tills interesting moTiiimcnt of antiquity is snid to have existed until 
 the fifteenth century (Amedee Thicny, Hist, dee Guulois, Deux, Partie, 
 chap. 3). The tradition of this victory seems to be not yet effaced on the 
 spot. 
 
32 
 
 INTEODUCTIGN. 
 
 nelius Sulla, many of the exiled Romans fled to the Provincia ; 
 and about the time of Sulla's death some of them joined 
 Q. Sertorius in Spain, who maintained there the interests of the 
 party of C. Marius (b.c. 78). The Aquitani also were in arms, 
 probably instigated by Sertorius (B. G. iii. 23). The pro- 
 consul, L. Manilius Nepos, who came against them, fled and 
 left all his baggage : his legatus, L. Valerius Praeconinus, was 
 killed (B. G. iii. 20). Caesar clearly means that Nepos was 
 defeated in Aquitania ; but Orosius (v. 23) says that Manlius, 
 who was proconsul of Gallia, having gone into Spain, was 
 defeated by Hirtuleius, a commander under Sertorius, and 
 made his escape to Ilerda (Lerida on the Segre, in Catalonia). 
 Livy (Epit. 90) tells the story of the defeat of the proconsul 
 L. Manlius (Manilius) and the legatus M. Domitius by Hercu- 
 leius (Hirtuleius), but the Epitome mentions no place. 
 
 Sertorius still held out in Spain against the Romans. In 
 B.C. 76, the senate sent their favourite general Cn. Pompeius 
 into Spain, to assist Q. Metellus, who had begun the war against 
 Sertorius in b.c 78. Pompeius found the passes of the Alps 
 occupied by the partizans of Sertorius, but he forced his way by 
 a road hitlierto unused, between the sources of the Po and the 
 Rhone, and reached Narbonne *, exterminating all the Galli on 
 his road, as his panegyrist Cicero says (Pro lege Manilla, c. 11). 
 Pompeius punished the Volcae Areconiici and the Helvii, who 
 had been most active in their resistance, by giving their lands 
 to the town of Massilia (Caesar, B. C. i. 35 ; Pro Fonteio, c. 6). 
 When he went to Spain he left M. Fonteius as governor of th« 
 Provincia, which groaned beneath the tyranny of a proconsul, 
 while it had to furnish supplies to the Romans for the war 
 
 * About the sources of the Po and the Rhone, says Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 
 109), who adds, after the fashion of his geo^rniphical ignorance, that the 
 sources of these two rivers are near to one another, Pompeius speaks of 
 this passage of the Alps in his letter to the senate (Sallust, Frag. iii. p. 964; 
 cd. Cort.). Walckenacr (i. 226) assumes that Pompeius passed by the Col 
 do Tiniers, and so came into the valley of Barcclonette on the Gallic side 
 of the Alps. It is probable that he crossed by some southern pass, for his 
 object was to reach 3pain as soon as he could. But Walckenaer makes a 
 monstrous blunder to support his opinion. He supposes that Lauron men- 
 tioned by Appian is Laures in the valley ot Barcclonette, whereas it is a 
 place in Spain. There is nothing to show b\ what pass Pompeius went. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 33 
 
 ngainst Sertorius in Spain. When afffiirs were more settled, 
 Fonteius was prosecuted at Rome (b.c. 69) on the complaint 
 of the Volcae and the Allobroges. He was charged vvith cruelty, 
 and getting money by those illegal means which constituted the 
 offence of Repetundae. His advocate was M. Tullius Cicero, 
 who had gained distinction (b.c 70) by acting as the prosecutor 
 of C. Verres, the governor of Sicily. He now gained distinction 
 the other way by defending Fonteius, who was probably acquit- 
 ted*. C. Calpurnius Piso was governor of the Provincia b.c 66, 
 We do not know exactly what were his services there. Cicero 
 (Ad Att. i. 13) calls Piso 'pacificator Allobrogum,' but he is 
 sneering. Piso was charged with mal-administration in his 
 province. Caesar was the prosecutor ; Cicero defended him, 
 and he was acquitted. 
 
 During the consulship of Cicero (b.c 63) L. Sergius Catilina 
 formed a revolutionary plot at Rome. He and his associates 
 were men of desperate fortunes ; and their motives, as far as we 
 can understand them, were the same as in any modern society 
 might induce an insolvent adventurer to eflTect a revolution — the 
 hope of gain and love of power. There happened at this time 
 to be at Rome some deputies of the Allobroges, who had been 
 sent on behalf of their countrymen to obtain redress for their 
 grievances. They got nothing, and were preparing to return 
 in great ill humour, when tliey were addressed by the con- 
 spirators, who promised freedom to their state and the abolition 
 of the debts with which the Allobroges were burdened to 
 Roman creditors, if they would secure to the conspirators the 
 assistance of their people. The bargain was made ; but the 
 deputies through fear betrayed the conspirators to the consul 
 Cicero, or perhaps with the hope that they might get their 
 demands as a reward for the service. Their countrymen at 
 home do not seem to have been satisfied with the result of the 
 mission, for they took up arms (b.c 62) and fell upon the town 
 of Ventia, as Dion Cassius names it*. Manlius Lentinus a 
 legatus of the governor C. Pomptinus, was defeated by the 
 
 * The speech for M. Fonteius is extant, but it is not complete. 
 
 • Ventia may be a blunder of Dion, or a corruption of the text. Tlie 
 only place in the territory of the Allobroges \nth a similar name is Vienna 
 ( Vicnne). 
 
34 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 1 NTPtODUCTION 
 
 35 
 
 Allobroges, under Catugnatus, on the Isere. But Pomptinus, 
 collecting his forces, attacked the Allobroges under tlie walls of 
 Soloniuni (which has been conjectured to be Sallonaz, in the 
 department of Ain, near the small river Brivas) ; and his victory 
 was rewarded with a triumph by the Roman senate (Liv. Epit. 
 103 ; Dion Cassius, lib. 37, c. 47, &c.). 
 
 The Romans had planted themselves in Gallia on the south, 
 and a new enemy had assailed the Galli from the north and 
 east. The people east of the Rhine who were known under the 
 general name of Germani, as already observed, had not suc- 
 ceeded in crossing the river in any considerable numbers. 
 Celtica was still in possession of the Celtae. Internal divisions 
 introduced the enemy. The Aedui, proud of their Roman 
 alliance, tyrannized over their neighbours, particularly the 
 Sequani; and an old quarrel, apparently about the title to the 
 tolls payable on the navigation of the Saone (ra StayioyiKa riXr)), 
 the boundary of the Aedui and the Sequani, embittered the 
 hostility (Strabo, p. 192). The tolls on the Gallic rivers, which 
 were at least as old as the first century before the Christian 
 aera, and existed under the Roman empire, obstructed the 
 internal commerce of France even to the revolution of 
 1789. 
 
 The Sequani formed an alliance with the Arverni, and also 
 invited Ariovistus from the east side of the Rhine, the king of 
 some of the Suevic tribes. The (Jerman came with his hardy 
 soldiers, whose only dwelling-place was under the bare sky, 
 and the Aedui were compelled to unconditional submission. 
 Their head, entitled Vergobretus, whose name was Divitiacus, 
 escaped into the Provincia and thence to Rome, where he im- 
 plored the senate to assist their allies, his countrymen (B. G. 
 i. 31). At Rome he became acquainted with Cicero, who con- 
 versed with the Celtic Druid on matters of philosophy and 
 religion (De Divin. i. 41). 
 
 The Sequani soon found that their new ally was their master. 
 The land and climate of Gallia were better than the German 
 side of the river. Ariovistus liked his quarters and would not 
 move. He demanded of the Sequani a third pjirt of their 
 lands. This demand appears to have been resisted by the 
 Sequani, but the German king made a terrible slaughter of the 
 
 Celtae in a battle at Magetobriga (B. G i. tji), and from this 
 time ruled them with intolerable tyranny ?. 
 
 In B.C. 60 a rumour reached Rome that the Helvetii, like 
 the Cimbri and Teutones, were preparing a grand migration. 
 The design was formed by Orgetorix, a rich Helvetian, in b.c. 
 61 (B. G. i. 2). The Helvetii were not satisfied with their 
 country between the Jura and the Rhine. It was too small for 
 their number, and they wished to remove further from their 
 German neighbours on the other side of the river. Their plan 
 was to march through the Provincia with their families and 
 moveables and seize the country of the Santoni, between the 
 aestuary of the Garonne and the river Charente. There was 
 an alarm of a Gallic war at Rome, and the senate sent three 
 commissioners to the Gallic states to prevent them from uniting 
 with the Helvetii (Cic. ad Att. i. 19). In the year before (b.c 
 61, M. Messala, M. Pisone Coss.) the senate had passed a decree 
 to the effect that the governor of Gallia for the time, whoever 
 he might be, should protect the friends and allies of the Roman 
 people (B. G. i. 35). This decree appears to have been made 
 on the occasion of the ineffectual efforts of the Aedui to 
 oppose Ariovistus. In the next year (ii.c. 59) C. Julius Caesar 
 was consul. During his consulship, on the proposal of the 
 tribune P. Vatinius, whom Caesar probably bought, he received 
 by a vote of the tribes for five years the government of Cis- 
 alpine Gaul and lllyricum, with three legions. This measure 
 was contrary to the provisions of the Lex Sempronia, which gave 
 to the senate the appointment of the consular provinces. Yet 
 the senate added Gallia north of the Alps and one legion more; 
 for which we should have a difficulty in finding a reason, if 
 
 7 The site of this place, called Mugetobria and Admagetobria, probably 
 Magetobriga or Magetobriva, is fixed by D'Anville (Notice de la Gaul'e 
 Ancicnne) at Moigte de Broie. Tlie reading Magetobriae is said to be con- 
 firmed by a broken urn found in the Saone in 1802, with the inscription 
 MAGETOB. Walckenaer does not agree with D'Anville. " As to the 
 urn," he says, "care was taken to lose it almost as soon as it was found." 
 Such evidence is certainly suspicious. "Walckenaer thinks that a place 
 called Amage, on the Brenchin, near to Sainte Marie cu Chanois, west oi 
 Faucogney and east of Luxeuil, satisfies best all the conditions required by 
 the text of Caesar. But there is nothing in Caesar's text which gives the 
 •lightest indication of the site of Magetobriga. 
 
36 
 
 INTEODUCTION. 
 
 Suetonius (Caesar, c. 22) had not told us that the senate did this 
 for fear that the people would do it. Caesar endeavoured to 
 secure the tranquillity of Gallia during his consulship by keeping 
 on friendly terms with Ariovistus, who received the title of 
 friend and ally of the Romans ». Caesar's object and the policy 
 of the senate was the complete subjugation of Gallia (B. G. i. 35; 
 Cicero, De Provinc. Cons. c. 13). In the spring of b.c. 58 Caesar 
 was still in the neighbourhood of Rome, where he waited till 
 Cicero was driven into exile (Cicero, Pro Sestio, c. 18). Hearing 
 that the Helvetii were preparing to move, he hastened from 
 Rome in the beginning of April, and crossed the Alps to 
 Geneva. 
 
 5 Plutarch's expression niinrht mean (Caesar, 19) that Ariovistus came to 
 Rome, but perhaps it does not ; and if it does, we should not easily believe 
 the fact. 
 
 DE BELLO GALLICO. 
 
 LTBER PEIMUS. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 Chap. 1. — General description of Gallia. 2. The Helvetii prepare to 
 emigrate from their country, a« the sugjjestion of Orgetorix. 4. Death 
 of Orgetorix. 5 — 9. The Helvetii attempt to pass through the Provincia, 
 but are prevented by Caesar; they then take their route through the 
 country of the Sequani. 10. Caesar goes to Italy and returns with i ve 
 legions. 12. He follows the Helvetii, and overtakes one of their di- 
 visions, the Tigurini, at the passage of the Arar. The Tigurini are 
 slaughtered and dispersed. 13. Conference between Caesar and the 
 deputies of the Helvetii. lo. The Helvetii proceed on their march 
 through the country of the Aedui, followed by Caesar. 16 — 18. The 
 Aedui do not furnish the supjilies which they promised to Caesar. The 
 treachery of Dumnorix, the Aeduan : he is pardoned by Caesar on the 
 intercession of his brother Divitiacus. 21, 22. Caesar's operations ajrainst 
 the Helvetii fail through the blunder of P. Considius. 23 — 26. Caesar 
 marches towards Bibracte to get supplies; the Helvetii turn from their 
 route, follow him, and are defeated. 27, 28. The surviving Helvetii sur- 
 render, and are compelled to return to their country, with the exceptiou 
 of the Boii, who are allowed to settle in the country of the Aedui. 2.0. 
 The number of the Helvetii who attempted to emigrate, and the number 
 that returned. 30 — 32. Caesar is congratulated on his victory by most 
 of the states of Gallia, who complain to him of the tyranny of the German 
 king Ariovistus. The storv of Ariovistus and his settlement in the 
 country of tlie Sequani. 33 — 36. The messages between Caesar and 
 Ariovistus : the demands of Caesar and the refusal of Ariovistus. 37, 
 38. Caesar advances towards Ariovistus, and takes possession of Vesontio 
 on the Dubis, the chief town of the Sequani. 39 — 41. Great alarm in 
 Caesar's army at the prospect of a battle with tlie Germani. 42 — 46. 
 Conference of Caesar and Ariovistus interrupted by the treachery of 
 Ariovistus. 47. Ariovistus invites Caesar to another conference : Caesar 
 sends two men, whom Ariovistus puts in chains. 48 — 50. Caesar forms 
 two camps ; attack of the smaller camp by the Germani : superstition of 
 the Germ:mi about not fighting before the full moon. 51—54. Battle 
 between Caesar and Ariovistus; defeat of the Germani, who are pursued 
 to the Rhine; escape of Ariovistus over the river in a boat : Caesar re- 
 turns to Citerior Gallia. 
 
 The events in this b<.ok belong to A u.c. 696, or bc. 58; and the constil- 
 ship of L. Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius. 
 
 Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam in- 
 
 Gallia est ornnis] Seethe Intro- whole of Gallia, divided.' 'Gallia 
 duction, pp. 1. 23. 'Gallia is, the omnis' is opposed to one of the di- 
 
38 
 
 C. JULIT CAESARIS 
 
 colunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua 
 Celtae, nostra Galli appellaiitur. Hi omnes lingua, institu- 
 tis, legibus inter se diti'erunt. Gallos ab Aquitanis Garumna 
 flumen, a Belgia Matrona et Sequana dividit. Horum 
 omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae, propterea quod a cultu 
 atque humanitate provinciae longissime absunt, mini- 
 meque ad eos mercatores saepe coinmeant atque ea quae 
 ad effeminandos animos pertinent important ; proximiquo 
 Bunt Germanis, qui trans Khenum incolunt, quibuscum 
 continenter bellum gerunt : qua de causa Helvetii quoque 
 reliquos Gallos virtute praeceduut, quod fere quotidianis 
 proeliis cum Germanis contendunt, quum aut suis finibua 
 eos prohibeut, aut ipsi in eorum finibus bellum geruut. 
 Eorum una pars, quam Gallos obtinere dictum est, ini- 
 tium capit a flumine Khodano ; contiiietur Garumna 
 flumine, Oceano, finibus Eelgarum ; attingit etiam ab 
 Sequanis et lielvetiis flumeu Khenum ; vergit ad sep- 
 
 visions inhabited by the Galli or 
 Celtic; and it does not include the 
 Provincia. 
 
 aliam] ' another.' In an enu- 
 meration of this kind, ' unus,' ' alter,' 
 * tertius,' is the form, when the order 
 of the parts is to be determined. 
 Here Catsar merely makes three di- 
 visions ; and means nothinsr more. 
 
 cnl/u affjne humauiUde] In viii. 25 
 there is 'cultu et feritate;' whence 
 it appears that 'feritas' Is opposed 
 to 'huinanitas,' or the habits of livi- 
 lized, that is, Roman life. 'Cultus' 
 indicates the extemals, such things 
 as a people daily ui>e and have about 
 theni (vi. \[)). 
 
 mercatores] The ' mercatores' are 
 often mentioned (i. 39; ii. 15; iii. 
 1 ; iv. 2 ; vi. 37 ; vii. 55). They 
 were traders who followed the Ro- 
 man camp (vi. 37). both Itajians and 
 Greeks from the Provincia. These 
 'mercatores' even penetrated into 
 parts where the Konians had not 
 carried their arms (iv. 2). In all 
 countries whore the- Romans esta- 
 blished themselves, the Italian ' mer- 
 catores' found their way. They 
 carried their goods about in wag- 
 gons and on pack horses .; nnd, like 
 
 modem traders with savairc tribes, 
 they supplied the b:!rbari7uis with 
 arms, wine, and other lu.xuries. They 
 were different from the ' negotia- 
 tores' (vii. 3). 
 
 Eorum una] This word refers to 
 ' Hi omnes' and ' Horum omnium :' 
 he means ' one part of tlieir country 
 (the country of all the Galli), which 
 it has been said that the Galli (the 
 Celtae) occupy.' 
 
 ab Sequanis] This is a mode of 
 expi-ession usual both in Greek and 
 Latin, and in some casts in French. 
 In iii. 2() 'clamor ab ea parte audi- 
 tus' expresses the shout as coming 
 from a certain part to those who 
 heard it. In vii. «3, ' erat a septem- 
 trionibiis collis.' denotes the position 
 of a hill, whirh presente.l itself on 
 the north to the eye of the s|>e(tator. 
 This 'una pars' is said to touch the 
 Rhine ' ab Seqtianis et lielvetiis,' at 
 or in the country of the Sequani and 
 Helvetii ; in those parts, but no where 
 else. So in the next pas>iige ' iJeljjao 
 ab extremis.' &c., the Belgae begin 
 where the Galli terminate; they be- 
 gin at the boundaries of Galiia, of 
 Gallia in the limited sense, the 
 country of the Celtae. 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 d9 
 
 temtriones. Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus oriuntur; 
 pertinent ad inferiorem partem fluminis Eheni ; spectant 
 in septemtrionem et orientem solera. Aquitania a Ga- 
 rumna flumine ad Pyrenaeos montes et cam partem 
 Oceani quae est ad Hispaniam pertinet; spectat inter 
 occasum solis et septemtriones. 
 
 2. A pud Helvetios longe nobilissimus fuit et ditissi- 
 mus Orgetorix. Is M. Messala et M. Pisoue Coss. 
 regni cupiditate inductus conjurationem nobilitatis fecit, 
 et civitati persuasit ut de finibus suis cum omnibus copiis 
 exirent^ pertacile esse, quum virtute omnibus praestarent, 
 totius Galliae imperio potiri. Id hoc facilius eis persuasit 
 quod undique loci natura Helvetii continentur: una ex 
 parte flumine liheuo, latissimo atque altissimo, qui agrum 
 Helvetium a Germanis dividit^ altera ex parte monto 
 Jura altissimo, qui est inter Sequanos et Helvetios ; tertia 
 
 se-plemtriovem'] This word is U'^ed 
 both in the singular and the plural. 
 The two 'triones' (Virg. Aen. iii. 
 51b') are the Great and the Less 
 IJear. The Great Bear (Arctos) or 
 llamaxa, the wagjjon as it was called 
 even in Homer's time (Iliad xviii. 
 487), consists of seven conspicuous 
 stars, four of which form a quad- 
 rangle, and the other three lie in a 
 right line, attached to the quadrangle. 
 A line drawn throujzh the two stars 
 which are furthest from the three, 
 and produced, i)asses near the star 
 callea the polar st-u*, which is in the 
 constellation of the Less Bear. There 
 are seven stare in the Less Bear 
 
 f laced similarly to those in the Great 
 iear. The word 'trio' seems* to 
 contain the root ' tri,' three, but 
 the explanations given of the word 
 Septemtrio are unsatisfactory (Gel- 
 lius, ii. 21; Varro, L. L. vii. 74; 
 Festus, v. Triones). The explana- 
 tion of V^oss (Georg. iii. 381) founiied 
 mainly on Varro is this : the wag- 
 gon, which now consists of seven 
 bright stars in the tioink and tail of 
 the Great Bear, api)eared to the old 
 Greek and Roman larmer as a wain 
 (aV"^«, pliiustrum) with two oxen, 
 which in the old Roman language 
 
 were called Triones; the five stars 
 of the wain being included, it was 
 called Septemtriones, and hence Sep- 
 temtrio, an obsolete word, as if we 
 were to say ' Seven-ox.' 
 
 ad Htapaniam] In i. 7, * pon- 
 tem qui erat ad Genevam :' v. 13, 
 ' Cantium quod esse ad mare supra 
 dcmonstravimus.' ' At,' 'near,' and 
 'upon' is the meaning of 'ad' 
 in these passages. 
 
 2. AI. Messala et] M. Pupius 
 Piso Cal|>urnianus and M. Valerius 
 Messala Niger were consuls in k.c. 
 61. Introd. p. 35. Coss. is a usual 
 abbreviation of Consulibus. The Ro- 
 mans generally omitted 'et' in this 
 form of expression. 
 
 conjumtionem] See vii. 1. 
 
 nobilitatis] ' Nobilitas' is the rank 
 or condition of one who is ' nobilis,' 
 a term wliich among the Romans 
 had a political signification. ' Nobi- 
 litas' is also Used, as in this passage, 
 to express the body of 'nobiles.' 
 The Galli weie divided into nih and 
 poor, oppressors and oppressed. See 
 vi. 13. 'Civitas' is a word of the 
 same kind as 'nobilitas.' It means 
 ' the condition or state of a citizen,' 
 and also a 'political community,' a 
 Sute. 
 
 \ 
 
40 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 41 
 
 acuLemannoet flumine Ehodano, qui proyinciam noe- 
 tram ab Helvetns dividit. //His rebus fiebat ut et minus 
 ]ate vagarentur et minus facile finitirais bellum inferre 
 possent ; qua de causa homines bellandi cupidi ma^no 
 dolore afficiebantur. Pro multitudine autem hominum 
 et pro gloria belli atque fortitudinis angustoa se fines 
 habere arbitrabantur, qui in longitudinem milia passuum 
 ccxL, in latitudinem clxxx patebant. 
 
 3 His rebus adducti et auctoritate Orgetorigis permoti 
 constituerunt ea quae ad proficiscendum pertinerent com- 
 parare, jumentorum et carrorum quam maximum numerum 
 coemere, sementes quam maximas facere ut in itinere 
 copia frumenti suppeteret, cum proximis civitatibus pacem 
 et amicitiam confirmare. Ad eas res conficiendas bien- 
 nmm sibi satis esse duxerunt: in tertium annum profec 
 tionem lege confirmant. Ad eas res conficiendas Orgetorix 
 
 promncinm nnstrninl See Introd. 
 p. 28. The Provincia is tlie basin 
 of the Rhone south of Lyon to the 
 Mediterranean Sea. It extended along 
 the sea from the Var to the eastern 
 extremity of the Pyrenees. Tolosa 
 in the basin of the Garonne was also 
 in the Provincia —' qua de causa :' 
 'qua ex parte,' Krancr, 'from which 
 side,' ' in which resjTect.' 
 
 amjustos fives] The direct dis- 
 tance from the point where the Jura 
 reaches the Rhone at Fort L' Eel use 
 to Chur or Coire, where the Rhine 
 begins to have a northern course is 
 about 180 English miles: and the 
 distance from tl)e same point on the 
 Rhone to the junction of the Aar 
 and the Rhine, in a nor;h-cast di- 
 rection, is about IGO English miles. 
 We cannot be sure in what direc- 
 tions Caesar estimated the length and 
 breadth ; nor can we be sure that the 
 numerals in the MSS. are correct. 
 A Honian mile (mille passus. a 
 thousand double steps) is about 142 
 yards shorter than an PZnglish mile. 
 Caesar's information was from hear- 
 say, and there is no reason to find 
 fault with his dimensions as some 
 have done, or to make any ex«.'us« 
 for him Walckcnacr estima:es from 
 
 Fort L'EcJuse on the Rhone to the 
 junction of the Aarand Khine where 
 tiie Jura terminates, 1 44 geographical 
 miles, wluch, as he observes, is ex- 
 actly 180 Roman miles. And from 
 l^ort LEeluse to Bre-enz, at the 
 southern extremity of the Lake of 
 Constanz, the longest direct line that 
 we can dniw in the Helvetia of 
 Caesar, he makes 180 geographical 
 miles, or 230 Roman miles, which 
 gives an error of 10 miles onfy in 
 Caesar. This is a fair wav of measure- 
 ment, for it f.llows the boundaries 
 of the Helvetii as Caesar describes 
 them : on the west the Jura, on the 
 south the Lake of Geneva and the 
 Rhone, on the east and on the north 
 the Rhine: 'undique loci natura 
 He yetii continentur.' Caesar says 
 nothing of the southern boundarv 
 east of the lake, and probably be 
 knew nothing about it. The Ilel 
 vetii did not occupy the southern 
 and most elevated parts of Switzer- 
 land. They possessed the lower parts 
 
 7c m ^^'"''"^ '" "'"''^ ^''''^ ^^"^ 
 
 3. sementes facere] ' sementem fa- 
 cere, Liv. 25, c. 13.—' suppeteret,' 
 see c. 16, * suppetebat.'—' lege •' ' by 
 a formal enactment.' Caesar uses a 
 
 I 
 
 dehgitur. Is sibi logationem ad civit^tes susc^pit. In 
 eo itinere persuadet Castico, Catamantaloedis filio 
 Sequano, cujus pater regnum in Sequanis multos annos 
 obtinuerat et a S. P. E. amicus appellatus erat, ut 
 regnum in civitate sua occuparet, quod pater ante 
 habuerat; itemque Dumnorigi Aeduo, fratri Divitiaci, 
 qui eo tempore principatum in civitate obtinebat ac 
 maxime plebi acceptus erat, ut idem conaretur persuadet, 
 eique filiam suam in matrimonium dat. Perfacile factu 
 esse illis probat conataperficere, propterea quod ipse suae 
 civitatis imperium obtenturus esset ; non esse dubium 
 quin totius Galliae plurimum Helvetii possent; se suis 
 copiis suoque exercitu illis regna conciliaturum confirmat. 
 Hac oratione adducti inter se fidem et jusjurandum dant, 
 et regno occupato per tres potentissimos ac firmissimos 
 populos totius Galliae sese potiri posse sperant. 
 
 4. Ea res est Helvetiis per indicium enuntiata. 
 Moribus suis Orgetorigem ex vinculia causam dicere 
 
 Roman term. The thing was con- 
 firmed in some meeting or as- 
 sembly. 
 
 Is sibi] Elberling has ' Is ubi . . . 
 in eo itinere,' but 'in eo itinere' 
 seems to be the beginning of a new 
 sentence. 
 
 S.P.R.] 'Senatu Populi Ro- 
 mani.' Whether Caesar used the 
 abbreviations or not we cannot tell. 
 Oudendorp has ' S. P. Q. R.' which 
 is ' senatu populoque Romano,' an 
 expression which would mean that 
 there was a Lex enacted to confer 
 this title, which is not likelv. In 
 other cases (i. 35, 43; iv. 12; vii. 31) 
 Caesar speaks only of the Senatus. 
 A Senatus consultum was drawn up 
 in the name of the Senntus only. 
 
 Aeduo — Divitiaci] Introd. p. 34. 
 The forms ' Hcduus,' ' Haeduus,' 
 and 'Aeduus,' all appear to have 
 been used ; and are all found in in- 
 scriptions. ' Qui ' refers to ' Dum- 
 norigi.' 
 
 pjincipatum] * The first place' in 
 power and influence. ' Principatus' 
 does not necessarily mean any legal 
 authority or any office. Compare 
 
 1. 17, 'privatim . . . magi stratus.' Rut 
 Duranorix may have been the Vergo- 
 bretus at tbis time (c. 16). 
 
 adducti] This word of course only 
 refers to Casticus and Dumnorix, 
 for they were persuaded bv the ar- 
 guments of Orgetorix, and he was 
 not persuaded by his own arguments. 
 But ' inter se dant ' means all three. 
 It is a careless way of writing ' fir- 
 missimos:' 'most resolute,' 'most 
 steady and constant.' See how he 
 uses ' infirmitas' iv. 5. 
 
 4. Ea res] ' Ea res ut est . . . 
 enuntiata, moribus suis,' Elb. ; but 
 the text is after Caesar's fashion. 
 
 per indicium] ' By information,' 
 that is by 'indices,' informers, as 
 the Romans called those who gave 
 information of some plot to which 
 they were privy. 
 
 exrinculis] So in Liv. xxix. 19, 
 I ex vinculis causam dicere;' and in 
 i. 43, 'ex equis coUoqui.' The con- 
 text shows that Orgetorix was not 
 imprisoned before his trial ; and 
 'coegeiunt' must mean that he was 
 told that he must appear in chains to 
 make his defence. 
 
42 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 coegerunt: damnatiim poenam sequi oportebat ut igni 
 >t^c/^emaretur. Die coiistituta causae dictionis Orgetorix. 
 ad judicium omnem suam faiiiiliam ad honiinum milia 
 decern undique coegit, et omnes clientes obaeratosque 
 sues, quorum magnum numerum habebat, eodem conduxit : 
 per eos iie causam diceret se eripuit. Quum civitas ob 
 earn rem incitata arinis jus suum exsequi conaretur, 
 multitudinemque hominum ex agris magistratus cogerent' 
 Orgetorix mortuus est ; neque abest suspicio, ut llelvetii 
 arbitrantur, quiu ipse aibi mortem consciverit. 
 
 5. Post ejus mortem iiihilo minus Helvetii id quod 
 constitueraut facere conautur, ut e liuibus suis exeant. 
 
 damnattim — crnmaretur] • Poe- 
 nam' is explained by ' ut igni cre- 
 maretur :' burninn; ulive was the 
 |)cnalty, if he was condemned (dam- 
 natum). 
 
 pie comtituta] 'On the day ap- 
 
 Sointed for making his defence.' 
 ee c. 6. 'Causam dicerc' is the 
 usual Roman expression. In vii. 38, 
 'indicta raus;i.' 
 
 fumHiu] Caesar uses a Roman 
 expression, which in its widest sense 
 includes slaves, as it does here. 
 Orgetorix was ric h, an I he had his 
 slaves and clientes. or dependants. 
 The ' obaerati ' appear to be debtors 
 reduced to a state of >lavery (vi. 13), 
 and the term is equivalent to ' nexi,' 
 Varro, \.. L. vii. 10.5, " Liber qu'i 
 6uas operas in scrvitulem pro pecu- 
 nia quadam debebat, dum solveret 
 nexus vocatur. ut abacre obaeratus." 
 The strict «.ondition of Miexus' did 
 not exist Jit Rome at this time (Li v. 
 11. 2o; viii. 28). In an insurrection 
 ainoug the Treviri in the time of 
 fiberms (Tacit. Ann. iii. 42), a ' vul- 
 gus obaeratornm ' is mentioned, who 
 betook themselves to the defiles of 
 the Ardennes, wliere the Romans 
 dispersed them. 
 
 jics suiim\ Ororctorix intimidated 
 the court that had to try him. ami 
 in fact there was no trial ; and he 
 w.is at liberty. But the ' magistra- 
 rus ' summoned the people to arms to 
 maintain their authority. 'Jus' may 
 
 perhaps be used here in the sense of 
 ' their rights,' to prosecute or to 
 maintain which the people were snm- 
 moneil to arms. It is true that a 
 'civitas' cannot be strictly said to 
 prosecute ' its rights,' for "the state 
 has authority or power, and is the 
 source of rights. Hut in a sense a 
 state may be said to maintain its 
 rights against a man who refuses 
 obedience to the law ; and that is 
 what we call maintaining 'the law.' 
 Livy (iii. 2.5) has • Deorum homi- 
 numque simul violala jum exse- 
 quemur.' where it means law divine 
 and human. 
 
 i]ni7i—c(,7isciverit] An example of 
 *quin' with the subjunctive after 
 I neque abest,' as above (c. 3) after 
 'non esse dubiuni.' He says here : 
 ' And suspicion was not wanting that 
 he was privy to his own death,' died 
 by his own hand. Kraner says that 
 Orgetorix died in prison, and ac- 
 cordingly I suppose he means that 
 Orgetorix was put in chains. If that 
 was so, he did not get his dependants 
 together himself; and yet Caesar 
 says that he did. Besides, if his de- 
 pendants were. strong enough to pre- 
 vent his being tried, one would sup- 
 po.se that they might h.ive ttken him 
 out of prison, if he was in prison. If 
 he died in pris-on, it must have been 
 known wliether he died a natural 
 death or not. 
 
 5. ut—eaeani] An explanation of 
 
 LIBER 1. 
 
 43 
 
 Ubi jam se ad earn rem paratos esse arbitrati sunt, oppida 
 BUJi omnia numero ad duodecim, vicos ad quadringentos, J/,^ > 
 reliqua privata aedificia incendunt, frumentum omne ^ 
 
 praeter quod secum portaturi erant comburunt, ut domum 
 reditionis spe "feublata paratiores ad omnia pericula sub- 
 eunda essent ; trium mensium molita cibaria sibi quemque 
 domo efferre jubent. Persuadent Rauracis et Tulingis et 
 Latobrigis finitimis uti eodem usi consilio oppidis suis 
 vicisque exustis una cum iis proficiscantur ; Boiosque, 
 
 til. 
 
 *qnod . . . facere,' after Caesar's 
 fashion. See c. 13, ' ut flumen trans- 
 irent.' 
 
 praeter quod] Schneider has ' prae- 
 ter quam quod ;' and he adds that 
 this is the only instance in the Com- 
 mentarii. There is MSS. auihoiity 
 for both readings. 'Praeter quod' 
 IS ' praeter id qnod.' 
 
 ledifiot/Ls] Examples of nouns 
 formed from the root ' i,' to go, 
 which govern the accusative, occur 
 in other writers. Cicero (De Divin. 
 i. 3*2) has ' reditum ac domum itio- 
 nem.' 
 
 linnracis] D'Anville (Notice de 
 I'Ancienne Gaule) remarks that 
 some inscriptions agree with the text 
 cf Pliny and Ptolemy in the form 
 ' Raurici.' The position of this 
 people is represented by the Diocese 
 of Bale (Basilia). A colonia named 
 Augusta Rauracorum was settled 
 among the Rauraci by L. Mnnatins 
 Plancus, in the time of Augustus. 
 The mod( rn site of Angst is that of 
 Augusta liauracorum. The Rauraci 
 seem to have been included in the 
 territory of the Seqnani by Caesar. 
 The Tulingi and liatobiigi are called 
 *finitimi' as well as the Rauraci. 
 But Walckenaer places the Tulingi 
 east of the Rauraci, beyond the 
 Rhine, in the district of Thiengen 
 and Siiihlingen in Baden ; and the 
 Latohrigi in the neighbourhood of 
 Donaueschingen, where the Briggach 
 and the Brenge join the Danube. 
 Whether he has rightly placed these 
 two tribes, I do not know; but, if 
 they were neighbours, it is probable 
 
 that they were near the German side 
 of the Rhine. The name of the La- 
 tohrigi, if the people were Celtie, 
 "Would denote a position on a river, 
 for ■ brig ' is ford, or pass, or bridge. 
 As, hovyever. they are not Celtic, we 
 iMist look for some German name 
 like ' brig,' and Walckenaer finds it 
 in Brugge, a small place on the 
 Bregge. Some editions have La- 
 tovicis. 
 
 una cum iisl He does not say 
 'secum.' He might, I suppose, have 
 said either; but Caesar is giving hia 
 own statement and so he says ' cum 
 lis. 
 
 Boiosque] Perhaps the descend- 
 ants of some of the emigrants 
 who crossed i\\e Alps into Italy 
 (Liv. v. 34; Intiod. p. 23). The 
 Boii were one of the tribes of Galli 
 whom the Romans drove from Cis- 
 alpine Gaul. Their name like that 
 of the Senones and Lingones disap- 
 peared from Italy. The remnant of 
 the Boii crossed the Caniic Alps, and 
 settled in the pat ts about the Danube 
 among the Taurisci (Straho. p. 213). 
 They were driven from this country 
 by a war wi th the Dacae ; or they 
 were all destroyed, as Straho says 
 (p. 213), without fixing any time for 
 this event. Another body of this 
 wandering people is said to have set- 
 tled in Bavaria, to which they gave 
 their name, though the country was 
 afterwards occupied by the Maico- 
 manni. Carinthia and Steiermark 
 are part of the ancient Noncum. 
 We cannot tell fr«>m Caesar's words 
 at what time he fixes this invasion of 
 
44 
 
 C. JITLII CAESARIS 
 
 LIBEE I. 
 
 45 
 
 qui trans TJhenum incoluerant et in agrum Noricum 
 transierant Noreiamque opjmgnarant, receptos ad se 
 socios aibi adsciscunt. 
 
 6. Erant omnino itinera duo, quibus itineribus domo 
 exire possent : unum per Sequanos, anguatura et difficile, 
 inter montem Juram et flumen Rliodanum, vix qua singuli 
 carri ducerentur ; mons autem altissimus irnpendebat ut 
 facile perpauci prohibere possent : alterum per provinciam 
 nostram, multo facilius atque expeditius, propterea quod 
 
 Noricntn and the attack on Korcia. 
 He does not seem to have in liis 
 mind the Boii. who had ?o long hefore 
 crossed the Alps from Italy ; at least 
 there is no indication that he has, 
 for he says, ' qui trans Rlienum in- 
 coluerant,' who had settled east of 
 the Rhine; which implies an emigra- 
 tion direct from Gallia; and he may 
 refer to other migrations of the Gal- 
 lic Boii. Noricum, howe^-er, corre- 
 sponds pretty well with the country 
 which Strabo describes the Boii 
 as having emigrated to, when they 
 were driven from Italy. Ciiesar, it 
 has been well observed, was n)ore 
 occupied with beating the Gallic na- 
 tions than with their history. It 
 seems probable, from his narrative, 
 that these Boii were on the move, 
 and were approaching the Helvetii, 
 when they were invited to join them 
 ('receptos'); for it seems unlikely 
 that the Helvetii sent so far to invite 
 them. Walckenaer (ii. 71, &c.), 
 after an ingenious discussion, places 
 Noreia at Noring, near Gmund, in 
 Upper Carniola: and he maintains 
 that it is the same Noreia which 
 Strabo (p. 214) and Pliny mention. 
 Other critics place Noreia at Neu- 
 markt in Steiermark. 
 
 6. qiiihus itvieri/itis^ This repeti- 
 tion is a Roman usage, and very 
 common in Caesar (i. 29; ii. 18; 
 V. 2, &c.), and in Cicero. Schneider 
 follows Moebius in supposing that 
 the Roman writers adopted this phra- 
 seology from the style of their 'leges,' 
 in which it often occurs ; but it is 
 more reasonable to suppose that the 
 
 ' leges' were drawn up in the popul.nr 
 language. This repetition is made 
 both to prevent ambiguity, and for 
 greater emphasis. He says : ' There 
 were two roads and two only by 
 which they could get out of their 
 countrj' ;' by which it was possible to 
 get out (' possent ' ). It has been ob- 
 jected to Caesar's text, that there 
 are other practicable passes through 
 the Jura; but that is nothing to tlie 
 purpose. All he says is that there 
 was only one road through the Jura 
 by which the Helvetii could leave 
 the country, encumbered with then* 
 women, children, and waggons. The 
 Helvetii liad formed their plan to go 
 through the Provincia. as the shortest 
 and easiest way, and accordingly 
 had mustered their thousands in the 
 neighbourhood of Geneva If they 
 had anticipated opposition, they 
 might have mustered somewhere 
 else, and crossed by the road that 
 leads to Pontarlier in Doubs, or by 
 any other, if there was any other 
 waggon-road at that time, and at this 
 season of the year. But they would 
 choose the shortest route to the San- 
 tones, and not the longest. See Note 
 I. at the end of this Book. 
 
 vie f/ua] More emphatic than 
 ' qua vix.' Compare iii. 4, ' vix ut 
 his rebus.' 
 
 a/tissimus — nt — possrnti This 
 means ' a mountain so high that very 
 few could ' &c. In c. 12 he has ' in- 
 credibili lenitate ita ut;' and in ii. 
 25. ' confccto ut ;' and iii. 4, ' brevi 
 spatio ^ . . vix ut.' 
 
 inter fines Helvetiorum et Allobrogum, qui nuper pacati 
 erant, Ehodanus fluit isque nonnullis locis vado transitur. 
 Extremum oppidum Allobrogum est proximumque Hel- 
 vetiorum finibus Geneva. Ex eo oppido pons ad Helvetios 
 pertiuet. Allobrogibus sese vel persuasuros, quod non- 
 dum bono animo in populum Romanum viderentur, 
 existimabant, vel vi coacturos ut per suos fines eos ire 
 paterentur. Omnibus rebus ad profectionem comparatis 
 diem dicunt, qua die ad ripam Khodani omnes conveniant : 
 is dies erat a. d. v. Kal. Apr. L. Pisone A. Gabinio Coss. 
 7. Caesari quum id nuntiatum esset, eos per provinciam 
 nostram iter facere conari, maturat ab urbe proficisci et 
 quam maximis potest itineribus in Galliam ulteriorem 
 contendit et ad Genevam pervenit. Provinciae toti quam 
 maximum potest militum numerum imperat: erat omnino 
 in Gallia ulteriore legio una : pontem qui erat ad Gene- 
 
 pacati] ' Reduced to subjection.' 
 In trod. p. 28. 
 
 Genrva] There is little MSS. 
 authority for 'Geneva,' though the 
 name is written thus in an inscrip- 
 tion of uncertain date. The MSS. 
 authority is in favour of 'Genua,' 
 which makes the name the same as 
 that of the Ligurian town ' Genua.' 
 The German name ' Genf,' and the 
 French ' Geneve,' ])rove nothing 
 either way. Schneider has ' Genua,' 
 and Kraner has ' Genava.' 
 
 suns fines eos^ After saying * suos 
 fines " he could not say ' se,' for ' se ' 
 would mean the Allobroges. See 
 c. 14. In c. 20 'per se crevisset' 
 and ' suara uteretur' occur, both of 
 which passages would be clearer if 
 Caesar had written 'per eum' for 
 ' per se,' and ' ejus ' for ' suam ;' or 
 he might have written here ' se per 
 ipsorum fiues,' as Kraner remarks. 
 
 qita die — ts dies\ The feminine 
 form expresses the day as a fixed 
 period, a day fixed by authority or 
 by legal form. See c. 4, ' die con- 
 stituta.' ' Is dies ' is simply ' the 
 day,' the natural day, ' the time.' 
 
 a. d. v.] That is, 'ante diem 
 quintum Kalendas Apriles,' which, 
 
 according to Roman fashion, means 
 ' before the Kalends of April, the 
 fifth day ;' that is, on the fifth day 
 hefore the 1st of April, which is the 
 28th of March, according to the un- 
 reformed Calendar. This consul, 
 L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, was 
 the father-in-law of Caesar (i. 12). 
 Caesar married his daughter Cal- 
 purnia in B.C. 59. 
 
 7. ah urbe] ' Ab urbe,' 'ad ur- 
 bem esse, accedere,' .ind the like, 
 when ' urbs ' is thus used alone, 
 means Rome. Caesar crossed the 
 Alps, though he says nothing about 
 them. See Note II. at the end of 
 this Book. He used to travel with 
 great rapidity, at the rate of a hun- 
 dred Roman miles a day, says Sueto- 
 nius (Caesar, 57). 
 
 quam — jnjted] This is the Latin 
 order. Again he says, ' quam maxi- 
 mum potest numerum.' 
 
 Provwcuie — imperat] He im- 
 poses on the province a requisition 
 for troops. This is the usual Roman 
 term for demands of men and other 
 contributions, such as com. Cicero 
 (Verr. ii. 5, c. 21): " frumentum 
 Mamertinis impei-avit.'* 
 
46 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 Yam jubet resclndi. Ubi de ejus adventu Helvetii 
 certiores facti sunt, legates ad eum mittunt nobilissimos 
 civitatis, cujus legationis Nanieius et Venidoctius prin- 
 cipem locum obtinebaut, qui dicerent, Sibi esse in animo 
 sine ullo nialefieio iter per proviuciam facere, propterea 
 quod aliud iter liabereiit nullum; rogare utejus voluntate 
 id sibi facere lieeat. Caesar, quod memoria teuebat L. 
 Cassium consulem occisum exercitumque ejus ab Helvetiis 
 pulsum et sub jugum missum, concedendum non putabat, 
 neque homines inimico animo data facultate per provin- 
 ciam itineris iaciundi temperatures ab injuria et maleficio 
 existimabat: tamen, ut spatium intercedere posset, dum 
 milites quos imperaverat convenirent, legatis respondit 
 Diem se ad deliberandum sumpturum ; si quid vellent, ad 
 Idas April, reverterentur. 
 
 8. Interea ea legione quam secum habebat, militibusque 
 qui ex provincia convenerant, a lacu Lemanno, qui in 
 flumen Khodanum influit, ad montera Juram, qui fines 
 Sequanorum ab Helvetiis dividit, niilia passuum decern 
 
 legatos — cujus legati(m{s'\ He 
 miglit have said ' inter quos \ but he 
 often uses this kind of expression. 
 See c. 13. 
 
 aliwl iter — nuIJum'\ ' Other road 
 they haiJ none.' So he places nuilus' 
 and ' nemo ' eniphatically. See ii. 
 35, 'quod ante id tempus accidit 
 nulli ;' and i. 18, 'audeat nemo.' 
 
 L. Casi(ium\ In trod. p. 30. — ' sub 
 jugum.' The ' yoke,' ' jugum,' which 
 passed over tlie neck of a pair of 
 beasts of draught, was tlie symbol of 
 servitude ; and to pass under a yoke 
 of til is kind, or a representation of 
 one made by two upright spears sup- 
 porting another spear laid across 
 them, was tlie mode of sending a 
 conquered army under the yoke. It 
 was a Roman or an Itr.lian fashion 
 which barbarous nations may have 
 adopted. The ceremony is described 
 by Livy, iii. 28; ix. 5, &c. 
 
 temprralurosah] 'Would refrain 
 froui.' In c. 33, he has 'sibi , . tem- 
 peratuios . . . quin.' 
 
 Diein\ ' Time for consideration,' 
 M in Cic«ro, Verr. Ac*, i. 2 : " itaque 
 
 quum ego diem in Sicilia inquirendi 
 perexiguam postulavissem." See i. 
 4. 6, and c. 40, ' in longiorem diem.* 
 
 si quid vellent] ' If they wanted 
 any thing ' of him or with him. ' If 
 they had any thing to say to him.' 
 See c. 24. 
 
 ud Idus] * a. d. Idus ' (Elb.). But 
 the MSS. appear to have 'ad,' which 
 is the proper word here : ' on or about 
 the Ides.' Whore there is no nume- 
 ral, one does not sec how 'a. d.' can 
 be used. See c. 6. 
 
 8. qui in flumen ^c] Davis and 
 Clarke have adopted the conjecture, 
 'qiienj flumen Rhodanus influit,' 
 wliiih spoils the sense; for Caesar 
 is speaking of that part of the hike 
 where, as we eav, the river flows 
 f'.om it. He could say just as well 
 that the lake flows into the river. 
 
 decern vovem] Caesar formed his 
 earthen wall from the point Mheie 
 the Rhone flows from the lake to a 
 point on the south side of the river, 
 whi( h was of)posite to the abutment 
 of the Jura on the north bank of the 
 river, at the Fort L' Eel use. Fort 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 47 
 
 novem murum ni altitudinem pedum sedecim fossamque 
 perducit. Eo opere perfecto praesidia disponit, castella 
 com m unit, quo facilius, si se invito transire conarentur, 
 prohibere posset. Ubi ea dies quam constituerat cum 
 legatis venit, et legati ad eum reverterunt, uegat Se more 
 et exemplo populi Komani posse iter uUi per provinciam 
 dare, et si vim facere conentur probibiturum ostendit. 
 Helvetii ea spe dejecti navibus junctis ratibusque com- 
 pluribus I'actis, alii vadis lihodani, qua minima altitude 
 
 1/ Ed use, in the French department 
 of Ain, commands the pass between 
 the Jura and the Rhone, which is on 
 the road fiom Lyon to Geneva. The 
 number 'decern novem' has the au- 
 thority of the best MSS. Some 
 editoi-s have preferred 'deceu),' or 
 * novem,' in pure ignorance of the 
 facts, which, in such a case as this, 
 are decisive. The length of Caesnr's 
 intrenciiments along the Rhone, as 
 determined by an examination of 
 the ground, is perfectly correct 
 (Walckenaer, who has written a 
 niemoire on it). A great diflficulty 
 has been raised by those who place 
 Caesar's lines north of the Rhone, 
 but it is removed by the fact that his 
 ' vallum ' was on the south side. 
 When Caesar says ' ad montem 
 Juram. qui . . . dividit' he has not 
 made the matter clearer, because it 
 is only the raiige north of the river, 
 which divided the Helvetii from the 
 Sequaiii. But as the heiglits are 
 continued in the same direction on 
 the south of the river, he gives them 
 the name of Jura also, and his nar- 
 rative sliows that the Jura, of which 
 lie speaks here, is the mountains 
 south of tlie river; which mountains 
 are divided from those on the north 
 by the long narrow gorge throntih 
 which the Rhone runs. The dis- 
 tance from Geneva to Fort L' Eel use 
 is 18.730 passiis ; which agrees with 
 the 150 stadia of Ajipian ((iall. Exc. 
 xiii. De Leg. ), if we take the sta- 
 dium at 125 passus. The rampart 
 was j»robably extended a little tur- 
 thcr than Fort L' Eel use, so as to 
 
 make up Caesar's 19,000 passus 
 (Roesch, see Pieface). The earth 
 wall was made in a short time. 
 Caesar had his legion of between 
 4000 and 5000 to work at it, and 
 also the soldiers from tiie Province. 
 See ii. c. 30, note. 
 
 in ultitudinem] The height would 
 be measured from the bottom of the 
 ditch. 
 
 posset] ' Possit ' Schn. : ' Pos- 
 sit' agrees better with the present 
 'communit;' but Roman usage in 
 these matters was not fixed. ' Com- 
 munit' is, in efl"ect, a past tense. 
 
 alii vudis] The Helvetii at- 
 tempted to pass the Rhone by bridges 
 of boats ('navibus junctis') and by 
 rafts; but some ('alii') attempted 
 to ford it. Schneider remarks tliat 
 if the 'alii' had been repeated, the 
 passage would signify that about 
 equal numbers attempted to pass by 
 bridges of boats and by the fords ; 
 whereas Caesar means that those 
 who attempted the fords were fewer. 
 The ditch ("fossa') and rampart 
 (' murus ") seem to have been formed 
 near to the river. 
 
 The Rhone is very rapid, particu- 
 larly below the junction of tlie Arve ; 
 and Caesar snys it is fordable in 
 some parts; but this has been denied. 
 In the absence of exact information 
 oil this point. I would believe Caesai 
 more readily than those who deny 
 the fact. It was now the spring, 
 and the waters are often low at that 
 time. At Fort L" Eel use the river 
 is im|)assable, for the mountains rise 
 on both sides ; and Cae»ar, having 
 
18 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 fluminis erat, nonnunquam interdlu, saepiua noctu, si 
 perrunipere possent conati, operis munitioue et militum 
 concursu et telis repulsi hoc conatu destiterunt. 
 
 9. Eelinquebatur una per Sequauos via, qua Sequanis 
 iuvitis propter angustias ire uou poteraut. His quuui sua 
 sponte persuadere uon possent, legatos ad Dumnorigeni 
 Aeduum raittunt ut eo deprecatore a Sequanis impetra- 
 rent. Duninorix gratia et largitione apud Sequanoa 
 plurimum poterat, et Helvetiis erat amicus quod ex ea 
 civitate Orgetorigis filiam in matrimonium duxerat, et 
 cupiditate regni adductus novis rebus studebat et quam 
 plurinias civitates suo sibi beneficio habere obstrictaa 
 volebat. Itaque rem suscipit, et a Sequanis impetrat ut 
 per fines suos Helvetios ire patiantur, obsidesque uti inter 
 sese dent perficit : Sequani, ne itinere Helvetios prohi- 
 beant ; Helvetii, ut sine maleficio et injuria transeant. 
 
 10. Caesari renuntiatur Helvetiis esse hi animo per 
 agrum Sequanorura et xieduorum iter in Santonum fines 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 49 
 
 extended his linos to this place, had 
 cut off" the pussuL'e tlirougli the Pro- 
 vincia, unless the river were first 
 crossed and tlie rampart stormed. 
 
 9. una via\ ' The one way.' 
 There was only one way left, the 
 narrow road along tlie right bunk of 
 tne Khone, between the river and 
 the mountains which rise above it 
 (c. b). 
 
 stia yponte] By themselves or 
 their own means ; as in Cicero, Ad 
 Fam. vii. 2: "magnum quiddam 
 spcctavit, ncc sua sponte, scd corum 
 auxilio " Its common meaning is, 
 •of one's ovni proper motion or 
 choice:' "satius esse sua sponte recte 
 facere quam alieuo metu" (Ter. Ad 
 i. 1. 30). 
 
 deprecatore] One who uses an 
 earnest entreaty ; which, in this case, 
 was to allow them to pass, or not to 
 prevent tlum. We have no noun 
 which corresponds to ' deprecator.' 
 The context will always explain the 
 precise meaning of ' de'precari.' iSee 
 ii. '6). 
 
 nmns rehtis sttulehat] ' He was 
 setting his mind on change,' politi- 
 
 cal change, revolution and usurpa- 
 tion. 
 
 suo sibi] There is MSS. authority 
 for this. ' Suo sub,' which is in some 
 MSS., is merely a corruption of ' suo 
 sibi.' Schn. omits ' sibi,' and Elber- 
 borg places it thus ' [sibi].' 
 
 10. retiutUiatur\ Keported by men 
 whom he had sent to inquire, as ' re ' 
 implies. See c. 22, 'renuntia>se.' 
 
 ^anto7ium] The name is San- 
 tones or Santoni (i. 11 ; vii. 73). 
 Their chief town, Mediolanum San- 
 tonum, is Saintes on the Charente, 
 in the dcjiartmeut of Charente In- 
 ferieure. The former provincial de- 
 nomination of Saintonge is a cor- 
 ruption of the name Santones. The 
 Santones occupied the conntry on 
 the right bank of the lower Garonne. 
 The direct distance from Saintes to 
 Toulonse is 180 miles ; and the ter- 
 ritory of the Santones did not extend 
 in the direction of loulouse as far 
 as the river Dordogne. Caesar ia 
 accor.iingly supposed by the com- 
 mentators, who know better than 
 himself, to indicate a degree of 
 pio.iimity which did not exist be- 
 
 facere, qui non longe a Tolosatium finibus absunt, quae 
 civitas est in provincia. Id si fieret, intelligebat magno 
 cum periculo provinciae futurum ut homines bellicosos, 
 populi Romani inimicos, locis patentibus maximeque fru- 
 mentariis finitimos haberet. Ob eas causas ei munitioni 
 quam fecerat T. Labienum legatum praefecit ; ipse in 
 Italiam magnis itineribus contendit duasque ibi legiones 
 conscribit, et tres quae circum Aquileiam hiemabant ex 
 hibernia educit, et qua proximum iter in ulteriorem 
 Galliam per Alpes erat cum his quinque legionibus ire 
 contendit. Ibi Centrones et Graioceli et Caturiges locis 
 superioribus occupatis itinere exercitum prohibere conan- 
 tur. Compluribus his proeliis pulsis, ab Ocelo, quod est 
 citerioris provinciae extremum, in fines Vocontiorum 
 ulterioris provinciae die septimo pervenit, inde in Allobro- 
 gum fines, ab Allobrogibus in Segusianos exercitum ducit. 
 Hi sunt extra provinciam trans Khodanum primi. 
 
 twecn the Santoni and the Tolosates. 
 Hut there is no obstacle to an army 
 marching from Saintes to Toulouse ; 
 the road is open ; and the Helvetii 
 would have been dangerous neigh- 
 bours to the Provincia, if they had 
 planted themselves on the lower 
 Garonne. It has been suggested, by 
 way of explaining Caesar, that he 
 considered the Nitiobriges and Pe- 
 tiocorii, who lie between the San- 
 tones and the Tolosates. as helonging 
 to the Santones. As to Toulouse, 
 see In trod. p. 30. 
 
 Tolosatium — quae chitas\ ' And 
 this state is in the Provincia. * Quae ' 
 agi-ees with 'civitas,' but it contains 
 an indirect reference to * Tolosates.' 
 See ii. 1. 
 
 T. Lahienuni] T. Labienus, tri- 
 hunus plebis, B.C. 63, was one of 
 Caesar's ablest and most faithful 
 officers in the Gallic war. Labieniis 
 deserted Caesar when he invaded 
 Italy, B c. 49. 
 
 Italiam — Aquileidm] Introd. p. 
 23. Caesar found one legion in the 
 province, and he ordered a levy to 
 be made there (i. 7). In Italy (Gal- 
 lia Cisalpina) he raised (conscriusit) 
 two new legions, and took three 
 
 which were in quarters in Aquilela. 
 He would therefore have six legions 
 for his Helvetic war, besides the 
 forces raised in the Provincia. Caesar 
 never tells us what was the comple- 
 ment of a full legion. Polybius (iii. 
 1 07) fixes the regular force at 4000 
 men in B.C. 216, and 5000 on extra- 
 ordinary occasions; and Livy (21, 
 c. 17) states that the force of a legion 
 was 4000 in B.C. 218. Cicero (AJ 
 Att. vi. 1, 14) estimates Deiotarus' 
 legions at 4000 men. Caesar's legions 
 must often have been incomplete 
 during his Gallic campaigns. In 
 one passage (v. 48, 49) he makes two 
 legiojis to contain only 7000 men. 
 His legionary force at the com- 
 mencement of this Helvetic cam- 
 paign may have been 30,000 foot. 
 Each legion had its cavalry, but the 
 number of the cavalry attached to 
 Caesar's legions is uncertain. His 
 cavalry coiisis«ted of Galli, c. 15,42. 
 Ocelo] Introd. p. 10. These Cen- 
 trones and the rest were mountain 
 tribes, who, it appears, combined to 
 stop Caesar. See the Note at the 
 end of this Book on Caesar's passage 
 over the Alps, No. II. 
 
50 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 v* 
 
 A/ 
 
 11. Helvetii jam per angustias et fines Sequanorum 
 suas copiaa transduxerant, et in Aeduorum fines perve- 
 nerant eorumque agros populabantur. Aedui, quum se 
 siiaquo ab iis defendere non possent, legates ad Caeaarein 
 mittunt rogatum auxilium : Ita se omni tempore de co- 
 pula Eomano meritos esse ut paene in conspectu exerci- 
 tus nostri agri vastari, liberi eqrum in servitutem abduci, 
 oppida expugnari non debuerint. Eodem tempore Aedui 
 Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei Aeduorum, Caesarem 
 certiorem faciunt sese depopulatis agris non facile ab 
 oppidis vim hostium proliibere. Item Allobroges, qui 
 trans Ehodanura vicos possessionesque habebant, fuga 
 se ad Caesarem reeipiunt, et demonstrant sibi praeter agri 
 solum nihil esse reliqui. Quibus rebus adductus Caesar 
 non exspectandum sibi statuit dum omnibus fortunis so- 
 ciorum eonsumptis in Santonos Helvetii pervenirent. 
 
 12. riumen est Arar, quod per fines Aeduorum et 
 Sequanorum in Rhodanum influit incredibili lenitate, ita 
 lit oculis in utram partem fluat judicari non possit. Id 
 Helvetii ratibus ac liutribus junctis transibant. Ubi per 
 exploratores Caesar certior factus est tres jam partes 
 copiarum Helvetios id flumen transduxisse, quartam vero 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 51 
 
 11. travs(iucce.rant\ The Saone was 
 the boundary of the JScquani and 
 Aedui, at least in the lower part of 
 its course. The Helvetii were near 
 400,000, men, women, and children, 
 and they had wai-gons. 'i'iicy moved 
 8o slowlv throiigli the defile of the 
 Jura and the muddy roads of the de- 
 partment of Ain, that Caesar had 
 time enough to go to Italy, to re- 
 turn, and to overtake them. It is 
 difficult to say whether Caesar means 
 that some of the Aedui were on the 
 east side of the Saone. Perhaps he 
 does ; and if we take his words lite- 
 rally, they ought to mean that. 
 
 lU>eri eorum\ He might have writ- 
 ten ' sui.' See c. 6, note. 
 
 Aedui Ambarri] A better read- 
 ing than ' Aedui Ambarrique,' for 
 the Aedui have been already men- 
 tioned. Oudendorp compares ' Aedui 
 Ambarri' with ' Ligures Salyes,' 
 ' Dalmatae Scordisci/ and other like 
 
 expressions, where the first name it 
 generic. The Ambarri seem to have 
 been on the east side of the Saone. 
 
 \'2. Flumen est Arar'\ This is a 
 common expression both in Caesar 
 and Cicero, as Vcrr. ii. 1, c. 24, 
 ' Oppidum est in IIellesj)onto Lamp- 
 sat um.' See also B. G. ii. 9, ' palus 
 erat;' vii. 19, ' collis erat.' 
 
 As the rest of the rivers of Gallia 
 retain their names, it seems strange 
 tfiat the Arar should now be the 
 Saone. But the genuine name, Sau- 
 eonna, is preserved by Ammianus 
 Marrollinus (xv. 11) in his descrip- 
 tion of Gallia. In his supplement to 
 Livy (lib. ciii. c. 130) Freinshemiuii 
 says: "Ad Ararim sive Sagonam 
 (utioque enim nomine appellatur 
 flumen) prima commissa pugna est." 
 
 tres jam] * Full three parts.' 
 * Jam ' is f>ften so placed. 
 
 iratisdujisse] Caesar docs not say 
 where the Helvetii crossed the rivei 
 
 partem citra flumen Ararim reliquam esse, de tertia vigilia 
 cum legionibus tribus e castris profectus ad earn partem 
 pervenit quae nondum flumen transierat. Eos impeditos 
 et inopinantes adgressus magnam partem eorum concidit : 
 reljqui sese fugae mandarunt atque in proximas silvas 
 abdiderunt. Is pagus appellabatur Tigurinus; nam omnis 
 ci vitas Helvetia in quatuor pagos divisa est. Hie pagus 
 unus quum domo exisset patrum nostrorum me^^oria, 
 
 Saone. If they had crossed at Ca- 
 billonum or Mati^«co. he might have 
 said so, for he mentions both these 
 places afterwards (vii. 90). There 
 was no occasion for them to cross 
 the Saone further north than some 
 point which should be the nearest to 
 a wajgon-road through the hills 
 which sepaiate the basins of the 
 Saone and the Loire. Caesar was in 
 the country of the Segusiani (c. 10) 
 in that part of it which was in the 
 angle between the Saone and the 
 Rhone. He set out at night to sur- 
 
 tirize the enemy, and therefore he 
 lad not far to go. 
 
 de tertia viyilia'\ The Romans 
 had a civil d.ay, which began at mid 
 nif;ht. in which we have followed 
 them ; and a natural day, wliich was 
 divided into daylight and night. 
 The daylit'lit and night were respect- 
 ively divided into twelve hours, the 
 length of which would vary with the 
 Bcasoii. The night was divided into 
 ftiur ' vigiliae' of three hours each, a 
 division used for civil as well as for 
 military purposes. 
 
 The expression ' de tertia vigilia' 
 seems to mean immediately after the 
 beginning of the third watch (Bell. 
 Civ. i. 64) : it indicates that the 
 third watch had commenced, and 
 perhaps no more. At least ' de me- 
 dia iiocte ' (ii. 7; vii. 45. 88) must 
 be explained so. In ii. 33 Caesar 
 has ' tertia vigilia,' without ' de,' and 
 also in other places, where he simply 
 means in or during the division of 
 time which is indicated. 
 
 Eos^-eorum concidU\ ' Eorum' is 
 omitted in a few MSS. ; but Ouden- 
 dorp quotes six instances of a like 
 
 £2 
 
 usage in these Commentaries in. 10. 
 23. &c.). Plutarch (Caesar, 18) and 
 Appian say that Labienus defeated 
 the Tigurini. 
 
 pagus] Caesar uses this word to 
 express a territory or the people of a 
 territory, as in i. 13. 37 and iv. 1. 
 22, and elsewhere. Saumaise (Hist. 
 Aug. p. 45fi) derives from it the 
 French word ' pays,' which is often 
 used in the same sense, as ' Pays de 
 Vaud, de Beauce,' and so forth. 
 
 The Tiguririi were one of the fo\ir 
 Helvetic peoples mentioned by Cae- 
 sar. They joined the Cimbri ainl 
 Teutones in their movement towards 
 Italy (Introd. p. 29). It has generally 
 been .assumed that the town of Ziiricii 
 was in their territory ; but it appears 
 from an inscription that Ziirich was 
 called Turicen in the Roman period; 
 in the middle ages it was Turegum 
 or Turicum. It has been conjectured 
 that the Tigurini occupied the canton 
 of Uri and adjacent parts; but the 
 reasons for this supposition are not 
 sufficient (D'Anville, Notice 4). An 
 inscription found near Avenches, 
 south of the lake of Morat, in the 
 canton of Waadt or Pays de Vaud, 
 with the words ' Genio Pago Tigor,' 
 proves that the Tigurini were in the 
 neighbourhood of Lake Morat. This 
 'pagus,' therefore, may have com- 
 prised the south-west part of the 
 Helvetia of Caesar. Aventicum is 
 known to be Avenches by inscrip 
 tions found there, and by the mea- 
 sures of three Roman roads, which 
 intersect at this place. Tacitus (Hist, 
 i. 68) calls Aventicum the capital of 
 chief town of the Helvetii (Walcke- 
 naer, i. 314). 
 
52 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 L Cassium consulem interfecerat et ejus exercitum sub 
 jugum miserat. Ita sive casu^^sive consili odeorura immor- 
 talium, quae pars civitatis Helvetiae insignem calamitatera 
 populo Komano intulerat, ea princeps poenas persolvit. 
 Qua in re Caesar non solum publicas sed etiam privataa 
 iujurias ultus est, quod ejus soceri L. Pisouis avum, L. 
 Pisonem legatum, Tiguriui eodera proelio quo Cassium 
 interfecerant. 
 
 13. Hoc proelio facto, reliquas copias Helvetiorum ut 
 consequi posset pontem in Arare faciendum curat, atque 
 ita exercitum transducit. Helvetii repentino ejus ad- 
 Yeutu commoti, quum id quod ipsi diebus viginti aeger- 
 rime confecerant, ut flumen transirent, ilium uno die 
 fecisse intelligerent, legatos ad eum mittunt, cujus lega- 
 tionis Divico princeps fuit, qui bello Cassiano dux Helve- 
 tiorum fuerat. Is ita cum Caesare egit : Si pacem p'opulus 
 liomanus cum Helvetiis faceret, in earn partem ituros 
 atque ibi futuros Helvetios ubi eos Caesar constituisset 
 atque esse voluisset : sin bello persequi perseveraret, re- 
 minisceretur et veteris iucommodi populi Romani et 
 pristinae virtutis Helvetiorum. Quod improviso unum 
 pagum adortus esset, quum hi qui flumen transissent suis 
 auxilium ferre non possent, ne ob earn rem aut suae 
 magno opere virtuti tribueret aut ipsos despiceret : se ita 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 63 
 
 L. Cassium] See c. 7. — * L. Pi- 
 
 sonis :' see c. 6, and Introd. p. 
 30. 
 
 13. pnntem] If he means a bridge 
 such as he made over the Rhine, lie 
 could not make it and take his army 
 over in a day. He had vessels (c. 
 IG), and I 8up[)ose he made a bridge 
 of them. 
 
 ut — transirent] See c. 5, 'conan- 
 tur, ut . . . exeant.* 
 
 ita — tgit^ ' A^erc cum aliquo' is 
 to have any dealings or transactions 
 with a person. ' Agere cum populo ' 
 is to bring some matter before the 
 'populus' for their vote or opinion. 
 See i. 34. 47. 
 
 Divico must now have been an old 
 man (B.C. .5}}), for he roninian<ied the 
 Tigurini in the war against Cassius, 
 *.C. 107 (Introd. p. 2^). 
 
 reminisceretur'\ This form of the 
 suhjunctive is common in cases where 
 the words of a speaker are indirectly 
 used, as they are hero. It does not 
 depend on 'egit.' The same word 
 and the same form occur in Livy 
 (iv. 2) : " Rcminiscerentur quam 
 majestatcm senntus ipsi a pairibus 
 accepissent." Thus also (c. 42; : 
 " uterque cum exercitu veniret." 
 
 Quod — adortus esset, — posseyit,] 
 This refers to what follows ' ne ob 
 cam rem,' and it is placed first. We 
 may sav ' because ;' and there are 
 other ways of translating it. 
 
 virtuti tritjuerpt] The complete 
 expression is 'aliquid' or 'muitum 
 virtuti tribuere,' as Schneider ob- 
 serves. He quotes Cicero (Ad Fam. 
 xiii. 9) : " Quum univcrso ordini 
 publicanorum semper libentissime 
 
 a patribus majoribusque suis didicisse ut magis virtute 
 quam dolo contenderent aut insidiis niterentur. Quare 
 ne comniitteret ut is locus ubi constitissent ex calami- 
 tate populi Romani et internecione exercitus nomen 
 caperet aut memoriam proderet. 
 
 14. His Caesar ita respondit: Eo sibi minus dubitationis 
 dari quod eas res quas legati Helvelii commemorasseut 
 memoria teneret, atque eo gravius ferre quo minus merito 
 populi Romani accidissent : qui si alicujus injuriae sibi 
 conscius fuisset, non fuisse difficile cavere ; sed eo decep- 
 turn quod neque commissum a se intelligeret quare timeret, 
 neque sine causa timendum putaret. Quod si veteris 
 contumeliae oblivisci vellet, num etiam recentium injuria- 
 rum, quod eo invito iter per provinciam per vim ten- 
 tassent, quod Aeduos, quod Ambarros, quod Allobrogas 
 vexassent, memoriam deponere posse ? Quod sua victoria 
 tam insolenter gloriarentur quodque tarn diu se impune 
 injurias tulisse admirarentur, eodem pertinere. Consuesse 
 enim deos immortales, quo gravius homines ex commuta- 
 
 tribuerim.'* See vii. 37. 53, and 
 Cicero, De Prov. Cons. c. 20, 
 
 internecione] Schneider prefers 
 • intemicione,' because there is the 
 word 'pcmicies,' which contains the 
 same element ' ncc' There is a 
 reading ' interitione ;' and other va- 
 riations. 
 
 ' Memoriam proderet' means 'trans- 
 mit the remembrance,' as in Cicero, 
 Verr. ii, 5, c. 14, " ad memoriam 
 po.-teritatemque prodendam ;" and 
 Tacitus, Agric, 1, "ad prodendam 
 virtutis memoriam." 
 
 14. Eo — dufntationis] *Eo' is 
 the ablative to which ' quod ... te- 
 neret ' refers : ' He had the less 
 reason. for heslLiting (what to do), 
 because.' Again there is 'eo gravius' 
 to which *quo minus' corresponds. 
 ' Merito' is the ablative. The whole 
 means, ' That (he) was the more in- 
 dignant (at this), because (quo mi- 
 nus, the less), it had not happened 
 through any fault (desert, deserving) 
 of the Roman j)eople.' 
 
 eo invito'\ ("'aesar is represented 
 as the subject of the remark, not as 
 
 making it himself. See i. 5, 6, 
 and 11. 
 
 ««;//] * Num ' is one of the words 
 used in direct interrogation ; and 
 where the words of a 8[)eaker aie 
 introduced indirectly, as they are 
 here, it is used with the accusative 
 atid the infinitive. But if the second 
 person would be used with the direct 
 form, the subjunctive is used with 
 'num' in the indirect form; as in 
 c. 40, * quid tandem vererentur ' 
 (Kraner). 
 
 se — tulisse] These words refer to 
 the Helvetii. 'As to the Helvetii 
 boasting in such insolent terms of 
 their victory, and thinking it a great 
 thing that they had so long done 
 wrong without suffering for it, the 
 two things had both one meaning ;' 
 botli pointed the same way, as he 
 proceeds to explain, to their ap- 
 proaching punishment. 
 
 quo gravius] * In order that men 
 whom they intend to punish may be 
 more severely ]>ained by a change of 
 circumstances.' 
 
54 
 
 C. JULll CAESAEIS 
 
 tione rerum doleant, quos pro scelere eorum ulcisci velint, 
 Ilia secuudiores interdum res et diuturniorem impunitatem 
 concedere. Quum ea ita sint, tamen, si obsides ab iis 
 sibi dentur uti ea quae polliceantur facturos intelligat, et 
 si Aeduis de injuriis qiias ipsis sociisque eorum intulerint, 
 item si Allobrogibus satisfaciant, sese cum iis pacem esse 
 factumm. Divieo respondit : Ita Helvetios a majoribus 
 suis institutes esse uti obsides aceipere non dare con- 
 sueriut : ejus rei populum liomanum esse testem. Hoc 
 responso dato diseessit. 
 
 15. Postero die castra ex eo loco movent. Idem facit 
 Caesar equitatumque omnem ad numerum quatuor milium, 
 quern ex omni provincia et Aeduis atque eorum sociis 
 coactum habebat, praemittit qui videant quas in partes 
 hostes iter faciant. Qui cupidius novissimum agmen 
 nisecuti alieno loco cum equitatu Helvetiorum proelium 
 committunt; et pauci de nostris cadunt. Quo proelio 
 sublati llelvetii, quod quingentis equitibus tantam multi- 
 tudinem equitum propulerant, audacius subsistere non- 
 nu-uquam et novissimo agmiue proelio nostros lacessere 
 coeperunt. Caesar suos a proelio continebat, ac satis 
 habebat in praesentia hostem rapinis, pabulationibus po- 
 pulationibusque prohibere. Ita dies circiter quindecim 
 iter fecerunt uti inter novissimum hostium agmen et 
 nostrum primum non amplius quinis aut senis" milibus 
 passum interesset. 
 
 16. Interim quotidie Caesar Aeduos frumentum quod 
 essent publico polliciti flagitare. Nam propter frigora, 
 
 15. novissimtwi] Tliis word is 
 often used by Caesar as equivalent 
 to 'extienmn'r (iv. JC; v. 3()). Ci- 
 cero only uses it once in this sense 
 (Pro Rose. Com. 11). Varro (L. L. 
 vi. 59) says that he could remember 
 a time when this was considered a 
 novelty (Schn.). 
 
 i/i pmese?Uta] ' For the time,' ' at 
 the actual time;' the same as ""in 
 praesenti tempore.' The cxprts- 
 »'>n is used hy Terence and Cicero 
 (Tusc. i. 7; Verr. ii. 3, c. 1). 
 
 quints aut. sr7ns'\ ' Not more than 
 five or %ix miles' each of the fifteen 
 
 days, 
 
 16. puhlice] The com which the 
 state, the Acdui, acting by their 
 chiefs, had proffered ; for that is the 
 meaning of 'polliceri.' 'Publice' 
 or( urs in the same sense in vi. 12 • 
 vii. 5.5. ' 
 
 Schneider explains the subjunc- 
 tive 'quod essent' to indicate that 
 Caesar reminded the Acdui of their 
 undertaking; but this is mit a clear 
 explanation. The word 'flagitare' 
 expresses the demand, and Caesar 
 might have used ' erant . . . polliciti,' 
 but the sense would not be the same. 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 55 
 
 quod Gallia sub septemtrionibus, ut ante dictum est, 
 posita est, non modo frumenta in agris matura non erant, 
 sed ne pabuli quidem satis magna copia suppetebat : eo 
 autem frumento quod flumine A rare navibus subvexerat, 
 propterea uti minus poterat quod iter ab Arare Helvetii 
 averterant, a quibus discedere nolebat. Diem ex die 
 ducere Aedui ; conferri, comportari, adesse dicere. Ubi 
 se diutius duci intellexit et diem instare, quo die frumen- 
 tum militibus metiri oporteret, convocatis eorum prin- 
 cipibus, quorum magnam copiam in castris habebat, in his 
 Divitiaco et Lisco, qui sum mo magistratui praeerat, quera 
 
 With the indicative it would mean 
 that he demanded the corn which 
 tlie state had promised ; with the 
 subjunctive the expression is less de- 
 finite, and difTcrs little, if at all, 
 from 'quum essent . . . polliciti ' It 
 is not very easy, in English, to mark 
 this difference between the subjunc- 
 tive and the indicative. The mean- 
 ing is, that, ' as they had proffered a 
 supply of corn, Caps:ir now demanded 
 the fulfilment of their engagement.' 
 
 propter frujora, S^c] ' Tlie cold 
 climate.' Caesar uses the plural also 
 in vi. 22. It was still early in the 
 year when Caesar was pursuing the 
 Helvetii. 
 
 sulircjrerat'] ' Had carried up.' 
 Compare ' supportari,' iii. 3 ; and 
 Virg. Aen. viii. 58, " Adversum re- 
 mis superes subvectus ut amnem." 
 We should have heard nothing of 
 these ships, if the Aedui had done 
 what they promised. Caesar never 
 speaks of any thing, unless it is a 
 part of his military operations. Here 
 he tells us the reason why he could 
 not use the com that he had in the 
 ships; and this is all that he tells us 
 about them. We may conjecture 
 that the ships came from the Rhone 
 with sup|)lie3 from the Provincia, 
 and we now see why Caesar passed 
 into the country of the Vocontii (c. 
 10), and then into the territory of 
 the AUobroges. He went to meet 
 these ships. See Note H. at the end 
 of this book. 
 
 ah Arare Helvetii] They were 
 
 moving through the hilly country 
 west of the Saone. 
 
 Diem ex rf/c] The Aedui were 
 putting off Caesar, as we say, from 
 day to day : they had daily some 
 new lie for him. The meaning of 
 ' ducere ' is explained by ' se duci.' 
 ' Diem ex die' is used in the same 
 way by Cicero. Ad Att. vii. 26: 
 " diem ex die expcctabam ut statue- 
 rem quid esset faciendum." We 
 must supply 'Cacsarcm' after 'du- 
 cere.' Terence, Andr. ii. 1. 9, has: 
 " Id voluit, nos sic necopinantes 
 duci falso gaudio." Krancr also sug- 
 gests that 'ducere' may refer to the 
 delivery of the grain, as in vii. 11 : 
 '* longius earn rem ductum iri." 
 
 inetiri'\ As Caesar uses ' oportere 
 with an accusative of the subject, 
 when he eu)ploys an active verb, 
 Schneider concludes that ' metiri ' 
 has a passive sense here ; but it is 
 easier to supjmse that he omitted 
 ' eum ' here and in c. 2.3, because 
 'cum' would be almost superfluous. 
 Polybius, speaking of the Roman 
 soldiers in his time, says (vi. 3.9), 
 " the infantry have measured out to 
 them about two- thirds of an Attic 
 medimnus of wheat, and the cavalry 
 seven mcdimni of barley monthly, 
 and two medinmi of wheat." See 
 vi. 32. Livy (44, c. 2) names the 
 allowance ' menstruum.' ' Frumen- 
 tum ' comprehends wheat (' triii- 
 cum')and barley (' hordeum ') and 
 other cerealia (Dig. 50. lb'. 77). 
 praeerat] AH the MSS. are saiH 
 
56 
 
 C. JUIJI OAESAEIS 
 
 Vergobretum appellant Aedui, qui creatur annuus et vitae 
 necisque in suos habet potestatem, graviter eos accusat 
 quod, quum neque emi neque ex agris sumi posset, tam 
 necessario tempore, tam propinquis hostibus, ab iis non 
 sublevetur; praesertim quum magna ex parte eorum pre- 
 cibus adductus bellum susceperit, multo etiam gravius 
 quod sit destitutus queritur. 
 
 17. Turn demum Liscus oratione Caesaris adductus 
 quod antea tacuerat proponit : Esse nonnullos, quorum 
 auctoritas apud plebem plurimum valeat, qui privatini 
 plus possint quam ipsi magistratus. Hos seditiosa atque 
 improba oratione multitudinem deterrere ne frumentum 
 conferant quod praestare debeant ; si jam principatum 
 Galliae obtinere non possent, Gallorum quam Eomanorum 
 imperia perferre ; neque dubitare debeant quin, si Helve- 
 tios superaverint liomani, una cum relitjua Gallia Aeduis 
 libertatem sint erepturi. Ab eisdem nostra eonsilia quae- 
 que in castris gerantur hostibus enuntiari : hos a so 
 coerceri non posse. Quin etiam quod necessario rem 
 coactus Caesari enuntiarit, intelligere sese quanto id cum 
 
 to have ' praeerant ;' but as there ap- 
 pears to nave been only one Vergo- 
 itretus (vii. 32), the correction ' prae- 
 erat,' which is a very old one, has been 
 accepted by the editors. The word 
 ' quem ' must refer to the whole 
 phrase ' qui . . . praeerat:' they name 
 tiie supreme magistrate ' Vergobre- 
 tus.' ' Vergobrit' is doubtless a com- 
 pound Celtic word. It is said that 
 the chief magistrates of Autun were 
 •ailed ' Vierg,' even up to the latter 
 part of the eighteenth century. The 
 authorities for this fact are cited by 
 Schneider and Herzog. It is curious, 
 if true. 
 
 quum neqiw, emi — posset] If we 
 omit the words 'quotum . . . potes- 
 tatem,' we see that a nominative 
 'frumentum' to 'posset' is easily 
 «up|)lied from what precedes. 
 
 17. conferant — diibitare debeant^ 
 This passaL'e appears to be corrupt. 
 Schneider reads ' conferant : quod 
 prae«t)re debeat, si jam,' &c. ; and 
 he translates, ' that the subjection to 
 
 a Gallic people must be preferable 
 to subjection to the Romans.' But 
 most of the MSS. have ' debeant,' 
 and none have ' debeat.' Faernus 
 altered the first 'debeant' into ' di- 
 cant.' Kraner has ' possint, Gallo- 
 rum quam Ronianorum imperia prae- 
 ferre, neque dubitare [debeant].' 
 The meaning may be, tbat ' they de- 
 terred the people from supplying the 
 corn which they ought to supply; 
 that if they had lost all chance of 
 the suju-emacy of Gallia, they had 
 better endure the government of the 
 Galli than of the Romans; and they 
 should not hesitate to conclude, that 
 if the Romans defeated the Helvetii, 
 they would deprive the Aedui, as 
 well as the rest of Gallia, of their 
 liberty.' It is easy to make many 
 objections to the text as it stands, 
 and it seems to be past restoration. 
 
 necessario] ' Necessariam ' Kra- 
 ner, ' a matter of neceasity,' ' ao 
 urgent matter.' 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 67 
 
 periculo fecerit, et ob eam causam quam diu potuerit 
 tacuisse. 
 
 18. Caesar hac oratione Lisci Dumnorigem, Divitiaci 
 fratrem, designari sentiebat, sed quod pluribus praesentibus 
 eas res jactari nolebat, celeriter concilium dimttit, Liscum 
 retinet : quaerit ex solo ea quae in conventu dixerat. 
 Dicit liberius atque audacius. Eadem secreto ab aliis 
 quaerit; reperit esse vera: Ipsum esse Dumnoiigem, 
 summa audacia, magna apud plebem propter liberalitatem 
 gratia, cupidum rerum novarum : coraplures annos portoria 
 reliquaque omnia Aeduorum vectigalia parvo pretio re- 
 dempta habere, propterea quod illo Licente contra lit eri 
 audeat nemo. His rebus et suam rem familiarem auxisse 
 et facultates ad largiendum magnas comparasse ; magnum 
 numerura equitatus suo sumptu semper alere et circum 
 se habere, neque solum domi sed etiam apud fiuitimaa 
 civitates largiter posse, atque hujus potentiae causa matrem 
 in Biturigibus homini illic nobilissimo ac potentissimo 
 
 18. Tpsum] He ascertains that 
 Dumnoiix is the very person 'quem 
 de!?ignari sentiebat;' tnat he was a 
 man of the greatest audacity, &c. 
 
 cupidum rerum novarum] ' Eager 
 for cbanire,' revolution, usurpation. 
 He afterwards says, ' summam in 
 spera . . . regni obtinendi veniie.' 
 
 vectigalia — redempfa] That he 
 had farmed the revenues for many 
 years at a low rate. ' Vectigalia ' is 
 used here for taxes or contributions 
 generally. The Aedui had the Ro- 
 man fashion of letting or selling, as 
 the Romans often expressed it, the 
 taxes to contractors (' publicani *■). 
 The farmer was said ' conducere,' 
 ' redimere,' ' emere.' The state was 
 said ' locare,' ' vendere.' The taxes 
 were let publicly, as among the 
 Romans, and when Dumnorix bid 
 ('illo licente') no one dared to bid 
 against him. The Roman ' vecti- 
 galia' in the provinces were the 
 tenths (' decumae ') of grain, of oil, 
 and wine, and of ' fruges minutae,' or 
 'legumes' (Cic. Verr. ii. 3, c. 7); also 
 the 'scriptnra,' or tax paid for the 
 feeding of cattle on the public pas- 
 
 tures, and the ' portoria.' * Porto- 
 ria.' in the Roman system, are dues 
 paid on goods going in or coming out 
 of seaports: also tolls on rivers and 
 bridges, and payable at frontiers. 
 The Roman ' portoria ' at Syracuse, 
 as we learn from Cicero (Venrr. ii. 2, 
 c. 75), were a twentieth part of the 
 value of the goods. The English 
 word ' toir (' telonium') was origi- 
 nally applied to all kinds of pay- 
 ments made on the transit of goods, 
 persons, or beasts. The levying of 
 tolls on merchandise, as it passes 
 through certain places, has been the 
 simplest mode of raising money 
 among all barbaric people, and one 
 of the most injurious to commerce. 
 It seems that the Galli had devised 
 tliese taxes and systems of collection, 
 which remained in principle un- 
 altered to the revolution of 1789 
 (De Tocr^ueville, L'Ancien Regime, 
 p. 443 ; and Introd. p. 34). 
 
 larqiter p,)sse] 'Had much in- 
 fluence.' The Romans also said 
 ' multum posse' and the like (ii. 4). 
 
 Bittcriyibus] The Bit riges were 
 a Celtic people, separated from the 
 
58 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 collocasse, ipsum ex Helvetiis uxorem habere, sororem ex 
 matre et propinquas suas nuptum in alias civitates collo- 
 casse. Favere et cupere Helvetiis propter earn affijiitatem, 
 odisse etiam suo iioinine Caesarem et Eomanos quod 
 eorum adventu potentia ejus deminuta et Divitiacus 
 frater in anliqiiiim locum gratiae atque honoris sit resti- 
 tutus. Si quid accidat llomanis, summam in spem per 
 Helvetios regni obtinendi venire; iniperio populi Komani 
 non modo de regno sed etiam de ea quam habeat gratia 
 desperare. Eeperiebat etiam in quaerendo Caesar, quod 
 proelium equestre adversum paueis ante diebus esaet fac- 
 tum, iuitium ejus fugae factum a Dumnorige atque ejus 
 equitibus ; nam equitatui quem auxilio Caesari Aedui 
 miserant Dumnorix praeerat ; eorum fuga reliquum esse 
 equitatum perterritum. 
 
 19. Quibus rebus cognitis, qnum ad has suspiciones 
 certissimae res accederent, quod per fines Sequanorum 
 Helvetios trnnsduxisset, quod obsides inter eos dandos 
 curasset, quod ea omnia non modo injussu suo et civitatis 
 
 Aodiii by the Loire. Tluir chief 
 town was Avaricum (B()urf.'es, B. G. 
 vii. 13), on the Avara (Evre). 
 
 eor ffelreliis uxorem] Orgetorix'a 
 dau|.^hter. See c. 3, ' sororem ex 
 matre,' a half sister on his mother's 
 eide. 
 
 C'lllncasse] *Collorare in matri- 
 mnnium' is the complete expression 
 (Cic. De Divin. i. 46) ; to which 
 'nuptiun . . . collocasse' is equiva- 
 lent. The Romans also said 'collo- 
 care in matrimonio.' It seems tliat 
 we must understand ' nuptum in 
 alias civitates collocasse' as signify- 
 ing ' nuptum in alias civitates,' for 
 'nuhere is so used with 'in' and 
 an accusative. 
 
 aipcre] ' Was well disposed to 
 the Helvetii.' Cicero (Ad Q. Fr. 
 i. 2) has "Etro Fundanio non cupio;" 
 and (Ad Fam. xi. 4) " tibi cui 
 maxime cupio." — 'Suo nomine,' 
 'on his own account,' 'on personal 
 grounds.' as in vii. 7-5 ; and Cicero 
 (Ad Fam. xiii. 21), "et ipsum suo 
 nomine diligas," ' love him for his 
 own sake.' 
 
 Dlviliacus] Divitiacus was a 
 Druid, one of a class who had pre- 
 eminence (vi. 13). The Romans 
 had restored him to what he liad 
 lost. He had gone to Rome appa- 
 rently to sue for assistance. See 
 Introd. p. 34. 
 
 imperio populi Romani] ' Under 
 the dominion of the Roman people,' 
 'while the Roman people had the 
 supremacy.' It is a common use of 
 the Latin ahlative. See c. 30, ' llo- 
 rentissimis rebus;' and ii. 1; iii. 12. 
 
 ejus fiujae ) Schneider observes 
 that one would expect ' proelii ' in 
 place of ' fugae.' Every man best 
 knows what be expects himself, but 
 he can't answer for others. 'Ejus' 
 may refer to 'proelium;* and the 
 meaning may be ' the beginning of 
 flight in it,' tbat is, 'in that battle.* 
 If this interpretation is not a(loi)ted^ 
 'ejus' must be taken as a pronominal 
 adjective, and we mnv translate thus, 
 ' the beginning of tKat flight,' and 
 'ejus fugae' will refer to 'proelium 
 adversum.' 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 59 
 
 sed etiam inscientibus ipsis fecisset, quod a magistratu 
 Aeduorum accusaretur, satis esse causae arbitrabatur 
 quare in eum aut ipse animadverteret, aut civitaten 
 animadvertere juberet. His omnibus rebus unum re- 
 pugnabat quod Divitiaci fratris summum in populum 
 Romanum studium, summam in se voluntatem, egregiam 
 fidem, justitiam, temperantiam cognoverat; nam ne ejus 
 supplicio Divitiaci animum oftenderet verebatur. Itaque 
 prius quam quidquam conaretur, Hivitiacum ad se vocari 
 jubet et quotidianis interpretibus remotis per C. Yalerium 
 Procillum, principem Galliae provinciae, familiarem suum, 
 cui summam omnium rerum fidem habebat, cum eo collo- 
 quitur: simul commonefacit quae ipso praesente in con- 
 cilio Gallorum de Dumnorige sint dicta, et ostendit quae 
 separatim quisque de eo apud se dixerit. Petit atque 
 hortatur ut sine ejus ofiensione animi vel ipse de eo 
 causa cognita statuat vel civitatem statuere jubeat. 
 
 19. ipsis\ Caesar and the Aedui, 
 the notion of his fellow citizens the 
 Aedui being contained in 'civitatis.' 
 
 in eum — nniiimdverteret'] ' Punish 
 him.' It is a mild way of speaking. 
 With an accusative only, 'animad- 
 vertere ' means to see or observe, as 
 in c. 24, where it is ' animum adver- 
 tere ;' and in c. 32 ' animadvertit 
 Caesar.' 
 
 studium] ' Studium ' (Cic. De In- 
 vent, i. 25) is a constant and active 
 mental eflfort applied to a thing with 
 hearty good-will. 
 
 quntidiunis interpretibus] He sent 
 away the ordinary interpreters whom 
 he employed, and kept only C. Vale- 
 rius Procillus, a dictinguished per- 
 son Cprinceps,' the word means no- 
 tliing more nere) of the Gallia Pro- 
 vinria (i. 47). Divitiacus, it appears, 
 had not learned Latin; nor did 
 Caesar know the Gallic language. 
 Interpreters were employed by the 
 Romans in the provinces (v. 36), 
 even in the Greek provinces. Schnei- 
 der conjectures that this Valerius 
 was a brother of C. V^alerius Dono- 
 taurus (vii. Co), a citizen of the 
 Helvii, a people of the Piovincia. 
 But it was not usual for two brothers 
 
 to have the same praenomcn. The 
 gentile name Valerius might be com- 
 mon to liundreds of persons, for all 
 those Galli who took Roman names 
 would take the gentile name of their 
 patrons (Cic. Verr. ii. 4, c. 17). 
 C. Valerius however in vii. 65 is 
 called the son of Cuburus ; and so is 
 this Procillus (i. 47). • 
 
 cui summam] ' To whom he gave 
 the greatest confidence in all things.' 
 Cicero (Verr. ii. 2, c. 53) has, *' po- 
 pulus cui maximam fidem suarum 
 rerum habeat maxima cura deligit." 
 Schneider cites a similar instance 
 (vi. 23) ; and he correctly explains 
 ' fides rerum ' to signify the entrust- 
 ing a person with a tiling. 
 
 vel — vel] A little before, Caesar 
 has used ' aut . . . aut,' conformably 
 to the sense of the passage, for the 
 one thing in that passage excludes 
 the other. Caesar thought that there 
 was reason enougli either for himself 
 punishing Dumnorix, or ordeiing 
 the Aedui to do so. Here by ' vel 
 . . . vel ' he means that Divitiacus 
 had the choice of either of two things 
 (Schneider). 
 
 causa cognita] ' Causam cognos- 
 cere ' is ' to hear a cause.' ' Statuere * 
 
GO 
 
 C. JIJLII CAESAEIS 
 
 20. Divitlacus multis cum lacrimis Caesarem com- 
 plexus obsecrare coepit Ne quid gravius in I'ratrera sta- 
 tueret : scire se ilia esse vera, nee quemquam ex eo plus 
 quam se doloris capere, propterea quod, quum ipse gratia 
 plurimum domi atque in reliqua Gallia, ille minimum 
 propter adolescentiam posset, per se crevisset ; quibus 
 opibus ac nervis non solum ad minuendam gratiam sed 
 paeue ad perniciem suam uteretur. Sese tamen et amore 
 fraterno et existimatione vulgi commoveri. Quod si quid 
 ei a Caesare gravius accidisset, quum ipse eum locum 
 amicitiae apud eum teneret, neminem existimaturum non 
 sua voluntate factum ; qua ex re futurum uti totius Gal- 
 liae animi a se averterentur. Haec quum pluribus verbis 
 flens a Caesare peteret, Caesar ejus dextram prendit; 
 consolatus rogat tinem orandi faciat ; tanti ejus apud se 
 gratiam esse ostendit uti et rei publicae injuriam et suum 
 dolorem ejus voluntati ac precibus condonet. Dumno- 
 rigem ad se vocat, fratrem ad hi bet ; quae in eo repre- 
 hendat ostendit, quae ipse intelligat, quae civitas que- 
 ratur, proponit ; nionet ut in reliquum tempus omnea 
 suspiciones vitet ; praeterita se Divitiaco fratri condonare 
 dicit. Dumnorigi custodes ponit ut quae agat, quibus- 
 cum loquatur, scire possit. 
 
 21. Eodem die ab exploratoribus certior factus hostea 
 sub monte consedisse nnlia passuum ab ipsius castris octo, 
 
 is ' to determine.' Cic. (Divin. c. 
 17) : " Verres . . . rem cojnoscit: 
 factum improbat." 
 
 20. per se crevisset\ This is, 
 like Terence, Heaut. Prol. 28, ' date 
 crefvondi copiam.' Cicero (Verr. ii. 
 5, c. 67) has another use of 'crescere,' 
 with ' de ' in a different sense : " de 
 uno isto voluisse crescere." 
 
 condonet^ The simplest use of 
 this word is in Cicero (Olf. ii. 22) : 
 " qui pecuniaa creditas dcbitonbus 
 condonandas putant ;" which is a re- 
 mission of a debt to a debtor. Here 
 it expresses the remission of a me- 
 rited punishment, not to the guilty 
 person, but nominally to unothcr, for 
 the benefit of the guilty. — ' Fratrem 
 adhibet,' ' he has his brother pieseut 
 as a witness.' 
 
 Dumnorigi] Caesar let Dumnorix 
 go, because it was not safe to punish 
 him now, but Caesar put him to 
 death afterwards (v. 7). 
 
 21. milia pasauum — octo] The 
 text of Caesar is not consistent in 
 this usage. He might have used the 
 ablative, 'mililms passuum' here, 
 by which case the Komans usually 
 express an interval of any kind (i, 
 31, 'paucis mensibus ante'). la 
 V. 47 he has the accusative with 
 'consedisse.' In iii. 17, 'decern 
 milium spatio consedisset.' In i. 41. 
 43. 48, the ablative is used. The 
 last passage is exactly like this, 
 except that it has the ablative. Even 
 with ' abesse ' Caesar's usage is not 
 consistent. See ii. 6, 7 ; iv. 7. 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 61 
 
 qualis esset natara mentis et qualis in circuitu ascensua 
 qui cognoscerent misit. Kenuntiatum est facilem esse. 
 De tertia vigilia T. Labienum legatum pro praetore cum 
 duabus legionibus et his ducibus qui iter cognoverant 
 summum jugum montis ascendere jubet; quid sui consilii 
 sit ostendit. Ipse de quarta vigilia eodem itinere quo 
 hostes ierant ad eos contendit equitatumque omuem ante 
 se mittit. P. Considius, qui rei militaris peritissimus 
 habebatur, et in exercitu L. Sullae et postea in M. Crassi 
 fuerat, cum exploratoribus praemittitur. 
 
 22. Prima luce, quum summus mons a T. Labieno tene- 
 retur, ipse ab hostium castris non longius mille et quin- 
 gentis passibus abesset, neque, ut postea ex captivis com- 
 perit, aut ipsius adventus aut Labieni cognitus esset, 
 
 qualis in circidtu ascensus] ' What 
 kind of an ascent there was, if a man 
 went round,' that is, to the back. 
 As to the order of the words com|)are 
 * ex omnibus in circuitu partibus,' 
 ii. 29. Caesar intended to attack 
 the Helvetii at once in front and in 
 the rear. Considius' blunder spoiled 
 his plan. 
 
 pro praetore] Caesar was praetor, 
 for the names 'piaetor' and 'pro- 
 consul ' were often used indifferently 
 in the provinces. Labienus is the 
 next to Caesar, and his immediate 
 rej)resentative. ' Legatus pro prae- 
 tore ' was an honorary title, which 
 was in use under Augustus, to de- 
 note those who were his legati in the 
 provinces ; and it appears from this 
 passage to have been a term also 
 used in the republican period. 
 
 quid sui consi/ii] Schneider com- 
 pares vi. 7 ; vii. 77. He also cites 
 "quid esset suae voluntatis osten- 
 deret" (Bell. Civ. iii. 109). He 
 considers this genitive to signify the 
 origin or that from which a thing 
 proceeds, and he compares it with a 
 similar German usage of the geni- 
 tive : ' thu was deines Amtes ist,' 
 ' do what beloniis to thy office ' 
 He considers (vii. 5) *■ quibus id con- 
 silii,' and the like, as different from 
 this, and as depending on the pro- 
 
 noun, which can be omitted in the 
 example ' quid sui consilii.' Cicero 
 (Verr. ii. 5, c. 25) has the expression, 
 "quid ejus sit vos conjectura assequi 
 debetis," which means, ' how much 
 truth there is in it.' In this pas- 
 sage, then, ' quid consilii sui ' is not 
 like 'certi quid' (vii. 4.5), or 'mul- 
 tum,' 'paulum,' and ' nihil,' with a 
 genitive ; but ' quid ' is the subject, 
 and ' consilii sui ' is in the place of a 
 predicate. 
 
 P. Considius] Sulla is the dic- 
 tator L. Cornelius Sulla, and M. 
 Crassus is M. Licinius Crassus who 
 defeated Spartacus and his rebel 
 slaves in Lucania, B.C. 71. Consi- 
 dius may have served under Crassus 
 on this occasion. We hear no more 
 of Considius. In the next chapter 
 he is charged with covvariiice. 
 
 22. Prima bwe] ' At daybreak,' 
 * when the light was beginning.* 
 When 'primus,' 'summus,' stand 
 absolutely, that is, when tlure is no 
 comparison with another thing of the 
 kind, the adjective can have no other 
 meaning than to express a part of 
 the thing which it qualifies; as 'a 
 prima obsidione' (v. 45), 'upon 
 the commencement of the siege ;' 
 ' primo vere' (vi. 3) ; ' prima nocte ' 
 (Horace) ; "nrimos Eburonum fines 
 adeunt" (vi. 35). 'Summus moni, 
 
G2 
 
 C. JULII OiliESAEIS 
 
 I 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 63 
 
 Considius cqiio admisso ad eum accurrit, dicit moniem 
 quern a Labieno occupari voluerit ab hostibus teueri; id 
 se a Gallicis armis atque insiguibus cogiiovisse. Caesar 
 suas copias in proxinium coUem subducit, acieni instruit. 
 ^^abienus, ut erat ei praeceptuui a Caesare ne proelium 
 committeret, nisi ipsius copiae prope hostium eastra visae 
 essent, ut undique uno tempore in hostes impetus fieret, 
 monte oecupato nostros exspectabat proelioque abstine- 
 bat. Multo denique die per exploratores Caesar cognovit 
 et montem a suis teueri et lleivetios eastra movisse et 
 Cousidium timore perterritum quod non vidisset pro viso 
 sibi renuntiasse. Eo die quo consuerat iutervallo hostes 
 sequitur, et niilia passuum tria ab eorum castris eastra 
 pouit. 
 
 23. Postridie ejus diei, quod omnino biduum supererat 
 quum exeroitui frumenluni metiri oporteret, et quod a 
 
 'the summit of the mountain,' and 
 like expressions, often oeiur. 
 
 equo admissu] With his liorse <at 
 full speed, the reins slackened to let 
 him go. See iJtli. Civ. ii. 34; and 
 Ovid, Amor. i. 8, " Et celer admisois 
 labitur annus equis." 
 
 insiijiiihus] " Insignc ' is a sign or 
 BomethiuL' to mark, distinguish, or 
 to give a signal, as ii. 20. As ' armis' 
 are mentioned here, ' insignia' may 
 mean ' standards ' or ' col ours.' But 
 in vii. 45 it carmot mean this, for 
 the ' signa militaria' are also men- 
 tioned. There is nothing inronsisti-nt 
 in this word meaning differt-nt things 
 in different places. Schneider thinks 
 that it means tlje '■galearum orna- 
 mcnta' here. 
 
 MuUo — die] The expression ' pri- 
 ma luce' might perh;ips justify tlie 
 interpretation that ' multo denique 
 die' does not here mean moie than 
 full, complete day. It ought, how- 
 ever, conformably to usa^e, to mean 
 when a good part of the day w;i8 
 spent. 'Multa nocte' occurs in vii. 
 28, and iii, 2b\ Livy (iii. 45; and 
 xxiii. 27. -See also B. G. i. 26) 
 has 'ad multum diei.' The latest 
 French translation of this passage is : 
 * 11 etait enfin tout-a-fait jour,' For- 
 
 cellini has tlie other meaning : ' Es- 
 sendo il di avanzato di molto.' 
 
 f/wo consuerat i>dcrvallu\ This posi- 
 tion of the relative and its noun is 
 common in Caesar. 
 
 2.i. (juiun eaercitui^ The ' quum ' 
 marks a time at the end of which 
 the corn was to be given out ; 
 and the time is determined by the 
 ' biduum.' The expression of Cicero 
 (Ad lam. XV. 14), " Multi cnim 
 anni sunt quum illc in meo aci-e 
 est ;" and (Ad Att. ix. 11) " Aliquot 
 enim anni sunt quum vos delegi 
 quos praecipue colerem," are of tlie 
 like kind. Schneider says, that in 
 tlie fii-st of these two examples from 
 Cicero 'quum' m.irks the first pait 
 of the time, 'nmlti anni.' But tlie 
 time is not defined unless both the 
 beginning and the en<l are taken into 
 the account. Virgil lias the same, 
 Aqt[\. ii. 3a : 
 
 " Tertia jam lunue se comua lumine 
 complent 
 Quum vitam in silvis inter deserta 
 
 ferarum 
 Lustra traho." 
 
 The French language has a like forra 
 of expression by means of " que.' 
 
 Bibracte, oppido Aeduorum longe maximo et copiosissimo, 
 non amplius milibus passuum xviii aberat, rei frumen- 
 tariae prospicieudum existimavit, iter ab Helvetiis avertit 
 ac Bibracte ire contendit. Ea res per fugitives L. Aemilii, 
 decurionis cquitum Gallorum, hostibus nuntiatur. Hel- 
 vetii, sen quod timore perterritos liomanos discedere a se 
 existimarent, eo magis quod pridie superioribus locis oc- 
 cupatis proelium non commisissent, sive eo quod re fru- 
 mentaria intercludi posse confiderent, commutato consilio 
 atque itinere converso nostros a novissimo agmine insequi 
 ac lacessere coeperunt. 
 
 2-1. Postquam id animum advertit, copias suas Caesar 
 in proximum collem subducit, equitatumque qui susti- 
 neret hostium impetum misit. Ipse interim in coUe 
 medio triplicem aciem instruxit legionum quatuor vete- 
 ranorum, ita uti supra se in summo jugo duas legiones 
 quas in Gallia citeriore proxime conscripserat et omnia 
 
 Bihractel Caesar at first followed 
 the Hclvetii up the right bank of 
 the Saoue. Then the Hclvetii 
 turned away from the river (c. 10). 
 Whether their course was due west, 
 or north or south of west, we do not 
 know. Caesar, who still followed 
 them, was now within eighteen miles 
 of Bibracte, afterwards Augustodu- 
 num (Autun), which is in the basin 
 of the Loire, on tlic Arroux, a branch 
 of the Loire, and in the department 
 of Saone et Loire. Autim after- 
 waids became a Roman colony. It 
 contains numerous Roman remains. 
 
 fiiydivDs] The context implies 
 that they were Gallic horsemen, 
 who deserted from their comnumder. 
 The Galli were good horsemen, and 
 they were employed by Caesar (vi. 
 6). Herzog and Kraner take ' fugi- 
 tivi ' in its ordinary sense of runaway 
 slaves. 'Dccurio'is a commander 
 of a body of cavalry. The cavalry 
 was divided into ' alae,' the 'alae' 
 into ' turmae,' and the ' turmae ' into 
 ' decuriae.' It does not appear what 
 was the number of one of Caesar's 
 ' decuriae.' 
 
 24. triplicem acieni] A legion con- 
 
 tained ten cohorts. In Caesar's 
 order of battle each legion had four 
 cohorts in front, three at an interval 
 behind the four, and then three more 
 cohorts behind the first three. The 
 intervals hetvveen the cohorts in each 
 line are supposed to have been equal 
 to the length of the front of a cohort. 
 This is Caesar's 'triidex acies.' 
 The depth of the cohorts was ten 
 men in the army of C. Marius, who 
 raised the legion to GOOO men. We 
 do not know what the depth was in 
 Caesar's cohorts. 
 
 vetcranorinii] There is some autho- 
 rity for the reading ' vet^'ranarum ;' 
 but Caesar could say ' legiones vete- 
 ranorum,' as he says ' legiones tiro- 
 num ' in B. C. iii. 28, 29 (Schnei- 
 der). 
 
 ita uti supra se] Schneider has 
 ' ita uti sujjra : sed in . . . collo- 
 cari . . . compleri.' He supposes 
 ' ita uti supra ' to refer to c. 22, and 
 «uch a word as ' demonstravimus ' is 
 to be supplied. I have followed Elber- 
 ling. ' Sarcinas ' is different from 
 'impedimenta.' the heavy munitions 
 of the army. The ' sarcina ' is whal 
 each soldier carried. 
 
6i 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 auxilia collocaret, ac totum montem hominibus coniple- 
 ret ; interea sarcinas in unum locum conferri et eum ab 
 his qui in superiore acie constiterant muniri jussit. Hel- 
 vetii cum omnibus suis carris secuti impedimenta in 
 unum locum contulerunt ; ipsi confertissima acie rejecto 
 no^tro equitatu phalange facta sub primam nostram aciem 
 Buccesserunt. 
 
 25. Caesar primum sue, deinde omnium ex conspectu 
 remotis equis, ut aequato omnium periculo spem fugae 
 toUeret, cohortatus suos proelium commisit. Milites e 
 loco superiore pilis missis facile hostium phalangem 
 perfregerunt. Ea disjecta gladiis destrictis in eos im- 
 
 auxilia] The soldiers which were 
 not Italian. 
 
 phalanae facta] This means a 
 compact mass, which Schneider sup- 
 poses that the Helvetii learned from 
 the Germans, as the Galli were not 
 accustomed to form such columns 
 (c. 52). This was strong enouph to 
 drive back the cavalry, and the Hel- 
 vetii heiran to force their way up to 
 the first line of the Romans (' sub 
 primam ariem successerunt '). Their 
 shields were close locked, for the 
 Roman 'pila' sometimes nailed se- 
 veral of them together. 
 
 Plutarch (Marius, c. 27) describes 
 the desperate fight between the Ro- 
 mans and theCimbri near Vercellae, 
 in North Italy. He says: " Now the 
 greater part of the enemy, and their 
 best soldiers, were cut to pieces in 
 their ranks ; for. in order to prevent 
 the line being broken, the soldiers 
 of the first rank were fastened toge- 
 ther by long chains which passed 
 through their bells." Those who 
 suppose that this Helvetic phalanx 
 was a Macedonian phalanx are mis- 
 le'l by a name. The Galli could only 
 resist by keeping close together. If 
 they were broken, they were beaten. 
 
 25. sua — omnium] The cavalry 
 was not dismounted. Caesar had a 
 horse, and others of his staff; and 
 they dismounted to encourage the 
 soldiers of the letrions. 
 
 />«7iV] The soldiers, says Po.ybius, 
 
 had two ' pila.' Some of the ' pila' 
 were thick, others tlun. The 
 ' pilum ' consisted of a wooden 
 shaft with a recurved iron head 
 i^ayKioTpuiTov). The sh.oft was 
 about three cubits long. The iron 
 part was of the same length as the 
 wood, and it was fitted to it in such 
 a way that the iron extended to the 
 middle of the piece of wood, where 
 it was fastened with strong clasps. 
 Thus the whole length was four 
 cubits ;md a half, or above six feet 
 (Polybius, vi. 23; Lipsius, De 
 Militia Romana, iii. Dial. 4). The 
 ' pilum' was thrown (B. G. i. 52). 
 
 The sword, which was called 
 Spanish (Iberian), was worn on the 
 right side. It was made both for 
 thrusting and cutting with either 
 edge, the blade being very strong 
 (Polyb. ; Dion, 38, c. 49). The 
 Romans killed their enemies chiefly 
 by the straight thrust. The Gallic 
 swords were lonp and not pointed. 
 Machiavelli (DelT arte dellaGuerra, 
 lib. ii.) observes that the Roman 
 soldiers were taught to thrust with 
 the sword, because a thrust was 
 better both for offence anci defence. 
 
 destnctis] Many good MSS. have 
 ' districtis.' In the passage of Horace 
 (Sat. ii. 1, V. 41) Heiudorf has 
 
 " me veluti custodiet ensia 
 
 Vagina tectus. ouem cur distringcre 
 
 toiler 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 G5 
 
 I 
 
 petum fecerunt. Gallis magno ad pugnam erat impedi- 
 raento quod pluribus eorum scutis uno ictu pilorum 
 transfixis et colligatis, quum ferrum se inflexisset, neque 
 evellere neque sinistra impedita satis commode pugnare 
 poterant, multi ut diu jactato brachio praeoptarent 
 scutum manu emittere et nudo corpore pugnare. Tan- 
 dem vulneribus defessi et pedem referre, et quod mons 
 suberat circiter mille passuum eo se recipere coeperunt. 
 Capto monte et succedentibus nostris, Boii et Tulingi, 
 qui hominum millibus circiter xv agmen hostium claude- 
 bant et novissimis praesidio erant, ex itinere nostros 
 latere aperto adgressi circumvenere, et id conspicati 
 Helvetii, qui in montem sese receperant, rursus instare 
 et proelium redintegrare coeperunt. Romani conversa 
 signa bipartito intulerunt : prima ac secunda acies ut 
 
 And he takes ' distringere' to mean 
 ' to draw apart stringendo,' so that 
 it means to draw the sword from the 
 scabbard. Both ' destringere ' and 
 ' distringere ' appear to be genuine 
 forms, and it is sometimes indif- 
 ferent which is used, as in this case. 
 Polvbius says of the ' hasta ' of the 
 ' velites :' " The head of the spear 
 was hammered out, and it was very 
 sharp; when bent in a shield, it could 
 not be pulled out and thrown back 
 again." Caesar's 'pila' acted in a 
 similar way. See Plut. Mar. c. 25. 
 
 multi uf] As we say 'so that 
 many preferred.' See c. 6, ' vix 
 qua.' ' Nudo corpore ' means ' with 
 their bodies exposed,' when the 
 shield was thrown away. 
 
 siil>erat'\ Compare iii. 27, ' sub- 
 esse Rhenum :' v. 23, 'quod aequi- 
 noctium sunerat.' If 'mille' is an 
 aojective, the expression ' mille 
 passuum ' seems strange. ' Subemt ' 
 expresses proximity, and the genitive 
 seems to mean a proximity of about 
 one thousand pares. Schneider com- 
 
 fiares ' tridui viam,' c. 38, and other 
 ike expressions (see ii. 8, 'fossam 
 obduxit,' &c.). If this explanation 
 is not accepted, * mille ' must be 
 taken as a noun depending on 'cir- 
 citer.' Gronovius (Forcellini, Mille) 
 
 denies that 'mille' is ever a noun, 
 but there are many passages (as Liv. 
 23, c. 4t) which are very difficult to 
 explain if ' mille ' is not a noun 
 Gellius (i. 16) proves by many ex- 
 amples that 'mille 'was used as a 
 noun : it reuresents xt^tas, he says, 
 and not x^^'"*- H® quotes from 
 Cato (Origines, i.), " Inde est ferme 
 mille passuum :" where he takes 
 'mille passuum' to mean a thousand 
 of i)aces. He also quotes from Cicero 
 (Pro Milone, c. 20), " mille homi- 
 num versabatur :" and observes that 
 the true reading is 'versabatur,' not 
 ' versabantur.' His explanation seems 
 to be indisputable The Romans 
 said both ' mille hominum ' and 
 'mille homines.' 
 
 Capto motite'\ ' The mountain 
 being reached by the enemy.' Comp. 
 iv. 26 and 36, ' portus capere.' 
 
 ex itinere] ' On their march :' as 
 they were marching they fell on the 
 Roman flank. See ii. 12. 
 
 latere aperto'\ ' On the exposed 
 flank.' He does not say which flank. 
 We must not suppose that he means 
 the right side, as some assume, be- 
 cause the soldiers carried their shields 
 on the left side. See ii. 23. 
 
 conversa — bipartito'\ Thefii"?tand 
 second line of cohorts kept their 
 
66 
 
 C. JULIl CAESAEIS 
 
 victis ac summotis resisteret, tertia ut venientes susti- 
 neret. 
 
 26. Ita ancipiti proelio diu atque acriter pugnatum 
 est. Diutius quum sustinere nostrorum impetus non 
 possent, alteri se ut coeperant in moutem receperunt, 
 alteri ad impedimenta et carros suos se contulerunt: 
 nam hoc toto proelio, quum ab hora septima ad vesperum 
 pugnatum sit, aversum hostem videre nemo potuit. Ad 
 multam noctem etiam ad impedimenta pugnatum est, 
 propterea quod pro vallo carros objeceraut et e loco 
 superiore in nostros venientes tela conjieiebant, et non- 
 nuUi inter carros rotasque mataras ac tragulas subjicie- 
 bant nostrosque vulnerabant. Diu quum esset pugna- 
 tum, impedimentis castrisque nostri potiti sunt. Ibi 
 Orgetorigis filia atque unus e filiis captus est. Ex eo 
 proelio circiter hominum milia cxxx superfuerunt eaque 
 tota nocte continenter ierunt : nullam partem noctis 
 itinere intermisso in fines Lingonum die quarto pervene- 
 runt, quum et propter vulnera militum et propter sepul- 
 turam occisorum nostri triduum morati eos sequi non 
 potuissent. Caesar ad Lingonas literas nuntiosque misit 
 ne eos i'rumento neve alia re juvarent ; qui si juvissent, 
 
 place to oppose the men who had 
 been driven back (summotis) ; the 
 tliird changed their position so as to 
 fa'-e the enemy who had fallen on 
 their flank. Accordingly the cohorts 
 now presented two fronts to the enemy 
 (signa bipartite intulemnt), and this 
 was a consequence of the 'signa' 
 being 'conversa.' It is true that 
 only the 'signa' of the cohorts in 
 the third line were 'conversa.' The 
 battle now was fought on two dif- 
 ferent fronts, and so he calls it 
 ' anceps' (c. 26). See Note III. at 
 the end of the 13ook. 
 
 26. e loco superiore] ' From higher 
 ground,' where they had plat ed their 
 ■waggons. ' Matara,' which signifies 
 a pike or something of th^kind, is 
 probably a Celtic word. * Tragula,' 
 which is perhaps a Latin word, was 
 B pointed missile (v. 3o. 48). 
 
 Oryetorigis Jiliu] The waggons 
 
 contained the women and children, 
 most of whom were probably slaugh- 
 tered (Plut. Caesar, 18). As to the 
 Lingones (Langres), see Introd, p. 6. 
 It appears from c. 23 .nnd the subse- 
 quent narrative that the battle was 
 fought about 18 miles from Bibracte, 
 and probably south of Bibracte or 
 nearly so. 
 
 nul/<(7n partem noctis] The night 
 after the battle, as Kraner explains 
 it ; not all the nights of the time 
 during which they were flying. 
 
 7Mi si jinu'sscut] 'And if they 
 should aid them.' The relative whicn 
 refers to 'Lingonas' is made the 
 nominative to 'juvissent,' and the 
 objective rase (eos) to which ' habi- 
 turum ' refers is omftted. See c. 44, 
 'qui nisi ... sese ilium ... pro 
 hos^e linbiturum.' ' Eodem loco,' 
 'just like.' See c. 42, "in cobortii 
 praetoriae loco." 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 67 
 
 se eodem loco quo Helvetios liabiturum. Ipse triduo in- 
 termisso cum omnibus copiis eos sequi coepit. 
 
 27. Helvetii omnium rerum inopia adducti legates de 
 deditione ad eum miserunt. Qui quum eum in itinere 
 convenissent seque ad pedes projecissent suppliciterque 
 locuti flentes pacem petissent, atque eos in eo loco quo 
 tum essent suum adventum exspectare jussisset, paru- 
 erunt. Eo postquam Caesar pervenit, obsides, arma, 
 servos qui ad eos perfugissent poposcit. ^^^ ^^ con- 
 quiruntur et conferuntur, nocte intermissa circiter homi- 
 num milia Ti ejus pagi, qui Verbigenus appellatur, sive 
 timore perterriti ne armis traditis supplicio afficereutur, 
 sive spe salutis inducti quod in tanta multitudine dediti- 
 ciorum suam fugam aut occultari aut omnino ignorari 
 posse existimarent, prima nocte e castris Helvetiorum 
 egressi ad Rhenum finesque Germanorum contenderunt. 
 
 28. Quod ubi Caesar resciit, quorum per fines ierant, 
 his uti conquirerent et reducerent, si sibi purgati esse 
 vellent, imperavit : reductos in hostium numero habuit : 
 
 27. ifitermissa] The hostages, 
 arms, and slaves were not all pro- 
 duced in one day, a night intervened, 
 and at the commencement of this 
 night these six thousand made their 
 es(ai)e to avoid the surrender. 
 
 There is a reading ' Urbigenus.' 
 A city ' Urba' is placed in the An- 
 tonine Itin. between Aventicum 
 (Avenches) and Ariolica (Pontar- 
 liei). Urba or Orbe is in the canton 
 Waadt, or Pays de Vaud. But this 
 place, it has been shown, belonjrs to 
 the ' pagus ' of the Tignrini. There 
 is an inscription at Solothurn, on 
 the Aar, of the year a.d. '219, in 
 which GENIO VERBIG. occurs. 
 It seems, then, that we thus obtain a 
 fixed point in the territory of tiie 
 Pagus Verbigenus, which bordered 
 on the Tigurinus, and was north of 
 
 it. 
 
 circiter] This word is here used 
 as an adverb and 'hominum milia' 
 is the nominative, with which the 
 nominative ' perterriti ' must be con- 
 uecied. The Romans used to write 
 
 thus: *'Sex millia . . . ignari om- 
 niutn," Livy, 22, c. 6. 
 
 deJiticii] ' Deditio ' is the abso- 
 lute surrender of a people and all 
 that they have to tlie Romans (Li v. 
 vii. 31). ' Dediticii,' according to 
 Gaius (i. 14), are those who have 
 taken up arms against the Roman 
 people, and, being vanquished, have 
 surrendered (se dediderunt). See i. 
 44. ' In Umta multitudine ' is a 
 Roman way of saying, ' when there 
 was so larire a number.' 
 
 '28. ret'Ciit] ' When Caesar found 
 this out.' The word is used, according 
 to Gellius (ii. IP), only in cases 
 where a man comes to the knowledge 
 of a thing that has been concealed 
 from him, or a thing that is contrary 
 to expectation. See Terence, Andr. 
 i. 5, 23; ii. 2, 3; ii. 3,26. 
 
 sibi purgati\ ' Cleared, excused 
 in his opinion.' See iv. 13. Kranei 
 quotes Cicero (Ad Tarn. xii. 15), 
 " quod te mihi purgas." 
 
 reduclos in — ymmcro] ' In numero 
 hostium' means * as eneniies' (vi. 
 
 r2 
 
G8 
 
 C. JULII CAESAElS 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 69 
 
 rellquos omnes ob^idibus, armis, perfugis traditis in dedi- 
 tionem accepit. Helvetios, Tulingos, Latobrigoa in fines 
 8U08 unde eraiit prot'ecti reverti jussit, et quod omnibus 
 frugibus amissis domi nihil erat quo famera tolerarent, 
 Allobrogibus imperavit ut iis frumenti copiam facerent : 
 ipsos oppida vicosque quos incenderant restituere jussit. 
 Id ea maiime ratione fecit quod noluit eum locum unde 
 Helvetii discesserant vacare, ne propter bonitatem agro- 
 rum Germani, qui trans Ehenum incolunt, e suis finibus 
 
 32). * In hostium nunicro duci, 
 haberi ' is a common Latin formula 
 (Livy2.5, c. 10; Suetonius, Nero, c. 2; 
 Cicero, in Cat. iii. 10). All tlie six 
 thousand were massacred. This is 
 the meaning of ihe expression of 
 Caesar ; and it follows from the 
 context. These men were not sent 
 back to their homes, tliey were not 
 sold as slaves, and they were not kej)t 
 as prisoners by the Komans. The 
 passages of Livy (xxx. 7 ; xxxvii. 32) 
 show the different treatment of 'de- 
 ditr and'hostes.' Xenojihon (Cyrop. 
 vii. 5, 27) has ws troXi/mioiK iypuwro 
 in the same sense. Dion Cassius 
 (xxxviii. 33) speaks of this body of 
 men being destroyed, but the story, :is 
 he tells it, is different from Caesar's , 
 and it is either founded on a different 
 authority, or is a careless version of 
 Caesar's text. 
 
 Helvetios] The Rauraci (c. 5. 
 29) are not mentioned here. The 
 name is said to orcnr in one MS. 
 All were not killed, for the Rauraci 
 are mentioned on nnother occasion 
 (vii. 75). Caesar has only mentioned 
 the names of two of the fom- Helvetic 
 ' pagi,' the Tigurinu? and the \'erbi 
 genus. It appears frtmi Strabo (p. 
 293) that a third was called Tugenus; 
 jind W'alekenaer observes that the 
 name is preserved in Tugcn, a village 
 at the eastern extremity of the lake 
 of Zurich, and in the name of the 
 valley of Toggenbuig, which is 
 drained by the Thur. Thus the 
 Tugeni are east of the Verbigeni, and 
 the restof the territory of the Helvetii 
 must be assigned to the fourth ' pagus,' 
 the name of which is unknown. The 
 
 reasons for supposing that the Am- 
 brones, who were defeated near Aix 
 by C. Marins witli the Teutones, 
 were the fourth ' pgus,' are not satis- 
 factory. 
 
 iis frumentum] ' His frumentum,* 
 Sch. ' Hi ' and ' ii ' are continually 
 confounded in the MSB., and though 
 the general use of these words is 
 easily distinguished, 'hie' being a 
 demonstrative or emphatic word, 
 there are cases in which either may 
 suit the sense of a passage. 
 
 cojnam\ ' Pecoris copiam* (vii. 
 56), a sufficient supply of cattle. 
 ' Copiam facere,' with a genitive, is 
 to suj)ply a person with a thing, or 
 to let him have it. Comp, Ter. 
 Phorm. i. 2. 63; and ' sui potestatem 
 fecisset,' B. G. i. 40. 
 
 quos i?ice»derant — jussit^ The 
 towns and villages mentioned be- 
 fore (c. 5) ; and this is the reason 
 why he uses the indicative. He 
 could have said ' quos incendissent,' 
 if he meant 'any towns that they 
 had burnt.' This distinction may 
 be observed in many passages of 
 Caesar. In the expression (c. 27) 
 '^qui ad eos perfugissent poposcit,' 
 Schneider observes that the subjunc- 
 tive merely reports the words of 
 Caesar, which I do not believe to be 
 the true explanation. It means ' any 
 fugitives.' 
 
 (rennani, qui trans'] Caesar or- 
 dered the Helvetii to rebuild the 
 towns and villages ; but men cannot 
 rebuild without means. The Hel 
 vetii had lost every thing, and were 
 reduced to about one third of what 
 they had been. There was more land 
 
 
 I 
 
 k 
 
 in Helvetiorura fines transirent et finitimi Galliae pro- 
 vinciae Allobrogibusque essent. Boios petentibus Aeduis, 
 quod egregia virtute erant cogniti, ut in finibus suis col- 
 locarent concessit ; quibus illi agros dederunt quosque 
 postea in parem juris libertatisque conditionem atque 
 ipsi erant receperunt. 
 
 29. In castris Helvetiorum tabulae repertae sunt lit- 
 teris Graecis confectae et ad Caesarem relatae, quibus in 
 tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat, qui numerus domo 
 exisset eorum qui arma ferre possent, et item separatim 
 pueri, senes mulieresque. Quarum omnium rerum 
 
 now than they wanted, and we may 
 assume that the Germans settled in 
 Helvetia in jrreat numbers after this 
 campaign. The population of the 
 country which the Helvetii occupied 
 is now chiefly Germanic. 
 
 Boios] ' Boios ' depends on ' col- 
 locarent,' and ' ut collocareiit ' de- 
 pends on the ablative ' petentibus.' 
 What Caesar 'concessit' was ' ut 
 collocarcnt.' 
 
 The Boii (vii. 9) were placed, as 
 D'Anville (Notice, &c.) infers, in 
 that part of the territory of the Aedui 
 which is between the Allier and the 
 Loire. Tliey are called ' stipendiarii ' 
 of the Aedui in vii. 10. 
 
 parem — atqite] V. 1 3, ' pari spatio 
 . . . atque.' Ter. Phorm. v. 9, 38. 
 He also uses ' alia ratione . . . atque,' 
 vii. 14. 
 
 29. tabjitae] Caesar merely means 
 that Greek characters were used by 
 the Galli, as he does in another 
 place (vi. 14). We assume that the 
 Celtae of Gallia learned the use of 
 letters bv their intercourse with the 
 Greeks of Marseille and their set- 
 tlements on the south coast. In the 
 time of Strabo some of the Galli 
 learned Greek and had their educa- 
 tion at Marseille. He also says their 
 written contracts were in Greek (p. 
 l81). But this may apply to the 
 Galli who were near to Marseille 
 and her settlements, without being 
 applicable to the Helvetii. Besides, 
 more than half a century may have 
 intervened between the time when 
 
 Caesar wrote this passage and Strabo 
 wrote what has just been referred to. 
 There is no doubt that the language 
 of the Greeks was learned by many 
 of the Galli, and probably even before 
 the Romans entered Transalpine 
 Gallia. But, even if any of the 
 Helvetii knew Greek, there appears 
 no reason for wiiting their n)uster- 
 rolls in the Greek language, while 
 there would be good reason for 
 writing them in Greek characters, 
 as we have no evidence that they 
 had any other characters. There are 
 Gallic coins of a period earlier than 
 Caesar's with Greek legends on them. 
 For instance, copper coins with the 
 legend BITOTKOC BACI and 
 BITOYIOC BA2IAE0C, which 
 are referred to Bituitus (Int. p. 27). 
 Whether they are genuine, I do not 
 know. (Orosius, Hav. 319.) 
 
 ratio. . . qui numerus] This means 
 ' ratio uumeri ... qui numerus ;' and 
 ' eorum . . . qui possent ' is a general 
 expression, which means ' fighting 
 men.' He then ptits 'pueri, senes,' 
 &c., in the same case with ' qui . . . 
 possent,' instead of saying ' puero- 
 rum,' &c. 
 
 Quarum — rerum] Caesar fre- 
 quently uses ' res,' and particularly 
 with the relative. This is a general 
 expression which comprehends things 
 and persons. He says ' capita,' ' heads,' 
 a word which the Romans used in 
 their returns of the 'census.' They 
 said so many ' heads' where we say 
 ' souls.' 
 
70 
 
 c. JULii caesa::iis 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 71 
 
 Bumma erat, capitum Helvetiorum milia cclxtti, Tulin- 
 gorum railiaxxxYi, Latobrigorum xiv, Kauraconim xxiii, 
 Boiorum xxxii : ex his qui arma ^erre posseiit ad milia 
 xcii. Summa omnium fuerunt ad milia ccclxviii. Eorum 
 qui domum redierunt censu habito, ut Caesar impera- 
 verat, repertus est numerus milium c et x. 
 
 30. Bello Helvetiorum confecto totius fere Galliae le- 
 gati, principes civitatum, ad Caesarem gratulatum con- 
 venerunt: Intelligere sese, tametsi pro veteribus Hel- 
 vetiorum injuriis populi Romani ab his poenas bello re- 
 petisset, tamcn eam rem non minus ex usu terrae Galliae 
 quam populi Romani accidisse, propterea quod eo consilio 
 florentissimis rebus domos suas Helvetii reliquissent, uti 
 toti Galliae bellum inferrent imperioque potirentur lo- 
 cumque domicilio ex magna copia deligerent, quern ex 
 omni Gallia opportunissimum ac fructiiosissimum judi- 
 cassent, reliquasque civitates stipendiarias haberent. Pe- 
 tierunt, Uti sibi concilium totius Galliae in diem certani 
 indicere idque Caesaris voluntate facere liceret : sese ha- 
 bere quasdam res quas ex com muni consensu ab eo petere 
 vellent. Ea re permissa diem concilio constituerunt, et 
 jurejurando ne quis enuntiaret, nisi quibus communi con- 
 silio mandatum esset, inter se sanxerunt. 
 
 Summa— fuerunt] He has just 
 used 'sumina' with the singuhvr, 
 which is the common usage. It 
 seems that the different position of 
 ' summa' and that of " omnium ' have 
 led to the use of the plural verb 
 in this pa<;!=a^e. Tie also has said 
 * suumia erat; ' the summing up was ;' 
 and then he says 'fuerunt,' 'the 
 whole number amounted to.' The 
 number of Swiss who perished at 
 Marignano in North Italy in the 
 battle against Francis I. (a.d. 151.5) 
 was ascertained by inspecting the 
 muster-rolls. 
 
 The number of fighting men, if 
 the numerals are correct, was about 
 one in four of all the population, 
 which, in a nation where all the men 
 are fighters, is possible. Out of this 
 immense number of 368,000 only 
 110,000 returned home. 
 
 30. totitis— Galliae] Gallia here 
 means Celtica. See c. 1. 
 
 tametsi — tatrwn] These two words 
 are very often so placed by Cicero 
 and by Caesar (v. 34 ; vii. 43.^ 50). 
 But Caesar uses ' etsi . . . tamen ' still 
 more frequently. 
 
 pro i^eterihus — Romani] ' For the 
 old wronjrs done by the Helvetii to 
 the Roman people.' Kraner com- 
 pares vii. 7b', ' universae Galliae,' &c. 
 
 ejc usu] ' To the advantage of,' i. 
 50. 
 
 Jiorentisiimis rehus] See c. 18, and 
 
 iii. 12. 
 
 et jtirejurajido] A reader might 
 suppose that the precautions were 
 taken before the meeting was hehl ; 
 but the first words of the next chap- 
 ter speak of the meetine being broken 
 up, and I conclude that the oath was 
 taken, when the council met and the 
 
 ri 
 
 5S'. 
 
 
 
 31. Eo concilio dimisso, iidem principes civitatum, qui 
 ante fuerant ad Caesarem, reverterunt petieruntque uti 
 sibi secreto in occulto de sua omniumque salute cum eo 
 agere liceret. Ea re impetrata sese omnes flentes Caesari 
 ad pedes projecerunt : Non minus se id contendere et 
 laborare ne ea quae dixissent enuntiarentur, quam uti ea 
 quae vellent impetrarent ; propterea quod, si enuntiatum 
 esset, summum in cruciatum se venturos viderent. Lo- 
 cutus est pro his Divitiacus Aeduus : Galliae totius fac- 
 tiones esse duas ; harum alterius principatum tenere 
 Aeduos, alterius Arvernos. Hi quum tanto opere de 
 potentatu inter se multos annos contenderent, factum 
 esse uti ab Arvernis Sequanisque Germani mercede arces- 
 serentur. Horum primo cireiter milia xv Rhenum trans- 
 isse : posteaquam agros et cultum et copias Gallorum 
 homines feri ac barbari adamasseut, traductos plures : 
 nunc esse in Gallia ad c et xx milium numerum. Cum 
 his Aeduos eorumque clientes semel atque iterum armis 
 contendisse ; magnam calamitatem pulsos accepisse, om- 
 nem nobilitatem, omnem senatum, omnem equitatum ami- 
 sisse. Quibus proeliis calamitatibusque fractos, qui et sua 
 virtute et populi Romani hospitio atque amicitia plurimum 
 
 members were bound not to divulge 
 what was said, ' nisi quibus,' &c. 
 
 31. fuerant ad] ' Had been to 
 Caesar,' as we might say. Davis 
 compares Cicero (Ad Att. x. 16): 
 " Ad me bene mane Dionysius fuit." 
 Kraner has 'fuerant, ad Caesarem 
 reverterunt,' &c. 
 
 seereto, &<•.] ' Apart by themselves, 
 and in a place where nobody could 
 observe them.' There is no reason 
 to doubt that all the words are ge- 
 nuine, and are intended to express 
 the greatest caution. Many English 
 words do not express the meaning of 
 their Latin originals. 'Secreto' is 
 simply the same as ' arbitris re- 
 motis ;' there were no persons pre- 
 sent. Besides this, the matter was 
 managed so that the conference was 
 concealed (' in occulto,' c. 32). 
 
 factiones] Two parties, as we say 
 (vi. 12 ; vii. 4), such as exist in all 
 countries, where men are allowed 
 
 any political action. See liivy (i. 
 35). The Arvemi are described by 
 Sirabo as having once extended their 
 power over all Gallia. ' Galliae to- 
 tius' means Celtica. 
 
 arcesserentur] This is the genuine 
 form ' arcess-ere,' not ' accera-ere.' 
 Priscian gave the true explanation, 
 ^r is an old form equivalent to ad: 
 so the Romans said ' arvena,' ' arvo- 
 catus,' 'arfines,' and 'arfuerunt' (in 
 the Bacchanalian inscription). As 
 we have ' cap-ere,' ' capess-ere,' so 
 we have ' arcess-ere,' a lengthened 
 form of the root of ' ci-re ' or ' cie-re,' 
 with the ar prefixed. See v. 11, 
 note, as to the form ' arcessiri.' 
 
 clientes] ' Their dependent states,' 
 vi. 12. 
 
 hospitio] Ambassadors of the 
 Haedui would be received and enter- 
 tained at Rome, if there was ' hos- 
 pitium ' between Rome and the 
 Haedui. 
 
72 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 ante in Gallia potuissent, coactos esse Sequanis obsides 
 dare, nobilissimos civitatis, et jurejurando civitatem ob- 
 stringere sese neque obsides repetituros neque auxilium 
 a populo Romano imploraturos neque recusaturos quo 
 minus perpetuo sub illorum ditione atque imperio essent. 
 Unum se esse ex omni civitate Aeduorum qui adduci nou 
 potuerit ut juraret aut liberos suos obsides daret. Ob 
 earn rem se ex civitate profugisse et Romam ad senatuin 
 venisse auxilium postulatum, quod solus neque jurejurando 
 neque obsidibus teneretur. Sed pejus victoribus Sequanis 
 quam Aeduis victis accidisse ; propterea quod Ariovistus, 
 rex Geraianorum, in eorum fiuibus consedisset tertiamque 
 partem agri Sequani, qui esset optimus totius Galliae, 
 occupavisset, et nunc de altera parte tertia Sequanos de- 
 cedere juberet, propterea quod paucis mensibus ante 
 Harudum milia hominum xxiv ad eum venissent quibus 
 locus ac sedes pararentur. Futurum esse paucis annis 
 uti omnes ex Galliae finibus pellerentur atque omnes Ger- 
 mani Rhenum transireut ; neque enim conferendum esse 
 Gallicum cum Germanorum agro, neque banc cousuetu- 
 dinem victus cum ilia comparandam. Ariovistum autem, 
 ut semel Gallorum copias proelio vicerit, quod proelium 
 factum sit ad Magetobriam, superbe et crudeliter impe- 
 rare, obsides nobilissimi cuj usque liberos poscere et in eos 
 omnia exempla cruciatusque edere, si qua res non ad 
 nutum aut ad voluntatem ejus facta sit. Hominem esse 
 barbarum, iracundum, temerarium; non posse ejus im- 
 
 Romam — venisse^ See vi. 12, 
 and Introd. p. 34. He came to claim 
 (' postulatum ') assistance. ' Postu- 
 lare' is a forensic term, applied to 
 the legal claim or demand of a man. 
 It is also applied to the claims or 
 petitions of the provincials (c. 42, 
 note), and to asking for something 
 that is reasonable or equitable, as in 
 c. 34. The word ' demand ' does not 
 express the meaning of ' postulare.' 
 
 uffri Se(juani] The territory of 
 the Sequani lay between the Saone, 
 the Rhone, the Jura, and the Rhine. 
 Accordingly it comprehended the 
 80iithern part of Alsace, or the Sunt- 
 gau, on the Rhine, Frauche Comte, 
 
 part of Bourgogne, and Bresse; or 
 the following departments, part of 
 Haut Rliin, Haute Saone, Doubs, 
 Jura, A in, and part of Saone et 
 Loire. Within these limits there is 
 much good land, especially in Alsace 
 and along the Saone. 
 
 hatic consuetudinem] The * con- 
 suetudo ' of the Galli. 
 
 Magetobriam] Introd. p. 35. 
 
 exempla] ' Exempla ' means such 
 things as would be a warning to 
 others. It is thus used with ' edere' 
 by Terence, Eunuch, v. 7. 21. 
 ' Edere' expresses publicity, *to put 
 a thing out,' ' to exhibit' 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 73 
 
 peria diutius sustlnere. Nisi quid in Caesare populoque 
 Romano sit auxilii, omnibus Gallis idem esse faciendum 
 quod Helvetii feceriut, ut domo emigrent, aliud domici- 
 iium, alias sedes remotas a Germanis petant, fortunam- 
 que quaecunque accidat experiantur. Haec si enuntiata 
 Ariovisto sint, non dubitare quin de omnibus obsidibus 
 qui apud eum sint gravissimum supplicium sumat. Cae- 
 sarem vel auctoritate sua atque exercitus, vel recenti vic- 
 toria, vel nomine populi Romani deterrere posse ne major 
 multitude Germanorum Rhenum transducatur, Galliam- 
 que omnem ab Ariovisti injuria posse defendere. 
 
 32. Hac oratione ab Divitiaco habita, omnes qui ad- 
 erant magno fletu auxilium a Caesare petere coeperunt. 
 Animadvertit Caesar unos ex omnibus Sequanos nihil 
 earum rerum facere quas ceteri facerent, sed tristes capite 
 demisso terram intueri. Ejus rei quae causa esset mira- 
 tus ex ipsis quaesiit. Nihil Sequani reapondere, sed in 
 eadem tristitia taciti permanere. Quum ab his saepius 
 quaereret neque ullam omnino vocem exprimere posset, 
 idem Divitiacus Aeduus respondit : Hoc esse miseriorem 
 et graviorem fortunam Sequanorum quam reliquorum 
 quod soli ne in occulto quidem queri neque auxilium im- 
 plorare auderent, absentisque Ariovisti crudelitatem velut 
 si coram adesset horrerent, propterea quod reliquis ta- 
 
 stistinere] Many MSS. have ' sus- 
 tineri ;' but the active form seems 
 preferable, and 'se' is easily sup- 
 plied ; ajs with ' rogare ut ejus volun- 
 tate,' in c. 7, and with 'non dubi- 
 tare,' a little further on. 
 
 Nisi quid] 'Nisi si quid:' Elb., 
 Kraner. The MSS. are of about 
 equal authority on both sides. ' Nisi 
 si ' does not appear to be used by 
 Caesar elsewhere, though there are 
 examples in Cicero and Terence 
 (And. i. 5. 14), even when a negative 
 has not preceded (Schn.). 
 
 32. vocem eaprimere] ' Upon his 
 putting the same question to them 
 several times, and not being able to 
 get a word out of them, Divitiacus, 
 who spoke b<;fore, made answer.' 
 Cicero. Ad Att. ii. 21 : " Multa 
 iteditiosc quuur. diceret, vocem ex- 
 
 primere non potuit," he could not 
 get a word from the assembly ; and 
 Pro Plancio, c. 6. 
 
 Hoc — qiu)d] Comp. i. 2, ' id 
 hoc facilius quod.' In these cases 
 ' hoc' is the ablative, and, connected 
 with ' quod,' expresses the degree by 
 which the greater ease or greater 
 measure is measured. 
 
 coram adesset] ' As if he were pre- 
 sent.' See 'coram perspicit,' v. 11. 
 The word ' coram ' is also used with 
 an ablative of the pereon. 
 
 reliquis tamen] ' Still the rest had 
 the o[)poriunity of escaping.' There 
 is a reading * tantum,' which spoils 
 the sense. The confusion may have 
 arisen from the similarity of the 
 
 abbreviations tm. and tn. Theie 
 is the same confusion in Cicero 
 
7i 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 men fugae facultas daretur, Sequanis vero, qui intra fines 
 8U0S Ariovistum recepissent, quorum oppida omnia in po- 
 testate ejus assent, omnes crueiatus essent perferendi. 
 
 33. His rebus cognitis Caesar Gallorum animos verbis 
 confirmavit, poUicitusque est sibi earn rem curae futuram ; 
 magnam se habere spem et beneficio sue et auctoritate 
 adductum Ariovistum finem iiijuriis facturum. Hac ova- 
 tione habita concilium dimisit. Et secundum ea muitae 
 res eum hortabantur quare sibi eam rem cogitandam et 
 suscipiendam putaret ; imprimis, quod Aeduos, fratres 
 consanguineosque saepenumero a senatu appellatos, in 
 servitute atque in ditione videbat Germanorum teneri, 
 eorumque obsides esse apud Ariovistum ac Sequanos in- 
 telligebat ; quod in tanto imperio populi Komani turpis- 
 simum sibi et rei publicae esse arbitrabatur. Paulatim 
 autem Germanos consuescere Rhenum transire et in Gal- 
 liam magnam eorum multitudinem venire populo Romano 
 periculosum videbat ; neque sibi homines feros ac bar- 
 baros temperaturos existimabat quin, quum omnem Gal- 
 liam occupavissent, ut ante Cimbri Teutonique fecissent, 
 
 (Verr. ii, 5, c. 30), where the true 
 reading is : ' Nunc quum vivuin 
 nescio quem istum producia, tamen 
 te derideri vides ;' where ' tamen ' 
 has the same sense as in this passage. 
 ' Tamen ' and ' tum ' are also con- 
 founded, as in Cicero (Verr, ii. 5, 
 c. 41), where the true reading is: 
 
 AppoTiitur his tamen accusator.' 
 33. Ijpiieficio sua] Introd. p. 36 ; 
 and c. 35. 42. 
 
 secumlnin ea'\ ' Next to these 
 things that he had heard.' Tlie 
 matter urged hy Divitiacvis was the 
 main consideration. Then came 
 other things, which he mentions. 
 
 quare'\ Schneider explains this by 
 ' ut pro|)tcrea,' and nfers to ' quare,' 
 r. 31. It (iocs not differ from ' quare 
 ne committeret,' c. 13. 
 
 fratres cotisanguiuensque] It is in- 
 telligible enough that the Romans 
 should give them the name of 'fra- 
 tres,' a mere form of speech, like the 
 modem French ' fratemite.' But 
 
 cousanguinei' i8 beyond the formula 
 
 of political cant : it means of the 
 same stock. And yet the Romans, 
 and the Aedui too, knew that it was 
 false. But the Romans never ob- 
 jected to claim a kinsman if they 
 could make any use of him. Thus 
 they allowed the kinship of the Se- 
 gestani of Sicily through their com- 
 mon ancestor Aeneas (Cic. Verr. ii. 
 4, c. 33). The Arverni are said by 
 TiUcan (Phars. i. 428) to have falsely 
 claimed a descent from Iliac blood. 
 
 tw tanto imperio^ ' When the Ro- 
 mans had so great an empire.' Ci- 
 cero, Pro Caelio, c. 19, 'cur in tantis 
 praennis eloquentiac ' 'when there 
 are such rewards for eloquence.' See 
 B. O. iii. 8, 'in magiio im])etu ' 
 
 Slid — te)iiperutiir>s\ It is doubtful 
 if any MS. has ' temperaturos.' 
 The reading is ' obtemperaturos,' 
 which cannot be explained. In c. 
 7 he has 'temperatures' without 
 'sibi.' Cicero (Ad Fam. x. 7) ha« 
 " Scd usque mihi temperavi." 
 
 ut ante Cimbri\ lutrod. p. 31. 
 
 LIBER 1. 
 
 76 
 
 in provinciam exirent atque inde in Italiam contenderent, 
 praesertim quum Sequanos a provincia nostra Rhodanus 
 divideret ; quibua rebus quam maturrime occurrendum 
 putabat. Ipse autem Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus, tan- 
 lam arrogantiam sumpserat ut ferendus non videretur. 
 
 34. Quamobrem placuit ei ut ad Ariovistum legatos 
 mitteret qui ab eo postularent uti aliquem locum medium 
 utriusque colloquio diceret : velle sese de re publica et 
 summis utriusque rebus cum eo agere. Ei legationi 
 Ariovistus respondit : Si quid ipsi a Caesare opus esset, 
 sese ad eum venturum fuisse : si quid ille se velit, ilium 
 ad se venire oportere. Praeterea se neque sine exercitu 
 in eas partes Galliae venire audere quas Caesar possi- 
 deret, neque exercitum sine magno commeatu atque 
 emolimento in unum locum contrahere posse; sibi autem 
 mirum videri quid in sua Gallia quam bello vicisset aut 
 Caesari aut omnino populo Romano negotii esset. 
 
 35. His responsis ad Caesarem relatis, iterum ad eum 
 Caesar legatos cum his mandatis mittit : Quoniam tanto 
 
 34. medium. utriusque'\ ' Midway 
 between the two camps.' In iv. 19 
 there is * medium fere regionum 
 earum,' &c. 
 
 de re puliIioi'\ Elb. WTites ' re- 
 publica,' a bad mode of writing, for 
 tlie Romans said ' Res Romana,' 'Res 
 privata,' ' Res publica,' and so on. 
 
 si quid ille se velil'\ 'If he had 
 any tning to say to him.' or ' if he 
 had business with him.' It is a 
 usual Roman formula, as in Terence, 
 Andria, i. 1. *2, " paucis te volo ;" and 
 Phormio, i. 2. lOl. " Numquid, Geta, 
 aliud me vis.^" • Se'is the accusative. 
 It is an elliptical form, common in 
 the language of daily life. See c. 7. 
 Ariovistus IkuI said 'si quid . . esset,' 
 which implies that he had nothing 
 to say to Caesar. It means. ' If he 
 hid wanted any thing of Caesar, he 
 would have come.' 'Si ... velit' 
 means that ' Caesar did want some- 
 thing of him.' 
 
 in eas partes'\ These words imply 
 that Ariovistus was some distance 
 from Caesar. He was probably be- 
 tween the Rhine and the Vosges. 
 
 emolimento] * Emolimentum' ii 
 sometimes profit, advantage, as op- 
 posed to 'detrimentum' (Cic. De 
 Fin. iii. 20), a sense that will not 
 suit this passage, where the word 
 seems to mean the labour and trouble 
 of moving, a great effort. There is a 
 word 'molimentum' (Liv. v. 22; 
 xxxvii. 14, 15) which contains the 
 root, 'moli,' of ' moliri,' to move 
 with labour or toil : and this seems 
 to be the sense of ' emolimento ' 
 here. Whether there are two words 
 ' emolSmentum' or 'eiuolimentum' 
 from ' mol ' (molere), and ' emoli- 
 mentum' may perhaps be doubted. 
 The word ' mollmen ' is used hy the 
 poets, and by Livy (ii, 56). All the 
 MSS. in this passaje of Caesar are 
 said to have 'emolumcnto,' except 
 perhaps one. which is said to have 
 ' molimento ;' and Schneider would 
 like 'molimento ' if he were certain 
 about this one MS. It is worth 
 notice that the final e of 'atque' 
 renders the initial e of ' emolimento ' 
 doubtful. 
 
 35. mandatis'} ' Instructions. 
 
76 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 8U0 populique Itomani beneficio affectus, quuni in consu- 
 latu 8U0 rex atque amicus a senatu appellatus esset, banc 
 sibi populoque Romano gratiam re ferret ut in colloquium 
 venire invitatua gravaretur neque de communi re dicen- 
 dum sibi et coguoscendum putaret, haec esse quae ab eo 
 postularet : primum, ne quam multitudinem bominum 
 amplius trans Rhenum in Galliam transduceret ; deinde 
 obsides quos haberet ab Aeduis redderet, Sequanisque 
 permitteret ut quos illi haberent voluutate ejus reddere 
 illis liceret ; neve Aeduos injuria lacesseret neve his so- 
 ciisque eorum bellum inferret. Si id ita fecisset, sibi 
 populoque Romano perpetuara gratiam atque amicitiam 
 cum 60 futuram : si non impetraret, sese, quouiam M. 
 Messala M. Pisone consulibus senatus censuisset, uti, 
 quicunque Galliam provinciam obtiueret, quod commodo 
 rei publicae facere posset, Aeduos ceterosque amicos po- 
 puli Romani defenderet, se Aeduorum injurias non neglec- 
 turum. 
 
 ' Mandatum' is that which one per- 
 son instructs another to do for nim 
 gratuitously. In its proper sense, it 
 is not a word of command. ' Man- 
 datum ' is a Roman technical word 
 employed to express what an ajjent 
 docs for anotiit-r. Here it is simply 
 the message sent by the messengers. 
 If it ever means a command, it is 
 because a man may send a command 
 by another as well as give it himself. 
 Comp. i. 47, ' his mandavit,' and i. 
 28, ' AUobrogibus imperavit.' 
 
 Si id ita fecisset] This form is 
 generally used in reference to a future 
 event, the happeninjr of which is to 
 be followed by another. In place of 
 ' impetraret' there is a false reading 
 ' impetrasset.' A simple absolute 
 fact IS expressed by ' si fecisset.' ' Si 
 non impetraret,' conformably to the 
 use of the imperfect, is not absolute 
 and conclusive; but it leaves Ario- 
 vistus, or the reader, to suppose that 
 Caesar might make more than one 
 peaceable effort to iret what he wanted. 
 Comp. i. 36 : " Quos vicissent quem- 
 adraodum vellent." 
 
 ixruitus ce/isuissei] In trod. p. 35. 
 
 ' Censere' is one of the words applied 
 to the resolutions of the senate. 
 ' Placere' is another. Caesar availed 
 himself of this resolution of the Se- 
 nate (B.C. 61), and made war on 
 Ariovistus without any formal per- 
 mission. 
 
 provinciam obtiueret] This is the 
 usual phra.se to express a governor 
 having, not getting, the government 
 of a province. 
 
 qiuHi coinmi^do'\ See v. 46 ; vi. 33. 
 ' Quod,' says Schneider, is put for 
 ' quantum.' Othei-s take it as equi- 
 valent to 'quoad.' I think that 
 'quo<l' is put for 'quod.' Cae^ar 
 could have used 'quantum.' The 
 whole passage means that ' whoever 
 should have the government of the 
 province of Oallia, if he could do it 
 consistently with the public interest, 
 should ' &c. This is a usual for- 
 mula in cases where the senate gives 
 a man a commisbioa to do some- 
 thing. 
 
 ' Commodo* is the ablative, as in 
 V. 46; vi. 33. Cicero has "quod 
 tuo commodo fiat," Ad Div. iv. 2. 
 The form ' per commodum' also oc- 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 77 
 
 36. Ad haec Ariovistus respondit : Jus esse belli ut 
 qui vicissent lis quos vicissent quemadmodum vellent im- 
 perarent : item populum Romanum victis non ad alterius 
 praescriptum sed ad suum arbitrium imperare consuesse. 
 bi ipse populo Romano non praescriberet quemadmodum 
 suo jure uteretur, non oportere sese a populo Romano in 
 suo jure impediri. Aeduos sibi, quoniam belli fortunam 
 tentassent et armis congressi ac superati essent, stipendi- 
 arios esse factos. Magnam Caesarem injuriam facere qui 
 suo adventu vectigalia sibi deteriora faceret. Aeduis se 
 obsides redditurum non esse, neque his neque eonim 
 sociis injuria bellum iUaturum, si in eo manerent quod 
 convemsset, stipendiumque quotannis penderent: si id 
 non fecissent, longe iis traternum nomen populi Romani 
 
 curs in the same sense, as in Livv 
 xxii. 57. ■^' 
 
 36. Jus esse heHi] The law of 
 war, the rule of war. The expres- 
 sion occurs in i. 44; vii. 41. Cicero 
 {Pro Balbo, c. 19) writes 'bellicum 
 jus.' This is what is sometimes 
 called the objective sense of ' jus,' 
 that sense in which it is contemplated 
 as a general binding rule. The other 
 sense of 'jus ' is that of a legal ritrht 
 or faculty, in which sense a person 
 is conceived as the subject or living 
 agent to whom the right (jus) is said 
 to belong. In ' suo jure uteretur,' 
 and in 'suo jure impediri,' the notion 
 of a right is conveyed ; for, though 
 a state or sovereign has not a right 
 in the sense in which an individual 
 member of a state has a right, yet 
 the law of war having been spoken 
 of, and the rule or law being that a 
 conoueror treats the vanquished as 
 he pleases, we may in a sense speak 
 of a right which a conqtieror pos- 
 sesses or acquires by virtue of having 
 done an act, that is, beaten an enemv, 
 which act combined with the gcneril 
 rule, the law of war, confers on him 
 the right or faculty which Ariovi-tus 
 calls 'suum jus.' 
 
 iis quos] 'His quos,' Schn. If 
 ' his ' stands, it must be taken as 
 emphatic. ' lis quos vicissent ' is 
 
 equiv.alent to * vietis,' and 'qui vi- 
 cissent' to 'victores.' 
 
 stipendiarios] Subject to ' stipen- 
 dium.' Caesar uses a word well 
 known to the Romans. The ' sti- 
 pendium ' was a ' vectigal certum,' a 
 fixed imposition, an amount payable 
 whether there was a crop or' not. 
 Ariovistus probably laid a tax on the 
 land, not regulated by the amount of 
 the produce, like the Roman tenths 
 of the ' Censoria locatio,' but nn in- 
 variable tax (Cic. Verr. ii. 3, c. 6). 
 
 its fratermim vmnen] Schn. has 
 ' his,' which he often prefers. ' lis ' 
 seems the Droi)er word here, as it 
 refers to all who have been men- 
 tioned. ' lis . . . abfuturum :' the 
 old reading was ' ab his' or 'ab iis,' 
 until Oudendorp rejected the 'ab,' 
 following some of the MSS. ' Ab- 
 esse,' with ' ab,' is the usual form to 
 express s mply any distance or sepa- 
 ration from a thing; but the ablative 
 is also used without the preposition. 
 But here ' iis ' is the dative, and the 
 meaning is that the title of brothers 
 ot the Roman people would be a 
 lonff way off for them, or of no use 
 to them. Herzog compares Tibullus, 
 i. 5. 2 : "At mihi nunc longe gloria 
 fortis abest." See also Ovid, Met. 
 iv. 648. Schneider has an odd note 
 on the words ' fratemum nonieu pop. 
 
78 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 abfuturum. Quod sibi Caesar denuntiaret se Aeduorum 
 injurias non neglecturuni, neminem secum sine sua per- 
 nicie coatendisse. Quuin vellet congrederetur : intellec- 
 turuni quid invicti Gerniani, exercitatissimi in arinis, qui 
 inter annos xiv tectum non subisaent, virtute possent. 
 
 37. Haec eodem tempore Caesari mandata refereban- 
 tur et legati ab Aeduis et a Treviris veniebant : Aedui 
 questum quod Harudes qui nuper in Galliam transportati 
 essent fines eorum populareutur ; sese ne obsidibus quidem 
 datis pacem Ariovisti redimere potuisse : Treviri autem, 
 pagos centum Suevorum ad ripas Bheni consedisse qui 
 Hhenum transire conarentur ; iis praeesse Nasuam et 
 Cimberium fratres. Quibus rebus Caesar vehemeuter 
 commotus maturandum sibi existimavit, ne, si nova manus 
 Suevorum cum veteribus copiis Ariovisti sese conjunx- 
 
 Roni.,' in which he tells us that the 
 genitive is not governed by ' nonien,' 
 hut by that wYiich is latent in the 
 adjective. I suppose, if the phrase 
 were ' nomen populi Roinani,' it 
 would be allowed that ' nonien ' go- 
 verned 'populi Romani.' What dif- 
 ference does it make if we add ' fra- 
 ternum ?' This is one of the common 
 forms of expression. See ii. 10; and 
 ' signa probitatis . . domesticis inusta 
 notis veritatis' (Cic. Pro Plancio, 
 c. 12); ' perscquetur in |)rimi3 pa- 
 ternum auguratus locum ' (Cic. Pliil. 
 xiii. c. 5) ; and many other examples. 
 Also in Greek, see Sophocles, Elect. 
 1290, 1372. 
 
 inter awwos] * Inter ' appears to be 
 the true word, not 'intra,' whi( h 
 some MSS. have. ' P'or the space of 
 fourteen years his men hiid never 
 gone I'nder the roof of a house.' 
 Schneider compares the use of ' inter,' 
 in ' interdiu,' which means so long 
 as the day lasts, and Liv. i. 10 : see 
 also Cic. De Imp. Cn. Pomp. c. 23 ; 
 B. G. vi. 21, as to the use of' intra.' 
 ' Inter,' says Herzog, expresses a 
 continuous space ; and ' intra' merely 
 limits the space, that is, fixes a be- 
 ginning and an end. Perhaps it mitrht 
 be contended that it would make no 
 difference here Mhether wc used one 
 
 or the other. 
 
 The boastful language of Ario- 
 vistus must not be taken literally as 
 to the fourteen years. 
 
 37. eodem tempore — et] Comp. 
 ii. 6, " Gallorum eadem at(jue " It 
 is a formula, like " in parem . . . 
 atque," c. 28. A passage like this 
 shows how it originated, for the literal 
 and true translation is : This ' mes- 
 sage at the same time was reported 
 to Caesar, and deputies from the 
 Aedui and Treviri came.' 
 
 Treviris] Whether the name is 
 Treveri or Treviri is uncertain. 
 Probably the Romans wrote it both 
 ways Cicero (Ad Fam. vii. 13;, 
 where he is makirg a joke on the 
 name, of course writes it Treviri. 
 They were a Belgic nation between 
 the Maas and the Rhine. They pos- 
 sessed the valley of the Mosel. (See 
 ii. 24.) 
 
 Hurudes] They were therefore 
 west of the Vosgcs, and had got as 
 far as the Saone at least. 
 
 })a(]os centum] A\\ the ' pagi ' of 
 the Suevi (iv. 1), if we take this 
 passage literally. But there were 
 some Suevi with Ariovistus (c. 51). 
 These (c. 37) were probably de- 
 tachments from thu hundred ' pagi' 
 (.v. 1). 
 
 LI BEE 1. 
 
 79 
 
 isset, minus facile resisti posset. Itaque re frumentaria 
 quam celerrime potuit comparata magnis itineribus ad 
 Ariovistum contendit. 
 
 38. Quum tridui viam processisset, nuntiatum est ei 
 Ariovistum cum suis omnibus copiis ad occupandum Ve- 
 sontionem, quod est oppidum maximum Sequanorum, 
 contendere triduique viam a suis finibus profecisse. Id 
 ne accideret magno opere sibi praecavendum Caesar exis- 
 timabat. Namque omnium rerum quae ad bellum usui 
 erant summa erat in eo oppido facultas, idque natura loci 
 sic muniebatur ut magnam ad ducendum bellum daret 
 facultatem, propterea quod flumen Alduasdubis ut circino 
 circumductum paene totum oppidum cingit; reliquum 
 spatium, quod est non amplius pedum dc qua flumen in- 
 
 magnis itineribus] A regular dav's 
 march is ' justum iter' (viii. 39). 'A 
 ' magimm iter' is something more, 
 as much more, we may suppose, as 
 tiie men could do, for Caesar always 
 went as hard as he could. I don't 
 know whether a 'justum iter' is any 
 where accurately defined ; for what 
 Vegetius says (i.' 19) is hardly suffi- 
 cient. He says, however, that ' with 
 the military step (militari gradu) 
 twenty Roman miles are completed 
 in five hours,' summer hours, how- 
 ever ; and that ' at quick march 
 (plcno gradu) twenty-four Roman 
 miles in the same time.' Lipsius 
 (De Milit. Rom. v. Dial. 14) tells 
 us to note this seriously, as showing 
 what a 'justum iter' is in Caesar 
 and other writers. Caesar's forced 
 nmrches were tAventy miles a day 
 (v 47). and twenty-five (vii. 40). 
 
 38. Veso7itionem, quod] See ii. 1, 
 note on ' tertiam . . partem.' 
 
 pro/ecisse] This reading has bet- 
 ter authority than ' processisse,' 
 which is in some MSS. It seems to 
 mean, had got the advantage of three 
 days' march from his own territory, 
 from his third part of the territory of 
 the Sequani (c. 31). He was three 
 days' march within the part of the 
 territory of the Sequani which they 
 still held. 'Tridui viam' occurs 
 again (iv, 4). 
 
 muniebatur] See ii. 5, and the 
 note. 
 
 AldiiasduLis] The MSS. agree in 
 this form, or in Alduadubis, and 
 other like variations. Hadr. Valesius 
 altered it to Dubis, because this 
 river, the Doubs, is called Doubas 
 by Sti-abo and Ptolemy. The Greek 
 version of Caesar has 'AXdovda- 
 6ovi3ii. The old name of the river 
 appears to have been shortened. The 
 position of Besanqon (Vesontio) is 
 accurately described by Caesar. I'he 
 upper part of the present town occu- 
 pies the peninsula, and is called La 
 yille. The isthmus of the peninsula 
 is occupied by a steep rock, on which 
 the present citadel is. The other 
 part of the town, called the lower 
 town, is on the opposite side of the 
 river, at the part most remote from 
 the citadel. There are many Roman 
 remains at Besanqon. 
 
 non amplius pedum] In i. 41 the 
 form is " millium amplius quinqua- 
 ginta." In ii. 7 there is the abla- 
 tive. In ii. 16 'amplius' is con- 
 nected with the accusative. In ii. 
 29 there is an example like this. 
 And in vii. 15, "amplius xx urbes." 
 These examples sliow that 'amplius* 
 and 'non amplius' are used very 
 loosely as to their grammatical con- 
 struction. If we supply 'quam' in 
 the last passage, as we may do, w« 
 
so 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 81 
 
 termittit, mons continet magna altitudine, ita ut radices 
 montis ex utraque parte ripae fluminis contingant. Hunc 
 murus circumdatus arcem efficit et cum oppido conjungit. 
 Hue Caesar magnis nocturnis diurnisque itineribus con- 
 cendit, occupatoque oppido ibi praesidium collocat. 
 
 39. Dum paucos dies ad Vesontionem rei frumentariae 
 commeatusque causa moratur, ex percontatione nostrorum 
 vocibusque Gallorum ac mercatorum, qui ingenti magni- 
 tudine corporum Germanos, incredibili virtute atque exer- 
 citatione in armis esse praedieabanfc, saepenumero sese 
 cum his congressos ne vultum quidem atque aciem ocu- 
 lorum ferre potuisse, tantus subito timor omnem exer- 
 citum occupavit ut non mediocriter omnium mentes ani- 
 mosque perturbaret. Hie primum ortus est a tribunis 
 militum, praefectis reliquisque, qui ex urbe amicitiae 
 
 gain nothing by supplying it with 
 ' uon amplius* in some cases. ' Non 
 amplius, in fact, means 'so much 
 and no more.' 
 
 pedum DC] D'Anville remarks 
 that the distince is 1500 Roman teet, 
 and that the MSS. ought perhaps to 
 have MD. instead of DC. He also 
 offers another explanation. 
 
 inter mittit] ' Where the river is 
 interrupted,' where it breaks off or 
 ceases to be continuous. In vii. 17 
 it is applied to the space itself, wheie 
 the water was not; but the same form 
 of expression is substantially main- 
 tained by the passive form ' quae 
 intermissa a flutuine.' See vii. 70, 
 •' intermissam collibus.'* 
 
 continet] The simplest sense seems 
 to be, that a hill forms the boundary 
 where there is no river. The river 
 surrounds almost all the town ; the 
 rest of the circuit is bounded or 
 iJQiited by a mountain. See i. 1, 
 ' continetur;' and vii. 11. 
 
 montiit\ ' Ejus montis,' as Elb. and 
 many MSS. have it. Caesar often 
 uses 'is' when he repeats a word: 
 but not always. I don't see any ge- 
 neral rule that can be derived from 
 his practice. There is some weight 
 in Schneider's remark, that, as ' ra- 
 dices ' is the accusative, it should 
 
 not be separated from 'contingant' 
 by more words than are necessaiy. 
 
 39. rei frumentariae] An atten- 
 tive reader of Caesar will see that he 
 was always careful about his sup- 
 plies. See ii. 2. 
 
 Viicibus] V. 36. — ' congressos :* in 
 battle, as the context shows. See 
 ' congrederetur,' c. 36, and vii. 65. 
 
 mentes animosque] Schneider com- 
 pares vi. 5. 41, whence the meaning 
 of these two words in Caesar may be 
 collected, and from iii. 19. 
 
 prup/ectia] Schneider observes that 
 the officei-8 of the cavalry are called 
 'praefecti equitum' (iii. 20; vii. 66; 
 viii. 28. 48). But these 'praefecti' 
 he supposes to have been commanders 
 of the auxiliary troops; as Polybius 
 (vi. 26) says that the officers ap- 
 pointed to the auxiliary troops by 
 the consuls were called ' praefecti,' 
 and there were twelve for two auxi- 
 liary legions. This is also the ex- 
 planation of Liy)8ius (De Mil it. Rom. 
 ii. Dial. 10). Caesar mentions after- 
 wards the commanders of the cavalry 
 (' quique equitatui pracerant'). Cae- 
 sar is speaking of men who followed 
 him 'amicitiae causa,' or for profit's 
 sake ; idlers at Rome, who thought 
 that they might mend their fortune 
 a little in Gallia. A governor of a 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 causa Caesarem secuti [magnum periculura miserabantur 
 quod] non magnum in re militari usum habebant: quorum 
 alius alia causa illata quam sibi ad proficiscendum neces- 
 sariam esse diceret petebat ut ejus voluntate discedere 
 liceret; nonnulli pudore adducti ut timoris suspicionem 
 yitarent remanebant. Hi neque vultum fingere neque 
 interdum lacrimas tenere poterant : abditi in tabernaculis 
 aut suum latum querebantur, aut cum familiaribus suis 
 commune periculum miserabantur. Vulgo totis castris 
 testamenta obsignabantur. Horum vocibus ac timore 
 paulatim etiam ii qui magnum in castris usum habebant, 
 milites centurionesque, quique equitatui praeerant, per- 
 
 province, who had appointments to 
 give, had plenty of applicants. Ci- 
 cero sent Trebatius at a later period 
 (B.C. 54) to Caesar with a letter of 
 recommendation (Ad Fam. vii. 5). 
 Trebatius was a lawyer, and of no 
 use in Gallia Caesar, it appears, 
 offered him a tribuneship, with 
 nothing to do (Ad Fam. vii. 8), 
 which Trebatius for some reason de- 
 clined. Cicero (Ad Q. Fr. ii. 15) 
 in a letter to his brother, who was 
 then with Caesar, says : " M. Curtio 
 tribunatum ab eo (Caesare) pe- 
 tivi." 
 
 There were six ' tribuni ' to a le- 
 gion, and someii nies at least they were 
 appointed in the 'comitia' at Rome 
 (liiv. xlii. 31 ; xliii. 14). Caesar 
 perhaps anpointcd his ' tribuni ;' but 
 in the Gallic war we read little about 
 them. He used to put a 'legatus' at 
 the head of each legion. 
 
 waffnum^-quod] These words are 
 wanting in some MSS. and in the 
 Greek version. Muretus proposed 
 to read 'secuti magnrm periculum 
 esse rebantur quod.' There is per- 
 haj)8 something wrong in the text. 
 
 diceret petebat] * Dicerent pete- 
 bant,' Elb , which is T^atin also. 
 
 vuU/tm fiwjere] They could not 
 command their countenance, they 
 could not put on a look as if they 
 were not afraid. ' Vulgo' means ' all 
 among the men ;' it does not refer to 
 place, like 'passim.' 
 
 testamenfal Gains (ii. 101) says 
 that according to old usage Roman 
 testaments were made either at ' ca- 
 lata comitia' or " in procinctu, id est, 
 cum belli causa ad pugnam ibant; 
 procinctus est enim expeditus et ar- 
 matus e.xercitus." These two modes 
 of making a testament went out 
 of fashion, and the ' in procinctu,' 
 even in Cicero's time, had ceased 
 (De Nat. Dcorum, ii. 31). A new 
 fa>hion was introduced, which Gaius 
 (ii. 103) describes. He adds, that in 
 the imperial time less strict forms 
 were allowed to soldiei-s. Whether 
 it was so now does not appear. These 
 testaments that Caesar alludes to were 
 written, for they were sealed. The 
 'obsignatio' is the sealing with the 
 seal of witnesses. ' Subscriptio,' or 
 signature, came into use later, and it 
 was required, by the imperial consti- 
 tutions, at least in Uluian's time, 
 A D. 211. The old military teeta- 
 ment was nuncupative, that is, the 
 sol.iier named his 'hercs' or ' he- 
 rcdes' in the presence of a few com- 
 rades (Festus, V. in procinctu; Cic. 
 De Or. i. 53 ; Plut. Cor. c 9 ; Vellei. 
 ii. 5; Justin. Inst. ii. Tit. 10, De 
 Testamentis Ordinandis, and Schra- 
 der's notes). The alarm in Caesar's 
 camp seems ludicrous, but, as he 
 tells it, we may believe. The will- 
 making affair may seem strange too ; 
 but it was a fashion at Rome for a 
 man to make a will, 
 
 G 
 

 o2 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 turbabantur. Qui se ex his minus timidos existimari 
 volebant, noii se hostem vereri sed angustias itineris et 
 magnitudinem silvarura quae inter eos atque Ariovistum 
 intercederent, aut rem f rumen tariam ut satis commode 
 supportari posset timere dicebant. Nonnulli etiam Cae- 
 sari renuntiabant, quum castra moveri ac signa ferri jus- 
 sisset, non fore dicto audientes milites neque propter 
 timorem signa laturos. 
 
 40. Haec quum animadvertisset, convocato consilio 
 omniumque ordinum ad id consilium adhibitis centurion- 
 ibus vehementer eos incusavit : Primum, quod aut quam 
 in partem aut quo consilio ducerentur sibi quaerendum 
 aut cogitandum putarent. Ariovistum se consule cupi- 
 dissime populi Romani amicitiam appetisse : cur hunc 
 tarn temere quisquam ab oificio discessurum judicaret? 
 Sibi quidem persuaderi cognitis suis postulatis atque 
 aequitate conditionum perspecta eum neque suam neque 
 populi Romani gratiam repudiaturum. Quod si furore 
 atque amentia impulsus bellum intulisset, quid tandem 
 vererentur, aut cur de sua virtute aut de ipsius diligentia 
 desperarent ? Factum ejus hostis perieulum patrum 
 'nostrorum memoria, quum Cimbris et Teutonis a C. 
 Mario pulsis non minorem laudem exercitus quam ipse 
 imperator meritus videbatur ; factum etiam nuper in 
 
 rem frumentnnam, &c.] This ac- 
 cusative, which is made the object 
 of ' timere,' instead of the subject of 
 ' supportari posset,' is common in 
 Plautus and Terence. * Ut,' after 
 Buch verbs as 'timere,' * vereri,' is 
 the Roman form of expressing our 
 notion of ' tlieir fearing that the corn 
 supplies could not be conveniently 
 brought up,' that is, follow them. 
 See iii. 23; and ' subministrare,' i. 
 40. 
 
 dicto autlientes] ' Obedient to com- 
 mand.' ' Dicto' is the dative. 
 
 40. consilio] See iii. 23 
 
 ordinum] Since Marius' time all 
 the soldiers of the Roman legion 
 had the same armour. The division 
 of ' hastati,' ' principes,' and ' triarii ' 
 no longer existed, and Caesar never 
 usee these terms. Every cohort of 
 
 the ten cohorts which composed a 
 le^rion was distributed into six ' cen- 
 turiae' or three ' manipuli.' Earh 
 'centuria' had a ' centurio.' In each 
 'manipulus' one 'centuria' was su- 
 perior in rank to the other. As the 
 cohorts had rank from one to ton, so 
 the ' centuriae ' bad rank from one 
 to sixty. The ' primorum ordinum 
 centuriones ' were summoned (v. 30 ; 
 vi.7)with the'legati'and'tribuni' to 
 councils of war; but on this occasion 
 Caesar summoned all the 'centu- 
 riones' to till them his mind, not to 
 deliberate with them. 
 
 C. Afufio] Introd p. 31. 
 
 videhatur] The Romans use only 
 the infinitive and subjunctive when 
 the words of a speaker are reported 
 in this indirect form. There are 
 instances in Cicero where indica- 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 83 
 
 Italia servih tumultu, quos tamen aliquid usus ac disciplina 
 quam a nobis accepissent sublevarent. Ex ouo judicari 
 posset quantum haberet in se boni constantia'; propterea 
 quod quos aliquamdiu inermes sine causa timuissent, hos 
 postea armatos ac victores superassent. Denique hos 
 esse eosdem quibuscum saepenumero Helvetii congress! 
 non solum in suis sed etiam in illoruni finibus plerumque 
 superarint, qui tamen pares esse nostro exercitui non 
 potuerint. «i quos adversum proelium et fuga Gallorum 
 commoveret, hos si quaererent reperire posse diuturnitate 
 belli defatigatis Gallis Ariovistum, quum multos menses 
 castris se ac paludibus tenuisset neque sui potestatem 
 tecisset, desperantes jam de pugna et disperses subito 
 adortum magis ratione et consilio quam virtute vicisse. 
 
 lives occur, if the texts are right; 
 
 %nd this is an instance. As ' quum ' 
 
 here marks the time when the army 
 
 gained no less credit than the gene- 
 ral, it ought, conformably to Latin 
 
 usage, to be followed by an indica- 
 tive ; and the indicative is retained, 
 
 even in this indirect form of speech, 
 
 perhaps in order to express what the 
 
 subjunctive cannot express. ' Vide- 
 batur' implies no doubt. It is the 
 
 same as * it was so considered,' * it 
 
 was the^ opinion.' The Roman 
 
 'judlces,' when they gave their 
 
 opinion on oath (jurati), used the 
 
 form 'videri;' and the Roman jurists, 
 
 when they gave their opinion on a 
 
 case, used the same word (Diff, 15 
 
 3. 16). ^ ^ 
 
 servili tumidtu] In the servile war 
 in Italy, when the slaves rose under 
 .Spartacus, B.C. 73, and resisted the 
 Romans for three years (Plutarch, 
 Crassus, c. 8). The Romans bought 
 slaves from all the barbarian nations. 
 Plutarch speaks of Thracians, Galli, 
 and Germani in the aimy of Spar- 
 tacus; and Caesar also means to say 
 that there were Germans (Livy, 
 Ei)it. 97). Kraner says that the ser- 
 vile w\ar was carried on fiom B.C. 
 73 to 71 chiefly by the German pri- 
 soners whom Marius took ; but these 
 prisoners made in B.C. 102, 101, 
 would not be alive or in fighting 
 
 condition thirty years after their 
 capture, except those who were 
 children in B.C. 101. 
 
 ' Tumultus' is a rising or disturb- 
 ance in Italy or Gallia Cisalpina; 
 for, as Cicero says (Phil. viii. ]), the 
 Romans applied the name to no other 
 war. 
 
 quos tamen] The word 'servos' 
 is easily supplied from ' servili.' 
 Comp. i. 44, " Sedes habere in Gal- 
 lia ab ipsis (Gallis) concessos;" and 
 Livy (v. 40), " Muliebris fletus . . 
 nunc hos nunc illos sequentium." 
 
 suhlevarent] 'Helped, assisted.' 
 * Sublevare ' is to raise up, as in c. 
 48. To raise up or to take up may 
 be either to keep or preserve, or 
 simply to remove out of the way; 
 and hence ' sublevare' has both these 
 meanings. — 'judicari posset .-"judi- 
 cari posse,' Kraner. 
 
 inermes] ' Inermos,' Elb. and 
 Kraner. Both forms were used. 
 
 quihuscum — superarint] ' Quibus- 
 cum' depends on ' congressi,' and 
 'superarint' is left without an object, 
 but the accusative (eos) is easily 
 supplied. 
 
 neque sui potestatem] 'And had 
 not given them the opportunity of 
 figbting him.' 
 
 subito udortum] In the battle a( 
 Magetobria probacy, c. '61. 
 
 g2 
 
84 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 Cui ?atioui contra homines barbaros atqueimperitos locus 
 fuisset, hac ne ipsum quidem sperare nostros exercitus 
 capi posse. Qui suum timorem in rei frumentariae simu- 
 lationem angustiasque itineruni conferrent facere arro- 
 ganter, quum aut de officio imperatoris desperare aut 
 praescribere viderentur. Haec si hi esse curae : frumen- 
 tum Sequanos, Leucos, Lingones submiuistrare, jamque 
 esse in agris frunienta niatura ; de itinere ipsos brevi 
 tempore judicaturos. Quod nou fore dicto audientes 
 neque signa laturi dicantur, nihil se ea re commoveri ; 
 scire enim quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non 
 fuerit, aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse, aut aliquo 
 facinore comperto avaritiam esse convictam : suam inno- 
 centiam perpetua vita, felicitatem Helvetiorum bello esse 
 perspectam. Itaque se quod in longiorem diem collaturus 
 fuisset, repraesentaturum et proxima nocte de quarta 
 vigilia castra moturum, ut quam primum intelligere pos- 
 set, utrum apud eos pudor atque officium an timor va- 
 leret. Quod si praeterea nemo sequatur, tamen se cum 
 sola decima legione iturum de qua non dubitaret, sibique 
 earn praetoriam cohortem futuram. Huic legioni Caesar 
 
 Leucos] Tliey are not mentioned 
 again by Cae^ar. 'I'he Leuci were 
 between the Mediomatrici and the 
 Lingones. Their chief town was 
 Tullum (Toul) on the Mosel. 
 
 comndam] Many good MSS. 
 have 'conjunctani,' but it is a mis- 
 take. ' Conuictam ' and ' coniunc- 
 tam ' are sometimes confounded, as 
 in Cic. Verr. Act. i. c. 4, where 
 'convictam' is the true reading. 
 The exfiression 'avaritiam lonvictani' 
 is rather unusual, for ' convinci ' is 
 generally followcil by a genitive of 
 the offence of which a man is con- 
 victed. The words ' ea re' refer to 
 all that precedes, 'Quod non . . . di- 
 cantur;' he was not at all disturbed 
 At what he had luard, for he did uot 
 believe it. lie adds, 'for he knew 
 that those generals whose army had 
 not obeyed their commands, had 
 either been defic#nt in good foi 
 tune, as proved by want of success. 
 
 or that by the discovery of some 
 «rime their avarice had been made 
 manifest.' So Cicero says, Pro P. 
 Quintio, c. 25 : " Volo inauditura 
 facinus ipsius qui id comraisit voce 
 convinci." — ' perpetua vita :' * all 
 through his life without any inter- 
 ruption.' 
 
 collaturus fuisset] There is a 
 reading ' collaturus esset.' See c. 6. 
 note on 'dies.' — ' repraesentaturum :' 
 would do forthwith, ' in prae^enti.' 
 Comp. Cic. Ad F'am. v. 16, '* Neque 
 ex})ectarc tcmporis medicinam quam 
 ratione reiiracseiitarepossimus ;" 'we 
 ought not to wait for a remedy from 
 time, if by the exercise of reason we 
 can get it at once.' See also Cic. 
 Phil.'ii. 46. 
 
 vtilerei] Some MSS. have 'plus 
 valeret,' 
 
 praetonum cohortem] The com- 
 uiap.der's ' comites,' his immediate 
 stuff, which con»ikted of the chief 
 
 LIBEK T. 
 
 85 
 
 et indulserat praecipue et propter virtutem confidebat 
 luaxime. 
 
 41. Hac oratione habita mirum in modum conversae 
 sunt omnium mentes, summaque alacritas et cupiditas 
 belli gerendi innata est ; princepsque decima legio per 
 tribunos militura ei gratias egit quod de se optimum 
 judicium fecisset, seque esse ad bell urn gerendum paratis- 
 simam confirmavit. ^ Deinde reliquae legiones cum tri- 
 bunis militum et primorum ordinum ceuturionibus ege- 
 runt uti Caesari satisfacerent : se nee umquam dubitasse 
 neque timuisse, neque de summa belli suum judicium sed 
 imperatoris esse existimavisse. Eorum satisfactione ac- 
 cepta, et itinere exquisito per Divitiacum, quod ex aliis 
 ei maximam fidem habebat, ut milium amplius quinqua- 
 giuta circuitu locis apertis exercitum duceret, de quarta 
 vigilia, ut dixerat, profectus est. Septimo die quum iter 
 
 persons about him. Cic. Ad Q Fr. 
 i. 1, c. 3. He may also mean 'his 
 guard.' 
 
 41. Hac oratione] In place of 
 this brief, energetic address, Dion 
 Cassius (38, c. 36—46) with infinite 
 bad taste puts into Caesar's mouth a 
 lone:, rambling, unmeaning piece of 
 fustian, worthy of Dion's age. Dion 
 also calls Ari'ovistuj* an ' Allobrox,' 
 and his men ' Celtae,' but he means 
 * Germans' He also says that the 
 soldiers murmured that the war with 
 Ariovistus was unjust, that it was 
 begun without the antbority of the 
 senate and to satisfy the ambition of 
 one man. Dion may have found 
 this somewhere. 
 
 cum triburtis, &c.] Elb. has ' Per 
 tribunos . . . et centuriones.' The 
 text means : ' they urged the tribunes 
 and centurions to make their apology 
 to Caesar ;' the apology of the tri- 
 bunes and centurions, as well as that 
 of the soldiers, for the tribunes and 
 centurions were equally culpable or 
 more culpable. Elberling's text 
 wouid imply that the soldiers only 
 asked to be pardoned, whereas they 
 were not the only culprits. The 
 ' primorum ordinum centuriones ' 
 
 are the six centurions of the first 
 cohort of a legion. 
 
 summa beUi\ * Summa' is often 
 used with a genitive, as 'summa 
 rerum.' A passage of Cicero, quoted 
 by Forcellini from Nonius, jdaces 
 ' summa,' the total of a reckoning, in 
 opposition to the 'singula aera,' or 
 items of an account. So the ' summa 
 belli' means the whole campaign, 
 the conduct of the whole war. 
 
 exquisito — ut] ' Divitiacus having 
 discovered a route which would take 
 them by a circuit of more th.in fifty 
 nnles throujrh an open country.' Cae- 
 sar marched from Besanqon, and on 
 the seventli day he was within four- 
 and-twcnty Ronuin miles of Ariovis- 
 tus. The direction of the route is not 
 indicated here. He made a circuit 
 to avoid the forests. The whole 
 man h must have been more than 
 fifty miles in seven days. Caesar 
 may mean that the circuitous path 
 added fifty miles to the road, but 
 fifty miles added to the march by 
 the circuitous road is too much. 
 There may be an error in the num- 
 bers. The place which he finally 
 reached was an extensive plain (c 
 43). *^ ^ 
 
86 
 
 C. JULU CAESAEIS 
 
 non intermitteret, ab exploratoribus certior factus eat 
 Ariovisti copias a nostris milibus passuura iv et xx 
 abesse. 
 
 42. Cognito Caesaris adventu Ariovistus legatos ad 
 eum mittit : Quod antea de colloguio postulasset, id per 
 86 fieri licere quoniam propius accessisset ; seque id sine 
 periculo facere posse existimare. Non respuit conditi- 
 onem Caesar, jamque eum ad sanitatein reverti arbitrat- 
 batur, quum id quod antea petenti denegasset ultro polli- 
 ceretur, magnamque in spem veniebat pro suis tantis 
 populique Eomani in eum beneficiis, cognitis suis postu- 
 latis, fore uti pertinacia desisteret. Dies colloquio dictus 
 est, ex eo die quintus. Interim saepe ultro citroque 
 quum legati inter eos mitterentur, Ariovistus postulavit 
 ne quem peditem ad colloquium Caesar adduceret : Vereri 
 86 ne per insidias ab eo circumveniretur : uterque cum 
 equitatu veniret ; alia ratione sese non esse venturum. 
 Caesar, quod neque colloquium interposita causa tolli 
 volebat neque salutem suam Gallorum equitatui commit- 
 tere audebat, commodissimum esse statuit omnibus equis 
 Gallis equitibus detractis eo legionarios milites legionis 
 decimae, cui quam maxime confidebat, imponere, ut prae- 
 sidium quam amicissimum, si quid opus facto esset, ha- 
 
 42. per se] So far as he was con- 
 cerned, he would put no obstacle in 
 the way. This is the use of 'per' 
 with ' licet,,' and in other cases, 
 where a thing is mentioned that 
 might be a hindran«e. Key's Latin 
 Gram. 13.50 ; and B. G. v. 3, ' per 
 aetateni.' — ' propius accessisset,' that 
 is, Caesar. 
 
 ad saiiitiitcm] *To better thoughts,' 
 to such a way of thinking as befits 
 sound sense. See vii. 42. 
 
 ultro pol/iceretur] ' Polliceri,' to 
 make an offer or proposal ; ' ultro ' 
 strengthens the expression, not be- 
 cause it means voluntarily, for it 
 means towards an object, viewed as 
 the remoter. Arcordingly ' ultro 
 polliceri ' is to make a proposal 
 directed to a given object or person. 
 ' Ultro citroque,' which follows, 
 means, as we say, ' backwanis and 
 
 forwards,' that is, with reference to 
 Caesar's position, who is the nar- 
 rator (citro), and with reference to 
 the position of Ariovistus (ultro). 
 As to 'ultro,' see iv. 13. 27; v. 
 28. 40 ; vi. 24. 35. 
 
 uterque — veniret] See c. 13, note 
 on ' rcminiscerctiir.' 
 
 interposita causa] Ariovistus ' in- 
 terposuerat causam ;' he had urged 
 something which would have pre- 
 vented the conference, if Caesar had 
 not yielded. 
 
 eo] Refers to ' omnibus equis,' 
 and is the same as ' in eos,' which 
 some MSS. have. Comp. i. 51. 
 These Gallic ' equites ' were four 
 thousand (c. 15). 
 
 si fjuid opus] ' Opus * may be 
 taken in its literal meaning and as a 
 noun, which it always re:illy is ; and 
 we may render this literally, ' U 
 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 87 
 
 beret. Quod quum fieret, non irridicule quidam ex tuii. 
 tibus decimae legionis dixit, Plus quam pollicitus essei 
 Caesarem facere ; pollicitum se in cohortis praetoriae loce 
 decimam legionem habiturum nunc ad equum rescribere. 
 
 43. Planities erat magna et in ea tumulus terrenus 
 satis grand is. Hie locus aequo i'ere spatio ab castris 
 Ariovisti et Caesaris aberat. Eo ut erat dictum ad collo- 
 quium veneruut. Legionem Caesar, quam equis devex- 
 erat, passibus ducenuis ab eo tumulo constituit. Item 
 equites Ariovisti pari iutervallo constiterunt. Ariovistus 
 ex equis ut colloquerentur et praeter se denos ut ad collo- 
 quiimi adducereut postulavit. Ubi eo ventum est, Cae- 
 sar initio orationis sua senatusque in eum beneficia com- 
 menioravit, Quod rex appellatus esset a senatu, quod 
 amicus, quod munera amplissima missa ; quam rem et 
 
 there should be any work in action,' 
 that is, ' if there should be any need 
 of their active services.' 
 
 non irridicule] ' Ridiculum ' is 
 that which makes a laugh or smile, 
 which may be either because of its 
 cleverness or its silliness. This 
 word, which is said to occur no where 
 else, means that there was some 
 humour in the soldier's saying. 
 Jokes, however, have their place and 
 time, and out of place and time ge- 
 nerally afipear frigid. The humour 
 consisted in this. Caesar said that 
 he would have the tenth legion in 
 the place of his ' praetoria cohors ;' 
 but he had done more than that : he 
 was converting the legion into ca- 
 valry — he was even raising them to 
 the rank of Roman ' equites ' Caesar 
 does not tell us what kind of figure 
 the infantry made on horseback. It 
 would seem to us a hazardous ex- 
 periment, but he was often rash. 
 Still it would have been more dan- 
 gerous to trust to the Gallic cavalry. 
 The expression 'rescribere' means 
 to make some entry or writing which 
 shall have the effect of changing 
 what is written or done. So it may 
 mean to dischaige a debt, because in 
 one Roman form of obligation an 
 f nMj iu writing uiade the ' obligatio,' 
 
 and another entry annulled the effect 
 of the first. Here the soldiers were 
 to be entered in the roll as ' equites ' 
 in place of their present entry as 
 foot soldiers. Schn. has ' habiturum 
 ad equum rescribere.' 
 
 43. ab castris — Caesaris] ' Ab 
 castris utrisque :' Elb. 
 
 ex equis — colloquerentur] 'Hold 
 the conference on horseback.' See 
 ' ex vinculis,' c. 4. 
 
 amplissima] ' Amplissime :' seve- 
 ral MSS. Schneider quotes Livy 
 (30, c. 15) to explain these ' munera!' 
 Scipio conferred on Massinissa these 
 honours : " Primum regeni appella- 
 tum eximiisque ornatum laudibns, 
 aurca corona, aurea patera, sella cu- 
 ruli et scipione ebiimeo, toga picta 
 et palmata tunica donat." The word 
 'missa' seems to show that these 
 presents were sent to Ariovistus. 
 fhe'aditum,' access to the senate, 
 applies probably to the ambassadors 
 of Ariovistus at Rome. In v. 40, 
 " aliquem sermonis aditum." 
 
 The ' postulata' (c. 31) of the pro- 
 vincials appear to have been handed 
 in to the consuls (Cic. Verr. ii. 2, 
 c. 60. 64). Caesar says that Aro- 
 vistus had no sufficient ('justa'l 
 reason or grounds for ai)|)]yin^ U' 
 the senate. 
 
88 
 
 C. JULTI CAESAEIS 
 
 paucis contigisse et pro mngiiis hominum officiia con- 
 suesse tribui docebat ; ilium, quum neque aditum ncque 
 causam postulandi justam haberet, beneficio ac liberalitate 
 sua ac senatus ea praemia consecutum. Docebat etiam 
 qiiam veteres quamque justae causae necessitudinis Ipsis 
 cum Aeduis intercederent ; quae senatus consulta, quotiea 
 quamque honoritica in eos facta esseut ; ut omni tempore 
 totius Galliae principatum Aedui tenuissent, prius etiara 
 quam nostram amicitiam appetissent. Populi Komani 
 banc esse consuetudinem, ut socios atque amicos non 
 modo sui nihil deperdere, sed gratia, dignitate, honore 
 auctiores velit esse : quod vero ad amicitiam populi Ko- 
 mani adtulissent, id iis eripi quis pati posset? Postu- 
 lavit deinde eadem quae legatis in mandatis dederat, ne 
 aut Aeduis aut eorum sociis bellum internet ; obsides 
 redderet ; si nuUam partem Germanorum domum remit- 
 tere posset, at ne quos amplius Kbenum transire pate- 
 
 T*etiir 
 
 44.* Ariovistus ad postulata Caesaris pauca respondit 
 de suis virtutibus multa praedicavit : Transisse Rhenum 
 sese non sua spoiite, sed rogatum et arcessitum a Gallis ; 
 non sine magna spe magnisque praemiis domum propm- 
 quosque reliquisse ; sedes habere in Gallia ab ipsis con- 
 cessas, obsides ipsorum voluntate datos ; stipendium ca- 
 pere jure belli quod victores victis imponere consuerint. 
 
 consuetudinem, ut— velit esse] Kra- 
 ner compares Liv. 37, c. 25 : " i>raeter 
 consuetudinem perpetuam populi Ro- 
 mani augendi omni honore regum 
 socioriuu majestatem." The Ro- 
 mans gave their foreign friends fine 
 names and titles, took them under 
 Roman protection, and finally an- 
 nexed their territories to the empire. 
 — ' honore auctiores :' Cicero says 
 (Ad Att. i. 2) : '• fil'olo me auctum 
 
 Bcito." , . 
 
 at] Sehneider observes that this 
 us« of *at' is not common in these 
 Commentaries. Caesar generally 
 uses it at the beginning of a sentence. 
 There is an instance in B. G. vi. 4U, 
 ♦et si' &c., which is like this, but 
 differs in not containing the negation 
 
 with *8i.' The following sentence 
 of Cicero (Verr. ii. 3, c. 4) will ex- 
 plain this pas-age : " Si non virtute, 
 non industria, &c. ; at sernione, at 
 literis, at humanitate ejus dtlecta- 
 mini." ' At' certJiinly denotes addi- 
 tion, and not direct opposition. In 
 such a case as this, it indicates that, 
 if one thing is to be conceded or 
 allowed, yet there is something which 
 must be claimed or insisted on. 
 
 44. victores i-ictis] Conip. c. 36, 
 '' qui vicissent (victores) iis quos 
 vicissent (rictis)."— ' stipendium ca- 
 pere :' ' he said that he took tribute' 
 bv the law of war. Ariovistus had 
 said (c. 36"), " Aeduos sibi . . . 8ti- 
 pendiarios esse factos." As to 'jure 
 belli,' see c. 36. 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 89 
 
 Non sese Qallis sed Gallos sibi bellum intulisse; omnes 
 Galiiae civitates ad se oppugnandum venisse ac contra se 
 castra habuisse : eas omnes copias a se uno proelio pulsas 
 ac superatas esse. Si iterum experiri velint, se iterum 
 paratum esse decertare ; si pace uti velint, iniquum esse 
 de stipendio recusare, quod sua voluntate ad id tempus 
 pependerint. Amicitiam populi Romani sibi ornamento 
 et praesidio non detrimento esse oportere, idque se ea spe 
 petisse. Si per populum Romauum stipendium remit- 
 tatur et dediticii subtrahantur, non minus libenter sese 
 recusaturum populi Romani amicitiam quam appetierit. 
 Quod multitudinem Germanorum in Galliam trausducat, 
 id se sui muniendi non Galliae impugnandae causa facere: 
 ejus rei testimonio esse quod nisi rogatus non venerit, et 
 quod bellum non intulerit sed defenderit. Se prius in 
 Galliam venisse quam populum Romauum. Numquam 
 ante hoc tempus exercitum populi Romani Galliae pro- 
 vinciae fines egressum. Quid sibi vellet cur in suas pos- 
 sessiones veniret ? Proviiiciam suam banc esse Galliam, 
 sicut illam nostram. Ut ipsi concedi non oporteret, si 
 in uostros fines impetuin faceret, sic item nos esse iniquos 
 quod in suo jure se interpellaremus. Quod fratres [e 
 senatus consul to] Aeduos appellatos diceret, non se tarn 
 barbaruin neque tani imperitum esse rerum ut non sciret 
 
 ac contra ] Caesar never uses ' ac ' 
 before a vowel, never before 'q,' 
 once before 'g' (vii, 81); and he 
 seems to have used it three times 
 before ' c,' in this passage and in 
 B. C. iii. 7.5. 78 (Schneider). 
 
 testimonio] There is a reading 
 ' testimonium,' which Elb. and Kra- 
 ner have. ' Testimonio' occurs in 
 V. 28 ; vi. 28, where there is no 
 variation ; but it is not connected 
 with a genitive as it is here. Cicero 
 (Pro Rose. Com. c. 4) has it how- 
 ever : " ejus rei ipsa verba formulae 
 testimonio stmt." 
 
 defenderit] ' Repelled.' ' Defen- 
 dere crimen' is to repel a charge, to 
 answer it (Cic. Verr. ii. 3, c. 91).. 
 
 fines egressum] Most of the MSS. 
 have ' finibus egressum.' Schneider 
 observes that Caesar uses ' cgredi ' 
 
 with an ablative, except in B. C. iii. 52, 
 Quid sibi vellet cur &c.] ' What 
 did Caesar want that he came into 
 his possessions.'' Schneider observes 
 that ' sibi ' refers to Caesar, a remark 
 that would seem superfluous, if some 
 interpreters had not supposed that it 
 referred to Ariovistus. 'Sibi,' ' tibi * 
 are often thus us«ed with ' velle,' and 
 the object is to mark more emphati- 
 cally the subject of the verb. Eiber- 
 ling has 'quid sibi vellet.'' cur in 
 suas,' «&c. I prefer Schneider's ex- 
 planation, that 'cur' must be re- 
 ferred to 'quid sibi vellet,' and 
 considered .as equivalent to 'quare' 
 at the beginning of c. 45. 
 
 e smotus coiisnlto] Oudendorp'a 
 reading is ' fratres a senatu Aeduos.' 
 The words in [] may not be ge- 
 nuine. 
 
90 
 
 C. JULII CAESAlilS 
 
 iieque bello Allobrogum proximo Aeduos ]{omanis aux- 
 ilium tuli8se,neque ipsos in his contentionibus, quas Aedui 
 eecum et cum Sequauis habuissent, auxilio populi Romani 
 U303 esse. Debere se suspicari simulata Caesarem ami- 
 citia, quod exercitum in Gallia habeat, sui opprimendi 
 causa habere. Qui nisi decedat atque exercitum deducat 
 ex his regionibus, sese ilium non pro amico sed pro hoste 
 habiturum. Quod si eum interfecerit, multis sese nobili- 
 bus principibusque populi Eomani gratum esse facturura: 
 id se ab ipsis per eorum nuntios compertum habere, quo- 
 rum omnium gratiam atque amicitiain ejus morte redimere 
 posset. Quod si decessisset et liberam possessionem 
 (ialliae sibi tradidisset, magno se ilium praemio remune- 
 raturum, et quaecumque bella geri vellet sine ullo ejus 
 labore et periculo confecturum. 
 
 45. Multa ab Caesare in eam sententiam dicta sunt 
 quare negotio desistere non posset, Et neque suam neque 
 populi Komani consuetudinem pati uti optime meritoa 
 socios desereret, neque se judicare Galliam potius esse 
 Ariovisti quam populi Romani. Bello superatos esse 
 Arvernos et Rutenos ab Q. Eabio Maximo, quibus populus 
 
 Mlo Allibronum] ProbuMy the 
 allusion is to the war after B.C. 63. 
 See Introd. p. 33. 
 
 morte redtinere] ' Whose favour 
 and friendship he could purchase by 
 Caesar's death.' 'Rcdiincre' and 
 'concluccre' have a technical signifi- 
 cation, and are terms used in tlie 
 contract of ' locatio' and 'conductio.' 
 ' Emere ' is not an admissible word 
 here, for ' emere ' is used in the 
 contract of ' emptio ' and ' vcnditio.' 
 To buy a thin*.' (* emere') is not the 
 same as ' redimere,' to enter into a 
 contract to do any thing for hire 
 ('merces'). Or as in c. 18(- vectigalia 
 redemj)ta habere'), t<> bargain for the 
 right of collecting the taxes by pay- 
 ing a sum of money. Here the sup- 
 posed hire would be the favour of 
 certain Romans, earned by doing the 
 death of Caesar. 
 
 dfcessiaset | ' Piscessisset ' is the 
 reading of the o'der editions; and 
 Krancr also has it. ' Decedere' is 
 
 the Latin word to express absolutely 
 quitting a country or territory. Thus 
 a governor who was retiring from his 
 province, when his term expired, is 
 said ' decedere,' as in Cicero, Divin. 
 c. J : " Quum . . , e.v ea provincia de- 
 cessissem." If we re.td " discessisset,' 
 it means ' if Caesar would go away 
 and leave him.' 
 
 4.5 (juare] Schneider correctly 
 refers 'quare' to 'eam sententiam, 
 and not to ' multa ' as some do. ' A 
 good deal was sjiid by Caesai- to the 
 effect of showing wiiy he could not 
 desist from wliat lie had undertaken.' 
 HultJins] Seevii. 5, and the note. 
 Q. Fiil>ii> Mii,rhuo\ Introd. p. 28. 
 ' Redegisset :' this is the Roman 
 exi)ression for reducing a <onquered 
 country to that form of admini^.tra- 
 tien which the Romans called a ' Por- 
 vincia.' This word 'jtrovincia' has 
 originally no territorial signification. 
 It is an abbreviation of ' providentia,' 
 ant! is often written in the M;SS. 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 91 
 
 Romanua ignovisset neque in provinciam redegisset neque 
 Btipendium imposuisset. Quod si antiquissimum quodque 
 tempus speetari oporteret, populi Romani justissimum 
 esse in Gallia imperium : si judicium senatus observari 
 oporteret, liberam debere esse Galliam quam bello victam 
 suis legibus uti voluisset. 
 
 46. Dum haec in colloquio geruntur, Caesari nuntiatum 
 est equites Ariovisti propius tumulum accedere et ad 
 nostros adequitare, lapides telaque in nostros conjicere. 
 Caesar loquendi finem facit, seque ad suos recepit suisque 
 imperavit ne quod omnino telum in hostes rejicerent. Nam 
 etsi sine ullo periculo legionis delectae cum equitatu proe- 
 lium fore videbat, tamen comraittendum non putabat ut 
 pulsis hostibus dici posset eos ab se per fidem in colloquio 
 circumventos. Posteaquam in vulgus militum elatum 
 
 * provintia.* The ' praetor urbanus ' 
 at Rome was said to have the ' urbaua 
 provincia,' or administration of the 
 city. 
 
 quihus — redegisset] The case after 
 ' redegisset' must be supplied. But 
 It is ' eos ' not ' quos ' which must be 
 supplied here, the word 'is' being 
 sometimes used in such a sentence 
 instead of the relative. We ought 
 to adopt the same form of expres- 
 sion, ' Whom the Roman people had 
 pardoned, and had neither reduced 
 them to the form of a province nor 
 imposed taxes on them.' Kraner 
 refers to Cicero, Brutus, c. 74. See 
 also Cicero, Phil. i. c. 10, ' iisque 
 legibus,' &c., and B. G. iv, 4, ' quas 
 regiones . . . et ad utramque,' &c. 
 Kraner refers to B. G. i. 28 for 
 an example of a rei>etition of tlie 
 relative, 'quibus . . . quosque.' 
 
 anfignissimuin] The meaning of 
 'antiquus' or'anticus' is the pre- 
 ceding or the foremost, as opposed to 
 the following or the hindmost. Its 
 opposite is ' posticus.' Caesar says 
 that, if priority of time is to be con- 
 sidered, the supremacy of the Roman 
 people in Gallia had the better claim. 
 Some persons have amused them- 
 selves with comparing the justice of 
 the arguments of the Roman general 
 
 and the German king. The Galh 
 would have been glad to be rid oi 
 both of them, and would see no 
 justice in the claims of either. 
 
 suis legibus] This is a Roman 
 expression used to signify that a con- 
 quered people were allowed to retain 
 all they had before, or nearly all, 
 except political independence, 
 
 46. legionis delectae] Caesar means 
 to say that his legion was a match 
 for the enemy's cavalry. 
 
 per Julein] This word implies 
 two parties, and the mutual confi- 
 dence that they have by virtue of the 
 words of one or both pai ties. Here 
 it refers to the words and acts of 
 Caesar, which had been adapted to 
 induce Ariovistus to come to a con- 
 ference under the belief that he 
 would get no harm. To say then 
 that Caesar did not wish to give any 
 ground for its being said that the 
 enemy were deceived in the con- 
 ference by his ' fides,' is the same as 
 saying, by his not keeping his ' fides.' 
 Schneider quotes a like example 
 from Cicero (Q. Rose. Am, c. 4U): 
 " Ad cujus igittir fidem confugiet, 
 quum per ejus fidem laeditur cui se 
 commisisset?" He also comj)are8 
 Liv. vi. 29 : " Nobisque per vestrum 
 numen de^^ptis." 
 
92 
 
 C. JCJLII CAESARI3 
 
 LIBER I. 
 
 93 
 
 est, qua arrogantia in colloquio Ariovistus usus omni 
 Gallia Komauis interdixisset, impetumque in nostros ejus 
 cquites fecissent, eaque res colloquium ut diremisset, 
 multo major alacritas studiumque pugnandi majus exer- 
 citui injectum est. 
 
 47. Biduo post Ariovistus ad Caesarem legates mittit: 
 Velle se de his rebus quae inter eos agi coeptae ueque 
 perfectae essent agere cum eo : uti aut iterum colloquio 
 diem constitueret, aut si id minus vellet e suis legatis 
 aliquem ad se mitteret. Colloqucndi Caesari causa visa 
 nou est, et eo magis quod pridie ejus diei Germani reti- 
 neri non poterant quin in nostros tela conjicerent. Le- 
 gatum e suis sese magno cum periculo ad eum missurum 
 et hominibus feris objecturum existimabat. Commodis- 
 simum visum est C. Yalerium Procillum, C. Valeri Caburi 
 filium, summa virtute et humauitate adolescentem, cujus 
 
 interdixisset^ This verb has two 
 constructions. One is the dative and 
 ablative, as here : to forbid a man a 
 thing, to declare to him that he must 
 iiave nothinj? to do with it. Con- 
 formably to this there is the passive 
 form of expression : " Male rem 
 gerentibus patribus bonis intcrdici 
 solet" (Cic. Cat. Maj. 7), where 
 ' patribus' is the dative and ' bonis' 
 the ablative. In B. G. vi. 44 there 
 is " quibus quiim aqua et i^mi inter- 
 dixisset." The verb ' interdicere' is 
 also used with the dative and accu- 
 sative, as in Liv. xxxiv. 7. 
 
 47. quod — ptterant] 'i'here is a 
 reading 'quod . . . potuerint;' and 
 'potuerant has been proposed. This 
 is not the attack mentioned in c. 
 46. There was a conference (' collo- 
 quium ') ; two days alter the con- 
 ference Ariovistus sends to pro])ose 
 another conference ; that is, ne sent 
 on the third day after the conference ; 
 one day was interposed between the 
 conference which was broken otf and 
 the proposal for renewing it. This 
 stone-throwing was renewed on the 
 day after the conference, or the day 
 before Ariovistus made his new pro- 
 posal {' pridie ejus diei '). 
 
 Legatum e suis] In the passngre 
 'e suis legatis,' Kraner incloses [le- 
 gatis] thus; and so the text would 
 in that part mean simply 'one of his 
 men.' lie correctly observes that 
 ' legatum e suis' can only mean 
 ' a commissioner from among his 
 own men,' not ' one of his legati,' 
 and that Ariovistus had only asked 
 Caesar to send somebody, if he would 
 not come himself. If we accept this 
 explanation, we avoid the difficulty 
 which arises from the word ' legatis ' 
 being first used in the sense of 'le- 
 gati' (military commanders), and 
 then in the sense of messengers or 
 commissioners. 
 
 Pruci/lum] This seems to be the 
 person who is mentioned before (c. 
 19), though he is more particularly 
 designated here His 'humanitis' 
 means his intellectual acquirements. 
 He was an a(•compli^hed young man. 
 When C. Valerius Flaccus was go- 
 vernor of Gallia (B.C. 83), he made 
 the father of this Procillus a Roman 
 citizen (' civitate donavit '). It wis 
 usual for Roman governors to confer 
 this honour on provincials, but pio- 
 bably in pursuance of a powaj .o 
 that effect (Cicero, Pro Balbo, c. 13). 
 
 I? 
 
 pater a C. Valerio Flacco civitate donatus erat, et propter 
 tidem et propter linguae Gallicae scientiam, qua multa 
 jam Ariovistus longinqua consuetudine utebatur, et quod 
 in eo peccaudi Germanis causa non esset, ad eum mittere, 
 et M. Mettium qui hospitio Ariovisti utebatur. His 
 mandavit ut quae diceret Ariovistus cognoscerent et ad 
 se referrent. Quos quum apud se in castris Ariovistus 
 conspexisset, exercitu suo praesente conclamavit : Quid 
 ad se venirent ? an speculandi causa ? Conantes dicere 
 prohibuit et in cafenas conjecit. 
 
 48. Eodem die castra promovit et milibus passu um sex 
 a Caesaris castris sub monte consedit. Postridie ejus 
 diei praeter castra Caesaris suas copias transduxit et mi- 
 libus passuum duobus ultra eum castra fecit, eo consilio 
 uti frumento commeatuque, qui ex Sequauis et Aeduis 
 supportaretur, Caesarem intercluderet. Ex eo die dies 
 continuos quinque Caesar pro castris suas copias produxit 
 et aciem instructam habuit, ut, si vellet Ariovistus proelio 
 contendere, ei potestas non deesset. Ariovistus his om- 
 nibus diebus exercitum castris continuit, equestri' proelio 
 
 niulia] It would hardly be neces- 
 sary to remark that ' multa ' refers 
 to ' lingua,' if Oudendorp, and pro- 
 bably others, had not supposed that 
 it referred to ' scientiam.' It means 
 the same as ' multum.' 
 
 hospitio — ntebutur] * hospitio . . . 
 usus erat,' Elb. ' In eo pcccandi' 
 means to do any thing wrong in his 
 person ; as in Cicero, Ad Div. xi. 12 : 
 " In eo potissimum abuti libertate 
 per quern cam consecuius sit." 
 
 conclamavit] He exclaimed with 
 ft loud voice, with great passion. 
 Schneider compares Virgil, Aen. iii. 
 523 : " Italiam primus conclamat 
 Achates." Such compounds do not 
 always mean that several persons 
 are acting together. ' Contendere,' 
 to make a great effort, is an example ; 
 and in Cicero (Ver. ii. 5, c. 31), 
 • concursare ' is said of the activity, of 
 the moving hither and thither of the 
 governors of the province : " Nam 
 aestate summa, quo tempore ceteri 
 praetores obire provinciam et lou- 
 
 cursare consuerunt." Compare B. G. 
 V. 50 : " concursari . . . jubet." 
 
 48. suh moute] Ariovistus now 
 advanced within six miles of Caesar's 
 encampment. He encamped under 
 some liigh land, to which Caesar 
 gives no name. It does not appear 
 whether Caesar advanced from his 
 encampment mentioned in c. 41, 
 unless the attack mentioned in c. 47 
 was m.idc on the Romans while 
 marching. I believe that Ariovistus 
 encamped under the Vosges (Mens 
 Vosegus, iv. 10). 
 
 ut, si vellet] ' And accordingly 
 Ariovistus was not without an op- 
 poilunitv, if he had chosen to 
 fight.' 
 
 his — diebus] Caesar has just ex- 
 pressed the five successive days (' dies 
 continuos quinque ') in the accu- 
 sative, which is conformable to the 
 usage of the Latin language. Hei"o 
 he means to say that Ariovistus kept 
 within his camp on ^very single day. 
 
94 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 quotidie contendit. Genus hoc erat puguae quo se Ger- 
 mani exercuerant. Equitum milia eraut sex, totidem 
 numero pedites velocissimi ac fortissimi, quos ex omni 
 copia singuli singulos suae salutis causa delegerant. Cum 
 his in proeliis versabantur, ad hos se equites recipiebaut : 
 hi si quid erat durius concurrebant ; si qui graviore vul- 
 nere accepto equo deciderat, circumsistebant : si quo erat 
 longius prodeundum aut celerius recipiendum, tanta erat 
 horum exercitatione celeritas ut jubis equorum sublevati 
 cursum adaequarent. ^ 
 
 49. Ubi eura castris se tenere Caesar intellexit, ne 
 diutius commeatu prohiberetur, ultra eum locum, quo in 
 loco German! consederant, circiter passus sexcentos ab 
 his castris idoneum locum delegit acieque triplici in- 
 structa ad eum locum venit. Primam et secundam aciem 
 in armis esse, tertiam castra munire jussit. Hie locus ab 
 hoste circiter passus sexcentos, uti dictum est, aberat. 
 Eo circiter hominum [numero] sedecim milia expedita 
 cum omni equitatu Ariovistus misit quae copiae uostros 
 perterrerent et munitione prohiberent. Nihilo secius 
 Caesar, ut ante constituerat, duas acies hostem propul- 
 sare, tertiam opus perficere jussit. Munitis castris duas 
 ibi legiones reliquit et partem auxiliorum, quatuor reli- 
 quas in castra majora reduxit. 
 
 50. Proximo die institute suo Caesar e castris utrisque 
 copias suas eduxit paulumque a majoribus castris pro- 
 gressus aciem iustruxit, hostibus pugnandi potestatem 
 fecit. Ubi ne tum quidem eos prodire intellexit, circiter 
 meridiem exercitum in castra reduxit. Tum demum 
 Ariovistus partem suarum copiarum quae castra minora 
 
 Genus hoc eruQ Compare Tacitus 
 (Germ, c. 6), and what Caesar says 
 of the Galli (vii. 80). 
 
 4P. ultra eum locuiii] Caesar went 
 back in the direction in which he 
 had advanced, in order to have pos- 
 session of a place which should pre- 
 vent the German from intercepting 
 his supplies. Caesar has taken pains 
 to make this so clear that nobody can 
 misunderstand it. — Elb. has * sex- 
 teiiios ab eis, castris.' Schneider 
 
 says that he does not know the au- 
 thority for ^ eis,' which Clarke first 
 placed in the text. — The ' acies tri- 
 plex ' (i. 24) is again mentioned (iv. 
 14), as being formed when Caesar 
 was on his march and prepared for 
 battle. 
 
 numern'\ This word is omitted by 
 some MSS. 
 
 50. castra minora\ Dion (38, c. 
 48) says that the Germans nearly 
 forced the 'vallum' of this camp. 
 
 LIBEE I. 
 
 95 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 oppugnaret misit. Acriter utrimque usque ad vesperum 
 pugnatum est. Solis occasu suas copias Ariovistus multis 
 et illatis et acceptis vulneribus in castra reduxit. Quum 
 ex captivis quaereret Caesar quam ob rem Ariovistus 
 proeho non decertaret, banc reperiebat causam, quod apud 
 C:rermanos ea consuetudo esset, ut matres familiae eorum 
 sortibus et vaticmationibus declararent, utrum proelium 
 committi ex usu esset necne: eas ita dicere ; Non esso 
 tas Germanos superare, si ante novam lunam proelio con- 
 tendissent. 
 
 51. Postridie ejus diei Caesar praesidio utrisque castris 
 quod satis esse visum est reliquit; omnes alarios in con- 
 spectu hostium pro castris minoribus constituit, quo 
 minus multitudine militum legionariorum pro hostium 
 numero valebat, ut ad speciem alariis uteretur ; ipse tri- 
 phci mstructa acie usque ad castra hostium accessit. Tum 
 demum necessario Germani suas copias castris eduxerunt 
 generatimque constituerunt, paribus intervallis, Harudes 
 
 If this statement is true, he found it 
 in some other authoritv than Caesar. 
 soHibm] The 'sortes' are de- 
 scribed by Tacitus (German. 10). 
 The Germans took a shoot (' virga') 
 from a fruit-bearing tree and cut it 
 up into short sticks (• surculi '). These 
 short sticks were distinguished by 
 marks, and then thrown indiscrimi- 
 nately on a white cloth. If the 
 ' sortes ' were consulted on the public 
 a(< ount, a priest acted ; if on a pri- 
 vate matter, the head of a family 
 acted. He made a prayer, and took 
 up each three times, and he derived 
 his conclusions from the marks that 
 had been made on them. Caesar makes 
 the women consult the 'sortes' as 
 well as ' vaticinate.' The ' vatici- 
 natio ' was the answer, or prophetic 
 response, given by the mouth of the 
 women. The Germans, savs Tacitus 
 (Gennan. c. 8), think that "there 
 is something of a divine nature in 
 women, and the power of seeing into 
 the future ; nor do they reject their 
 advice, or disregard their answers." 
 Plutarch (Caesar, 19) has a pass.nge 
 on this matter, either his own in- 
 
 vention or derived from some source 
 unknown to us : " The spirit of the 
 Germans was still more blunted by 
 the predictions of their wise women, 
 who, observing the eddies in the 
 rivers and drawing signs from the 
 whirlings and noise of the waters, 
 foreboded the future, and declared 
 that the army ought not to fight be- 
 fore it was new moon." 
 
 utrum— necne^ ' Whether it was 
 to their advantage or not.' So ' utrum 
 . . . necne ' is used in indirect ques- 
 tions. 
 
 51. reliquit, Sac] ' Relicto, omnes 
 alarios,' &c., in some editions. 
 
 alarios] These were the allied 
 troops, whom in other places Caesar 
 calls ' auxiha,' and ' cohortes alariae ' 
 (B. C. i. 73), The allied troops or 
 auxiliaries formed the wings of the 
 legion (Polvb. vi. 26); and hence 
 they are called 'alae,' 'alarii.' 
 
 quo minus] ' Quod minus,' Ouden- 
 dorp and Kraner. But 'quo minus' 
 is probiibly the true reading. It is 
 not necessary to understand ' eo ma- 
 gis ' before ' quo minus.' 
 
 paribus] ' Panbusque :' Elberling. 
 
96 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBEE I. 
 
 97 
 
 Marcomanos, Triboccos, Vangiones, Nemetcs, Sedusiog. 
 Suevos, omnemque aciem suam rhedis et carris circumde- 
 derunt, ne qua spes in fuga relinqueretur. Eo mulieres 
 imposuerunt, quae in proelium proficiscentes passis mani- 
 bu8 flentes implorabant ne se in servitutem Romanis tra- 
 derent. 
 
 52. Caesar singulis legionibus singulos legates et quaes- 
 torem praefecit, uti eos testes suae quisque virtutis ha- 
 beret ; ipse a dextro cornu, quod earn partem minima 
 firmam hostium esse animum adverterat, proelium cora- 
 misit. Ita nostri acriter in hostes signo date impetura 
 fecerunt, itaque hostes repente celeriterque procurrerunt 
 ut spatium pila in hostes conjiciendi non daretur. Re- 
 jectis pilis comminus gladiis pugnatum est. At Germani 
 celeriter ex consuetudine sua phalange facta impetus gla- 
 diorum exeeperunt. Reperti sunt complures nostri milites 
 qui in phalangas insilirent et scuta manibus revellerent et 
 desuper vuluerarent. Quum hostium acies a sinistro 
 
 Ariovistus placed his men according 
 to their tribes (* generatim '). See 
 B. G. vii. 19, and Cicero (Ad Att, 
 xi. 6). There was a space left be- 
 tween each tribe ('paribus inter- 
 vallis'). On their flanks and rear 
 they placed the w^aggons, with the 
 women and children on them. — ' Eo :' 
 see c. 42, ' eo . . . imjponere.' 
 
 passis manibus] ' Passis crinibus,' 
 Eib. There is authority for both, 
 I think with Schneider that ' mani- 
 bus ' is the right word here. Comp. 
 Tacit. Germ. c. 8. 
 
 52. quaestorem] Thi>» passage con- 
 tains some difficulty. 'I'he 'quaestor' 
 had the care of the money and of the 
 disbursements, and other matters or 
 that kind. Caesar perhaps had only 
 one 'quaestor' at present, but at a 
 later time (v. 25) he seems to have 
 had several, and he employed them 
 as military commanders. The 'quaes- 
 tor' is mentioned again (iv. 13 and 
 22). A 'legatus' was appointed for 
 each legion, and the 'quaestor' was 
 to keep an eye on all the legions, so 
 tiijjt every soldier of every legion had 
 
 ' legatus ' to watch hiu:, and the 
 
 * quaestor' looked over the whole. 
 This is Schneider's explanation, and 
 it is consistent with the order of 
 battle. Caesar could not see all that 
 was going on, for he commanded his 
 riuht ('a dextro cornu'), which was 
 opposed to the enemy's left (' earn 
 partem minime firmam '). Kraner's 
 explanation is this : Caesar placed 
 each of five legions under a ' le- 
 gatus,' and the sixth, which he on 
 other occasions certainly immediately 
 commanded himself, he placed under 
 the ' quaestor,' while he directed the 
 whole. 
 
 Ita nostri] * Ita . . . acriter . . . 
 ifcique . . . repente celeriterque ;' so 
 the passage must be understood. 
 
 spatium j ' Time,' as we should 
 say, and the Romans often expressed 
 time by ' spatium.' The idea of 
 space is prior to that of time. In 
 V. 15 he uses ' spathim ' for 'time,' 
 and ' spatium loci,' when he mean* 
 ' space. 
 
 complures vostri] So they wrote. 
 We say ' many of our men.' In vii. 
 47 he says ' ties suos nactus.' See 
 iv. 12. 
 
 cornu pulsa atque in fugam conversa esset, a dextro cornu 
 vehementer multitudine suorum nostram aciem preme- 
 bant. Id quum animadvertisset P. Crassus adolescens, 
 qui equitatui praeerat, quod expeditior erat quam ii qui 
 inter aciem versabantur, tertiam aciem laborantibus nos- 
 tris subsidio misit. 
 
 53. Ita proelium restitutum est, atque omnes hostes 
 terga verterunt neque prius fugere destiterunt quam ad 
 flu men Khenum milia passuum ex eo loco circiter quinque 
 
 P. Crassus] lie was the son of M. 
 Licinius Crassus, who destroyed the 
 army of Spartacu8(c.21). Marcus was 
 consul with Cn. Pompeius, B.C. 70. 
 Pul)lius was one of Caesar's Icgati in 
 Gallia till the end of tiie campaign 
 of B.C. 5(). He is mentioned again 
 (B. G. ii. 34; iii. 7), and his brother 
 Marcus is mentioned (B. G. v. 24). 
 His father, Marcus, wag ehosen consul 
 a second time for B.C. 55, with Cn. 
 Pompeius ; and at the close of that 
 year Publius went with his father to 
 Syria, of which Marcus was pro- 
 consul. Both he and his father lost 
 their lives (b.c. 53) in the plains of 
 Mesopotamia, in the Parthian war 
 (Plut. Crassus, c. 25). — On this oc- 
 casion Crassus commanded the ca- 
 valry, which consisted of Galli; he 
 made a move at the critical time with 
 the ' tertia acies,' which appears not 
 to have been engaged hitherto, and 
 brought it up to support those who 
 were engaged (' qui inter aciem ver- 
 sabantur '). 
 
 53. quinque] All the MSS. and 
 the Greek paraphrase have 'five' 
 miles, except one MS., which has 
 'duo;' but Ciacconius and Hot- 
 mann changed ' quinque ' into ' quin- 
 quaginta,' in which most editors 
 have followed them. The change is 
 founded partly on the text of I'lu- 
 tarch (Caesar, 19), who has, i-rri <TTa- 
 iinvi TtT paKocTiovi (ed. Sintenis) ; 
 but there is also a reading TpiaKO- 
 aiav<: : and on Orosius (vi. 7), who 
 says that the Germans were routed 
 and pitilessly ma.ssacred 'per quin 
 qtiaginta milia passuum.' Orosius, 
 however, does not mention the 
 
 Rhine. Schneider thinks that five 
 miles is too small a distance ; an 
 objection which is puerile. 
 
 Caesar's indication of the site of 
 the battle would not be clear, if he 
 had not told us that it was five miles 
 from the Rhine. If the number 
 ' quinque ' is right, he has pointed out 
 the place pretty clearly. We must 
 suppose that the Germans made for 
 the nearest part of the Rhine. A 
 flight or pursuit of fifty miles after 
 a hard battle is impossible, and so 
 Caesar found it before (i. 26). Cae- 
 sar was at Vesontio (i. 38 — 40), from 
 which place he marched against Ario- 
 vistus, who had advanced from his 
 country, which was the third part of 
 the territory of the Sequani. The 
 territory of the Sequani extended to 
 the Rhine ; and it is probable that 
 Ariovistus had his portion there. 
 The direct distance from Vesontio 
 to the nearest part of the Rhine, 
 about Hale, is eighty miles. Caesar 
 took a circuitous route from Vesontio 
 of fifty miles, to avoid the dangerous 
 parts of the roads and the forests, and 
 newas then twenty-four Roman miles 
 from Ariovistus. It was on the se- 
 venth day's march (i. 41) that Caesar 
 found he was so near the enemy. 
 Whether in tiiese six days and part 
 or the whole of a seventh he marched 
 more than fifty miles or less, he does 
 not tell us ; but I assume that he 
 marched more, for he was only going 
 to fight a battle, and would have as 
 little baggage as possible with him. 
 If Caesar was advancing to the north- 
 east, his route would bring him to 
 some part of the plain which lies be- 
 ll 
 
98 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 pervenerunt. Ibi perpauci aut viribus confisi tranar© 
 contenderunt, aut lintribus inventia sibi saluteni reppere- 
 ruiit. Ill his f'uit Ariovistus qui naviculam deligatain ad 
 ripam nactus ea protugit : reliquos omnes equitatu coii- 
 Becuti iiostri interlecerunt. Duae fueruut Arioviati 
 uxores, una Sueva natione quam domo secuni duxerat, 
 altera Norica, regis Voctionis soror, quam in Gallia dux- 
 erat a fratre niissain : utraeque in ea t'uga perieruut. Duae 
 
 tween the Vosges and the Rhine, in 
 tlie modern <iep;iftn»cnt of" Haut 
 Rhin, The interview between him 
 and Ariovi-tus took place in a great 
 plain (c. 43). After the interview 
 Ariovistus approached wi hin six 
 miles of Caesar's eamp (c. 4J5), and 
 posted himself under a mountain. 
 Caesar's man h, then, as it appeai-s 
 to me, brought him into the long, 
 narrow plain of Alsace; and here 
 the battle was fought. lie may have 
 entered the plain from the basin 
 6f the Doubs, by the depression in 
 whiih the Rhine and Klione canal 
 ici cut. The Germans may have 
 had more than five miles to run, 
 and there may be an error in the 
 numeral v; but they could not have 
 run in any direction lifty miles to the 
 Rhine, unless the battle was fought 
 vest of the Vosges, and there is no 
 large plain in those parts. Caesar 
 says nothins; of night coming on ; 
 which would have stopped the pur- 
 suit in an unknown country, even if 
 fatigue did not. But he says tliat 
 tl>e routed Germans did not stop and 
 tlie horsemen pursued them to the 
 Rhine: and some of the Germans 
 swam the river; a thing impossible 
 alter a heat of Hfty niiles. I conclude 
 tliat the German kins was defeated in 
 Alsace, near the banks of the Khine. 
 iVatus Rhenanus came nearer the 
 truth than those who have since 
 fiuuid fault with him. lie thinks 
 tliat the battle was fought 'ad acdem 
 Apollinaris ' (I don't know what 
 this means), which is one German 
 mile from Basle and the Rhine. 
 Kei( hard, in his maj), places the 
 i>:ittle iu the bend of tne Doubs, 
 
 between Mont Terrible and Mont- 
 beliard, and thus he gets a distance 
 from the Hhine of fifty Roman miles, 
 or near it; but tluit is all that he 
 accomplishes. 
 
 pei-veneruiit] Elb. has 'pervcni- 
 rent,' a bad reading, which he de- 
 fends by the exam|>les in i. 19; ii. 12; 
 iv. 4. 14. 21 ; vii. 9, all of which are 
 different. He might have added vii. 
 47, which, if ' appropinquaient ' is 
 right, is a passage to the |)urpo8e. 
 Caesar here says that they did not 
 stop till they reached the river, till 
 that fact was accomplished, and the 
 indicative is used in such cases (vii. 
 25). The instances of ' prius quam ' 
 in these C'oinmeniaries are very nu- 
 merous; and I am not sure if Cae- 
 sar's usage can be absolutely deter- 
 mined. In the present passage there 
 is a reading ' pervenennt.' 
 
 reli<]uos unmes] Plutarch, who is 
 fond of big sums, states the slaughtered 
 at 80,000. 
 
 tu-ore$] The king had two wives, 
 one his regular German wife, the 
 other probably he had from political 
 motives. Tacitus (German. J 8) says 
 of the Germans : *■' Nam prope soli 
 barhaiorum singulis uxoribus con- 
 tenti sunt, exceptis admodum paucis 
 qui non libidine scd ob nobilitatem 
 plurimis nuutiis ambiuntur." The 
 death of Ariovistus is mentioned v. 
 29. 
 
 tttraeque — periertivt'\ There are 
 also the readings *■ utraque . . . |>e- 
 riit' and 'utraque . . . pericnitit,' 
 which Schneider has. JSchneider 
 says that * utraeque . . . perierunt' is 
 contrary to Caesar's fashion. It is, 
 however, Latin. — ' Duae filiae,' he 
 
 LI BEE 1. 
 
 99 
 
 filiae harum, altera oecisa, altera capta est. C. Valerius 
 Procillus, quum a custodibus iu fuga trinis cateriis vinctus 
 traheretur, in ipsum Caesareiu hostes equitatu perse- 
 quentem iucidit. Quae quidem res Caesari non niinorem 
 quam ipsa victoria voluptatem attulit, quod hominem 
 houestissimum provinciae Galli:ie, suum familiarern et 
 hospitem, ereptum e manibus hustiuui sibi restitutum 
 videbat, neque ejus calamitate de tanta voluptate et gra- 
 tulatione quidquam fortuna deminuerat. Is se praesente 
 de se ter sortibus consultum dicebat, utrum igni statim 
 necaretur an in aliud tempus reservaretur ; sortium bene- 
 ficio se esse incolumem. Item M. Mettius repertus et 
 ad eum reductus est. 
 
 5-i. Hoc proelio trans Rhenuin iiuntiato, Suevi, qui ad 
 ripas Kheni venerant, domum reverti coeperunt ; quos 
 ubi ii qui proximi llheuum incolunt perterritos sense- 
 runt, insecuti magnum ex his numerum occiderunt. Ca€- 
 
 mentions * two daughters' as the 
 Bubject, and then proceeds to speak 
 of tliem severally. 
 
 C. Viderius\ Schneider writes 
 Gains Valerius, for which there is 
 the authority of many MSS. ; which 
 is worth noticing as an example of 
 the forms Caius and Gains. The 
 Greeks, Plutaith for instance, always 
 represent C'aius by Faitov. — ' Trinis :' 
 a triple chain, chains enough for 
 three men, or, as Kraner remarks, 
 because 'catenae' is generally used 
 in the plural, for the Romans said 
 ' trina eastra ' (vii. 4b'). 
 
 54. qitos — ex his] This is Caesar's 
 way of wiiting. ' Ex his' makes the 
 expression more exact than it would 
 be, if 'ex his' were omitted. Kraner 
 refers to c. 12, " eos impeditos . . . 
 magnam partem eorum ;' and to ii. 
 10, 11,23. and iii. 19. 
 
 The MSS. have 'quos ubi,' ex- 
 cept one MS. which has ' quos ubi 
 hi.' Elberling, following those who 
 have adopted the coiijec ture of Rhe- 
 nanus, has 'quos L'bii . . . perter- 
 ritos in-ecuti magnum,' &c., and 
 also Ki-aner. But this reading omits 
 ' scusejunt,' which is in all the MSS. 
 
 H 
 
 Schneider has 'quos Ubii, qui . . . 
 incolunt, [ut] perterritos sensenmt,' 
 &c. : which is the reading of Gla- 
 reanus, except that Glareanus has 
 'ul>i' in place of 'ut.' Schneider 
 thinks that ' ut' may have been ac- 
 cidentally omitted in the MSS. after 
 'ineolut,' the form of writing 'in- 
 colunt.' The name ' Ubii' and the 
 word ' ubi ' have been several times 
 confounded in the MSS. of the Gal- 
 lic war. Thus in vi. 9. wliere the 
 common reading of the editions is 
 ' Ubiorum,' most of the MSS. have 
 ' Ubi hoium ;' and in iv. 3, in place 
 of ' Ubii,' there is a corrupt reading 
 'ubi.' 
 
 Schneider thinks that there is little 
 dotibt that the Ubii are meant here, 
 for Caesar places them on the Rhine, 
 and informs us that they were oft<'n 
 at war with the Suevi (iv. 3). But 
 we may still doubt if ' Ubii ' is tiie 
 reading. In c. 37 the Treviri send 
 to inform Caesar that the Suevi were 
 on the Rhine .and intending to cro'-s 
 it. There is no indication as to the 
 part of the Rhine to which the Suevi 
 had come; but we may assume that 
 the Treviri were afraid, and that the 
 
 2 
 
100 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS LIBEE I. 
 
 sar, una aestate duobus maximis bellis confectis, maturiua 
 paulo quam tempus anni postulabat in hiberna in Se- 
 quanos exercitum deduxit; hibernis Labienum prae- 
 posuit ; ipse iu citeriorem Galliam ad conventus agendoa 
 prefect us est. 
 
 enemy was opposite to some part of 
 their territory. Again, though the 
 Ubii were on the east side of the 
 Rhine, they were not nearer to the 
 Rhine than many others ; and the 
 words 'qui proxiuii,' as a definition 
 of their position, are not appropriate. 
 There aro difficulties iu tliis passage 
 both ways. 
 
 in Sequanos] If we take these 
 words strictly, Ca«sar had gone out 
 of the territory of the Scquani to 
 find Ariovistus. He would have left 
 the territory of the Scquani, if he 
 had advanced some distance along 
 the Rhine in the plain of Alsace. 
 It is true that ' in hiberna . . . de- 
 ducere' is the proper phrase, and it 
 may he said tliat ' in Scquanos' may 
 be used after 'in hiberria,' even if 
 Caesar was ' in Sequanis.' But I 
 think tliat he was out of the terri- 
 tory of the Scquani. Compare the 
 expression in ii. 35 : " Ipse in Car- 
 nutes ... in hibemacula dcdurtis." 
 
 ad conventus aye7idos] In another 
 place (ii. 35) Caesar speaks of going 
 into Italia He uses the expressions 
 Citerior Gallia and Italia indif- 
 ferently, though Citerior Gallia is 
 the correct term. He used to go 
 every year in the winter (v. 1). In 
 another passage (vi. 44) he set out for 
 Italy 'ad conventus agendos.' His 
 object was to be near Rome and 
 know what was going on there. 
 
 ' Conventus*,' or meetings, was the 
 name of any assemblage of people 
 for some purpose. The Romans di- 
 vided their provinces into circuits, 
 to which they gave the name of ' con- 
 ventus' or ^conventus juridici,' cir- 
 
 cuits for the administration of jus- 
 tice. A 'conventus' or circuit took 
 its name from some chief town in 
 it. Thus the name 'conventus' ex- 
 pressed both the assembly, the terri- 
 tory from which the people assem- 
 bled, and the place where the as- 
 sembly was held. It also means 
 'jurisdiction,' for * conventus .igcrc ' 
 or 'convcntum agere' (Cicero, Verr. 
 ii. 5, c. 11) means to hold the meet- 
 ing and do all that was usual at such 
 meetings. One part of the business 
 of a governor of a province at these 
 'conventus ' was to hear and deter- 
 mine suits. But this was not all. 
 There were many things, not matters " 
 of litigation, wliicli could only be 
 done in tlue form before a person 
 invested with the authority of a pro- 
 consul or propraetor (Cic. ad Div. 
 XV. 4, § 2). Caesar went round his 
 circuits in the winter, after the cam- 
 paign was over, as Cicero intended 
 to do in Cilicia (Ad Att. v. 14). It 
 is probable that the days for holding 
 the courts were fixed, for Cicero 
 (Ad Att. V. 21, § 9) names the dif- 
 ferent places where he intended to 
 hold his courts (' forum agere'), and 
 the times also. 
 
 Drumann (Gesrhichte Roms, iii. 
 p. 252) truly remarks, that the ques- 
 tion whether Gallia should be a 
 German or a Roman province was 
 decided for some centuries by the 
 campaign of B.C. 58. It was not 
 until after the overthrow of the Wes- 
 tern Roman Kmpire that the Ger- 
 mans were able to get possession of 
 Gallia. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 This plan shows the position of Caesar's rampart along the south side of 
 the Rhone, from Geneva to the prolongation of the Jura on the south side 
 of the Rhone (B. G. i. 8). It shows also the gap in the Jura through 
 which the Helvctii passed by the site of Fort TEcluse into the territory of 
 the Sequani. The position of the Nantuates (B. G. iii. 1. 6) is also 
 marked. (From Roesch, Commentar iiber die Commcntarien, &c.) 
 
100 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS LIBER I. 
 
 sar, una aestate duobus maximis bellis confectis, matiiriua 
 paulo quam tempus anni postulabat in hiberna in Se- 
 quanos exercitum deduxit; hibernis Labienum prae- 
 posuit ; ipse iu citeriorem Galliam ad conventus agendoa 
 protect us est. 
 
 enemy was opposite to some part of 
 their territory. Again, though the 
 Uhii were on the east side of the 
 Rhine, they were not nearer to the 
 Khine than many others ; and the 
 words 'qui ])roxiini,' as a definition 
 of tlieir position, are not appropriate. 
 There are ditiiculties iu this passage 
 both ways. 
 
 in Sequunos^ If we take these 
 words strit tly, Cat sar had gone out 
 of the territory of tiie Seqnani to 
 find Ariovistus. lie would have left 
 the territory of tlie Seqnani, if he 
 had adviinced some distance along 
 the Rhine in the jdain of Alsaee. 
 It is true that ' in hiberna . . . de- 
 ducere' is the proper i)hrase, and it 
 may be said tliat ' in Sequanos' may 
 be used after 'in hiberna,' even if 
 Caesar was ' in Sequanis.' But I 
 think that he was out of the terri- 
 tory of the Hequani. Compare the 
 expression in ii. 35 : " Ipse in Car- 
 nutes ... in hibcmarula deduetis." 
 
 ad cnnventus U()endtn<] In another 
 place (ii. 35) Caesar sy)eak8 of going 
 into Italia He uses tlie expressions 
 Citerior Gallia and Italia itidif- 
 forcntly, though Citerior CJallia is 
 the correct term. He used to go 
 every year in the winter (v, 1). In 
 another passage (vi. 44) lie set out for 
 Italy 'ad conventus agendos.' His 
 object was to be mar Rome and 
 know what was going on there. 
 
 ' Conventus,' or meetings, was the 
 name of any assemblage of people 
 for some purpose. The Romans di- 
 vided their provinces into circuits, 
 to which they gave tlie name of ' con- 
 rentus' or 'conventus jiiridici,' cir- 
 
 cuits for tlie administration of jus- 
 tice. A 'conventus' or circuit took 
 its name from some chief town in 
 it. Thus the name 'conventus' ex- 
 pressed both the assembly, the terri- 
 tory from which the people assem- 
 bled, and the j)lace where the as- 
 sembly was held. It also means 
 'jurisdiction,' for ' conventus .agerc ' 
 or 'conventum agere' (Cicero, Verr. 
 ii. 5, c. 11) means to hold the meet- 
 ing and do all that was umal at such 
 meetings. One part of the business 
 of a governor of a province at these 
 ' conventus ' was to hear and deter- 
 mine suits. But this was not all. 
 There were many things, not matters 
 of litigation, wliicli could only be 
 done in liue form before a person 
 invested with the authority of a pro- 
 consul or propraetor (Cic. ad Div. 
 XV. 4, § 2). Caesar went round his 
 circuits in the winter, after the cam- 
 paign was over, as Cicero intended 
 to do in Cilicia (Ad Att. v. 14). It 
 is probable that the days for holding 
 the courts were fixed, for Cicero 
 (Ad Att. v. '21, § 9) names the dif- 
 ferent places where he intended to 
 hold his courts ( forum agere'), and 
 the times also. 
 
 Drumann (Geschichte Roms, iii. 
 p. 2.V2) truly remarks, that the ques- 
 tion whether Gallia should be a 
 German or a Roman province was 
 decided for some centuries by the 
 campaign of B.C. 58. It was not 
 until after the overthrow of the Wes- 
 tern Roman Empire that the Crer- 
 mans were able to get possession of 
 Gallia. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 This plan shows the position of Caesar's rampart along the south side of 
 the Rhone, from Geneva to the prolongation of the Jura on the south side 
 of the Rhone (B. G. i. 8). It shows also the gap in the Jura through 
 which the Ilelvetii passed by the site of Fort I'Ecluse into the territory of 
 the Sequani. The position of the Nantuates (B. G. iii. 1. 6) is also 
 marked. (From Roesch, Commentar iiber die Commcntarien, &c.) 
 
102 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 II. (i. 10). 
 
 f 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 103 
 
 Caesar !eft the nciffhbourliood of Rome in Apiil b'c. 58 of the unrefomied 
 calendar, and travelling as quick as he could into Gallia Ulterior, reached 
 (uneva (c. 7) in eight days, as Plutarch says (Caesar, c. 17). Caesar does not 
 tdl us where he crossed the Alps: he does not even mention ihem. It ia 
 his way to say nothing which does not concern the matter in hand. lie 
 may have crossed from Italy by the Great St. HtTnnrd, which pass would 
 bring him down to Octodurus (Martigny), and would be as short a road as 
 any other, I suppose. In B.C. 57 he sent Gal ha to ' open,' as he calls it, 
 this route over the Great St. Bernard, by which the merchants used to 
 travel at great risk and not witliout paying heavy tolls h> the n)oiint:iin 
 tribes who commanded the road (B. G. ii'i. 1). If Caesar went this way to 
 (ieneva in B.C. 58 lie would become acquainted with the position of these 
 moiintain tribes, and with the heavy demands which they made on the 
 Italian traders. 
 
 He stayed at Geneva in B.c 58 only long enough to protect the frontier of 
 tlie Rhone against the Helvetii, and then he ag:iin crossed the Aijts into 
 Italy (c. 10) without mentioning them. After getting together five Icpions 
 in North Itiily he returned into Gallia Ulterior across the Alps, as he now 
 says, for he bad reason for mentioning thtm. He crossed the mountains 
 ' by the shortest road into Ulterior Gallia,' an expression which imjdies that 
 there was at least another road. ' Shortest ' must mean the shortest road 
 to the place to which he was going, and this was the territory of the 
 yo(ontii in the Provincia. for he says that he left Ocelum, the last town 
 in Gallia Citerior, and reached the territory of the Voconiii on the seventh 
 day. If the site of Ocelum were certain, there could be no ditliculty in 
 determining by what road he crossed the Alps. 
 
 Three Alpine tribes attacked him on his march : the Centrones, who 
 lived in the valley of the 'I'arentaise, down which the road leads from the 
 pass of the Little St. Bernard into Gallia Ulterior; the Caturiges, who 
 lived in the upjier valley of the Durance, down which the rad leads from 
 tlie pass of the Mont Genevre, also into Gallia Ulterior; and the Graicoeli 
 or Garoceli, whose position cannot be ascertained. But it seems probable 
 that the Garoceli occupied the long valley of the Maurienne, down which 
 the road leads fronj the pass of the iMont Cenis to Chanibery and to Grenoble 
 in the French department of the Isere. Thus the three great Alpine vallevs 
 from north to south, the Tarentaise or valley of the upper Isere, the Mau- 
 rienne or the valley of the Arc, and the upper valley of the Durance, would 
 be occupied respectively by the Centrones, Garoce i, and Caturiges. But 
 as these tribes were separated by considerable intervals, and only one of the 
 three lived on Caesars route, whatever that route was, we must conclude 
 that they (ombinid to stop him on the road that he took; but the nnuies 
 and positions of the three tribes give us no help in ascertaining Caesar's road. 
 If Ocelum is rightly fixed by D'Anville at Usseau in Picdm«.nt, Caesar 
 went into G'allia over the Mont Genevre. A road coes from Pineroio in 
 Piedmont up the valley of the Clusone to Fenestrelle, whi* h in modem 
 times has been a fort and a prison. A few miles hevond Fenestrelle the 
 rojid brinirs us to Usseau or Usseaux, which D'Anville assumed to be 
 Ocelum. From Usseaux the road continues along the upper valley of the 
 Clusone, which valley is named Pragelas. and the road then passes over the 
 Colle di Sestrieres to Cesanne in the upper valley of the Dora Riparia. 
 F oin Cesanne the road passes over the C(d of the Mont Genevre and 
 descends to Briau^on (Brigantio) in the valley of the Durance. CaesiH 
 
 wiay have gone up tlie valley of the Clusone ; and if Usseau is Ocelum, he 
 did go up it. 
 
 Strabo (p. 179) describes a road from Tarascon on the Rhone up the 
 valley of the Durance into Italy. This road, he says, passed through tlie 
 country of the Vocontii. The towns which he mentions on this road are 
 Caballio (Cavaillon) on the Durance, Khrodunura (Embrun), and Brigan- 
 tium (Brianqon), the last place in the valley of the Durance. The next 
 place to Brianqon is Scincomagus, which is the first town on the Italian 
 side of the Alps. Next to Scincomagus is Ocelum, which is "27 miles from 
 Scincomagus, anJ 99 from Embrun, according to Strabo's text i. The site 
 of Scincomagus is unknown, but if Ocelum l>e Usseaux, Scincomagus may 
 be near the Colle di Sestrieres, as D'Anville sugirested. Caesar then 
 marching from Ocelum to the country of the Vocontii would cross the 
 Mont Genevre, and this conclusion is certain, unless there was another road 
 which would take him from Ocelum over the Alps into the country of the 
 Vocontii, and it n)ust also be the shortest road. 
 
 The pass of the Mont Genevre may be reached from Turin by going to 
 Siisa (Segusio), and from Susa up the valley of the Doi-a Riparia past 
 Kxilles and Oulx to Cesanne, and thence over the Mont Genevre. This is 
 the road laid down in the Roman Itineraries, and if either Exilles or Oulx 
 represents Ocelum, it is the road that Caesar took. But still he went into 
 Gallia Ulterior by the pass of the Mont Genevre. (See Note below.) 
 
 There is now a' road from Susa to the pass of the Mont Cenis. This road 
 does not follow a stream like the roads from Susa and Pineroio to the Mont 
 Genevre. It is formed on the side of a mountain mass which is the western 
 wall of a narrow valley, on the eastern side of whicli is the huge Rocciame- 
 lone. This steep road leads up to the lake at the b:ise of the Great Mont 
 Cenis, and thence over the neck of the ridge down into the valley of the 
 Arc on the west side of the Alps. A track is also marked from Susa over 
 the Colle of the Little Mont Cenis, which is south of the Great Mont 
 Cenis. This road would also bring a traveller down into the valley of the 
 Arc, and lower down in that valley than the road over the neck of the 
 Great Mont Cenis. But Caesar d.d not take either of these ways, either 
 that over the Great or that over the Little Mont Cenis, and these are the 
 reasons why he did not. These ways would not be the shortest into the 
 Roman Provincia, nor would they bring him into the country of the 
 Vocontii. If he went either of these ways, Ocelum was either at Susa, 
 which nobodv has yet assumed, or at some place east of Susa on tlie road 
 to Turin, and there is neither any dii-ect evidence nor any probability in 
 that. Lastly, there is no evidence that the Romans ever used the pass of 
 the Mont Cenis; and there is evidence that they used the road over the 
 Genevre, which is the shortest and easiest way from Italv into France, as 
 anv one mav see who will look at the map of the Sardinian dominions 
 (1840), if he has knowledge enough of mountainous countries to interpret 
 it right. 1 say the shortest and easiest way from Italy into France, if a 
 man is at or near Turin, and simply wishes to get into France, without 
 caring what part he reaches ; and if he wishes to get into the country of the 
 
 1 1 set no value on these numbers, which may be incorrect. In another place 
 Strabo(p. 217) makes it only ()0 miles from Placentia to Ocelum along the 
 Po and the Duria ; but the text is wrong. This Duria is the Duria Minor, 
 the Dora Riparia, which runs past Svisa. Strabo also speaks of this road 
 from Placentia to Ocelum as running along the Druentia (Durance), 
 which shows thai he means the road tlirough Scincomagus and Enibrun, 
 and the same road over the Alps which he has described above (p. 179). 
 
104 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 105 
 
 Vocontii by the shortest road, it is the only way that he must talce. I have 
 also said ' if a man is at or near Turin,' and this was Caesar's case ; 
 for wherever Ocelum was, a man coming from those parts of North Italy, 
 where Caesar had been collecting'his troops, and passing the Alps by way 
 of Ocelum, must liave either gone through Turin, or north of Turin or 
 south of Turin, and at no great distance from the site of that town. For 
 if we admit that the exact site of Ocelum is uncertain, the site may still be 
 determined witliin such limits as to show that Caesar crosised the Alps by a 
 Bouthem and not by a northern pass Consequently Caesar went from 
 Ocelum to Brigantium, and over the Mont Genevre. Caesar's route was 
 to the Vocontii, and the shortest road to the Vocontii from Italy, as 1 have 
 said, is over the Mont Genevre. Caesar does not say what part of the 
 extensive territory of the Vocontii he was going to : he says simply that ho 
 did enter their territory after crossing the Alps, and that he went by the 
 shortest road ; and the short road to reach this territory from the east 
 aide of the Alps was over the Mont Genevre, as Sti-abo says (p. 187). 
 
 It is difficult to fix the limits of ancient tribes, but we know that 
 Vasio (Vaison) and Dea (Die) were the chief towns of the Vocontii, whose 
 territory extended from ijie southwards to some part of the Durance. Caesar 
 might have reached the territory of the Vocontii by passing from Brianqon 
 to Embrun, and thence through Vapincum (Gap) to Dea in the north part 
 of the Vocontian territory. There is no other pass than the Mont Genevre 
 which could bring him into the territory of the Vocontii, if the territory of 
 the Vocontii did not extend east of the mountains which bound the west 
 side of the valley of the Drac, a river which joins the Isere a short distance 
 l>elow Grenoble. I do not know that there is .any evidence, and indeed 
 there can be no evidence that the Vocontii were in the valley of the Di-ac ; 
 and it is very improbable that in those times the same tribe occupied the 
 valley of the Drac and also the country west of the mountains which form 
 the western boundary of the Drac valley. If Caesar got into the valley of 
 the Drac either bv taking the pass of the Mont Genevre or by the pass of 
 the Mont Cenis, he and his five legions would have gone a long way out of 
 their road, which, he says, was to tlie territory of the Vocontii. 
 
 He had left Labienus to guard the rampart which extended along the 
 south bank of the Rhone from the Leman Lake to the mountains where 
 tlie gorge of the Rhone commences. If Labienus defended his lines, the 
 Helvetii must either stay where tliey were on the north side of the [<hone, 
 or take their road through the gap of the Rhone. If Labienus' rampart was 
 forced, the Helvetii would enter the Provincia. In either case Caesar's 
 road would be into the Provincia with the view of finding the Helvetii, 
 either in it, or on the road thiouirh the country of tlie Sequani to the 
 Sadne ; and this was the road which the Helvetii did take. We have no 
 evidence that Caesar knew what had happened in his absence, but he might 
 hear when he reached the territory of the Vocontii. If he did not hear in 
 the territory of the Vocontii what the Helvetii were doing, it is certain that 
 he heard when he entered the territory of the Allobroges; for he crossed 
 the Rhone above the junction of the Rhone and Saone, and hearing of the 
 mischief that the Helvetii were doing, he followed and caught them as 
 tliey were passing the Saone. 
 
 After cutting off one fourth of the Helvetii at the passage of the Saone 
 Caesar crossed the river in a single day by a brid^^e (c. 13). He does not 
 pay how he crossed it so quick, but we may guess. He had vestels which 
 went up the Saone and carried his stipplies (c. 16). He could not have 
 fotmd these vessels and his supplies any where except in the Provincia and 
 along the Rhone, and if he had not given orders for the vessels and suppiici 
 
 to be got ready, when he left Geneva for Italy, he got them ready when he 
 reached the Rhone after his return over the Alps. But I suppose that he 
 had given orders about these vessels and that he went to meet tliem. He 
 had five legions to feed, and at the rate at which he moved it is plain that 
 he had no great supplies with him. 
 
 There was then good reason for Caesar reaching the Rhone as soon as 
 he could, whether he expected to find the Helvetii in the P ovincia, or 
 north of the Provincia between the Rhone and the Saone, where he did 
 find them : and his ' shortest road ' as he calls it was over the Mont 
 Genevre. Tlie vessels which he had got together in the Provincia contained 
 his supplies and took him across the Saone (c. 13), for I assume that a 
 bridge which took his six legions and all his auxiliaries across the Saone in 
 one day was a bridge of boats. He could not have built a bridge and got 
 all his men over by it in one day, which he says that he did. It is probable 
 that the vessels had also taken him over the Rhone from the territory of 
 the Allobroges into that part of the territory of the Segusiani, which lay 
 in the angle between the Saone and the Rhone. The evidence for Caesar's 
 crossing by the Mont Genevre may produce no more than a probable 
 opinion, but it is a very probable opinion, and it is consistent witii all 
 Caesar's narrative. If we suppose that he went over any other pass, the 
 whole narrative will not be consistent. 
 
 HL 
 
 This plan shows the 'triplex acies' which Caesar formed of his four 
 veteran legions (B. G. i. 24). Each legion had four cohorts in the first 
 line, three in the second line, and three in the third line. This was the 
 usual form of the ' triplex acies.' The order of the cohorts in the first line 
 from left to right is 4, 3, 2, 1 ; in the second line from loft to right, 7, 6, 5 ; 
 and in the third line from left to right 10, 9, 8. (From Roesch.) 
 
 HE LVETII 
 
 \ \ 
 
 m ^ 
 
 ^ m3 ^ 
 
 '''^•. **••-, **•-. ***-- '""-> "---. ""--» **--. 
 **»>.. ■**», **•>- '*•'-. "'"♦-» ""-, "'->« '"-* 
 
 ■^c- 
 
 II 
 -J 
 
 When the Boii and Tulingi fell on the Roman flank, whether the right or 
 left flank we do not know, the cohorts in the third line, which cohorts in the 
 plan are marked in white, turned round to face the Boii and Tulingi, and, 
 leaving their positions, formed a line at right angles to the other two lines, 
 and in front of the Boii and Tulingi. Thus there was a fight along two 
 lines ('ancipiti proelio,' i. 26). 
 
LTBER SECUNDUS. 
 
 ARGUxMENT. 
 
 Chap. 1. The Bolgae combine their forces ajrainst Caesar. 2, 3. The Remi 
 
 surrender to him. 4. The amount of the forces of the Belpae. 5 7. Cae- 
 
 s.ir marches to the river Axonu ; the Helgue attiick Bihrux. a town of the 
 Remi, but abandon tlie assault upon Caesar rtlieviii^r the place. 8. Cae- 
 sar's camp. 9 — 1 1. Tiie Belcrjie. after failinc: in an attack on the position 
 of Q. Titurius, and hearing of the manh of the Aedui a<rain8t the BtUo- 
 vaci, disperse to iheir several homes. 12— 14. The Sucssiones and Bcllo- 
 
 vaci submit to Caesar. 15. The Ambiani submit to him, \6 2H. The 
 
 war with the Nervii, who are nearly annihilated ; the surrender of the 
 survivors. 29 — 33. The war with the Aduatuci, who were descendants 
 of the Cimbri and Teuton! ; the surren<ler of their stronp-hold ; the 
 Aiiuatuci attempt to surprise the Romans after their surrender ; all the 
 survivors are sold for slaves. 34. P. Crassus redu<e8 the Vcneti, Unelli, 
 and other maritime states. 3.5. The Transrbenane nations send to proffer 
 their submission to Caesar ; the winter quarters in Gallia ; a ' supplicatio ' 
 at Rome for Caestir's victories. 
 
 The events in this book belong to A.l c. 697, or B.C. 57 ; and the consulship 
 of P. Cornelius Leutulus Spinther and Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos. 
 
 QuuM esset Caesar in citeriore Gallia in hibernis, ita uti 
 Bupra demonstravinius, crebri ad eum rumores affere- 
 bantur, litterisque item Labieni certior fiebat onines 
 Belgas, quam tertiam esse Galliae partem dixeramus, 
 contra populum Romauum conjurare obsidesque inter se 
 dare : conjurandi has esse causas ; primum, quod vere- 
 rcntur ne omni pacata Gallia ad eos exercitus noster ad- 
 
 ita uti siipra] Caesar's way of 
 beginning a new book, and his re- 
 feience to the end of the preceding 
 book, show that he made some di- 
 vision of his work. He divided it 
 into the same number of narts in 
 which it now exists, his plan being 
 to comprise the campaign of each 
 year in a separate division (viii. 48). 
 lie begins tlie fourth and Hfth books 
 with mentiiming the several consuls 
 of those two years. 
 
 lerliain — partem] See i. 1. The 
 
 relative 'quam' refers to 'tertiam 
 partem,' a common constmction in 
 the I>atin writers. Hei-zog cites B. 
 C. iii. 80, ' Gomphos pervenit . . . 
 quae gens.' Sec i. 10, 'quae civitas;' 
 i. 3}?, ' Vesontionem, quod est oppi- 
 dum ;' iv. 1. 29, and v. 54, ' Senones, 
 quae est civitas,' &c. 
 
 cojijurure] See vii. 1, and iv. 31. 
 
 pacata Gal/ia] Here 'Gallia' 
 means * Celtica.' — *ad eos:' he has 
 just said ' inter se dare.' If he had 
 said ' ad se,' though the context 
 
 LIBEE II. 
 
 107 
 
 duceretur ; deinde, quod ab nonnullis Gallis sollicita- 
 rentur, partim qui, ut Germanos diutius in Gallia versari 
 noluerant, ita populi Eomani exercitum hiemare atque 
 inveterascere in Gallia moleste ferebant, partim qui mdbi- 
 litate et levitate animi novis imperils studebant ; ab non- 
 nullis etiam, quod in Gallia a potentioribus atque his, qui 
 ad conducendos homines facultates habebant, vulgo regna 
 occupabantur, qui minus facile eam rem imperio nostro 
 consequi poterant. 
 
 2. His uuntiis litterisque commotus Caesar diias legi- 
 ones in citeriore Gallia novas conscripsit, et inita aestate 
 in interiorem Galliam qui deduceret Q. Pedium legatura 
 misit. Ipse quum primum pabuli.copia esse inciperet 
 
 would show that ' se ' could not re- 
 fer to 'exercitus,' there would be an 
 apparent contusion. This confusion 
 is sometimes avoided by the use of 
 ' is ' in place of ' se.' But ' se ' could 
 iiardly be used here. 
 
 partim (fui] ' Partim,' 'partim' re- 
 fer to ' nonnullis Gallis,' who are dis- 
 tributed into two divisions. Though 
 it h:is the foim of an accusative, it 
 was used by Caesar and Citero as a 
 word of distribution, without any 
 respect to its case. Cicero (In Pison. 
 c. 21) uses it as an accusative, just 
 like 'partem.' In another passage 
 (In Vatin. c. 7) it is a nominative: 
 " relioui sex fucrunt, ex qui bus par- 
 tim plane tecum sentiebant, partim 
 medium quendam cursum tenebant." 
 
 The Sequani had good reason to 
 be dissatisHcd. Caesar liad posted 
 his troops in winter quarters in tneir 
 country after the expulsion of Ario- 
 vistus. The (Jalli saw clearly that 
 he contemplated the subjugation of 
 all the country. 
 
 inveterascere] Ste v. 41. 
 
 ad comlucendos homines] Caesar, 
 in the words partim qui, ut Ger- 
 manos,' to the end of the chapter, is 
 givin;.! his own opinion of the various 
 motives by which the Galli were in- 
 duced to stir up the Belgae. He 
 represents the po\^erful men m Ccl- 
 tica, tlie rich (• qui ... facultates 
 habebant'), as hiring mercenaries, 
 
 and by their aid seizing on power. 
 It was an ordinary trick. We see 
 in the Gallic war several of these 
 ' potentiores' aiming at acquiring 
 power by what their descendants call 
 a ' coup.' See i. 3. 
 
 imperio nostro] ' If our imperium 
 was established.' See i. 18, "im- 
 perio populi Romani," &c. Elber- 
 li'.g has 'in imperio' here, which is 
 the leading of many MSS. ; but in 
 1. 18 the preposition does not seem 
 to be in any MS. 
 
 2. interiorem] This reading, which 
 has the best MS. authority, is pre- 
 ferable to ' ulteriorem,' which some 
 MSS. have. ' Ulterior Gallia' (i. 7. 
 10) is the Provincia ; and the 'in- 
 terior Gallia' is the part of Gallia 
 which was beyond the limits of the 
 Provincia; for it was there that 
 Caesar wanted his new troops. — The 
 words ' iniUi aestate' belong to ' de- 
 duceret.' See c. 35, 'inita proxima 
 aestate.' Q. Pedius was to lead his 
 troops into central Gallia as soon as 
 the tine weather began. 
 
 Q. Pedius was probably the son of 
 Caesars eldest sister Julia, tliough 
 Suetonius makes him the grandson 
 of .Julia. He was maiie joint ' heres' 
 by Caesar W'th his two great-nephews 
 C. Octavius and L Piuarius. He 
 was const) with C. Octavius in B.C. 
 43, the yeai after Caesar's death. 
 
108 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 ad exercitum venit ; dat negotlum Senonibus reliquisquo 
 Gallis, qui finitirai Belgis eraut, uti ea quae apud eoa 
 gerautur cognoscant seque de his rebus certiorem faciant. 
 ill constanter omnes nuntiaveruut manus cogi, exercitum 
 in unum locum conduci. Turn vero dubitandum non 
 existimavit quin ad eos proficisceretur. Ee frumentaria 
 comparata castra movet diebusque circiter xv ad fines 
 Belgarum pervenit. 
 
 3. Eo quum de improviso celeriusque onini opinione 
 venisset, Kemi, qui proximi Galliae ex Belgis sunt, ad 
 eum legates Iccium et Andocumborium primes civitatis 
 suae miserunt [qui dicerent] Se suaque omnia in fidem 
 atque in potestatem populi Romani permittere ; neque se 
 cum reliquis Belgis consensisse neque contra populum 
 Komanum omnino conjurasse, paratosque esse et obsides 
 dare et imperata facere et oppidis recipere et frumento 
 ceterisque rebus juvare ; reliquos omnes Belgas in armis 
 esse, Germanosque qui cis Rhenum incolant sese cum his 
 conjunxisse, tantumque esse eorum omnium furorem ut 
 
 LIBER IT. 
 
 109 
 
 y Senonihus] The Senones were one 
 
 X of those Celtic nations who had once 
 
 Bent a detachment of their country- 
 men into Italy (Introd. p. 22). They 
 occupied a country north west of the 
 Aedui, whose neigiibours they were. 
 Their capital was Agedincum, or 
 Agendicum (Sens), on the right bank 
 of the Yonne, a branch of the Seine 
 (Caesar, B. G, vi. 44). They occupied 
 therefore a portion of the up|)er basin 
 of the Seine. Their neighbours on 
 t4ie west were the Camutes. The 
 Gallic name of the Yonne seems to 
 be Icauna. 
 
 exercitum — conduci'\ ' Exerci tus 
 . . . conduci,' Elb. There is authority 
 for both readings; but the Bclgae 
 were con)bining their forces to make 
 an ' exerci tus,' 
 
 duhilundiim — quin\ Tn c. 23, 
 "transire flumen non dubitaverunt." 
 The infinitive denotes an act done 
 without any he.'-itation ; the sub- 
 junctive with ' quin ' denotes a re- 
 solution made without hesitation 
 (Schneider). 
 
 ad fines — petTem't] He reached 
 their borders. He did not enter tliera 
 yet. His troops marched from the 
 territory of the Seqnani, in which 
 Caesar had his head-quarters at Ve- 
 sontio (i. 38). 
 
 3. Renii] The Remi seem to have 
 had the Matrona (Marne) for their 
 southern limit, for in these parts 
 they were the nearest of the Belgians 
 ('ex Belgis') to Gallia, and the Ma- 
 trona was one of the boundaries be- 
 tween Gallia and the Belgae (i. 1). 
 If their territory extended north of 
 the Axona (Aisne), they occupied 
 the north east part of the basin of 
 the Seine. 
 
 qui dicerent] These words are 
 omitted in some MSS. Thev are not 
 necessary, nor do they cause any dif- 
 ficulty. ^ 
 
 imfH-rata facere] ' To obey his 
 orders' ('quae imperarentur,' c. 32). 
 The Kemi were ready for any mean- 
 ness, and they continued servile 
 allies of Caesar, who rewarded them 
 for it (viii. Q), 
 
 ne Suessiones quidem, fratres consanguiueosque suos, qui 
 eodem jure et iisdem legibus utantur, unum imperium 
 unumque magiatratum cum ipsis habeant, deterrere po- 
 tuerint quin cum his consentirent. 
 
 4. Quum ab his quaereret quae civitates quantaeque in 
 armis essent et quid in bello possent, sic reperiebat : ple- 
 rosque Belgas esse ortos ab Germanis Rhenumque anti- 
 quitus transductos propter loci fertilitatem ibi consedisse, 
 Gallosque qui ea loca incolerent expulisse, solosque esse 
 qui patrum nostrorum memoria omni Gallia vexata Teu- 
 tonos Cimbrosque intra fines suos ingredi prohibuerint ; 
 qua ex re fieri uti earura rerum memoria raagnam sibi 
 auctoritatem magnosque spiritus in re militari sumerent. 
 De numero eorum omnia se habere explorata Remi dice- 
 bant, propterea quod propinquitatibus affinitatibusque 
 conjuncti quantam quisque multitudinem in communi 
 Belgarum concilio ad id helium poUicitus sit cognoverint. 
 Plurimum inter eos Bellovacos et virtute et auctoritate et 
 
 Suessiones] The Suessiones, or 
 Sucssones, were the neighbours of 
 the Remi on the west. One of their 
 towns was Noviodunum (ii. 12). 
 There were many Gallic towns with 
 the termination 'dun,' for the ' um ' 
 is merely a Roman ending. 'Dun' 
 is a hill or elevated place. The 
 Suessiones possessed part of the fer- 
 tile country between the Isara (Oise) 
 and the Marne. At this time it ap- 
 pears that the Suessiones were poli- 
 tically united with the Remi. — The 
 expression ' eodem jure et iisdem 
 legibus,' is Roman, and probably a 
 very inadequate interpretation of the 
 original words of the Kemi. It means 
 'that they had the same political 
 constitution and the same laws.' As 
 to ' jus,' see i. 4. 36. A Roman ' lex ' 
 is an enactment made in the Roman 
 ' comitia.' 
 
 4. ajnni Gallia] See i. 1. Gallia 
 in the wide sense. Caesar was told 
 that most of these Belgae were Ger- 
 mans, wlio had settled west of the 
 Rhine before the Teutonic and Cim- 
 biic invasion, which was about B.C. 
 liO. See c. 2d, and the note on 
 
 ' hunc locum.' 
 
 Teuio7ios] Introd. p. 29. 
 
 propinquitatibus] ' Propinquitas ' 
 is 'kinsliip,' the relationship of 
 those who spring from common 
 parents, properly called ' cojinatio.' 
 ' Affines' are the ' co.mati ' of hus- 
 band and wife (Dig. 38. 10. 4) ; that 
 is, the husband's father, brother, be- 
 came the ' affines ' of his wife ; and 
 the wife's father, brother, became the 
 'affines' of the husband. We have 
 the word 'affinity,' and in the Ro- 
 m;m sense; but we have no word 
 corresponding to 'affines.' 
 
 Bel/uvacos] Tliey are called Bel- 
 loaci (BiWoaKoi) by Strabo. They 
 were the neighbours of the Suessi- 
 ones, and occupied the country west 
 of the Isara (Oise). D'Anville says 
 that there is no evidence that their 
 territory extended beyond the limits 
 of the diocese of Beauvais. as it ex- 
 isted in his time. He conjectures 
 that the Silvanectes, whom Caesar 
 docs not mention, who occupied an 
 adjoining canton, east of the Oise, 
 may have been comprehended within 
 the territory of the Bellovaci. Pto- 
 
no 
 
 C. JULII CAE.SARI3 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 in 
 
 ^ 
 
 t^ 
 
 w*«r#-!^<-#^-9**B)iv?Rrw.--<?r 
 
 homiiuuM mnncro v.-ilerc ; lioa j)<)ssc confRTrc armata 
 luiha I'ciil.utn, pollicitoa v\ vo numcio clcctii soxa^^iiitii, 
 totiii.s(juo bi'lli impcriuiii sihi pd.st iil:irt«. .Sucs^iuncs suos 
 esse liiiiLimos; lines latisslmos teracis.simo.-que agros pos- 
 siderc. A[)U(l ros I'uissc* rt'f;i'rM nostra ctiani ine'iiioria 
 Divitincuiu, totius Galliao potcMitissIinuni, rpii quuni innf». 
 iiae partis haruin rcgionmn, turn eliarn liritrinniao im- 
 pcriutn obtinuerit : nunc es.-<o ro;L;t'in (Jalbani : ad liuiic 
 propter justitiani prudentiaintpic suatn totins belli RUin- 
 iiiarn oinninin voluntate dcfcrri ; nppi.la babfre numero 
 xn, ()()ilit'rri niilia arniala quiiKpi.-i^^nnla ; lotidcm Ner- 
 Vios, qui inaxiine fori inter ijisos b.-ilu-anlur loni^issiincJiuo 
 abaint; xv milia Atrcbates, AMd)iau(js x nnlia, iMorinos 
 
 Icmy calls their chief town Cacs.ir- 
 oinagus, .1 ronipoiind of a Roman 
 nnd a fJallic name ('mag'); ami 
 this nainc, of roiirsc, Itclontrs to a 
 jH'fiinl ;ift«T Caesars time. Thi"* place 
 IS the inoilcin town nf IJcauvais. the 
 capital of the jlrpirtiiMut of Oiso, 
 oil a small luarich of the river Oi^e. 
 'i'hconly town of thf Hcllovaci which 
 Caesar mentions is Mralnspantiiiin 
 (ii. l.'i), which has hcen supposed to 
 be the oiiu'iiial name of Cacsaro- 
 nia;rus ; hiii there arc reasons f«)r 
 thinUiiii: that this place wa«. near Hic- 
 teuil, which is some distance N. N. E. 
 of Heanvais. 
 
 nniftci'iT] * niako up a hundred 
 thousand.' So the Komann sai<l 'con- 
 lie ere peciiniam,' 'to make up a tuui 
 of money.' 
 
 Jiiir^] Tjic word means ' borders,' 
 as in c. 2, and also 'territnrv' as 
 here, ami itt c. KJ, * per corum' fines 
 triduiim iter;' and 'in finihus I.m- 
 pnnnm,' 'in the territory (d the F.in- 
 g<. lies' (ix'. 1(1). I„ f.^'-t 'Jirics' in 
 Caesar usually means ihr 'territory' 
 of a iicopic, ami it his the sense of 
 'bonlers' or 'limits' only in few 
 case-*, as the context shows. Ml In r- 
 ling and Kraticr omit 'lines' here. 
 See i. 'J. 'anj,'ustos fines.' 
 
 /Jiif(tfiiii'itr\ This is the earliest 
 mention of Britain by a Roman 
 writer; ami the fact is here reconled 
 ot jiait of llie island, for that is all 
 
 that can Ik? meant, havinp been under 
 the d')inini<;n <il a HcI^'jc tiilie. 
 
 (r'l/hii/i] is also a Roman namo 
 
 (iii. 1 ). I here wa* a con*id Sul- 
 
 piiiij'i (.'all.ri n.C. iMl. Siietoniui 
 
 ((Jallii, :'.) was pU7/.!ed with llie 
 
 name, and he 8iii.'i:t *s various c.x- 
 
 platiaiiotis. Ofie is. that Callta is k 
 
 Gallic wonl which metns a very fat 
 
 man. The notes of the conimcn- 
 
 ta:ors of Siietotiius on tliis pa5saf;8 
 
 are curious. Some of them think 
 
 that the name is 'Kalb* or 'Calf.' 
 
 '• Ktiam liar adhiic net.ite," paxsfJla- 
 
 reaiius, " Ilelvctii piii'/uem lioiiii- 
 
 nom vitiiluni xo-ant, \ itulus autein 
 
 (.eltica liii;;ui, Kalh, si^^Miifical." A 
 
 Spiniard of the name of (Jalbus il 
 
 meiiliorud by l.iw (xxiii. Jfj). 
 
 A'c/t/'m] Seec. I'). — * Lon^'i«;sime- 
 que:* this is n«it true, as S hneidtr 
 remarks, of that pait of the teriitory 
 of the .N'civii uhich was nearest to 
 the Iteini : iiiit the Rrmi are s]>cak- 
 iii^ of the remotest part of the terri- 
 tory of the .N'ervii. whirli extended 
 to the coast (r. I'M), piobabl) to the 
 tract whith lies alonjj ihc' Norlli 
 Sea, SMUth of the acbtuarv of the 
 Sch.lde. 
 
 Atielnilr*] They were the neigh- 
 bours of the Reilovaci, and between 
 the Summe and the Sclielde. Their 
 town, Nctuetacum, appears to l)c the 
 fa'iie as Nemetocenna (B. G. viii. 
 4G), afterwards Atrcbatc«,now Arra, 
 
 IXT milin, IVTcnnpios yii milia, Calctoa x niilia, Vclorapscg 
 et VerofiianduoH iotidcin, Aduafut-oM xix milia ; Con- 
 drusos, JObujouL's, CacrocsoH, racmanoa, qui uiio nomino 
 Gennani appcllantur, arbitrari ad XL milia. 
 
 5. Caesar Jicmos eoliortatus liberalitcrquo orationo 
 proseculus onnieni senatum ad so convenirc prineipum- 
 
 in the department of Pas de Calais. 
 There Was a tribe in Britain named 
 Atrcbates. 
 
 riie Ambiani were between the 
 Bcllovnci niid ibe AtiebatcN. in the 
 biisiii «:f the S.-iniiie. Their town 
 
 <i'. V. 'J I), i.n. 
 
 \ 
 
 Siiiiiaiolu'ivti (I) 
 
 Wiiuls 7\iiiliiaui, is Amiens, in iho 
 dcpartnuiil of Somme, on the river 
 ' Sotiiine. 
 
 . Murivos] The ' Fea-coast men,' 
 ^ from the Celtic woid ' mor,' 'sea;* 
 which also appears in the name (d the 
 Anuoiitae civitales (Inliod. p. -Jt;), 
 They ocmpied the coast fiom Bou- 
 logiio noiihward, peihapn as (jir as 
 I)iuiker<|ur; niid tlie liaiisit to Bri- 
 tain from their country was the 
 ; shortest (B. (;. iv. 21). Virgil calls 
 them (Aen. viii. 727) "Extremiquc 
 hominum .Morini." 
 Meuiij)iu).^ See iii. 2R. 
 ■( Culttus] I he Caleti Were on the 
 north side of the lower .Seine and 
 tloiij? the con'.t. They had the I'avs 
 de Caux. a« it was (alle<l before the 
 division of I-'ninn- into departimnts. 
 VclitciKsrs] 'Jhey oeciijiied the 
 country east nf the ('"aleti, ali.nif tho 
 Seine to the Oise. Their capital was 
 Rotomairus (Rouen) on the Seine, 
 That part of their country whi«h lay 
 between the Oise and the Andelle, 
 a small «ti-«:im that joins the Seine 
 on the ti{;ht bank above Rouen. le- 
 lained, in the <dd diviMon of I'latuc, 
 the name «.f Vex n. 'I he liitli- river 
 K|ilc eiiicm the Seine bitweeii the 
 Ouc and the Andelle, and the part 
 west of l.'ie Ilpie was Vexiii Nor- 
 niand, and that east of it was Vex in 
 Fiinqaie. 
 
 Ver())nuvdu(>%'\ They were tlic 
 neij;hbours of the Sue«.sionc8 f>n the 
 north, nnd bounded by the Ambiani 
 and Atrebatcs ou the west. Theii 
 
 chitf town was called Amrusfa Vcio- 
 manduonim under the Rnmans, jiow 
 St. (^tientin, ou the Somme, in tho 
 dep.iitment of Aisne. 'I he old «li- 
 viHii.n 1(1 N'eiimindois preserved tho 
 name id the N'eiomandiii. 
 Ailiiiiliin>n\ See ii. '.'Jl. 
 (',un/nis<>s, t^«?. J TluHe (Jernmnlc 
 nations weie in the basin nf tho 
 Mosi ; but they <lid not all c.\t( iid to 
 the Rh no. (Sec iv 4.) 'I he Remi 
 have here enumeiated nil the great 
 Bcl;:ic tubes bet«e«n the Seine and 
 the Inline, except the 'I'leviri, who 
 feiit Bnme cavaliy to aid Ca<Par(ii, 
 'J I), hut were nnt |»HKnl at thig 
 meeliiij;. Nni do the (•■ermaiiic tribes 
 e(em to have been pn.Hiil, for tho 
 Remi say they iccktuud ('arbitrari') 
 their rontin^Tent ai about 4(J,0()(). Tho 
 word 'pnlliteii' 8« ems to apply to 
 all the tribes exeipt thcc (Jermans ; 
 but we eati hardly supply ' poliiceii ' 
 .iter * aibitiaii.' 'llie sum total of 
 this estimated Bel^;i< force is 'J.')(i,(l(JO 
 iiMii. a force moie formidable in 
 n:iiiie than in n.iliiy. Caenar ha<l 
 liis SIX hj,'inns (i. |0), ,,,,,1 the two 
 (lesh le^'M.ns whi«h he had levltd 
 (ii. 2). Bt sides the le^'ions, he liad 
 the auxiliaries, Cn tan archers, Nu- 
 midians, aii<l Balearic el infers, the 
 amount ui whom we do not know. 
 
 ."i. /i>Mr,,/ifri — 1)1 0'fTufus] Caesar 
 eticourapc.l the Remi, and ' adrlress- 
 <il to iIm III many fiien.llv nu<l kind 
 wnich,* as Sehneider txplains it. 1 
 rather take it, with i-'orcellini, to 
 mean, 'he «lisniisM-d them with cx- 
 pi. si^ioimnflnetiiMiip.' Virj^'il (Aen. 
 vi. n'.iU) has ]|ir.>e.|uitur dictis.' 
 
 urintluvt I 'I his is another instaneo 
 of a Koiiian term. Caesar found no 
 expiessmn so well suited todesienatc 
 that class amonp the Bek'ae ami tho 
 Calli who fvruied the council of th« 
 
 I 
 
 
 -»k: 
 
 !t - . -<» 
 
 :Vs, 
 
 m 
 
 YC 
 
 «. 
 
 i^ 
 
 •J. ^ 
 
 • # 
 
 A*? 
 
 ^J- 
 
 '^' 
 
 i-ii 
 
 •* 
 
 J!^ 
 
 119 
 
 r TTir.TI i .IFSAIHS 
 
 I 
 
 T.TTMn? TT 
 
 tiLi- 
 
'J 
 
 112 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 115 
 
 '^ 
 
 if' 
 
 n: 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 r ' 
 
 1^ 
 
 1 
 
 que liberos obsldoa ad se adduci jusait. Quae omnia ab 
 ]iis dili;^riitcr ud diem factji sunt. I|)^e Diviiiaciim 
 Acdimm inn^iio opcrt? CDliortnlns docj-t (jiianto oporo rci 
 piiblicac c()msiuinis(jU(? H.-duliH intorsit inamiH liosliuiii 
 distincri, no cum taiita mullitudiue uno tomporo coidli- 
 gL'iulum sit. ]d fieri posse si suas copias Aeiiui in fines 
 Bellovacorum introciuxerint ct eorum Micros populari coe- 
 purint. His mandatis cnnn ab se dimiffit. Pustquain 
 omnes Bflgarum copias in unum locum coactas ad se 
 venire vidit, ncipie jam lt)n«;e abcsse al) fus quos miserat 
 cxploratoribus ct nh Kcmis cognovit, fbim<'n Axonam, 
 quod est; in extremis Bemorum tinilms. exercitum trans- 
 (Ulcere maturavit atque ibi castra posuit. (^uae res et 
 latus unum castrorum ripis fluminis muniebat ct post 
 eum quae essent tuta ab hostibus reddebat, ct commcatus 
 ab Bemis reliquis(|ue civitatibua nt sine periculo ad eum 
 portari possent eillciebat. In co flumine pons erat. Ibi 
 ])raesidium ponit et in altera parte fluminis Q. Titurium 
 JSabinum Icgatum cum sex coliortibus reliiKpiit. Castra 
 
 nation. Sec ii. 28, where he uses 
 tlic word ' senatores ;' and v. 54. 
 
 <lilii/nilrr\ ' i'lim tii:illy to the 
 day,' IIS we Bay. In i. 7, ' :'d Mm 
 April.' serMH to nii-;iti "on lh:it thiy.' 
 See V. 1 ; vii. 77 ; t-iv. •J.'{, c. 'Jl. 
 
 iri jiufi/ic'ir] 'I'he Konian state 
 and the cnninion inl«-n>ts Cccmii- 
 munis silutis ') of the Konians and 
 tho Aeilni. 
 
 Ajouttm\ 'I'his river, the Aisnc, 
 was in the furthest pMit of the tirri- 
 inry (' in e.xireniis linilms') nf tiie 
 Jiiini, the lurtliest fmnj the part 
 wh< re Caesar entered llieir terrilmy, 
 thai is, fnnn the Mame. Hut the 
 territory of the Kenii rxtemled north 
 of the Aisne (e. «l). and their town 
 Jiihrax was ciu'lit miles from Cae^a^'8 
 canij) on tiie A i-ne. 
 
 iiiufiirltut] 'I'his imperfeet denotes 
 a permanent ronditioii. I lie riv«r 
 formed a defem e on «ine side to an 
 Rimy p<)>ted np<>n ii. (!ieeio (Verr. 
 ii. "J, c. '2) has * nrhcm . . . S\ra- 
 cufe.as fpiae . . . loei natnnv terra ac 
 inari ehiuilel>atur." Sie Ii. (J. '\.'M\ 
 ▼ii. Ii) 'ein^'cbai;' unJ viii. GI). 
 
 quar rssrrit] A few MSS. have 
 * qnar riant,' whiili is Latin, but it 
 has a «lithMenl meaMin-j fronj 'quae 
 c-scnt ' IfCacar «iote * «|uac orant.' 
 he meant //.r naits uhi(h wtre in 
 his rear, as if he were paitiiularly 
 •li'seiildn.' them. The snlijunctive 
 is a more uenvral e.\prc?8ioii, aaif wo 
 shonhi say, ' his rear.' 
 
 j-,itiin j ' Cat rird ilown the river;' 
 not ' SMppoi t iri.' whirli w<.ulcl mean 
 •:airied np th«- river, t'ae'-ar could 
 have no snp;<lies. exeei»t from the 
 Ilemi and the si;jtes of C'eltiea. from 
 the eant and the ennlh-e.ist. In all 
 otlnr ilirrctions lie had an enemy 
 hi-f"re iiim. 
 
 ('<i>ti'i\ Tlir IlcMnan artnies never 
 pas-eil the iii.ht without forminz an 
 intrcn.hment, which they eallcd 
 'rastia.' This intienehtncnt was 
 lar>.:e enough to contain all the men 
 and the ha.'ja.'O. Tolyhins Hiih. 
 vi.) d«-i riJ.rs it, 1 heir (ir*l busi- 
 ness on haltiii'.; for the fii;.'ht. or prc- 
 paiin:,' for it. w.is to choose a site 
 (' ca>tru deli -ere,' ii. IH; 'loci 
 capere,' iii. -3). TIjc form of tbfl 
 
 
 m altitudincm pedum xii vallo fosaaque duodevirrinti 
 pedum munire jubet. "^ 
 
 G. Ab bin castriH op|)idnm Hemornm nominf! Ribrnx 
 ftberat milia passnum \iii. lA (^x itinen^ mM^nio impctu 
 Belgao opj)u^nare coeperunt. Ae/;re eo die Hustent.itum 
 est. Gallorutn eadem atque Bel^^•lrum oppu^niatio est 
 bace. Ubi circumjecta mnltitndine bominum totis moe- 
 nibus undique in murum l.Mpides jaei coepti sunt, mnrus- 
 que delcnsoribus nudatus est, testudine iacla portas suc- 
 
 'rnstra' w.T« qnadrnneular. On the 
 OUthieIc win thedilih ('fos».i'), tho 
 enrtii fioin whiih h( iiij{ thrown np 
 itnvnrds formed a rampart ('a^'^rer'). 
 On the crest of the ' a-^er' was fi.\e(i 
 a nalisade of Slakes ('Slides.' 'valli'), 
 which formed the 'vallum,' a term 
 sometimes applied, as it is here, to 
 the 'ap^'er' and the pali<.adc. A 
 camp w. IS sometimes jiermaneiit or 
 occupied for fomp time, and then it 
 was called 'staiiva.' Siuli a ramp 
 for the summer uas calle<| • r.e-tiva,' 
 for winter 'liihcrna.' Many of the 
 Konian stationary camns were the 
 origin of towns, of which we see the 
 evidence in many Knglish names 
 which end in ' C^^ter' or CheMer. as 
 CiicnceHer, WiiMhestcr, ami other 
 instances. ']he position of a Homan 
 cnmp, wlicn cireumsiatn cs allowed, 
 wns chosen with a view to Pe<iiritv, 
 and the Mipply (,f forajie, wood, arid 
 water. A position on a river offeied 
 many advantajjes. and we find that 
 Homan camps were frequently so 
 placed. I{ichborouj:]>, near 8aml- 
 wich in Kent, is on the Sfour, which 
 defends one side. This became a 
 stationary camp, and perliajis a town, 
 for a laige j.nrt of the ma^hivc walls 
 remain, which form the tlirec land- 
 sides of the fquare. At Ardocli, 
 in the county of l*erth in Scoiland, 
 there is a very complete Kojnan 
 |>crmanent camp, the west side of 
 which is j.rolected by the little liver 
 Knaick. 
 
 fiissa<iuf] It was eighteen feet 
 wide. 
 
 6. liilrax] Caesar's words show 
 
 that it was north of the Aisne. 
 
 l>'Anvillr oliB<rvr« that Minvrr, 
 vhicli lelaiiiM u tract' of the name 
 Jtil'rax, iind in on the road hom 
 J'ont a-Verc on the Aisne to I.uon 
 in the department of Aisne. may bo 
 the place. The disiante al>.o agrees 
 with the eight miles of Caeiiar. 
 
 rx ithicre] See i. 2.5, '* ex itinerc 
 no-tros," A:e. This expression aho 
 meatis that a thinp {r done without 
 intennplinjr the march, as in Cicer* 
 (Ad I'am. iii. [\) ; " quas e.\ itinere 
 . . . ad me liter.as mitii.sti ;" and to 
 RiL-nify, jib here, what immediately 
 follows the march, and is a con- 
 tinuation of tjie act. 
 
 /'7/5 innnitliHs] 'AH alonp the 
 
 wallf.' It is th'- ablative, (.'omp vii. 
 
 /-, "tnrres loto opcre eirenmdc<lit." 
 
 hnulis] Sione-throwinp was part 
 
 of till ir art of uar. See iii. 4. 
 
 trstmliiir. ftict'i I Caesar pives it a 
 Homan name. 'Ihc men In Id their 
 shieldH ov( r the ir heads close to one 
 nnother, ►o as to make a covering 
 and protection against missiles from 
 above. 'J'his was called a * testudo,* 
 or tortoise. It is described in Livy 
 j-lJ, e. .0); and also in Kivy (.',4, e. 
 .'0) : •• Siiblatis cleiridf supra capita 
 sciiIIb cotitinnalisqiie ita inter se ut 
 non modo ad caeeos ictus sed ne ad 
 infeiendum quidein ex propinquo 
 teluin loci «|uichjuam esset, testudine 
 facta subihant." ' Testudo ' also sig- 
 nii.ed a machine adapted to protect 
 assailants, as in v. Al. This •tes- 
 tudo' ii» (lescribed by CVsar (M. C. 
 ii. -). ' Testudino facta' e.xprei-tes 
 the locking together of the shields, as 
 in this passage and in v. 9; vii. 8.5. 
 ' The assailants were coming ( lose up 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 
 t: 
 
 I i'ii 
 
 
 ■ i-: -i- 
 
 
 .■i-» 
 
 
 
 f^ ■% 
 
 ■rkm 
 
 
 nZ. 
 
 
 1 .' i^---^;- 
 
 
 r > ■ "\ . 
 
 .>V'-V;i 
 
 ■.^■■■^;^! 
 
 )i^X ■ 
 
 -'■'Wi 
 
Hi 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 115 
 
 cedunt murumque subruunt. Quod turn facile fiebat. 
 Nam qiium tanta multitudo lapides ac tela coiijicereut, in 
 nmro consisteiidi potestas erat nulli. Quum finem op- 
 pugnandi nox fecisset, Iccius Eemus, sunima iiobilitate 
 et gratia inter suos, qui turn oppido praet'uerat, unus ex 
 iis qui legati de pace ad Caesarem venerant, nuiitium ad 
 eum inittit ; Nisi subsidium sibi subiiiittatur, sese diutius 
 sustinere non posse. 
 
 7. Eg de media nocte Caesar iisdem ducibus usus qui 
 nuntii ab Iceio venerant, Nuniidas et Gretas sagittarios 
 et funditores Baleares subsidio oppidanis njittit ; quorum 
 advent u et Kemis cum spe defeusionis studium propug- 
 nandi accessit, et liostibus eadem de causa spes potiundi 
 oppidi discessit. Itaque paulisper apud oppidum morati 
 agrosque liemorum depopulati omnibus vicis aedificiisque 
 quos adire potuerant incensis, ad castra Caesaris omnibus 
 copiis contenderunt et ab milibus passuum minus ii 
 castra posueruut ; quae castra, ut fumo atque ignibus 
 
 to the pitcs ' (' portas succedunt ') ; 
 which soeuis to be the true reading, 
 t'lioiiph most of the MSS. have ' suc- 
 ct-nilunt.' ' Succedeie,' when it re- 
 fere to place, can be followed by an 
 anusative, as Ouilcndorp shows. 
 
 j>r<ir/'(ur(if \ 'Praeerat:' Elb. 
 
 7. Eii\ S< hneider takes ' eo ' liere 
 to be equivalent to ' ideo.' He com- 
 
 INU'fs 'e{V|ue on)niiio'(v. 49),thoutrh 
 )e aduiits that the reading in that 
 )>as8;ige is uncertain. But ' eo ' means 
 ' thither in this passage.' The objec- 
 tiini of Schneider, that Caesar has 
 not mentioned a place, is of no 
 weiiiht. He has said ' Bibrax.' 
 
 Numhlas] The Roman annies 
 rontained men of many nations. 
 The legionary soldiers were still 
 perliaps all Italians; but they liad 
 Nuiuiilian light infantry (c. 10); 
 Cretan archers, who were once em- 
 ployed by the Greek states also as 
 mercenaries; and slingers from the 
 Baleares insiilae, the group of Ma- 
 
 i'iirca and Minorca (Diod. ISic. v. 17; 
 ^ivy, xxviii. 37). The Niimidae 
 were filso trood horsemen, and Han- 
 nibal used them in his inva&ion of 
 
 Italy (Liv. xxi. 46). 
 
 (Usee sit] K\h. has 'discessit,' the 
 MSS. reading, but he approves of 
 ' decessit.' In many cases the Romans 
 used the two words indillerently, and 
 this may be one of those rases. 
 
 qiu)s\ The reading 'quo' is ad- 
 missible. In iv. 20 tiere is ' illo 
 adit quisquam.' The leadmg'qnot' 
 cannot be maintained. There is no 
 objection to ' quos.' for the accusative 
 is often used with ' ::dire,' as in iii. 
 7. 11. 'i'he difficulty about 'quos* 
 js rt moved by comparing similar ex- 
 amples: "Tibique persuade praeter 
 culpam ac peccatum, qua semper 
 caruisti" (Cic. Ad Fam. v. 2n. 
 
 ab mi/ihus] Compaie ii. 30 ; \r. 
 22; V. 32; vi. 7. They pitched 
 their camp somewhat less than two 
 miles from Caesar. ' Minus ' is used 
 adverbially, as ' ajnplius ' often is in 
 Caesar, and ' circiter.' This use ot 
 ' ab ' is explained by the example in 
 i. 1. It is a nxxle of referring to the 
 place indicated by tiie context ('castra 
 posucrunt'), fr(»m which the distance 
 is to be measiii-ed to another place 
 which is bhowu by the context. 
 
 ii 
 
 i 
 
 f^.gnificabatur, araplius milibus passuum viii iu latitudi- 
 uem patebant. 
 
 8. Caesar prime et propter multitudinem hostium et 
 propter eximiam opinionem virtutis proelio supersedere 
 statuit ; quotidie tamen equestribus proeliis quid hostis 
 virtute posset et quid nostri auderent periclitabatur. Ubi 
 iiostros non esse inferiores intellexit, loco pro castris ad 
 aciem instrueudam natura opportune atque idoneo, quod 
 
 8 supersedere] This word, which 
 is sometimes used in its literal sense, 
 ' to sit upon,' is also used to signify 
 avoiding or not doing a thing, and it 
 is followed by an ablative, as in Cic. 
 Ad Fam. iv. 2 : " Ut . . . supersedeas 
 hoc lahore itineris." It is said that 
 ' sujKjrsedere' is also connected with 
 a dative. It is used with an infinitive 
 ( Liv. xxi. 40). 
 
 opporfunn — idonen] ' The ground 
 in front of the cami) being naturally 
 well adapted and suitable for drawing 
 up his tioops.' As to this use of the 
 ablative, compare 'secundiore cqui- 
 tnm proelio.' c. 9. The woids from 
 'loco pro castris' to 'ad planitiem 
 redibat ' desciibe the position and 
 nature of the hill ; and Caesar com- 
 mences with the words 'ab utroque 
 latere.' the clause which corresponds 
 to ' ubi nostros,' &c. 
 
 Caesar's camp was on a hill slightly 
 elevated (' paululum . . . editiis') 
 above a plain. The width of the hill, 
 in the })art where it faced (' ad- 
 versus') the enemy, was sufficient 
 f<tr the arningement of his men in 
 order of battle. On each side of this 
 width the hill had rapid slopes (" de- 
 jcctus hal)cbat;'in c. 22, 'dejectus 
 collis '). Tlie word 'advcrsus' is an 
 adjective, and agrees with 'collis' 
 So far all is clear. In place of 'in 
 fronte ' Ell>erling, II«'iv.og, and Kra- 
 ncr have 'fronteni.' Many MSS. 
 have ' in frontem.' But I have 
 preferred ' in fronte,' with Schneider. 
 Caesar having mentioned the two 
 flanks, now speaks again of tlie front 
 or face of tlie hill opposite to the 
 enemy. He adds, that 'in front the 
 bill, sloping gcutljr' upwards (fas- 
 
 i2 
 
 tigatus), gradually resumed a level ;' 
 after ascending the gentle slope, a 
 man would come to a flat a^fain, 
 having just ascended from the level 
 below. * In fronte' indicates the 
 same dii-ection which Caesar has 
 expressed by ' in latitudinem.' It it 
 in front as in vii. 23. Horace ex- 
 plains this (Sat. i. 8, ver. 12) : 
 
 " Mille pedes in fronte, trcccntos 
 cippus in agrum 
 Hie dabat." 
 
 Where ' in fronte ' is in breadth, ' in 
 agrum ' is in dc|)th, and corresponds 
 to Caesar's transverse ditch. Caesar 
 and Horace use the language of 
 the Roman Agi iniensorcs (Heindorf, 
 Notes on the Sat. of Horace). The 
 expression ' in fronte ' was common 
 on Roman tombs, and with the nu- 
 merals joined with it 'in fronte' 
 meant the width or front of the 
 tomb or burying-place ; 'in agrum* 
 with the numerals indicated the 
 depth (Fabretti, Inscri|)t. Rom. po. 
 177, 178, ed. 1699). On these mo- 
 numental inscriptions ' in latitudi- 
 nem ' also occurs, and in the same 
 sense as ' in fronte.' The meaning 
 of 'fastigatus' appears from iv. 17 
 and Livy, xxxvii. 27. To secure 
 himself against an attack on the 
 flank, Caesar tut two trenches on 
 (not from) each side of the hill in a 
 transverse direction, that is, at light 
 angles, or nearly so, to what he calls 
 the front or face of the iiill. At 
 each end of each trench he made a 
 fort, ' castcllum.' There were there- 
 fore four ' castella ' Here he pla<ed 
 'tormenta' (the word contiins the 
 root 'torque'), engines which were 
 
116 
 
 C. JULTI CAESAEIS 
 
 is colUs, ubi casira posita erniit, paululum ex planit*^ 
 editus tantuin adversus in latitudinem patebat quantum 
 loci acies instructa occupare poterat, atque ex utraque 
 parte lateris dejectus habebat et in fronte leniter fasti- 
 gatus paulatitn ad planitiem redibat, ab utroque latere 
 ejus coUis transversam fossam obduxit eirciter passuum CD 
 et ad extrenias fossas castella constituit ibique tormenta 
 collocavit, ne, quum aciem instruxisaet, bostes, quod tan- 
 tum multitudine poterant, a lateribua pugnantes suos 
 circumvenire possent. Hoc facto duabus legionibus quas 
 proxime eonscripserat in castris rclictis ut, si quo opus 
 esset, subsidio duci possent, reliquas sex legiones pro 
 castris in acie constituit. Ilostes item suas copias ex 
 castris eductas instruxerant. 
 
 9. Palus erat non magna inter nostrum atque hostium 
 exercitum. Hanc si nostri transirent hostes exspecta- 
 bant ; nostri autem, si ab illis initium transeundi fieret, 
 ut impeditos aggrederentur parati in armis erant. In- 
 terim proelio equestri inter duas acies contendebatur. 
 Ubi neutri transeundi initium faciunt, secundiore equitum 
 proelio nostris Caesar suos in castra reduxit. Ilostes 
 protinus ex eo loco ad flumen Axonam contenderunt, 
 quod esse post nostra castra demonstratum est. Ibi 
 vadis repertis partem suarum copiarum transducere couati 
 sunt, eo cousilio ut, si possent, castellum cui praeerat Q. 
 
 u?ed to discharge stones and other 
 missiles. 
 
 ' Tormentum ' ap])e.'ir8 to be a 
 trenenil n;iinc, under which are com- 
 prehended ' balistae,' ' onagri,' ' scor- 
 piones,' and various other contri- 
 vances for di sell urging projectiles 
 (Vegetius, iv. 22). Some of tliesc 
 engines were complicated machines. 
 There is a picture of a ' balista' in 
 the Comnientjiry of G. Sttwechius 
 on Vegetius. 
 
 duaf)us — pro.nme] The two legions 
 mentioned in c. 2, which Pedius had 
 brought. 
 
 i). Iftvic si nostri] ' The enemy 
 were waiting to attack our men if 
 they sFiould uttem})t to cross the 
 Uiarsb • and on our side the soldiers 
 
 were under arms, waiting for the 
 enemy to advance first towards the 
 marsh, and re;idy to attnck them 
 when they were f;ist in it.' ' E.x- 
 spectabant' is to be connected with 
 ' si nostri ;' the enemy were looking 
 out, in case the Komans should 
 attempt the passage; and it is im- 
 plied, not expressed, that they would 
 then attack them. In the next 
 clause the'exspectabant' is dropped, 
 which is expressed in the first clause; 
 and the ' ut aggrederentur ... in 
 armis erant,' which is only implied 
 in the first chmse, is expressed in 
 the second. 
 
 sccunHtore proelio] Comp. ' loco 
 . . . opiHtrtujio,' c. 8. 
 
 castdliivi\ The fort which Q. Ti- 
 
 LIBER 11. 
 
 117 
 
 Titurius legatus expugnarent pontemque interscinderent: 
 si minus potuissent, agros Kemorum popularentur, qui 
 magno nobis usui ad bellum gerendum erant, commeatu- 
 que nostros prohiberent. 
 
 10. Caesar certior factus ab Titurio omnem equitatum 
 et levis armaturae Numidas, funditores sagittariosque 
 pontem transducit atque ad eos contendit. Acriter in eo 
 loco pugnatum est. Hostes impeditos nostri in flumine 
 aggressi magnum eorum numerum occiderunt: per eorum 
 corpora reliquos audacissime transire conantes multitu- 
 dine telorum reppulerunt ; primos qui transierant equitatu 
 circumventos interfecerunt. Hostes, ubi et de expug- 
 nando oppido et de flumine transeundo apem se fefellisse 
 intellexerunt neque uostros in locum iniquiorem progredi 
 pugnaudi causa viderunt, atque ipsos res frumentaria 
 deficere coepit, c9ncilio convocato constituerunt optimum 
 esse domum suam quemque reverti, et quorum in fines 
 primum liomani exercitum iutroduxissent, ad eos defen- 
 dendos ujidique couvenirent, ut potius in suis quam in 
 alienis finibus decertarent et domesticis copiis rei frumen- 
 tariae uterentur. Ad eam seutentiam cum reliquis causis 
 baec quoque ratio eos deduxit, quod Divitiacum atque 
 Aeduos finibus Bellovacorum adpropinquare cognoverant: 
 bis persuaderi ut diutius morareutur neque suis auxilium 
 t'erreut non poterat. 
 
 11. Ea re constitute secunda vigilia magno cum stre- 
 pitu ac tumultu castris egressi nullo certo ordine neque 
 
 turius occupied with six cohorts on 
 the south side, or left hank of the 
 river. It is not mentioned in c. 3. 
 
 10, Hostes, ubi] This is an instance 
 of Caesar's rapid and somewhat care- 
 less style. These ' hostes ' are not 
 the ' hostes impeditos,' but the main 
 body of the enemy, who were on the 
 other side of the marsh, lookmg at 
 Caesar's legions, whicii also kept 
 their place. Caesar only took the 
 cavalry and light troops with him to 
 repel the attack on the bridge, which 
 was made by a detachment of the 
 enemy. 
 
 covstituennit — convenire}it\ ' Ut ' 
 must be supplied. ' Constitucie ' is 
 
 used both with the infinitive and 
 with ' ut' followed by the subjunc- 
 tive, as in vii. 36. 38. If the reading 
 were ' convenire,' it would depend 
 on 'optimum esse,' as ' reverti ' does. 
 But Caesar says, ' They determined 
 that it was best to return to their 
 homes, and that whatever territory 
 the Romans first invaded, they would 
 all meet together there for its de- 
 fence.' — ' domesticis copiis,' &c. 
 Compare ' fraternum nomen j)opuli 
 Romani,' i. 36, and the note. 
 
 ut — neque] See i. 35, "ut in 
 colloquium . . . neque decomnmai " 
 &c. 
 
1 1S 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 iiiiperio, quum sibi quisque primurn itineris locum peteret 
 et domum pervenire properaret, fbcerunt ut consimilia 
 fugae profectio videretur. ITac re statiiii Caesar per 
 speculatores cognita insidias veritus, quod qua de causa 
 discederent nondum perspexerat, exercitum equitaturnque 
 castris continuit. Prima luce coufirinata re ab explora- 
 toribus omnein equitatura qui novissimum agmen mora- 
 retur praeinisit. His Q. Pediuni et L. Aurunculeium 
 Cottam legates praefecit. T. Labienum legatum cum 
 legionibus tribus subsequi jussit. Hi novissimos adorti 
 et multa milia passuum prosecuti magriam niultitudinem 
 eorum fugientium concideruiit, quum ab extreme agmine 
 ad quos ventum erat consisterent Ibrtiterque impetum 
 nostrorum militum sustinereut, priores, quod abesse a 
 periculo viderentur ueque ulla necessitate ueque iinperio 
 continerentur, exaudito clamore perturbatis ordinibus 
 omiies in fuga sibi praesidium ponerent. Ita sine ullo 
 periculo tantam eorum multitudinem nostri interfece- 
 runt quantum fiiit diei spatium, sub occasumque solis 
 
 11. consimilis] Compare v. J 2, 
 "Oallicis consiniilia;" and vi, 27, 
 "consimilis capreis ;" %vhtnce it ap- 
 fears tliat 'fugae' is the dative. — 
 ' fccfiunt ut . . . videretur/ Comp. 
 i. 2, ' fie bat ut,' &c. 
 
 Caesar] " The noun interposed 
 between the ablatives absolute has 
 the effect of showing more clt-arly 
 by whom the thing is <lone, «hich 
 the participle ('cognita') shows to 
 have been done " (iSchncider). If 
 this is not a dear exposition, it will 
 draw attention to the pot^ition of the 
 word ' C'uc8;ir.' See vii. 1. 
 
 His] That is, 'equitibus.' There 
 is a reading, ' eique,' which, of course, 
 refers to 'equitatum.' In 'Hi no- 
 vissimos,' ' hi ' means both the ca- 
 valry and the three It-fions. 
 
 ail quos] Aldus prefixed 'hi' to 
 'ad quos,' but there is no autliority 
 for it; and it is easily supplied. Cae- 
 sar's troops attacked' the tail (' no- 
 vissimos') of the retreating Belgae, 
 'and following up the pursuit many 
 miles, they tut to pieces a great num- 
 
 ber of the fugitives, since those at 
 the very extremity of the rear {'ah 
 extremo agmine') kej)t making a 
 stand, a?id bravely resisting the at- 
 tack (if our soldiers, (while) those in 
 advance of them, because they thought 
 they were out of danger, :ind were 
 not kept together by any neces><ity or 
 command of their officci-s, the shouts 
 reaching their ears, and their ranks 
 fulling into confusion, all rested their 
 only hope in flight.' This sentence 
 may be misunderstood. It was the 
 'extremum agmen,' the rear of the 
 enemy, that the Romans first came 
 up with. The Romans fell upon 
 those who were last in the retreat 
 ('novissimi') ; and these men re- 
 sisted, but, as we may infer, they 
 were destroyed. Those who were 
 ahead of them ran, expecting to es- 
 cape, but they were overtaken ; and 
 these were the fugitives ('eoium fu- 
 gientium') whom the Romans killed 
 as long as it was daylight ('quantum 
 fuit diei spatium ).' Compare iv. 35, 
 •' tanto spatio," (Sec. 
 
 LIBER 11. 
 
 119 
 
 destiterunt, seque in castra, ut erat imperatum, rece- 
 peruut 
 
 12. Postridie ejus diei Caesar, priusquam se hostes ex 
 terrore ac t'uga reciperent, in fines Suessionum, qui proximi 
 Kemis erant, exercitum duxit et magno itinere contecto 
 ad oppidum Noviodunum contendit. Id ex itinere oppug- 
 nare conatus, quod vacuum ab def'ensoribus esse audiebat, 
 propter latitudinem fossae murique altitudinem paucis 
 defendentibus expugnare non potuit. Castris munitis 
 vineas agere quaeque ad oppugnandum usui erant com- 
 
 12. coutemlU] 'and after making a 
 forced march lie reached Noviodu- 
 num.' (Note I. at the end of this 
 Book.) The order of events is tliis. 
 The (lay after the Uittle he enteanl 
 the territory of the Suessiones, and 
 by a forced march readied Novio- 
 dunum. Whether it was one day's 
 march from the camp on the Aisne 
 to Novio'iunnm, or one day's march 
 after entering the territory of th<! 
 Suessiones, niay be doubted ; but he 
 Biems to speak of one day only. 
 Schneider examines this passage with 
 his usual aciiteness, but I doubt if 
 he is right. He siys that after 'iti- 
 nere confiecto' the general is said 
 "pervenisH" aliquo," as in iv. 14; vii. 
 56; or " consedisse." as in vii. 83; 
 or " ho>tes nppressisse," as in iv, 5; 
 vi. 30. A(cordin<:ly he supposes that 
 after '(onfecto' we n)ust unders;and 
 *in fines Siiessionum [Kjrveiiit;' that 
 is, he leacliod the territory of the 
 Suessiones l)y a forced march, and 
 then went on ('conteiulit') to Novio- 
 dunum. Hut Caesar has already said, 
 'in fines Suessiouum . . dnxit.' ' Con- 
 tendere ad' certainly properly means 
 the march towards a place ; bdt it 
 does not seem to excliule the notion 
 of reaching it also. In i. 10, Caesar 
 "in Italiam magnis itincribus con- 
 tendit duasqne ibi Icgiones con- 
 fcribit,"' wheie there is no word ' per- 
 venit.' It may, indeed, be said, that 
 ' ibi legiones conscrihit' renders ' per- 
 venit' unnecessary, and completes 
 >vhat is begun by the word ' con- 
 teudit.' Ill ii. li^, " ad nostra castra 
 
 . . . contenderunt " seems to mean 
 only the advance towards the camp; 
 and in ii. 24 " domum contenderunt" 
 simply means ' moved homewards.' 
 But 'contendit,' with the context, 
 may im])ly reaching an object, as it 
 seems to do in tiiis passage. 
 
 vineas a<jere | ' V i neae ' ( Vegeti us, 
 iv. 15) were wooden frames eight 
 feet high, seven wide, and sixteen 
 long. Tiie roof seems to have sloped 
 on two sides, so that any missiles 
 would slide off it. It was jjrotected 
 with wicker-work, and also the up- 
 right sides. To prevent these ma- 
 chines fiom l)eing set on fire, they 
 were covered with raw hides, or with 
 wet hides. Several 'vineae' were 
 placed together, to cover a number 
 of men ; and when the ' vineae' were 
 brought up to the wall ('actae') the 
 men worked under them, to under- 
 mine the wall, or fill up a ditch, and 
 the like. They were either moved 
 on wheels or by wooden rollers. (See 
 the Notesof Stewechiuson Vegetius.) 
 'Vineas agere' must be taken in a 
 general scn>e, to signify getting the 
 'vineae' ready, for they were not 
 moved till the next day. When the 
 'vineae' were moved, they covered 
 the men (vii. '21) wlio were em- 
 ployed to throw earth (" aggerem ja- 
 eere') into the 'fossa,' to level it 
 before the wooden towers could be 
 nhu;ed near the walls. Compare Sal- 
 lust. Bell Jug. c. 7G : "dcinde locia 
 excopiamaxume idoneis vineas agere, 
 aggerem jacere " ' Aggerem cxtruei-e' 
 (ii. 30; vii. 72) means to raise « 
 
120 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 parare coepifc. Interim omnin ex fuga Suessionura nmlti- 
 tudo in oppidum proxima nocte convenit. Celeriter vineig 
 ad oppidum actis, aggere jacto turribusque constitutis, 
 magiiitudine operum, quae neque viderant ante Galli 
 neque audierant, et celeritate Romanorum permoti legates 
 ad Caesarem de deditione mittunt, et petentibus Henna 
 ut couservarentur impetrant. 
 
 13. Caesar obsidibus acceptis primis civitatis atqiie 
 ipsius Galbae regis duobus filiis, armisque omnibus ex 
 oppido traditis, in deditionem Suessiones accepit exerci- 
 tumque in Bellovacos ducit. Qui quum se suaque omnia 
 iu oppidum Bratuspantium contulissent, atque ab eo 
 oppido Caesar cum exercitu circiter milia passuum quin- 
 que abesset, omnes majores natu ex oppido egressi manus 
 ad Caesarem tendere et voce significare coeperunt sese in 
 ejus iidem ac potestatem venire neque contra populum 
 Komanum armis contendere. Item, quum ad oppidum 
 accessisset castraque ibi poneret, pueri mulieresque ex 
 muro passis mauibus suo more pacem ab Eomanis pe- 
 tierunt. 
 
 14. Pro his Divitiacus, nam post discessum Belgarum 
 dimissis Aeduorum copiis ad eum reverterat, facit verba: 
 Bellovacos omni tempore in fide atque amicitia civitatis 
 Aeduae fuisse: impulsos ab suis principibus qui dicerent 
 Aeduos a Caesare in servitutem redactos omnes indigni- 
 tates contumeliasque perferre, et ab Aeduis defecisse et 
 populo Eomano bellum intulisse. Qui ejus consilii prin- 
 cipes fuissent, quod intelligerent quantam calamitatem 
 civitati intulissent, in Britanniam profugisse. Petere non 
 solum Bellovacos sed etiam pro his Aeduos ut sua cle- 
 
 moiind of earth to attack a place 
 from. 
 
 omnts ex fuga — mu1titud(i\ See iv. 
 37 and tJie note ; and vi. 35, ' re- 
 ceptos ex fuga.' 
 
 petentibus Heniis] It is usual to 
 put a comma after ' Remis,' and 
 another after 'couservarentur;' but 
 Buch a pointing obscures the con- 
 struction. We may connect the 'ut' 
 Avith 'petentibus,' or with 'impe- 
 'rant,' or with boih. 
 
 13. primis civitatis] Cicero has 
 
 the expressions, * primus vir,' 'pri- 
 mus homo' (Verr. ii. 1, c. 26; 4, c. 
 23). — ' Bratuspantium :' c. 4. 
 
 arinis<fue — tra(H(is] Caesar dis- 
 armed them. This was his practice 
 when he took a place (c. Jo. 32: iii. 
 21; vii. 11). 
 
 14. prinrtpes] The leaders, the 
 agitators, ran away to Britain when 
 the place was too hot to hold them ; 
 as the Gaul still does. 'Prineipes' 
 is so used in vi. 4. 44; vii. 'A7 ; and 
 also by Cicero, Ad Fam. xv. 15. 
 
 LIBEE II. 
 
 121 
 
 mentia ac mansuetudine in eos utatur. Quod si fecerit, 
 Aeduorum auctoritatem apud omnes Belgas amplifica- 
 turum ; quorum auxiliis atque opibus, si qua bella iuci- 
 derint, sustentare consuerint. 
 
 15. Caesar honoris Divitiaci atque Aeduorum causa 
 sese eos in fidem recepturum et conservaturum dixit ; 
 quod erat civitas magna inter Belgas auctoritate atque 
 hominum multitudine praestabat, DC obsides poposcit. 
 His traditis omnibusque armis ex oppido collatis, ab eo 
 loco in fines Ambianorum pervenit, qui se suaque omnia 
 sine mora dediderunt. Eoruiti fines Nervii attingebant ; 
 quorum de natura moribusque Caesar quum quaereret, 
 sic reperiebat : Nullum aditum esse ad eos mercatoribus : 
 nihil pati vini reliquarumque rerum ad luxuriam pertinen- 
 tium inferri, quod iis rebus relanguescere anin>os eorum 
 et remitti virtutem existimarent ; esse homines feros 
 magnaeque virtutis : increpitare atque incusare reliquos 
 Belgas qui se populo Romano dedidissent patriamquo 
 virtutem projecissent : confirmare sese neque legatos 
 missuros neqiie uUam conditiouem pacis accepturos. 
 
 15. Jionnris — causa] 'To give some 
 credit to Divitiacus and the Aedui, 
 Caesar said that he would' &c. His 
 act was intended to show that he 
 paid respect to the intercession of 
 Divitiacus. Cicero (Verr. ii. 5, c. 7) 
 has "qui Matrinii honoris causa. . . 
 ad te literas raisit." The expression 
 
 HONORIS VIRTVTISQVE CAVSsSA 00- 
 
 cui-8 in Roman inscriptions. 
 
 i?i fidem recepturum] In i. 28, 
 " in *de<litionem accepit," is said of 
 Caesar and of the Helvetii after their 
 defeat. In this chapter the Ambiaiii 
 '8e...8ine mora dediderunt.' It 
 does not appear that there was any 
 difference in the treatment of the 
 Ambiani and tiie Bellovaci; or if 
 there was. it was in favour of the 
 Anibiani, for thr Bellovaci were re- 
 quired to furnish hostages. Still, 
 'in fidem recipeie,' which means the 
 'fides' of Caesar, implies a promise 
 on Caesar's part ; wiiit h is further in- 
 dicated by 'conservaturum.' Cicero 
 iaya " L. Antonium qui vos omnes 
 
 in fidem suam recepit " (Philip, vi. 
 c. 5). 
 
 ad lujcuriam pertinentium^ Elb. 
 Places these words in [ ]. They are 
 wanting in many of the best MSS. ; 
 but if they are omitted, it is difficult 
 to explain 'reliquarumque rerum.' 
 
 eorum et reinitti] All the best 
 MSS. have 'eorum.' Elb. omits it, 
 but it seems conformable to Caesiir's 
 usage. See iv. 17, and the remaiks 
 on ' re ' in such words as ' relan- 
 guescere.* 
 
 qui — dedidissent] ' For having sur- 
 rendered,' ' because they had sur- 
 rendered ;' a common use of ' qui * 
 and the subjunctive. Modern writers 
 of Latin often use ' quum ' in such 
 cases when they ought to use ' qui.' 
 
 sese neque] Sclineider observes, 
 that ' sese ' goes with ' missuros ;' 
 and that with 'confirmare,* 'increpi- 
 tare,' ' incusare,' we must supply 
 * eos ;' which is true, and perhaps the 
 observation may prevent a mistake. 
 ' Confirmare' is a strong expression ; 
 
122 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 16. Quum per eorum fines triduum iter fecisset, m- 
 veniebat ex captivis Sabim flumen ab castris suis non 
 amplius milia passuum x abesse: trans id fiuinen omnea 
 Nervios consedisse adventumqiie ibi Roinanoruin exspec- 
 tare una cum Atrebatibus et Veromanduis fiiiitimis suis, 
 nam his utrisque persuaserant uti eandem belli fbrtunam 
 experirentur: exspectari etiam ab his Aduatucorum copias 
 atque esse in itinere: mulieres quique per aetatem ad 
 pui^nam inutiles viderentur in eum locum conjecisse, quo 
 propter paludes exercitui aditus non esset. 
 
 17, His rebus cognitis exploratores centurionesque 
 praemittit qui locum idoneum cast?-is deligant. Quum- 
 que ex dedititiis Belgis reliquisque Gallis complures Cae- 
 sarem secuti una iter facerent, quidam ex his, ut postea 
 
 it means to assure a person, to add 
 8onjething by way of strengthening 
 what is said. See vi. 33. 
 
 16. triduum] There is a reading 
 ' tri<Iuo,' which is admissible, for 
 Caesar uses tlie ablative in like cases 
 (B. C. i. 7. 46, 47 ; iii. 59). But he 
 also uses the accusative in the CJallic 
 AVar (i. 3. '26; iv. 4). The difference 
 seems to be, that 'triduum' signifies 
 the whole time, and ' triduo' means 
 ' within three clays,' as we say ; which 
 may not be three full days. ' Tii- 
 duum ' is a noun, not an adjective, as 
 some have supposed. See iv. 11, 
 "■ tridui spatium." The example from 
 Livy (xxvii. 24), " quum scnatus 
 biduum ad considerandiim pcteret 
 tempus,"vvemayexpl;iinasSchneider 
 does, ' the senate asking time for de- 
 libcmtion, two days.' 
 
 Suhini] 'I'he ' Sahis ' is the Sambre, 
 which joins the Mosa or Maas on 
 the left bank at Namur in Bel- 
 gium. 
 
 per aetatem] Comp. iii. 9 : "quum 
 primum per anni tempus potuit;" 
 and i. 4"2, note. 
 
 palndcs] A part of the country of 
 the Nervii was marshy, and it ex- 
 tended to the aestuaries on the const 
 (c. 28). D'Anville concludes that 
 they possessed the coast between the 
 territory of the Morini and the mouth 
 of the Schelde. Caesar (iii. 9), where 
 
 lie is mentioning the tribes which 
 occupied the (Jallic coast opposite to 
 Britain, does not mention the Nervii. 
 But this may be explained by tlie 
 fact, that the central country of the 
 Nervii was in the interior, in the 
 Belgian province of Hainault. Stniho 
 (p. \04) makes the Menapii theneigh- 
 houis of the Morini, on the sea coast, 
 which leaves no intervening space for 
 the Nervii on the sea. Pliny (iv. 17) 
 agrees with him. D'Anvillr has not 
 overlooked all this. The Nervii may 
 have extended down to the mouth of 
 the Schelde without occupying the 
 sea coast; and whatever claim they 
 may have had on a portion of the low 
 swampy country near the sea, it was 
 a remote and uncertain possession ; 
 for we never read in any historical 
 document of any age of the Nervii 
 as a coast people, but it is always the 
 Morini and Menapii. (See Bast, 
 Recueil dWntiquitPs Romaines et 
 Gaiiloises trouvees dans la Flandre 
 nropreu)cnt dite. Gand, An. XII. — 
 1<';04 ) In c. 2« Caesar speaks of the 
 'aestuaria ac paludes,' in which the 
 Nervii had placed tlieir ( hildren and 
 women; and if we take the Roman 
 sense of 'aestiiarium ' as it is used 
 and explained by Roman writers, 
 Caesar means a place in which the 
 sea rises and falls, a place therefore 
 within the reach of the tide. 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 123 
 
 ex captivis cognitum est, eorum dierum consuetudine 
 itineris nostri exercitus perspecta, nocte ad Nervios per- 
 yenerunt atque his demonstrarunt inter singulas legiones 
 impedimentorum magnum numerum intercedere, neque 
 esse quidquam negotii, quum prima legio in castra veuis- 
 set, reliquaeqiie legiones magnum spatium abessent, banc 
 sub sarcinis adoriri ; qua pulsa impedimentisque direptis 
 futurum ut reliquae contra consistere non auderent. 
 Adjuvabat etiam eorum consilium qui rem deferebaut, 
 quod Nervii antiquitus, quum equitatu nihil possent 
 (neque enim ad hoc tempus ei rei student, sed quidquid 
 possunt, pedestribus valent copiis) quo facilius finitimo- 
 rum eauitatum, si praedandi causa ad eos venissent, impe- 
 
 17. impedimenta] Literally, * ob- 
 stacles,' ' hindrances.' The' word 
 seems to be used only in the plnral, 
 in the sense of the munitions and 
 baggage of an army. The ' impedi- 
 menta' were the horses, waggons, 
 and whatever other animals or means 
 might be employed for transporting 
 the heavy material. 'J'he order of a 
 march was this (Vegetius, iii. 6): 
 " primi ergo equites iter arripiant, 
 inde pedites : impedimenta, sagitta- 
 rii(.'), calones, vehiculaque in medio 
 eollocentiir, ita ut expedita pars pe- 
 ditum et equitiim subsequatnr." ro- 
 lybius also (vi, 40) describes the 
 order of marching. "When the le- 
 gions were moved without these in- 
 cumbrances, they were said to he 
 'sine impedimentis.' The soldiers 
 rarricd their arms, food, utensils, and 
 ' valli,' or stakes, which were used 
 for the palisade of the camp; and 
 they were said, on the march, to be 
 ' sub sarcinis.' The number of 'valli' 
 whi( h the soldiers carried was three 
 or four. Among their utensils were 
 a saw, a basket, a spade, an axe, 
 leather thongs, a curved hook for 
 cutting, and a chain for chaining pri- 
 soners, and perhaps for other pur- 
 poses (Polyb. iii. 82). On the column 
 of Trajan soldiers are represented 
 with a sword and shield, and carry- 
 ing a great bundle (" saicina') on the 
 top of a strong stick. The helmet 
 
 forms part of the 'sarcina,' being 
 carried thus as a more convenient 
 way than on the head during a march. 
 Josephus (B. Jud. iii. 5) migiit well 
 say tliat the Roman soldiei-s, ' sub 
 sarcinis,' were like baggage mules. 
 Virgil represents them under their 
 heavy burden, " injusto sub fasce" 
 (Georg. iii. 347) : 
 
 " Non secus ac patriis acer Romanus 
 
 in armis 
 Injusto sub fasce viam dum carpit, 
 
 et ante 
 Hosti expectatum positis stat in 
 
 ordine castris." 
 
 See also Cicero, Tusc. Disp. ii. 16; 
 Livy, 44, c. 2; Lipsius, De Militia 
 Romana, v. Dial. 10, II, 
 
 " The Roman soldier was a real 
 workman, ditcher, mason, carpenter, 
 wood-cutter: he exercised in time 
 of peace all these laborious trades, 
 and he regarded them as essential 
 parts of his profession. Accustomed 
 to carry heavy burdens, to move 
 machines, to serve them and to make 
 them work, he supported without 
 trouble and without a murmur labours 
 which our most determined volun- 
 teers would refuse to submit to'* 
 (Guischardt, Mem. Milit. i. 238). 
 
 venissent] That is, the ' finitimi. 
 There is a reading ' veuisset.' 
 
124 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 dirent, teneris arboribua incisis atque inHcxis crebris in 
 latitudiiiem minis euatis et rubis seiitibusqiie interjectis, 
 effecerant at iiistar muri hae sepes muninientum prae- 
 berent, quo nou inodo iutrari, sed ne perapiei quidem 
 posset. His rebus quum iter agiiiinis nostri iinpediretur, 
 non omittendurn sibi consilium Nervii existiniaveruut. 
 
 18. Loci uatura erat haec, quem locum nostri castria 
 delegerant. CoUis ab summo aequaliter declivis ad 
 
 arborihus incisis^ Elb. omits ' ena- 
 tia.' Caesar is dtstiibing ihe hr(li,'es 
 in the cou>it?y of the Nervii, which 
 we may 6uppo!>e to be the enclosures 
 of their fit-Ids. Tlie young plants 
 were lopped {'incisae') and then the 
 branches grew out as in a quickset 
 hedge : ^ by lopping the trees when 
 young, and by the intertwining (' in- 
 flexis') of the branches which grew 
 out thick in a lateral direction ("cre- 
 bris in latitudineni ramis enatis'), 
 and brambles and briars also being in- 
 terposed, they had made their hedges 
 serve the purpose of a rampart, just 
 like a wall.' 'Incisis' means, not 
 partially cut and then bent (' in- 
 ticxis'), as some suppose; but ' in- 
 flexis' applies to the ()ranches which 
 shot out ('"enatis') after this pruning 
 (Cic. Ad Att. iv. 2, "qui niihi pin- 
 nas inridenmt, nolunt easdem re- 
 nasci "). The order of the words 
 shows the meaning: the plants were 
 lopped, then they became close, thick, 
 in consequence of the numerous 
 blanches that grew out laterally; and 
 these branches were intertwined. 
 
 nterjectis' may 
 
 tural growth of 
 seems the better interpretation — or 
 that the interstices were so filled up 
 bv the Nervii. In fact, thcv made 
 an impervious hedge, like those which 
 surrounded the numerous sniall en- 
 closures in the district bordering on 
 the south bank of the lower course 
 of the Loire, called Le Bocage, which 
 presented formidable obstiicTes to the 
 troops of the French republic in 
 their attempts to put down tlie re- 
 bellion in La Vendee. Strabo ^p. 
 1^4) when he is describiug tne 
 
 'Interjectis' may mean cither the 
 natural growth of the briare — which 
 
 country of the Menapii, Morini, 
 Atrehates, and of the Eliurones who 
 occupied the Arduenna forest, speaks 
 of their stopping hostile incursions by 
 intertwining the shrubsand brambles, 
 and staking the forest paths. Some 
 writers suppose that he has used and 
 misused this passage of Caesar, but I 
 don't think that he has done either. 
 iiistar^ ' The resemblance or form 
 of a Wall.' 'Instar' is a noun not 
 declined ; as in Cic. Veir. ii. .5, c. 
 17, "trircmis instar;" and L'lpian, 
 Dig. 39. I. 21, "instar quoddani 
 operis ct quasi facies quaedam facti 
 oj)eris." 
 
 non inodo intrari] Some MSS. 
 have 'non modo non ;' but the 'non* 
 ought to be omitted, according to 
 Latin usage, for the verb ' posset,' 
 which denotes possibility, belongs to 
 both clauses ; and when the verb is 
 thus placed in one clause only, ' non 
 modo' is used, followed by ' ne . . . 
 quidem.' The confusion about this 
 matter arises from tianslating ' non 
 modo,' ' not only,' whereas it nieans 
 ' not so much as ;' that is. so much as 
 the following word denotes, which 
 word here is ' intrari.' It should be 
 translated, ' Into which there was not 
 so much as a possibility of entering, 
 nay, not even of seeing through them.' 
 Other examples of this ' non modo ' 
 are iii. 4, " non modo defesso," &c. ; 
 viii. 33, " eflPugere non modo," i^c. ; 
 and V. 43, &c. 
 
 18. declirisA A hill described as 
 sloping from trie top to the bottom is 
 ' declivis.' A hill desci ibed as sloping 
 from the bottom to the top is ' ad- 
 clivis' (vii. 19). Caesar uses * adcli- 
 vitate' for the upward slope. 
 
 LIBER IT. 
 
 125 
 
 flumon Sabim, quod supra nominavimus, vergebat. Ab 
 eo flumine pari adclivitate collis nascebatur adversua 
 huic et contrarius passus circiter ducentos, infimus aper- 
 tua, ab superiore parte silvestris ut non facile introrsus 
 perspici posset. Intra eas silvas hostes in occulto sesa 
 continebant : in aperto loco secundum flumen paucae 
 stationes equitum videbantur. Tlumiuis erat altitudo 
 pedum circiter trium. 
 
 19. Caesar equitatu praemisso subsequebatur omnibus 
 copiis ; sed ratio ordoque agminis aliter se habebat ac 
 Belgae ad Nervios detulerant. Nam quod ad hostes 
 appropniquabat, consuetudine sua Caesar sex legionea 
 expeditaa ducebat : post eas totius exercitus impedimenta 
 collocarat : inde duae legiones quae proximo conscriptae 
 erant totum agmen claudebant praesidioque impedimentis 
 erant. Equites nostri cum funditoribus sagittariisque 
 flumen transgressi cum hostium equitatu proelium com- 
 miserunt. Quum se illi identidem in silvas ad suoa 
 reciperent ac rursus ex silva in nostros impetum facerent, 
 Deque nostri longius quam quem ad finem porrecta ac 
 
 adversiia'] This word simply means 
 ' opposite,' but it must mean some- 
 thing else here, for ' contrarius' ex- 
 ])resse8 tlie fact that one hill was 
 right opposite ('contra') the other 
 (see iv. 17). 'Adversus' seems to 
 mean, as Schneider says, that the 
 two eminences corresponded in form 
 and extent. He also supposes that 
 'passus circiter ducentos' means 
 that the hill began to rise at the 
 distance of 200 feet from the river. 
 I now think that Miiller rightly 
 explains the meaning to be, that 
 the rise began at the river, and that 
 the slope measured upwards was 
 about 200 feet (' pari adclivitate . . . 
 passus circiter ducentos'). Compare 
 iii. 19, note. In the lower part 
 (' infimus ') it was clear ground, but 
 coveied with wood at the top. Kra- 
 ncr connects* passus circterducentos' 
 with 'infimus apertus.' and under- 
 stands the hill to have been clear of 
 wo<»d for 200 paces from the bottom. 
 Along ('secundum') the. river the 
 
 enemy had a few picquets of cavaliy 
 (vii. 34, ' secundum flumen '). EltL 
 adopts the reading 'infima' of one M3, 
 
 silvestris ut] ' So thick wooded 
 that it was not easy to see into it.' 
 See i. 6. 
 
 19. quod ad'\ This reading is 
 doubtful. Some MS.S. have ' quoad,' 
 in which case we should have ' hosti,' 
 for ' appropinquare' is said to be used 
 with a dative in all the other passages 
 of the Gallic war. The ' consuetu- 
 dine' means Caesar's usual form of 
 marching when he was coming near 
 an enemy ; it was not the ' consue- 
 tudo itineris' (c. 12), for Caesar 
 h:id adopted a different form, and so 
 disappointed the enemy. 
 
 identidem] According to Pri'cian 
 is ' idem et idem,' ' the same and the 
 same ;' that is, it denotes the repeti- 
 tion of a thing. 
 
 porrecta] The narrow strip along 
 the river, about 200 feet in width, 
 according to Schneider; but I think 
 he is mis;akeu. ' Porrecta ' is a par- 
 
126 
 
 C. JULII CAESAllIS 
 
 loca aporta pertlnebant cedentes iusequi aiulereiit, iiitonm 
 legioiies sex, quae priinae venerant, opere dimenso castra 
 munire eoeperuut. Ubi prima iiiipedimeiita nostri excr- 
 citus ab his qui in silvis abditi latebaiit visa suut, quod 
 iempus inter eos committendi proelii convenerat, ita ut 
 intra silvas aciem ordinesque constituerantatque ipsi seso 
 confinnaveraut, subito omnibus copiis provolaverunt im- 
 petumque in nostros equites fecerunt. Kis facile pulsis 
 ac proturbatis incredibili celeritate ad flumen decucur- 
 rerunt ut paene uno tempore et ad silvas et in flumine et 
 jam in inanibus nostris hostes viderentur. Eadem auteiu 
 celeritate adverso colle ad nostra castra atque eos qui in 
 opere occupati erant contenderunt. 
 
 20. Caesari omnia uno tempore erant agenda : vexillura 
 
 ticiple; but Schneider says that it 
 cannot refer to ' loca,' on account 
 of its position, and must be tulcen as 
 a noun. He compares vii. 88, *' liacc 
 decliviaet devexa;'" buttherewe have 
 * baec' Ell), says thiit one MS , and 
 »oino of the old editions, have ' por- 
 rccta ac aperia loca.' Herzo;; and 
 Kraner have ' jiorrecta loca a;ierta.' 
 
 ojtere dimensu j The ground had 
 been chosen (c. 17), and the six 
 legions which came first began to 
 make the camp ("castra munire'). 
 The words 'opere dimenso' mean 
 that the ground was marked out, and 
 eath legion would know its place 
 (P.dyb. vi 41). 
 
 ita uf] 'In such form as they had 
 airanged lluir onier of battle and 
 ranks in the forest, and had encou- 
 raged one Jiiiotlur (to do), all at 
 once with all their force tin y sprung 
 forwards.' Daivis and Clarke omitted 
 ' ita.' on the auiiiority of one MS., to 
 the detriment of the sense ; they took 
 ' ut ' to be «(iuiv:ilent to ' post(|uam.' 
 
 protuihntis\ Tiie reading ' pertur- 
 batis'uHans less. ' I'roiurbare ' is 
 to drive forward in contusion. ' Per' 
 and • pro' in MSS. are generally re- 
 jiresened by abbreviated forms so 
 much alike as to be easily con- 
 foiMMle«l. 
 
 in tuanif'iis] This means what fi 
 man has under his hand : hence 
 
 what is in his power, and what ii 
 close to him : Liv. v. "20; Cic. Ad Div. 
 xi. 13, "quae in manibus sunt." 
 
 adx'erso culle\ Tiiey made their 
 way towards the Roman camp with 
 the hill before them, and they went 
 up it. 
 
 21). j'ejrillnm] ' Vcxillum,' a dimi- 
 nutive of 'velum,' is a flag, which, 
 when hung out (' propositum '), was 
 the signal of battle. Caesar had 
 ai rived at that part of the ground 
 where the place for the general's 
 quarters was marked, and here he 
 hung out the ' vcxillum.' Plutarch 
 (Brutus, c. 40) speaks of a red clott 
 or vest (irpouKitTo . . . avjji^itiKov 
 ayiouo'i (ftoiuiKov'i \itwi') being 
 hung out by jiiutus and Caseins aa 
 the signal lor l.attle at Pliilippi. 
 Plutarch has tnuislaled 'proponere' 
 and ' signuin,' but for 'vcxillum' 
 he has used <I>iuvimiv^ xnwf. In 
 another place (I'^abiiis Maximus, c. 
 1.5) be calls this ' vexillum ' x''^'"*' 
 KoKMi/ov, liimg out above the ' prae- 
 toiium.' The colour of this ' vexil- 
 liim' was red. Caesar explains the 
 use of it in tliis passage, and some 
 critics, assuming that it was the old 
 signal for battle, complain that he 
 has explained what did not want 
 explanation; a fault which Caesar 
 cannot often be charged with. One 
 might rather conclude that it hud 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 127 
 
 proponendum, quod erat insigne quum ad arma concurs* 
 oporteret, signum tuba dandum, ab opere revocandi mi- 
 lites, qui paulo longius aggeris petendi causa processerant 
 arcessendi, acies instruenda, milites cohortandi, signura 
 dandum. Quarum rerum magnam partem temporis bre- 
 vitas et successus hostium impediebat. His difficultatibus 
 duae res erant subsidio, scientia atque usua militum, 
 quod superioribus proeliis exercitati, quid fieri oporteret 
 non minus commode ipsi sibi praescribere quam ab aliis 
 doceri poterant, et quod ab opere singulisque legionibus 
 singulos legatos Caesar discedere nisi munitis castris 
 vetuerat. Hi propter propinquitatem et celeritatem hos- 
 tium nihil jam Caesaris imperium exspectabant, sed per 
 se quae videbantur administrabant. 
 
 not been a usual or long established 
 signal, and for tliat reason he ex- 
 plained it. For 'vcxillum propo- 
 nere ' might be a signal for many 
 things ; and, as Schneider observes, 
 the passages in which ' signum pro- 
 ponere ' occurs in Livy do not show 
 that the expiession means what it 
 does here (Livy, vi. 12; rii. 32; 
 ix. 14. 23; Cic. Phil. v. 11). See 
 Lipsius. De Milit. Rom. iv. Dial. 12. 
 
 signum fuUi] Lipsius (iv. Dial. 
 10) has all the learning on this 
 matter. The 'tuba' was metal, 
 strjiight and expanding at the mouth. 
 It might be used as a signal for the 
 onset, as in Bell. Civ. iii. 46. It was 
 not the signal of battle here, as the 
 context shows, but to call the men 
 to tlieir ranks. The ' vcxillum' was 
 for the eye ; the ' tuba ' for t'le ear. 
 Both together were a signal to get 
 ready for fighting. The words ' ab 
 o;»ere revocandi milites' do not imply 
 any p;iitcular summons, for the 
 ' vcxillum propositum ' and the ' sig- 
 num tul>a datum ' would have the 
 effect of calling together the rest of 
 the troops, an<l recalling those who 
 were employed about the intrench- 
 ments. Some were at a distance 
 getting such material ('agger') as 
 they wanted. 
 
 As to ' si'.'uum dandum,' some 
 take it to mean the 'tessem' (the 
 
 (ruvd}}inu) of the Greeks, the word 
 which was given to the men, pro- 
 bably that they might by calling it 
 out avoid confusion and mistake. 
 Schneider concludes rightly, as I 
 think, that 'signum dandum' is the 
 signal for battle, which would be 
 made with the ' tuba.' After the 
 ' militura cohortatio' the battle 
 should come. The * tessera ' is not 
 named by Caesar, and ' signum dare' 
 with lim is the signal for fitdit (i. 
 52; iii. 5. 19; and other places). 
 
 successus] ' Kt successus et in- 
 cursus,' Elb. 'Successus' is the 
 ap|)roach of the enemy up the hill. 
 ' Succedere ' is Caesar's usual word 
 in such cases (i. 25). 
 
 H/s dtjficultatihus] ' His ' is the 
 dative, and it depends on ' subsidio.' 
 The skill and experience of the 
 soldier helped him ('subsidio erant') 
 against these difTiculties. The dis- 
 cipline of the Roman troops saved 
 them. 
 
 nihil ja 70,] ' Nihil ' is more em- 
 phatic than the simple ' non,' and the 
 addition of 'jam' adds further force. 
 Thus in i. 40, 'nihil se ea re com- 
 moveri ;' and i. 12. ' tres jam 
 partes.' — Elb. has 'spectabant' for 
 ' exs|)ectabant.' 
 
 quae videbantur'] Caesar mean«, 
 they did what seemed best to them 
 under the circumstances. 
 
128 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 21. Caesjir necessariis rebus iiiiperatis ad cohortandos 
 railites quam in partem fors obtulit decucurrit et ad legio- 
 nem deciinam devenit. Milites noii longiore oratione 
 cohortatua quam uti suae pristinae virtutis memoriain 
 retinerent neu perturbareritur animo hostiutnque inipe- 
 tum fortiter sustinereiit, quod non longius hostes aberant 
 quam quo telum adjici posset, proelii committendi signum 
 dedit. Atque in alteram partem item cohortandi causa 
 prifectus pugnantibus occurrit. Temporis tanta fuit 
 exiguitas hoatiumque tarn paratus ad dimicandum animus, 
 ut non modo ad insignia accommodanda, sed etiam ad 
 galeas induendas scutisque tegimenta detrudenda tempus 
 detuerit. Quam quisque ab opere in partem casu devenit 
 quaeque prima signa conspexit, ad haec constitit, ne in 
 quaerendis suis pugnandi tempus dimitteret. 
 
 22. Instrueto exercitu magis ut loci natura dejectusque 
 collis et necessitas temporis quam ut rei niilitaris ratio 
 
 21. non modo\ This is another 
 nsf of ■• non modo,' in which it is 
 followed by ' sed etiam.' It may be 
 transhited * not only — but even ;' 
 and that will express the meaning. 
 But the explanation is this: "time 
 was wanting not so far as was neces- 
 sary 'ad insignia accommodanda,' 
 but further than this, ' etiam ad 
 gale:.8.' &c." 
 
 insiffiiia'] See i. 21. Here the 
 * insignia ' seem to be the crests, 
 feathers red and black or other orna- 
 ments which the Roman soldiers 
 wore, as I'olyldus (vi. 2."i) describes 
 them. Lipsius (De Milit Rom. iii. 
 Dial. 5) gives in half a page nine 
 samples of these ornamental helmets 
 fr^im ancient monuments. 'I'hcse 
 were moveable ornaments, and not 
 always worn. 
 
 induenduji'y The best MSS. have 
 ' inducendas, which, if it is right, 
 must mean to put on the helmets ; 
 for nothing else can be meant. I Jut 
 this is not the proper meaning of the 
 word (see c. 33) ; and Schneider's 
 argument against 'inducendas' in 
 thiH {)assage, derived from tlie use of 
 'lie word, seems to me conclusive. 
 
 It appears that the soldiers fought 
 without their helmets. They carried 
 them suspended from the neck "r 
 otherwise (c. 17, note) on the 
 maich, and they had not time to put 
 them on. 
 
 The shields were made of metal 
 or ornamented with metal and va- 
 rious devices, and covered with 
 leather when not in use. Plutiirch 
 (Lucullus, c. 27) opeaks of the leather 
 coverings of the Roman shie'ds and 
 hrlmets. The Romans called tiicm 
 'clipeorum involucra.' Xeiio|)hon 
 {An:ib. i. 2. Ki) describes the review 
 of the Hellenic soldiers who had 
 their shields taken out of their 
 casings (tos aairiSa^ iKKfKakvfi- 
 fj.iva'i). 
 
 de/iwrit] Schneider explains this 
 perfect obscurely enough in his Latin, 
 but correctly. A past event ha- 
 preceded ('fuit'), which is connected 
 with another event that follows it, 
 and this second event is also ex- 
 pressed by a perfect, whi(;h denotes a 
 (omplete event, and leaves nothin.' 
 further to be exjKJcted. It is a fact 
 completed ( ' defuerit '). 
 
 2*^. dejeciuii(jue\ bee c. 8. 
 
 LIBEE II. 
 
 129 
 
 atque ordo postulabat, quum diversis legionibus aliae alia in 
 parte hostibus resisterent, sepibusque densissimis, ut ante 
 demonstravimus, interjectis prospectus impediretur, neque 
 certa subsidia collocari, neque quid in quaque parte opus 
 esset provideri, neque ab uuo omnia imperia administrari 
 poterant. Itaque in tanta rerum iniquitate fortunae 
 quoque eventus varii sequebantur. 
 
 23. Legionis nonae et decimae milites, ut in sinistra 
 parte acie constiterant, pilis emissis cursu ac lassitudine 
 exanimatos vulneribusque confectos Atrebates (nam his 
 ea pars obvenerat) celeriter ex loco superiore in flumen 
 compulerunt et transire conantes insecuti gladiis magnam 
 partem eorum impeditam interfecerunt. Ipsi transire 
 flumen non dubitaverunt, et in locum iniquum progressi 
 rursus resistentes hostes redintegrato proelio in fugam 
 conjecerunt. Item alia in parte diversae duae legiones, 
 undecima et octava, profligatis Veromanduis, quibuscum 
 erant congressi, ex loco superiore in ipsis fluminis ripis 
 proeliabantur. At totis fere a fronte et ab sinistra parte 
 nudatis castris, quum in dextro cornu legio duodecima et 
 non magno ab ea intervallo septima constitisset, omnes 
 
 diversis lepioniJnii\ ' Diversis locis 
 legiones,' Elb. There is authority 
 for both readings, but I think 
 Schneider is right in preferring 'di- 
 vereis legionibus.' ' Diversis locis 
 Icpones' does not express so clearly 
 what Caesar means. 'J'he legions 
 were ' diversae,' scattered, disjoined, 
 not 'contractae,' like Virgil's ' pho- 
 cac :' "Sternunt se somno diversae 
 in litore phocae" (Geor. iv. 432). 
 In c. 24 Caesar speaks of his Numidae 
 as ' diversos dissipatosque,' &c. ; they 
 were broken and dispersed. The 
 meaning then is: 'Since owing to 
 the legions being disjoined some 
 were making head against the enemy 
 in one part and some in another.' 
 Caesar's legions were more like 
 several armies fighting severally, 
 than like one army. It was all con- 
 fusion. 
 
 23. ut in sinistra^ ' Since,' ' inas- 
 much as ' they had taken their sta- 
 tion on the left, the ninth and tenth 
 
 ^ 
 
 under Labienus (c. 26). The Atre- 
 bates, who were posted opposite to 
 that part (' ea pars'), came right 
 against thera. See v. 43, 'ut . . . se 
 eonstipavcrant.' There is no com- 
 parison here. 
 
 acie] This is a form of the 
 genitive. Gellius (ix. 14) observes 
 that (Caesar, in his grammatical trea- 
 tise ' De Analogia,' says that we 
 should write ' hujus di«,* 'hiijus 
 specie.' — ' Pilis emissis,' see i. 25. 
 
 rursus resitfteides] ' Rui'sus regres- 
 sos et resistentes,' Elb. But Schnei- 
 der remarks that ' regredi ' is gene- 
 lally said of men retreating from 
 battle (v. 44). 
 
 cvnjeceru?d] ' Dcderunt,' Elb. ; as 
 in V. 51. 
 
 Veromanduis] The Velocasses are 
 not mentioned here (c. 4). 'Jhe 
 eleventh and eighth drove back the 
 Veromandui from the front of the 
 camp. 
 
130 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 Nervii confertissimo agmine duce Boduognato, qui sum- 
 mam imperii tenebat, ad eum locum conteiiderunt ; quo- 
 rum pars aperto latere legiones circumvenire, pars sum- 
 mum castrorum locum petere coepit. 
 
 24. Eodem tempore equites nostri levisque armaturae 
 pedites, qui cum iis una fuerant, quos primo hostiura 
 impetu pulsus dixeram, quum se iu castra reciperent, 
 adversis liostibus occurrebant ac rursus aliam in partem 
 fugam petebant ; et calones, qui ab decumana porta ac 
 summo jugo collis nostros victores flumen transire con- 
 spexeraut, praedandi causa egressi, quum respexissent et 
 bostes in nostris castris versari vidissent, praecipites 
 lugae sese mandabanfc. Simul eorum qui cum impedi- 
 mentis veuiebant clamor fremitusque oriebatur, aliique 
 aliam in partem perterriti ferebantur. Quibus omnibus 
 rebus permoti equites Treviri, quorum inter Gallos vir- 
 tutis opinio est singularis, qui auxilii causa ab civitate ad 
 Caesarem missi venerant, quum multitudine hostiura 
 castra nostra compleri, nostras legiones premi et paene 
 circumventas teneri, calones, equites, funditores, Numidas, 
 diversos dissipatosque in omnes partes fugere vidissent, 
 desperatis nostris rebus domum contenderunt : Eomanos 
 pulsos superatosque, castris impedimentisque eorum bostes 
 potitos civitati renuntiaverunt. 
 
 25. Caesar ab decimae le":ionis cohortatioue ad dex- 
 
 opr'tio latere] On the left of the 
 twelfth and seventh legions (i. *26), 
 
 summum] See ii. 18, 'collis ab 
 siimmo.' The camp was on the 
 summit towunls wliich the Nervii 
 Were directing their attack. 
 
 24. adverxis hosti/nis] The enemy 
 was in the camp, as he says, shortly 
 after; and tlio 'equites,' and arclicrs, 
 and slingcrs (c. 19) having made their 
 way back to it, found theinsclvcs 
 fate to face with the Nervii in the 
 camp. — 'Calones' are slaves who 
 were used for menial services. But 
 wc cannot 8upj)0se that the common 
 sohlicrs had tlicm ; probably only the 
 ' tribuni ' and ' centuriones.' Sallust 
 »ays that when Metellus reformed 
 the African army in the Jugurthine 
 
 war, he did not allow a common 
 soldier to have a beast of burden or 
 a slave (Bell. Ju-r. c. 45). The ' ca- 
 lones ' were at the ' porta decumana ' 
 or ' quaestoria,' which was at tiie 
 back of the camp, op|)osite to the 
 "■ praetoria,' which was in front. The 
 camp was partly on a slope, and the 
 ' porta decumana ' in the rear com- 
 manded a view of the river. We 
 collect from this passage that the 
 place for the "^ calones' was near the 
 ' decumana ;' on the outside, near 
 this gate, was the station of the 
 * mercatorcs ' (vi. 37). 
 
 2o. <{/> f/rciiiiue legionis] See be- 
 ginning of 0. 21, " milites non 
 longa," &c., and "atque in alteram 
 partem," &c. 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 131 
 
 trum cornu profectus, ubi suos urgeri signisque in unum 
 locum collatis duodecimae legionis confertos milites sibi 
 ipsos ad pugnam esse impedimento vidit, quartae cohortis 
 omnibus centurionibus occisis signiferoque interfecto, 
 signo amisso, reliquarum cohortium omnibus fere centu- 
 rionibus aut vulueratis aut occisis, in his primipilo P. 
 
 signis— collatis — confertos] Kraner 
 supposes that the twelfth had formed 
 an 'orbis;' but if Caesar meant that, 
 he might have said that they had 
 formed an ' orbis,' as he does on 
 other occasions (iv. 37; v. 33). 
 
 impedimento vidit] 'Vidit' is in 
 all the MSS. the collations of which 
 are certainly known. Aldus recom- 
 mended it to be erased, apparently 
 Ijecause it occurs again — " rem esse 
 in angusto vidit ;" but it is genuine 
 in both places." 
 
 signo amisso] The ' signifer,' or 
 standard bearer, of the fourth cohort, 
 was killed, and the ' signum ' was 
 lost; from which it might be in- 
 ferred that Caesar ia speaking of the 
 ' signum ' of the fourth ' cohors.' In 
 the time of Polybius (vi. 24) the le- 
 gions were only divided into 'mani- 
 puli,' and each 'manipulus' had its 
 ' sitmum ;' and this was so in Caesar's 
 time (B. G. vi. 34. 40), though the 
 thirty 'manipuli' of a legion were 
 distributed into ten cohorts. It 
 seems probable that the ' signum ' 
 of one of the three ' manipuli ' was 
 the 'signum' of the cohort, for it is 
 unlikely that there were four 'signa' 
 in a cohort. 
 
 The old ' signa ' of the ' manipuli ' 
 were a pole with a wisp of grass on 
 the top, as the poet 6:iys : 
 
 " Ilia quidem foeni : sed crat reve- 
 rentia foeno 
 Quantum nunc aquilas cernis 
 habere tuas. 
 Pertica suspenses portabat (onga 
 maniplos, 
 Unde maniplarig nomiua mi^es 
 habet." 
 
 Ovid, Fast. iii. 115. 
 
 The pole was changed into a spear; 
 and the wisp of grass was replaced 
 
 k2 
 
 by gilded, or silver, or bronze figures 
 of animals (Pliny, H. N. x. 4). But 
 of these figures the ' aquila ' or eagle 
 alone was finally retained ; hence to 
 carry the eagle means to carry the 
 'signum' of the legion (B. G. iv. 
 25) ; and the bearer was called ' aqui- 
 lifer.' For the 'signum' of the le- 
 gion was the 'aquila,' the care of 
 which belonged originally to the first 
 'manipulus' of the ' triarii.' The 
 standards of the cohorts were pro- 
 perly called ' signa,' and differed from 
 the 'aquila,' or standard of the le- 
 gion. But there is some difficulty 
 in ascertaining what is meant by the 
 'signa' of the 'cohortes.' Lipsius 
 was of opinion that the 'manipuli' 
 had their 'signa,' and not the co- 
 horts. There are passages of the Ro- 
 man writers in which the 'sisria' 
 both of tlie 'manipuli' and of^tlie 
 'cohortes' are mentioned; but it is 
 possible, according to the explanation 
 given above, that there was no sepa- 
 rate 'signum ' for the whole cohoit, 
 and that the 'signum ' of one of the 
 ' manipuli ' served as such. 
 
 priwipilo] Elb. has 'prime pile.' 
 There is no etymological objectioa 
 to the form ' primipilus,' for which 
 there is also the authority of an 
 inscription. ' Primopilus' may be 
 objected to. Livy (vii. 41) savs 
 '' Primus centurio erat quern nunc 
 nrimipilum appellant," though Dra- 
 kenborch has ' primi pili ' iu that 
 passage. But in Liv. ii. 27 we have 
 'primi pili centurionem,' and tliere- 
 fore if we read 'piimi pili' in Liv. 
 vii. 41, he is explaining in that pas- 
 sage what he should nave explaint-d 
 in ii. 27. The 'centurio primi pili' 
 was the fir^t centurion of the first 
 ' manipulus' of the • triarii,' who were 
 a'so called ' pilani ;' and he was said 
 
132 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 13;i 
 
 Sextio Baculo, fortissimo viro, multis gravibusque vulne- 
 
 ribus confecto ut jam se sustinere noii posset, reliquoa 
 
 esse tardiores, et nonnullos ab novissimis deserto proelio 
 
 excedere ac tela vitare, hostes neque a tronte ex interiore 
 
 loco subeuntes intermittere et ab utroque latere instare, 
 
 et rem esse iu angusto vidit, neque uUum esse subsidium 
 
 quod submitti posset, sciito ab novissimis uni militi de- 
 
 tracto, quod ipse eo sine scuto venerat, in primam aciem 
 
 proeessit centurionibusque nomiuatim appellatis reliquos 
 
 cohortatus milites signa iuterre et manipulos laxare jussit, 
 
 quo facdius gladiis uti possent. Cujus adventu spe illata 
 
 mditibus ac redintegrato animo, quum pro se quisque iu 
 
 conspectu imperatoris etiam in extremis suis rebus operam 
 
 navare cuperet, paulum hostium impetus tardatus eat. 
 
 26. Caesar quum septimam legionem, quae juxta con- 
 stiterat, item urgeri ab hoste vidisset, tribunes militum 
 monuit ut paulatim sese legiones conjungerent et con- 
 versa signa iu bostes inferrent. Quo facto, quum alius 
 
 >rimum pilum ducere' (B. G. vi. 
 38). Ho was the comimuider of the 
 first 'centuria' of that ' niani|.u!u-,' 
 nnd the first in rank of the bixty 
 centurions in a legion. In B. G. iii. 
 5, there is 'primi pili centurio,'and 
 in Cicero, Pro Balbo, c. 15. 
 
 corifedo ut\ See i. 6, and the 
 note. 
 
 dese7io^ One MS. has 'deserto, 
 which Lipsius conjectured to be the 
 true reading The M8.S. and Klb. 
 have 'deseitos,' which cannot be c.x- 
 nlained ; for it would mean that some 
 being deserted by those in tlie ex- 
 treme rear left the battle, which is 
 nonsense. Caesar means that ' non- 
 nullos ab novissimis,' 'some in the 
 extreme rear,' left the field and 
 abandoned the contest. 
 
 neque — i'ldMiuittes ihtermittere] The 
 enemy kept mounting' the hill in 
 front; there was no interruption in 
 their forcing a way up. ' Neque . . . 
 et,' as in iv. 2y, is common in 
 Latin. 
 
 manipulos lajrarc^ He ordered 
 them to open their ranks, to allow 
 more room for the use of the sword. 
 
 The men were too close. 
 
 pro ae quii(/ue\ This seems to 
 mean 'every single man,' without 
 respect to the rest. So in Virgil, 
 Aen. xii. .552, " Pro se quisque viri 
 sumina nitantur opum vi." There 
 are many examples in Livy, i. 59- 
 ii. 1(>. Sec aibo B. C. i. 33. 
 
 2(). C(mrer>u sypia] The two le- 
 gions, the twelfth and seventh, were 
 near one another on the right of the 
 (■;'inp ; but there was a space between 
 them. Caesar ordered these two le- 
 gions by degrees to join their ranks, 
 and to face about and front the 
 enemy (''conversa signa in hostes 
 infer.e," i. 25). This being done, 
 there was no danger of being attacked 
 by the enemy in the rear (' avcrsi '). 
 Like expressions occur in Livy, y. 
 38, and in ix. 21, "diversa statuit 
 signa." Sclineider supposes that the 
 movement brought the two legions 
 hack to hack, but this would not be 
 the movement, 'ihe two legions, 
 instead of presenting one front to the 
 enemy, who were p(.uriiig upon them 
 lii front and on both sides, presented 
 seveial fronts; tli^y kept their ranks 
 
 alii subsidium ferret, neque timerent ne aversi ab hoste 
 circumvenirentur, audacius resistere ac fortius pugnare 
 coeperunt. Interim milites legionum duarum, quae in 
 novissimo agmine praesidio impedimentis fuerant, proelio 
 nuntiato cursu incitato iu sumnio coUe ab hostibus con- 
 spiciebantur ; et T. Labienus castris hostium potitus et 
 ex loco superiore quae res in nostris castris gererentur 
 conspicatus decimam legionem subsidio nostris misit. 
 Qui quum ex equitum et calonum fuga, quo in loco res 
 esset, quantoque in periculo et castra et legiones et im- 
 perator versaretur, cognovissent, nihil ad celeritatem sibi 
 reliqui fecerunt. 
 
 27. Horum adventu tanta rerum commutatio est facta 
 ut nostri etiam qui vulneribus coiifecti procubuissent, 
 ?cutis innixi proelium redintegrarent, tum calones per- 
 territos hostes conspicati etiam inermes armatis occurre- 
 rent, equites vero, ut turpitudinem fugae virtute delerent, 
 omnibus in locis pugnae se legionariis militibus praefer- 
 rent. At hostes etiam in extrema spe salutis tantam 
 virtutem praestiterunt ut, quum primi eorum cecidissent, 
 proximi jacentibus insisterent atque ex eorum corporibus 
 pugnarent ; his dejectis et coacervatis cadaveribus, qui 
 superessent ut ex tumulo tela in nostros conjicerent et 
 
 closed, but faced the enemy on all 
 sides. They might have fonried a 
 square or rectangle in the way ex- 
 plained in Note H. at the end of 
 this book. Miiller thinks that the le- 
 gions only formed a longer line, and 
 80 avoided being outflanked by the 
 Nervii. 1 do not think that he is 
 right, and accordingly I have given 
 in the note (II.) Roesch's explana- 
 tion, which some readers may prefer. 
 
 alius aiii\ 'Alius alii . . . ferrent,' 
 Elb. 
 
 castris hostiuni] Labienus was with 
 the ninth and tenth (c. 23). He had 
 crossed the river and pot into the 
 enemy's camp. They had no doubt 
 baggage with them, and had made 
 some rude encampment. He was 
 on the hill on the opposite side of 
 the river, having broken the enemy's 
 right. He saw what was going on in 
 
 Caesar's camp, and sent the tenth 
 legion to Caesar's aid. 
 
 sibi reliqui^ ' They left nothing 
 undone in the matter of speed :' thev 
 came as fast as they could. The 
 battle was now won, if the Nervii 
 could be repelled. 
 
 27. nostri] Elb. has a comma aftei 
 ' nostri,' which is a bad punctuation. 
 It is 'ad sensuni,' as Schneider says, 
 the same as ' nostrorum.' Comp. 
 ' coniplures nostri,' * many of eur 
 men' (i. 52). ' Vulneribus confecti,' 
 ' badly wounded,' is a common ex- 
 pression in Caesar. The context 
 shows that it does not mean 'killed.' 
 Comp. iii. 21. 
 
 prarferrenf] ' They put themselves 
 in front of the legionarj' soldiers in 
 every part of the field.' 
 
 qui superessent] Its po-«ition cor- 
 responds to that of 'proximi,' and 
 
iSk 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 pila mtercepta remitterent: ut non nequidquam tantae 
 virtutis homines judicari deberet ausoa esse transire Jatis- 
 simum flumen, ascendere altissimas ripas, subire iniquia- 
 simum locum ; quae facilia ex difficillimis animi macrni- 
 tudo redegerat. " 
 
 28. Hoc proelio facto et prope ad internecionem gente 
 ac nomine Nerviorum redacto majores natu, quos una 
 cum pueris mulieribusque in aestuaria ac paludes collectos 
 dixeramus, hac pugna nuntiata, quum victoribus nihil 
 impeditum, victis nihil tutum arbitrarentur, omnium qui 
 supererant consensu legates ad Caesarem miserunt seque 
 61 aediderunt, et in commemoranda civitatis calamitate ex 
 sexcentis ad tres senatores, ex hominum milibus lx vix 
 ad D qui arma ferre possent sese redactos esse dixerunt. 
 Quos Caesar, ut in miseros ac supplices usus misericordia 
 videretur, diligentissime conservavit suisque finibus atque 
 oppidis uti jussit, et finitimis imperavit ut ab injuria et 
 maleficio se suosque prohiberent. 
 
 • superstites ' would express the same 
 meaning. See i. 36, "qui vicissent 
 iis quos vicissent." 
 
 debervt] All the MSS. Iiave 'de- 
 berent,' which Aldus altered to 'de- 
 beret.' There is a reading 'judicari 
 deberont, ausi quod essent;' which 
 would mean 'so that not without 
 reason ought the men to be considered 
 BO brave, iiiasnmch as they had dared 
 to cross a very broad river, to ascend 
 very hio;h banks,' &c. 
 
 28. nomine] The word may be 
 tikcn literally here: the nation and 
 the name of the Nervii were almost 
 destroyed. See vi. 34, " stirps ac 
 nomen civitatis;" and viii. 7, " no- 
 men populi Romani." 'Nomen' is 
 sometimes used for a nation, but 
 then it is used with an adjective, as 
 * nomen Latinum.' 
 
 collectos] As Caesar has used 
 'conjecisse' (c. 16), some critics 
 have suggested that we should read 
 'conjectos' here: but all the MSS., 
 it appears, have ' collettos.' It by 
 no means follows that because the 
 fighting men are said 'conjicere' the 
 helpless people, that the helpless 
 
 people must be called 'conjecti.' 
 Indeed, another word is preferable 
 here, which expresses the fact of their 
 being in one place. 
 
 milibus Lx] The number of fight- 
 ing men that thev promised (c. 4) 
 was 50,000. There seems to be no 
 variation in the MSS. The reader 
 niay explain the difference as he 
 pleases. But the fighting men were 
 not completely exhausted, for the 
 Nervii soon rose again in arms, v. 
 38; vi. 2; vii. 75. Kraner says that 
 the Nervii purposely exaggerated 
 their loss to excite compassion. The 
 slaughter was gieat, and when Caesar 
 wrote this, he was told that he had 
 destroyed all the fighting men, and 
 he may have believed it. He found 
 afterwards to his cost that it was not 
 so. I conclude that Caesar wrote 
 this book in B.C. 57, and that he did 
 not alter it after he knew that the 
 Nervii were not all destroyed ; and 
 he did right. 
 
 1 do not see any evidence for fixing 
 the place where this great battle was 
 fought. It was on the right bank of 
 the Sainbre, as the story shows. 
 
 LIBEE 11. 
 
 135 
 
 29. Auuatuci, de quibus supra scripsimus, quum om- 
 nibus copiis auxilio Nerviis venirent, hac pugna nuntiata 
 ex itinere domum reverterunt; cunctis oppidis castel- 
 lisque desertis sua omnia in unum oppidum egregie 
 natura munitum contulerunt. Quod quum ex omnibus 
 in circuitu partibus altissimas rupes despectusque haberet, 
 una ex parte leniter adclivis aditus in latitudinem non 
 amplius ducentorum pedum relinqucbatur ; quern locum 
 duplici altissimo muro munierant, tum magni pouderis 
 saxa et praeacutas trabes in muro collocarant. Ipsi erant 
 ex Cimbris Teutonisque prognati, qui, quum iter in pro- 
 vinc'am nostram atque Italiam facerent, iis impedimentis, 
 quae secum agere ac portare non poterant, citra flumen 
 Khenum depositis custodiam ex suis ac praesidio sex 
 milia hominum una reliquerunt. Hi post eorum obitum 
 multos annos a finitimis exagitati, quum alias beUum in- 
 ferrent, alias illatum defenderent, consensu eorum om- 
 nium pace facta hunc sibi domicilio locum delegerunt. 
 
 29. Aduaftici, ^c] Introd. p. 29. 
 There are no means of ascertaining 
 where this ' oppidum' of the Aduatici 
 or Aduatuci was. The people lived 
 about the confluence of the Sambre 
 and the Maas ; and it has been con- 
 jectured that their stronghold was the 
 site of Namur ; but this is impossible, 
 as D'Anville shows. Namur is on 
 the Maas, a circumstance incom- 
 
 Eatible with Caesar's description, for 
 e mentions no river. He describes 
 the place as a height precipitous all 
 round (' ex omnibus in circuitu par- 
 tibus'), except in one part, where it 
 was approached by a gentle ascent in 
 width not more than two hundred 
 feet. Across this ascent and close 
 to the upper part, as we may sup- 
 
 f>ose, the Aduatuci had built two 
 ligh walls, one within the other, and 
 in front of the outer wall they had 
 cut a ditch (c. 32). The description 
 of the place shows that it was pro- 
 tected by the natural rocks except in 
 one place ; and the ditch was not 
 round the town, but, as Caesar says, 
 'ante oppidum.' — ' Aditus' must be 
 connected with 'pedum,' as 'vallo 
 pedum,' &c., c. 30. 
 
 e^ ilittere — reverteruid^ ' On their 
 march they turned back and went 
 home.' See c. 6, 'ex itinere;' and 
 iii. 21. 
 
 custodiam] There is good autho- 
 rity for ' custodiam . . . ac praesi- 
 dium :' also for ' custodiae . . . prae- 
 sidio,' which Elb. has. But Elber- 
 ling's reading makes the 'una' im- 
 meaning. Accordingly Elb. and 
 others put ' una' in the stocks [una], 
 though it is in all the MSS. except 
 two. If with Schneider we explain 
 * custodiam' to mean ' custodes,' some 
 of the weaker or inferior sort, it is 
 then intelligible to say that they also 
 left six thousand figliting men to, 
 guard the whole. The words ' agere ' 
 and ' portare' mean that the invaders 
 left both live stock and dead stock 
 behind them, and the live stock 
 would require feeding and attention, 
 which it would not be the business 
 of a fighting man to bestow. The 
 German nations, to whom the Teu- 
 tones at least belonged, had slaves. 
 The great fighters lived an idle life 
 in time of ])eace. 
 
 hunc locum] This must mean all 
 the territory occupied by the Adua- 
 
136 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 30. Ac primo adventu exercitua nostri crebras ex op- 
 pido exciirsiones faciebant parvulisque proeliis cum nostris 
 contendebant : postea vallo pedum xii in circuitu xv 
 milium crebrisque castellia circummuniti oppido sese con- 
 tinebant. Ubi vineis actis aggere exstructo turrim pro- 
 
 tuci. ' Locus' has a very wide mean- 
 ing, as in i. 30, "locum domicilio 
 ex macma copia " &c. Virgil, A en. 
 iii. 1()3, has *' Est locus, Hesperiam 
 Graii cognoniinc dicunt." 
 
 Schneider reconciles what is said 
 here with what is said in c. 4 : " Teu- 
 tonosque Cinibrosque intra fines siios 
 ingredi prohihuerant," by saying that 
 they placed their l)aggage in the ter- 
 ritory of the Bclgae, bnt did not 
 inter on it themselves. Tliis is mere 
 rifling. See Introd. p. 29. 
 
 30. primo udvenfu] As *piima 
 •uce ' means 'as soon as day dawns,' 
 80 ' primo adventu ' means as soon as 
 they arrived. See i. 22. 
 
 vallo] The number xii is omitted 
 in some MSS., and others have the 
 reading ' vallo pedum in circuitu 
 XV,' which leaves the circuit un- 
 determined. Some critics have sup- 
 plied ' pedum ' with ' milium,' so 
 as to make the circuit 15,000 feet, 
 instead of lo.OOO paces; but this 
 is contrary to the usage of the lan- 
 guage, and we must understand the 
 'circuit' to be fifteen Roman miles. 
 There was some good reason for 
 making the ciicumvallation so ex- 
 tensive. As to the practicability of 
 it, there is no difficulty. Caesar had 
 seven legions (see c. 34, note), above 
 ^0,000 men, besides the rest of his 
 force. Two thousand men to a mile 
 would soon make a ditch and throw 
 up a ' vallum ' twelve feet high. 
 
 " I here give a calculation sent to 
 me by Mr. Seymour Clarke, the Se- 
 cretary of the' Great Northern Rail- 
 way, in 1851. ' One hundred men 
 in ten hours can make 100 yards of 
 a ditch twenty-one feet broad at the 
 top and twelve feet deep, with the 
 earth thrown inwards and upwards as 
 a parapet; in fact, each man can dig 
 t yard in length, equal to lifting four- 
 
 teen cubic yards. Five thousand re- 
 gular railway navvies could in ten 
 hours make such a ditch or form an 
 impediment of 5000 yards nearly 
 three miles; and supposing soldiers 
 can only do the third part of navvies' 
 work here, they can make a mile of 
 ])iotection in ten hours.' (Letter to 
 the Times of Dec. 9, 1854, signed 
 Charles Shaw.)" 
 
 rit/pis actisi The 'vineae' were 
 brought up to cover the men, while 
 they raised the 'agger,' on which the 
 ' turris' was to be worked and brought 
 up to the wall. The raising of the 
 'agger,' &c., or of a bank of earth 
 which extended to the base of the 
 wall, was the first operation in this 
 form of siege. It was an embank- 
 ment broad enough to contain one 
 tower or more, and high enough to 
 enable the men in the tower to drive 
 the besieged from their wall and get 
 into the place. S.illust (Bell. Jug. 
 c. 7G) will e.xplain this : " Deinde 
 locis ex copia maxume idoneis viiieas 
 agere, aggerem jacere, et super ag- 
 gerem impositis turribus opus et ad- 
 ministros tutari." (See Lipsius, 
 Poliorcet. Lib. ii. Dial. 4.) 
 
 The ' aigcr ' was made of stones, 
 earth, and timber. They used 
 hramhes of trees and earth to make 
 the embankment, and the sides were 
 strengthened with timber, and pro- 
 bably stone when it could be got. 
 Stones were also thrown in with the 
 earth. So Lucan iii. 396 : 
 
 " Ut, cum terra Icvis niediam virgul- 
 
 taque molem 
 Suspendant, structa lateiiim com- 
 
 page ligatam 
 Artet hiimum, pressus ne cedat 
 
 turribus agger." 
 
 An elaborate contrivance for assault- 
 ing the town of Massilia is described 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 137 
 
 cul constitui viderunt, primum irridere ex muro atque 
 increpitare vocibus, quod tanta machinatio ab tanto spatio 
 instrueretur, Quibusnam manibus aut quibus viribus prae- 
 sertim homines tantulae staturae (nam plerumque om- 
 nibus Gallis prae magnitudine corporum suorum brevitas 
 nostra contemptui est) tanti oneris turrim in muro sese 
 collocare confiderent ? 
 
 31. Ubi vero moveri et appropmquare moenibus vide- 
 runt, nova atque inusitata specie commoti legatos ad 
 Caesarem de pace miserunt, qui ad hunc modum locuti : 
 Non existimare Eomanos sine ope divina bellum gerere, 
 qui tantae altitudinis machinationes tanta celeritate pro- 
 movere [et ex propinquitate pugnare] possent, se suaque 
 omnia eorum potestati permittere dixerunt. Unum petere 
 ac deprecari ; si forte pro sua dementia ac mansuetudine, 
 quam ipsi ab aliis audirent, statuisset Aduatucos esse 
 conservandos, ne se armis despoliaret. Sibi omnes fere 
 finitimos esse inimicos ac suae virtuti invidere, a quibus 
 se defendere traditis armis non possent. Sibi praestare, 
 si in eum casum deducerentur, quamvis fortuuam a po- 
 
 bv Caesar, B. C. ii. 8, and ex- 
 plained by Guischardt, Mem. Mil. 
 Vol. ii. 
 
 quod tanta] ' Quo . . . institue- 
 retur,' Elb. All the MSS. have 
 ' quod.' Whether ' institueretur' or 
 'instrueretur' is the genuine word, 
 is doubtful. If we take Elb.'s read- 
 ing, the words of the Aduatuci begin 
 M'ith ' quo :' ' they mocked from 
 the wall and rallied the Romans, 
 saying. For what pui-pose was such a 
 huge piece of machinery set up at 
 such a distance.^' If we take the 
 reading in the text, the raillery be- 
 gins with ' quibusnam,' and the en- 
 clitic ' nam ' is in favour of this 
 latter inter])retation. 
 
 ab tanto spatio] Sec c. 7, note on 
 
 * ab milibus.' 
 
 plerumque omnilms] Elb. has 
 
 * plerumque hominibus.' 'Omnibus' 
 and ' hominibus ' are often con- 
 founded, and ' homines' and ' omnes.' 
 Schneider compares v. 57, " equites 
 plerumque omnes." The text means 
 
 ' almost all the Galli.' 
 
 in muro] ' In muros,' Elb., on 
 the authority of many MSS., which, 
 if the reading is right, means 'on 
 the walls :' nor can "in muro' mean 
 any thing else. The Aduatuci did 
 not know what the Romans were 
 going to do. They did not think 
 that this big tower could be moved 
 along the 'agger' and brought up to 
 the wall ; and they are represented 
 as asking if the Romans intended to 
 put it on the wall. They were 
 laughing at the Romans ; which 
 Kraner has not seen. 
 
 31. et e:t propinquitate pugnare] 
 Omitted in some MSS. — ' Audirent :' 
 there is a reading ' audissent.' 
 
 despoliaret] ' Dispoliaret,' some 
 MSS. and edd. The word occurs in 
 Cic. Verr. ii. 4, c. 20, where also 
 there has been a difference of opinion 
 as to the form. 
 
 si in eum casum] ' If they should 
 be brought into such a condition ;' ' if 
 it should come to this, that they had 
 
138 
 
 C. JIJLTl CAESARIS 
 
 pulo Komano pati quam ab his per cruciatum iiiterfici 
 inter quos dominari consuessent. 
 
 32. Ad haec Caesar respondit; So magis consuetudine 
 sua quam nierito eorum civitatem conservaturum, si prius 
 quam murum aries attigisset se dedidissent ; sed dedi- 
 tionis nuUam esse eonditionem nisi armis traditis. Se 
 id quod in Nerviis fecisset facturum finitimisque impera- 
 turum, ne quam dedititiis populi Romani injuriam infer- 
 reut. Re nuntiata ad suos, quae imperarentur facere dix- 
 erunt. Armorum magna multitudine de muro in fossam 
 quae erat ante oppidum jacta sic ut prope summam muri 
 
 to choose between what they had to 
 c.\|)ect from the Romans and what 
 they had to expect from the Galli.' 
 
 32. murum uries] A usual kind 
 of expression : " Turn ii qui armis 
 positis ad imperatorum fidcm con- 
 fugiont, quamvis murum aries per- 
 cusserit, recipiendi" (Cic. de Off. i. 
 11). The 'aries' is said by Vitruvius 
 to be a Carthaginian invention. It 
 was a long strong beam of wood, 
 furnished with an iron head in the 
 form of a ram's head. It was sus- 
 pended from a fi-amework by a strong 
 ciiain or ropes, and worked by men, 
 who drove it against the wall. There 
 seem to have been various forms of 
 the * aries.' It was sometimes worked 
 under cover of tiie ' vinoae,' wliich 
 protected both the machine and the 
 men. 
 
 *' Dumque aries cornu murum pul- 
 sabat aeno, 
 Vineaque inductum lon^a tegebat 
 opus." — Propert. iv. 10. 
 
 Josephus (Jewish War, viii. 9) de- 
 scribes the 'aries' (/c/uov) very clearly. 
 (Lipsius. Poliorcet. iii. Dial. 1.) 
 
 in Nentis] The true reading, 
 which means ' in the case of the 
 Nervii,' as in vii. 21, "quod farere 
 in eo consucrunt." 'In Nervios' 
 would mean 'against the Nervii.' 
 
 Re nuntiata] Schneider has ' Re- 
 nuntiata'in his edition; but in his 
 Corrigenda he tells us to write ' Re 
 nuntiata.' I cannot tell whether 
 * Renuntiata' was a pnnter's mistake 
 
 in his edition, or whether he pre- 
 ferred it at first and then changed 
 his mind. I followed his text with- 
 out having looked at his Corrigenda. 
 I still think that ' Rcnuntiata may 
 be right. 'Quae imperarentur' is 
 ' Caesar's commands,' equivalent to 
 'imperata' (ii. c. 3. 35): 'They 
 said that they were ready to do his 
 bidding.' ' Renuntiata ad suos' 
 would refer to 'quae iujperarentur :' 
 ' when the answer was re|)orted to 
 their people, Caesar's orders, they 
 said that thev were ready to do 
 them.' The ' legati ' said that their 
 people would do them. 
 
 summam muri] The ' fossa' does 
 not appear to have been filled up, or, 
 at least, only in one part. Schneider 
 supposes that Caesar mentions the 
 height both of the 'agger' and the 
 ' murus,' which were, as it appears, 
 about the same hciirht, because the 
 Romans had carried the ' agijer ' up 
 to the edire of the ditch, and as it 
 was as high as the wall, there would 
 be a gi-eat hollow formed by the wall 
 on one side and the 'agger' on the 
 other. But how does he suppose 
 that the 'agtrer' stood tipright ficing 
 the wall and se|)aratcd from it by the 
 ditch ? If that was the case, the end 
 of the * agger' opposite the wall must 
 have been fenced up to supi)ort the 
 pressure of the earth of which it was 
 made ; a kind of labour that the 
 Romans would not have undertaken, 
 when it would be easier to fill up the 
 ditch by letting the earth of their 
 
 LIBER II. 
 
 130 
 
 aggerisque altitudinem acervi armorum adaequarent, et 
 tamen circiter parte tertia, ut postea perspectum est, 
 celata atque in oppido retenta, portis patefactis eo die 
 pace sunt usi. 
 
 33. Sub vesperum Caesar portas claudi militesque ex 
 oppido exire jussit ne quam noctu oppidani ab miJitibus 
 injuriam acciperent. llli ante inito, ut intellectum est, 
 conailio, quod deditione facta nostros praesidia deducturos 
 aut denique indiligentius servaturos crediderant, partim 
 cum his quae retinuerant et celaverant armis, partim 
 scutis ex cortice factis aut viminibus intextis, quae subito, 
 ut temporis exiguitas postulabat, pellibus induxerant, 
 tertia vigilia, qua minime arduua ad nostras munitiones 
 ascensus videbatur, omnibus copiis repentino ex oppido 
 eruptionem fecerunt. Celeriter, ut ante Caesar imperarat, 
 ignibus significatione facta ex proximia castellis eo con- 
 cursum est, pugnatumque ab hostibus ita acriter est ut a 
 viris fortibus in extrema spe salutis iniquo loco contra 
 eos qui ex vallo turribusque tela jacerent pugnari debuit, 
 
 embankment fall into it. The 'fossa' 
 in one part was filled, but not in the 
 whole width of the 200 feet. 
 pace sunt usi] ' They kept quiet.' 
 33. Sub vesperum] There is a 
 reading ' Sub vespere.' Either may 
 do, but the meaning is not quite the 
 same, as Schneider shows ; and ' Sub 
 vesperum,' which signifies ' at the 
 approach of evening,' consists better 
 with Caesar's vigilance. But ' sub 
 bruma' (v. 13) is 'in the depth of 
 winter.' SeeVirg. Ecl.ix.44. Whether 
 ' sub ' means a little before or a little 
 after is not very material. It gene- 
 rally means after, as in Livy (21, c. 
 18), " sub banc vocem . . . succla- 
 matum est;" and in Cic. Ad Div. 
 X. IG. In vii. 61 'sub lucem' may 
 mean either 'before' or 'after;' but 
 it means ' before.' In ii. c 1 1 it seems 
 to mean 'just up to sunset.' 
 
 deducturos] The best MSS. have 
 ' non inducturos ;' but there is no 
 meaning in it: at least, I see none. 
 The Greek paraph rast seems to have 
 had this readintr in his copy ; and the 
 lan-ative in Dion Cassius (xxxix. 
 
 4) implies something of the kind. 
 The ' praesidia ' are the men sta- 
 tioned in the ' castella,' whom the 
 Aduatuci thought that Caesar would 
 take out now that the siege was over, 
 or they finally ('denique') con- 
 cluded that the 'castella' would be 
 guarded with less care. Schneider 
 and others take ' denique ' to be 
 equivalent to ' at least.' There is no 
 real difference between this trans- 
 lation and that which I have given. 
 
 viminibus inteo'tis] He says 'having 
 shields made of bark or (made) of 
 osiers intertwined.' Kraner suggests 
 that ' viminibus intextis' may be the 
 ablative absolute; and it may be so. 
 
 repetitino] An adverbial form, for 
 which there is good authority. There 
 is also authority for the ordinary 
 word ' repente,' which Elb. has. 
 
 contra eos qui — jacereut] This 
 means a different thing from what it 
 would mean if the reading were ' ja- 
 ciebant,' which would limit the re- 
 mark to Caesar's men who were 
 throwing their missiles from the 
 towers. But here he means to make 
 
140 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 quuin in una virtute omnis spes salutis conslsteret. 
 Occisis ad homiuum milibus quatuor reliqui in oppidum 
 rejecti sunt. Postridie ejus diei refractis portis, quum 
 jam defenderet nemo, atque intromissis militibus nog»tria 
 sectionem ejus oppidi universam Caesar vendidit. Ab 
 iis qui emerant capitum numerus ad eum relatus est 
 'ailium ltii. 
 
 34. Eodem tempore a P. Crasso, quem cum legione 
 una miserat ad Yenetos, Unellos, Osismos, Curiosolitas, 
 
 a general remark : * the enemy fought 
 as bravely as men could fight on dis- 
 advantageous terms against soldiers 
 throwing missiles from a ram])art 
 and towers.' See v. 21, "ei . . . qui 
 non auderet." 
 
 The men were in the * castella,' 
 and they ran to the ' vallum ' and 
 the ' turrcs,' which were on the 
 ' vallum ' at intervals between the 
 •castella' (vii. 72). Caesar has not 
 mentioned the ' turres' before, because 
 there was no reason for it. There is 
 reason now for mentioning them. 
 
 ad hominum'l In a few MSS. 'ad' 
 is omitted ; and other MSS. have 
 ' millia' for ' millibus.' Those who 
 think that the text is right take 'ad' 
 as equivalent to 'circiter.' Livy (8, 
 c. 18) has 'ad viginti matronis oc- 
 cisis,' 'to the number of twenty,' a 
 passage which helps to show how 
 this may be understood See Caesar, 
 B. C. iii. 53. 
 
 ref metis] He says ' refractis,' not 
 * fractis.' The gates were broken 
 open in spite of their strength and 
 the resistance which they offered. 
 See iv. c. 17. 
 
 sectionem — vendidit'\ The pur- 
 chasers were the 'mercatorcs' who 
 followed tiie camp (vi. 37 ; and Li v. 
 X. 17), many or whom might be 
 agents of wealthier men. In Livy 
 (x. 12) Decius says, " Vcndite ista 
 et illicite lucro mercatorem ut sc- 
 quatur agmen." These 53,000 slaves 
 were a formidable body. We do not 
 know how the purchasers carried 
 them off to market, but we must 
 presume that they were manacled 
 and driven as slave gangs are now. 
 
 Their ultimate destination would be 
 the Provincia and Italy. Dion (34, c. 
 9) says tiie same, ' they were all sold.' 
 
 Caesar sold the whole 'sectio' of 
 the town. The origin of the term 
 'sectio' is not quite certain. Some 
 derive it from 'sequi,' to follow, be- 
 cause the ' mercatores' followed the 
 camp to buy ; but this explanation 
 will not suii all cases, and there are 
 other objections to it. Again ; it is 
 said to be from ' seeare,' because the 
 purchaser retailed what he bought in 
 the lump ; an explanation that is not 
 more satisfactory than the other. 
 Cicero (quoted by Gellius, xiii. 24) 
 has the expression ' sectionem ven- 
 dere' in connexion with ' praedam, 
 manuhias, castra vendcre.' And in 
 the De Invcntione (i. 45) he puts 
 the case of a man acquiring the 
 ownership of a horse by taking it 
 from the enemy, 'cujus praedae 
 sectio non venierit' 'Sectio' had 
 become a technical word for a mass 
 of property sold on the public ac- 
 count, whether it was property taken 
 in war, or property that was for- 
 feited to the 'populus,' or property 
 sold for the payment of a penalty. 
 'Sectores' are those who buy things 
 which the state sells (Gains, iv. l4(i), 
 property which has become public. 
 
 capitum] See i. 29. All the Adua- 
 tuci were not caught, for they ap- 
 peared again (v. 38). Some, we must 
 suppose, were not in the town. 
 
 34. miserat] It was the seventh 
 legion (iii. 7), which Caesar had sent 
 after the battle with the Nervii, as 
 Schneider remarks, for in that battle 
 Caesar had all his eight legiona. 
 
 LIBEK II. 
 
 141 
 
 Sesuvios, Aulercos, Redones, quae sunt maritimae civi- 
 tates Oceanumque attingunt, certior factus est omnes eas 
 civitates in deditionem potestatemque populi Eomani esse 
 redactas. 
 
 35. His rebus gestis omni Gallia pacata tanta hujus 
 belli ad barbaros opinio perlata est uti ab iis nationibus 
 quae trans lihenum incolerent mitterentur legati ad Cae- 
 sarem, qui se obsides daturas, imperata facturas poUice- 
 rentur. Quas legationes Caesar, quod in Italiam lUyri- 
 cumque properabat, inita proxima aestate ad se reverti 
 jiissit. Ipse in Carnutes, Andes Turonesque, quae civi- 
 
 
 Thierry (Hitoire des Gaulois) has 
 the same, " apres la defaite des 
 Nerves." After the bloody fight on 
 the Sambre, the presence of a single 
 Roman legion was enough to com- 
 mand the submission of the western 
 Celtae; their apparent submission 
 only, for they were soon in arms. 
 
 Caesar's ' miserat ' here is clear 
 enough. He refers to something that 
 had taken place before the event 
 which he has just described, the de- 
 feat of the Aduatuci. He might have 
 marked the time by saying ' misit 
 post pugnani apud Sabim.' 
 
 Tliese maritime states lav be- 
 tween the lower courses of the Loire 
 and the Seine, occupying Bretiigne 
 and the Cotantin (Introd. p. 3, 4). 
 and something more : Caesar (v. 53; 
 vii. 75) calls them the ' Annoricae 
 civitates.' There are slight MSS. va- 
 ria'ions in the names of the Osismos 
 and Curiosolitas. The name of the 
 Sesuvii does not occur elsewhere, 
 uor do the iSISS. in this passage 
 agree in the orthography ; but they 
 all make the name begin with Ses or 
 Sos. The correction ' Lexovios' has 
 been proposed by Valesius, which, if 
 we are to have a correction, is the 
 best ; but it is not necessary. They 
 are mentioned (iii. 9) with the 
 Osismi. In iii. 7 there occui-s the 
 name ' Esubios,' as the be^t MSS. 
 have it; and in v. 24 Caesar men- 
 tions the Essui. The Sesuvii pro- 
 bably occupied the diocese of Seez, 
 which borders on that of Mans and 
 
 Elvreux, and they were, therefore, 
 the neighbours of the Aulerci-Dia- 
 blintes, Aulerci-Cenomanni, and the 
 Aulerci- Eburovices. Caesar seems to 
 comprehend under the name Aulerci 
 the?e three divisions of the Aulerci. 
 
 deditionem] ' Ditionem,' Elb., 
 Kraner ; but the weight of the evi- 
 dence is against this reading. The 
 text is Latin, even if we connect 
 'deditionem' with 'populi Romani,' 
 which is not necessary. 
 
 35. quae — incaleri'id] There is no 
 reason for this subjunctive, I believe, 
 except the fact that it comes in the 
 clause which depends on 'ut,' and in 
 such cases we often find a subjunc- 
 tive, which would be an indicative 
 except for this fact. Other expla- 
 nations have been made. 
 
 Andes] The Andes are called 
 Andecavi in Tacitus, and Andegavi 
 in Pliny. Their position is fixed on 
 t!ie right bank of the Loire, above 
 the Nannetes ; and their chief town 
 Juliomagus, a compound of a Ro- 
 man and a Gallic name, afterwards 
 called Andecavi, is now Angers. 
 
 The Turones, or Turoni, were 
 higher up on tlie Loire, chiefly per- 
 haps on the south side. Their name 
 is preserved in the name of Tours 
 on the Loire, and in the name of 
 Touraine, one of the old divisions of 
 Fi-ance. The Carnutes, who were still 
 higher up the Loire, possessed Gena- 
 bum.Orlean8,on the river, and further 
 north Autricum, now Chartres, in 
 the district once called Chartrain. 
 
142 C. JULII CAESAEIS LIBER II. 
 
 tates propinquae his locis erant ubi bellum gesserat, legio- 
 nibus in hiberuacula deductis, in Italiam profectus est • 
 ob easque res ex Uteris Caesaris dies quindecim suppli- 
 catio decreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli. 
 
 A difficulty has been raised about 
 * propinquae, for the Andes were not 
 near the seat of Caesar's campaign 
 of this year, nor yet tlie Turones. 
 The Carnutes were nearer. Some 
 MSS. have 'quaeque,' which would 
 remove the difficulty as to the pro- 
 pinquity, but would leave the winter 
 quarters undetermined. If we in- 
 clude the scene of the short cam- 
 paign of Crassus, as Schneider sug- 
 gests, then even the Andes may be 
 said to be ' propinquae.' 
 
 luher7iaciUa\ ' Hibenia,' Elberling. 
 There is MSS. authority for both. 
 'Hibema' is a more general word 
 than ' hibemacula,' which means 
 buildings or huts constructed for the 
 winter, Livy (v. 2) says of the siege 
 of Y^ii, '* hibernacula etiam, res nova 
 militi Romano, aedificari coepta." 
 
 Italiam] He means Gallia Cisal- 
 pina, which he names Citerior Gallia 
 (ii. 1), which is included within the 
 natural boundaries of Italy, but it was 
 not a part of Italy in a political sense 
 at this tune. It was a ' provincia.' 
 
 ex Uteris] ' In consequence of 
 Caesar's despatches.' ' Literae pub- 
 licae,' in Cicero, sometimes mean 
 ' public ^ records.' ' Literas publice 
 mittere' means to send a despatch 
 to Rome, for instance, from a pro- 
 vimial town or community. A pro- 
 consul or governor used to send his 
 Mitcrae' to Rome, and he was pro- 
 perly said ' publice mittere,' such as 
 related to public business, or ' pub- 
 lice scribere.' His private corre- 
 spondence was simply ' literae ;■ but 
 the expression is sometimes used, 
 where the context explains it, to 
 signify despatches to the senate, to 
 whom all such communications were 
 made. D. Brutus says, in a letter to 
 Cicero (Ad Fuui. xi. 4), " non sine 
 causa ad senatura litei-as misi," 
 There are two letters of Cicero, 
 letters from Cilicia (Ad Div. xv. J^ 
 
 2), of the same kind as these 'li- 
 terae' of Caesar; and they are ad- 
 dressed to the consuls, praetors, 
 tribuni plebis, and the senate. 
 
 A 'supplicatio' was made by a 
 resolution of the senate, and a tri- 
 umph might follow it when the 
 general returned ; but not always, as 
 Cato reminded Cicero in one of his 
 short pithy letters (Ad Fam. xv. 5). 
 This ' supplicatio' for fifteen days 
 was untisual. Cn. Pouipeius had a 
 ten days' 'supplicatio' after the war 
 with Mithridates. Cicero voted for 
 this unusual honour to Caes:ir (Do 
 Prov. Cons. c. 11). A 'supplicatio' 
 was a religious festival or rejoicing 
 for a victory : " supplicationcs ob 
 rem bene gestam consul is nomine 
 decemunt" (Livy, x. 21); and on 
 other occasions also, for instance, to 
 appease the gods. The ceremony is 
 described by Livy, xxii. 10. Another 
 'supplicatio' is mentioned B. G. iv. 
 3H; and vii. 90. In both these pas- 
 sages Supplicatio' has a genitive, 
 'diei-um.' 
 
 Caesar's legions were placed in 
 quartei-s along the Loire from Or- 
 leans westward as far as Angers, near 
 the borders of the Armoric states. 
 He would thus keep in check the 
 Armoric states, and cut off the com- 
 munication l)etween Gallia south and 
 north of the Loire. 'i'his river 
 divides Gallia into two parts, and 
 Caesar's troops were so placed in 
 their winter quarters as to prevent 
 combination between those who were 
 on opposite sides of the Loire. In 
 the Oileannois also and the parts 
 west of it Caesar would find abun- 
 dant supplies Later in the war 
 Orleans was the head quarters of a 
 commissariat officer (vii. 3). 
 
 nulli] 'Nulli' and 'nemini' are 
 often placed emphatically at the end 
 of a sentence by Caesar (ii. 6) and 
 bv Cicero. 
 
 NOTES.. 
 
 L 
 
 NOVIODUNUM SUESSIONUM (c. 12). 
 
 It has generally been assumed that this Noviodunum is the place which 
 afterwards was named Augusta Suessionum, now Soissons on the south side 
 of the Aisnc. But there is no evidence for this. There is a hill named 
 Noyant a little south of Soissons, wliich has also been supposed to be this 
 Noviodunum. Caesar's camp was near a bridge and consequently near a 
 road which crossed the Aisne. If this was the road from Reims to Laon, 
 the camp might be at Berry-au-Bac, where the road from Reims crosses the 
 Aisne, and runs through Bievre, supposed to be Bibrax, to Laon. The 
 direct distance from Berry-au-Bac to Noyant is forty kilometres or ten 
 French leagues, quite enough for a ' magnum iter.' Some critics assume 
 Caesar's bridge to have been west of Berry-au-Bac and at Pont-Arcy on the 
 Aisne, where an old road from the south crossed the river and joined 
 another old road which ran on the north side of the Aisne, from east to 
 west along the crest of the high land of the Soissonnais, crossed the Oise 
 about a French league north of the junction of the Oise and the Aisne, then 
 passed Mont de Noyon into the territory of the Bellovaei, and on to 
 Breteuil, supposed to be Caesar's Bratuspantium. If Caesar's camp was at 
 Pont-Arcy, the distance thence to Soissons or Noyant is only about six 
 French leagues, which would not make a ' magnum iter.' If Mont de 
 Noyon, west of the Oise, is assumed to be Noviodunum Suessionum, the 
 direct distance to that place from Pont-Arcy is above fifteen French 
 leagues, and more by the road, and this is above the measure of a ' magnum 
 iter.' A recent French writer maintains that Mont de Noyon is Caesar's 
 Noviodunum, and his remarks are worth reading ( Recherches sur la Position 
 de Noviodunum Suessionum, &c., par M. Peigne-Delacourt, Amiens, 
 1856). 
 
 IL 
 
 This plan shows the position of the Roman .'amp and the legions on the 
 Sambre (ii. 19) when they were surprised. Caesar was in the Practorium, 
 where he ordered the flag to be hung out as the signal of battle (\\. 20). 
 Caesar, going out of the camp, came first to the tenth legion, whicli, with 
 the ninth, was on the left side of the camp (ii. 23). These legions, which 
 had been attacked bv the Atrebates, drove them over the river, anii fol- 
 lowed them to tlic other side. 
 
 The eighth and eleventh legions were in the centre in front of the camp. 
 They had repelled the attack of the Veromandui, and driven them down to 
 the river, on the banks of which tiie fight coutinucd (ii. 23). Thus the 
 
14i 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Roman camp was left unprotected on the left and in the front. Tht 
 NtTvii, seeing this state of affairs, fell on the twelfth and the seventh Jemons, 
 which were on the right si.ie of the ramp (ii. 23), and uttempted to out- 
 flank them and to seize the camp. 
 
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 Cac>ar went from the left side of the camp to the right (ii 21 25) and 
 ^•'oi''oQx^"'".^,*'*' sawwl.at the eighth and eleventh legions were doing 
 (11. l\. 16). All was safe there. The danger was on the ri<'ht Arriving 
 there and coming first to the fourth cohort of the twelfth legion, Caesar 
 found all the centurions of that cohort killed ; and as he advanced alonir 
 the hne to the right wing of this legion, he found all the rest of the centu- 
 rions cither wounded or killed. The men were all crowded together and 
 he ordered them to open their ranks in order to have more room to use 
 I heir swonls (ii. 2o). The seventh legion, which was on the extreme right 
 was in great danger, and Caesar ordered the sevinth and twelfth to come 
 togetlier, and to form in such a way as to present a front to the enemy on 
 all sides Kach legion had four cohorts in the front line, and each Ind 
 three cohorts in the second and third line re-[)ectively. The first and 
 eigiith cohort of the twelfth legion, with which r',j,.,sar was keep their 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 145 
 
 places. The fifth and eighth cohorts of the seventh legion wheel round 
 to form the right side of the square, and fall hack, while the cohorts of the 
 first line move to the left to join the first cohort of the twelfth legion. 
 The seventh and tenth cohorts of the twelfth kgion make a like move- 
 ment with the fifth and eighth of the seventh legion, to form the left side 
 of the square, and also fall back. The second, third, and fourth cohorts of 
 the twelfth legion move to the right, in order to join the first cohort which 
 had not moved and the seventh which was forming part of the left side 
 of the SQuare. The fifth cohort of the twelfth legion falls back to join 
 the eighth, which was in the third line ; the ninth cohort moves up. to the 
 fifth, and the si.xth falling back takes the place of the ninth The tenth 
 cohort of the seventh legion moves up to the eighth of the first legion. The 
 seventh falls back and moves up to the tenth in the third line ; the ninth 
 moves up to the seventh now in the third line; the sixth falls back into 
 the place of the ninth, and then moves up to the ninth in its new position. 
 Thus the square is formed. This is Roesch's explanation (p. 205). I do 
 not know if there is any better way of forming the square with the Roman 
 cohorts. Those who arc expert in the movements of men in large numbers 
 
 may see. 
 
 The plan shows the twelfth and seventh legions formed in square with 
 the Nervii on three sides of them. The part of the plan in the right hand 
 corner at the bottom shows how the cohorts may have moved from their 
 original position in three lines to form the square. 
 
 The twelfth and seventh legions were now able to resist the furious 
 attjick of the Nervii. On the left the encAiy was routed ; in the centre 
 they were at least checked, for the eleventh and eighth legions had driven 
 them back to the river. In the menu time the two legions which close! 
 the line of march hearing of the fight came un at a quick pace, and :ip- 
 peared on the high ground where the camp was, and full in sight of 
 the Nervii. Labienus, who was on the left with the ninth and tenth 
 legions, and had got into the camp of the Atrebates on the other side of 
 the river, seeing from the high ground what was going on upon the right, 
 sent the t-^nth legion to relieve Caesar and the twelfth and seventh legions. 
 This movement decided the battle, and the Nervii were almost destroyed. 
 
 Rocsch observes, " After the plan which I give of this battle, no one will 
 any longer have reason to complain of the obscurity of the text ; and as to 
 tie instruction that may be derived from Caesar's narrative, I think that it 
 :8 not inferior to any description of any other battle."' 
 
LIBER III. 
 
 147 
 
 LIBER TERTIUS. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. The winter quarters of Galba between the Lenian Lake and the Alps, 
 u" S^ '? attacked bv the Galli, who are repulsed, and Galba retreats 
 to the Proviiicia. 7—11. A rising of the Armoric states, who are moved 
 to It by the Veneti ; Caesar's preparations for the war. 12, 13. The 
 country of the Veneti ; description of their ships. 14—16. Caesar's naval 
 battle with the Veneti, whose fleet is destroyed. 17—19. The march of 
 Q. Tituriua against the Unelli, who are subdued. 20—22. P. Crassus 
 SS^® o ^1"'^"''^' ^"^ defeats the Sotiates ; the institution of the Soldurii. 
 23 — 27. The Aquitani receive aid from Spain, but they are defeated by 
 Crassus ; and the greatest part of the Aquitani submit to the Romans. 
 2». Caesar marches against the Morini and the Menapii, who retreat to 
 their forests. 29. Caesar cuts a road through the forests, but his opera- 
 tions are stopped by the rains. 
 The events in this book belong to A.v.c. G98, or B.C. 56; and the consul- 
 ship of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and L. Marcius Philippus. 
 
 QuuM in Italiam proficisceretur Caesar, Servium Galbam 
 cum legione duodecima et parte equitatus in Nantuates 
 
 1. Seitnum GalfKim] This man 
 was the great-grandfather of the em- 
 peror Galba. He was also one of 
 the assassins of his old general Cae- 
 sar (B.C. 44). There is a letter of 
 Galba to Cicero (Ad Fam. x. 30), in 
 which he describes the battle with 
 M. Antonius near Mutina. 
 
 Naiituates'\ The winter quarters 
 were in the country south of the 
 Leman Lake and along the upper 
 valley of the Rhone. Caesar is not 
 speaking of the Rhone after it leaves 
 the Lake of Geneva, but before it 
 enters the lake ; for the Allobroges 
 extended along the Rhone uj) to Ge- 
 neva, and bounded on the west the 
 three tribes whom Caesar mentions 
 here. These tribes extended from 
 the lake up to the high Alps. Caesar 
 (iv. 10) makes the Rhine rise in the 
 
 country of the Lepontii, and flow 
 through that of the Nantuates ; but 
 this does not agree with the present 
 passage, as D'Anville observes (see 
 iv. 10, note). Octodurus (c. 2), the 
 town of the Veragri, is Martigny or 
 Marti nach, a small place on the 
 right side of the Drance, which falls 
 into the Rhone a little below Mar- 
 tigny, and at the point where the 
 Rhone forms a great elbow. In the 
 Itinei-arics of Antoninus and the 
 Peutinger Table Octodurus lies on 
 the road which leads by the pass of 
 the Pennine Ains, or the Great St. 
 Bernard, into Italy. The Seduni 
 were higher up the valley of the 
 Rhone, above Martigny, and the 
 town whkh the Germans call Sitten 
 and the French Sion derives its name 
 from them, in c. 6, when Galba 
 
 Veragros Sedunosque misit, qui ab finibus Allobrogum 
 et lacu Lemanno et flumine Rhodano ad summas Alpea 
 pertinent. Causa mittendi fuit quod iter per Alpes, quo 
 magno cum periculo magnisque cum portoriis mercatores 
 ire consuerant, patefieri volebat. Huic permisit, si opus 
 esse arbitraretur, uti in his locis legionem hiemandi causa 
 collocaret. Galba secundis aliquot proeliis factis castel- 
 lisque compluribus eorum expugnatis, missis ad eum un- 
 dique legatis obsidibusque datis et pace facta, constituit 
 coliortes duas in Nantuatibus coUocare et ipse cum re- 
 liquis ejus legionis cohortibus in vico Veragrorum, qui 
 appellatur Octodurus, hiemare ; qui vicus positus in yalle 
 non magna adjecta planitie altissimis montibus undique 
 continetur. Quum hie in duas partes flumine divideretur, 
 alteram partem ejus vici Gallis ad hiemandum concessit, 
 alteram vacuam ab illis relictam cohortibus attribuit. 
 Eum locum vallo fossaque munivit. 
 
 2, Quum dies hibernorum complures transissent, fru- 
 mentumque eo comportari jussisset, subito per explora- 
 tores certior factus est ex ea parte vici, quam Gallis con- 
 cesserat, omnes noctu discessisse, montesque qui impen- 
 derent a maxima multitudine Sedunorum et Veragrorum 
 
 retreats from Octodurus, he passes 
 into the territory of the Nantuates, 
 and then into that of the Allobroges, 
 which was within the limits of the 
 Provincia. He would go down the 
 valley of the Rhone from Martigny 
 into the territory of the Nantuates, 
 and from tliis we may infer that the 
 Nantuates bordered on the Allo- 
 broges, and that the Veragri were in 
 the valley of the Drance. The Veragri 
 mav have occupied the higher parts 
 of Chablais; but the territory of the 
 Nantuates seems to have extended 
 along the lower parts of Chablais, 
 along the lake to the boundary of the 
 Allobroges. 
 
 CaiLsa mittendi] The omission of 
 the case or object after ' mittendi ' is 
 common. Terence has the same 
 (Phormio, i. I. 16), " puer causa 
 eiit mittendi." 
 
 iter—mercatoresi Introd. p. 8; 
 
 i. 1. 18. 
 
 in vico — qui vtcus"] See i. 6. — ' flu- 
 mine divideretur :' this ' flumen ' la 
 the Drance. 
 
 Octodurus] The name Octo-dur- 
 us contains the Celtic name 'dwr,* 
 water. The first part of the word 
 has probably been corrupted by the 
 Rom-ms. The position of Martinach 
 corresponds to Caesar's description ; 
 and the rond to the pass of the Great 
 St. Bernard goes up the valley of the 
 Drance. It has been objected that 
 the valley is not wide enough at 
 Martigny for the numbers which 
 Caesar afterwards mentions (c. 6). 
 But we may always make a reason- 
 able abatement in matters of number. 
 Besides, it does not require a large 
 space to hold 30,000 men who are 
 crowded together; and one who is 
 used to see men assembled can form 
 a good guess at their numbeis. 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
148 
 
 C. JULII CAESAllIS 
 
 teneri. Id aliquot de causis acciderat ut subito Galli 
 belli renovandi legionisque opprimendae consilium cape- 
 rent ; primum, quod legionem neque earn plenissimam, 
 detractis cohortibus duabus et eompluribus singillatim 
 qui com meatus petendi causa missi erant absentibus, 
 propter paucitatem despiciebant ; turn etiam, quod propter 
 iniquitatem loci, quum ipsi ex moutibus in vallem decur- 
 rerent et tela conjicerent, ne primum quidem posse im- 
 petum suum sustineri existimabant. Accedebat quod 
 suos ab se liberos abstractos obsidum nomine dolebant, 
 et Romanos non solum itinerum causa sed etiam per- 
 petuae possessionis culmina Alpium occupare conari et 
 ea loca finitimae provinciae adjungere sibi persuasum ha- 
 bebant. 
 
 3. His nuntiis acceptis Galba, quum neque opus hi-, 
 bernorum munitionesque plene essent perfectae, neque de 
 frumento reliquoque commeatu satis esset provisum, quod 
 deditione facta obsidibusque acceptis nihil de bello ti- 
 mendum existimaverat, consilio celeriter convocato sen- 
 tentias exquirere coepit. Quo in consilio, quum tantum 
 repentini periculi praeter opinionem accidisset, ac jam 
 omnia fere superiora loca multitudine armatorum com- 
 
 2. Id aliquot] ' Id ' refers to 'tit 
 . . . caperent ' Such a use of "" id ' is 
 common in Cicero. 
 
 ple7iissimain\ This word does not 
 seem to be explained by 'detractis 
 cohortibus duabus \ but Caesar means 
 that it was not a complete lepion 
 even with the two coliorts The 
 twelfth was one of those that had to 
 sustain the attack of the Nervii (ii. 
 'J3). — 'Neque eam :' llerzog com- 
 pares Livy ii. 3, '■ erant adoloscentes 
 aliquot, nee in ttnni loco orti." 
 
 commeatus petendi] ' Conmieatus ' 
 is the genitive. Caesar j;enerally 
 uses the word in the singuJar number 
 (i. 39. 48), but not always (iii. 3). 
 'J'hese soldiers had gone out to get 
 supplies, which were furnished either 
 ny the 'mercatoies' who followed 
 the army or by the natives (ii. 9). 
 'I'he ternis applied to foi-agintr parties 
 in a hostile countiy are * fixiujen- 
 
 tatio' and 'pabuhitio' (H(^r7.og). 
 
 jiersnifsiim /aiftehaut] An unusual 
 e.vpression. The ordinary form is 
 ' niihi persuasum est.' But as 'ha- 
 bere' is often used with the parti- 
 ciple in ' -tus,' as 'cognitum habere,' 
 and the like, this exiires8i<m in 
 Caesar may be genuine. The dative 
 *sibi' of course depends on 'per- 
 suasum.' 
 
 3. co7/sifi'i] lie summoned a coun- 
 cil of bis officers. This is the or- 
 thogrnphy of the best MSS. 'Con- 
 cilium' is usel by Caesar to denote 
 the great assemblies of tbe Galli. If 
 the distinction l>etwceu these words 
 is correctly csttiblished, ' concilium' 
 applies to large pojjular meetings, 
 or assemblies summoned for some 
 public purpose. 'Consilium' is ap- 
 plied to a small number of persona 
 summoned by a general, a governor, 
 or the like, to deliberate. 
 
 LIBER HI. 
 
 149 
 
 pleta conspicerentur, ueque subsidio veniri neque com- 
 meatus supportari interclusis itineribus possent, prope 
 jam desperata salute nonnullae hujusmodi sententiae di- 
 cebantur, ut impedimentis relictis eruptione facta iisdem 
 itineribus quibus eo pervenissent ad salutem coutende- 
 rent. Majori tamen parti placuit hoc reservato ad ex- 
 tremum consilio interim rei eventum experiri et castra 
 defendere. 
 
 4. Brevi spatio interjecto vix ut his rebus quas consti- 
 tuissent coUocandis atque administrandis terapus daretur, 
 hostes ex omnibus partibus signo dato decurrere, lapides 
 gaesaque in vallum conjicere- Nostri primo integris 
 viribus fortiter repugnare neque ullum frustra telum ex 
 Joco superiore mittere; ut quaeque pars castrorum nudata 
 defensoribus premi videbatur, eo occurrere et auxilium 
 ferre, sed hoc superari quod diuturnitate pugnae hostes 
 defessi proelio excedebant, alii integris viribus succede- 
 
 .bant; quarum rerum a nostris propter paucitatem Hen 
 nihil poterat, ac non modo defesso ex pugna excedendi, 
 sed ne saucio quidem ejus loci ubi constiterat relinquendi 
 ac sui recipiendi facultas dabatur. 
 
 5. Quum jam amplius horis sex continenter pugnare- 
 tur, ac non solum vires sed etiam tela nostris deficerent, 
 
 sulisidio veniri] ' Posset' must be 
 supplied. It means, ' and there being 
 no possibility of any troops coming 
 to their aid.' — ' Supportari,' see i. 16. 
 
 hujiisinodi] See c. 12, note on 
 'ejusmodi.' 
 
 eventum erperiri] The expression 
 'eventum expectabat' occurs in vii. 
 49, where there is no doubt about 
 the meaning. ' Eventum experiri ' 
 means to try what the event would 
 be, and, as Caesar explains it, by de- 
 fending the camp. 
 
 4. Brevi spatio — vie ut] See i. 6, 
 note. ' A short 8pa< e having inter- 
 vened, so short that time was scarcely 
 allowed,' &c. 
 
 decurrere, ^c] This series of in- 
 finitives, which the Romans used in 
 rapid and animated description, is 
 peculiar to the lancruage. To explain 
 them by a suppressed 'coepit,' "coe- 
 
 perunt,' is the invention of some 
 tasteless grammarian. Cicero, who 
 is unrivalled in his way of telling a 
 thing, has a striking example in the 
 Verrine Orations, ii. 4, c. 29. 
 
 (/aesunt]^ The ' gaesum ' or ' gais ' 
 was a Gallic missile, and a Celtic 
 word. The name, with a termina- 
 tion, became naturalized among the 
 Greek and Roman writers. 
 
 hoc superari quod] ' They were 
 under a disadvantage in this, that' 
 &c., which is worth noting because 
 it has been misunderstood. In c. 12 
 ' superati ' has a like meaning. 
 
 quarum rerum — uiliil] Kraner 
 compares v. 1. 
 
 non modo — sed ne saucio quidem^ 
 See ii. 17, note. 
 
 5. deficerent] 'Deficere' is used 
 with the accusative, v. 33 ; vii. 50. 
 
160 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 151 
 
 atque hostes acrius instarent languidloribusque nostrla 
 vallum scindere et fossas complere coepissent, resque esset 
 jam ad extremum perducta casum, P. Sextius Baculus, 
 primi pili centurio, quern Nervico proelio compluribus 
 confectum vulneribus diximus, et item C. Volusenus, tri- 
 bunus militum, vir et consilii magni et virtutis, ad Gal- 
 bam accurrunt atque unam esse spera salutis docent, s: 
 eruptione facta extremum auxilium experirentur. Itaque 
 convocatis centurionibus celeriter militea certiores facit. 
 Paulisper intermitterent proelium ac tantummodo tela 
 missa exciperent seque ex labore reficerent, post date 
 signo e castris erumperent atque omnem spem salutis in 
 virtute ponerent. 
 
 6. Quod jussi sunt faciunt, ac subito omnibus portis 
 eruptione facta neque cognoscendi quid fieret neque sui 
 coUigendi hostibus facultatem relinquunt. Ita commu- 
 tata fortuna eos qui in spem potiundorum castrorum 
 venerant undique circumventos interficiunt, et ex homi- 
 num milibus amplius xxx, quem numerum barbarorum ad 
 castra venisse constabat, plus tertia parte interfecta reli- 
 quos perterritos in fugam conjiciunt ac ne in locis quidem 
 superioribus consistere patiuntur. Sic omnibus bostium 
 copiis fusis armisque exutis se in castra munitionesque 
 
 vallum scindere] " To pull down 
 the ' vallum,' or palisades, to break 
 through it." Compare v. 51, where 
 Caesar has " manu scindere;" and 
 Livy, vii. 37, " comnlendas esse fossas 
 scindendumque vallum." 
 
 Baculus] See ii. 25. 
 
 certiures facit] ' He quickly lets 
 the soldiers know' what had been 
 determined; and the sentence then 
 proceeds in the subjunctive form, 
 which is a mode of expressing what 
 the orders of Gal ha were. 
 
 6. sui coUigendi\ A common form 
 in Caesar and the authors of his 
 period, as in c. 4, and in iv. 13, ' sui 
 purgandi causa;' iv. 34, 'sui libe- 
 randi facultas;' in r. 17. 38, vii. 80, 
 and other passages. The form ' col- 
 ligendi ' is used both when ' sui ' is 
 singular, and also when it is plural, 
 as it is here. It has been suggested 
 
 that in such cases as this * sui ' is the 
 genitive of the neuter possessive pro- 
 noun. 
 
 amplius xxx] There is nothing 
 in which MSS. are more erroneous 
 than numbers. Still it is possible 
 that 30,000 men had assembled to 
 storm the camp; and if this was so, 
 the country was populous in those 
 days. Indeed. Gallia generally was 
 populous in Caesar's time, as we 
 infer from the facts that we know. 
 The number 10,000, who perished in 
 this attack, is very large ; but the 
 Galli always fought desperately. No 
 people of antiquity displayed such 
 obstinate courage. A barbarian army 
 when routed must suffer great loss 
 in the press and confusion of flight. 
 
 copiis — armisque exutis] Literally 
 I being stripped of their arms;' but 
 it means ' having thrown away their 
 
 I ■ 
 
 Buas reci])iunt. Quo proelio facto, quod saepius fortunam 
 tentare Galba nolebat atque alio se in hiberna consilio 
 venisse meminerat, aliis occurrisse rebus viderat, maximc 
 frumenti commeatusque iuopia permotus postero die om- 
 nibus ejus vici aediliciis incensis in Provinciam reverti 
 contendit, ac nuUo hoste prohibente aut iter demorante 
 incolumem legionem in Nantuates, inde in Allobroges 
 perduxit ibique biemavit. 
 
 7. His rebus gestis, quum omnibus de causis Caesar 
 pacatam Galliam existimaret, superatis Belgis, expulsis 
 Germanis, victis in Alpibus Sedunis, atque ita inita hieme 
 Illjricum profectus esset, quod eas quoque nationes adire 
 et regiones cognoscere volebat, subitum bellum in Gallia 
 coortum est. Ejus belli haec fuit causa. P. Crassus 
 adolescens cum legione septima proximus mare Oceanum 
 in Andibus hiemarat. Is, quod in his locis inopia fru- 
 menti erat, praefectos tribunosque militum complures in 
 finitimas civitates frumenti causa dimisit ; quo in numero 
 erat T. Terrasidius missus in Sesuvios, M. Trebius 
 Gallus in Curiosolitas, Q. Velanius cum T. Silio in 
 Venetos. 
 
 arms.' In v. 51, " Magnumquc ex 
 iis numerum occidit atque omnes 
 armis exuit," the expression means 
 that they threw away their arms. 
 Caesar did not take them from the 
 men, for they ran away faster than 
 he could follow. "• Impedimentisne 
 exuant' (vii. 14) is clear enough. 
 
 7. erprdsis Germanis] Schneider 
 does not know whether this refers to 
 the Aduatuci (ii. 29), or to the Ger- 
 mans mentioned at the end of ii. 4. 
 But the Aduatuci are not called Ger- 
 man! by Caesar; and they were sold. 
 To the' Eburones and otlicrs the re- 
 mark does not api)ly at all, for they 
 were not 'expulsi.' There remain 
 Ariovistus and his Germans to whom 
 it can apply ; nor do 1 see any weight 
 in the objection that ' neither the 
 order of time nor the place in which 
 the Germans are liere mentioned, 
 between the Bclirae and Seduni, 
 allows 118 to think of the deteat of 
 Ariovistus.' 
 
 ita inita] * And accordingly, or 
 under these circumstances he had 
 set out to lUyricum after the winter 
 had commenced.' Caesar had news 
 of Galba 8 victory, either before he 
 had reached Italy, or before he left 
 Cisalpine Gallia for lllyricum. Ci- 
 cero (In Vat. c. 16) speaks of Caesar 
 being at Aquileia, and as that speech 
 was delivered in B c 5'), it is pro- 
 bable tl)at he means Caesar's visit to 
 Aquileia in the early part of this 
 year, either on his way to lllyricum 
 or on his return. 
 
 proximus viare] In i. 54. ' proximi 
 Rhenum incolunt.' In iii. 11, 'proxi- 
 mi flumini Rheno sunt.' 
 
 mare Oceanum] In ii. 34 there is 
 'Oceanum' simply, and in i. 1. 
 
 Sesuvios] ' Es'ubios,' Elb. The 
 MSS. have a variety of readings, of 
 which the two most remote from 
 these are ' Esbios " and ' Subios.* 
 See ii. 34. 
 
152 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 8. Hujus est civitatis longe amplissima auctoritas 
 omnis orae maritimae regionuni earum, quod et navea 
 habent Veneti plurimas quibus in Britanniam navigare 
 consuerunt, et scieutia atque usu nauticarum rerum reli- 
 quos anteeedunt, et in magno inipetu maris atque aperto 
 paucis portibus interjeetis, quos teneut ipsi, omnes fere 
 qui eo mari uti consuerunt habent vectigales. Ab his fit 
 initium retinendi Silii atque Yelanii, quod per eos sues 
 86 obsides quos Crasso dedissent reciperaturos existima- 
 
 8. Hujus est} 'Hujus civitatis corresponds to the coast of the French 
 t,' Elb^ But this is not Caesar's deparvment of Morbihan, is very 
 
 broken, but it is not deficient in 
 
 ports. 
 JU initium] ' p'uit initium,' Elb. ; 
 
 est 
 
 order. Schneider compares iv. 3, 
 'quorum fuit civitas;' v. J2, ' ho- 
 minum est infinita;' vi. 27, ' harum 
 est consimilis,' &c. 
 
 D ritaiiniam navicjare] Here we 
 have a stitement that the Veneti at 
 this time traded with Britain, pro- 
 bably only with the soutii coast. 
 They might get from Britain tin. 
 and perhaps other mctuls, and skins 
 and wool. The Gallic youths were 
 sent to Britain to finish their educa- 
 tion under the learned Druids of this 
 island (vi. 13), and as the great seat 
 of Gallic Druidism was between the 
 Seine and the Loire, we may assume 
 that the Veneli carried over the 
 youths to the schools in the south of 
 Britain. 
 
 in Tnagno] See i. 27. 33. ' The 
 praeposition signifies the condition of 
 things by which this, of which the 
 author is speaking, is caused ' ( Schn.). 
 Caesar says, ' that as the sea is imf)e- 
 tuous and ships are exposed to all its 
 violence, with few ports at intervals 
 on the coasts, which ports the Veneti 
 are in possession of, they make almost 
 all who are accustomed to use that 
 sea pay them contributions.' These 
 contributions, as we infer from the 
 context, would be levied on ships or 
 the cargoes of ships which entered 
 their ports through stress of weather 
 or from other causes. 
 
 Caesar (iii. 9) gives the name of 
 Venetia to the countn- of the V^cneti, 
 of which we have the trace in the 
 town of Vannc«. Their coast, which 
 
 but 'fit' appears to he the right 
 word. The note of S( hneider on this 
 passage is an instance of liis laborious 
 examination of Caesar and of his 
 acutcness. Perhaps some people may 
 sec no difficulty, but there will be 
 no harm in pointing it out, for there 
 are many difficulties in Caesar which 
 his readers may pass over. Schneider 
 observes that nobody could detain 
 Silius and Velanius after the Veneti 
 had done it. Therefore we caimot 
 translate the te.vt literally, 'they 
 were the first who detained Silius,' 
 &c. Nor can we ti-anslate it with 
 nei7,og, ' they made a beginning by 
 detaining Silius,' &c. ; for that would 
 mean that the seizure of these men 
 was the first of their hostile acts. 
 Perhaps many readers would under- 
 stand the passage right without 
 thinking of Sdineider's explanation. 
 He says, " The writer being studious 
 of brevity omitted the name of ' le- 
 gati,' which applied to all the men 
 who were seized, and used the names 
 of the two, by detaining whom a be- 
 ginning was made of <ictaining all 
 the rest." Accordingly he translates 
 it, 'they were the first who detained 
 (the ambassadors) Silius and Ve- 
 lanius.' 
 
 obsides] No hostages were men- 
 tioned in ii. 34. This is another 
 instance of supplementarv explana- 
 tion. See ii. 33, note. There is an 
 
 LIBEK III. 
 
 153 
 
 bant. Horum auctoritate finitimi adducti, ut sunt Gal- 
 lorum subita et repentina consilia, eadem de causa 
 Trebium Terrasidiumque retinent et celeriter missis le- 
 gatis per suos principes inter se conjurant nihil nisi 
 communi consilio acturos eundemque omnis fortunae 
 exitum esse laturos ; reliquasque civitates sollicitant ut 
 in ea libertate quam a majoribus acceperant permanere 
 quam Komanorura servitutem perferre mallent. Omni 
 ora maritima celeriter ad suam sententiam perducta, com- 
 munem legationem ad P. Crassum mittunt, Si velit suos 
 recipere, obsides sibi remittat. 
 
 9. Quibus de rebus Caesar ab Craaso certior factus, 
 quod ipse aberat longius, naves interim longas aedificari 
 in flumine Ligere, quod influit in Oceanum, remiges ex 
 
 instance in this chapter of explana- 
 tion which is not wanted. He calls 
 P. Crassus ' adoleseens,' as he had 
 done in i. 52. 
 
 ut aunt Gallorum] Compare vi. 
 30, ' ut sunt,' &c. ; vii. 22, * ut est 
 summae,' &c. It is a common Latin 
 formula, as in Cicero, Divin. c. !>, 
 '' Ut est hominum genus nimis 
 acutum et suspiciosum." It involves 
 a connexion between one thing and 
 another, in the way of cause and 
 effect, or else in the relation of a 
 general truth to a particular instance. 
 The English ' for' will often express 
 the meaning; but 'for' is a word 
 which itself requires explanation. 
 
 snijita et repentina] Schneider's 
 explanation is, that Caesar uses ' su- 
 bitus' to signify that which comes 
 quick, whether expected or not ; and 
 that ' repentinus ' is that which comes 
 unexpected, and therefore, as we 
 may say, quick also. In vi. 23, ' re- 
 pentinae incursionis timore sublato ' 
 explains itself 
 
 quam— acceperant] There is some 
 authority for ' acceperint.' If we 
 read 'quam . . . acceperint,' these 
 are the words of the Veneti. If we 
 read ' quam . . . accei)enint,' the re- 
 mark is Caesar's. 
 
 9. ipse aberat longius] He was at 
 Luca in Etruria in April B.C. 56 of 
 
 the \mreformed calendar, where he 
 saw his son-in-law Cn. Pompeius,and 
 perhaps M. Crassus also. There was 
 a great assemblage of senators who 
 came to pay their respects to Caesar. 
 In the conferences at Luca it was 
 arranged that Pompeius and Crassus 
 should be consuls for B.C. 55 ; antl 
 that they should help Caesar to get 
 his proconsular power extended for a 
 second five years (introd. p. 35). 
 Caesar was somewhere in North 
 Italy when P. Crassus sent him 
 news of the rising of the Arinoric 
 states. He had been at Ravenna 
 before he went to Luca, and had 
 seen M. Crassus there (Cicero, Ad 
 Div. i. 9, § 8). 
 
 Ligere] ' Ligeri,' Elb., from a no- 
 minative ' Ligeris.' In vii. 5 there 
 is ' Ligercm.' In vii. 55 there is 
 the nominative ' Lieer.' The Greek 
 form is Attyijp (Strabo, p. 191). 
 Perhaps both ' liiger ' and ' Ligeris ' 
 were used. 
 
 Caesar ordered ships of war ('naves 
 longas') to be built on the Loire. 
 The tide flows up the river a few 
 miles above Nantes, and about a« 
 far as the territory of the Nannete* 
 extended. But as the Nannetes 
 joined the Veneti and others in their 
 rising, Caesar could scarcely build 
 his ships 60 low as Nantes, unless 
 
s 
 
 15J. 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 LIBEE III. 
 
 155 
 
 Provincia institui, nautas gubernatoresque comparari 
 jubet. His rebus celeriter administratis ipse quum pri- 
 mum per aiini tempus potuit ad exereitum contendit. Ve- 
 neti reliquaeque item civitates cognito Caesaris adventu 
 certiores facti, simul quod quantum in se faciuus admisis- 
 sent intelligebant, legates, quod nomen ad omnes nationes 
 sanctum inviolatumque semper fuisset, retentos a se et in 
 vincula conjectos, pro magnitudine periculi bellum parare 
 et maxime ea quae ad usum navium pertinent providere 
 instituunt, hoc majore spe quod multum natura loci con- 
 fidebant. Pedestria esse itinera coucisa aestuariis, naviga- 
 
 he built them on the south eide of 
 the river. The Romans held the 
 country of the Andes, and as we 
 may suppose they would build their 
 ships as near the sea as they could, 
 they might build them about the 
 place where the Maycnne falls into 
 the Loire, below Angers. If there 
 was not timber on the spot, it might 
 be floated down the river, as it is 
 now for boat building. Caesar also 
 had vessels from the Pictones and 
 San tones (c. 12). 
 
 gtmm primum \ This is the true 
 reading, not ' quam primum.' It 
 means ' as soon as the season per- 
 mitted." (See ii. 17.) In ii. 2 it 
 occurs with the subjunctive, which 
 is the proper tense there. 
 
 certiores facti] Elb. and Krancr 
 omit these words, contrary to the 
 authority of the best MSS. The 
 sentence seems defective without 
 them, and yet they are not easy to 
 explain. These words perhaps refer 
 to 'pro magnitudine periculi;' as if 
 Caesar had said, ' The Veneti, and 
 also the rest of the states, upon 
 hearing of Caesar's arrival, being 
 now fully informed of the maimitude 
 of the danger.' He then interposes 
 ' simul quod . . . conjectos,' which is 
 entirely unconnected with the struc- 
 ture of the rest of the sentence ; " at 
 the same time, as they were well 
 aware what a crime they had com- 
 mitted in detaining and throwing 
 iflto prison the ' legati,' whose very 
 
 name among all nations had aUvays 
 been sacred and inviolate, in propor- 
 tion to the magnitude of the danger 
 they began to make preparation for 
 war." Schneider explains 'legatoa 
 . . . retentos ' by understanding ' in- 
 telligcntes ;' Oudendoi-p places it in 
 opposition to ' facinus.' I think 
 both of them are wrong. ' Quod . . . 
 intelligebant,' 'quod' really being 
 the accusative, expresses a matter of 
 which they were aware, which is ex- 
 plained by ' legates . . . retentos.' 
 This is one of the ordinary construc- 
 tions of the language, and only mis- 
 understood because we are accus- 
 tomed to call 'quod' a conjunction, 
 and translate it ' that' or ' because, 
 a usage which it certainly obtained, 
 but in many cases we must recur to 
 its primary sense. 
 
 As to ' legates, quod nomen ' com- 
 pare ii. 1, note. We might say 
 'legati, a name which.' If 'ad 
 omnes' is right, 'ad' is equivalent 
 to ' :ipud,' which two MSS. have. A 
 passage ofCicero(Verr. lib. ii. l,c. 33) 
 as to the ' legati ' is appropriate : 
 " Etenim nomen legati ejusmodi 
 esse debet quod non modo inter 
 sociorum jura, sed etiam inter hos- 
 tium tela incolume versetur." In 
 c. 16 there is 'jus legatorum.* 
 Caesar now gives to the ' praefecti ' 
 and ' tribuni ' (c. 7) the title of ' le- 
 gati,' as if they were ambassadors of 
 the Romnn people. 
 
 concisa aeituariis^ 'Aestuaria' 
 
 tionem impeditam propter inscientiam locorum paucita- 
 temque portuum sciebant, neque nostros exercitus propter 
 frumenti inopiam diutius apud se morari posse confide- 
 bant ; ac jam ut omnia contra opinionem acciderent, 
 tamen se plurimum navibus posse ; Eomanos neque uUara 
 facultatem habere navium neque eorum locorum ubi bel- 
 lum gesturi essent, vada, portus, insulas novisse ; ac 
 longe aliam esse navigationem in concluso mari atque in 
 vastissimo atque apertissimo Oceano perspiciebant. His 
 initis consiliis oppida muniunt, frumeiita ex agris in op- 
 pida comportant, naves in Venetiam, ubi Caesarem pri- 
 mum esse bellum gesturum constabat, quam plurimas 
 
 (ii. 28). The Veneti and their allies 
 knew that the movements of an army 
 would be impeded by the inlets of 
 their coast. The first impediment 
 to an army marching along the coast 
 of Morbihan is the aestuary of the 
 Vilaine ; north of which are some 
 shallow inlets, and then the great 
 Bay of Morbihan, which extends 
 twelve or fourteen miles inland, and 
 branches out into numerous smaller 
 inlets. Further north is the aestuary 
 of the fetel, which extends six miles 
 inland ; then the large aestuary of 
 the Blavet, or Port Louis, on which 
 L'Orient stands. In the department 
 of Finistere, which forms the western 
 extremity of the peninsula of Bre- 
 tagne, the coast is generally high 
 and irregular, and lined with many 
 islands and rocks. It contains the 
 long narrow aestuary at the head of 
 ■which stands Quimpex", the wide bay 
 of Douamenez, and, separated from 
 it by a long narrow peninsula, the 
 large bay of Brest, which has a nar- 
 row entrance. The northern coast 
 of Finistere, which faces Cornwall, 
 is also very irregular ; and the rest 
 of the coast eastward as far as St. 
 Michel, which belongs to the de- 
 partment of Cotes du Nord, is more 
 broken than any other part ot the 
 coast of Bretagne. 
 
 acjam ut] And even though every 
 thing (which has been mentioned) 
 •hould fall out contrary to their ex- 
 
 pectation.' Schneider thinks that 
 'concesso' is to be supplied ' cogita- 
 tione ' between ' jam ' and ' ut.' I 
 don't see that it is wanted. Elb., 
 following the recommendation of 
 Walch, in Emend. Liv. p. 87, has 
 this vicious pointing, ' ac, jam ut' &c, 
 ' Jam ut ' is here followed by ' ta- 
 men ;' and the sentence differs from 
 those in which ' etsi ' is followed by 
 ' tamen ' (i. 46) in this, that ' etfii ' is 
 used with the indicative and to de- 
 note a positive fact. 
 
 in concluso mari\ In a closed sea, 
 like the Mediterranean. 
 
 vhi — primum — constaltat] Schnei- 
 der observes that in the margin of the 
 copy of Fabricius it is written ' Unde 
 constabat.^' or, 'How was it known?' 
 and the letter ' L.' is added to the 
 remark; whence it is conjectured 
 that it is by Lipsius. Schneider 
 thinks that the question is asked 
 with good reason; and that the words 
 ' certiores facti,' which he has re- 
 stored in his text, give a kind of 
 answer to the ' Unde constabat .'' ' 
 I think the question is an idle one. 
 Caesar says, 'where it was ascer- 
 tained that Caesar would commence 
 the war.' They could not be ceitain 
 where he would begin, unless he told 
 them, and it is not likely that he 
 did that. But Caesar was buildiug 
 ships on the Loire, and arming 
 them ; which seems notice enough 
 to those who lived next door. 
 
156 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 possunt cogunt. Socios sibi ad id bellum Osismos, Lex- 
 oyios, Nannetes, Ambiliatos, Morinos, Diablintes, Mena- 
 pios adsciscunt : auxilia ex Britannia quae contra eaa 
 regioues posita est arcessunt. 
 
 10. Erant hae difficultates belli gerendi quas supra 
 ostendimus, sed multa Caesarem tamen ad id bellum inci- 
 tabant: injuriae retentorum equitum Eomanorum, rebellio 
 facta post deditionem, defectio datis obsidibus, tot civi- 
 tatum conjuratio, in primis ne hac parte neglecta reliquae 
 nationes sibi idem licere arbitrarentur. Itaque quum 
 intelligeret omnes fere Gallos novis rebus studere et ad 
 
 Osismos] They occupied the de- 
 partment of Finistere; but D'Anville 
 {Notice, &c..) observes that there is 
 no part of Gallia of which the ancient 
 geography is so obscure. The Lexovii 
 were west of the Aulerci Eburoviccs, 
 and extended along the soutli side of 
 the Seine to is mouth. Their capital 
 Novioiiiagus, which is not men- 
 tioned by Caesar, is now Lisieux, in 
 the department of Calvados. A Ro- 
 man milestone found ea>t of Caen 
 and on the road to Lisieux, with the 
 figures XXV on it, marks exactly the 
 distance from Lisieux, and shows 
 that the milestone remained in its 
 oriffinal place. 
 
 The Nannetes or Namnetes were 
 on the north bank of the lower course 
 of the Loire, and separated from the 
 Pictones or Pictavi by the river 
 (Strabo, p. 190). Their town Con- 
 divicnum, afterwards Nannetes, now 
 Nantes, is not mentioned by Caesar. 
 Their neighbours on the east were 
 the Andes or Andecavi, who re- 
 mained quiet. 
 
 The name of the Ambiliati is not 
 certain. The text of Orosius (vi. 
 8) has Ambivaritos. Some MSS. 
 have Ambianos. But Caesar (iv. 9) 
 places the Ambivariti 'trans Mosam.' 
 Nothing is known of the Ambiliati. 
 Schneider adopts the reading Dia- 
 blintres. Ptolemy makes their chief 
 town Noeodunum. D'Anville places 
 the Diablintes in a part of the oM 
 province of Maine, and the small 
 place called Jubleins, a few leagues 
 
 from Mayenne, seems to represent 
 Noeodunum, and to preserve the 
 name of the people. The position of 
 the Morini and of the Mcnapii is ex- 
 plained elsewhere (ii. 4. 16). 
 
 The words ' contra eas regiones ' 
 are not correct, if we apply them to 
 all the tribes which have been men- 
 tioned. But Britannia may be said 
 to be right opposite to that part of 
 Gallia. Virgil has (Aen. i. 13), 
 " Carthago Ttaliam contra Tiberina- 
 que longe Ostia." It is a fair inference 
 that the Britanni of tlio«e parts of 
 the island which are opposite to 
 Brotagne had ships, for the Vcneti 
 now send for help, and Caesar savs 
 (iv. 20) that the Britons sent help 
 to the Galli in almost all their wars, 
 and this was one of Caesar's motives 
 for invading Britain. 
 
 10. injuriae] '' The wrongs done 
 by having detained the Roman 
 ' equites.' " He here mentions that 
 the Megati' were of equestrian rank, 
 which was not said before. The use 
 of the genitive is ilhistrated by Livy 
 (iv. 32), " Scelus legatorum contra 
 jus ffcntium intcrfcctoruni." Strabo 
 (p. 195) says that the " Veneti were 
 ready to prevent the voyage to Bri- 
 tain, as they had the trade." Whether 
 Caesar at this time contemplated an 
 invasion of Britain we cannot tell ; 
 but Strabo means that the Veneti 
 Mere afraid that Caesar might go to 
 Britain, and hinder their commerce 
 with it. 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 157 
 
 bellum mobiliter celeriterque excitari, omnes autem bo- 
 mines natura libertati studere et conditionem servitutis 
 odisse, priusquam plures civitates conspirarent, par- 
 tiendum sibi ac latins distribuendura exercitum putavit. 
 
 11. Itaque T. Labienum legatum in Treviros, qui 
 proximi flumini Rheno sunt, cum equitatu mittit. Huic 
 mandat Remos reliquosque Belgas adeat atque in officio 
 contineat, Germanosque, qui auxilio a Belgis arcessiti 
 dicebantur, si per vim navibus flumen transire conentur 
 prohiboat. P. Crassum cum cohortibus legionariis xii, et 
 iiiagno numero equitatus in Aquitaniam proficisci jubet, 
 ne ex his nationibus auxilia in Galliam mittantur ac 
 tantae nationes conjungantur. Q. Titurium Sabinum 
 legatum cum legionibus tribus in Unellos, Curiosolitas 
 Lexoviosque mittit qui earn manum distinendam curet. 
 D. Brutum adolescentem classi Gallicisque navibus, quas 
 ex Pictonibus et Santonis reliquisque pacatis regionibus 
 convenire jusserat, praeficit, et quum primum posset in 
 Venetos proficisci jubet. Ipse eo pedestribus copiis con- 
 tendit. 
 
 12. Erant ejusmodi fere situs oppidorum ut posita in 
 
 mobiliter'] " Qui mobilitatc et 
 levitate animi novis imperils stude- 
 bant" (ii. 1). He represents the 
 Galli as of an unstable temper, easily 
 moved, ready to believe any rumour, 
 and to act upon it (vii. 42). 
 
 11. Aqnitutmim] Introd. p. 23. 
 
 Unellus] The Unelli (ii. 34), 
 whom Ptolemy calls Veneli, were in 
 the peninsula of Cotantin (Introd. 
 p. 4. 12), and tlieir capital, Crocia- 
 tonum, is represented by Valognes, 
 south of Cherbourg. 
 
 The Curiosolites bordered on the 
 Keilones towards the east and tii8 
 Veneti towards the south, and the 
 name is preseived in Corseult, which 
 is south of St. Malo. They extended 
 westward along the coast as far as 
 the neighbourhood of St. Brieuc. 
 
 Z). Brutum] D, Junius Brutus is 
 mentioned again (vii. 9. 87). Like 
 P. Crassus, he was at this time a 
 vouDg man, and had not the rank of 
 
 ' legatus.' After the Gallic war, he 
 served under Caesar in the Civil war, 
 received many favours from hini, 
 and was one of Caesar's assassins in 
 B.C. 44. There are ten of his letters 
 to Cicero extant (Cic. Ad Div. 
 xi.). 
 
 The Pictones, or Pictavi as Am- 
 mianus Marcellinus calls them, were 
 on the south side of the lower Loire. 
 The name of the former French pro- 
 vince of Poitou is a corruption of 
 Piciavi. The Santones and Pictavi 
 occupied all the coast between the 
 Garonne and the Loire. 
 
 12. ejusmodi — td] ' Ejusmodi ' in 
 the sense of 'talis,* 'such,' 'of such 
 a kind,' is often used in this wav 
 (c. 13); and in Cicero, Verr. ii. ^, 
 c. 70, " Ela autem feneratio erat ejus- 
 modi, judices, ut etiam is quaestus 
 huic cederet." Compare B. G, iii. 3, 
 ' hujusmodi sententiae.' 
 
158 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 extremis lingulis promontoriisque neque pedibus aditum 
 haberent, quuin ex alto se aestus incitavisset, quod his 
 accidit semper horarum xii spatio, neque navibus, quod 
 rursus minuente aestu naves in vadis afflictarentur. Ita 
 utraque re oppidorum oppugnatio impediebatur ; ac si 
 quando magnitudine operis forte superati, extruso mari 
 aggere ac molibus, atque his oppidi moenibus adaequatis, 
 suis fortunis desperare coeperaut, magno numero naviura 
 appulso, cujus rei summam facultatem habebant, sua de- 
 
 linffulis] These * tongues,* as Cae- 
 sar calls them, are numerous. In the 
 department of Loire Inferieure the 
 town of Le Croisic is on a long 
 narrow ' lingula,' called Pointe de 
 Croisic, which is insulated at high 
 water. In the department of Mor- 
 bihan the long narrow promontory 
 of Quibcron runs out ten miles from 
 the mainland, and is also insulated 
 at high water. 
 
 })romo7ttoriis] Schneider and others 
 prefer the form ' promuntoriis.' They 
 think that this way of writing is 
 more consistent with the etymology, 
 for the word contains, as they say, 
 the root of * pro-mine-re,' and is not 
 formed from 'niont,' 'mountain.' 
 This passage is alleged by Schneider 
 as evidence that Caesar did not think 
 that ' promontorium ' contained the 
 notion of ' mountain.' All this may 
 be true, and yet 'promontorium' 
 may be as good a form as ' promun- 
 torium,' and the word ' mont ' may 
 contain the same root as ' promonto- 
 rium,' whatever that root may be. 
 
 his\ The reading of some MSS. 
 Elb. lias ' bis,' and yet he keens 
 * horamm xii spatio.' ''His' means 
 the people on this coast, and the 
 dative is used with 'accidit,' as in 
 ii. 35. In order to keep the text con- 
 sistent with the fact of the tides, 
 some editors who have 'bis' write 
 'horarum xxiv spatio.' Herzog, 
 who has ' bis,' explains it thus : 
 ' which happens twice (a day), always 
 at an interval of twelve hours;' an 
 explanation which makes the word 
 ' bis' entirely useless. 
 quod— afflictarentur] This seems 
 
 to mean that the ships would have 
 been thus damaged if they had got 
 into these waters. 
 
 ej^truso] In the parts covered by 
 the sea at high water Caesar made 
 dykes to keep out the water, and at- 
 tempted to take the towns by raising 
 large embankments ('aggeres'). The 
 word 'his' refers to 'aggere ac moli- 
 bus.' ' Adaequare ' occurs (i. 48 ; 
 ii. 32) in a transitive sense, and 
 means to equal or attain ; and, also, 
 it is used in the same way with an 
 ablative of the instrument (v. 8; vii, 
 32). This is Schneider's remark, 
 who adds, that when it is used with 
 a dative it is intransitive, and means 
 ' to be equal to.' Perhaps he is riglit 
 in taking ' his,' &c. here to signify, 
 ' and by these means the walls of the 
 town being reached,' which in sense 
 is the same as if we translate it, 'and 
 these being raised as high as the 
 walls,' for this must have been done 
 before the walls could be reached. 
 
 suis furtuuis] This is the dative 
 (vii. ,50). ' Desperare' is used with 
 'de' and an ablative; also with an 
 accusative (Cic. Pro Murena, c. 21). 
 ' Fortunae' means in Caesar (i. II), 
 as in Cicero, all a man's property; 
 or, as it does here, all that a man 
 has, life and every thing else. Cicero 
 (Oivm. c. 20) has 'jura fortunasque,' 
 'rights and interests;' and Verr. ii. 
 1, c. 44, ' bona fortunasque.' 
 
 cujv^ rei\ ' Rei' refers to all the 
 words 'magno numero navium ap- 
 pulso,' ' for doing which they had 
 the best means.' "' Res ' is a word of 
 universal use, a comprehensive term, 
 used not only to refer to a single 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 159 
 
 portabant omnia seque in proxima oppida recipiebant : 
 ibi se rursus iisdem opportunitatibus loci defendebant. 
 Haec eo facilius magnam partem aestatis faciebant, quod 
 nostrae naves tempestatibus detinebantur, summaque erat 
 vasto atque aperto mari, mag'.jis ac-ptibus, raris ac prope 
 nuUis portibus, difficultas navigandi. 
 
 13. Namque ipsorum naves ad hunc modum factae 
 armataeque erant. Cariuae aliquanto plauiores quam 
 nostrarum navium, quo facilius vada ac decessum aestus 
 excipere possent ; prorae admodum erectae, atque item 
 puppes ad maguitudinem fluctuum tempestatumque ac- 
 commodatae ; naves totae factae ex robore ad quamvis 
 vim et contumeliam perferendam ; transtra pedalibus in 
 altitudinem trabibus confixa clavis ferreis digiti pollicis 
 crassitudine ; ancorae pro funibus ferreis catenis revinc- 
 tae ; pelles pro velis alutaeque tenuiter confectae, hae sive 
 
 thincr, but to a number of things or 
 a num' cr of facts, viewed in their 
 result as one fact or thing. Thus 
 ' res publica' is the notion of a 'uni- 
 versitas,' in the Roman sense, all 
 viewed as one. In ii. 5, * quae res' 
 it an exam|>le of this comprehensive 
 •ise of the word. 
 
 vasto atijue aperto, (S'c] Here is 
 a set of ablatives which express a 
 permanent condition of this sea. See 
 i 18. The sea was ' vastum,' bound- 
 less, and 'apertum,' open, not bounded 
 by land like the Mediterranean. See 
 c. 9, ' vastissimo atque apertissimo 
 Oceano.' 
 
 13. »W(i] 'Vada' is shoal water, 
 of which there is plenty on this coast. 
 ' In order that the ships might be 
 better adapted to meet (exciuere) the 
 shoals and the ebb of the sea. (Comp. 
 iv. 17, 'excipiant.') Tacitus (Ann. 
 ii. 6) speaks of ships used on the 
 coast of the Netherlands as " planae 
 carinis, ut sine noxa siderent." 
 
 contumeluim\ This passage seems 
 to show that tlie original meaning of 
 'contumelia' is violence or blows. 
 Ulnian (Dig. 47. 10. 1) says, " contu- 
 meliam autem a contemnendo dici- 
 mus ;" a way of attempting to explain 
 
 the meaning of 'contumelia' as one 
 of the kinds of ' injuria.' 
 
 transtra] The 'tiunstra' are the 
 cross timbers from side to side. 
 They were beams a foot in height, as 
 Caesar expresses it in the ablative 
 ('pedalibus . . . trabibus'), or, as we 
 should say, in thickness ; and they 
 were fastened with iron bolts as thick 
 as a man's thumb. The anchors 
 were not secured by ropes, but by 
 chain-cables. Hemp cables are liable 
 to be chafed in rocky anchorage 
 giound, and to be destroyed. They 
 are also damaged by the alternate 
 wetness and dryness to which they 
 are exposed. The Veneti accordingly 
 used iron chains instead of hemp 
 ropes, and chain -cables have been 
 again brought into use within the 
 present century. Strabo (p. 195), who 
 used this passage of Caesar, makes a 
 great blunder : he says the Veneti 
 had chains for their sails instead of 
 ropes. He also says that the Veneti 
 liad plenty of oak timber, which is 
 not in Caesar, but it may be in- 
 ferred. 
 
 pelles] The sails of the Romans 
 were made of flax, and called 'car- 
 basa.' The sails of the Veneti were 
 
IGO 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 propter lini inopiam atque ejus usus inselentiam, sive 
 eo, quod est magis verisimile, quod tantas tempestatoa 
 Oceani tantosque impetus veutorum sustineri ac tanta 
 onera navium regi velis Don satis commode posse arbitra- 
 bantur. Cum his navibus nostrae classi ejusmodi con- 
 gressus erat ut una celeritate et pulsii remorum praestaret, 
 reliqua pro loci natura, pro vi tempestatum illis esseut 
 aptiora et accommodatiora. JSTeque enim his nostrae 
 rostro nocere poteraut, tanta in his erat firmitudo, neque 
 propter altitudinem facile telum adjiciebatur, et eadem de 
 causa minus commode copulis continebantur. Accedebat 
 ut, quum saevire ventus coepisset et se vento dedissent, 
 et tempestatem ferrent facilius et in vadis consisterent 
 tutius et ab aestu relictae nihil saxa et cautes timerent ; 
 quarum rerum omnium nostris navibus casus erat exti- 
 mescendus. 
 
 14. Compluribus expugnatis oppidis Caesar, ubi intel- 
 lexit frustra tantum laborem sumi neque hostium fugara 
 captis oppidis reprimi neque his noceri posse, statuit ex- 
 spectandam classem. Quae ubi convenit ac primum ab 
 
 made of skins with the hair on ('pel- 
 lea'), or, at least, untanned, and of 
 'alutae,' tanned skins. 
 
 tanta in his] Elb. has Mn eis ' 
 Perhaps the demonstrative ' his' may 
 be properly repeated for the SJike of 
 emphasis. If a simple reference is 
 made to the first ' his,' the appro- 
 priate e.xpression would be ' tanta in 
 eis.' ' Neque liis.' near the bejinijing 
 of the next chapter, can hardly be 
 compared with this. 
 
 udiicichatur] ' Could not easily 
 be tnrowu so far.' See c. 14, and 
 ii. 21. 
 
 copulis] All the MSS. have 'sco- 
 pulis' except one, which has 'co- 
 pulis.' Nearly all the editors agree 
 that we must read 'copulis,' which 
 are chains, or generally any thing 
 that holds things together. We must 
 understand these 'copulae' to be 
 ' manus ferreae ' or ' harpagones,' 
 grappling irons nsed for laxing hold 
 of an enemy's ship to bring him to 
 close quarterB or to board him. In 
 
 order to give some sense to the word 
 'scopulis,' Manutius altered 'com- 
 mode' to 'incommode;' and Ilerzog 
 has the reading, 'minus incommode 
 sconulis,' &c. He explains it thus : 
 " 'I he ships, as a general rule, could 
 maintain themselves in the bights 
 and bays formed by rocks, and had 
 no occasion to fear dasliing to pieces 
 on them." I don't believe this to 
 be a fair interpretation. 
 
 These words 
 good MSS. — 
 
 saevtre—coe/nsset "l 
 arc omitted in severa 
 'Relictae:' 'derelictjie? Elb 
 
 14. ejrspectandam classem] He 
 means all his fleet, the complete 
 fleet, for he must have had some ex- 
 perience of the enemy's ships, as the 
 preceding chapter shows (• neque enim 
 . . . poterant'); and he says in this 
 chapter, ' rostro enim noceri non 
 posse cognoverant.' Dion (39, c. 40) 
 says that Caesar built his shij>8 foi 
 the Venetian war in the interior, on 
 the Loire, and brought them down 
 the river to the sea : that Cacsai wa> 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 IGl 
 
 bostibus visa est, clrciter ccxx naves eorum paratissimae 
 atque omni genere armorum ornatissimae profectae ex 
 portu nostris adversae constiterunt ; neque satis Bruto 
 qui classi praeerat, vel tribunis militum centurionibusque 
 quibus singulae naves erant attributae, constabat quid 
 agerent aut quam rationem pugnae insisterent. Rostro 
 enim noceri non posse cognoverant ; turribus autem exci- 
 tatis tamen has altitudo puppium ex barbaris navibus 
 superabat, ut neque ex inferiore loco satis commode tela 
 adjici possent et missa ab Gal lis gravius acciderent. Una 
 erat magno usui res praeparata a nostris, falces praeacutae, 
 insertae adfixaeque longuriis, non absimili forma mura- 
 lium falcium. His quum funes, qui antemnas ad malos 
 destinabant, comprehensi adductique erant, navigio remis 
 
 in great straits until Decimus Brutus 
 arrived from the interior sea (the 
 Mediterranean) with swift-sailing 
 ships. This is a diflx^rent story from 
 Caesar's (c. 11), and it contradicts 
 Caesar. 
 
 nerpie — vel] It is not unusual for 
 ' neque ' to be used once without an- 
 other 'neque' or 'nee' following; 
 for instance 'neque' is followed by 
 'et' in this chapter. But it is un- 
 usual, as Schneider observes, to have 
 • vel ' after a negative ; for ' ve ' or 
 *aut' is the usual word. Ouden- 
 doi^p's examples are not to the pur- 
 pose, with the exception of two from 
 .Apuleius. Two also are cited by 
 Lachmann : Propertius, i. 15. (14.) 
 24, and Tibullus, i. 9. 60. 
 
 insisterent] In vi. 5, ' totus . . . 
 animo in beuum . . . insistit.' 
 
 turribus — excitatis] Tiiis is a com- 
 mon expression for the raising up of 
 towers, as Schneider shows (v. 40; 
 viii. 9; Livy, xliii. IB). Virgil says 
 (Georg. iv. 549) " Ad delubra venit, 
 monstratas excitat aras." They were 
 used in naval waifare (Livy, xxxvii. 
 24). Caesar's words probably mean 
 that the towers were not tried, and 
 because it was plain that they would 
 
 he often uses this form, as in v. 44, 
 ' quo percusso . . . hunc ;' vi. 4, 
 ' obsidibus centum,' &c. ; vi. 8, ' cum 
 iis . . . COS.' In vi. 43, after 'coacto 
 numero,' he has not the pronoun ; 
 nor in vii. 4, ' convocatis clientibus,' 
 though some MSS. have ' eos ' there. 
 See also iv. 21, 'quibus auditis . . . 
 eos,' and v. 4. 
 
 ex barbaris navibtis] ' On the 
 side of the barbarian ships.' 
 
 falces praeacutae] Hooked at 
 the end, and sharpened there also, 
 fixed to the end of long poles (iv. 
 17), like 'murales falces.' These 
 ' murales fiilces,* or SofivSpiwava, as 
 Polybius calls them (xxii. lO ; and 
 Dion, and Strabo), were used for 
 pulling down the battlements of 
 walls {tirdX^ftv, * pinnae'). Vege- 
 tius (v. 15, or iv, 4G, ed, Stewechius) 
 describes these naval ' fakes.' 
 
 destinabant] ' Fixed, secured the 
 antemnae.' There is a false reading 
 * distinebant.' In vii. 22 ' destina- 
 verant ' occurs ; and in B. C, i. 25, 
 " has (rates) quatcmis ancoris ex 
 quatuor angulis destinabat." The 
 word means ' to fix down,' ' to se- 
 cure;' and hence the derived mean- 
 ing of ' resolved and determined ' in 
 
 be of no use. The expression ' tur- Liv. xxi. 44, " si hoc bene fixuni 
 
 ribus excitatis tamen lias,' is more 
 forcible than if he had said, ' turres 
 autem excitatas . . . superabat ;' and 
 
 omnibus destinatumque la animo 
 
 est. 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 incitato praerumpebantur. Quibus abscisis antemnae 
 necessario concidebant ut, quum oranis Gallicis navibus 
 spes in velia armamentisque consisteret, his ereptis omnis 
 usus navium uno tempore eriperetur. Keliquutn erat 
 certamen positum in virtute, qua nostri milites facile 
 superabant, atque eo magia quod in conspectu Caesaria 
 atque omnia exercitua res gerebatur ut nullum paulo 
 fortius factum latere poaset ; omnes enim coUea ac loca 
 superiora, unde erat propinquus despectus in mare, ab 
 exercitu tenebantur. 
 
 15. Disjectia ut diximus antemnis, quum singulaa 
 binae ac ternae navea circumateteraut, militea summa vi 
 tranacendere in hoatium naves contendebant. Quod poat- 
 quam barbari fieri animadverterunt, expugnatis complu- 
 ribua navibua, quum ei rei nullum reperiretur auxilium, 
 fuga salutem petere contenderunt ; ac jam conversis in 
 eam partem navibus quo ventus ferebat, tanta subito 
 malacia ac tranquillitas exstitit ut se ex loco commovere 
 non possent. Quae quidem res ad negotium conliciendum 
 maxime fuit opportuna ; nam singulaa noatri consectati 
 expugnaverunt ut perpaucae ex omni numero noctia inter- 
 ventu ad terram pervenerint, quum ab hora fere quarta 
 usque ad solis occaaum pugnaretur. 
 
 l(j. Quo proelio bellum Venetorum totiusque orae 
 maritimae confectum est. Nam quum omnis juventus, 
 omnes etiam grayioris aetatis, in quibus aliquid consilii 
 aut dignitatis fuit, eo convenerant, tum navium quod 
 ubique fuerat in unum locum coegerant ; quibus amiasis 
 
 abscisis] There is also * abscissis,' 
 which is perhaps the better form, aa 
 in 'fissus,' from ' fi(n)dere.' 
 
 15. circmmteterant] This is the 
 true reading, not ' circumsisterent,' 
 ■which would denote the commence- 
 ment of gomething usual, or a con- 
 tinued act. ' When two or three 
 Roman ships had got round one, then 
 the soldiers would attempt to board.' 
 Comp. iii. 14, ' his quum funes,' <&c. ; 
 iv. 17, 'haec quum defixerat,' &c. ; 
 and other passages. 
 
 malacia] A Greek word. The 
 MSS. readings are various, if ' ma- 
 
 lacia' is not the true reading, per- 
 haps we may take ' mollities.' ' Tran- 
 quillitas' seems to be an explanation 
 of the Greek word, which Caesar 
 considered to be more expressive 
 than any Latin word. 
 
 hora /ere quarta] The battle was 
 fought in the autumn and late in the 
 year, as late as the equinox perhaps, 
 c. 28 ; and consequently from ten in 
 the morning to six in the evening. 
 
 16. navium quod— fuerat] 'AH 
 their ships,' or ' all the ships which 
 they had any where.' This is i; 
 common Latin formula (v. 2). 
 
 LIBEK 111. 
 
 1G3 
 
 reYiqui neque quo se reciperent neque quemadmodum 
 oppida defenderent habebant. Itaque se suaque omnia 
 Caesari dediderunt. In quos eo gravius Caesar vindi- 
 candum statuit, quo diligentius in reliquum tempus a 
 barbaris jus legatorum conservaretur. Itaque omni se- 
 natu necato reliquos sub corona vendidit. 
 
 17. Dum haec in Venetis geruntur, Q. Titurius Sabinus 
 cum iis copiia quas a Caesare acceperat in fines Unel- 
 lorum pervenit. His praeerat Yiridovix ac summam im- 
 perii tenebat earum omnium civitatum quae defecerant, 
 ex quibua exercitum magnasque copias coegerat ; atque 
 his paucis diebus Aulerci Eburovices Lexoviique senatu 
 
 neq^^e — hahehant] ' They had no 
 means of defending their towns.' 
 Some explain it as equivalent to 
 * they did not know how ;' an expla- 
 nation that is hardly necessary. It is 
 a common usage in Cicero, as when 
 he says of Caesar (Ad Div. ix. 17), 
 " quid faciat tamen non liabet." 
 
 /« qims—^vindicandum] This must 
 be explained by recurring to the 
 original meaning of ' vindicare,' ' to 
 claim a right ;' properly it is said of 
 one who claims the ownership of a 
 thing. From the sense of maintain- 
 ing a riL'ht is derived the expression 
 ' vindicare in aliquem,' ' to maintain 
 a right against a person,' and ' to 
 punish a person.' 
 
 eo ffrarius] ' Eo ' is not the ab- 
 lative, but the ending in o, which 
 means, ' to the end' or 'purpose;' 
 and ■• quo ' means ' that.' 
 
 suh corona] The senatus, the na- 
 tional council, were put to death ; 
 told in two words. Charlemafrne 
 employed the same way of pacifica- 
 tion. He cut off the heads of 4500 
 revolted Saxons in one day (Mignet, 
 Introd. de TAncienne Germanic, 
 &c., p. 118). The 'rest,' as Caesar 
 calls them, would be sold to the 
 ' mercatores ' who followed the camp 
 (i. 1 ; ii. 33) Gellius (vii. 4) quotes 
 Caelius Sabinus, a jurist of \espa- 
 sian's time, who says that it was the 
 old practice to sell captives in war 
 with a 'corona' or chaplet on the 
 head. The ' corona ' on the head of 
 
 a captive was a sign that he was for 
 sale. Gellius does not say why the 
 ' corona ' was used ; but any sign 
 would do for this puipose. 
 
 17. surmn'im imperii] ' The su- 
 preme command.' See i. 41, and ii, 
 4, ' belli summam ;' and vi. 11, 
 ' summa omnium rerum.' 
 
 rmtgnasque copias] Schneider says 
 that ' copias ' means ' men ' and not 
 ' things,' and that whenever Caesar 
 in these Commentaries uses ' copias 
 cogi ' or ' coactas,' he always means 
 
 ' men.' 
 
 his paucis] ' Within these few 
 days,' which means within a tew days 
 after Sabinus reached the country of 
 the Unelli. In c. 23, 'paucis diebus 
 quibus,' the same thing is expresi^ed 
 in a clearer way, and in v. 2fi. Cic. 
 Phil. i. 13 has ' omnibus his mensi- 
 bus,' and Phil. ii. 1, ' his viginti 
 annis,' which mean eo much time 
 past reckoned to the time when 
 Cicero was speaking. Cicero ( Verr. 
 i. 8 ; ii. 2, c. 26 ; iv. c. 18. f>3) has 
 the expression ' illis diebus,' and 
 ' paucis illis diebus,' and ' illo biduo,' 
 in all which passages, except perhaps 
 one, where both the meaning and the 
 reading may be doubtful, it means a 
 time before an event. I am not 
 sure, however, whether this meaning 
 depends on ' ille,' or on the context. 
 The use of the ablative to express a 
 measure of time between two events 
 is common. See c. 23. 
 
 Aulerci Eburovices] The branch 
 
 WiL 
 
IGi 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 8U0 interfecto, quod aiictorea belli esse nolebant, poi'tas 
 clauserunt seque cum Viridovice conjunxeruiit ; mag- 
 naque praeterea multitude undique ex Gallia perditorum 
 hoininum latronumque convenerat, quos spes praedandi 
 studiumque bellandi ab agricultura et quotidiaiio labore 
 revocabat. Sabinus idoneo omnibus rebus loco castris se 
 tenebat, quum Viridovix contra eum duum milium spatio 
 consedisset quotidieque productis copiis pugnandi potes- 
 tatem faceret, ut jam non solum hostibus in coutemp- 
 tionem Sabinus veniret, sed etiam nostrorum militum 
 vocibus nonnihil carperetur, tantamque opinionem timoris 
 praebuit ut jam ad vallum castrorum bostes accedere au- 
 derent. Id ea de causa faciebat, quod cum tanta multi- 
 tudine hostium, praesertim eo absente qui summam im- 
 perii teneret, nisi aequo loco ant opportunitate aliqua 
 data legato dimieandum non existimabat. 
 
 18. Hac confirnmta opinione timoris idoneum quendara 
 hominem et callidum delegit Galium, ex Lis quos auxilii 
 causa secum habebat. Huic magnis praemiis pollicita- 
 tionibusque persuadet uti ad bostes transeat, et quid fieri 
 velit edocet. Qui nbi pro perfuga ad eos venit, timorem 
 Komanorum proponit, quibus angustiis ipse Caesar a 
 Venetis prematur docet, neque longius abesse quin 
 
 of the Aulerci called Eburovices was 
 south of the Seine, and altogether in 
 the basin of the iSeine. Their chief 
 town was Mcdiolanum, a common 
 Gallic name ; and Evreux, on the 
 Iton. in the department of Eure, is 
 on the site of this old town. 
 
 auctores held] They would not 
 consent to the war. Perhaps Caesar 
 does not menn more than tiiat; and 
 we may conclude that, accor<ling to 
 the political svstem of these tribes, a 
 war could not be undertaken without 
 the formal consent of tlie body which 
 Caesar calls the Fcnate. ' Auctor,' 
 in its widest sense, is one who gives 
 to a thing its ratification or comjdete- 
 ness; though it may mean also one 
 who originates a thing, as in vi. 8, 31. 
 
 revocafMt] As Schneider observes, 
 these desperate and needy men (* per- 
 diti ') were not agriculturists, for 
 
 Caesar would not call agriculturists 
 ' perditi homines et latrones.' They 
 were men wlio had no means of 
 living, or were robbers; at least 
 Caesar represents them as such. 
 ' Revocare ' is not only to 'recall' 
 or ■■ withdraw frt)m a thing,' but to 
 'draw a man into a new or fresh 
 direction,' to a thing which is not 
 his usual or proper object. 
 
 idoneo omuihus relnis Inco^ * His 
 position being in every respect con- 
 venient.' See ii. 8, 'loco . . idoneo.' 
 
 vocibus'\ In the plural means 
 ' clamour,' and also * abuse.' See 
 c. *24, and i. 39 ; vi. 3b'. Cicero (Pro 
 Caelio, c. 3) says ' vocibus maledic- 
 tisque.' 
 
 18. neqiie. lnnq{us'\ * Abosse' with 
 a negative followed by ' quin ' is thus 
 used by Cicero, Ad Att. ix. 9, 
 "abcvit non longe quin hoc a me 
 
 LIBEB HI. 
 
 IU5 
 
 proxima nocte Sabinus clam ex castris exercitum educat 
 et ad Caesarem auxilii ferendi causa proficiscatur. Quod 
 ubi auditum est, conclamant omnes occasionem negotii 
 bene gerendi amittendam non esse, ad castra iri oportere. 
 Multae res ad boc consilium Gallos bortabantur : superi- 
 orum dierum Sabini cunctatio, perfugae confirmatio, in- 
 opia cibariorum, cui rei parum diligenter ab iis erat pro- 
 visum, spes Venetici belli, et quod fere libenter homines 
 id quod volunt credunt. His rebus adducti non prius 
 \nridovicem reliquosque duces ex concilio dimittunt quam 
 ab his sit concessum arma uti capiant et ad castra con- 
 tendant. Qua re concessa laeti ut explorata victoria sar- 
 mentis virgultisque collectis quibus fossas Eomanorum 
 compleant ad castra perguut. 
 
 19. Locus erat castrorum editus et paulatim ab imo 
 acclivis circiter passus mille. Hue magno cursu conten- 
 derunt ut quam minimum spatii ad se colligendos arman- 
 dosque Romanis daretur, exanimatique pervenerunt. Sa- 
 binus suos hortatus cupientibus signum dat. Impeditis 
 hostibus propter ea quae ferebant onera subito duabus 
 portis eruptionem fieri jubet. Factum est opportunitate 
 loci, hostium inscientia ac defatigatione, virtute militum 
 et superiorum pugnarum exercitatione, ut ne unum quidem 
 nostrorum impetum ferrent ac statim terga verterent. 
 Quos impeditos integris viribus milites uostri cousecuti 
 magnum numerum eorum occiderunt ; reliquos equites 
 
 decemi velit ;" and elsewhere. The 
 Latin is difficult to render with pre- 
 cision : he said ' that Sabinus would 
 not delay longer than the next night 
 in secretly drawing his troops out of 
 the camp.' 
 
 inopia cibariorum] Dion (39, c. 
 45) says that wlien the Galli made 
 their attack, they were well filled 
 with meat and drink. Schneider 
 observes that Caesar's statement is 
 no obstacle to our believing Dion, 
 for perhaps the Galli had on this day 
 consumed all that they had. This is 
 a wonderful remark from a man of 
 sense. 
 
 earplorata] Compare v. 43 ; vii. 
 15, 20, 52. ' Exploratum ' is often 
 
 used to signify that which is well 
 examined, known, and certain. 
 
 complea7d\ Dion Cassius (39, c. 
 45) says '* that the Galli took fire- 
 wood and other wood, some on their 
 shoulders, and some dragging after 
 them, in order to burn the Romans." 
 But Caesar tells us why the Galli 
 earned 'sarmenta virgultaque,' and 
 if he had not tcdd us, we might have 
 guessed. A comparison of this plain 
 sketch with Dion's daubing will 
 show how the Greek wrote what ho 
 called history. 
 
 19. acclivis — mille] The numerals 
 indicate the length of the upward 
 slope. (See ii 18.) 
 
 reliquos — reliqueriint\ It is usual 
 
IGG 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 consectati paucos qui ex fuga evaserant reliquerunt. Sic 
 uno tempore et de navali pugna Sabinus et de Sabini 
 victoria Caesar est certior factus, civitatesque omnea se 
 statim Titurio dediderunt. Nam ut ad bella suscipienda 
 Galloriim alacer ac promptus est animus, sic mollis ac 
 miuime resistens ad calamitates pcrferendas mens eorum 
 est. 
 
 20. Eodem fere tempore P. Craasus, quum in Aquita- 
 niam pervenisset, quae pars, ut ante dictum est, et regi- 
 onum latitudine et multitudine hominum ex tertia parte 
 Galliae est aestimanda, quum intelligeret in bis locis sibi 
 bellum gerendum, ubi paucis ante annis L. Valerius Prae- 
 coninus legatus exercitu pulso interfectus esset, atque 
 unde L. Manilius proconsul impedimentis amissis pro- 
 fugisset, non mediocrem sibi diligentiam adhibendam in- 
 telligebat. Itaque re frumentaria provisa, auxiliis equita- 
 tuque comparato, multis praeterea viris fortibus Tolosa, 
 
 to put a comma after * paucos,' and 
 another after ' evaserant. Elberlin? 
 even puts a comma after 'consectati ' 
 also. I don't siipi)ose that Caesar 
 troubled liimself about such trifles. 
 The commas are intended to show 
 how an editor understands his text. 
 If we look at tlie words as they 
 stand there is no difficulty : ' The 
 rest the cavalry following close after 
 left but few of those who had escaped 
 from tlie rout' 
 
 mens eornin est] Gruter and Lip- 
 sius would omit these words. If 
 ' animus ' and ' mens ' were perfe( tly 
 synonymous they might do so. But 
 though there mav be cases in which 
 either word would express what is 
 meant, there are other cases in which 
 the impetuosity and impulse (' ani- 
 mus') are clearly distinguishablefrom 
 the word ' mens,' which expresses 
 more of the hal>it and character of a 
 man. So when Terence (Andria, i. 
 1. 137) says ' mala mens, mains ani- 
 mus,' he means that if a ^nan'3 
 habitual temper of mind is bad, his 
 acts will correspond. See vi. 5. 
 
 Caesar often speaks of the character 
 of the Gain. Their onset was despe- 
 
 rate, but after this their efforts were 
 feeble. Florus (ii. 4) has imitated 
 Livy's expression (x. 2!{), who says, 
 " Primaque eorum proelia plus quam 
 virorum. postrema minus quam femi- 
 narum esse."' See Maihiavelli, Dis- 
 corsi, iii. 36; and the note at the 
 end of this Book. 
 
 20. A(fuitaniu] In trod. p. 23. 
 ' Ex tertia parte ' is .In expression 
 that has caused a diflRculty. Caesar 
 (i. 1) here docs not mean to say that 
 Aquitaniawas a third of Gallia; but 
 considering its extent and its popula- 
 tion, it may be considered as a third 
 division of Gallia, of which there 
 were two others similarly deter- 
 mined. 
 
 Galliae] Oudendorp says that he 
 found 'Gallia' in two MSS. ; and 
 Krancr has ' Gallia.' He compares 
 ' ex tertia parte Gallia' with ' hercs 
 ex a>-se.' 
 
 Praeconinus — Mauilius] Introd. 
 p. 30. Schneider writes ' Mallius,' 
 for which there is good authority; 
 and Plutarch writes the name thus. 
 
 viris — Tolosa] '' Men of Tolosa.' 
 This is the meaning, as Schneider 
 shows. So there is in B. C. i. 24, 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 167 
 
 Carcasone, et Narbone, quae sunt civitates Galliae Pro- 
 vinciae finitimae, ex bis regionibus nominatim evocatis in 
 Sotiatum fines exercitum introduxit. Cujus adventu 
 cognito Sotiates magnis copiis coactis equitatuque quo 
 plurimura valebant in itinere agmen nostrum adorti pri- 
 mum equestre proelium commiserunt, deinde equitatu sue 
 pulso atque insequentibus nostris subito pedestres copias 
 quas in convalle in insidiis coUocaverant ostenderunt. Hi 
 nostros disjectos adorti proelium renovarunt. 
 
 21. Pugnatum est diu atque acriter, quum Sotiates 
 superioribus victoriis freti in sua virtute totius Aquitaniae 
 salutem positam putarent, nostri autem quid sine impera- 
 tore et sine reliquis legionibus adolescentulo duce efficere 
 possent perspici cuperent : tandem confecti vulneribus 
 
 ' Cn. Magius Cremona;' and in Ci- 
 cero, Pro Sestio, c. 22, there is 
 'hominum Mimurnis,' ' men of Min- 
 ium ac ;' and there is the authority 
 of inscriptions for the same form. 
 These towns, Narbo (Introd. p. 5), 
 Carcaso (Carcassone), .and Toulouse, 
 lie nearly in a straight line, and in 
 that tract along which the canal of 
 Languedoc runs. Carcaso was a 
 town of the Volrae Tectosagcs, and 
 is now the capital of the deuartment 
 of Aude, which contains also Nar- 
 boniic. Carr.assone is on the Aude 
 (Atax), and .n a scn^e within the 
 basin of the Rhone. 
 
 Caesar means that these three are 
 •towns of the G.allia Provincia, 
 and towns bordering on Aquitania.' 
 In c. 23 he removes the ambiguity of 
 his expression, if there is any, by 
 adding ' Aquiuaniae.' One MS. omits 
 *ex;' and accordingly, Elberling, 
 Seyffert, Kraner, and others, write 
 'P'rovinciae, finitimae his regionibus.' 
 Elberling and Seyffert put a comma 
 after ' Pro vinciae.' 
 
 nominatim] See v. 4; vii. 39. 
 There was some muster-roll, in 
 which these men were entered, and 
 they were summoned by name, in- 
 divid\ially, not in the mass. These 
 muster-rolls are named ' tabulae ' by 
 Livy (24, c. 18). It was an old 
 usage among the Romans to require 
 
 the Socii to keep rolls of the names 
 of those who were fit for military 
 service, and they were summoned 
 when they were wanted (Polyb. ii. 
 23). Livy says under the year B.C. 
 204 that the census of the twelve 
 'coloniae' was sent to Rome, that 
 evidence might exist on the public 
 records of the number of soldiers 
 which these 'coloniae' had and of their 
 pecuniary ability (Livy, 2.0, c. 37). 
 
 Sotiatum] Or ' Sontiatum,' as 
 Schneider has it. They were the 
 first people that Crassus came upon 
 after entering Aquitania. The So- 
 tiates were the neighbours of the 
 Elusates, a name represented by the 
 modem town of Eause; and aline 
 drawn from Auch (Ausci) m ti»e 
 department of Gers to Bazas in the 
 departmentofGironde. passes through 
 or near Sos in the Gabaret, and this 
 place, called Sotium in the middle 
 ages, represents the name of the 
 Sotiates. Ancient remains have 
 been fmnd at Sos. A medal, said 
 to have been found at old ToulousC; 
 with ahead of king Adictanus on one 
 side, and the name Sotiagae on the 
 other, is considered by Walckenaer 
 (Ge>g.&c. i.284) as 'very suspected;' 
 and most people will agree with him. 
 21. superioribus] The defeat of 
 Praeconinus and Manilius. — 'ex 
 itinere,' sec ii. 6. 
 
IGS 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 hostes terga yertere. Quorum magno numero interfcc(o 
 trassus ei itinere oppidum Sotiatum oppugnare coepifc. 
 C^uibua fortiter resistentibus vineas turresque ecrit IHi 
 alias eruptione tentata, alias cunicuHs ad aggerem vineas- 
 que actis cujus rci sunt longe peritissimi Aquitani, prop- 
 terea quod multia locis apiid eos aerariae structurae sunt 
 ubi dihgentia nostrorum nihil his rebus profici posse in- 
 tellexerunt, legatos ad Crassum mittuut seque in dedi- 
 tionem ut recipiat petunt. Qua re impetrata arma tra- 
 aere jussi iaciunt. 
 
 22. Atque in ea re omnium nostrorum intentis animis 
 aha ex parte oppidi Adcantuannus, qui summam imperii 
 tenebat, cum dc devotis,-quo8 illi soldurios appellant 
 quorum haec est conditio ut omnibus in vita commodis 
 una cum his fruantur quorum se amicitiae dediderint si 
 quid his per vim accidat, aut euudem casum una ferant 
 
 cumc?th's] The same tiling wliich 
 Thucydides, in his description of the 
 fiiecre of Plataea (ii. 76), calls viro- 
 vofxai, a subterranean passage, worked 
 by the besiecrid for the purpose of 
 drawing away the earth from the 
 'agger or firing the combustible 
 part of it (compare vii. 22 ; and Livy, 
 V. 19. 21). These peojde were ac- 
 quainted with mining. ' Structure' 
 18 perhaps the true reading, and 
 means all such works as are neces- 
 sary in mining, such as making gal- 
 leries, and supporting them against 
 the risk of falling in. Ovid (Fast. 
 IV 4.05) has a use of « structura' 
 which is consistent with tiie meaning 
 here : " Kst specus exesi structura 
 pumicis aspcr;" and it occurs in the 
 Alexandrine War, c. 1, where it 
 
 means ' substructions.' Elb. and 
 Herzog have 'aerariae secturae.' 
 Iheie is a reading 'stricturae ;' and 
 this word occurs in the common text 
 of Rutilius (It. i. 3.51), "Non Bi- 
 tunx largo j.otior strictura met;illo ;" 
 whei e ' strictura,' a mass of iron to be 
 worked or beaten out, is appropriate. 
 Schn. has 'aerariae structuraeqiie.' 
 
 22. Adcantuannus] The name 
 of this king is variously written, 
 Schneider has Adiatunus. He men- 
 
 tions a medal of Pellerin's with the 
 legend REX AALETV12NV2, and 
 on the reverse SOTIOGA. Per- 
 haps this is the medal which Walck- 
 enaer (c. 20, note) mentions, but ho 
 does not give exactly the same re- 
 port of it. 
 
 soldun't] We must assume this to 
 be an Aqnitanian, that is, an Iberian 
 or Basque Mord, which Caesar inter- 
 prets by the Latin word 'devoti' 
 Plutarch (Sertorius, c. 14) speaks of 
 this devotion as an Iberian custom, 
 and explains it by the f.'reek word 
 KaTdmrtKTiv. Nicolaus of Damascus 
 (quoted by Athcnneus, p. 249) calls 
 the^;e men aiXocowou^, as the text 
 now stands; and he mentions this 
 king by the name of 'ASmTo^ov. 
 His translation of ' soldurii ' is fi-xo)- 
 XtuaToi. But, according to him 
 they died with the king, even if ho 
 died a natural death; and if this is 
 so, if a king fell sick and departed 
 the country had a riddance of all the 
 soldurii; which must have been a 
 great blessing; for these men enjoyed 
 all good things without working for 
 them, and were a band of tyrants 
 with one captain at their head. Cae- 
 sar (yii. 40) speaks of a like custom 
 to this among the Galli. 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 1G9 
 
 aul sibi mortem conseiscant ; neque adhue hominum me- 
 moria repertus est quisquam qui eo interfecto cujus se 
 amicitiae devovisset, mortem recusaret : — cum his Adcan* 
 tuannus eruptionem facere conatus, clamore ab ea parte 
 munitionis sublato, quum ad arma milites concurrissent 
 vehementerque ibi pugnatum esset, repulsus in oppidum 
 tamen uti eadem deditionis conditione uteretur ab Crasso 
 impetravit. 
 
 23. Armis obsidibusque acceptis Crassus in fines Yoca- 
 tium et Tarusatium profectus est. Turn vero barbari 
 commoti, quod oppidum et natura loci et manu munitum 
 paucis diebus quibus eo ventum erat expugnatum coguo- 
 verant, legatos quoquoversum dimittere, conjurare, obsides 
 inter se dare, copias parare coeperuut. Mittuntur etiam 
 ad eas civitates legati, quae sunt citerioris Hispaniae 
 finitimae Aquitauiae : inde auxilia ducesque arcessuntur. 
 Quorum adventu magna cum auctoritate et magna cum 
 hominum multitudine bellura gerere conantur. Duces 
 vero ii deliguntur qui una cum Q. Sertorio omnes annos 
 
 mortem recusaret] or * mori recu- 
 saret,' as some editions have, 
 
 cum his] The sentence is inter- 
 rupted at ' devotis,' and resumed 
 with the words ' cum his.' 
 
 23. Vocaiium] The Vocates may 
 be the Vasates of Ptolemy, whose 
 chief place was Cossio, the site of 
 which is fixed at Bazas, in the de- 
 partment of Gironde, on the road 
 which runs from the Ausci (Auch) 
 to Burdigala (Bordeaux). There are 
 some further conjectures on this 
 matter (Walckenaer, Geog. &c. i. 
 302). The site of the Tarusates is 
 doubtful, but perhaps they were the 
 neighbours of the Vocates. 
 
 paucis — quihus] ' A few days after 
 his arrival there.' The ablative 
 •paucis diebus' marks an interval 
 between two events, and what fol- 
 lows ' quibus,' (Sec., indicates the first 
 event from which the time is to be 
 reckoned. The relative is put in the 
 plui-al by a kind of attraction. We 
 may suppose that the full expression 
 would contain something more than 
 this. Cicero (Verr. ii. 2, c. 15) has, 
 
 " Quod lex Rupilia vetaret diebus 
 XXX sortiri dicam quibus scripta 
 esset." See iv. 18, *' diebus decern 
 quibus," which means, ' die decimo 
 postquam ;' and v. 26. In B. C 
 i. 36' there is "diebus xxx a qua 
 die." Terence (Andria, i. 1. 77), 
 " fere in diebus paucis quibus haec 
 acta sunt." 
 
 quoquoversum] Cicero says of a 
 piece of ground for a monument, 
 ' pedes xxx quoquoversus ' (Phil. ix. 
 c. 7). Krancr writes 'quoque ver- 
 sum.' See Schneider's note, and vii, 
 14. Botn ' quoquoversum' and ' quo- 
 quoversus' are used. 
 
 conjurare] See ii. 1; iv. 18; v. 
 26; vii. 1. 
 
 citerioris Hispaniae] Also named 
 Tarraconensis. It was between the 
 Iberus (Ebro) and the Pyrenees. — 
 ' quorum adventu :' ' on whose ar- 
 rival.' Comp. i. 50, ' solis occasu.' 
 
 Q. Sertorio] In trod. p. 32. 'Omnes 
 annos,' all the years that Sertorius 
 carried on the war in Spain. — ' Loca 
 capere :' ' to choose ground for en- 
 campment,' and perhaps ' suitable 
 
170 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 fuerant summamque scientiam rei militaris habere existi- 
 raabantur. Hi consuetudine populi Komani loca capere, 
 castra munire, commeatibus nostros intercludere insti- 
 tuunt. Quod ubi Crassus animadvertit suas copias propter 
 exiguitatem non facile didiici, hoatem et vagari et vias 
 obsidere et castris satis praesidii relinquere, ob earn 
 causam minus commode frumentum commeatumque sibi 
 Bupportari, in dies hostium numerum augeri, non cuuc- 
 tandum existimavit quiu pugna decertaret. Hac re ad 
 consilium delata, ubi omnes idem sentire intellexit, pos- 
 terum diem pugnae constituit. 
 
 24. Prima luce productis omnibus copiis, duplici acie 
 instituta, auxiliis in mediam aciem coujectid, quid hostes 
 consilii caperent exspectabat. Illi etsi propter multitu- 
 dinem et veterem belli gloriara paucitatemque nostrorum 
 se tuto dimicaturos existimabant, tamen tutius esse arbi- 
 trabantur obsessis viis commeatu intercluso sine uUo 
 
 ground' in general. See vii. 51 and 
 V. 9. 
 
 Quod ubi] Schneider has a good 
 note on ' quod,' which has often been 
 misunderstood. It is the relative; 
 and the lelativ^e is a demonstrative. 
 It may have some referente to what 
 precedes, but it mainly refers to that 
 which is expounded by ' suas copias 
 , . . diduci,' and the fullowing clauses. 
 • Now when Crassus saw this, that' 
 &c. Cicero (Vcit. Act. i. c. 26) has 
 the full expression, " Quod ubi ille 
 intellexit id agi," &c. So it is in a 
 passage of Terence sometimes n)is- 
 understood (Phorm. ii. i. 5), " Quod 
 utinam ne Phoruiioni id suadere in 
 mentem veiiisset." Even the fol- 
 lowing passage is rightly explained 
 thus (Cic. Verr. ii. 2, c. 2()), " Quod 
 ego nisi meo adventu illi us conatus 
 aliquantum repressissem." 
 
 ad consilium] It was submitted 
 to the military council. See i. 40. 
 ' Dcferre ' and ' referre ' are some- 
 times confounded in the MSS. ' Re- 
 ferre' is said of a ' magistratus' or 
 person in authority laying a matter 
 before the senate, or before the ' popu- 
 lu8,' or before some comjxjteut bodv 
 
 for its decision. * Deferre ' is used 
 by Livy (ii. 4) to expiess informa- 
 tion given to the consuls, by whom 
 the matter is laid before the senate 
 for their deliberation (ii. 5). In ii, 28 
 Livy has " rem consules ... ad Patres 
 deferunt : scd delatam consulere or- 
 dine ncm licuit :" where, if the dis- 
 tinction between 'deferre' and ' re- 
 ferre ' is to be maintained, the latter 
 part of the ex|»ression is equivalent 
 to 'referre non licuit.' Perhaps the 
 distinction between these words is 
 not always observed ; but there are 
 cases in which 'deferre' cannot bo 
 used for * referre.' In this instance 
 Crassus did not ' deferre,' we may 
 suppose, because he was obliged : at 
 any rate, he had the chief voice in 
 the matter. 
 
 24. duplici] He placed the le- 
 gionary soldiers in two lines, on the 
 right and on the left. His auxiliaries 
 Mere thrown (conjecti) into the centre. 
 Crassus' force was small, and lie 
 made his front as long as he safily 
 could, and therefore it was 'duplex' 
 and not 'triplex' (i. 24). 
 
 obsessis — intercluso] 'Since our 
 supplii.* were tut off by the roads 
 
 LIBEE III. 
 
 171 
 
 rulnere victoria potiri, et si propter inopiam rei frumen- 
 tariae Bomani sese recipere coepissent, impeditos in ag* 
 mine et sub sarcinis infirmiore animo adoriri cogitabant. 
 Hoc consilio probato ab ducibus, productis Eomanorum 
 copiis sese castris tenebant. Hac re perspecta Crassus, 
 quum sua cunctatione atque opinione timidiores hostes 
 nostros milites alacriores ad pugnandum effecissent, atque 
 omnium voces audirentur exspectari diutius non opor- 
 tere quiu ad castra iretur, cohortatus suos omnibus cupi- 
 entibus ad hostium castra contendit. 
 
 25. Ibi quum alii Ibssas complerent, alii multis telis 
 conjectis defensores vallo munitionibusque depellerent, 
 auxiliaresque, quibus ad pugnam non multum Crassus 
 confidebat, lapidibus telisque subministrandis et ad ag- 
 gerem cespitibus comportandis speciem atque opinionem 
 pugnantium praeberent, quum item ab hostibus con- 
 stanter ac non timide pugnaretur, telaque ex loco supe- 
 riore missa nou frustra acciderent, equites circumitia 
 hostium castris Crasso renuntiaverunt non eadem esse 
 diligentia ab decumana porta castra muuita facilemque 
 aditum habere. 
 
 26. Crassus equitum praefectos cohortatus ut magnis 
 
 being occupied ' by the enemy. Kra- 
 ner compares (ii. 11) 'exaudito cla- 
 more perturbatis ordinibus.' In these 
 cases the first pair of ablatives ex- 
 plains how that happens, which is 
 expressed by the second pair. 
 
 sua — timidiores] This, like many 
 passages in Caesar, may be passed 
 over by a reader without seeing the 
 difficulty. I think Schneider has 
 solved the difficulty, or come nearest 
 to it. The enemy were not timid : 
 they were confident, and they fought 
 well. If we had only the words 
 'opinione timidiores,' the meaning 
 would be, ' since the opinion that 
 the Romans had of the enemy being 
 alarmed gave them additional cou- 
 rage.' 'i'here was nothing from 
 which this opinion could be formed 
 except the ' cunctatio,' their want of 
 readiness for action. If 'atque opi- 
 nione timidiores' were left out, it 
 
 would also be intelligible. I con- 
 elude that 'timidiores' is to be only 
 connected with ' atque opinione :' 
 ' since by their backwardness and by 
 the opinion of their being alarmed, 
 the enemy had made our men more 
 eager for the battle.' Clarke and 
 Klb. think that ' timidiores' is most 
 inept, as it is with the old reading 
 'ellecisset.' Elb. and Kraner follow 
 the emendation of D. Vossius, ' ti- 
 moris ' for ' timidiores ;' b\it they 
 have 'effecissent.' The words ' timi- 
 diores hostes' and 'nostros milites 
 alacriores ' are plainly contrasted. 
 
 2.5. ad aogerem] We may trans- 
 late this ' for the agger ;' as in 
 Cicero (Verr. ii. 3, c. It), " qui tibi 
 ad statuas pecuniam contulerunt." 
 The omission of the gerundive form 
 of ' facere ' is readily supplied. ' Sub- 
 ministrandis ' is like 'supportari' 
 (c. 23) as to the ' sub.' 
 
172 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 praemlis pollicitatioiiibusque suos excitarent, quid fieri 
 vellet osteudit. Illi, ut erat imperatum, eductis mi co- 
 hortibus, quae praesidio castris relictae intritae ab labore 
 erant, et lougiore itiuere circumductis ne ex hostium 
 castris conspici possent, omnium oculis mentibusque ad 
 puguara intentis, celeriter ad eas quas diximus munitionea 
 pervenerunt, atque his perruptis prius iu hostium castris 
 constiterunt quam plane ab his videri aut quid rei gere- 
 retur cognosci posset. Turn vero clamore ab ea parte 
 audito nostri redintegratis viribus, quod plerumque in spe 
 victoriae accidere consuevit, acrius inipugnare coeperunt. 
 Hostes undique circumveuti, desperatis omnibus rebus, 
 se per munitiones dejicere et fuga salutem petere inteu- 
 derunt. Quos equitatus apertissimis campis consectatus 
 ex milium l numero, quae ex Aquitania Cantabrisque 
 convenisse constabat, vix quarta parte relicta, multa nocte 
 se in castra recepit. 
 
 27. Hac audita pugna, maxima pars Aquitaniae sese 
 Crasso dedidit obsidesque ultro misit ; quo in numero 
 
 26. praemiisl As we can hardly 
 suppose that rewards were given on 
 the SDot, in tlie heat of the battle, it 
 has Keen supposed that ' prainiiis 
 pollicitutionibus<iue' means no inoie 
 than 'promises of reward.' But he 
 gave triem ' praemia' to do what he 
 wanted to be done immediately. 
 The same expression occurs in iii. 18, 
 where the 'praemia' may have been 
 given on the spot. 
 
 nil Cdhitrti/iics] There is a read- 
 ing ' lis ' and ' his cohortibus.' 
 
 i7itrilue] This is Griiter's emen- 
 dation. The MSS. have 'interitae' 
 or ' intcrritae.' ' Intritie' means ' not 
 exhausted,' ' not broken.' The read- 
 ing ' integrae ah labore ' has no MSS. 
 authority (Oudcndorp). 
 
 perruptis] The reading of most 
 MSS. is ' proruptis.' The true read- 
 ing is either ' prorutis,' used as in 
 Liv. ix. 14 (' proruerent,' &c.), or 
 'perruptis.' The MSS. abbreviations 
 of ' per,' and ' pro,' and ' pnie ' are 
 often confounded. Schneider, Elb., 
 and Kraner have 'prorutis.' 
 
 posi>ct\ ' Possent ' must be under- 
 
 stood with 'videri.' 
 
 apertissimis aanpis] Crassus was 
 in the low country on the south 
 side of the Garonne, and probably 
 within the limits of the flat depart- 
 ment of the Gironde, where the plains 
 are 'apertissimi.' If he was some- 
 what further south, in the depart- 
 ment of Les Landes, be was in one 
 of the flattest and most dreary tracts 
 in Europe. It appears from this 
 chapter that the Spanish auxiliaries 
 were Cantabri, and no others are 
 mentioned. These are the men whom 
 the Romans found it so difficult to 
 subdue in their mountain fastnesses 
 of Spain ; in the open field they were 
 more easily routed. 
 
 27. ultro] i. 4-2, and v. 28, note. 
 
 The Tarbelli were on the coast of 
 Aquitania and in the lower part of 
 the basin of the Atiour. The Biger- 
 riones, whose name is preserved in 
 Bigorre, occupied what has been in 
 modern times the diocese of Tarbes, 
 a country at the foot of the Pyrenees. 
 
 The Preciani, Ptiani, Prociani, foi 
 there are these and other variationi 
 
 LIBER III. 
 
 173^ 
 
 fuerunt Tarbelli, Bigerriones, Preciani, Vocates, Tarn- 
 sates, Elusates, Garites, Ausci, Garumni, Sibuzates, Coco- 
 sates. Paucae ultimae nationes anni tempore confisae, 
 quod hiems suberat, hoc facere neglexeruut. 
 
 28. Eodem fere tempore Caesar, etsi prope exacta jam 
 aestas erat, tamen quod omni Gallia pacata Morini Mena- 
 piique supererant qui in armis essent neque ad eum um- 
 quam legatos de pace misissent, arbitratus id bellum cele- 
 riter confici posse eo exercitura adduxit ; qui longe alia 
 ratione ac reliqui Galli bellum gerere coeperunt. Nam 
 quod intelligebant maximas nationes quae proelio conten- 
 dissent pulsas superatasque esse, continentesque silvas ac 
 
 of the text, are unknown. The Elu- 
 sates were between the Sotiates to 
 the north and the Ausci to the south. 
 The position of the Garites and Ga- 
 rumni can only be conjectured. The 
 first part of both names contains Gar, 
 the same element that is in the 
 river Gar-umna and in the modem 
 Gers; and the Garumni wore pro- 
 bably on the middle course of the 
 Garonne. The reading Garites is not 
 cerUnn, Schneider prefers Gates. 
 
 The position of the Ausci is indi- 
 cated both by the Roman routes and 
 the name of Auch, on the river Gers, 
 a branch of the Garonne. This an- 
 cient city originally had the name of 
 Elimberris (Mela iii. 2). Under the 
 Romans it became Augusta, and then 
 Ausci, from which the modern name 
 Auch comes. Four Roman roads 
 converged to Augusta. A medal with 
 the epigraph Auscii has been found 
 in recent times ; and this orthography 
 agrees with the name Auscii in Strabo 
 and Pliny (Walckenaer, Geog. &c. 
 i. 288). 
 
 The Sibuzates (there are great va- 
 riations in the MSS. readings) are 
 placed by conjecture in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Saubusse or Sobusse, 
 between Dax and Bayonne. The 
 Cocosatcs had a capital Coequossa, or 
 Cocosa, the site of which is a small 
 place, Causseque or Cuillic. It was 
 on the route from Aquae Tarbellicae 
 (Dax) to Burdigala (Bordeaux), the 
 
 first station from Dax, and twenty- 
 four Roman miles from it. It was 
 therefore in the southern part of 
 the department of Les Landes ; and 
 it is remarkable that the inhabitants 
 of the north part of the Landes are 
 still called Bouges (Boii), and those 
 of the south, Cousiots. The name 
 then subsists to the present day 
 (Walckenaer, Geog. &c. i. 303). 
 
 All Aquitania submitted except 
 the south-east part and the higher 
 valleys of the Pyrenees (' paucae ul- 
 timae nationes'). The history of 
 the A quitanian campaign is of course 
 founded on Crassus' report to Cae- 
 sar, and the facts correspond to the 
 narrative in a degree which gives 
 great credibility to the report. 
 
 Paucae ultimae] *A few tribes, 
 the remotest.' The expression is like 
 'eomplures nostri milites' (i. 52). 
 
 28, superera7it qui — essent] * The 
 only people under arms were the 
 Morini and Menapii,' The chief 
 verb is ' supererant :' the other verbs 
 * essent,' 'misissent' are subordinate. 
 The fii-st (' supererant ') contains the 
 affirmation in the sentence. 
 
 stYras] Schneider collects from 
 iv. 38, that the ' paludes ' chiefly ap- 
 plied to the Morini, and the 'silvae' 
 to the Menapii. But both terri- 
 tories contained marshes and forest 
 (vi. .5), Caesar would come to the 
 Morini first, and he did not succeed 
 in getting even through their coun- 
 
174 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 paiudes habebant, eo se suaque omnia contulerunt. Ad 
 quarum initium silvarum quum Caesar pervenisset cas- 
 traque munire instituisset, neque hostis interim visus 
 asset, dispersis in opere nostris subito ex omnibus partibus 
 silvae evolaverunt et in nostros impetum fecerunt. Nostri 
 celeriter arma ceperunt eosque in silvas reppulerunt, et 
 compluribus intertectis longius impeditioribus locis secuti 
 paucos ex suis deperdiderunt. 
 
 29. Eeliquis deinceps diebus Caesar silvas caedere in- 
 stituit, et ne quis inermibus imprudentibusque railitibus 
 ab latere impetus fieri posset, omnem earn materiam quae 
 erat eaesa conversam ad hostem collocabat et pro vallo ad 
 utrumque latus exstruebat. Incredibili celeritate magno 
 spatio paucis diebus confecto, quum jam pecus atque ex- 
 trema impedimenta ab nostris tenerentur, ipsi densiores 
 silvas peterent, ejusmodi sunt tempestates consecutae uti 
 opus necessario intermitteretur et continuatione imbrium 
 diutius sub peilibus milites contineri non possent. Itaque 
 
 try. He burnt all that he came 
 near, and left the people to pass the 
 winter as well as tliey could. This 
 is a cruel way of dealing with an 
 enemy; but Caesar stopped at nothing 
 which would reduce an enemy to 
 straits. Nor do we when we are 
 warring out of Europe : we Ivill, de- 
 stroy, and bum all before us. 
 
 29. deinceps] A word compounded 
 of ' dein ' (' de-inde ') and the termi- 
 nation ' ceps,' It signifies an un- 
 interrupted series, ' during all the 
 days that Caesar passed in this 
 country.' Its position in such a case 
 as this is after the predicate (' reli- 
 quis'), and before the noun 'diebus.* 
 It has a like position with respect 
 to the demonsti'ative pronoun, as 
 * horum deinceps annorum' (Liv. 
 V. 51). 
 
 silvas caederel Dion (39, c. 44) 
 Bays that the Morini and Menapii 
 cariied their most valuable things to 
 the roughest part of the mountains, 
 and Caesar tried to get to the moun- 
 tains by cutting the forest, but the 
 magnitude of the mountains and the 
 approach of winter stopped him. 
 
 Dion did not know that there are no 
 mountains in those parts. He could 
 not tind this nonsense either in Cae- 
 sar or elsewhere, and he must have 
 invented it. Florus (iii. 10) says 
 that Caesar burnt the forests. Neither 
 of these men could follow a plain 
 story. 
 
 materiam] The ' timber,' the trees 
 which they felled (vii. 73). — ' ejus- 
 modi tempestates :' ' such storms,' 
 ' such tempestuous weather.' See 
 c. 12. 
 
 pelHLux] The skins of the tents, 
 under which the Roman soldiers 
 slept in the summer and during a 
 campaign. A supply of skins (' coria') 
 was a thing of necessity for the Ro- 
 man armies, and they got them fiom 
 all quarters. (Cicero, Verr. ii. 2, c. 
 2; In Pis. c. 36, " omni totius pro- 
 vinciae pecore compulso pellium no- 
 mine.") Livy (v. 2) has the ex- 
 pression "subpcUibusdurare." Cor- 
 biilo, in a Parthian campaign (Ann. 
 xiii. 36), kept his soldiers in tents 
 during a very severe winter (" re- 
 tentusque omnis exercitus sub pei- 
 libus"). But the Roman practice 
 
 LIBEE ITI. 
 
 175 
 
 vastatis omnibus eorum agris, vicis aedificiisque incensis, 
 Caesar exercitum reduxit, et in Aulercis Lexoviisque, re- 
 liquis item civitatibus quae proxime bellum fecerant, in 
 hibernis coUocavit. 
 
 generally and Caesar's practice was 
 to go into ' hibema,' either in the 
 towns of Gallia, or under huts con- 
 structed for the winter. 
 
 bellum fecerant] Seneca (Ep. 114) 
 finds fault with ' bellum facere,' an 
 expression of Sallust and Cicero. It 
 occurs several times in Caesar, iv. 
 22 ; V. 28 ; vii. 2 ; and also in Liv)'. 
 ' Bellum facere,' * irruptionem fa- 
 cere.' and the like, mean no more, 
 as Hcrzog remarks, than what might 
 
 be expressed by a verb which is cog- 
 nate to the noun. So ' bellum fa- 
 cere ' is ' to war.' In c. 28 there is 
 the usual expression ' bellum gerere,' 
 which refers to the actual operations 
 of war. Instead of ' bellum gerere ' 
 Herzog (and also Elb.) has 'bellum 
 agere,' and lie can see a distinction 
 between ' agere ' and ' gerere.' ' Bel- 
 lum agere ' however is not used by 
 Caesar, unless he used it in c. 28; 
 and some of thw best MSS. liave it. 
 
NOTE 
 
 to c. 19. 
 
 
 
 PRAETORl A 
 
 U U id bd 
 
 1 [ I I I I I • 
 ■ • ! I ■ I I I 
 
 ■ •>>•■ 
 1 I I ; • ■ 
 
 T--^.^..... ..... 
 
 .Ji 1 I '. 
 
 .o^~^- 
 
 Qj g > 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 DECUMANA 
 
 .....^<-'^\Vyi^vv,\>V\Vv--'' 
 
 This plan explains Q. Titurius Suhinus'' feat of arms (iii. 19), The 
 enemy came up the hill, and attacked the front of the camp, trying to fill 
 up the ditch with their fascines. Sabinus had three legions with him (iii. 
 ll). That which was at the Praetoria Porta was sufficient to protect the 
 camp on tliat side. The two otlicr legions would have their places re- 
 spectively on the right and left of the camp. We may suppose that just 
 when the Galli reached the Praetoria Porta, exhausted with nmning and 
 loaded with their fascines, the two legions came out on the riglit and left 
 of the camp, and took the enemy in flank. In what way they got out, and 
 how they formed, Caesar does not tell us; nor can we know. Roesch's 
 plan shows, on the right side, how the cohorts may have got out, and 
 formed a line of ten cohorts; and on the left side he shows wliat may have 
 been the position of the cohorts, if they formed in a double line, each line 
 of five cohor*.8. 
 
 LTBER QUAETUS, 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 Chap. 1 — 3. The Usipetes and Tenchtheri cross the Rhine into Gallia; 
 the customs of the Suevi. 4. The Menapii are surprised by the sudden 
 attack of the Usipetes and Tenchtheri. 5. Tiie character of the Galli. 
 6 — 9. Caesar n)arches against the Germans ; the address of tiie Germans 
 to Caesar, and his answer. 10. Description of the Mosa and the Rhenus. 
 11 — 15. The treachery of the Germans to Caesar, wiio falls on them 
 unexpectedly, slaugljters a great number, and drives the rest into the 
 Rhine. IG — 19. Caesar builds a wooden bridge over the Rhine, and 
 crosses into Germany; enters the country of the Ubii and Sigambri ; 
 and crosses the bridge again into Gallia. 20, 21. Caesar resolves to 
 pass over into Britain, and sends C. Volusenus to examine the coast. 
 22. The Morini submit to Caesar; his preparation for the voyage to 
 Britain. 23 — 27. Caesar lands on the coast of Britain ; the resistance 
 of the natives. 28, 29 His fleet is damaged by a storm. 30 — 3G. The 
 Britons, wiio had submitted, attack Caesar again; the British war- 
 chariots, and their mode of fighting: Caesar defeats the Britons, and 
 renirns to Gallia. 37, 38. The treachery of the Morini; they are com- 
 pelled to submit to Labienus ; the country of the Menapii is laid waste 
 and burnt; a supplicatio at Rome for Caesar's victories. 
 
 The events of this book belong to A. v.c. G99, or B.C. 55 ; and the consulship 
 of Cn. Pompeius Magnus II. and M. Licinius Crassus II. 
 
 Ea quae secuta est liieme, qui fuit annus Cn. Pompeio 
 M. Crasso Coss., Usipetes Germani et item Tenchtheri 
 magna cum multitudine hominum flumen lilienum trans- 
 ierunt, noh longe a mari quo Khejius influit. Causa trans- 
 eundi fuit quod ab Suevis coinplures annos exagitati belio 
 
 En quae ^c] The common punc- 
 tuation is Va, quae secuta est, hieme;' 
 which is bad. The text means, ' in 
 the following winter;' and the prac- 
 tice of separating for the eye, ' quae 
 secuta est,' the predicate, from its 
 subject, ' hieme,' misleads a student. 
 Caesar adds, ' qui fuit annus,' to 
 show that it was not in the winter 
 of B.C. 56, but in the winter ot the 
 beginning of B. c. 55. The new 
 
 consuls entered on office on the f.iEt 
 of January. ' Qui ' of course rckfs 
 to * annus,' a usual form, nnd U 
 should be rendered, ' and this was 
 the year.' See ii. 1. 
 
 firm longe] See c. 10 as to the 
 outlets of the Rhine. The text 
 means, ' not far from that part of 
 the sea which the Rhine enters.' 
 
 Slums] Tacitus (German. 38) 
 says that Suevi is a genenil name 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 preinebantiir et agricultura prohibebaiitur. Suevonim 
 gens est longe maxima et bellieosissima Germanorum 
 omnium. Hi centum pagos habere dicuntur, ex quibua 
 quotannis singula milia armatorum bellandi causa ex 
 tjuibus educunt. lleliqui qui domi manserunt se atque 
 illos alunt. Hi rursus iu vicem anno post in armis sunt, 
 illi douii remanent. Sic neque agricultura nee ratio atque 
 usus belli iutermittitur. Sed privati ac separati agri apud 
 
 of a peoine who possess the larger 
 part of Genuauy, and that tlie na- 
 tions (* nationes ') of the Suevi are 
 distinguished hy their several names. 
 lie says tliat the Seninones boasted 
 of being the oldest and most noble 
 of the Suevi, and dwelt in a hundred 
 ' |)agi.' In i. 37 the 'centum pagi ' 
 of the Suevi are said to have advanced 
 to tlie Riiiue. These may liave Itcen 
 tietachments, the thousand men from 
 each of the ' pagi ' whicli tliey used 
 to send out annually to war (''bel- 
 landi causa'), and to jdunder. 
 
 ttKOiserunil The MSS. are in fa- 
 vour of ' manserunt,' not ' manse- 
 rint.' There is something to say in 
 favour of ' renianserunt,' the reading 
 of one good MS. 'Ihe critics are 
 much puzzled with the distinction 
 between the indicative and subjunc- 
 tive in such cases. The meaning of 
 the text is certain ; the ' reliqui ' are 
 more particularly defined 'as those 
 who have staved at home f in which 
 case the indicative is used. Those 
 who suppose that Caesar meant to 
 say, ' the remainder, inasmuch as 
 they have stayed at home that year,' 
 for that year have been iclieved 
 from service, ' woik to raise food 
 for themselves and others,' may 
 write 'manserint,' to which there is 
 no objection on the ground of f..a- 
 tinity. Ileiyog, who has ' manserint,' 
 compares iv. "Jl, 'qui . . . non audc- 
 rct ;' V. 4, ' qui jam . . . fuisset,' &c. ; 
 all which examples present no dif- 
 ficulty to a careful reader of Caesar 
 or Cicero. 
 
 ratio] See ii. 19, ' ratio ordoque;' 
 and iv. 17,'rationem pontis.' The 
 'ratio' is the principle, the science 
 
 of a thing; and 'usus' is the prac- 
 tice. In ii. 20, he says, 'scientia 
 atque usus militiim.' 
 
 privati ac srpnniti] ' Privatus,' 
 ' that which is individual,' is op])08ed 
 to ' publicus,' • that which is said of 
 a state or a nation, of a whole ' (iv. 3, 
 'publice maximam,' &c). 'Separa- 
 tus ' means lands marked by metes 
 and bounds, as Roman proi)erty in 
 land was. A man, it is said, was 
 not allowed to dwell longer than a 
 year (' incolendi causa,' apparently 
 the true reading, not ' colendi ') on 
 one spot ; which practice Horace 
 (Carm. iii. 24) attributes to the Ge- 
 tae and Scyth.ae also. These Ger- 
 mans were still in a half-Nomadic 
 state. I he notion of appropriating 
 land to individuals, or the notion of 
 property, if this account is true, was 
 not yet esUihlished among the Ger- 
 mans, and the consequence was that 
 the Germanic nations were always 
 invading or threatening Gallia and 
 Italy. 1 do not know if what Taci- 
 tus says (German, c. 2(5) is quite 
 consistent with Caesar, for 1 don't 
 understand the meaning of Tacitus ; 
 but as the Gein)ans learned more of 
 the Romans, they might get the no- 
 tion of private property in land. In 
 modern European states, the notion 
 of appropriation of land, of private 
 property in land, is firmly rooted ; 
 but a state, the Publicum, demands 
 a part of the produce of the land, or 
 gets it in money under some title or 
 name ; and applies it, among other 
 purposes, to the maintenance of the 
 military caste. The ultimate owner 
 of land, in the case of no person being 
 found who can claim a title to it ac- 
 
 LIBER lY. 
 
 179 
 
 eos niliil est, neque longius anno remanere uno in loco 
 incolendi causa licet. Nr-que nmltuin frumento, sed 
 maximam partem lacte atque pecore vivunt, multumque 
 sunt in veiiationibus ; quae res et cibi genere et quoti- 
 diana exercitatione et libertate vitae quod a pueris nullo 
 officio aut disciplina assuefacti nihil omnino contra volun- 
 tatem faciant et vires alit et iminani corporum magni- 
 tudine homines efficit. Atque in eam so consuetudinem 
 adduxerunt ut locis frigidissimis neque vestitus praeter 
 pelles habeant quidquam, quarum propter exiguitatem 
 magna est corporis pars aperta, et lavautur in fluminibus. 
 2. Mercatoribus est ad eos aditus magis eo ut quae 
 
 cording to the rules of law, is the 
 Publicum, of which tlie representa- 
 tive for this matter may be a king, 
 as in Kngland. See B. G. vi. 22. 
 frumento] ' Frumentum' compre 
 
 ciant,' in this instance) is not co- 
 ordinated with this principal clause, 
 but is sub-ordinated. Schneider's 
 cxi>lanation that 'quod . . . faciant' 
 is the same as ' quum ' with past 
 
 hcnds wheat (' triticum ') and barley tenses of the subjunctive, may be 
 ('hordeum'). — 'Maximam partem*' accepted; for wlietlier it is 'qui 
 
 w used like 'multum' and such 
 words as ' uuiltifariam,' which are 
 accusatives. It is not common in 
 the liatin prose writers. 
 
 quae res\ 'Quae res' does not 
 refer only to what precedes. It 
 mainly refers to what follows, which 
 consists of three things, the kind of 
 food, the daily exercise, and the 
 total freedom from all restraint. For 
 if 'quae res' refers to what precedes 
 only, the words 'et libertate,' &c., 
 have no meaning. Morus and the 
 Bipont change 'faciant' into ' fa- 
 ciunt,' which is a perversion of the 
 
 'quum,' or 'quod,' or past or pre- 
 sent, is indifferent. These usages aie 
 reducible to one general principle. 
 An editor may perhaps be censured 
 for striking out the comma after 
 ' vitae,' but the omission of it will 
 show that ' quod . . . faciant' is only 
 the explanation of ' libertate vitae ;' 
 and will also show how far those 
 editors are from the meaning who 
 make ' quod . . . faciant ' a paren- 
 thesis. It means, ' and by the free- 
 dom of their way of living in being 
 trained from childhood in no com- 
 pulsion or discipline, and doing no- 
 
 meaning. The explanation has been thing at all contrary to their inclina- 
 suggcsted that ' quoil . . . faciant' tion.' 
 
 expresses what the Germans reported 
 or said of themselves, and that there- 
 fore the subjunctive is used. But 
 'quod . . . faciant' is one of those 
 subsidiary, dependent clauses in 
 which the best Roman writers use 
 liie subjunctive; not that the thing 
 contained in this de]>endent clause is 
 tlie opinion of another, or tiie re- 
 
 cocts friffidissirnis] ' though their 
 country is very cold.' Comp. ii. 8. 
 
 lavantur'] this is the MSS. rcnd- 
 ing, and we must therefore suppose 
 it to be the verb ' lavere,' w hich Ho- 
 race uses (Sat. i. 5, v. 24). 
 
 2. eo uf. ^-c] He says, 'mer- 
 chants are allowed to 
 
 go into their 
 country, rather that the Suevi may 
 ported speech of another, or a thing have purchasers for their booty, than 
 doubtful, or a thing not distinctly because,' Sec. This instance' shows 
 affirmed ; but the chief predication how the subjunctive mode is used to 
 of the sentence is contained in 'alit,' express a thing generally, for ' quae 
 'efficit;' and the other clause f'fa- ceperint' is 'booty.' (Sec i. 30', 
 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 hello ceperint qiiibus vendant liabeant, quam quod ullnm 
 rem ad se importari desiderent. Quiii etiam jumentis, 
 quibiis niaxime Galli delectantur quaeque iiiipenso parant 
 pretio, Gerinani importatis his iion utuntur, sed quae 
 sunt apud eos nata, prava atque defbrmia, haec quo- 
 tid'ana exercitatione summi ut sint laboris efficiunt. 
 Equestribus proeliis saepe ex equis desiliunt ac pedibus 
 proeliantur, equosque eodem remanere vestigio adsue- 
 feeerunt, ad quos so celeriter quum usus est recipiunt ; 
 neque eorum moribus turpius quidqunm aut inertius 
 habetur quam ephippiis uti. Itaque ad quemvis numerum 
 ephippiatorum equitum quam vis pauci adire audent. 
 Yinum ad se omuino importari noii sinunt, quod ea re ad 
 laborem ferendum remollescere homines atque efFeminari 
 arbitrantur. 
 
 3. Publico maximam putant esse laudem quam latis- 
 sime a suis finibus vacare agros : hac re significari 
 maguum numerum civitatium suam vim sustinere non 
 posse. Itaque una ex parte a JSuevis circiter milia pas- 
 suum DC agri vacare dicuntur. Ad alteram partem 
 
 ' qui vicissent.') The sentence might 
 he varied so as to have 'quae hello 
 cepenint,' hut this would denote 
 pome positive fact. Scimeidcr, Klb., 
 and Kraiicr have 'quam quo.' Tlieic 
 is some MSS. authority for ' quod.' 
 
 Jumentis] Perhaps he means horses 
 only. The word ' jumentum,' which 
 contains the root 'jug,' 'to join or 
 yoke,' means any animals under the 
 yoke, and tlierelore horses. 'Equns' 
 is a horse for riding. I don't see 
 any g' od reason for Caesar's using 
 'jumentis.' Livy (vii. 37) has 
 " praetor equos, ceterorum jumcn to- 
 rum turba." 
 
 impenso— prelin'] * Prctium ' is 
 ' price,' 'purcliase-money ;' and ' im- 
 penso,' 'what is laid out on a thing.' 
 The word is used in the sense of 
 'permagiio.' Horace (Sat. ii. 3, v. 
 245) uses it alone without ' pretio.' 
 
 impurtatis his^ There is no reason 
 for erasing ' his,' which most of the 
 MSS. have, nor for making any 
 alteration in this passage. Schneider 
 shows that ' his ' refers to ' quibus.' 
 
 ' Horses, which tlie Galli are very 
 foud of, &c., these the Germans do 
 not import at all.' Theie is a reading 
 'Gallia delcctatur,' which Elb. has. 
 'Importatis non utuntur' does not 
 mean they do not use them when 
 iniportcd, which is nonsense ; hut, if 
 you like, they don't use to import 
 horses. — For 'prava' Elb. and Kra- 
 ner have ' parva.' 
 
 summi id sint l(i!}oris'\ By daily 
 exercise they make them capable of 
 undergoing the greatest fatigue. Ci- 
 cero (Ad Div. xiii. 10) says of a 
 man, ' magni laboris;' and Horace 
 (Sat. i. 1, V. 33) of the ant, 'magni 
 formica laboris.' 
 
 Viiiuni — importari] liiko the 
 N' Tvii (ii. 1.5) they kept the strong 
 drink out of the country, for fear 
 that it should be abused. — ' rcmol- 
 lesiere :' see ii. 15, ' relanguescere.' 
 
 3. DC a(]ri] ' Agri,' as Kraner 
 remarks, is the genitive. Some 
 critics think this number is too 
 large, and would reduce it. But if 
 Caesar wrote it, we must be content 
 
 LTBEE IV. 
 
 ISl 
 
 Buccedunt Ubii, quorum fuit civitas ampla atque floreus, 
 ut est captua Germanorum, et paulo quam sunt ejusdem 
 generis et ceteris humaniores, propterea quod Khenum 
 attingunt multumque ad eos mercatores ventitant, et ipsi 
 propter propinqiiitatem Gallicis sunt moribus adsuefaeti. 
 IIos quum Suevi multis saepe bellis experti propter 
 amplitudinem gravitatemque civitatis finibus expellere 
 non potuissent, tamen vectigales sibi fecerunt ac multo 
 humiliores infirmioresque redegerunt. 
 
 4. In eadem causa fuerunt Usipetes et Tenchtlieri, quos 
 supra diximus, qui complures annos Suevorum vim susti- 
 nuerunt ; ad extremum tamen agris expulsi et multis locis 
 
 with it. ' On one side of the border 
 of the Suevi' (see i. 1, 'ab Sequa- 
 nis') about GOO miles were vacant. 
 If he means 600 miles measured 
 direct from the frontiers of the Suevi, 
 we know what credit to give to the 
 story. * Publico' is a usual expres- 
 sion to denote what concerns a people 
 as a whole, opposed to 'privatim,' 
 which respects individuals; as in 
 Cic. Verr. ii. 4, c. 8, " qui te publico 
 laudat — idem ad vos privatim con- 
 fugit." See B. G. i. 17, and v. 3; 
 see also vi. 23. 
 
 Ubii] In Caesar's time, as we learn 
 from tins and other passages, the 
 Ubii were east of the Rhine, and 
 they extended to the hanks of the 
 river. North of the Ubii, and also 
 on the Rhine, were the Sigambri. 'J'he 
 Ubii (iv. 18) were opposite to the 
 Treviri, in whose country Caesar 
 made his bridge. The Ubii seem to 
 have had the Suevi east of them ; 
 and the 600 miles of vacant country 
 on the border of the Suevi may be 
 reckoned from the eastern limits of 
 the Suevi, if we accept the story. 
 The word ' succedunt,' as I under- 
 stand it, implies no great amount of 
 unoccupied territory between the 
 Suevi and the Ubii. In the time of 
 Augustus the Ubii removed to the 
 west side of the Rhine, under the 
 protection of M. Vipsanius Agrippa 
 (Strabo, p. 194). Their chief town 
 was the Colonia Agrippinensis, or 
 
 Cologne. 
 
 captns] Terence has, Adelph. iii. 
 4, 34, " Hie Geta, ut captus est ser- 
 vorum,noti mains neque iners;" and 
 Cicero, Tusc. ii. 27, " ut est captus 
 hominum." ' Captus ' means ' capa- 
 city,' 'nature,' or the like; and the 
 passage means ' a state wealthy and 
 flourishing, for a Gorman state.' So 
 Cicero has ' ut aigentarius ' (Do 
 Offi. iii. 14) 'for a money-changer 
 or banker.' 
 
 p<iu!o — Intmaniores'l This is the 
 text of Oudendorp. Schneider has 
 'paulo, quam sunt ejusdem generis, 
 sunt ceteris humaniores,' which he 
 explains in a way. Seyffert explains 
 the text, ' et paulo humaniores quam 
 sunt ejusdem generis (homines), et 
 ceteris humaniores.' 
 
 mrrca tores] He means the Italian 
 merchants (i. I). 
 
 multis saepe ftcllis] Comp. iii. 20, 
 ' reliquis deinceps diebus.' Hire he 
 means ' in many wars quick in suc- 
 cession,' as Kraner says. 
 
 ffravilatem\ Schneider quotes 
 Livy, xxxiv. 17, "gravem atquo 
 opulentam civitatem." 
 
 humiliores — redegeT^nt] Comp. 
 ii. 27, "quaefacilia . . . rcdeaerunt." 
 
 4. eadem causa] ' In the same 
 condition or state.' Cic. De Fin. 
 i. 15, ''qua (morte) qui affecti sunt, 
 in eadem causa sunt qua antcquniu 
 nafi." ' Causa' id a forensic term iu 
 this sense. 
 
182 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 Germaniae triennium vagati ad Hhenum pervenerunt, 
 fjuas regiones Menapii incolebant et ad utramque ripam 
 ilurninis agros aediticia vicosque habebant ; sed tautae 
 multitudinis aditu perterriti ex his aedificiis quae trans 
 flumen babuerant demigraveruut, et cis Ehenum dispositis 
 praesidiia Gernianos transire prohibebant. Illi omnia ex- 
 perti, quum neque vi contendere propter inopiam nuvium 
 iieque clam transire propter custodias Menapiorum pos- 
 sent, reverti se in suas sedes regionesque simulaverunt, et 
 Iridui viam progressi rursus reverterunt atque onnii hoc 
 itinere una nocte equitatu confecto inscios ino|)inantesquo 
 Menapios oppresserunt, qui de Germanorum disoessu per 
 exploratores certiores facti sine metu trans Khenum in suos 
 vicos remigraverant. His interfectia navibusque eoruni 
 occupatis, priusquam ea pars Menapiorum quae citra Khe- 
 num quieta in suis sedibus erat certior fieret, flumen 
 transierunt atque omnibus eorum aedificiis occupatis reli- 
 quam partem hiemis se eorum copiis aluerunt. 
 
 5. His de rebus Caesar certior factus et infirm itatem 
 
 fjHos regiones] Here again ' qnas ' 
 refers to ' regiones,' and to no <.'i-.nn- 
 niatii al antecedent (iv. 1) ; tliough it 
 has a reference to ' ad Rhenuni per- 
 venerunt.' 
 
 iMeTKipitl In Caesar's time the 
 Menapii were on both sides of tlie 
 Uliine. They bordered on the 
 Treviri (vi. 9), who were on the 
 west side of the Rhine, and south of 
 them. But when Caesar says that 
 they bordered on the Treviri, he 
 must use the term 'J'reviri in its 
 widest signification, as comprehend- 
 ing the Eburones, ('ondrus.i, and 
 Segni, the clients of the Treviri (iv. 
 (J). The Eburones were the imme- 
 diate neighbours of the Menapii on 
 tlie Rhine (vi. 5) ; and the cl.iif part 
 of the territory of the Eburones was 
 between the Moi-a and the Rliine 
 (v. 24). Between the Eburones and 
 the Treviri were the Segni and Con- 
 drusi (vi 3'J). The arrangen)e!it of 
 these tiibes from north to south was 
 this : Menapii, Eburones, Segni and 
 Condrusi, 1 reviri ; and they all lior- 
 dercd on the Rhine, except tiie Segni 
 
 and the Condnisi. The Eburones 
 (vi. 5) occupied the conntr}- about 
 Tongern and Sp«i, two places which 
 will fix their position, and show the 
 position of the Menajni and Treviri. 
 Op})osite to the Eburones, on the 
 east side of the Rhine, were the 
 Sigambri (vi. iio). The name of the 
 Condrusi is preserved in the country 
 of Condroz or Condrost, which is in 
 the Pays de Liege (Statistique du 
 Departement de rOurthe, An x.). 
 They extended therefore along the 
 east bank of the Maas from T.iege to 
 Dinant. Tlie name of the Segni, 
 the neighbours of the Condrusi, is 
 j)erhaps preserved in Sinei,or Signei, 
 a small town in the county of 
 Naniur. 'J'iie Paeinani, mentioned 
 with the Condrusi (ii. 4), occupied 
 the country called the Pays de Fam- 
 menne. Durburg, Laroche on the 
 ()urtl»e,andRochefortontheHomnie, 
 are the thief towns of Fammenne 
 (Statistique du Departement de 
 Sanibre et Meuse, An x.). 
 
 5. intirmitatevi\ Their unstable 
 disposition. See c. 13, ' cognita 
 
 LTBEE lY. 
 
 183 
 
 Gallorum veritus, quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles 
 et novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his commit- 
 tendum existimavit. Est autem hoc Gallicae consue* 
 tudinis, uti et viatores etiam invitos consistere cogant et 
 quod quisque eorum de quaque re audierit aut coguoverit 
 quaerant, et mercatores in oppidis vulgus circumsistat, 
 quibusque ex regionibus veniant quasque ibi res cog- 
 noverint pronuntiare cogant. His rebus atque audi- 
 tionibus permoti de summis saepe rebus consilia ineunt, 
 quorum eos in vestigio poenitere uecesse est, quum 
 incertis rumoribus serviant et plerique ad voluntatem 
 eorum ficta respondeant. 
 
 6. Qua consuetudine cognita Caesar, ne grayion bello 
 occurreret, maturius quam cousuerat ad exercitum pro- 
 ficiscitur. Eo quum venisset, ea quae fore suspicatus erat 
 facta cognovit : missas legationes ab nonnullis civitatibus 
 ad Germanos, invitatosque eos iiti ab Kheno discederent, 
 omniaque quae postulasseut ab se fore parata. Qua spe 
 adducti Germani latins jam vagabantur et in fines Eburo- 
 num et Condrusorum, qui sunt Trevirorum clientes, per- 
 venerant. Principibus Galliae evocatis Caesar ea quae 
 cognoverat dissimulanda sibi existimavit, eorumque animis 
 
 Gallorum infirmitatc.' Comp. i. 3, 
 ' firmissimos populos.' 
 
 comiiiittendum\ He means that he 
 would not rely on them at all ; he 
 would not give them the opportunity 
 of doing any thing. Cicero (V>rr. 
 ii. 2, c. 71) has a like expression, 
 " habeo ex iis qui affuerunt, quos 
 producam, quibus hoccommittam,"a 
 passage that has sometimes been mis- 
 understood. Cicero says that he will 
 take their evidence and stand by it. 
 
 His rebus] ' His rumoribus," Elb. 
 — ' in vestigio ;' there is also a read- 
 ing ' e vestigio.' Both are Latin. 
 E vestigio ' is used by Scrvius Sul- 
 picius (Ad Fam. iv, 12); by Cicero 
 (Divin. c. 17), and by Caesar (B. C. 
 ii. 25). 'In vestigio temporis' oc- 
 cuis in B. G. vii. 25. Perhaps the 
 meaning is not quite the same. ' E 
 vestigio' in Cicero means 'forth- 
 with,' an act immediately following. 
 ' In vefitigio ' means ' on the spot.' 
 
 See c. 2, ' eodem . . . vestigio.' 
 
 6. graviori — occurreret] That he 
 might not have to fight the Galli 
 and Germani together. See iii. (), 
 'aliis occurrisse rebus.' 
 
 ad eaercitiim] To the army in 
 winter quarters (iii. 29). His prac- 
 tice was not to spend the winter in 
 Gallia (v. 1); but to go into Citerior 
 Gallia and lllyricnm. His journeys 
 were long, and he always travelled 
 quick. His army was between the 
 Loire and the Seine, and he had to 
 reach tire Maas and cross it. All 
 this, as usual, he omits. He only 
 tells us of the campaigns; he doct 
 not trouble us witli the rest. 
 
 The Gcimans had left the Menapii, 
 on whom they bad lived all the 
 winter, and were now on the cast 
 side of the Maas, in the latitude ol 
 Liege, and even further south. 
 
 al) Rheno discederent] They were 
 invited to come further into Gallia. 
 
184 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 perrnulsis et confirmatis equitatuque imperato, bellum 
 cum GermaDis gerere constituit. 
 
 7. lie frumentaria comparata equitibusque delectis iter 
 ill ea loca lacere coepit, quibus iu locis esse Germane? 
 audiebat. A quibus quum paucorum dierum iter abesset, 
 legati ab his veueruut, quorum haec fuit oratio : Ger- 
 manos neque priores populo Eomano bellum inferre neque 
 tamen recusare, si lacessantur, quiri armis contendaiit, 
 quod Germanorum consuetude haec sit a majoribus tra- 
 £iita, quicumque bellum inferant, resistere neque depre- 
 cari. Haec tamen dicere : venisse invitos, ejectos domo ; 
 si suam gratiam liomani velint, posse iis utiles esse 
 amicos ; vel sibi agros attribuant, vel patiantur eos tenere 
 quos armis possederint ; sese unis Suevis concedere, 
 quibus ne dii quidem immortales pares esse possint : reli- 
 quum quidem in terris esse neminem quern non superare 
 possint. 
 
 8. Ad haec quae visum est Caesar respondit ; sed exitus 
 fuit orationis : Sibi nullam cum his amicitiam esse posse, 
 si in Gallia remanerent ; neque verum esse qui sues fines 
 tueri non potuerint alienos occupare ; neque ullos in 
 Gallia vacare agros, qui dari tantae praesertim multitu- 
 diui sine injuria possint ; sed licere, si velint, in Ubiorum 
 finibus cousidere, quorum sint legati apud se et de 
 Suevorum injuriis querantur et a se auxilium petant: hoc 
 se Ubiis imperaturum. 
 
 9. Legati haec se ad suos relaturos dixerunt et re deli- 
 berata post diem tertium ad Caesarem reversuros : interea 
 ne propius se castra moveret petierunt. Ne id quidem 
 Caesar ab se impetrari posse dixit : cognoverat enim 
 
 8. exitus] ' The result or meaning 
 of what he said was as follows,' as 
 Bome critics say. But Caesar only 
 tells us what was the conclusion of 
 his speech ; for ' quae visum est . . . 
 sed exitus' show that he has not 
 thoucfht it worth while to tell us all 
 that he said. 
 
 7/e({ue veruinl 'Verum' is ex- 
 plained to mean ' reasonable' or 'just;' 
 or it may be taken in the sense of 
 'consistent:' 'there was no con- 
 usten-.y in men who had not bceu 
 
 able to defend their own possessions 
 seizing on those of others.' Scimeider 
 cites Cicero (Ad Att. ii. I): "quid 
 verius quam in judicium venire qui 
 oh rem judicandani pecuniam acce- 
 perit." See Horat. Ep. i. 7, 98. 
 
 hoe — imperatunim] He had hos- 
 tages of the Ubii (c. 16), and there- 
 fore mi^ht command. This seems 
 better than the reading ' ab Ubiis 
 impetratunim.' ' Ab iis inipetra- 
 turuin ' is the emendation of Aloriis. 
 
 i). jxist diem terlium] See c. 28. 
 
 LIBER IV. 
 
 185 
 
 niagnam partem equitatus ab his aliquot diebus ante 
 praedandi frumentandique causa ad Ambivaritos trans 
 Mosam missam : hos exspectari equites atque ejus rei 
 causa moram interponi arbitrabatur. 
 
 10. INIosa profluit ex monte Yosego, qui est in finibus 
 Lingonum, et parte quadam ex Eheno recepta, quaeappel- 
 iatur Vahalis, insulam efficit Batavorum, neque longius 
 ab Oceano milibus passuum lxxx in Ehenum influit. 
 
 Amhiixiritos'] Caesar speaks of 
 them as 'trans Mosam,' with refer- 
 ence to the place where he was. They 
 ■were therefore west of the Mosa, for 
 Caesar had crossed the Mosa, though 
 he has not mentioned the fact, and 
 be was between the Mosa and the 
 Rhine. The Germans had eaten up 
 all that they could find on the east 
 of the Mosa, and had sent their 
 cavalry to plunder on the west side. 
 Schneider perverts the history by 
 placing the Germans west of the 
 Mosa, and consequently the Ambi- 
 variti east of it. Walckenacr places 
 the Ambivariti on the Ambleve, a 
 branch of the Ourthe, for which he 
 has no authority except a slight re- 
 semblance of name. 
 
 10. Mosa] Introd. p. 17. 
 
 'Vosego] There is no good autho- 
 rity for ' Vogeso,' and the names 
 ' Vosges' and ' Vasgau' confirm Vo- 
 segus. Caesar means that part of 
 the Vosegus, wliicli is in the tem- 
 tory of the Lingones. — ' Vahalis.' 
 Schneider has ' Vacalus,' for which 
 there is authoi'ity. The modern 
 name ' Waal ' has lost the medial 
 guttural, whether it was c or h. 
 Schneider also writes ' Vatavorum,' 
 though there is little doubt that the 
 Romans wrote ' Batavi.' 
 
 neqtie longius — injiuit] The reading 
 before Oudendorp was 'neque lon- 
 gius ab eo . . . in Oceanum transit.' 
 Oudendoip has ' insulamque efiicit 
 Batavonim.in Oceanum influit; ne- 
 que ... in Rhenum transit.' Some 
 texts have ' neque longius ab Rheno 
 ... in Oceanum influit.' The words 
 * in Rlu>num influit,' or ' in Hhenum 
 transit,' make a ditficulty. The plain 
 
 meaning is that ' the Mosa flows into 
 the Rhine not more than eighty 
 miles from the Ocean :' it receives 
 the Vahalis, forms the island, and 
 then joins the Rhine eighty miles 
 above the point where the Rhine 
 enters the Ocean; the Mosa having 
 no outlet of its owti, according to 
 Caesar's text. Walckenaer says, that 
 'in Hhenum influit' means the junc- 
 tion of the Mosa and the Vahalis, 
 and that the meaning is this : th« 
 place where the Vahalis joins the 
 Mosa is eighty miles from the sea, 
 and this gives us the length of the 
 Insula Batavomm on the side where 
 it is bounded by the Mosa. But, to 
 make out eighty miles from the sea, 
 we must suppose the junction of the 
 Mosa and Vahalis not to be at Wor- 
 kum, where it now is, but higher up 
 at Batenburg, supposed to be the 
 Oppidum Batavorum. Pliny (iv. 
 15) makes the Insula Batavorum 
 100 Roman miles long; and, if we 
 measure from the fort Schenken- 
 schanz, where the Rhine leaves the 
 Prussian territory and enters the 
 Netherlands, this is about the dis- 
 tance. The first bifurcation of the 
 Rhine is now a little lower down, at 
 Pannenien, but in the ninth cen- 
 tury it was at Schcnkenschanz, and 
 it may have been there in Caesar's 
 time. The whole question is very 
 difficult, but this is certain : the In- 
 sula Batavorum was a tract of great 
 extent, bounded by the Vahalis, its 
 continuation the ISIosa, the arm of 
 the Rhine which entered and still 
 enters the sea near Leyden, and by 
 the German ocean. This is the way 
 that Tacitus understood the matter 
 
186 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 Ehenus autem oritur ex Lepontiis qui Alpes incolunt, et 
 longo spatio per fines Nantuatium, Helvetiorutn, iScqua- 
 norum, Mediomatricorum, Tribocorum, Trevirorum citatua 
 
 (Hist. iv. 12), for he says that the 
 ocean washes the west side of the 
 island ('a fronte'), and tlie Rhine 
 its rear and sides: and he says in 
 another place (Ann. ii. C), that the 
 Rhine divides into two branches at 
 the beginning of the Butavian ter- 
 litory; that the nortliern branch 
 keeps its name and flows into the 
 ocean ; that the southern branch re- 
 ceives the name Valialis, which is 
 now exclianged for that of Mosa, 
 and it enters the sea by the huge 
 outlet of the Mosa (the Maas). Ail 
 this is consistent with facts. The 
 only difference now is that the branch 
 of the Rhine which enters the sea 
 near Leyden is very small. Tlie 
 country of the Menapii commenced 
 on the Rhme where that of the Ha- 
 tavi ended, and probably extended 
 along the south bank of the Vjihalis, 
 and along the Mosa to the sea; but 
 Cae&ir knew little of those Menapii 
 who were near the sea. 
 
 If then we knew nothing of the 
 fac's, we should understand Caesar 
 to say that the Mosa, after receiving 
 the Waal, joins the Rhine. Tiius 
 tlie island would not be bounded by 
 the ocean on the west, but by the 
 Mosa, which, after receiving the V^a- 
 halis and forming the southern boun- 
 dary of the island, flows into the 
 Riiine. Hut this does not ajrrec with 
 Tacitus, and the safest conclusion is 
 that Caesar's infonnation was not 
 exact. It is possible also that we 
 have not his genuine text. 
 
 Nantuatium] This name is pro- 
 bably corrupt. W;ilckeiiaer (Cjleog. 
 &c. i. 558) says that the best and the 
 greater part of the MSS. have * Va- 
 tuatium,' which is not true. There 
 are readings — Vatuantium, Vantuan- 
 tium, Mantuantium, and other va- 
 rieties. Strabo (p. 1.02) makes the 
 Rhine rise in the country of the 
 Aetuatae {AlrovuTui), and, if the 
 Tvoid is not quite correctly written 
 
 in our texts of Straho, it should 
 not at least have been altered into 
 Nai/Touarai by Xylander, who is 
 followed by Casaubnn. The reading 
 of Strabo indicates that Nantuatium 
 is not the true name in Caesar. The 
 position of the Nantuates of Caesar 
 (iii. 1) was not in the high valleys 
 of the upper Rhine. Strabo also 
 (p. 204) uu'ntions the Nantuatae in 
 their proper j>lace with the Vcragri, 
 and connects them with the valley 
 of the upper Rhone. If then Strabo 
 is to be corrected, the correction 
 must not be Nantuatae. Koiay 
 alters Strabo's AlrovuTai or Al- 
 TovuTioi into *E\oi»>;tt<oi, and 
 Groskurd {(ierman Transl. i. 332) 
 adoj)ts this emendation, which is a 
 very bad corruption. Pliny (iii. 20) 
 makes the Sarunetes inhabit the val- 
 leys near the source of the Rhine, 
 and, if the nanie is correctly written 
 in Pliny, this may be the name which 
 ought to appear in Caesar. It hag 
 been conjectured that the Sarunetes 
 occunicd the v;illey of Sar.;ans, which 
 is below Chur on the Rhine. 
 
 l\ledi<i7Hatrh'oruiu] Caesar men- 
 tions all the Gallic tribes which bor- 
 dered on tlie Rhine. The Nantuates, 
 or the people wiiom this corrupt 
 name represents, are followed by the 
 Helvetii, who extended along the 
 Rhine from the boundary of these 
 so-called Nantuates, wherever it was, 
 to Zui-za( h. at the confluence of the 
 Aar and the Rhine. Then came 
 the Sequani, in whose territory the 
 Rauiaci were included. Tlie terri- 
 tory of tlie Scqiuini also extended to 
 the Rhine, but perhaps only that 
 part which belonged to the Rauraci, 
 whose territory is represented by tlie 
 diocese of Pale (Basilia), a town 
 first mentioned by Ammiamis Mar- 
 ce linus (xxx. 3). The Medioma- 
 trici in Caesar's time extended to 
 the Rhine; and it appears that they 
 originally had all the country be- 
 
 LIBEE IT. 
 
 187 
 
 fcrtur, et ubi Oceano approplnquat, in plurea defluit 
 partes niultis iugentibusque iiisulis effectis, quarum para 
 magna a feris barbarisque nationibus incolitur, ex quibus 
 Bunt qui piscibus atque ovis avium vivere existimantur, 
 multisque capitibus in Oceanum influit. 
 
 11. Caesar quum ab hoste non amplius pasauum xii 
 milibus abesset, ut erat constitutuin, ad eum legati rever- 
 tuntur; qui in itinera congressi magno opere ne longius 
 progrederetur orabant. Quum id non impetrassent, pete- 
 bant uti ad eos equites qui agmen antecessissent prae- 
 mitteret eosque pugna prohiberet, sibique ut potestatem 
 faeeret in Ubios legates mittendi ; quorum si principes ac 
 senatus sibi jurejuraudo fidem fecisset, ea conditione quae 
 a Caesare ferretur se usuros ostcndebant : ad has res 
 conficiendas sibi tridui spatium daret. Haec omnia 
 Caesar eodem illo pertiuere arbitrabatur, ut tridui mora 
 
 tween the Yosges and the Rhine. 
 But the Triboci, a German tribe, 
 had fixed themselves on the territory 
 of the Medioniatrici between the 
 Vosges and the Rhine (Strabo, p. 
 193), and extended at least to Strass- 
 I'urg. The boundary on the south, 
 between the Triboci and the Rau- 
 raci, was probably at Artzenheim, 
 near a place called Markolsheim. 
 The limits between the Medionia- 
 trici and the Treviri on the Rhine 
 cannot be fixed, but the Treviri seem 
 to have extendctl south of Coblenz. 
 and north as far as the Ahr river. 
 Caesar carries his description no 
 further, hut he says that the Rhine 
 runs with a rapid current (cit.atus) 
 through all the nations that he has 
 enumerated. Below the Ahr and 
 at Bonn the Rhine enters the low 
 country, and the current below Co- 
 logne is much slower. 
 
 aufit qui] That is, ' some are sup- 
 posed.' ' Sunt qui ' is the nomina- 
 tive to 'existimantur.' 
 
 capitibus] Is the same as ' ostia,' 
 * mouths.' But this is not the usual 
 meaning. ' Caput fontis ' is the 
 source (Ulp. Dig. 42. 19. 1). Livy 
 (xxxiii. c. 4l) says '"ad capita quae 
 Tocant Sari fluminis ;" but Livy 
 
 may not mean the mouths, for we 
 have no reason to suppose that the 
 Sarus, or Syhoon, had more than 
 one. He may mean the spit of land 
 between the Cydnus and the Sarus. 
 Asinius Pollio (Strabo, p. 193) says 
 tlial the Rhine has two mouths, and 
 he finds fault with those who say 
 that it has moe. 
 
 1 1 . fidem fecisset] There is a read - 
 ing ' fecissent.' We may conclude 
 that the 'principes' were in( luded 
 in the senate. (See ii. 26, ' legiones 
 et imperator versaretur.') ' Fidem 
 facere' is to give them confidence or 
 security, to make them believe what 
 they said. Compare vi. 41, 'fidem 
 non faccret.' The 'conditio' or terms 
 are mentioned in c. 8. Terence 
 (Phorm. iv. 1, 13' has "nam banc 
 couditionem si cui tulcro extrario." 
 
 eodem illo] Both are adverbs in o. 
 Compare i. 14, 'eodem pertiuere.' 
 These words, 'eodem illo,' are ex- 
 ])lained by ' hos exspectari,' c. 9. 
 The adverb 'illo,' ' thither,' became 
 'illoc' or 'illuc' by the addition oi 
 c (('«) ; as ' ho,' which is not used, 
 became 'hoc' or 'hue,' 'hither.' — 
 ' cognosceret :' ' decide,' for he knew 
 what they wivnted. Or we may say, 
 ' hear and decide.' See i. 1^. 
 
188 
 
 C. JULII CAESAiaS 
 
 interposita equites eorum cjui abessent reverterenhiri 
 tamen sese nou longiua milibus passuuni iv aquationis 
 causa proceasurum eo die dixit: hue postero die quam 
 frequeiiti.ssimi convenirent, ut de coruin postulatis cog- 
 nosceret. Interim ad praefectos, qui cum omui equitatu 
 antecesserant, mittit qui nuntiarent, ne hostes proelio 
 lacessereut, et ai ipsi lacesserentur, sustinerent quoad 
 ipse cum exercitu propius accessiaset. 
 
 12. At hostea ubi primum nostros equites coirapex- 
 erunt, quorum erat v miliuDi numerus, cum ipsi non 
 amplius octingentos equites habeient, quod ii qui fru- 
 ineiitandi causa ierant trans Mosam ondum rcdierant, 
 nihil timentibus nostris, quod legati corum paulo ante a 
 Caesare diaceaaerant atque is dies induciis erat ab his 
 ])etitus, impetu facto celeriter nostros perturbaverunt. 
 Iluraus resistentibus consuetudine sua ad pedes desi- 
 luerunt, subfossis equis compluribuaque nostris dejcctis 
 reliquos in fugam conjecerunt atque ita perterritos oge- 
 runt ut non prius I'uga desisterent quam in conspectum 
 agminis noatri venissent. In eo proelio ex equitibus 
 nostris interficiuntur iv efc lxx, in his vir fortiasimus 
 Piso Aquitanus, amplissimo genere natus, cujus avus in 
 civitate sua regnum obtinuerat amicus ab senatu nostro 
 appellatus. Hie quum fratri intercluso ab hostibus aux- 
 ilium ferret, ilium ex periculo eripuit, ipse equo vulnerato 
 dejectus quoad potuit fortisaime restitit : quum circum- 
 ventus multis vulneribus acceptis cecidisset, atque id 
 frater qui jam proelio excesaerat procul animadvertisset, 
 incitato equo se hostibus obtulit atque interfectus est. 
 
 text s 
 
 rfectns] 'cquitum,' as the 
 hows. Ceirp. iii. 26. — V 
 
 the con- 
 susti- 
 ncrent:' 'keep on the defensive' 
 (ii. 6). 
 
 12. Rursus] Many editions have 
 * nostris ' after ' resistentibus,' but the 
 authority of the MSS. is against it. 
 The Romans arc meant, but 'nostris' 
 \s not wanted to show that. The 
 first effect of the onset was to throw 
 Caesar's cavalry into confusion. Then 
 the cavalry rallied, which is ex- 
 pressed by ' rursus,' or resisted. 
 
 ad pedes dcsilucvuiU^ ' leapt down 
 
 on foot.' See c. 2. — ' compluribusque 
 nostris.' See i. 52, ' comphires 
 nostri ;' and vii. 47, ' tres suos nac- 
 tus.' 
 
 Pisci] TTis Roman name shows that 
 liis gnirulfiitlicr hail received the Ro- 
 man citizeiisliip, and we may assume 
 that he ti)ok the name of the Roman 
 governor who pave liim the 'civitas.' 
 See i. 47, as to C. Valerius Procillus, 
 Schneider reminds us of L. Calpur- 
 niiis Piso, tlie grandfatlier of Caesai'i 
 fatlier-in-law (\. 12). 
 
 amicus uL senalu] See i. 3. 
 
 LIBER IV. 
 
 189 
 
 13. Hoc facto proelio Caesar neque jam sibi legatos 
 
 nudiendos neque conditiones accipiendas arbitrabatur ab 
 
 iis qui per dolum atque insidias petita pace ultro bellum 
 
 intulissent; exspectare vero dum hostium copiae auge- 
 
 rentur equitatuaque reverteretur, summae dementiae ease 
 
 judicabat, et cognita Gallorum infirmitate, quantum jam 
 
 apud eos hostes uno proelio auctoritatis easent consecuti 
 
 sentiebat ; quibus ad consilia capienda nihil spatii dandum 
 
 existimabat. His constitutis rebus et consilio cum legatis 
 
 et quaestcre communicato ne quem diem pugnae praeter- 
 
 mitteret, opportuniasima res accidit, quod postridie ejus 
 
 diei mane eadem et perfidia et simulatione usi Germani 
 
 frequentes omnibus priueipibus majoribusque natu adhi- 
 
 bitis ad cum in castra venerunt, simul, ut dicebatur, sui 
 
 purgandi causa, quod contra atque esset dictum et'ipsi 
 
 petissent proelium pridie commisissent, simul ut, si quid 
 
 possent, de induciis flillendo impetrarent. Quos sibi 
 
 Caesar oblatos gavisus illos retineri jussit : ipse omnes 
 
 13. petita — (jellum] 'after asking 
 for peace had even made war on him ;' 
 or 'gone so far as making war on 
 him. See Index. ' Ultro.' 
 
 cum letfulis et (/uaestore] See i. 52. 
 
 lie qut'?n] These words may 
 either depend on what precedes, or 
 they may refer to ' opi)ortunissima . . . 
 accidit.' In iii. 32, 'id ne feret' 
 depends on wliat follows. Schneider 
 takes these words to refer to what 
 precedes : ' having communieated his 
 design to the legati and quaestor not 
 to let pass any day that offered an 
 opportunity for fighting;' and this 
 seems to be tlie meaning. 
 
 simul — nil/ml] The repetition of 
 the word is owing aj»parcntly to tlie 
 number of interposed words, and 
 partly perhaps to the different form 
 of the two clauses — ' sui purgandi 
 causa,' — ' ut . • . impetrarent.' 
 
 contra atque] So in B. C. iii. 12. 
 Cicero also says ' contrario .... 
 atque,' and 'contra quam.' 
 
 Quos — illos] This is Caesar's usage. 
 * Quos' depends on ' gavisus :' ' illos' 
 on 'retineri jussit.' There is good 
 •utliorit^ for ' illos.' 
 
 If Caesar's story is true, the Ger- 
 mans were guilty of treachery. But 
 his veracity has been questioned, or 
 tlie accurary of his information. It 
 seems unlikely that 800 Germans 
 would attack Caesar's Gallic cavalrv, 
 in number 5000. But Caesar says 
 that his cavalry did not apprehend 
 any danger ; and 800 men attacking 
 5000 who did not expect it, would 
 certainly throw them into confusion. 
 The conflict may have begun acci- 
 dentally; but we only know what 
 Caesar tells us. 
 
 The fact of all the chiefs and 
 elders coming to Cae.«ar next day 
 and trusting themselves in his power, 
 is consistent with their declaration 
 of the attack being made contrary to 
 their oiders. Caesar put another in- 
 terpretation on it, and his inter- 
 pretation may be the true one; for 
 barbarous nations are always per- 
 fidious to strangers who attack them, 
 and are often more than their match 
 in cunning. Caesar states his own 
 case. He made all the men pri- 
 soners. It does not appcnr that he 
 listened to what the men had to say 
 
190 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 copias castris eduxit equitatumque, quod reccnti proelio 
 pcrtemtuin esse existimabat, agineu subsequi iussic. 
 ^ 14. Acie triplici instituta et celeriter octo miiiiim 
 itinere coiifeeto, priiis ad hostium castra perveiiit quain 
 quid ageretur Germani sentire posseiit. Qui omnibus 
 rebus subito perterriti et celeritate adventus iiostri et 
 discessu suoruin, ueque consilii habeudi neque arma 
 capiendi spatio dato, perturbaiitur copiasne adversus 
 hostein ducere, an castra defendere, an fuga salutem 
 petere praestaret. Quorum timor quum tVemitu et con- 
 cursu significaretur, milites nostri pristini diei perfidia 
 ineitati in castra irruperuut. Quo loco qui celeriter 
 arma capere potuerunt paulisper nostris restiterunt at- 
 que inter carros impedimentaque proelium commiserunt; 
 at reliqua multitudo puerorum mulierumque, nam cum 
 
 for he says, 'ut dicebatur.' He was 
 resolved to punish the Germans. 
 Dion (xxxix. 49) also says that the 
 men came to make their apology, 
 and to throw the blame on tlie 
 younger sort. Caesar's conduct in 
 this matter, which was probably only 
 known at Rome from his own report 
 (' ex Uteris'), was not universally ap- 
 proved (Sueton. Caesar, c. 24) ; and 
 some of the Senate were for giving 
 him up to the enemy, after Roman 
 fiishion, when a commander had done 
 what the Senate could not sanction. 
 There is a story (Plutarch, Cato 
 Min. c. 51) that Cato was the mover 
 in this matter. But nothing came of 
 it. Before the Senate gave Caesar 
 up, it was necessaiv to catch him. 
 
 U. Acie tnp/ici] See i. 24. Ue 
 marched in fighting order. lie was 
 moving through an open coimtry. 
 
 oclo] Caesar kept his promise. 
 He was twelve miles from the Ger- 
 man camp (c. 11), and he promised 
 to go only four m'les further in order 
 to get to water. Of course he had 
 Bent men ahead to look out for it. 
 Schneider, who knows more about 
 the matter than Caesar, says that he 
 halted more for his own convenience 
 than to keep his promise. We mav 
 conjecture whereabouts he halted. 
 
 lie was in the Eifel, and had passed 
 the head of the Ahr valley. The 
 country here is a high tableland, un- 
 dulating a little. '^His march was 
 towards Coblenz, and this would 
 bring him to the small river which 
 flows past Mayen, south of the 
 Laacher See, and enters the Rhine a 
 little south of Andernach. 
 
 discessu suonim] The departure of 
 their chiefs. It has been incorrectly 
 uiidei-stood of the cavalry, who were 
 on the west side of the iVlaas. 
 
 perturhantur] The sense is the 
 same as if he had said 'dubitant 
 copiasne,' Sec.—' Quo loco :' ' quo- 
 rum,' Elb. There is good autliority 
 for both. This second 'quorum,' if 
 it is genuine, is only a repetition of 
 the other 'quorum.' The German 
 camp was like tliat of Ariovistus 
 (i. 51); their waggons were the de- 
 fence. 
 
 pristini diei] ' of the former day;' 
 'piistinae lenitatis,' B. C. i. 74 
 (Kraner). ' Pristinus' may be com- 
 pared with 'crastinus.' 
 
 puerorum'] This means the chil- 
 dren, as in i. 2'). The cavalry were in 
 disgrace. Thiy had been ordered to 
 keep behind the legions. When tho 
 camp was 8t >rmed, it was an em- 
 ployment wo.iiiy of the cavalry to 
 
 LIBEE IV. 
 
 191 
 
 omnibus suis domo excesserant Ehenumque transierant, 
 passnn fugere coepit ; ad quos congectandos Caesar equi- 
 tatum mi sit. , 
 
 ^ 15. Germani post tergum claraore audito, quum suos 
 mterfici viderent, armis abjectis signisque miliiaribus 
 relictis se ex castris ejecerunt, et quum ad confluentem 
 Mosae et Rheni pervenissent, reliqua fuga desperata, 
 
 ride after women and children and 
 massacre thera. We may sujtposc 
 that the five thousand recovered 
 their credit by slaughtering without 
 mercy. Caesar's object was to de- 
 stroy the Germans, and he did it. 
 
 15. pud terifum] The women and 
 children would of course try to es- 
 cape by the part that was not at- 
 tacked. The men faced the Romans, 
 and on turning round at the cries, 
 they saw their wives and children 
 falling beneath the swords of the 
 valiant Galli. Their flight docs not 
 appear to have been for any great 
 distance. Tlicy were in the angle 
 below the confluence of the Mosel 
 \\n\\ the Rhine, and on the west 
 side of the Mosel. 
 
 The nairative of Caesar clearly 
 brings us to this point. A difliculty 
 arises on account of the word 
 * Mosae,' which Cluverius would 
 alter to ' Mosulae.' It seems that 
 two rivers had the same name, if 
 Caesar's text is right, the Mcuse or 
 Maas, and the Mosel. Caesar might 
 have said, 'ad conflucntes Mosam et 
 Rhenum,' an expression which occurs 
 in an inscription quoted by Orelli. 
 Justin (xxxii. 3) has ' in cdnfluente 
 Danubii et Savi.' At the other 
 angle fonned by the confluence of 
 the Mosel and the Rhine, and op- 
 posite to the place where the Ger- 
 mans were drowned, is Coblenz, 
 which under the Roman empire was 
 Conflucjites. The name Koblenz is 
 also given to a place at the junction 
 of the Aar and Rhine in Switzer- 
 land. Florus (iii. 10) has a chapter 
 on the Gallic war full of blunders, 
 and yet he had some authority for 
 writing as follows, " Hie vcro jam 
 
 Caesar ultra Mosulam navali ponte 
 traiisgreditur ipsumque Rhenum ;'* 
 which Cluverius corrects thus, ' infra 
 Mosellam . . . ipsum Rhenum.' 
 
 Schntider assumes that the place 
 is tiie junction of the Mosa and 
 Rhine mentioned in c. 10, which 
 jimction, as he understands it, is 
 below the Batavorum Insula, and 
 eighty miles from the sea. Such a 
 monstrous blunder is almost past 
 belief. It contradicts all possibilities 
 and the whole tenor of Caesar's nar- 
 rative. He of course supposes the 
 battle to be fought west of the Maas, 
 and the Germans to have retreated 
 towards the Rhine through the coun- 
 try which they had devastated. Kra- 
 ner says that the pla<e is the junction 
 of the Waal and the Maas, though 
 Caesar says it was at the junction of 
 the Rhine and Mosa. Herzog has a 
 similar blunder; only he makes tho 
 confluence to be ''at Thiol, where 
 the Waal turns to the Maas." He 
 has inserted a map by Reichard in 
 his book, which map he highly com- 
 mends in his prefa( e ; but the map 
 contradicts his notes, and places in 
 the right spot this dreadful calamity 
 of the Germans. Those critics who 
 misplace the site of the German rout, 
 do not e.xjjlain how Caesar came to 
 make his bridge in the country of 
 the Treviri after defeating the Ger- 
 m.ans in the country of the Menapii, 
 Caesar tells us no'thing of a long 
 march up the Rhine to make his 
 bridge somewhere between Ander- 
 nach and Coblenz, where some per- 
 sons admit that he made his bri('ge, 
 and at the same time assume that 
 the battle was fought on the lower 
 Rhine. (Sec vi. 5, and 35, note.) 
 
192 
 
 C. JULIl CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER IT. 
 
 103 
 
 magrio nuraero interiecto, reliqiii se in flumen praeei* 
 pitaverunt atque ibi timore, lassitiidine, vi fluminis op<« 
 pressi perieriint. Nostri ad unuin omnes incolumes 
 perpaucis viiliieratis ex tanti belli timore, quum hostium 
 numerus capitum cdxxx milium fuisset, se in castra 
 receperunt. Caesar bis quos in castris retinuerat disce- 
 dendi potestat-em fecit, llli supplicia cruciatusque Gal- 
 lorum veriti, quorum ai?ros vexaverant, remanere se apud 
 eum velle dixerunt. His Caesar libertatem concessit. 
 
 16. Germanico bello confecto multis de causis Caesar 
 statuit sibi Khenum eisse transeundum ; quarum ilia fuit 
 justissima quod, quum videret Germanos tarn facile im- 
 pelli ut in Galliam venireiit, suis quoque rebus eos timere 
 voluit, quum intclligerent et posse et audere populi Eo- 
 maui exercitum Kbenum transire. Accessit etiam quod 
 ilia pars equitatus Usipetum et Tencbtberorum, quam 
 supra commemoravi praedandi frumentandique causa 
 Mosam transisse neque proelio interfuisse, post fugam 
 suorum se trans Kbenum in fines Sigambrorum rece- 
 
 reliqui se] All tlie men perished ; 
 100,000, at least, according to his 
 computation ; tor (i. 29) we may 
 suppose that about one-fourth were 
 lightere. Schneider remarks with 
 great simplicity that Caesar says 
 nothing certain about the women 
 and childien, and tliat perliaps he 
 knew nothing certain. He might 
 have added that Caesar did not care. 
 Comp. Orosius vi. 8; Plut. Caesar, 
 c. 22. 
 
 liltertatem'\ They would not go 
 away, because they knew that they 
 would be massacred by the Galli. 
 Cacsir let them stay without making 
 slaves of them. Nor did he put 
 them to death ; for, .as he says him- 
 self in a letter to Cicero, he was 
 not cruel. He would not kill a 
 man, unless it was necessary. His 
 sparing the lives of those (iermans 
 is strong evidence that he believed 
 thcni to be blameless in the umttcr 
 of the attack on his cavalry. He 
 put the senate of the Wneti to death 
 (iii. IG), even after his victory, but 
 
 it was done to make an example. 
 
 16. suis . . . timere lyoluii] ' He 
 resolved (' voluit ') that the Germans 
 should fear for their own safety,' that 
 they should have to look after their 
 own affairs. So Virgil, Georg. i. 
 185, " inopi metuens formica senec- 
 tae." 
 
 SigamJ)r(>rutYi] "Whether we write 
 'Sigambri,' ' Sicambri,' or ' Sugam- 
 hri,' is immaterial. The small river 
 Sicg, which joins the Rhine on the 
 rijjht bank, nearly opposite to Bonn, 
 is supposed to reUiin a trace of the 
 name. The Sicambri were north of 
 the Ubii (c. 18, 19). Schneider thinks 
 that the fact of these hor>emen cross- 
 ing the Rhine confirms his opinion 
 that the battle was fought west of 
 the Mosa, and that 'trans Mosam,' 
 here and before, when applied to 
 these men, means that tliey went 
 from the west siile to the cast to 
 fonige. If, he says, they had crossed 
 to the west side of the Mosa they 
 must have crossed it again, in order 
 to reach the Rhine, and have passrd 
 
 peral seque cam iis conjuuxerat. Ad quos quum Caesar 
 nuntioa misisset, qui postularent eos qui sibi Galliaeque 
 bellum intulisseiit sibi dederent, responderunt : Populi 
 Romani imperium Rhenum fiuire : si se invito Germanos 
 in Galliam transire non aequum existimaret, cur sui 
 quidquam esse imperii aut potestatis trans Rhenum poa- 
 tularet ? Ubii autem, qui uni ex Transrhenanis ad Cae- 
 sarem legatos miserant, amicitiam fecerant, obsides dede- 
 rant, magno opere orabant Ut sibi auxilium ferret, quod 
 graviter ab Suevis premerentur ; vel si id facere occupa- 
 tionibus rei publicae probiberetur, exercitum modo Rhe- 
 num transportaret : id sibi ad auxilium spemque reliqui 
 temporis satis futurum. Tantum esse nomen atque opi- 
 nionem ejus exercitus Ariovisto pulso et hoc novissimo 
 proelio facto etiam ad ultimas Germanorum nationes, 
 uti opinione et amicitia populi Romani tuti esse possint. 
 Navium magnam copiam ad transportandum exercitum 
 pollicebantur. 
 
 17. Caesar his de causis quas commemoravi Rhenum 
 transire decreverat, sed navibus transire neque satis 
 tutum esse arbitrabatur neque suae neque populi Romani 
 dignitatis esse statuebat. Itaque, etsi summa difficultas 
 faciendi pontis proponebatur propter latitudinem, rapidi- 
 tatem altitudinemque fluminis, tamen id sibi conten- 
 
 through the very regions in which 
 their countrymen had perished, and 
 in which they knew the victorious 
 Romans now to be ; ' quod prorsus a 
 vero abhorret.' But if these horse- 
 men got to the Rhine by the north 
 side of the Laacher See, they would 
 be far enotigh out of the reach of 
 Caesar; and if they wanted a rough 
 road, where he could not follow them, 
 they might plunge down the valley 
 of the Ahr, and come out at Re- 
 magen. Caesar was with his army 
 and not far below Coblenz. All the 
 country to the north was open to the 
 German horsemen. 
 
 cur sui ^c] ' why should he claim 
 any thing beyond the Rhine as within 
 his command or authority?' ' Sui im- 
 perii' depends on 'esse.' See i. 21, 
 and B. C. i. 13, "docent sui judicii 
 
 rem non esse. 
 
 ad aucriliuml There appears to be 
 no MSS. authority for ' ad ;' but the 
 sense requires the word. Comp. vii. 
 66, ' id sibi ad praesentem,' &c. 
 However, 'satis' is omitted in some 
 MSS., and, with that omission, 'ad' 
 is not necessary, 
 
 Tantum esse nomen . . . ad ultimas] 
 This ' ad ' is used like ' ad ' in iii. 9, 
 " quod nomen ad omnes nationes." 
 
 opinione, ^c. ] 'by the opinion 
 that the Germans had of the Roman 
 people and the friendship of the Ro- 
 man people for the Ubii.' See ii. 8 ; 
 vii. 83. 
 
 17. difficultas . . . proponebatur] 
 ' though the very great difficulty of 
 making a bridge was presented to 
 him,' was manifest. 
 
 O 
 
 || 
 
lOi 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 dendum aut aliter non transducendum exercitum existl- 
 inabat. Eationem pontia banc instituit. Tigua bina 
 sesquipedalia, paulum ab imo praeacuta, dimensa ad alti- 
 tudinem fluminis, intervallo pedum duorum inter se jun- 
 gebat. Haec quum machinationibu8 iinmissa in flumen 
 defixerat fistucisque adegerat non sublicae modo directe 
 ad perpendiculum, sed prone ac fastigate ut secundum 
 naturam fluminis procumberent, his item contraria duo 
 
 Rationem pontis] See ii . 1 9, * ratio 
 atque ordo agtninis.' — The place 
 where Caesar made his bridge has 
 been much discussed. If he was on 
 the Rhine, somewhere between the 
 point wlieie the Mosel flows into it 
 and Andemach, we cannot suppose 
 that he would gc to another phu,e to 
 make his bridge. If the conclusion 
 is true as to the place where the 
 Germans were driven into the Itliine, 
 he made his bridge between CobUnz 
 and Andernach, where the passage is 
 practicable, and where it was crossed 
 by the French armies in the Revo- 
 lutionary war. Hoche, w\th the 
 army of the Sambre and the Mcuse, 
 crossed the Rhine opposite to Neu- 
 wied, and this is probably about the 
 place where the Roman crossed it. 
 Caesar could not cross above Coblenz, 
 if the battle was fought where I have 
 placed it, without crossing the Mosel ; 
 nor is the river practicable above 
 Coblenz, for the bed is deep sunk in 
 a ravine, as far south as Bingen ; 
 nor could he cross below Andernach 
 till he came near to Bonn. He 
 must therefore have crossed between 
 Andernach and Coblenz, or at some 
 place near Bonn, or lower down. 
 The river was rapid where he crossed 
 It, and therefore above the place 
 where it enters the wide flat of the 
 Netherlands. But he crossed it in the 
 country of the Treviri (vi. 8. 9. 35), 
 and we cannot make the Treviri 
 extend further north than Ander- 
 nach, or, at the most, the valley of 
 the Ahr. This rugged valley, which 
 hep deep below the level of the sur- 
 rounding high lands, would be a 
 LUl'.u^l boundary between two con- 
 
 terminous peoples. To repel the 
 arguments or the assumptiona of 
 those who make him cross at any 
 other place than that which I have 
 fixed, is really not worth tlw; trouble. 
 Lipsius (0pp. iii. 545) asks if Caesar 
 did not first divert part of the stream 
 of the Rhine before making his 
 bridge. He admits that Caesar says 
 nothing about it; but, he adds, that 
 it would have been very useful. 
 Caesar thought differently, and so 
 would most people. Hofl^mann con- 
 siders it certain that he did. Lipsius 
 has given a plan of the construction 
 of the bridge, which appears to be 
 the original of those with which 
 editors have embellished their edi- 
 tions of the Commentaries. 
 
 sesquipedalia] These timbers were 
 a foot and a half in the square, 
 sharpened near the end, fixed two 
 feet apart, and diiven down into the 
 bed of the river with mallets or ram- 
 mers ('fistucae'). They were not 
 driven in perpendicularly ('ad per- 
 pendiculum'), but sloping ('fasti- 
 gate '), like the ends of a gable (ii. 8 ; 
 vii. 73). The two timbers were 
 fastened together, he does not say 
 how, but we may suppose by strong 
 cross pieces, to keep them together, 
 and to support the beams which were 
 to be let in between them. Each 
 pair of timbers was fastened together 
 by the cross pieces before they were 
 let down and driven in. — Elb. has 
 ' derecta — prona ae fastigata.' 
 
 contraria duo] Oudcndorp reads II 
 which he takes for ' bina, but all 
 the MSS. have ' duo.' The opposite 
 pair of timbers was placed lowei' 
 down the river (' ab infcriore parte'), 
 
 CAESARS BRIDGE, IV. 17. 
 
 To face p. 104. 
 
uu 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEI3 
 
 dcndiim aiifc aliter non transducendum exercitum existl- 
 mabat. Ratioiiein pontis banc instituit. Tigna biiia 
 sosquipedalia, paulum ab imo praeacuta, dimensa ad alti- 
 tudinem flumiiiis, intervallo pedum duorum inter se jun- 
 gebafc. Ilaec quum machiuationibus iinirjissa in flumen 
 defixerat fistucisque adegerat non sublicae niodo directe 
 ad perpendicuhun, sed prone ac fiistigate ut secundum 
 naturam fluminis procumbercnt, bis item eontraria duo 
 
 nationom pontis] Sec ii. 1 0, ' nitio 
 ntque ordo agminis.'' — The place 
 where Caesar made his hridge has 
 been nuich discussed. If he was on 
 the Rhine, somewhere between the 
 point where the Mosel flows into it 
 and Andeniarh, we cannot snpj)osc 
 that he would gi to another place to 
 make his bridge. If the conclusion 
 is true as to the jdace -where the 
 Germans were driven into the lihinc, 
 he made his bridge between Cobltnz 
 and Andernach, where tlie passage is 
 practicable, and where it was crossed 
 by the Freni h armies in the Hevo- 
 luiionary war. Hoche, wuh the 
 army of the Sambre and the Meu>e, 
 crossed the Khine opposite to Neu- 
 wied, and this is probably about the 
 ]>lace where the Roman" crossed it, 
 Caesar could not cross above Coblenz, 
 if the battle was fought where I have 
 placed it, without cro-sing the Mosel ; 
 nor is the river practicable above 
 Coblenz, for the bed is deep sunk in 
 a ravine, as far south as Bingcn ; 
 nor could he cross below Andernach 
 till he came near to Bonn. lie 
 must therefore have crossed between 
 Anderiiaih and Coblenz. or at some 
 place near Bonn, or lower down. 
 J'he river was rapid where he crossed 
 It, and therefore above the place 
 where it enters the wide flat of the 
 Netherlands. But he crossed it in the 
 country of the Treviri (vi. «. 9. 3.")), 
 and we cannot make the Treviri 
 extend further north than Ander- 
 nach, or, at the most, the valley of 
 the Ahr. This rugged valley, which 
 Nep deep below the level of the sur- 
 rounding high lands, would be a 
 Lu'.inil boundary between two con- 
 
 terniinous pco])lcs. To repel the 
 arguments or the assuujptions of 
 those who make him cross at any- 
 other place than that which I have 
 fixed, is really not worth the trouble. 
 Lipsius (Opp. iii. 545) asks if Caesar 
 did not first divert part of the stream 
 of the Rhine before making his 
 bridge. He admits that Caesar savs 
 nothing about it; but, he adds, that 
 it would have been very useful. 
 Caesar thought differently, and so 
 would most people. Hoffmann con- 
 siders it certain that he did. Lipsius 
 has given a i)lan of the construction 
 of the bridge, which appears to be 
 the original of those with which 
 editors have embellished tlieir edi- 
 tions of the Commentaries. 
 
 fes<ptipcdalui] These timbers were 
 a foot and a half in the square, 
 sharpened near the end, fixed two 
 feet apart, and diiven down into the 
 bed of the river with mallets or ram- 
 meis ('fistucae'). They were not 
 driven in perpendicularly ('ad per- 
 pendiculnm'), but slop'ing ('fasti- 
 gate '), like the ends of a gable (ii. 8 ; 
 vii. 73). The two timbers were 
 fastened together, he does not say 
 how, but we may suppose by strong 
 cross pieces, to keep them together', 
 and to support the beams which were 
 to be let in between them. Each 
 pair of timbers was fastened together 
 by the cross pieces before they were 
 let down an(l driven in. — Elb. has 
 ' derecta — prona ac fastigata.' 
 
 contntria duo] Oudendorp reads II 
 which he t;ikcs for ' bina,' but all 
 the M8S. have ' duo.' The opposite 
 pair of timbers was ])laccd lowei 
 down the river (' ab infcriorc parte'), 
 
 
 C.\ESARS DRIDCE, IV. 17. 
 
 To face p_ 194. 
 
LIBEE lY. 
 
 105 
 
 ad eundem modum juncta intervallo pedum quadragenura 
 ab inferiore parte coutra vim atque impetum fluminia 
 conversa statuebat. liaec utraque insuper bipedalibus 
 trabibus immissis, quantum eorum tiguorum junctura 
 
 M bLU AE 
 
 . VUO AHIMU: SI HJKCIAK (IV. 17). 
 
 and sloped against the stream ; the 
 upper pair sloped on the side towards 
 which the stream flowed, so that 
 two opposite pairs, if produced far 
 enough upwards, would have met, 
 and with the bed of the river would 
 have formed a triangle. 
 
 Haec utraque] These words refer 
 to ' tigna bina.' Beams two feet 
 wide C bi|)edale8 trabcs') were let into 
 these pairs of timbers, and extended 
 across from one pair of timbers to 
 the other. Being two feet wide, they 
 would exactly fit the space between 
 each pair of timbers ('quantum — 
 distabat '), for ' quantum ' refers to 
 ' bi|)cdalibu8.' The word 'insuper' 
 belongs to ' immissis.' This seems 
 to be the meaning, ' These paiis of 
 timbers were kept apart (' distine- 
 bantur') by beams two feet wide 
 let in upon and between them, for 
 Buch was the width of the cross 
 pieces which joined tlie pairs of tim- 
 bers, those beams having a pair of 
 braces on each side at their ends. 
 Now these pairs of timbers being 
 thus kept at their proper distances 
 ('qnibus disclusis') and on the other 
 hand held together, such was the 
 strength of the construction, and 
 such the nature of the circumstances, 
 that the stronger the force of the 
 water came against it, the more 
 firmly was the whole (" tigna — 
 trabcs') held tight bound together.' 
 Caesar's description is brief, and all 
 descriptions of such constructions are 
 somewhat obscure. The main part 
 of the structure was the pairs of 
 timbers or piles, on which he par- 
 ticularly dwells, for if thev were 
 lecure, all the rest was safe, fie does 
 not say on what the beams rested 
 which were let into the pairs of tim- 
 bers, but this omission may be sup- 
 plied from the context. The pairs 
 were fa^tened together by cross 
 
 O 
 
 pieces, as I have supposed ; and the 
 'trabes' were let into the openings 
 at the upper part. ' Immittere lig- 
 num' was the Roman expression 
 used for describing one of the urban 
 'servitutes' (Dig. viii. 2. 2); and as 
 it was the ordinary expression for 
 letting in a beam or horizontal piece 
 of wood, it was, as a matter of course, 
 understood that there was something 
 to let it into and for it to rest on. 
 Caesar does not say that the * tmbcs ' 
 extended across from one pair of 
 timbers to the opposite pair, but that 
 is implied, and so clearly, that it 
 need not be expressed. The beams 
 (' trabes ') may have been one piece 
 in length, though not in width, for 
 it might be difficult to find pieces 
 two feet wide, and it would not be 
 necessary. The vicinity must have 
 contained large trees to furnish the 
 timber for this bridge. Lipsius ex- 
 ])lains the ' pedum quadragenum ab 
 inferiore parte' to mean forty feet 
 apart at the foundation in the river; 
 but he is mistaken in joining ' qua- 
 dragenum pedum' with 'ab inferiore 
 parte,' though he is perha])S right in 
 making the forty feet the space be- 
 tween the bases of the piles. 
 
 The meaning of 'revinctis' is 
 this: the things were not simply 
 ' vinctus,' Avhich is said of a man iii 
 chains (i. 53). Caesar explains the 
 word (vii. 73), "siipites — ab imo 
 revincti, ne revelli possent." So in 
 iii. 13, "ancorae pro funibus ferreis 
 catenis revinctae ;" the anchors were 
 attached to the ships by iron cables. 
 Here the effect of the ' trabes ' was 
 to keep the 'tigna' apart ('disclu- 
 dere '). The effect of the braces w.-is 
 to hold them together; the effect 
 was opposite (" in contrariam partem ') 
 to that of the ' trabes immissAe.' 
 Schneidercompletelymisunderfctikuii 
 ' in contrariam partem.' 
 
 2 
 
*>■ 
 
 19^ 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LTBER lY. 
 
 107 
 
 riistabat, binis utrimque fibulis ab extrema parte distine- 
 bantur ; quibiis disclusis atque in contrariam partem re- 
 vinctis tanta erat operis firmitudo atque ea rerum iiatuni 
 ut quo major vis aquae se incitavisset, hoc artiua illigata 
 tenerentur. Haec dirccta materia injecta contexebantur 
 ae longuriis cratibusque consternebautur. Ac nihilo secius 
 sublicae et ad interiorem partem fluminis oblique agebau- 
 
 directa] These pairs of timbers 
 and be.ams were iieltl together by 
 timbers laid in a straight direction, 
 that is, in the direction of the bridge ; 
 and these timbers were covered with 
 long j)ieccs of wood (' longurii ') placed 
 at right angles to them. The whole 
 was floored with small pieces of 
 wood placed so as to form a close 
 network. Comp. v. 40 ; viii. 58. 
 * Haec ' means both the ' tigna' atid 
 ' trabcs.' Schneider has ' derecta.' 
 
 As to the '■fibulae,' wlu-thcr they 
 were braces or something eUe, I do 
 not know; nor is it (jiiite clear how 
 they were fixed. There was a pair 
 at each end of the ' trabes. 
 
 ^u(»licae\ Piles were also driven 
 into the river on the lower side of 
 the river, and in an oblique direction 
 ('oblique"). ' Suldicae ' are stakes 
 driven in perpendicularly, and ' ob- 
 lique' refers to their direction with 
 resjjcct to the river. In the repre- 
 sentations of the bridge, these "^ sub- 
 licae ' are made to incline towards 
 the lower side of the bridge, at a 
 smaller angle than the inclination of 
 the ' tigna,' and to be '. tached to 
 the upper part of the ' tigna,' just as 
 we shore up a house. iJut the ' sub- 
 licae ' below and above the bridge 
 were fi.xcd in the same manner (' et 
 aliae item supra'); and the rejire- 
 f-entations properly make them per- 
 
 Ecndicular in tlie part above the 
 ridge. Also, when Caesar says 
 that the ' tigna' were not driven in 
 like ' sublicae,' Dcrncndiculaily. but 
 Sloping, we must infer that aii tne 
 'suhiicac' were perpendicular. Trie 
 ditliculty is to e.xplain ' oblique,' but 
 that is helped by * pro ariete,' whi< h 
 |{ive« *.he form in which they were 
 
 arranged. As to the reading 'pro 
 parietc,' there is little MS. authority 
 for it, and nothing to recommend it. 
 The 'sublicae' then on the lower 
 side ('ad inferiorem partem') were 
 })laced so as to form an angle with 
 the direction of the current, and 
 they presented as they weie viewed 
 from the lower side of the bridge 
 the appearance of a head or solid 
 angle. It may be said that it would 
 have been better if the ' sublicae ' on 
 the lower side of the stream had 
 been placed with the ram's head 
 ('aries') towards the stream, and 
 inside and under the bridge ; but 
 Caesar seems to place this work in 
 the lower part on the outside, as he 
 certainly does place it outside in the 
 upper part, for there the 'sublicae' 
 were not connected with the piles, 
 but placed in front of them, to break 
 the force of any thing that might 
 come down against the piles. These 
 'sublicae' were placed in a tri- 
 angular form, and they were con- 
 nected with the bridge, or the ' tigna,' 
 on the lower part, as Caesar says, 
 though Schneider says they were 
 not ; and this could only be done 
 by uniting them to the several pairs 
 of ' tigna.' Thus, any strain upon 
 the 'tigna' would also be upon the 
 uprights, which would react and tend 
 to keep the 'tigna' in their places. 
 Schneider's explanation of the po- 
 sition of these 'sublicae' is wrong. 
 The representation of the bridge in 
 Lipsius (Op. vol. iii. ; Poliorcet. Lib. 
 ii. Dial. 5) and Oudendorp's edition, 
 and Kraner's also, is incorrect as to 
 the ' aries.' The ' aries ' was added 
 after the bridge was m.-de, and it 
 would have been impossible to drive 
 
 tur, quae pro ariete subjectae et cum omm opere con- 
 junctae vim fluminis exciperent, et aliae item supra 
 pontem mediocri spatio, ut si arborum trunci sive naves 
 dejiciendi operis causa essent a barbaris missae, his de- 
 fensoribus earum rerum vis minueretur neu ponti noce- 
 rent. 
 
 18. Diebus decern quibus materia coepta erat compor- 
 tari omni opere eifecto exercitus traiisducitur. Caesar 
 ad utramque partem pontis firmo praesidio relicto in fines 
 Sigambrorum contendit. Interim a compluribus civita- 
 tibus ad eum legati veniunt quibus pacem atque amicitiam 
 petentibus liberaliter rcspondit, obsidesque ad se adduci 
 jubet. At Sigambri ex eo tempore, quo pons institui 
 coeptus est, fuga comparata hortantibus iis quos ex 
 Tenchtheris atque Usipetibus apud se habebant, finibus 
 suia excesserant suaque omnia exportaverant seque in 
 solitudinem ac silvas abdiderant. 
 
 19. Caesar paucos dies in eorum finibus moratus, 
 omnibus vicis aedificiisque incensis frumentisque succisis, 
 se in fines Ubiorum recepit, atque iis auxilium suum 
 pollicitus, si ab Suevis premerentur, haec ab iis cognovit : 
 Suevos, posteaquam per exploratores pontem fieri compe- 
 rissent, more suo concilio habito nuntios in omnes partes 
 dimisisse, uti de oppidis demigrarent, liberos, uxores 
 
 in the ' sublicae on the lower side 
 of the bridge in the way in which 
 they are represented in the common 
 plates. 
 
 causa'] Schneider and Elb. omit 
 ' causa.' — ' Ut . . . neu :' comp. v. 34 
 and 58. 
 
 18. Diebus decent] A short time 
 for such a work ; but Caesar had a 
 good body of ' fabri.' or engineers, 
 and all his men could help. Lipsius 
 says of his own time, that they had 
 seen such a work, wlnn Alexander 
 Farnesc bridged the Scbelde below 
 Antwerp, a more diflficult under- 
 taking than Caesar's, even though 
 the piles were only carried to some 
 distance from each bank, and the in- 
 ttTval was joined by a bridge of 
 buats (F. Strada, De Bello Belgito, 
 
 Decas Secunda, Lib. vi.). 
 
 As to 'decern diebus quibus,' see 
 iii. 23, note. 
 
 Sufamhrorum] The words ' in fines 
 . . . contendit ' inijjy that he was not 
 immediately in tlie territory of the 
 Sigambri after cros-sing the river; 
 and this is confirmed by c. 19. After 
 burning the buildings of the Sigam- 
 bri and destroying the crops, Caesar 
 'se in fines Ubiorum recepit.' re- 
 turned to the territory of the Ubii, 
 and therefore he came into it on 
 crossing the river. The Ubii Mere 
 opi.osite to the Treviri. Sec vi. 29, 
 35. 
 
 19. oppidis] He speaks of 'oj)- 
 pida ;' but we can hardly suppose 
 that the Sucvi had ' oppida ' (see vi. 
 22). 
 
193 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 suaque omnia in silvis deponerent, atque omnes qui arma 
 ferre possenfc unura in locum convenirent : hunc esse 
 delectum medium fere regionum earum quas Suevi ob- 
 tinerent : liic Eomanorum adventum exspectare atque 
 ibi decertare constituisse. Quod ubi Caesar comperit, 
 omnibus rebus his confectis quarum rerum causa trans- 
 ducere exercitum constituerat, ut Germanis metum 
 injiceret, ut Sigambros ulcisceretur, ut Ubios obsidione 
 liberaret, diebus omnino x et viii trans Rhenum con- 
 sumptis satis et ad laudem et ad utilitatem protectum 
 arbitratus se in Galliam recepit pontemque rescidit. 
 
 20. Exigua parte aestatis reliqua Caesar, etsi in his 
 locis, quod omnis Gallia ad septemtriones vergit, maturae 
 sunt hiemes, tamen in Britanniam proficisci contendit, 
 quod omnibus fere Gallicis bellis hostibus nostris inde 
 subministrata auxilia intelligebat, et si tempus anni ad 
 bellum gerendum deficeret, tamen magno sibi usui fore 
 arbitrabatur si modo insulam adisset et genus hominum 
 perspexisset, loea, portus, aditus cognovisset; quae omnia 
 fere Gallls erant incognita. Neque enim temere praeter 
 mercatores illo adit quisquam, neque bis ipsis quidquam 
 praeter oram maritimam atque eas regiones quae sunt 
 contra Gallias notum est. Itaque vocatis ad se undique 
 mercatoribus neque quanta esset iusulae magnitudo, 
 
 meduim fere regionuitil ' About 
 the middle of those regions.' See 
 vi, 13 and i. 34, where the meaning 
 is not quite tlie same. 
 
 ofjsidume] This word is used in 
 the same way (vii. 32), and may 
 apply to a jMJople who are hcnimeil 
 in within certain limits. They were 
 probably hard pressed by the Si- 
 jiambri, as Dion Cassius (-\xxix. 4H) 
 states the fact, either explaining the 
 text of Caesar or following some 
 other auth rity. 
 
 *20. aiucilia j The relations between 
 Britannia and Gallia have been men- 
 tioned before, ii. 4, 14; iii. 8, 9. 
 Some of the ' mercatores ' may have 
 been Italians or Romans from the 
 Provincia, who gave Caesar his in- 
 formation ; the rest Galli. Britannia 
 WU9 said to be an island; but the fact 
 
 was first established, so far as we 
 know, by tlie Roman circumnaviga- 
 tion during the government of Agri- 
 cola (Tacit. Agric. 10, 38), in the time 
 of Domitian. The Veneti (iii. 9) 
 must have known more about Britain 
 than Caesar got by his inquiries. 
 But he might not choose to trust the 
 Veneti, whom he had handled so 
 roughly; and, besides, they could 
 not tell him about the shortest ' cut 
 across' (c. 21). Their passage to 
 Britain was a long one. 
 
 GuUiiis] He means ' the different 
 divisions of Gallia' (i. 1). He does 
 not use the plural 'Galliae' else- 
 where. The ' mercatores ' in the 
 several divisions of Gallia knew 
 those parts of the British coast 
 whicU were opposite to them. 
 
 LTBEE IV 
 
 199 
 
 neque quae aut quantae nationes incolerent, neque quern 
 usum belli haberent aut quibus institutis uterentur, 
 neque qui cssent ad majorum navium multitudinem idonei 
 portus, reperire poterat. 
 
 21. Ad haec cognoscenda, priusquam periculum faceret, 
 idoneum esse arbitratus C. Yolusenum cum navi longa 
 praemittit. Huic mandat uti exploratis omnibus rebus 
 ad se quam primum revertatur. Ipse cum omnibus copiis 
 in Morinos proficiscitur, quod inde erat brevissimus in 
 Britanniam trajectuis. Hue naves undique ex finitimis 
 regionibus et quam superiore aestate ad Veneticum 
 bellum effecerat classem jubet convenire. Interim con- 
 silio ejus coguito et per mercatores perlato ad Britannos, 
 a compluribus insulae civitatibus ad eum legati veniunt 
 qui poUiceantur obsides dare atque imperio populi Ro- 
 mani obtemperare. Quibus auditis liberaliter pollicitus 
 hortatusque ut in ea sententia permanerent eos domum 
 remittit, et cum iis una Commium, quem ipse Atreba- 
 tibus superatis regem ibi constituerat, cujus et virtutem 
 et consilium probabat et quem sibi fidelem esse arbitra- 
 batur, cuj usque auctoritas in his regionibus magni habe- 
 
 quem M.<t«m] ' what was their 
 mode of warfare,' as some explain it ; 
 or it may be what practice or ex- 
 perience they had of war, as in i. 39. 
 
 21. C. Vniuse)iu7n] See iii. 5; vi. 
 41 ; viii. 48. The passage in Sue- 
 tonius (Caesar, c. 58i, where he says, 
 "neque in Britanniam transvcxit, 
 nisi ante per se portus et navigatio- 
 nem et accessum ad insulam ex- 
 plorasset," is at variance with this 
 passage ; for though Caesar does not 
 say that he did not go himself, the 
 context clearly implies that he did 
 not. Various explanations of the 
 passage of Suetonius have been made. 
 The whole difficulty is in the words 
 •perse,' which may be corrupt. If 
 they are not, we ought to prefer 
 Caesar's statement to that of Sue- 
 tonius. 
 
 efecerat] * Fecerat,' Elb. The 
 MSS. authority is divided. ' Effe- 
 cerat ' may mean more than 'fecerat,' 
 
 as Schneider suggests: and it may 
 include the ships supplied by the 
 Pictones and Santoni (iii. 9, 11). 
 
 mercatores] AVe may assume that 
 tliese 'mercatores' crossed over to 
 Britain from the country of the Mo- 
 rini, and so we see that the Veneti 
 were not tlie only Gallic people who 
 then traded with Britain (iii. 8). 
 Accordingly in c. 20 he says 'contra 
 Gallias.' 
 
 Commium] The Atrebates were 
 defeated in the groat battle with the 
 Nervii (ii. 4, 16,23); but nothing is 
 said there of king Comm. Caesar 
 only tells what is necessary for his 
 purpose. If Comm had not been 
 sent to Britain, and had quietly lield 
 his kingship, we should have heard 
 nothing of him from Caesar. Comm 
 rebelled afterwards (vii. 76). 
 
 in his] ' In iis,' Elb. Gallia is 
 meant, as Schneider observes. Per- 
 haps Caesar means in and about the 
 
I'l 
 
 I 
 
 20O 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 batur, mittit. Iluic imperat quas possit adeat civitatcs 
 liorteturque ut populi Komaiii tidein sequantur, seqiie 
 celeriter eo venturum nuntiet. Volusenus perspectis 
 regionibus omnibus quantum ei facultas dari potuit, qui 
 navi egredi ac se barbaris committere non auderet, quiuto 
 die ad Caesarem revertitur quaeque ibi perspexisset re- 
 nuntiat. 
 
 22. Dum in his locis Caesar navium parandarum causa 
 moratur, ex magna parte Morinorum ad eum legati vene- 
 runt, qui se de superioris temporis consilio excusarent, 
 quod homines barbari et nostrae consuetudinis imperiti 
 bellum populo Komano fecissent, seque ea quae im- 
 perasset facturos pollicerentur. Hoc sibi Caesar satis 
 opportune accidisse arbitratus, quod neque post terguin 
 hostem relinquere volebat neque belli gerendi propter anni 
 tempus facultatem habebat neque has tantularum rerum 
 occupationes Britanuiae anteponendas judicabat, magnum 
 iis numerum obsidum imperat. Quibus adductis eos in 
 fidem recepit. Navibus circiter lxxx onerariis coactis 
 contractisque, quod satis esse ad duas transportandas 
 
 parts wliere he was ?oing to embark, 
 for he cannot mean all Gallia. Comp. 
 iv. 22, ' Dum in his locis,' &c. 
 
 Juiem sequantur] Comp. v. 20, 
 ' Caesuris {idem secutus,' and v. 3, 
 ' ejus fidei permissurum.' He means 
 that tliey slunild confide in the Ro- 
 m;m people, and submit to him. ' In 
 fidem rccipere' (c, 22) is the corre- 
 lative e.^pression. 
 
 rcijionUtus] 'Omnibus' is omitted 
 in some MSS. Volusenus returned 
 after examining every thing as far as 
 a man could wlio durst not leave his 
 ship. See ii. 33, note on 'qui.' 
 
 22. tantularum — occupationes] 
 This may be compared with iv. lb", 
 ' occupationibus rei publicae.' This 
 passjige means that Caesar did not 
 think that such small matters as 
 these should occupy him in prefer- 
 ence to the affairs of Britain. 
 
 lxxx] Some MSS. have 'octin- 
 gentis octogiiitii,' manifestly a blun- 
 der, for eighty trading ships ('one- 
 lariae') would be euougU to carry two 
 
 legions, or about 8000 men. The 
 legions were the seventh and the 
 favourite tenth. In the text of 
 Orosius (vi. 19) the number of 
 ' onerariae ' and ' actuariae ' is stated 
 at about eighty. Caesar pressed into 
 his service the trading 8hi])8 on the 
 Gallic coast: this is 'cogere;' and 
 he had got them all to^etber : this ia 
 ' con t rah ere.' The fact of his being 
 able to get so many ships shows that 
 the ptople in these parts had some 
 trade by sea. 
 
 quod satis] Elb. lias ' quot,' for 
 which there is less authojity than 
 Oudendorp affirms. He has also 
 'quidquid praeterca.' Kraner has 
 'coactis, contiactisque quot satis 
 es'^e,' and he says that ' coactis con- 
 tractisque' cannot be united and re- 
 ferred to 'onerariis,' because, if it 
 were so, Caesar would say that he 
 took over his legions only in ' one- 
 rariae,' and this would be inconsistent 
 with c. 29. But Krauer's reading 
 will not remove this ineonsisteucy 
 
 LI BEE IV. 
 
 20' 
 
 legiones existimabat, quod praeterea navium longarum 
 habebat, quaestori, legatis praefectisque distribuit. Hue 
 accedebant xyiii onerariae naves, quae ex eo loco ab 
 milibus passuum octo vento tenebantur quo minus in 
 eundem portum venire possent : has equitibus distribuit. 
 Keliquum exercitum Q. Titurio Sabino et L. Aurunculeio 
 Cottae legatis in Mcnapios atque in eos pages Mori- 
 norum, ab quibus ad eum legati non venerant, ducendum 
 dedit ; P. Sulpicium E-ufum legatum cum eo praesidio, 
 quod satis esse arbitrabatur, portum tenere jussit. 
 
 23. His constitutis rebus nactus idoneam ad navi- 
 
 if it is an inconsistency, for Caesar 
 would then say that lie impressed 
 eighty 'onerariae,' and also got to- 
 gether ships enough to convey over 
 two legions, without telling us what 
 these sliips were. They were not 
 ' longae naves,' for he mentions the 
 'longae naves' next, and as it seems 
 to me, he opposes them to the ' onera- 
 riae.' The war ships (' naves longae ') 
 were perhaps used for the auxiliaries, 
 slingers, &c. (c. 25.) The eighteen 
 remaining trading ships, which were 
 for the cavalry, were detained eight 
 miles from the place of Caesar's em- 
 barkation. It looks like careless- 
 nci-s not to mention the name of the 
 *portus' here. He calls it 'Itius' 
 in another place (v. 2, 5), Drumann 
 (Cieschichte Roms, iii. p. 294) affirms 
 that it is not proved that Caesar sailed 
 from Itius on his first voyage, and 
 that the passage in v. 2 rather proves 
 the contrary : ' he chose tliis harbour 
 afterwards, because he had learned 
 that the passage from here to the 
 island was the most co?ivenient ; be- 
 fore it was consequently unknown 
 to him : also at first he sought the 
 shortest passaffc.'' Caesar thought 
 that the sliortest way was the best 
 for him. Drumann may prove in 
 the same way that Caesar did not 
 land at the same place in the first 
 and in the second expedition (v. 8). 
 Strabo (p. 199) says that Caesar 
 sailed from Itius in the night, and 
 reached Britain ou the next day at 
 
 the fourth hour. The time agrees 
 with that of Caesar. Strabo knew 
 that Caesar invaded the island twice 
 (p. 200) ; but he has not carefully 
 distinguished the two ex[)editions. It 
 is clear, however, tliat he understood 
 Caesar to mean that he sailed from 
 Itius on the first expedition. He 
 makes the length of tlie voyage 320 
 stadia, or forty Ron«in miles. He 
 may have found xx.xx in his copy of 
 Caesar instead of xxx (v. 2). The 
 place eight miles off is called the 
 ' ulterior portus ' in the next chapter. 
 If the Itius is Witsand, the ' ulte- 
 rior portus ' may be Sangatte ; but it 
 cannot be Calais, which is thirteen 
 Roman miles from Witsand or Wis- 
 sant. 
 
 quaestori] See i. 52. 
 
 er eo loco] He has not mentioned 
 any place, but we learn ft"om the end 
 of this chapter that it w;is a ' portus,' 
 and in tiie country of the Morini, for 
 he went into the country of the Mo- 
 rini (c. 21), and while be was in 
 these parts (*■ in his locis,' c. 21 ) h;^ 
 got his ships together. 
 
 ducendum] " Deducendum,' Elb., 
 for which there is good MSS. autho- 
 rity ; but the simple verb is used 
 in speaking of an invasion. The 
 usage of 'deducere' is different in 
 B. G. i. 54 ; ii. 35 ; v. 27. ' Ducere ' 
 is said in iv. 38 of the movement 
 which ia mentioned hei*c. See also 
 vii. 34. 
 
202 
 
 C. JULII CAESAETS 
 
 LIBER IT. 
 
 203 
 
 gandum tenfipestatem tertia fere vigilia solvit, equitesque 
 in ulteriorem portum progredi et naves conacendere et se 
 sequi jussit. A quibus quum paulo tardius esset adminis- 
 tratum, ipse hora circiter diei quarta cum primis navibus 
 Britanniam attigit, atque ibi in omnibus coUibus expositaa 
 hostium copias annatas conspexit. Cujus loci haec erat 
 Datura atque ita montibus angustis mare continebatur 
 uti ex locis superioribus in litus telum adigi posset. 
 Hunc ad egrediendum nequaquam idoneum locum arbi- 
 tratus, dum reliquae naves eo convenirent, ad horam 
 nonam in ancoris expectavit. Interim legatis tribunisque 
 militum convocatis, et quae ex Yoluseno coQ^nosset et 
 quae fieri vellet ostendit, monuitque, ut rei militaris ratio, 
 niaxime ut maritimae res postularent, ut quum celerem 
 
 23. tertia — viffih'a] He sailed the 
 2,5th or26th of August, when the night 
 in the latitude of London was ten 
 hours lon;r. He sailed after the second 
 'vigilia,' after half tlie night was 
 spent. The night (Roman) is always 
 twelve hours, and as the sun set 
 ahout seven, Caesar saileil ahout mid- 
 night, if 'tertia fere vigilia' means 
 about the beginning of the third 
 watch. It is sometiiing different 
 from ' tertia vigilia.' See i. 12, note. 
 The next day (Roman) would begin 
 about five, and the day being four- 
 teen hours, he was under the high 
 cliffs on the coast of Britain between 
 eight and nine in the morning. It 
 was eight or nine hours' sail. I be- 
 lieve 'circiter hora quarta' is the 
 beginning of the fourth hour. 
 
 putilo] 'id p.aulo,' Elb. ; but 
 *id' is not used with 'adminis- 
 trare.' See c. 29. 31. The 'equites' 
 were slow in doing his orders; and 
 they did not effect the passage (c. 
 
 atque ita] Elb. has *adeo.' The 
 context explains Caesar's meaninjr : 
 the sea was closely bounded bv hills 
 80 steep that a missile could be 
 thrown from the upper parts upon 
 the shore. ' Augustus' is a participle, 
 like ' onustus,' and means 'contracted.' 
 In vii. 44 the ' dorsum,' or ridge of 
 
 a hill, is called 'angustum.' The 
 ridge was narrow, and it follows that 
 the sides were steep. If Caesar had 
 simply said 'altis,' instead of ' an- 
 gtistis,' he would not have expressed 
 the fact that the hills rose steep from 
 the shore. As a mountain generally 
 has a slope, it may be said to be con- 
 tracted, if it has not a slope. I see 
 no other way of explaining the word ; 
 and I cannot find any passage exactly 
 like it. I.ivy however writes (21, e. 
 3G), " ventum deinde ad multo an- 
 gustiorcm rupem," whicli can only 
 mean that tht- steepness of tlie rock 
 made the road along it more con- 
 tracted ('angustiorem viam,' c. 34). 
 In B. G. i. G, the road between the 
 Rhone and the Jura is made 'an- 
 gustus ' by the mountains rising steep 
 above it. Some of the German com- 
 mentators are sorely pu/zled about 
 this passage, and their explanations 
 are absurd. Cicero, writing to At- 
 ticus tlie next year (Ad Att. iv. 16), 
 gives the same description, probably 
 from the let'ers of his brotjicr Quin- 
 tus ; "Constat enim aditus insulae 
 esse munitos mirificis molibus," a 
 description that applies to the coast 
 between Folkstone and South Fore- 
 Land, and to the coast of Thanet. 
 
 lit quum] ' Ut quae,' the correc- 
 tion of Lipsius, as it seems, followed 
 
 ■*S1 
 
 atque instabilem motum habereut ad nutum et ad tem- 
 pus omnes res ab iis administrarentur. His dnnissis et 
 ventum et aestum uno tempore nactus secundum dato 
 signo et sublatis ancoris circiter milia passuum vii ab eo 
 loco progressus aperto ac piano litore naves constUuit. 
 
 24. At barbari consilio Eomanorum cognito, praemisso 
 equitatu et essedariis, quo plerumque genere in proeliia 
 uti consuerunt, reliquis copiis subsecuti nostros navibus 
 egredi prohibebant. Erat ob has causas summa difficultas, 
 quod naves propter magnitudinem nisi in alto constitui 
 non poterant, militibus autem ignotis locis, impeditis 
 manibus magno et gravi onere armorum oppressis, simul 
 et de navibus desiliendum et in fluctibus consistendum 
 et cum hostibus erat pugnandum, quum illi aut ex arido 
 aut paulum in aquam progressi, omnibus membris expe- 
 ditis, notissimis locis, audacter tela conjicerent et equos 
 insuefactos incitarent. Quibus rebus uostri perterriti 
 atque hujus omnino generis pugnae imperiti non eadem 
 alacritate ac studio quo in pedestribus uti proehis con- 
 suerant utebantur. 
 
 bv most editors. * Ut quam ' is the 
 reading of nearly all the MSS. Three 
 MSS. have 'quae quam.' Some 
 editions have ' ut quia.' Schneider 
 has 'ut [quae] celerem.' The sim- 
 plest change is to write ' ut quum.' 
 'Postularent' does not depend on 
 ' monuit.' The sense is this : 'Caesar 
 warned them, consistently with the 
 rules of military art, and particularly 
 of naval matters, that, as they had 
 to move with rapidity, and on an 
 unstable surface, every thing must be 
 done with strict regard to the signal 
 and the time.' 
 
 aestum] He was at anchor from 
 the fourth to the ninth hour, that is, 
 five or six hours. About three in 
 the afternoon, wind and tide being 
 favourable. he was carried about seven 
 Roman miles from his anchorage 
 along the coast, and there be found a 
 landing-place on an open, flat shoi e. 
 
 Caesar landed in the same place 
 jn botli invasions, which place I be- 
 lieTC to be Dexl. See note at the 
 
 end of the Fifth Book. 
 
 24. essedariis] Caesar mentions 
 these two-wheeled cars several times, 
 but it happens that he always has 
 occasion to use the form 'essedis.' 
 We learn from other authorities that 
 the nominative is generally ' esse- 
 dum,' but whe her it is a Roman or 
 Gallic word is uncertam. Cicero 
 (Ad Div. vii. 7) uses the word, and 
 Viigil (Georg. iii. 204) calls them 
 'Belgica esseda.' Though Caesar 
 says 'equitatu,' it appears that the 
 Britanni had no cavalry, and only 
 ' essedarii.' See v. 16, note. 
 
 mernlnis eorpeditis] ' Membris ex- 
 pediti,' Elb. 
 
 insuefactos] 'Trained to go into 
 the water.' The verb ' insuefacere,' 
 it is said, occurs only here. — ' uteban- 
 tur :' Schn. and Elb. have 'niteban- 
 tur,' on the authority of two MSS. ; 
 Kraner also has ' nitebantur.' Tho 
 two words are easily and often con- 
 founded. The repetition is no ui*- 
 jection to ' utebantui.' 
 
201 
 
 C. JULIl CAESAEIS 
 
 usum expedkLTLull, r .'"r""'°'' ''^ ■"«'"«»() 
 
 deciinae le-ionis ao flnnr?*^ l «"""''"iem maris, qui 
 
 tones, nisi vultis aoui^l^^n 1 IT^'^^' ""!"''. cominili- 
 
 "jeu,,; ,.ei public eaTil'Sori !ffl°'"'^= ^«" -^^''^ 
 iloc quum voce niaffni .HW J / "'^'''."'" Praestitero. 
 
 ii hoites aquilarCe CO 'pi^TU'" T^'"'/*-!"" 
 iiavi des ueruiit Ho^ ;f„„, „ • "'^' "'"versi ex 
 
 quum conspexissent sub ecuti L^Hh"""' ^"""^ ""^'^us 
 
 2G. PugLtu,„ est ab utrile a riLV'^'T'".^^ 
 quod neque ordines servare nlueS« • t ' '"'"'"' 
 s.gaa subsequi ,o.^r.^,:^T^ZT:^^. 
 
 25. removeri^smwiovenl Two 
 compounds of 'move,' which are 
 
 ;„ . ■. ,, '^ '" removere' 
 
 IS not an idle addition, for 'remo- 
 vei-e IS not simply to 'move,' hut 
 o chanjre a thm^^ from one position 
 to another; as Ovi.l has it Me 
 
 t:-J'''- ':''r-^os,uoconZ\ 
 tronte rcmovit ad aures " 
 
 '«..m,novere' is to put aside ; to 
 
 pit an ohstacle out of the wav • as 
 
 when a lictor clears the road f,.',. a 
 
 magi.tratus.'orthelike; or a man 
 
 fortes lus way ihrou-h a crowd. 
 
 nio.e: for this is what 'mo,!o' 
 ineans, a word that limits the signi- 
 fication of 'paulum.' See vi 27 
 
 Tantummodo' is a like usage! and 
 
 dum modo ' is another. 
 </ecj///aeJ The legion h.ad the ea^le 
 placed on a pole for its standard, 
 i.aesar docs not mention the gallant 
 
 soldier's name, though he mentions 
 names sometimes (v'sZ). V-ZTuI 
 A aximus („.. 2, § 23) his a story of 
 the bravery of M. Sc.eva on ^the 
 
 stoiy uluch has a very apocrvnl.l 
 
 for disbelieving it because Caesir 
 does not mention it, for it is norh 8 
 
 ';: t^l^n/to r' '''' ^'""^ ^^''-^^ ^« - 
 
 niattiial to his purpose 
 
 r^fn, primsl Nearly all the 
 in tl "^ ^«th Monis, but not all 
 
 ' primfs '"""p ^"''''- Kraner omit 
 fis f. .^"''^""'s should stand 
 Jnst. It Bv^iues the nearest 6hin« 
 
 l>nt\primis'addssometE H' 
 
 (Omt c St . "^''^^"^''O"- C'icero 
 
 riorum ''n? i'^' •'""''-'' '"'"°» ''"I'e- 
 norem; and lacitus (Ann. i 77^ 
 
 pi-oximo priorc anuo.' ^' 
 
 LIBER JV. 
 
 205 
 
 cunque signis occurrerat se aggregabat, magno opere per- 
 t iirbabaiitur : hostes vero notis omnibus vadis, ubi ex 
 litore aliquos singularea ex navi egredientes conspex- 
 erant, iucitatis equis impeditos adoriebantur, plures 
 paucos circumsistebant, alii ab latere aperto in universes 
 tela conjiciebant. Quod quum animadvertisset Caesar, 
 scaphas longarum navium, item speculatoria navigia mili- 
 tibus compleri jussit, et quos laborautes conspexerat, his 
 subsidia submittebat. Nostri simul in arido coustiterunt, 
 suis omnibus consecutis in hostes impetum fecerunt 
 atque eos in fugam dederunt neque longius prosequi 
 potuerunt, quod equites cursum tenere atque insulam 
 capere non potuerant. Hoc unum ad pristinara fortunam 
 Caesari det'uit. 
 
 27. Hostes proelio superati, simul atque se ex fuga 
 receperunt, statim ad Caesarem legatos de pace miserunt, 
 obsides daturofi quaeque imperasset facturos sese polliciti 
 sunt. Una cum his legatis Commius Atrebas venit, 
 quern supra demonstraveram a Caesare in Britanniam 
 praemissum. Hunc illi e navi egressum, quum ad eoa 
 oratoris modo Caeaaris mandata deferret, comprehen- 
 
 26. conspext'ra7it . . . adoriebantur] 
 Comp. ' occurrerat se aggregabat ; 
 and iii. 15, 'quum circumstcterant 
 , . . contendebant.' — 'ab latere aperto :' 
 see i. 25. 
 
 scaphas . . . nainum] The boats 
 of the ships of war. ' Speculatoria 
 navi<;ia,' light vessels for keeping a 
 look out. They had no 'rostra.' Livy 
 36, c. 42 (Kraner). 
 
 cursum tenere] In v. 8, ' cursum 
 non tenuit.' This is explained by 
 r. 28. The cavalry did not land in 
 Britain; they could not reach the 
 island. See c. 36, and v. 8; also 
 i. 25, ' monte capto.' All the MSS. 
 are said to have ' non potuerunt,' and 
 Schneider follows them. 
 
 27. iiinul atnue] In the preceding 
 chaptei 'simul . . . constiterunt' is 
 used without 'atque.' 'Simul,' in 
 such passages as these, is often fol- 
 lowed by ' atque ' or ' ac,' and by 
 *ut' also, as it appears from some 
 ezaniples. 
 
 legatos] Dion Cassius (xxxix. 51) 
 says that the Britanni sent some of 
 the Morini, their friends, to Caesar. 
 He does not mention Comm. AVo 
 may conclude that he is following 
 some other authority than Caesar, or 
 inventing a story. 
 
 oratoris modo] He was not sent 
 as an 'orator.' for Caesar sent him 
 to try what he could do, as if he 
 came without being sent (c. 21). His 
 mission was like that of an ' orator,' 
 or envoy, for ' orator ' is often used 
 like ' legatus.' Cicero (Brutus, c. 14) 
 speaks of C. Fabricius : " quia sit ad 
 Pyrrhum de captivis recnperandis 
 missus orator;" and Virgil (Aen. 
 vii. 153). Schneider remarks that 
 thdHphrase 'jus oratorum' docs not 
 occur. ' Jus legatorum ' is a com- 
 mon expression. 
 
 deferret] There is good authority 
 both for 'perfcnet' and 'deferret;' 
 and either might be used here. But 
 the meaning of the two words dillers. 
 
206 
 
 C. JULTI CAESARIS 
 
 LIBER lY. 
 
 207 
 
 remiserunt, et in petenda pace e)us rei ciilpam in multi 
 
 returpetnerint. Caesar questus, quod qimm ultro in 
 continentem legatis missis pacem ib se petisseiit beHnm 
 sine causa iutulissent, iguoscere imprudcM'tte d iit ob"" 
 desque .mperavit; quorum illi parLm statim dodorun " 
 partem ex lonj,nnquioribus locis arcessitam paucis diebus 
 Bese daturos d.xeruut. Interea sues remigrare fn acros 
 usserunt, pnncpesque undique convenire^t se ciWta 
 tesque suas Caesari commendare coeperunt 
 
 28. U,s rebus pace confirmata post diem ouartum 
 quam est m Bntanniam veutum, uaves xvin de quS 
 
 *Perferre' is simply to carry to a 
 place, and notliing more. ' Defei re ' 
 has a technical sense, and signifies to 
 carry some special message, or to lay 
 some matter before constituted au- 
 thorities, and the like. Thus, in 
 1^1 vy (n. 4), a slave informed the 
 consuls of a conspiracy: 'rem ad 
 consules detul.t.' 6ac8ar in one pas- 
 sage (B.C. ,9) uses both 'perferre' 
 and deferre' in the same sentence. 
 fc>ee m. 23, note. 
 
 co,aulenoit] Schneider and Kraner 
 have conjecerunt.' There is autho- 
 rity for both. Caesar may have used 
 conjecerunt,' and some copyists may 
 have tried to improve him by vary- 
 ing the expression; or, if he wrote 
 contulerunt,' they may have un- 
 wittingly repeated the former word 
 conjeccrant.'—'ejus rei' refers to 
 putting Comm in chains 
 
 paucis duiim] ' Within a few davs ' 
 asjvesay. See i. 31, « paucis annis;'' 
 and V -J. When thus used it seems 
 to refer to future time; whereas 
 paucis post diebus' generally refers 
 to past time. o j o 
 
 ^^^•Postdiem^c] This means, 
 literally, on the fourth day aiicr 
 the arrival in Britannia.' The full 
 expression would be : ' on the fourth 
 day after the day on which Caesar 
 reached Britain.' It is no explana- 
 tion to say that it is equivalent to 
 
 die quarto jx.stquam.' ' Post diem 
 
 quarum ,s after the fourth day;' 
 and quam has the place of a rela- 
 tive attracted to the preceding accu- 
 sative. It 18 no objection to this 
 explanation that 'q„am' does not 
 agree in gender with 'quartum.' The 
 expression had by usage got into a 
 form which does not admit of strict 
 gi-ammatical analysis. Livy has 
 anno trecentesimo altero quam con- 
 
 Ji.ta Roma em "(iii. 33), and other 
 iilve expressions. Caesar probably 
 means that two full days had elapsed 
 between the day on whi.h he landed 
 and the day on which the cavalry ^et 
 8:ul; as inc. 9, 'post diem tertinm' 
 means that only one full day inter- 
 vened, as the narrative shows. In 
 these two instances then the two 
 extremes and the intermediate time 
 a.e included, to make up the num- 
 bers three and four But the Komans 
 did not always reckon thus. Some- 
 
 tTJ''' 1i' .^"^ ««"-^--s they 
 did not, ^ Savigny shows {Systeii 
 
 amples. 1 he expressions were ambi- 
 fh"r'?i«^»^ey. always will be, and 
 this ambiguity is exemplified i i the 
 
 cl'S'^^r''';'^^^^«''"'=^^'""°f he 
 
 kt n^ ' ^""l '^'^ '■"^^ ^^' interca- 
 lating was that It should be made 
 quarto quoque anno,' which wa. 
 very soon mistaken; and the interTa! 
 three full vears. 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 Bupra deraonstratum est, quae equites sustulerant, ex 
 superiore portu leni vento solverunt. Quae quum appro- 
 pinquarent Britanniae et ex castris viderentur, tanta 
 tempestas subito coorta est ut nulla earum cursum tenere 
 posset, sed aliae eodem unde erant profectae referrentur, 
 aliae ad inferiorem partem insulae, quae est propius solis 
 occasum, magno sui cum periculo dejicerentur ; quae 
 tamen ancoris jactis quum fluctibus complerentur, neces- 
 sario adversa nocte in altum provectae continentem 
 petierunt. 
 
 29. Eadem nocte accidit ut esset luna plena, qui dies 
 
 supertore portull Which he called 
 the 'ulterior portus' in c. 23. The 
 ' inferiorem partem ' is the south, or 
 Bouth-east and south coast of Kent, 
 to which they were driven ('deji- 
 cerentur') ; and he makes this clearer 
 by adding 'propius solis occasum.' 
 Tlie use of * inferior ' also shows 
 that the port on the Gallic coast 
 which Caesar calls 'superior' is east 
 of the port from which he sailed. 
 
 sui^ This word occupies the same 
 position as the noun in ' sine ullo 
 periculo legionis ' (i. 46). 
 
 quae tamen] Caesar's general for- 
 mula is ' etsi — tamen.' But he often 
 uses ' tamen ' by itself, as here and 
 in iii. 10. 14. 22, and in many other 
 passages. By comparing these with 
 the passages in which he uses ' etsi . . . 
 tamen ' it will appear that when 
 ' tamen ' only is used, the form of the 
 first part of the sentence is different 
 from what it would be if ' etsi ' were 
 used, and we cannot say here that 
 ' tamen ' refers to a suppressed ' etsi ' 
 or ' quamquam.' The difficulty of 
 translation is mainly caused by 
 ' quae ;' but it is made easier if we 
 observe that Caesar could have said 
 simply *quae quum fluctibus com- 
 plerentur,' and ' as the vessels began 
 to fill with water.' The words 
 ' tamen ancoris jactis,' however, are 
 interposed, and they must be referred 
 to the former part of the sentence, 
 and the whole stands thus : ' others 
 were driven from their course with 
 
 great risk : still they cast anchor, 
 but as the vessels were filling with 
 water,' «&c. ' Adversa nocte,' ' as 
 the night was unfavourable to them ;' 
 it increased their danger. Miiller 
 explains ' adversa nocte ' to mean 
 ' towards night,' the * night coming 
 on,' which explanation, as he says, 
 was first proposed by Herzog and 
 then withdrawn. 
 
 Orosius (vi. 9) mistakes this mat- 
 ter about the cavalry. 
 
 29. Iu7ia pletia] Dr. Halley fixed 
 this full moon as happening on the 
 night of the 30th and 31st of August, 
 after midnight, B.C. 55, of the re- 
 formed Calendar. See note at the 
 end of Book V. Kraner has this 
 note : " According to astronomical 
 computation (Wex Tac. Agric. p. 
 181) the full moon fell on the night 
 of the 9th and 10th of September of 
 the year 55 B.C. Caesar consequently 
 lauded in Britain on the 6th of 
 September." 
 
 It is strange that none of Caesar's 
 men had observed the spring tides 
 on the French coast during the war 
 with the Veneti (iii. 12), or heard of 
 them. He says ' nostris,' not ' Cae- 
 sari.' Did he know the fact him- 
 self, and not foresee the danger .»* 
 He speaks of the tides on the Vene- 
 tian coast (iii. 12). 
 
 qui dies] Compare * is dies ' (i. 
 6) ; and as to the use of the rei ative, 
 ii. 1. 
 
208 
 
 C. JUL 1 1 CAl'SAUIS 
 
 ?i 
 
 maritlinos ncstiis niaximos in Ocoano cfriocro cniiFiiievit, 
 nostrisquo id or:it iiu'OijjMituin. Ita inio tcMuporc ct longas 
 n.'ivrH, (|uilMiM Cju'mmi* (wcrriliim t i-.iiiMpiirliuKliiin cuni- 
 veraL (luasquo in ar'ulum aubiluxtTal, acstus complcbat, et 
 onorarias quae ad ancoras eraiit dcli'j^atae tenipcstas 
 afllictabat, ncqac ulla uostrid tacultas aiit adriunistrandi 
 aufc aiixiliaiuli dabalur. Cotnpluribiis iiavibus I'ractis, 
 rcli(]iiae qiiuin csscnt fimibus, ancoris reli(juis(pic arnia* 
 mentis amissis ad navigamluin iuutilfs, iiKiixna, id quod 
 iicccsse crat accidere, totius cxorcitiis pertiirbatio facta 
 est. Neque t'liiin naves crant nllao (piibiis rrportari pos* 
 sent, ct uiiiiiia deerant quae ad n rKiendas nav(^3 erant 
 Usui ; et quod ouuiibus cunstabat hicniari in (lallia opor- 
 terc, frunientuni his iu locis in bieincui provisum non 
 crat. 
 
 30. Quibus rcbu3 cognitis princi()os Britanniae, qui 
 post proeliuni ad Caesareni convenerani, inter se collocuti, 
 quuin cquites et naves ct rnnncntuui Jioinanis dcesse 
 intelligereut ct paucitateni niilitum ex castrorum cxigui- 
 tate cognoscerent, (juae hoc crant ctiaui august iora quod 
 sine iinpedinientia Caesar legiones transportaverat, opti- 
 nunn iactu esse duxcrunt, rebellione facta, fruniento 
 couHueatuque nostros jirohibere ct rem in bictnein pro- 
 dueere, (plod his superalis aut reditu intfrclusis neuuncm 
 postea belli infereudi causa in Jiritanniaui trausituruin 
 conlidebaut. Itaquc rursus conjurationc facta 2)aulatiiu 
 
 •■ 
 
 7.II5i;U IV 
 
 <) 
 
 L'O'J 
 
 
 '%>■. 
 
 ex castris discederc ac suos clam ex agris deduccrecoepe- 
 runt. 
 
 IJl. At (^acHarrfKJ nonjhim ronnn conHilia cdj^noviTM!, 
 tanicu ct ex evcntu navium Huarum et ex C'j(juod obsidcH 
 daro intenniserant, fore id quod aeeidit suspieabatur. 
 Itaque ad omnes casus Pul)Hidia comparabat. Nam et 
 frumeutum ex agris rpiotidic in castra conlercbat et quae 
 gravissiiue afllictae erant naves, earuin materia atquo 
 aere ad reliquas reficicndas utebatur, et quae ad eas res 
 erant usui ex continenti cornportari jubcbat. Itaque 
 quuin sununo Ptudio a militil)us adininiHt rarctur, xii 
 navibua amissis, relicjuis ut navigari commode i)osHet 
 effecit. 
 
 32. Dum ea gcruntur, legione ex consuetudine una 
 frumentatum missa, quae appellabatur septinia, neque ulla 
 ad id tempus belli suspicione interposita, quuin pars 
 homiuuin in agris remaneret, pars etiani in casira vcnti- 
 taret, ii qui pro portis castrorum in statione erant Caesari 
 
 rrrrrihtm] He lia<» f.'iid (r. 22) 
 tli:it till- ' onrrarini- ' ucrc sulliciciit 
 Cor tlic transport of two li>f,'i()n<s, and 
 that the ' loMirac naves' \vcicassiLMK-<l 
 to the «iu:u-stor, Icj^ati, nud iMnctVcti. 
 JIcio lio says that part of the army 
 was iti the ' loiigac naves.' See c. 
 
 2:> 
 
 iiilmiuhtiaudi] 'Managing' the 
 ships. 
 
 ijii'id ovmifms co)}$t<ih<tt'\ 8rc iii. 9. 
 * And l)eransc every hody knew tiiat 
 they must pass tlie winter in (JaUia, 
 corn in thcsi- parts for llio winter 
 was not |)r(«vided.' It was ^^'cnerally 
 known, and tlicrcfore no provision in 
 thchc i>arls had been made by tlic 
 
 command'T and hy t!io«c who had to 
 look after tlie wint< r 5U['pli<.'9. 
 
 WK jn)>t pr'-rli'tvi] * I'ns: procliiun 
 factum ad ca, quae jiis<-crat Caesar, 
 farirnda rotivcnerant.' Idb. 
 
 },,,c — iini)il\ ' I'or this reason .... 
 b<M'au*c ' Cae<ar oftin u«ies the ab- 
 hitivc of the drmoTisttalivo 'hie' in 
 this way (i. 2. ',M). lie also iiscj 
 * proptcrea . , . quod ' (i. 1. G, 7. H', 
 i^f.). and ' ea dc rausa quod ' (iii. \]\ 
 iv. .'•<)). Hut with ' hoc' the compa- 
 rative is used. 
 
 r-ise ih/rrruKl] * Considered it to 
 l)C.' This vi<e of ' durrre ' orcurs in 
 C'ir. Verr. ii. o, e. .5.5, ami elscwhcrt.-. 
 
 ntrnts] That is ' revorsus,' ' in 
 
 the opposite direetinn.' rbancing 
 from peaceable to hoMJlc interjtions 
 (Kramr). — 'conjurationc:' sec vii. 
 I 
 
 31. evfntu f7fiftM(/»] * What had 
 happened to the ^hips.' — Tlie mran- 
 ing of 'suhsidia* is collected fmni 
 what follows, ' Nam,' A;c. 
 
 tr ctiyitinciiti\ *C"oniinen«« tcira' is 
 a continuous, unintcrm]>t( <1 nia"-* of 
 land, jis opposed to an island, ("onip. 
 V. 11. In iii. 2fi there is ' conti- 
 Dcntcsque silvas ar pahuh-s.' 
 
 quuin yuiiiini)\ ' (^iiuin id sumnio,' 
 Elb. Hut 'id' i? '>miiitd iu hiany 
 MSS. See also c. 2.'{, note. It ou;!ht 
 properly to refer to tonu thiti;j that 
 preredcs, ns S. hiicidcr ohscrvrs, 
 but if 'id' s»and« hire, it mu»t r«f«r 
 to what follows, for the meaning ii«: 
 'Accordingly as the s«)]di(T8 worked 
 with the greatest ardour, Cicsar, 
 with the- loss of twelve ships, was 
 enabled to pet the rest into Fea- 
 worthy condition.' 
 
 3'J. srfi/iinii\ A Tiauie like ' Kp- 
 lima' seems to itnply that Mhen this 
 Icjfion was formed the Ronnns had 
 oiuy six. Sec Cicero, I'aradox. vi. 1, 
 
 § 4"). The two leciion^ which came 
 over to Hritain were theReventlj and 
 the tenth (c. 2.5). Caesar had nn'^v 
 ei'jht Ic'^ioim in all. He found otn* 
 in the I'roviiici.-i (i. 7). lie broufjlit 
 tlirt-e from Aquilria, and laist-d two 
 in Cisali-ine Callia (i. 10. 2 J). He 
 raised two more in Cisalpine Gallia 
 (ii. 2. 8. IJ)). The ninth, tenth, 
 el even th.eiLdith, twelfth, and seventh, 
 aie mentioned (ii. 2.'i. 2f!). 'j'hc 
 thirte* nth is mcntioiMd (v. .53), ainl 
 a fourteenth (vi. .''2). Jint sec tlie 
 note on vi. 1. 
 
 tiifrrjtnsif't] Nothing liaTin;T hap- 
 pene<l to make the Kouians suspe- 1 
 an att.nk hctwcrn tin- snlimissioii <>{ 
 the liiitaniii and this dav. ' Ham 
 h'uniiiinn ' is womc «»f the fii itanni. 
 
 iti t:f'ifi'>t!r\ This is a militaiy 
 phrase. It meatiR those who were on 
 guard (Ovid, Isisi ii. G")). He 
 speaks (vi. .'*7) of the 'eohors in ufa- 
 t!f)nc' :it the * decumana porta.' 
 Peilinps one cohort w.i" generally on 
 L'uard at «'a' h gale. Here (y'acar 
 leaves two coh(UtB only to guard the 
 tamp. 
 
 ? ^ 
 
 .^I'feg 
 
 •*' 
 
 « 
 
 
 • f a 
 
 ^' X M 
 
 
 • -.S," 
 
 #' 
 
 \m 
 
 K. , 
 
 ■I I ' ■ < fcn. 
 
 ■ ■'^ ■ a 'l^ iKi , . y ••Mf n. ^ 
 
 ■"" r'^'?;'«?r'? 
 
210 
 
 C. 
 
 J'JLII 
 
 (JAKSAUI.S 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 iiuntiaverunt pulverein majorcin quam consiietudo ferret 
 Ml ea parte videri, quatn in partem lei:;io iter fecisaet 
 CuoHur id (juod crat Hiispiral us, ali<p«l<l iif)vi n barbar;; 
 iuituin coiiHiiii, coliortcs <piae in HlationibuM cnnit »ucu 
 iu cam partem proficisci, ex rcliquis diias in btatioue:. 
 coliortes succcdcre, rtdiquas armari ct confcstini se^ 
 subscqui jusait. Quum paulo longiu3 a castria proce^ 
 sisset, SU03 ab hostibus [)rcini atque aogre sustiuere, r; 
 conferta legiono ex omnibus parti])ii9 tela conjici auima. 
 vertit. Nam quod omni ex reliquis partibus demes 
 frumento para una crat reli<jua, suspicati bostea hi 
 nostroa ease venturoa noctu in silvis delituerant; tu 
 dispersoa depositia armia in metendo occupatos subi: 
 adorti paucia interfectis rcliquoa incertia ordinibus pt: 
 turbaverant, simul cquitatu atque cssedia circumdedt 
 rant. 
 
 33. Genua lioc eat ex esscdia pugnae : primo per omnu 
 
 LIBER IV. 
 
 211 
 
 !{■ 
 
 } 
 
 /omnetiulnf, rrrt\ Sec vi. 7, * f»rl 
 consuctudo.' 'I'liis is «ine of tlic 
 usages of ' fcrt' which tlocs not bear 
 a literal translation. *Thcy reported 
 that there was n)ore dust seen in 
 that ouarter than usual ;' more than 
 would be raised siuiply hy the niarcli 
 of a body of men. The subjunctive 
 'ferret' seems to dej)cnd on * nun- 
 tiavcrunt. 
 
 ex rclifiuts duns] He ordered the 
 four cohorts who were kerpin? watch 
 to join him ; out of the rest, the 
 other »\x cohorts of the Ir^rjon, he 
 left two cohorts to pu:iril the camp, 
 and lie took with him the remaining 
 fonr cohorts (' reliquas'). 
 
 cori/frln Irt/intir] An eniendntion, 
 or rather corruption, has l>cen pro- 
 posed, ' iu confcrtam Icjrionein.' The 
 ablative is Caesar's fashion. The 
 Bohlieis had cU)sed tlieir r.inks : this 
 is all that is meant. 
 
 wrcriis ordinihuA See c. 2G, 
 *ordinc8 scrvarc.' J'hc position of 
 * rcliquos .... perturbaverant' with 
 'inrertis ordinibus' interposed, shows 
 how it h;i[>pencd thit the Britanni 
 threw the rest into confusion, which 
 v.as owing to their lines beinp hardly 
 t'urmcd, or to the inability- of the sol- 
 
 diers to maintain their lines. 
 
 Dion Ca-s us (xxxix. ^>'l) descriU. 
 this affair diirerently. He could Dot 
 get his statement fiom Caesar's t(^ 
 
 Si. (irtiu.t hi>c\ This dcscripl 
 interrupts the narrative, and the; 
 fape seems out of place, for Caesar 
 scribes the way in wliii h these 'esso- 
 darii ' attac k cavalry, and he brought 
 none with him. The description 
 may be derived from his experience 
 of the following year ; or it is pofsible 
 that the (lalli, jorne of whom hid 
 fcttlc«l in liritiin, liad experience o( 
 this IJrili'-h mode of lij.'litin|];, and 
 that it was known to tiic (Jallic 
 auxiliaries of Caesar. He seems to 
 say, indt-ed (c. 'JO), that he could not 
 learn any thin;» about the nritish 
 military system. However (c. 3-5), be 
 had cot Comm's thiity horscincn. 
 
 * Kx essedis ptipnar,' ' of tlic cha- 
 riot fighting.' ' Kx esH-dis' has the 
 force of an ndjectivc. See v. 27, 
 'ex Hispania quidam.' This ig I 
 common KomaTi way of placing wordi, 
 wliich the French U'^e a gnat deal; 
 as 'fcstin de roi.' *n royal feast;' 
 ' ace <I*or. ' golden n^v ;' ' les foreti 
 d halie,' ' the Italian forcFls.' 
 
 I^-^ 
 
 partea pcrequitant et tela conjiciunt atque ipso terrore 
 equorum et etrepitu rotarum ordinea plerumquo pertur- 
 bant, et (pnnn ko inter cquitum iurmas niHuniaverunt, ex 
 Bssedia de^iliunt et pedibus proeliantur. Aur.gao interuii 
 paulatim ex proelio excedunt atque ita currua coUocant, 
 ut si illi a multitudine hoHtium j)rcmantur expeditum ad 
 8U03 receptum babeant. Ita mobilitatem eqnitum, stabi- 
 litatem peditum in proeliia praeatant, ac tan turn uau 
 quotidiano et cxercitatione eiliciunt uti in deelivi ac 
 praecipiti loco incitatoa equoa suatinere et brevi moderari 
 ac ilectere et per temonem percurrere et in jugo insiatero 
 et se inde in currua citiaaime recipere conauennt. 
 
 34. Quibua rebua ])erturbatiH noatris novitato pugnao 
 tempore opportunieaimo Caesar auxilium tulit; iiamquo 
 ejua adventu bostea conatiterunt, noatri ee ex timore 
 receperunt. Quo facto ad laceaaeudum et ad commit- 
 tendum proelium alienum eaae tempua arbitratua buo se 
 loco coutinuit, et brevi tempore intermisao in caatra 
 legionea reduxit. Dmn baec geruntur, uoatria omnibus 
 occupatia, qui erant in agria reliqui discesserunt. Secutae 
 sunt coutinuos complures dies tempestates quae et nos- 
 
 
 -d. 
 
 V ■ 
 
 I 
 
 ',<^'' 
 
 pcdibtts prorltfivttir] A better 
 1-eading than ' pedites,' whirh a few 
 MSS. have. See ii. 2, and v. Hi, 
 •pedibus contendere.' 
 
 pracstant] The nominative is the 
 'esecdarii,' whom he has not named 
 in this chapter ('pcrequitant. conji- 
 ciunt,' (Sec.) ; but the wor<l is easily 
 derived from 'ex essedis.' By tliis 
 practice tlio 'cssedaiii' supply the 
 place, in a manner, of both cavalry 
 and infiintiy ; they have the rapid 
 movement of cavalry by means of 
 their chariots, nnd by alighting they 
 act as infantry. The' temo,' or ))olc, 
 mu»t have been »<> mado as to give a 
 footing to these nimble fi-hters; and 
 .the 'juL'um,' which held the horses' 
 necks together, so fitted as to enable 
 a man to jdacc one foot at least on it 
 to steady him while he threw his 
 missile. Sonic peoj>lo think that all 
 this is very ptran::e and hardly cre- 
 dible; but'they measure the story of 
 Caesar by the activity of a modern 
 
 F 
 
 Rritish s(.ldicr. — * brevi moderari/ 
 &c., probulily ujeans ' quickly to 
 control and turn them,' for ' brevi/ 
 which means 'within a short time,' 
 can hardly mean here 'within a small 
 space,' as some suppose. 
 
 ;i4. Qnil>mrchm\ Oudcndorp places 
 a comma after ' rebus,' and Klberling 
 follows him. • Quibus relms' is the 
 ablative case, explained by ' novilate 
 pugnae ;' and it depends on ' peitur- 
 batis nostris.' It <loes not differ in 
 inineiplo from 'Quod ubi Caesar' 
 &r. c. 25. 
 
 ailhiccsscndum] A few MSS. add 
 * liostcm.' 
 
 Dnm haec geruntur] "While the 
 Romans were cngaped with their 
 wounded and strengthening their 
 camp ('occupatis') the Hritanni, 
 who remained (c. 32) on their lands 
 ('in agria'), went off to join th(ir 
 countrymen in a fresh attack on the 
 Komans. 
 
 quae . . . conlinereid] This subjunc* 
 
 2 
 
 • d 
 
 ■Sf- 
 
 '« ■^^■" 'ifX ^ fN^', ^ 3^ 1= ^ ' #s >: 
 
 i. .«,#w-»«*»«^-"«*V*«t**fi"'"*i'} 
 
 
 ••? 
 
 i fH% 
 
 i. S' M 
 
 ^-' . , - 
 
 ' !«*• 
 
 ty 
 
 
 ,«# 
 
L'12 
 
 C. ,]UIAI CAi:s.\KI.S 
 
 
 tros 111 castrm continorciit et hostem a piigna prohibe. 
 rent Interim barbari niuitios in omncs partes dimiaeruut 
 paucitate.nque no.stmrutn rnilit.irn m,is praedicaverunt, 
 ot qnania prae.lao faciorulao atqne in perpetunm sui 
 Ibcian. 1 lacultas daiotur.Hi IJoniaru.s rnslris cxpnli.sent 
 (Icmonxtravornnt. J lis rol.us eelerit.T nuKiia n.ulti' 
 tu.lmo pod.tatns cquitalusque coacta ad ca.tra vene- 
 
 A 11 II La 
 
 :3o Caesar etsi idem quod superioribus diebus acci- 
 derat fore viclebat, ut si essent hostes puLsi, celeritate 
 penculuin enugcrent, tameri nactus equitea circitcr xxx 
 quos Coimnius Atrebas, de quo ante dictum est, socum 
 trausportaverat le^ioues in ncic pro castri.s constituit. 
 Com.M.sso prooho d.utius nostrorum militum iinpetum 
 hostes ierro nou potuerunt ac terga verterunt. Quos 
 tanto spatio secuti quantum cursu et viribus efficere 
 potuerunt complures ex lis occiderunt ; deinde omnibus 
 
 LIBER IV. 
 
 213 
 
 tivc is usually cxpl.iincd by savinij 
 that the construction is the same 
 ns if it were ' tcmpcstatcs, talcs, 
 cjusmodi, tain vehcrnctitcs ut,' ^:c. ; 
 and the cxi»lan.ition is so far true 
 that thcBC othir Wnim of cxprc«t'*iofi 
 could he used. The indicative *qn:io 
 continchant ' would express the lact, 
 which Caesar means; but it is not 
 Caesar's fashion, or that of the con- 
 tcmnoniry writers, to make two direct 
 predications in such a. Bcntcncc a» 
 this, 'i'he fashion iit to make one 
 direct |)redi(aii<>n ('Bocutac sunt') 
 «hich expres>es the main fact, or 
 that on which the emphasis rests: 
 tlic predication is particular and sj)c- 
 cial. 'J'hc other predication ('quae 
 .... contincrent') is subordinate in 
 emphasis, and it is poneral, not par- 
 ticular or special. See ii. 3."}, note 
 on ' contra cos nui.' 
 
 35, suiirriorihiis dichns] Ifc has 
 on!^ mentione<l one ociasion on 
 winch the want of cavalry prevented 
 a pui-Miit (c. 'JO) ; btit Schneider siig- 
 p-<ts that soiiifihinpr „f the kind may 
 huvo ocrurre<l in the battle described 
 in c. 32. 3-4. Caesar must have 
 checked the enemy on that occasion, 
 
 or he cou'd not have secured hi» 
 retreat. He has not mentioned be- 
 fore the thirty horsemen which 
 Comtn had taken over with him. 
 Caesar would not Iiavc told us this, 
 except for the acridcnl of his getting 
 the assistance of tlu'-c liorscmen. It 
 was a piece of pood luck. He applies 
 the same word ('nactus*) to getting 
 a fair wind (c. 23) for his vovagc. It 
 d"es not ap|K<ar what the*c hoi^cmcn 
 had been doine since thcv landed. 
 'I ho fact of Comm t.nkiiip thirty 
 horses with him shows that the pas- 
 sage between (.'allia and IJritannia 
 waa a usual thing. The hoi^c was 
 probably introduced into Britannia 
 from the coast of Gallia. 
 
 Qnos—ej: m] See i. 12, ' cos , . . 
 eopim.'—' quantum :' there is a 
 reading *quanto,'anU it is possible 
 that 'quanto' might, bv a kind of 
 nttrarti.m, be a Latin 'expressioij. 
 Hut there is much licttcr nuthorily 
 for 'fiunntum.' 8<e also v. l!>._ 
 * nedihrii, incenMs :* Klb. h.i« ' ad- 
 flictis inrensisqne,' omitting 'acdi- 
 ficiis,' the reading of a few M.S8 
 and a bad reading. The Britaooi 
 hid many 'acdificia' (t. 12). 
 
 i 
 
 longe latequo aedi ficiis incensis se iu castra recepe- 
 runt. 
 
 30. Eodem die icf^aii ab liostibus missi ad Caesarem 
 de pace venerunt. Hi.s Caesar numerum obsidum quern 
 auto imperaverat (luj)lic'nvit, eo.sque in contin(M)t(Mn adduci 
 juasit, quod propiiKjua dio a('(|uinoctii infirmis uavibua 
 hierai navigationem subjiciendam nou existimabat. Ipse 
 idoneam tempestatem nactus paulo post mediam noctem 
 naves solvit, quae omnes incolumes ad continentem per- 
 venerunt ; sed ex iis onerariae duae eosdem quos reliquae 
 portus capere uon potuerunt et paulo infra delatao 
 sunt. 
 
 37. Quibna ex luivibus quum esHent oxponili milites 
 circitcr ceo atque in castra contenderent, JMorini, quos 
 Caesar in Britanniam proticisceus pacatos reliquerat, spe 
 praedae adducti primo uon ita magno suorum numero 
 
 30. in cnntinenfcm adt/wi] Thcv 
 had 6hi|)s then, or they could not take 
 hostiges to the continent (c. 311). In 
 c. 21 ' legati * come to Caesar in 
 Gallia fioni several jiarts of the 
 island; and 'menatoiCH' were re- 
 gularlv passing from one co:ist to 
 the other. This is the answer to the 
 false conclusion of some modern 
 writers that the Hritr)n8 in Caesar's 
 ' time had no shijis. They ha<l none 
 with wlii< h they could rci^-t him rit 
 6ca. 'I'hc firht gu-at maritiine power 
 that existed iji the l-jijlibh Channel 
 was the Veneti (lib. iii.). 
 
 aequinoclii] 'Jhere is also ' tri- 
 noctium,' a space of three nights. 
 Caesar knew that the weather might 
 be bad about the autumnal c'|ninox. 
 I'hc time that he w.is in Hritain from 
 his landimr to his departure was about 
 three weeks, as this passage thow.^, 
 coin pa led with c. 2.'). 
 
 rc/i(/u<tr\ ' reliqui,' .Srhneider and 
 Kmncr. — ' j)aulo infra ' means far- 
 ther south, us we learn from Ciiesnr'B 
 use of the woida •inferiorem' and 
 'superioro' in c. 2}]. 'i he men 
 could not reach the ' same ports ' 
 as the rest. Thewj seem to bo tfie 
 two poru that he bus mentioned 
 
 (c. 22, 23). The 300 men, who are 
 mentioned in the next chapter, must 
 have landed south of both ports, and 
 as the port from which Caesar sailed 
 was tlu; more sonthern of the two, 
 thi-. will explain how Caeear could 
 eomc to their help. For we may 
 assume that he went to the plaeo 
 from which he sailed, and where he 
 had left P. Sulpkius Kufus. 
 
 37, crc] 'Jhce two ' onerariae ' 
 arried about .'500 nun. He had 
 
 ra 
 
 alinut eighty 'onerariae' (e. 22), 
 and if each carried l.OO men, like 
 these two vessels, the eightv wotild 
 carry 12,000 men, but this 'is more 
 than they did carry (c. 22). The 
 'onerariae' were imnres'ed from aK 
 quartei-s, and would be of various 
 Si7.cs. Besides, we do not know how 
 many men the ' longae naves' car^ 
 ried. Caesar lost twelve ships in 
 Britain by the storm (c 31), and nro- 
 liably also some ol his men. The 
 Iroons must have been close pacJced 
 on the reluiii voyage, 
 
 t/(>;i it, I iiiin/no\ ' Not so very large,* 
 as we say. ' Ita ' is often so ufcd, both 
 with a negative and without: "ita 
 magni fluctus cjicicbantur" (Oic 
 Vcrr, i. 1, c. 18), See v. 47. 
 
 «t 
 
 r m-\ 
 
 ^ ^1". #1 
 
 
 ;■ f^' 
 
 
 «'fft45 
 
 ■«<;w- 
 
 fS.t~ J-.^ H^^ , ,^f^ , 
 
 
7 
 
 2U 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 LTBEE IV. 
 
 215 
 
 circumsteteriint, ac si sese interfici nollent, arma poncro 
 jusserunt. Quum illi orbe facto sese defenderent, cele- 
 riter ad clamorem hominum circiter milia Yi conveneruiit. 
 Qua re nuntiata Caesar omnem ex castris equitatum suis 
 auxilio misifc. Interioi nostri milites impetum hostium 
 sustinuerunt atque amplius horis rv fortissime pugna- 
 verunt et paucis vulneribus acceptis cornplures ex his 
 occiderunt. Postea vero quam equitatus noster in con- 
 spectum venit, hostes abjectis armis terga verterunt ma^-- 
 nusque eorum numerua est occisua. 
 
 38. Caesar postero die T. Labienum legatum cum his 
 legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos qui 
 rebellionem fecerant misit. Qui quum propter siccitates 
 paludum quo se reciperent non haberent, quo perfugio 
 superiore anno erant usi, omnes fere in potestatem 
 Labieni pervenerunt. At Q. Titurius et L. Cotta legati, 
 qui in Menapiorum fines legiones duxerant, omnibus 
 eorum agris vastatis, frumentis succisis, aedificiis incensis, 
 quod Menapii se omnes in densissimaa silvas abdiderant] 
 se ad Caesarem receperunt. Caesar in Belgis omnium' 
 legionum hiberna constituit. Eo duae omnino civitatea 
 
 orhe facto'] This was a movement 
 practised as a last resource against 
 an overwhelming force. The men 
 formed a circle, and presented a front 
 all round (v. 33). Gellius (x .0) <:ive8 
 a list of tlie various names applied to 
 the form in which soldiers in the 
 field ('acics') were arranged: "' frons, 
 subsidia, cuneus, orbis. globus, for- 
 fices, serra, alae, turres," and he adds 
 tli.Mt these military terms are derived 
 from the things themselves, which 
 arc literally so called. 
 
 oiiinem ex castris e(pt{(atuml ' all 
 the cavalry in the camp ;' and Caesar 
 sent it out of the ramp. Kraner 
 compares ' oninis ex fuga . . . multi- 
 tudo ' (ii. 12), ' all the flying multi- 
 tude,' which multitude ended their 
 flight by gettiuir into the town. 
 
 38 cum his le<fionil>us] 'Cum iis 
 legionibus,' Klh., Kraner. There 
 is a perpetual confusion between the 
 nominatives plural and the abl.itives 
 of 'is' and ' hie' thouL-h the differ- 
 
 ence in meaning is well marked. 1 
 prefer 'his' here; 'those legions 
 whi(h,' &c. ]t seems likely that 
 Labienus went with Caesar to Bri- 
 tain, fie is not mentioned among 
 those who were left in Gallia. 
 
 siccHa1es\ See v. 24. He usea 
 the plural as he generally docs when 
 he means that the same thing hap- 
 pens in several places. Thus v. 48, 
 ' fumi incendiorum ;' in this chapter 
 (38), 'in . . . silvas;' ' fossas,' v. 
 51 ; and ii. 19, 'in silvas' and 'ex 
 silva.' — ' superiore anno :' see iii. 28. 
 Memipii\ The Mciuipii hud houses 
 and corn-fields. Thty were settled 
 on the land, an<l were agriculturists. 
 All the nations between the Rhine 
 and the ocean were agriculturists 
 The Germans, some of them at 
 least, enst of the Rhine had not yet 
 reached that state of civilization 
 when the land is appropriated an(J 
 regularly cultivated (vi. 22). 
 
 PS Britannia obsides miserunt, reliquae neglexerunt. His 
 rebus gestis ex literis Caesaris dierum viginti supplicatio 
 a senatu decreta est. 
 
 viginti] Twenty days, which is a new world was opf.ned to the 
 
 more than the fifteen, of which Caesar Romans, and they experted to find 
 
 boasts (ii. 3o). If bis despatches told more in the island than they did. 
 
 no more than his book, there was (Dion Cassius, xxxix. 53 ; and T»» 
 
 littk' matter for such rejoicing. But citus, Agric. c. 13.) 
 
 it ! 
 
LTBEE QIJINTUa, 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 Chap. J Caesar ordci-s a great number of ships to be built in Oallia • he 
 visits Illync um. 2. He returns to Gullia, and ordei-s his vessels to meet 
 at 1 ortus Itius for a second invasion of Riitannia. In the mean time he 
 visits the Treviri. 3 4. He settles the disputes of the two factions 
 among the Trevin. 5-8. The death of Dumnori.x. Caesar lands in 
 Britannia at the place where he landed the vear before. 9. The Britanni 
 are defeated. 10, H. Caesar's fleet is .iama'cred hva storm, and repaired. 
 I- In J?*^s<^"P^'V" ""^ Bntannia and of the habits of the Britanni 
 Ijy-U. Caesar advances into the interior of the island and crosses 
 the Famesis 20-j3. The surrender of the Trinobantes and of other 
 British peoples : the town of Cassivellaunus is taken ; C. esar returns to 
 Oailia with a large number of captives. 24, 2o. He distributes his troops 
 in various winter quarters on account of the failure of the harvest • the 
 assassination of king Tas-etius. 2b-_37. The winter camp of Q. Titirius 
 Sabinus and L. Aunii.cuieius Cotta in the eountrv of the Eburones is 
 attacked bv Ambion.x and Cativolcus; the Romans are induced by the 
 enemy to leave their camp, and are slaughtered. 38—44. The winter 
 camp o. Q. Cicero in the territory of the Ncrvii is attacked by the 
 Eburoiies and the Nervn : Cicero makesa biave defence : the centurions 
 i. ^ulho and L. Vareniis. 45— ,52. Caesar is informed of the danger 
 of Cicero ; he comes to the relief of Cicero and defeats the enemv. 
 W. Induciomarus, who was going to attack the winter camp of Labienu^ 
 retreats to his countrymen the Treviri : Caesar spends the winter in 
 
 ^t. ^" ^^'"t';* "^r '*' ^•^^"'•'^^J state. 54. The Senones eject their 
 kmg. 5o, 56. ri.e freviri invite the Gcrmani to cross the Rhine to aid 
 them against the Romans ; the Cermani refuse : Induciomams collects 
 a force ; lie causes Cmgeton.x, the head of the other faction, to be declared 
 an enemy. 57 58 Induciomarus leads his men against the winter camp 
 ot Labienus, who defeats him : Induciomarus is killed 
 
 n ."'v ^' i\ ^^'? ^l'""^ ^^^""- ^"^ ^^- ^^' «"'* <l»e consulship of L. 
 Uomitius Ahenobarbus and Appius Claudius Pulcher. 
 
 Lucio DoMiTio Appio Claudio Coss. discedens ab 
 
 iibernis Caesar in Italiam, ut quotannis facere consuerat 
 
 legatis imperat, quos lecrionibus praefecerat, uti qiinm 
 
 *"*"" "^ naves aedificandas veto 
 
 t 
 
 C. JULIT CAESARTS LIBEE Y. 
 
 21 
 
 4 
 
 rt'ficiendas curarent. Earum modum formamque demon- 
 strat. Ad celeritatem onerandi subductionesque paullo 
 faeit humiliores quain quibus in nostro mari nti con- 
 snevimus ; atque id eo magis quod propter crebras com- 
 iiiutationes aestuum minus magnos ibi fluctus fieri cog- 
 noverat : ad onera et ad multitudinem jumentorum trans- 
 portandam paullo latiores quam quibus in reliquis utimur 
 maribus. Has omnes actuarias imperat fieri, quam ad 
 rem multum humilitas adjuvat. Ea quae sunt usui ad 
 armandas naves ex Hispania apportari jubet. Ipae con- 
 
 explains it thus : " tam plurimas 
 quam illi possent plurimas facere." 
 It is a common Latin formula, the 
 origin of which we do not know. 
 
 modum] Comp. iii. 13, '^ naves ad 
 hunc modum factae." Caesar deter- 
 mines the fashion (generally) of 
 these ships, and the form (particu- 
 larly). 
 
 sMuctitwes] 'For hauling up' 
 on the beach. See iv. 29, " in aridum 
 subduxerat," and v 1 1. The word 
 which, exjircsscs taking down to the 
 8ca is ' deducere ' (c. 2). 
 
 nostro TTUiri] The term * nostrum 
 mare' is used by Mela (i. 1, § 4) to 
 comprehend thc'seafrom the Straits 
 of Gibraltar to the Palus Maeotis. 
 Schneider attempts to show that in 
 Caesar's time the term ' nostrum 
 mare ' did not comprehend all the 
 Mediterranean, but only the part 
 from the coast of Italy to the Straits. 
 His explanation seems to be con- 
 finned by the words ' reliquis mail- 
 bus,' which will then mean the other 
 parts of the Mediterranean, as dis- 
 tinguished from ' nostrum mare' in 
 this limited sense. MUller maintains 
 that ' nostrum mare ' here is simply 
 the Mediterranean as opposed to the 
 
 an ; and he supposes that the ' re- 
 ria' may be c'- - 
 as tlie Kuxjj 
 
 Mela makes it include the Black Sea 
 also. The name Mediten-aneum was 
 not applied by the Romans to this 
 sea. Such a use of the word would 
 have been absurd, for ' mediterra- 
 neus ' means the inner or central 
 parts of a country (c. 12). 
 
 minus maxjnos ibi\ He attributes 
 the smaller size of the waves in the 
 English Channel to the ebb and tide. 
 But the shortness of the waves iu 
 such a sea must depend in some de- 
 gree on the narrowness of the chan- 
 nel. There is no word for ' ibi ' to 
 refer to except ' commutationes aes- 
 tuum,' which has a tacit reference to 
 the sea in which the ships were to be 
 used. 
 
 actuarias] Ships propelled at the 
 same time by oars and sails. The 
 words ' quam ad rem ' refer to ' ac- 
 tuarias,' and to the notion of the 
 verb 'agere' contained in ' actuarias.' 
 
 armandas] ' For the fitting out 
 the ships.' The ' armamenta' com- 
 prise every thing except the hull of 
 the ship; ropes, anchors, and so 
 forth (iv. 29). The term included 
 'vela,' for in iii. 14 'velis arma- 
 mcntisque' does not differ from 
 'velis reliquieque armamentis.' Spain 
 furnis! 
 
218 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKI3 
 
 ■Wh' 
 
 r 
 
 m 
 
 1 
 
 •• 
 
 4' . 
 
 ■"■«->'-iP7* 
 
 vontihus dalliaocltcn'oris poractis in Illvrlcum proficis. 
 
 citiir, (juod :i Pirustis (iiiiliinatn partem IVovinciae incur- 
 
 BioMiljLia vaHtan au.Iicbat. K,, qnnm venisset, civitatlbus 
 
 iHiliLcH iinporat ci'rtiunque in locum convcnire iubet. 
 
 (^iia ro niniciala PiniHtae Iriratos ad cum mittunt qui 
 
 (loccant mini caium rcrum publico tact urn consilio, scseque 
 
 paratoH esse (icmonstrarit omnibus rationibus do injuriis 
 
 satislaccre. Perccpta oratior.e eoium Caesar obaidea 
 
 imperat eosque ad eertani diem adduci jubct ; nisi iU 
 
 iecennt, eese bello civitatem por^eeuturum demonstrat. 
 
 iiis ad diem adductis ut impcravcrat, arbitros inter 
 
 civilatea dat qui litem aestiment poenamque consti- 
 
 tuant. •* 
 
 ^ 2. His confectis rebus conventibusque pcractis in cite- 
 riorem Galliam revcrtitur atquo inde ad cxercitum pro- 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 219 
 
 Afianius and Pctrcius adniiiiis'crcJ 
 the nrovincc. 
 
 llhjriciim] Sec In trod. p. 3"). 
 The riiust.ic arc rnciitioncd hv 
 Stral»o (p. ;ni) as a people of Tan- 
 nonia, hut otlicr nuihorititu mike 
 tluMii lllyrians. Caesar docs not in- 
 elu<lo ihtiii iti lll)ricuni, wliich was 
 Iiis ' pntvitu'ia.' 
 
 rutimnlius] V.\h. omits * rationi- 
 bus,' ami it i9omittc<l in Fomc MS.S.; 
 
 but it is a pood Latin expres'sion. 
 
 • i'eiTcpta :' this is p«?rhaps a hett«>r 
 readinjr than ' ac.epla.' It tiuaris 
 'haying' licard all that they had to 
 B:iy.' .Sec vi. 8, "pcrainta C'bioruiii 
 
 uifjitros] Caepar u^es Roman tcr ms. 
 The Koinan praetor was said *ju. 
 diccui urhitrMmvc dare' in the ca'C 
 of snits between individuals. In 
 Caesar'H time when a siuirlc 'arbiter' 
 was named, he was called 'julc.x.' 
 Tiie business of arbitri ' \ras to ex- 
 amine and decide according to a 
 formula or instructions from tijc 
 praetor. Caesar's 'arbitri' had to 
 deride on the claims of the Provin- 
 cials ajjainst tho I'iruslac for the 
 damajrc which they had sustained. 
 The 'litis acstimatio' is gcnerallv 
 tlic a«certainin{T of the valcc of the 
 thing which is the matter of dispute; 
 
 atid in this ra«e ' lis' is equivalent to 
 the thin:;, the recovery of which is 
 foiipht. or its value. lint thiswasa 
 ra;<- that ren-niMcd a 'delictum' in 
 the Roman ••cnse, a wmnj for which 
 compensation was Fou-ht ; and thire 
 ini-ht be also, in addition to the 
 nr'ual d imaircs, iiomcthin:,' further to 
 be pai.l to the plaintitT in the nature 
 of a penally. ai\d this is wliat Caesar 
 means by * poena.' 
 
 '2. cif' u'.rriri] Cac«ar wa« in Cite- 
 rior (t'allia at the end of May, ac- 
 cordinjr to tlir »inrefnrmed Calendar. 
 Cic.ro (Ad Q. Kr ii. ].")) rereived a 
 letter fiom him tlien ; andalsoltt- 
 ter-* from his brother Quintus (Ad 
 <^ I'r. ii. 1 4). who hnd cone to join 
 Caesar, dated from Ariminura, Pla- 
 eentia. ati.! f,aus (I.orii). which it 
 lctvvc<n I'l.ncetitia and M.-diolanura 
 (Milan). Caesar was probably then 
 on his road to (.'allia Truisalpina in 
 cotiipanv with Quintti?,for the letter 
 fri'in I-aus ramc to Cicero together 
 with a letter from Caesar, in which 
 Cnc«iir Bp.-aks of bin satisfaction at 
 <^nintiis' arrival. One of these Icttcn 
 (ii. 1.^) ►hnwH that Cicero knew that 
 Cac«ar was int' nilin^ to invade Bri- 
 tain nriin. Caesar's prcat activit? 
 may be collected from his own brir'f 
 notices. He left his iroo|.3 in Ijel- 
 
 'ficiscitur. E() quum venis.'^et, cireumitls omnibus bibcrnis, 
 
 |«mgulari militmn Bludio in Hunniia omnium rerum inopia 
 
 |circiter dc ejus ^^eneris eujus supra demonstravimua 
 
 inaveset lon^as .x.wiir invenit instructas, nequc multum 
 
 fabesse ab eo quin paucis dicbua deduei possint. Col- 
 
 jlaudatis mililibuH at(pio iis qui ne^^olio praef'uerant, quid 
 
 fieri vclifc ostendit, alqtu; omnes ad portum ]tium con- 
 
 ^Tenire jubet.quo ex portu eonniiodissimum in Britanniani 
 
 trajectiim esse con^noverat eireiter milium passuum x.xx 
 
 I transmissum a continenti. lluic rei quod satis esse visum 
 
 Jest militum reliipiit : ij)se eum legionibus expeditis iv et 
 
 equitibus uccc in fines Trevirorum prolieiscitur, quod bi 
 
 Deque ad concilia veniebanfc, neque imptTio parebant, Ger- 
 
 ruauosque Transrbeuauos sollicitaro dicebantur. 
 
 gium at the bcfjinning of the vear, 
 travelled all throu^di Transalpine 
 Gallia and Citerior (■'allia. wrossed 
 OTCr into lllyricum, ftoppcd the ma- 
 raudings of the rirusLie, and re- 
 turned to his army. Alto;,'ether be 
 must have travelled at least 'JOOf) 
 miles to Jllvricnm and back, without 
 reckoning his journey « to tlic dif- 
 ferent towns where he held his 
 courts. 
 
 atjus sftpra] Some suppose that 
 'cujus' is put in the genitive by a 
 Greek form of atlractioji. S(hn<i(ler 
 supplies 'gent lis naves ' after 'cu- 
 jus;' quite unnecessarilv, if we re- 
 move the comma whicfi he plates 
 after * demonstravimns ' 
 
 netjue vitilhim — qttiu\ Schneider 
 has a long note on this, but it is not 
 clear. Ci.ero (Tuse. i. c. .'il) has 
 ''tantiini abcst ah eo ul mahiirj mors 
 lit," whi( h means ' deatli is t-o f;ir 
 from this, from being an evil.' 
 Caesar means that ' the ships were 
 Dot far from thi?, from the possihjljty 
 of being put to pea,' and yet he has 
 used 'quin.' I pec no way of ex- 
 plaining the text except Ity Ruppo-ing 
 that the n(ga'ivc notion of ' quin ' is 
 neglected here, as wc know that it 
 was in some forms of expression, 
 and that Caesar wrote 'quin' when 
 be might peihans more propcily 
 bvc written 'ul. 
 
 Coflfnufads] This word conveys no 
 notion of approl»ation in the presence 
 of others, or of bestowing approba- 
 tion on m:iny at omc, as llcj-zog 
 supposes. ' Con ' merely strengtheni 
 the signification of the simple verb, 
 as in N:ohort;iri,' ' consolari,' and 
 many like compounds. 
 
 Ilium] Sec the addition to tho 
 note at the end of Hook V. Strabc 
 (p. 10.')), speaking of Caesar's cxi>e 
 dition, makes this i)ort (to 'Inof ) it 
 the country of the Morini the pl.act 
 of embarkation ; l)ut be reckons tho 
 distance to Hritain :L'() stadia, or 
 forty Roman miles, h has been as- 
 pcrted that there is sonjc MSS. au- 
 thority for x.xx.x in this passage of 
 Caesar, but no MSS. reading of 
 xxxx has ever been cited, and all 
 the known collatir)ns jrjvc xxx. 
 I havo in tl.is edition folh.wcd 
 Sehmi<!er"s leading, 'irajcctum . . . 
 transmissum a continenti,' the read- 
 ing of neailyall the MSS., which 
 makes the words *a continenti' 
 moic intelligible. 
 
 J/nicrri] These words refer to 
 'omncs... convcnire jultet:' 'for 
 this purpose he left what he consi- 
 dered a fiuflicient force.' It was not 
 to secure tho passage, but to secure 
 the port for tho^e who uerc or.icred 
 there, that the troops were left. 
 Cj/icilia] ' Concilia ' of tho Calli 
 
 
 '1 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 .1 
 
 4 
 I 
 
 % 
 
 - fl 
 

 t 
 
 \ 
 
 "v* 
 
 220 
 
 C. JULir CAESARIS 
 
 "(■^.-■.S-. ■«■ Sr*'«WPf 
 
 .^- .AaiijU i .iL ' jjJi" > ' 
 
 ^>^Miifiiii»i***^ «»..^ 
 
 LIBHR \. 
 
 221 
 
 3. Ilacc civitas lorifre plurimum totius Oalliae oquitata 
 valet in.-ii;nas(|uc Ij.-ibct copias peditutn, Jilioimmque, ut' , 
 BUj)ra (IciijoMslraviimiH, taiii^nt. In ca fivitate duo'dr^' 
 ]nMMcipatii inter sc coiitcndcbant, liiduciomarus ct Cin- I 
 getonx : e quibiia alter, j^imul atqiie de Caesaria !o. 
 gionutnque advontu co-^riitum est, ad cum vonit; A 
 auo^que oinnca in onicio futuros ncqiie ab aniicitia populi 
 iioinani defccturoa conflrinavit, qnru-que in Treviris gere- 
 I'LMitur ostcndit. At Induciomarus equitatnni pedita- 
 tuMHino CO-CIV, iisque qui per actatcm in arniis esse non , 
 polcniMl, in silvain Ardiicnnajn nbditis, (pjac ingcnti id; ^ | 
 iiiludino per nicdios lines Trcvimruin a lluinine Khouo li'' 
 imtunn Jtcmorum pertinet, bellum parare instituit. Si 
 posteaquam nonnulll principcs ex ca civitate, et fan;. 
 liantate Cingetorigia adducti et adventu nostri exorcitus 
 l)crternti, ad Caesarctn vencrunt et de suis privatim 
 rebus ab eo petere coeperunt, quoniatn civitati consulere 
 lion poHsent, Indueiomarus veritns ne ab onjnibus desere- 
 retur legatoa ad Caesarern niittit : sese idcirco ab suia 
 discedere atque ad euin venire noluisse, quo iacilius civi- 
 tateni in oflicio contineret, no oninis nobilitatis discessu 
 plebs propter imprudentiam laberetur : itaque esse civi. 
 tatetn in sua potestate, seque, si Caesar permitteret, ad 
 cum in castra venturum, suaa eivitatisque Ibrtuuaa ejus 
 fidei j)erinisHururn. 
 
 4-. Caesar, etai intelllgebat qua do causa ca diccnmtur, 
 
 nave been mentioned J-cforc (i. 30), familiuritate] Elb. has * auctori. 
 
 nn«l of the iJclgue (li. 4). Caisar Late' 
 
 here means the assemblies of the ;„.Va/.m] This is a better md-' 
 
 C.alli vx .1,1, he sun.m..Mc<l himself irig than ' p^'^atis' though there U 
 
 (VI. 6) though ho lias not uientioncd no objection to ' nrivatis ' Thfycamo 
 
 them before to Caesar aa m.iivi.luals. sineh' sevo- 
 
 ^^. snpradcinonstravimns] See ii. rally, to provide for their o\vn in- 
 
 .''"•'.'• „„ . , , terests, ein.e the ftatc of affiiirawM 
 
 tnojicio] I Ins means that thev eurh that they .ould do nothing for 
 
 Yould ren.am faithlul, thev would the public inter.si. Comi.. 'qui 
 
 (o their duty. Comp. ' ab olli. io privatim,' &c , i 17 
 
 diseessurum ' (i. 40). and vi. H, Ci- nr ownis] ' f.e^i if all the nobii . 
 
 ccio (Ad K-i,,,. x,y. 4) writes. " est went avv;iv. the co.nmof: folk mi,- 
 
 autcm in ollicio a.lhuc Orpheus." throu-h their want of fo.ethou. 
 
 per aeUdnn] See i. 4J, note— f.ill olF from their duty.' or. as he 
 
 in . . Arduennaui abditis.' .Sec vi. explains it. their fidelity to Caesar. 
 
 ^.J, and in eilvas abdidcmnt,' i. — 'ejus fidci.' Sec iv. *2l, 'fidem w-' 
 
 12. 
 
 quanlur. 
 
 t .aeque eum res ab institute consilio detcrrerct, tamcn, 
 
 > 1." aestatcm in TrcviriR consumere cogerettir omnibus ad 
 
 e I>itannieum bellum rebun comparatiH, Induciomarum ad 
 
 s: cum ducentis obsidibua venire jussit. Ilia adductis, 
 
 \\ lis fdio propinquiaquo ejus omiiibua, quoa nomiuatim 
 
 rjcaverat, consolatus Jndueiomarum hortatusque est nti 
 
 in officio permaneret : niliilo tamen aceiua principibus 
 
 Trevirorum ad ae convocatia, boa singillatim Cin^retori^ 
 
 cnnciiiavit : quod quum merito ejus ab t^e fieri intelli- 
 
 giuat, turn magni interesao nrbitrabatur ejus auctori- 
 
 ttotem inter atioa quam ])lurimum valere, ciijua tam egre- 
 
 ^giam in ao yolunlatem perHpcvxiNHct. Jd factum gravitor 
 
 ta it InduciomaruH, suam gratiam inter auos minui ; et 
 
 ^ qui jam ante inimico in uos auimo fuisset, multo gravius 
 
 * h dolore exarsit. 
 
 5. His rebus constitutis Caesar ad portum Itium cum 
 legionibus pervenit. Ibi cognoaeit lx navea quae in 
 Meidis I'actae crant tcmpeetato rejeetas cursum tenere 
 
 4. in m] ' Et in iis.' Elb ._• no- 
 minatim.' Sec iii. 20. — ' pennanerct :' 
 'ninerct,' .Schn. — 'merito ejus:' 
 '. ordinjj to his deserts.' Comp. 
 L J4, •merito populi Komani.' 
 
 Id factum] ' Indticioniarus was 
 IDU(h annoyed at what was done, 
 that his credit with his countrymen 
 was impaired.' The neutt-is 'id ' and 
 'quod' are often followe<l by an ex- 
 planatory clause of thin kind (i. 7). 
 Schneider Bujgests. that 'factum' is 
 purposely added ; for if it were omit- 
 ted, 'id' might simply refer to the 
 explanatory clause, so that ' id ' 
 ihould mean ' gtiam gratiam . , . 
 tninui.' But ' fa<tum ' exjircsccs 
 directly the thing that Induciomarus 
 wag annoyed at {* hos . . . conrilia- 
 vit'), and 'gratiam . . . minui ' is 
 the view that Induciomarus took of 
 what Caesar had done. 
 
 'Qui' with 'fMic<<cl' is exjilained 
 to be equivalent to *quum,' but this 
 !? not quite correct. It gencraU/es 
 the expression, which is imlividual- 
 iicd by the indicative. It therefore 
 means the same as * because ' nr 
 '•iace/ and contains what is gene- 
 
 rally called the reason of whatJi 
 aflirmed ('exarsit'). 
 
 f). Afr/i/is] They were a maritime 
 peojdc, as Caesar's words show; but 
 there is no evidence altout their posi- 
 tion. A«« the wind had driven these 
 phips b.aek, but had not prevented the 
 ie«;t from rca( hing Itiiis PortJis, wo 
 may a«.>.umc that the Mcldi were not 
 on the same side of the Itins as tho 
 plares fnun whi<h the other thips 
 came ; and ,is the chief part of thf 
 fleet must have been constructed 
 south of the I tins, we mav look for 
 the Meldi to the north of "the Itins. 
 D'Anvilicaceordinglv fixes on Meld- 
 fclt, a (liMriet of West Flanders, 
 near Mrugcs, as the site of the Meldi. 
 'J'hc real name of this pl.icc is Mal- 
 dcghem. There is also a place on 
 the .Schcble, about a league from 
 0\idennrrde, named Melden, which 
 under the empire was n. Roman sta- 
 tion, as the medals dug nn thtro 
 show. (Uecuril d' Anlifiuites, (te., 
 troiivecB dans la Flandrc, par M. J. 
 de Mast.) 
 
 There are in this passage vanoui 
 rea.lings, ' Mcdis,' * Melui*/ * H<v 
 
 y*- 
 
 
 •!'■ 
 
 "» , 
 
 '*f'T-f^''t 
 
 
 
 V'%'ii 
 
 li its 
 s.. nti 
 
 

 f 
 
 
 
 J - 
 
 id > 4 
 
 0. JUril CAESAIUS 
 
 V-er 
 
 LlBEli V. 
 
 223 
 
 non potuisse atque codem urule crant profeclae revertlss- ; *^ 
 reliquaa j)aratas ad navigaiidum atcpic omnibus rebas 
 in.slructaa inveiiit. Eodcin oqiiitatus tutlus Galliae con. 
 vcnit iiutnuro milium iv, priiicipcsquo ex omnibus civitj3 
 tibu3: ex quibua perpaucos, quorum in sc fiden: per- 
 Bpcxerafc, relinqucro in Gallia, rcliquos obsidum ko 
 Becum ducero dccreverat ; quod, quum ipse abesst:, 
 niotum Galliao vcrcbatur. 
 
 0. Erafc una cum ceteris Uumnorix Aeduus, do quo;, 
 nobis antea dictum est. ILunc secum habere in primis 
 constituerat, quod cum cupidum rerum novarum, cupidun 
 imperii, niagni animi, niagnae inter Gallos auctoritat : 
 cognoverat. Acccdebat ^liuc, quod jam in concilio'| 
 Acduorum Dumnorix dixerat sibi a Caesarc regnuia civi- 
 talis deforri ; quod dictum Aedui graviter fercbant, neq 
 rccuaandi aut deprccandi causa Icgatos ad Caesarcin Dii:- I 
 tore audcbant. Id factum ex suis hospitibus Caesar cog- 
 uovcrat. JIlo omnibus primo precibus pctere contendit 
 ut in Gallia rcliiupu'rctur, parlim quod insuctus navi- 
 gandi mare timerct, partim quod relii^ionibus sese dicerct 
 impediri. Posteaquam id obstinate sibi negari vidit, on,: : 
 Bpo impetrandi adempta, principes Galliao sollicitare, 
 
 iltiifi,' nn<l * IU-1;,'is.' It npprnis thnt 
 tlic fillips for the inv.i«*ion of Britain 
 M-cic coiistnirtrd in llic rouiitrv of 
 the n(l;r:ie (iv. :«{), for nil the Ic- 
 pions h.nl their winter omrtiTs there; 
 they wrre thrn-rnrc nil cor\«»tructc(l 
 on the Seine tirnl north of it. 'I'he 
 Meldiof Striho, Pliny, nnd Ptolcniy 
 were e.ist of the P.irisii, and their 
 territory was intersected hy the 
 Marne. The di«n-cso of Mc.in.x re- 
 presented their ancient limits, and 
 the town of iMiaux preserves the 
 name of the Mehli. The hypothesis 
 of these ships heing hnili on the 
 M.irnc and carried down the Seine is 
 inndniissible. If Cae«nr had built 
 fImms on the Seine lie would have 
 huilt thetn lower down, and Sttaho 
 (p. \'.K\) pays that lie did huild ithips 
 ftt tho nuMith of the Siino. Thrxo 
 fhips of the INIeldi returned to the 
 |)lace from which they ect s&il ; and 
 
 it is nhsnrd to suppose that t 
 f'ailed hark tip the Seine nnd the 
 Marne to the rountry of the Mddi. 
 
 iininrr'i m'h'iini'^ lie wiitcB ' DU' 
 meio ad duo'leejin * (i. 5). 
 
 (>. I):imri'ruT] See i. 3, 18. . 
 
 d''/irri\ So t!ie Roman people 
 were said ' d« ferre honores,' to confer 
 tlic high ofTircs of etatc by their- 
 
 votes. Cae«ar had civcn the At't 
 hates a king (iv. 21), nnil he j;- ? 
 the Senone« a kinjf (v. .54). Thecnicf 
 niagisrratc of the Acdui was elec- 
 tive (vii. 33). Caesar heard from 
 his Callir fiiends (' hospiies') wh*l 
 Dunmori.x had 5ai<f. 
 
 reliiiionihti*] We alleged ceru 
 reli'^'iuu'ohlijatiofis, which prevented 
 hi<< leavinjf (lallia. Caes.'r says (vl 
 If)) ** na!io est omnis (.'nllorumftd' 
 inodiMn «ledita religiojiilus." We 
 Bee how little Caesar respected lb« 
 Gaul's pretended icrup'o. 
 
 Bevocare Bingulos hortarique cocpit uti in continenti 
 remanereut ; metu territare, non sine causa fieri ut Gallia 
 oiimi nobilitate epoliaretur : id esse consilium Caesaris, 
 ut quos in conspectu Galliao interlicerc vcreretur, hoa 
 omnea in Britanniam transductos necaret : fidem reliquia 
 interponere, jusjurandum poscere, ut quod esse ex usu 
 iralliae intellexisscnt communi consilio administrareut. 
 ilacc a compluribus ad Caesarcm defcrebantur. 
 
 7. Qua re cognita Caesar, quod tantum civitati Aeduae 
 dignitatis tribuebat, coercendum atque deterrendum qui- 
 bascumque rebus posset Dumnorigem statuebat ; quod 
 longius ejus amentiam progrcdi videbat, prospicieudum 
 lie quid sibi ac rei publicae nocere posset. Itaquo dies 
 circiter xxv in co loco commoratus, quod corns ventiis 
 navigationem impediebat, qui magnam partem omnis 
 temporis in his locis Hare consuevit, dabat operam ut in 
 officio Dumnorigem contineret, niliilo tamen secius omnia 
 ejus consilia cognosceret : tandem idoneam nactus tein- 
 
 m^ln (criitnrr] Schneider pays 
 that there ought to he a e.don after 
 
 •crritnre.' ' rerrilarc' is what is 
 culled tho historir.al infinitive, and 
 ' non sine causa,' ^e., depentls \ipon 
 ii, aod is an explatiation of ' nietu 
 territare.' Wc might suj.po'-c that 
 'non sine causa,' ^c, introduce the. 
 words of the speaker, as is often the 
 case in Caesar. Hut the inlinitivcs 
 'interponere,' "• posrere,' show that 
 this is not so. 'Causa' has many 
 meanings It here signifies a ' pur- 
 pose' or ' design.' As the Ramans 
 said ' sine causa,' so they said ' cum 
 causa,' as in Cic. Vcrr. ii. 1, c. M, 
 " meum fuit cum causa aceederc ad 
 accusandum." 
 
 reliqttis interponerr] The ' reliqui ' 
 are opposed to the * princiiKrs.' Ho 
 endeavoured to prevent them from 
 going with Caesar by making theio 
 promise to one another not to go, 
 and by reouiring them to sanction 
 their promise with an oath. ' Inter- 
 ponere' is therefore to interj>o«o tho 
 mutual pledge as an ol>'*tario to tlio 
 voyage. Comp. the use of * inter- 
 ponere' in iv. 9, and vii. 40. Some 
 
 critirs say that ' fidem ' means ' suam 
 fidem :' ' ho gave iho rest his pro- 
 mise,' M in r. 3(), 'reliquis' being 
 n]>n(»sed to himself, Dumnori.x, and 
 ' ie(|nijed their oath ' ('jusjurandum 
 
 ijnsrerc '). 
 
 7. rnrtix] 'Chorus,' S(;hnei<ler, fitr 
 vhich there is aulliority. It is a wind 
 whieh blows from about W.N.W., 
 the Argeslcs of the Creeks. PI in. 
 (N. 11. ii. 47), "ah occasu aeqni- 
 nortiali Favonius, ah occasu solsti- 
 tialiConJs: Zephyrum ct Argesten 
 vorant." Midway between Conn 
 and Septcmtrio was Thrascias. Ac- 
 cording to this statement of Pliny, 
 the number of degrees helween dtw 
 we«t (FavoniuB or Zephyrus) and 
 Corns was not the same as between 
 Corns and Thrascias and between 
 Tlirasei.is and Septcmtrio. liut prac- 
 tically, perhaps, they considered the 
 two points between west and north 
 to divide the quadrant into thieo 
 equal parts. If then Corns is a wind 
 fiom the Slimmer "^olHtice, it is some- 
 what lurlber iiortli tliMli w.N.W. I( 
 it is a point one-third north of west, 
 it is not quite bo far north as N. w. bjf 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 « * 
 
 •'• » 
 
 
 
 "" 't 
 
 , Ai^g 
 
 ;n 
 
 ,t ^ 
 
 
 M 
 
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 ■=t| 
 
 ^* 
 
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 -r *= 
 
 
 % ti* 
 
 
 ':% 
 
 %M 
 
 '' ^ 
 
 ''f- 
 
 
 ll!^ 
 
 *, 
 
 t .a 
 
 
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 & 
 
 ii' , 
 
 '," 
 
 t • 
 
 t^ 
 
 fis 
 
 
 iil|i>liM^iiiliiiA'iifw 
 
 "■^0^' 
 

 f 
 
 ** , -J 
 
 ' / 
 
 • . f / i 
 
 t 
 
 f. 
 
 I- 
 
 .^ 
 
 22 t 
 
 C. JULII CAESAUrS 
 
 pcstatcm militcs cqiiitesquc coiisccndere in naves jubet. 
 At oimiiiim impedlLis aniinis Dunniorix cum fquitibud 
 Aediiorutn .1 castris inscieiite Caesare dornum discedere 
 coL'pit. Qua re nuuciata Caosar, iIltcnui^isa protcctioue 
 atque omnibus rcl)U3 j)OHtp()sitis, ma<;uam ()arlcm equi- 
 tat us ad cum iusccpieiidum mitlit ri'tialiKpic imperat: si 
 vim I'aciat ncvpie [)art'ar, iuterlici jubot, nihil hunc se 
 nbscnto pro sauo f'acturum arbitiMtus (jui prar'scutia ira- 
 perium iic^lcxisscb, lllo euim rcvocatus rcsistore nc se 
 niauu ilet'endcre suoruiiKjue lidem im[)l()rare coepit, saepe 
 clanu'tans liberum se liberaccjuo civitalia esse, lili, ut 
 erat imperatum, circumsistuut homiiiem atque inter- 
 ficiuiit ; at cquitos Aodui ad Cac'^^atTm omucs rover- 
 lunUir. 
 
 8. His rebus «j^eatis, Labieno in eontiuonte cum tribus 
 legionibu3 et equitum milibua duobua relicto, ut portua 
 
 W. The Afiirns (r. I]) is rx winil 
 H'liicli Itlows ' :il) occasu In imiuli,' 
 nnd bctwrcii tliia point and eiuitli 
 (Notiis) \v:i9 llic I,il)()iioHis. Afiiriis 
 thcrcfnic \v:is fitlicr 8oinc\vIi:it riii- 
 tluT south than W'.S.W., or not quito 
 BO far sou til :ih s.w. I)}' U'. 
 
 collect' II 1 1 1' IP. in uiirrs\ Caesar rlno- 
 vlicro <Muita ihi- |ii(.-|)(ibition. Ho 
 may have usid it here, as Cicero 
 docs in liko cusc8 (Ad Att. xir, 
 
 impcdids] Distracted, as wc might 
 Bay, i)y the troiihlc of cnibarkatioii. 
 Cicero (Do Lrj,'. i. c. ii) distinguishes 
 ' occupatiis,' 'employed or cnj^agcd,' 
 from ' inipcditus,' * troubled.' 
 
 prosfiitit] ' Like a sound or sober- 
 minded man.' It is masculine, not 
 neuter, as Schneider shows. Comn. 
 liivy xxxix. 41); and H. G. iii. IM, 
 
 • pro jierliiL'a.' 
 
 qui — t'/'i//c.iiss('(] ' After payinz no 
 regard to,' * as he liad [laid no regard 
 to.' Comp. c. 4. 'cujiis ... per- 
 Bpoxisset,' and tho note on ' qui 
 fuissct.' 
 
 Jlfe oiiin'] The interpreters resort 
 to the device of an ellii'sis to «xplain 
 
 * cnim,' which is a mistake. Schnei- 
 der compares a passage of Terence 
 
 (rhorm. i. 2, b'2), 
 
 " I'ostridic ad aniim recta pcrgit, 
 ob«errat 
 Ut sibicjus fopiam farcrct. Hit 
 cnim so ncgat," A:c. 
 
 Tho Clitics socm to viipposc that 
 'eriiin' must be always a word of 
 inference, which it is not, as the fre- 
 quent use of 'tt cnim' and 'at 
 cnim ' at the beginning of a sen- 
 tence shows. ' Nam,' which appcan 
 to be akin to *cnim,' is also used at 
 the beginning of a fcnlcncc, wlicro 
 it is not a word of inlercficc, as in 
 Cicero (Verr. ii. .'{, c. Jl.'>), *' milil 
 frumcnto non opus cet ; mminidS 
 voio. Nam fperabnm. inquit ai-ator, 
 mc ad denarios ixrventiirum." 
 Schiieiilcr knows of onlv one other 
 instanrc (Hell. Civ. i. HI, '1111 
 cnim,' A:c. ), whrrc, however, the 
 reading is <li»ubtful. There arc two 
 cxainiijcs in Cicero (Vcrr. ii. 1, c. 
 9), which may be compared with 
 this. * Miiim ' means in this pa.spngo 
 of Cacar, ' as mi-ht bo expected,' 
 'as a m:itter «tf course' 
 
 hoinineui] * The man.' Sec t. 5U. 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 225 
 
 Ueretur et rei frumentariae j)roviileret tpiacque in Gallia 
 ^ererentur coguosceret, coiisiliumque pro tempore et pro 
 re caperet, ipse cum quinque legionibus et pari iiumero 
 equitum quem in continent! relinquebat solis occasu naves 
 solvit, ct leni Alrieo provectus media circiter nocte vento 
 iutenuiHso cursuui non tenuit, et iongius delatus aestu 
 orta luce sub sinistra Jiritanniam relictam conspe.xit. 
 Tuin rursus aestus commutationem bccuIus reinis con- 
 teiidit ut cam partem insulae caperet, qua optimum cdse 
 igressum superiore aestate cognoverat. Qua in re ad- 
 iiioduin luit militum virtus lauiJanda, qui vectoriis gravi- 
 bupquc navigiis non inlermisso remigiindi laboro lon- 
 giu'uin navium curKinu Mda<'<puu'unt. Accessum est ad 
 iirituuuiam omnibus luivibua meridiaiu) iere tempore ; 
 ueque in eo loco liostia est visus, Bed, ut postea Caesar ex 
 captivis comperit, quum inngnae manus eo convenissent, 
 imdtitudine navimn [)ertcrritae, qiiae cum annotinis pri- 
 
 (/o/m — TM/^Ht (irsfui conijnntdtiu' 
 ficm] IJc w.is (niricd out of l>if 
 course by the flood tide, and he took 
 ndvaiiUigc of the ebb tide ('aestus 
 commiilatio ') to gel to the place 
 where he wihhc<l to land. .See the 
 note at the end of Lib, V. 
 
 untiotiriib] A worib formed like 
 'horno-tinus,' 'diu-tinus,' and ollieir.. 
 '1 he word is cftierally explained to 
 mean the ships that Caesar U'-Cii the 
 former year, which he calls ' vctcrcs' 
 (c. 1). 1*1 iny, s]>caking of certain 
 trees (xvi. 'JG), says, "novusquc fiiic- 
 tus in iiis cum annotino pendet." 
 where the fruit of the year is c oti- 
 traste<l with the fruit or produce of 
 the past year. Some have taken the 
 ' nnnotinic ' to be the provision 
 ships; olhera ridieiilc this <-\j>lan:i- 
 tioii, but I am not certain that it is 
 wrong; and so far from being ridi- 
 culous, it givjs a very appropriate 
 nieiiiing. 'Ibere is a reading ' pnb 
 lit is privati'-qiie.' Some MS.S. add 
 ' caiiHn ' nftcr ' eommodi,' wliieh ex- 
 presses the meaning, but is not necti- 
 faiy. 'Jhc'O *]»ri\atac' were ships 
 of ' mercatores,' who followed the 
 Itoman camp, and perhaps ships or 
 boats belonging to others, which 
 
 8. rri — jiroriiirrrl] There is aUo 
 a reading * rem frumentariam.' Cae- 
 lar uses both foims; but there is 
 pcrliaiis sonic diircrcnce between the 
 meanings. In vi. 10 " rem frumen- 
 tariam providit' seems to Bi);nily 
 the laiuc .OS ' lie providen n supply of 
 com.' I>abicnu< was instructed to 
 loi)k after the corn, to sec that there 
 should be no deficiency eeneiallv. 
 flicre is nothing that leads us to 
 Biippose that ho was to tend com 
 over to Britain. Caesar must have 
 taken some supplies with him. AN' hen 
 he ^ot into the island he would live 
 at the cost of the IJiitanni (c. 20). 
 
 pari — f/ticm] One MS. has 'pari 
 . . . (juam,' whirh may be Latin. 
 'Pan... quem' means * the same 
 as, an expicssion that can only be 
 explained by suppo'-ing th.it it is an 
 abbreviation of a complete foim. In 
 c. 13, ' pari spatio atque ;' and tec i. 
 '28. Caefai's five legions wonM 
 amount to 'iO.OOO men. if we assume 
 tlint the legions weiv 40' men each 
 (i. lU). ihc cavalry were '2(100 (c. 
 6). — 'rcliqueral, ad solis occafum,' 
 Stli., Krancr. 
 
 J/ricft] Sec c. 7; and the note at 
 tl'C end of this book. 
 
 i-v 
 
 w^ 1 
 
 ^ 5 
 
 " - 4 
 
 
 ■i'f 
 
 > • -* », 
 
 . -hI 
 
 V' : <. I 
 
 •a- » 
 
 ■.''\ 
 
 
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 "■Mi: 
 
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 ■% ^^ 
 
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2iv; 
 
 C. JUL II CAESAK13 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 ?-27 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 St 
 
 vatisfquc, quns sui quisquo coininodi fcccrat, ainj)Iiu.s DCCC 
 uno erant visae tcmp.)re, a litore ilisceaaerant ac se 'm 
 supcriora Inca abdideraiit. 
 
 i). Cai'sar cxpo.siLo c.xiTcitti ct loco caHtris idoneo 
 
 oapto, ubi ex capiivis cognovit quo in loco l)Oj«tiinn copiae 
 
 conscdisstMit, coliortibiiH x ad mare rolictis ct cquitibus 
 
 ccc qui pracsidio navibus casent, do tcrtia vigilia ad 
 
 hostcs contcndit, co minus veritud navibus quod in litore 
 
 molli alquo aperto dcli-atas ad ancoram rclinquebat, et 
 
 praosidio navibus Q. Atrium pracfccit. Ipse noctu pro- 
 
 greastis niilia pa.ssuum circitcr xi£ bostium copias con- 
 
 spicatus est. llli rquitatu at(]uc cssi-dis ad ilumen pro- 
 
 grcs.si ex loco supcriore nostros probibcro ct proeliiim 
 
 comnuLlcro cocpcrunt. Uoj)ulsi ab ccpiiiatu se in silvas 
 
 abdukrunt locum nacti e^regie ct natura ct opereiriu- 
 
 lutum, qucm domeytici belli ut vidcbatur causa jam aute 
 
 pracparavcraiit ; nam crcbria arboribus ^succisis omnes 
 
 mtroilus erant praeclusi. Ipsi ex eilvis rari propugua- 
 
 bant, nostrosque intra munilionea ingredi j)rubibcb^nt. 
 
 At militcs legionis vii, teytudine facta et agi^ere ad 
 
 munitionesadjecto, locum ceperunt cosque ex silvia expu- : 
 
 leruiit paucis vulncribus acceptis. ^ed cos fugicntes 
 
 lougius Caesar prosequi vetuit, ct quod loci naturam 
 
 tlicy took lor llit-lr own convu- 
 niiiice. 
 
 U. loro—oipfn] Sec tlic notes on 
 c. 10, .-111(1 note at the entl of I^ib. V. 
 
 rcriliis ttdvi/ms] ' I'e.irina; for tlic 
 »'lii|>s.' ' Veritus,' »a\s Krnner, is 
 not often iisetl with the d;itive, as 
 * nietnere,' ' tinicie' arc (iv. IG-. 
 
 molli \ 'rhis<leseri|»lion (orresponds 
 Will t'» ihi- coast of Dial. It is samly 
 {' imillia'^ antj perftctly opin. Sonic 
 nlitiMH iniHintiliTNtanil ' iipti to.' C'ao- 
 »ir «Io( H not ntiiin a roast uitli<>ut 
 ob«tiuitioii8 of rocks, but one which 
 is open towards the sea, that is low 
 and level ; a coast that lets vou look 
 into the co\uiti V ; not a jifacc like 
 the cli.ilk dills further ."^oiuh, which 
 fhnt the view out. 
 
 prarsitlio 7ntvi/,its] • He set Q, 
 -Atrius over the forces for the prolecr- 
 tion of the ehijis.' ' I'racsidio navi- 
 
 hus,' hoili of which arc datives, ii i 
 like one word. He h.v just said 
 'qui pracsi«iio n.ivibus csscnt,' 'to 
 protect the jliips.' 
 
 jlitimii\ Twrlvc Roman miles fiorn 
 lUal, or thereabouts, mc find Grove 
 IVrry on the Stour. wlu-re the land 
 IS low on the cast side, or the side by 
 whiih Caesir would appro (ch ; but 
 it ri-cs «in the opposite tide that on 
 which the Hritanni ported thcm- 
 8<l\cs (* locus suprrior'). The lo- 
 cality (its the description. 
 
 ex s'lii.i — prt>j>uffriiifMtril'\ • They 
 threw their niij-siles out of the wooil,' 
 Schneider, who rompnrcs vii. 86, 
 'ex tiirril'us jiropu;rnanl<«." 
 
 j)rnsr(jui\ ' 'I'o follow Up ihc pur« 
 suit.' * to continue the pup>uit.' See 
 c. 52, and ii. 1. ' I*er>cqucrcntur' 
 in the next rh.njtler means 'to make 
 a jiursuil/ ' to pu!>ue.' 
 
 j:,niorabat, ct quod magiia parte dici consumpta muni- 
 tioiii castrorum tcmpua rclinqui volebat. 
 
 10. Poslridie ejus dici mane tripcrtilo milites equi- 
 lesque in exi)c(iitionem minit, ut cos <pti I'ugerant pcrsc- 
 .uerentur. His aliquantum itincris progressi.'^, quum jam 
 eitreini Cii-sent in prospectu, cquiles a Q. Atrio ad 
 Caesarcm venerunt qui nunciarent, superiore iiocto 
 inaxinia coorta tcmpcstate propc omncH navea adllictas 
 atque in litore cjcctascsse ; quod ncque ancorac funesque 
 
 munUioni ca'-trorum] lie liad 
 
 *;osen tlio prouml, but had not for- 
 
 fied his camp, llo neglected this 
 
 .oman practjcc l>erauM; lie *aw n 
 
 diancc of surprising the enemy and 
 
 •givini; thcui m- h a licfcat as would 
 
 keep tluni (|uiel. Mut after defeating 
 
 the enemy he returned to fortify ins 
 
 am|). 
 
 lU. cjjieilittonrm] An army M'hI 
 'in cx[)cditionem ' is sent not to 
 fight a battle, but for a jmrpose whidi 
 requires rapid movement, which is 
 here explained by * ut . . . j>ersequc- 
 rcnlur.' The troops were 'cxnediti,' 
 •unencumbered.' (.'*"ee viii. H ) 
 
 exirrmi] The rear of the enemy 
 wns just in fri^-ht, accord ing to 
 Schneider, when the cavalry from 
 Atriuscame to aniujunce the damage 
 done to the ships ; and Caesar, it is 
 •up|)Ose<l, may have been at the bend 
 of his ttoops and had just canj:ht 
 sight of the enemy. liut this is not 
 the irucrxplanation. The rainp was 
 ot some distnnre from the fhips, as 
 v,c iiiav infer fuMu the beginning of 
 y. When Caesar i-elumcd from 
 his short expedition to the Stour, lie 
 n turned i<» his camp, na iho end of 
 c 9 shows. He bad no other place 
 J return to. On tlie next day he 
 scut the men ftom the camp in three 
 divisions; and when they bad ad- 
 vanced soiiie distance, and the rear 
 ('extremi*) were ftill in 8i>:hl, news 
 canio to Cuc»»ar of tin- ibimagr done 
 the nitfht before. 1 think there is 
 iioiloiibt that ' extremi ' areCncsar'i 
 men. Where then «as Caesar ? He 
 tould be no where except in the 
 
 Q 
 
 ramp, for lie was not with the * mi- 
 litcs' and 'eqnitcs.' \\ hen be says 
 that the '(Xtremi' were 'in pro- 
 H»erlu,' it means the 'prospectus' of 
 Cae««ar and of the messengers who 
 eame to him. Caesar may have in- 
 trinled to follow, but he had not fol- 
 lowed when be heard this news. He 
 niu<^t' have pa«;«ied the nijbt at some 
 distance (lom tlie Hliips, fm he did 
 not know what damage they had ^ut• 
 lered. Wc have therefore a certain 
 conclu«-ion that liis camp was n<it 
 verv near the ships; and it has been 
 conjectuied by others that it may 
 have been on the Stour, about where 
 the jMiclomiie of Richborough now 
 is. Here lie would find w.atcr, vliicli 
 he could not gel any where ciso 
 on this eoaf-t He aitei wards drew 
 up liis ships, and connected them 
 with his camp, 'una monilione;' 
 and this appears from his own ac- 
 count to have been a work of very 
 great labour. All his men weiceni- 
 p!o\ed in repairing his ships and 
 securing the shi|>s and the c.inip for 
 ten days wiihout inteimiseion. lU*- 
 foie be went into the interior he 
 mii<le nil (|iiitc K;ifc Ixdiind him In 
 c. II CacKar t-ays that aliei fortif\itig 
 the camp, ' ipse eodem unde redierai 
 proficiscitur. Schneider thinks this 
 ' eodem ' is the place mentioned at 
 the beginning of c 11, from which 
 he returned, and this |»lacc was not 
 the cam|) ; nnd be thinks that tin* 
 pa»Ba;.'e (e. II) lonlirms his inler- 
 pret.ation which is given nt the be- 
 ginning of thi" note. 
 
 iti Itioff^ llieic is a reading 'in 
 
 
 :'i 
 
 3* 
 
 
 . - vl^-^ 
 
 
 %. * 
 
 
 * ^f-* 
 
 
 ^' 
 
 
 ' *i. 
 
 
 'rt 'i^ 
 
 t 
 
 ^'^^-^ 
 
 
 
 
 If 
 
 r 
 
 %. 
 
 4 
 
 J' 
 
 I*, 
 
 'i4 
 
 I 
 
 : ••til 
 
 
 f'''W#*^W!»B'c -i^P».-*ft •» 
 
228 
 
 C. JULII CAESAIUS 
 
 Bubdistercnt, ncque nautae gubernatorcsque vim ])nti 
 tempcstatis po.ssent ; itaqiic ex co concursu iiaviuin mag- 
 Diim esse incoininodum aeoeptum. 
 
 11. J I is rebus cognitis Caesar legioncs e(|uitatinnque 
 revncari alciiie iliiicro desistere jiibet, ipse ad iiavea rover- 
 titiir: eadeiu iero quae ex nuiieiia literisquc cof^novernt 
 coram pers[)ieif., sic ut amissis cireiter XL navibus reli- 
 quae tameii refiei posse ma^iio negotio videreiitiir. Itaquo 
 ex Icgionibus fabros delimit et ex eontineuti alios arcessi 
 jubet ; liabieno acribit ut quam plurimas posset iis le- 
 gionibus, quae sunt apud eum, naves instituat. Ipse etsi 
 
 LIBEK V. 
 
 229 
 
 litMs.' Tlic text sccnis to inrnn that 
 llu* ^llips \v«Mi* tiain.-i'.'ril hy « olli^iun. 
 ninl \\v\t' i\>\\on', Ii:iviin» lu't-n cast 
 iIkto. 'Ilms ill Ovid, iMcl. xiii. /).J(), 
 
 " i\<l«picit cjrrliiMi l'ol)«Iori in 
 litoiu corpus." 
 
 — ' >;ul)siiitcrc«Jt :' ' nritlirr tlir nn- 
 chora nor iiipoH hoM.' ' Siilisi^trro ' 
 is to kci'p grtMind or p()<<itiot», nn iti 
 i. 1.'). 
 
 11. ititirrfl, tjc ] 'in itinorc rc- 
 sistcrc,' Slim., Ki-aiicr. 8chnci<lcr 
 nfisvuninp that Citsur was with his 
 troops explains the iiicaiiing to be 
 that Caesar bailc his men stop in 
 their nianh, ami halt whcic they 
 ^ve^e. If tlii^ is «-o. he returned lo 
 his ships hin»self(' ipse '), leavinjr I'is 
 men in the (omitry duinjr iiotliinj* 
 tor ten (hiys. IJul Iio tells iia th.it his 
 soldiirs were e>n])loyed in inakinp 
 liis 'ninnilio," and therefore they 
 must have eome hack to the camp. 
 
 rc/i<jiint' laiiicu] 'Caesar being 
 on the spot sees that the facts uerc 
 pretty nuH h as he had been informed 
 hy the messenu'«MS and Icttt-r, the 
 state oftht: iKci hcinjj.surh that, with 
 the lo^s of about forty ships, it 
 seemed still poMsihle lor the ro 
 niaindcr to be rej)aircd with consi- 
 derable trouble.' 
 
 /(<///•(/>) ' l'"abii' arc workers in wood 
 and iron, carpeulns and smiths. 
 Tho directors of the ' fabri ' wcio 
 * praelet ti.' 'iho ' fahri ' at this time 
 fl<etn to have been reckoned as le- 
 gionary foldicrs, though \\c may 
 
 suppose that they would be mainlj 
 empIoM-d where they would be iiiosl 
 ux-lnl, and would not be exposed to 
 UM'Ios risk. The 'fabri'verc the 
 ^killed workmen; hut nil the sol- 
 <liers worked at such things as tlicy 
 conld <Io r,ivy (i. J3) mentions the 
 oriyin of the 'fabii.' .Sec also B. 
 C. 1. LM. 
 
 tirrrKsi] The fortn'arccssiri,' which 
 some editors adopt, is found in 
 MSS. ; but is probably a corruiit 
 f<»rin. As the prrfecl is * arcessivi,'. 
 and this is one of the forms com* 
 poiiu(hd of the thinl and fourth con- 
 Ju^:ations, wc can undersUnd how 
 siK h words as ' arccssiunt,' 'nrcci' 
 siii.' arc found occasionally in iho 
 MSS. The fnruj ' aecerso,' whiih ll 
 aUo found in MSS., is an erroneous 
 mode of writing ' arcesso.' nnd a 
 blunder not unlikely to be made. 
 It ii possible also ihat tho blunder 
 was at la»t establisheti as a legitimate 
 foinj. Sec i. ."'1. note. 
 
 quae siinlj There is no authority 
 for 'quae pint.' though it wouhl be 
 F-atin. Thr dilTcicme l>ctwccu the 
 indicative and subjutntivc is cosily 
 explained. J.abicniis, according to 
 Cae-ar's onlers, had ccrLiin lc;.Moni 
 «ith /lim Caesar could not tiill if 
 the hgions would be on the spot 
 wlun th»« order ranie to Labienus, 
 liiit if Ciics.u'r ()id( rs were observed 
 they would be there The order 
 was to get nady as many shijis ni 
 he could with the legions thai he 
 had with him, those \\hich Caesu 
 
 feserat niultae operae ac laboris, tamen comniodisaimum 
 iisse statuit omues naves eubduei et cum eastris un:i 
 muaitiouo conjuM;;i. In his rebtia cireiler dies x con- 
 BUinit, no nocturnis quideni lenijioribus ad laborein niili- 
 tuin interinissip. Subduotis navibus easlrisqtie cf^re-^'io 
 
 I.muuitis easdeni copias quas ante ]>raesidio navil)us rcli- 
 *quil: ipse eodeut nude -redierat prolieiseitur. I'^o quuin 
 veuissct, majores jam undi(pie in einn locum eopiae Jiri- 
 'fcanuormn convcncrant, summa imperii bcllique admini- 
 gtrandi communi eonsilio pcrmissa Capsivellauno, cujus 
 fines a maritimia civitatibus flumcn dividit, quod nppel- 
 latur Taiuesis, a nuiri cireiter milia passuum lxxv. Jluit? 
 superioro tempore cum reliquis civitatibus eoiitiuentia 
 bella iuterces.-^craut ; sed no>ti o adventn permoti Britaiuii 
 hunc toti bello imj)erioque praefeccrant. 
 12. Britanniac para interior ab iis incolitur, qiios natoa 
 
 bad ordered to guard the ports. •Quae turned to thc5 north (c. H), nnd if 
 lint' would mean with ►Mch force as he fupp(ipe<l that the outlet of the 
 he had, and would admit the po-^si- Thames was on that side, as he ou;,'ht 
 bilily that all the force might not be to have «-upp<ised, he could iiavehadno 
 «t tho ports, but abK'nt on some ex- exact notion at all about its course. 
 
 lie reckons the disLan* e of the river 
 from the sea hy the length of his 
 march from the c<ia»it to the plat© 
 where he cros-^etl the Thames. This 
 seems to be the meanitig of the pas- 
 sage *n mari rircitir.' He eouhl not 
 estimate the dihtincc in any otiur 
 wav. 
 
 I J nn'dnniiar] The mention of 
 Ca'>slvellaunu9 serves to i»itrodu«e 
 these three cha]»lerv on Ihitamiia. 
 It has been remarked that this di- 
 grepsion would have been jtist a« 
 appropriate in the fourth book as 
 heic ; and so it w<mld if Caesar had 
 bicu wiitiug a hifetory. But he wr<tto 
 his Cotnmentarii as the events oc- 
 (Uired, ami ac<-oriling to the plan of 
 his work it wnvild have liei-n absunl 
 In insert in the fourth book what he 
 did not know wlieri In- wrol'- it. If 
 
 pedition. As to ' iis legionibus,' 
 couip. i. 8, *ca Ifgionc.' 
 
 act lahirem] TIksc wor's must 
 
 l^bp understood as Caesar has jthncd 
 
 llicm. alter ' temponhu*.' ('ae^ai 
 
 '1' 
 li«l tho same eXJtre^si<ln (e. 40) ; but 
 
 In ndl. Civ. I. 32, " ut reliqumn 
 
 Icmpus a laborc inlcruiitieretur ;"* as 
 
 in B. fi. vii. 24. 
 
 SMuclif tmvihus] This was Uo- 
 man fa'>hion and (Iirek loo. Livy 
 \xx\u. 2l\) has "nnvibus mhduetis 
 et vallo circumdatis." Sec also Livy, 
 Kxvi. 4.5. 
 
 ipse eotlem — pnijl'i$citur'\ Tito 
 place luentioned in c. .H. the ' lorus 
 niuiiitU!*,' which the Ko i.aiis had 
 taken, oi the naits about it. 
 
 Tumf'»is\ ihc Ibames separatetl 
 ihc territories of Ca«siv»-Ilaunus from 
 the maritime stales. Tluie is no in- 
 dication that Car*ar knew tlie true w«- <ompare the little that he could 
 course of the I li:imes. lie knew ham ab<»ut Ilrit.iin Ik-Ioic bewailed 
 lliut the south side of the ishnnl ter on hi-* lirst expidition (iv. 'JO) with 
 niinated on the east in the angle of what he tells tis here, it is plain that 
 Kent; but he erroneously siiiipowd in his fourth hook he wiole down 
 ihit the ea«t side of the iibnd was what he knew at the lime; and iti 
 
 
 . r 
 
 • 
 
 
 I'- 
 
 y 
 
 V 
 
 K 
 
 4. 
 
 1!' 
 
 
 f 
 
 '.» 
 
 
 V: 
 
 
230 
 
 C. .lULII CAESAKIS 
 
 ^'^1 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 231 
 
 Jii insula ipya inemoria prudituin diciint ; inarit.ma pnhS 
 ab iia qui piauihie ao belli infertMuii cau.-^a vx Bcl-io traus- 
 icrant, (jui oniiu's IVto iis iioniinibus civitatum appellaii. 
 tiir <]uibus orti ex civitatibus eo perveueruiit et beilo 
 illato ibi iHTinau.seruut atijuo a«j;n)H eoleiv coepcM-unt. 
 Jioiiniiiiin ent infinita multitudo crebemrnaque aedilicia, 
 lore GaliicLs consimilia ; pccorum ma'^rius numeim 
 
 L'tuutur aut aere, nut nummo aereo, ant taleis ferreis ad 
 Ctrtnin pondus exannnntia pro luiinino. Nasoitur ibi 
 
 1 
 
 lliis, liis nCtli, 1,0 uioto down uh.it 
 ho Icaninl in liis sccontl (•.X|)0<liti.>n. 
 Schiui.ltr Mi|.|)i»(s that In- may 
 liavo written iIm>o tlino clmptn^ 
 durin- the ten .l;.ys (o. J|) „|,^.„ 
 the military <MHi:ili«»ns were 8us- 
 PcikUmI. Mnt ('aes.ir was i\n |,u»v 
 tlii-ii as if he had heeii ni'4a<;cil in 
 Jiyhtinj; the enemy. Thire" sn. h 
 
 ch-iptir. (.;us;u- m.u'l.t have wntu m by tradition.' as in Ciecro (V 
 
 wny morning l.eloic the business of 
 llie (lay conjmenecl, or anv cvruin;,' 
 niter the davN work was over; for 
 he was ul\va\ h hnsy. 
 
 A trade hetwecn Britain and the 
 continent h.id existed Ion;.r U.\\,yq 
 Caesar's invasion, and the Bei-.'ac 
 Had inv.idrd and settled in the 
 romitry. The ' njcreatons ' may 
 have heen Caesar's ehief anthoriiy 
 for his farts, and they wouM icpoi't 
 partly as eve- witnesses, and partly 
 from liearsay. Under the later em'- 
 pirc ill Julian's time Britain exported 
 
 >:rain to (.'allia (Anwnian. Marcell .,,„ 
 
 -Will. -J); and even Siial.o (p. \\)U) h.vaei, 
 Bays (hat in his time, llu; time of '11 
 nnd 'I'ihernis, Mritannia 
 
 pC( 
 
 there to rollrrt the tax (p. l]fi). 
 Stniho writes like a wi.si- man. lie 
 knew that iimrc mi-lit l»e pot fioiu 
 tiatle llian by seizin,' and iiolding a 
 loreii.'!! eonntiy. A tter .Sti alio wrote 
 the Komani tried the experiment of 
 holdin^r lliitain. ntid tliey foiiiid jtiu 
 rx|H'nHivc p<i4S(S<«iiin 
 
 in'iiiniii j,t,„liin,n j • 'rransinittcd 
 
 CIT. 
 
 A u^'u>.()\s 
 
 ii 1,0. 151). " pro<litiini nieinoriaac 
 liieris." There i^ also ' inemoria* 
 pro<lcnda' (vj. 'lr>). .Vhncider and 
 Kianer have * in insula ip<i.' 
 
 J{>/,/i„\ There is b«tter niitliority 
 for tliii readin;; in this pass.age tli.in 
 for' Hel-is.' ' Hek'ium' is a w-d 
 foiined like ' r..itium.' 'Saninium.' 
 C'aesir sometimes u^ s ' Helpuc' for 
 the 'teitia |Mn (.'alliae,' aiuiatollier 
 times he makes the ' iJelpae' or 
 • M< l;:iuMr only a jurt of this third 
 tlivision of (Jalliu.asin V. -24. These 
 ' Belpac,' in the limited sense, who 
 oeenpied nel-inni, weif the Ucl- 
 \treb.ite\ an I Aiubiani 
 
 leic was a people in Mriluimi. 
 
 " ■ hel 
 
 plumbum album in meditorraneis re«;i()nibuH, lu man 
 timis ierrum, sed ejus exigua est copia : aereiituutu 
 importato. INIateria cujusque generis ut in (Jallia cs 
 praetor lagum atquc abietem. Leporcm ct pallinam ofc 
 nnserem gustare las non putant ; liaec tamen alunt annm 
 voliiptaliytpic catisa. Loca sunt tempcratiora (juain in 
 Gallia, remissioribua frigoribus. 
 
 13. Insula nalura tritjuetra, ciijus nnnin laius est 
 contra Galbam. Jlujus lateris alter angulus qui est a(l 
 Cautium, quo fere oinnea ex Gallia naves appelluntur, ad 
 
 ea 
 
 ,,.,.... , , ,■ , ■ <''' ^el^'a.• in the toiiiitics of 
 
 I . .need eorn and .atlle, also gold, Hampshire and .Sn^^ex. and a pecv 
 
 ("1 r, .and iron; these arlieles, ns pie ealle.l Atrehates north of the 
 
 wcH as sk.ns. slaves, and .ood hnnt- Vhan.e, ; both, we may s ,>o c. 
 
 n^loKH wereexp<>rted. he Mntons the B.I.M.an .t-.k of th. eo .tin nt. 
 
 a.dl>.d.tdu>esontheth.n.,swhieh (Introd p. -J-V)-' pen„:mscrunl' 
 
 iM-y exported to (Jallia and from it. there is also ' reman^lrur ' 
 
 The imports into Hrilain fr d'allia 
 
 vere ivory armlets and nerkla«e8, 
 and what he e.alls 'linpmia,' with' 
 plass ve<s( Is an<l sn* h small mattei-s. 
 iSlralx. wi-ely says that if the Koriiaos 
 
 (.'•illici-i] Strabo (iv. 1.07), pro- 
 bably on the antboritv of Tosido- 
 nins. sriys that the Callic houses 
 \\v\K lai-e, built of planks and wat- 
 tliiiir. of a r..Miid form (t'o.Vonafrv), 
 
 ^^ouid e.xhaust all that they pot Inm. sometim. s ( ll. (;. v ^'.\) In form 
 
 I .and that they derive,! „,.,re Imm they wouM n<.l be unlike sonic of 
 
 Ike cnsoms in Ca.lu th.m they our oireular uheat rieks 
 
 tvoulu h.aye pot from taxing the p'corum~numeru,\ The modem 
 
 people ol Hritaiu and keeping' i fureo Britons arc still gcal caillc ftedca 
 
 The inhubiUnnts of the island bepan 
 of netcssity with prazuip. and th. ir 
 iinnrovcd asiiculture is now founded 
 on llic feeding of sheep and eat tie. 
 
 aut nummo orrro] Thc^e words 
 are omitted liy I'.lb., but the >1^^. 
 iT.idings arc in f.ivour <d tin in. I he 
 reading 'aureo* f-.r 'aereo,' whieli 
 occurs in son»c M.S.S., can hardly be 
 correct ; for Cieero says in a lett^ir 
 to Trcbalius (Ad Kam. vii. 7), 
 written during this summer: "in 
 Britannia nihil ef-e audio ne»)iie 
 auri neque argenli." Ciren* iinptit 
 have heard this from his brother 
 Qilintus, who necompani^d ( 'aesar on 
 Ills second expedition. Still 1 doubt 
 f the text is right; and the woids 
 ' .TUt acre' w?cm to be unne«essary. 
 I'hc Briianni would |ir«d>a!dy reecive 
 'nummus aercus,' eopper coiti. in 
 ilie coui"?e of rommerce with CJallia, 
 tor the Galli had eoin. 
 
 'Taleis,' whieh is |>erliapB the true 
 reading, occurs in vii. 7ii. It means 
 ong pieces, in llic shape of rod^ or 
 vhiii bars probalily. whieh would 
 servo as a means of ex< Ijangc and 
 also as a useful roinmo«lity. 'I he 
 'plumbum album' is tin, the trade 
 in whieh is much older than Caesar's 
 lime (Introd. p. lb'.) lie «p<al.s of 
 it as coining from tlie eentral parts 
 of the country, which is inrorreet. 
 The iron of the maritime Iruis may 
 have been that of .Sussex, where the 
 making of iron his not been long dis- 
 
 continued. So far nsCiicsar'Minfornia- 
 tion goes, the copper was imknovni ; 
 nor «loes In- im ntinii the lead. wbi« h. 
 after the Uomnn ot(U|)ation of the 
 island, was worked extrnsivciv in 
 Dilbv-hiie at I. ast. y\s to ' piiiiil 
 bum,' Me IMin. '.'A, v.. Ki kc. 
 
 As to timlicr (' mat' ria') and llio 
 want of the bceeli and the fir. his teit- 
 timony is no more than ibis, — he did 
 not sec them nnd heard nothing of 
 them. 'J'he U'-man ';.bicH' is said 
 to be the silver llr, a pant whieh is 
 nati\c in Bntiiu: and so is the 
 bee* h. Hi" remaik>- on the climate 
 are roireet, for ' ten peiatiora ' <loes 
 not applvto »(dd only, lie does not 
 III. an that Britain is more temperate 
 ibaii tiallia bei"iu«^e tlie eol.l is less 
 sev. le. Iiiit that tin- lie.l is less nnd 
 the e.)l.l ton; and he mentions morn 
 particulatly tlie fact of the le»s de- 
 gree of colli, which how. \cr he um«» 
 have leaineil from otiu is. 
 
 avinii — nitf-ii] In vii. 77, 'ani* 
 mine <ausa,' A:e. ; ami in (i. cio (Pra 
 Q. Ko«ie. y\nier. C 4<I), tb( re ii 
 " auimi et auiiuni raiisa." It means 
 for a pa<>time or amusement. 
 
 l.'k Ciihliniii] Caesar gives llio 
 word a Latin termination. Iil<c Bel- 
 pium (c. VI). 'I'be British name is 
 Cant, or Kent, ns we have it now, a 
 term whieh »eeniH to mean corner or 
 nngle — ' pertinet :' it i» doubtful if 
 'pertinet, or'tenet'(Klb.),isthctru# 
 reading; but the authority tor'pcrli 
 
 
 i'^% 
 
 
 
 hi 
 
 
 
 -.1 
 
 
 
 
 K^ 
 
 
 . '4. 
 
 
 "ll- 
 
 ./ ' U 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 <,¥ 
 
 IK 
 
 
 t-j^a 
 
 
 i.. 
 
 ■^ 1 
 
 wi 
 
 ' 5^1 
 
 Si. 
 
 
 
 V\ 
 
 ! 1 
 
9 'JO 
 
 C. JUJ.II CAESAllTS 
 
 LiBEu r. 
 
 2:^3 
 
 !"'■■' 
 
 onentem solcin, inferior ad meridiem spcctat. Hoc [Inlusl 
 pertinet circiter milia passuum d. Alterum vergit ad 
 i ispaniam atquo occideiitem solem, qua ex pn-'tc est 
 Jlibeniia dimidio minor, ufc cxistimatur, (juam Britannin 
 scd pan epatio transmisaus atque ex Gallia o«t in Britan- 
 niam. In hoc medio cursu eat insula quae nppollatur 
 Mona; complure3 praeterea minores objeetae insulae 
 existimantur; do quibua insulis nonnulli seripserunt dies 
 contmuoa'xxx aub brnma eaye noetem. No8 nihil de eo 
 pcreontationibus reperiebainua, niai certis ex aqna meii- 
 suris breviorea esse quan.i in continent! noctes videbainus. 
 
 net is ns poo<|. The ohjrrlion to 
 * pnliiict' JH tliat il k<miim;i|Iv \hx^ an 
 a<lvnl> j.)im-.| uiili ii „r u '|.ir|i..-.i- 
 tion, ii.H 'ad,' or Hoinrtliinj' to cxiMtss 
 .1 tlircction. Hut, as Sdmciihr ol.- 
 ecivfs, tliia has hern already indi- 
 CHtcd,^ and he adds, ' this side t-x- 
 tcnds.' .Srhncidt r omits ' latiis.' 
 
 lrai>s)nissns\ This js tl,p p.„itivc 
 rase, lie snvs ' l()<-i np.itin ' c I '). S* o 
 i. W, ^ M„tf. « i'ar' in UM-d with 
 '•it»|uo' in a siniihir w:\y in j. *J}{. 
 'I'hc f.\|tio>.sioii is one (if ihoc ine- 
 ^'ular forms uliich have ai-JM-n fioin 
 the colloquial ahhieviation of iho 
 rom|dete form of H|tro(h. 
 
 MoiKi] Is prohahly ti.e Isle of 
 Man, as \\c may jud.:c from the 
 name and the position; for the Isle 
 of AnL'lcsey is t- o near the main- 
 land to he the foundation of this 
 (Ifsciiption. j\a to ilic 'minons 
 insulae,' tlicy arc prohahly those on 
 the west coast of S( otlaiid, though 
 the description is not exact. 
 
 j»rumn\ 'iJruina' is the winter sol- 
 stice Hut the fact of thirty davs 
 without fiimlipht is not true of .•u'lv 
 of the Uritish i>l,iiid8. By means .if 
 the clepsydra (* ex aqua njensnri< ') 
 Caesar found tliat tlic summer nights 
 were shorter than in (."allia.— The 
 use of 'nisi' is peculiar. There is 
 a like use in Cicero (Ad Fani. xiii. 
 '^^); "'Ic re ndiil pos<ium jmlicarc, 
 nini illud mihi poivnadeo," iVe. 
 
 The rirctiit of 'JOOD Roman miles 
 which (Caesar a-sicrns to the island 
 U uiueli below the iruiU ; but if wc 
 
 measure from one falirnt point to 
 nnnihcr, it is *n far near U\ llic initii 
 that It app< nrs to l»r foiimled on tlic 
 e!«timafe9 of vovag. is who had sailed 
 aloii;; the coast's. Wp need not a,s- 
 6ume that the island had been cir- 
 cnmnavi-jated by any one toyager, 
 whieh was first done, so far as we 
 know, in the time of Airricla (Tarit. 
 Ajrri<-. r. WW). Tl„. pnrral form is 
 roiicily dc'-cribed by Cutsar : tlio 
 chief error lies in n>akin;r the west 
 fide opposite to Spa-n. 'Ilic K'onianB 
 knew no better in tlic time of Taci- 
 tus (A^riic. 111). The position of the 
 northern nn;,'le t«. wards (Jernianv is 
 modified by * pjaxinte :' if there is 
 any countrv- to uhich it is lumcd, 
 Cao-^ar means to j.iy it is (.eruianv. 
 lie could learn little of the form .uid 
 position of the isLuid from his own 
 ob-crvation. His infdrmitiop alioiit 
 it was pot apparently chiefly from 
 the traders, from those of Arlnorica, 
 niul those who went over from I'ortiis 
 llius. 'Ihc writers to whom he al- 
 ludes were (Jreeks. \V« cannot 
 afririn that he learned anv thing 
 from thevoyape of ilimiho the Car- 
 thapinian, for we do n..t kno.v that 
 Cae-ar was acouainted with this 
 I'unic work. lie mav have gnt 
 sonjcthinp from I'ythe.-is of Mar- 
 seille, thonh the' pass.aje whiili 
 riiny (ii. 77) quotes from Pvtheai 
 about the six months' niphtin Tliulc 
 does not it.dieatc I'ytheas to be the 
 fource of the staicincni about tLa 
 thirty daya' night. 
 
 I 
 
 ; 
 
 Iluius est lon-itudo laleris, ut lert illorum opmio, DCC 
 milium. Terlium est contra septemtnones, cui parti 
 nulla est objecta terra; yed ejus an^nilus latens maxnne 
 adGermaniam spcetat: hoe milia passuum DCCC in Ion- 
 gitudinem esse existimatur. Ita omnia mauhi est in 
 circuitu vicies centum milium passuum. . . 
 
 14. Ex his omnibus lonpe sunt iiumanissnni qui Can- 
 tium' iucolunt, quae ren;io est maritima omnis, nequo 
 multum a Galliea diilerunt cpuHuetudmc. Interiores 
 plerique frumenta non serunt, sed laetc et came vivunt, 
 pellibusque sunt vestiti. Omnes vero se Jiritanni v.tro 
 mficiunt, quod caeruleum edicit colorcm, at epic hoc hor- 
 ridiores sunt in pu^^na adspectu : capilhxpu) sunt pro- 
 misso ntipic onnn parte corporis nina pra.U'r enput et 
 kbrum supcrius. Uxores liabent deni duodeimpio inter 
 80 communes, et maximo iVatres cum iVatribus paren- 
 tesque cum liberis ; sed qui sunt ex his nati eorum 
 habentur liberi, quo primum virgo quaeque deducta 
 
 est. . . ,. 
 
 15 Equitcs IjosUum cssedariique acriter proelio cuni 
 cquitatu nostro in itincre conlhxerunt, ita tamen ut nostri 
 omnibus partibus superiores luerint atquc cos m silvas 
 collcsnuecoujpulerint: sed compluribus mterlectis cupi- 
 
 -'sqi 
 
 14. ^acieetcarne^ So it is still. 
 An excellent French writer has re- 
 marked this. Milk in some form 
 and nieat arc consnujcd more by ilic 
 English than by any other Kurop<an 
 nation. (L. dcLaverpne, Econotnic 
 runilc do TAnplelerrc, &c., p. 3.'>.) 
 
 vitro] Cae-ar says that the Bri- 
 tanni of the intciior, most of them 
 (' plerique') are « paMoral people; 
 but all of them dye ihcir bodies a 
 hiucish colour wiih ' vitruin,' n jdant 
 wliich riiny (35, c. 6 ; 37, c. «) de- 
 scribes as used for the adulteration 
 of indigo; thouph woad. which is 
 ' vitrunj,' is Mii<l to improve the qua- 
 lity and cohmr of indico. Woad is 
 still cultivated in France and Flan- 
 ders. The dye is i.roduced from the 
 leaves. Strabo (p. 2(m) saw some 
 British vounp nicu at Krnic. He 
 describes llurm ub uUti ihau the 
 
 Celine, with hair not fo yellow. 
 They were loosely made and bad ic 
 the feet. In statuie they exceeded 
 the tallest men in Uomc by half a 
 
 foot. . . 
 
 horrvliorcs] There is a readmg 
 •horridiore,' and other vaiieties. 
 
 f/cHi iiwdcviiiui'] ' I'n'h ten ot 
 twelve.' as we say. l'':'*-!' of ^*>i' ^^" 
 or twelve had a wife; hut there was 
 a eommunitv anmnp the ten or 
 twelve, 't^iio' means 'ad quon.' 
 There is verv little authority for ' a 
 quihuR.' ' Deducerc' means to take 
 a wife home. 
 
 \b. in itijirrr] The narrative is 
 resumed from c. 1 1, ' eo quuin veii- 
 isset.' Caesar was advancinp from 
 tlic place nl which he had arrived, 
 and was oppo-ed by the emuiV. Ho 
 says nothing of the duration ol his 
 m.tich. 
 
 a 
 
 it 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 M 
 
 « 
 
 '- rifdh 
 
 n\ 
 
 
 »t*a 
 
 
 hi' 
 
 . r- 
 ■^1 
 
 
 ,!! 
 
 "Wf 
 
09 t 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 235 
 
 t'^ ■■! 
 
 I" 
 I 
 
 dius insecuh nonnullos ex suis amisorunt. At illi inter, 
 inisso epatio, nnprudcntibus no.tris ntquc octu, a ."' 
 
 pe uq„o n. cos facto, qui crant ia Htationj . -o « n 
 
 cobortjbus a Cac.sarc, atquc iis prirni. k.^iorunn dua .m 
 q lum hac pcrcx.guo intc.MHSHo loci spatTo inter .e con 
 itjsscnt, novo .cncro pu^nae pctLmti. n't, s, p • 
 
 [ntc ' 1 i ;" ?• L:^''--l^^l^^^-'=^ tribunn. .nilitu.n 
 
 1 ; T 1 ' "*'^"' """"^'-''^ ^'obortibus rcpelluutur 
 niumn.^ '/'• -^:."^'!'^ P"^^"-'^^^ q^^nn sub oculis oni- 
 
 iHum ac pro cnslriM cinu.carctur, i.ilclbvt.in, est lunlros 
 P''opler^M«av.tale,M unnoru.n. <p,<,a neque in^cpn ceden e 
 po^sen ncquc ab si.nis di.cedere aul.ent, n^in^r: 
 esse ad bujus genoriH bosteni, eq.iites autem mnmio 
 cum penculo proclio dinucare, prop\erea quod IliTtn 
 
 n bu no«tro.s nwnovKSHcut, ex cs^cdis desilireut ct pedi- 
 bus d.span procl.o contcnderent. Equestris autem |) od 1 
 
 iulrnmsso spado \ ' After a short 
 interval of time.' See i. 5J. 
 
 sfalinnr] 'I'l.o Uomaiis were pre- 
 paring the cnruinpnient to pass iho 
 niKlit ill. Tl.c men 'in Matione' 
 are the pickets placed to keep watrl. 
 ^ airjw iisj A better reading than 
 atquc his.' Two rohorts were sent to 
 support the nun ' in statiom-,' ' :in<l 
 these the first eohorts of iI,o two 
 legions.' Instead of v.i,„,,jv ..avin.r 
 the first rohort.s, Caes.r savs. ''two 
 cohortB and these the fii«t.' \>h.rc 
 * atf|uc • adds to the fact of the ' two 
 cohorts' the ad.lilional fact of th.ir 
 «)en.frtlu' (iiHt; and 'ii.^' is added to 
 I'levent any an.hi^juity, as S.-hneid.r 
 ohserves. (Sec 'at,,,,,; hoe,' r. HI) 
 it appears that one of the rohorts of 
 a let'ion was eallcd ' prima,' as hein-r 
 he hr.stin rank. (Kipsius, do Mif 
 lion,. ,i.c. .J.) It has iKcn inftrn-.i 
 Iroui this passa-o that iho 'prima 
 coliors had moio uini thmi the 
 other eohorts. If this w.is not soin 
 tacbars tiuic, \\c may at least iufer 
 
 that it contained the host men In 
 the imperial timt- it is «aid that tlio 
 prim.i rohois • cniitaiti.d |(l(l() mum 
 i///////,s>m( -SuLmissis/s. Iin.,w|,icli 
 means -sent to their irlitf There 
 IS l)etter authority for ' iinmivsis.' 
 
 10. arnir,rum\ ' A rmatui-.c," Kib 
 — j»roc hodimi.arc:* the word 'pme- 
 '"> isdouhtf..!; hut .IS the Komani 
 ran My, 'rum hovte din.iearc,* pcr- 
 I'aps the addition of 'p.oeiio' in this 
 p:.s^au'c may le p. rmi,.c, not to pre- 
 vent any ain|.ij;„in al..)ut the phrase 
 I'Kipno rum p< ri. ul..,' luit to lmvo 
 greater iircrision. 
 
 /'"J>i'>!,n,rri./u.,f,,n] This „,c of 
 iMijus^a-iini,' „,;iv |,c ,.,„„,,.„^.^ 
 
 /yrostn.aufnn] .A f>rr deserlbing 
 the d,/Ii,„hK., of the infant, V C.e-ar 
 cxp.ains ll.c dau;:er to wi.ieh tho 
 eaval.v uasovpovd. uh.„ th.y ,,ur- 
 Bued ihe'essr.hirii.'forti.e Hrifinni 
 quitted their 'c^seda'an.l foupht on 
 loot among the Homan 'cquiics' in 
 
 . 
 
 ratio et cedentibus ct insequcntibus par atque idem pen. 
 culuin inferebat. Acccdebat luic ut mimquam coulerti 
 8cd rati innKuiscpic intcrvallia proeliareutur, statiouesqiio 
 aiapoaitaK bnbercnt, nt.pie alios alii deiurepH exc.perent 
 intt'^MMque et recent ca detati^'atis sueeedenMit. 
 
 17 Tostero die procul a eastris bostes in collibiis con- 
 stiterunt, rarique se ostendere et lenius quam pndio 
 nostros eqnites proelio lacensere coeperuiit. «ed niendic, 
 quu.n Caesar pabulandi cauHa tres le.t,MoiH-s atque omneni 
 equitatum cum C. Trebonio lec^nto misisset, repente ex 
 omnibus partibus ad pabulatores advolaverunt, sic uti ab 
 siLMiis legionibusquo non absi.terent. Nostn acriter in 
 cos in.pt^tu facto nq.pulerunt, ne.p.e Iniem nequendi lecc- 
 runt quoad Bubsidio conlisi e.piitis, (punn post ho legi.ineH 
 viderent, praecipites hostes e^^eiunt, magnoque eorum 
 numero interfecto, neque t^ui colligendi neque consistendi 
 aut ex es.<edi3 deailicndi lacultatem dederunt. Ex liac 
 fuga protiniis quae undi(jue convenerant auxilia disces- 
 serunt, neque post id tempus umquam suinmia nobiscum 
 copiia bostes contenderunt. 
 
 the manfler de^ribed in iv. 33. This years more from the J;^'""";? f 
 
 VIS an unequal kind of fighting IJ.c. 5.{ to the end of M c. 49 (viu. 
 
 rkZ Z-1 u.n') f<.r the Itrunail r>\ note). Trehon.us was now a 
 
 ienur«'' twk^^ the Mega.us' under ('ae.ar, who thus 
 
 other hand (autem-) the H.iii^h rewarded him for h.s serv.ees dunn-4 
 
 n le of fighting from the ' e.seda ' his trihu.uship. J Ic was a leruard, 
 
 requestri proelii ratio') >.asec,ua)ly one of Cae.ar s a^.a^sms^ . 1 here are 
 
 danVrous to his envalrv and legions extant four letters uf Ciecro to C. 
 
 in the pursuit and the retreat. This Trehonuis 
 is Schneider's explanation, an( 
 
 d 1 be- 
 lieve that it is ri-ht. The Hritanni 
 had no cavalrv ; ihev had only ' es- 
 Bcdarii; to wlioin Caesar (iv.^ 3.5) 
 npi'lies the term ' perequitant.' It 
 follows that 'cquites hostinm csse- 
 dnriiquc' (c. \'>) are no more than 
 the 'cfijedarii' (iv. 2J). 1" i^'- •^'. 
 
 piihulahfres] The men on foot who 
 verc employed in the foraging (viii. 
 17). Thev' retreated, but the Hri- 
 tanni f(drowe<l them up to the 
 Btan<lavds and the legions. 
 
 rrj'jnilrnint] See ii. 10; iii. 28. 
 'Ibis »ii]>earH to be the t'fnuine form 
 like ' reitnli ' nod ' repp« ri.' For tho 
 
 however Tae^ar mvs, 'prditatus true i.e. feet would bo lepepuli. of 
 
 cnui at';^^^^^^ Stnibo(p.'J«lO),who which ' reppul. ' is a .Imrter form. 
 
 s?e.n. to have followed Cae.ar in Mhe Ilomans. infantry and eavalry 
 
 his account of Bntnin, Favs that thev followed the enemy, and d.d not 
 
 u "e e?"iots for 'he moVt part (.6 stop until , he eavalry, -'-o -re en- 
 
 ,rA,'o.) like »ome of the Ccltac ronu.p d by )..; 1< g.ons b. bind them. 
 
 17 (' T.rU,nn\ T.ebonius wa«ft J»ad put the llnt.nm to I igbt 
 
 •tribunus plebis- in uc :>5. n'ul be «,//,/ »,..-tvy,„> J U ill. aJI 
 
 carrieda' ropatio' which cave Caesar orces, all united (vn. 4-;. 
 the goTcnmicnt of Gallia for five 
 
 their 
 
 . •* 1 
 
 '■^ 
 
 
 ' . •**? 
 
 
 *« 
 
 
 'V 
 
 ^ 
 
 ' ' ,''■ 
 
 b: ;. 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 
 ^ 2y 
 
 
 
 
 ' ».* ^H 
 
 
 ^ .i» 
 
 
 
 
 ' fi 
 
 
 
 > ' ' i 
 
 <<l 
 
 
 H-i 
 
 \ 
 
 # 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 ' i 
 
 . § 
 
 
 -:f 
 
23G 
 
 C. JULH CAKSAIUS 
 
 18. Caesar co-iiito consilio conim ad flmnrn Tampsin 
 m hues Casaivcllauiii excrcitiim duxit, quad ilumcii uuo 
 
 in. corisi/i,,] 'lluir dcsipn was not 
 to lia/anl any goncial criijag. merit, 
 but to stop Caiy.ir at llic river, 
 
 Tuweshi] Callrd 'J'aiiicsa, or Ta- 
 nusas hy later \vritci-j(. (Tacil. Ann. 
 XIV. HI DioM Cassins, -lO, c. 3.) 
 Caesars route from tlic Stour to tlic 
 Thames cannot bo <letcr>ninc(l. He 
 nicnlions woods ami hil's on the 
 road; not hills that he rroosed him- 
 folf, hut where the encinv |»«)sre<l 
 themselves. He dues tn.t 'mention 
 the Mcdway, and wc must RtippuRo 
 that he cros.sed the upper part of it, 
 jvluMc it is an inHicnilieant stream.' 
 Ills piol.ahle line of road would ho 
 nloni; the weald of Kent, ami near 
 the present line of the south-ea-^tcrn 
 railway. It may be asked, how «lid 
 lie get into these p.uts from the 
 nciRliI.onrho«Ml „f I)e;il ? 'Ihe «M«i<st 
 xyay would he to go up tlur valhv of 
 the Stonr, pa«l ( 'anlii hmv to Ash- 
 ford, lie had iJritanni uith him 
 who eo\ild puide him. If he had 
 gone fnmj Canterhurv to Ko< Inster, 
 lie could not have forded the Med' 
 way there, and he wouM have had 
 no water on the way. KiH best road 
 would he in the liiic from Ashford 
 to Tunhridgc, at hast for water. Of 
 wood he would have had more than 
 enough; but both were nccessarv, 
 Kroin Tunhridgc he might m.irrh 
 to Kiigate and Dorking. 1 think he 
 would not get on the chalk hills. 
 I'tom Dorking he might go <loun 
 the valley of the Mole, and he would 
 conte on the 'i'hames about Hampton 
 or Walton; nn.l there I Ruppo^c he 
 "light, at that time, have got aeioss 
 the river. In Walton parish 'is u 
 great camn' (Cibson's Caunlen) ; but 
 that may have been m:ide later. 
 
 'J'hough it is not certain where he 
 crossed the Thames, it is a fair con- 
 clusion that it was above the point 
 where the ti«le was peneplil)le. 'Jhe 
 remark about 'n single ford' may bo 
 compaied with the remark (i. 0) as 
 to the two i\asfia;'e3 through tho 
 
 .Tnra: theit; was onlv one ford in 
 tin- p:,rt that be ramc'to. Tbc IJii- 
 tanni had pl.aeed Miarp stakes oii 
 tb.ir oide of the river, and also fixed 
 Makes in the bed of the river. Hcda 
 (11 1st. Auirl. 1, 2) des.ribcs some 
 stakes in the bed of the Tliamci 
 whi( h be Mipposes to be the=c stakes 
 and he «lescrihcs them as weighted 
 with lead. He does not sav that he saw 
 them. Antiquaries, who lav hold of 
 any thing, find tlic*c stakes at C'oucy 
 Stakes, near Oatlanils, near the jiinc- 
 tmn of the Wey and the Thanici 
 (( amdrii, nritannia. p. H{*2. cd 
 <.*ibson); but they are probald'v thq 
 stakes of an old weir. There i« 
 another olijection to these stake* 
 iHing the Mritish stakes. They lie 
 arro-s the river, and Cae«ar does no? 
 »ay that the Mriti^b stakes did- nor 
 wouhl that be the im.do of dcfeneo 
 J he bank at the ford was lined with 
 Makes, and stakes were pl.ared along 
 the bank under the water. There 
 i« a Paper in the Arcbaeologia (ii, 
 l"OI»)Mr. S. (;.iIeon these Covvey 
 Makes. 'Ihere are also two papers 
 jn tlie Arcbaeologia (ii. l;U) on 
 Caesar's invasion of Uritain, by 
 Dam OS Harrington, who saxs thiit 
 the Cowey stakes lie in a single line 
 aeross tlie river. He ^uu'ge.ts that 
 they arc the remains of a (ishing weir 
 " »o many of which, in the 'lliatnci 
 particularly, are directed to be dc- 
 Mroyed by the l^'bd chapter of M.agiia 
 (diarta." Others place the p.assage of 
 Catsar about Kingston on Thamc!! 
 a position probable onouuh. Caesar 
 estimates the distance of the Thames 
 lioni the Fca at about eijihty miles, 
 and he would estimate this distance 
 bv his march from the lo.ast to the 
 place where he ciossed the river. 
 I'herc is an intrenched camp on* 
 >N imbledon Common near Kingston 
 w^bt.h may hav.- been Caesar's resting 
 nlaco befoie be crosveil the river. 
 If it was bis camp, wc mav conclude 
 that he crossed about there; but ho\f 
 
 LIBKli X. 
 
 237 
 
 onmino loco pedibiis, ntque hoc negro, traiisiri potest. 
 Eo quum venisst't, animum advertit nd alteram fluminia 
 ripain inaf^naa esse copias hostiuin iiiHtnictaH : iij)a aulem 
 erat acutis sudibiia praelixisque iminita,('juHdeiiuine gene- 
 lis sub aqu.-i defixae sudes flunune tegebantur. Ilia rebus 
 cognitis a eaptivia perfugisque Caesar praeiuisso equitatu 
 coufestiin legioues subsequi jussit. JSed ea celeritate 
 fltque eo inipetu milites ierunt, quum ca[)ite solo ex aqua 
 exstarent, ut hostes impetum legionum at que equitura 
 sustinere nou posseiit ripasque dimittereiit ac so lugae 
 luandarent. 
 
 19. Cassivellaunu?, ut supra demoustravlnuia, omni 
 (lepoaita spc contentioniH, dimisaia nmplioribuH copiis, 
 miiibua circiter iv essedariorum relictia, itiniM'a iiOHtra 
 BLTvabjlt paulumque ex via excedebat, l()cis(]ue impeditia 
 ae silvi'stribua seso occultabat, atque iis rtgionibua, qui- 
 bu3 1108 iter facturos cogiioverat, pccora at quo liomines 
 ex agria in ailvaa comj)ellebat ; et quum ecjuitatuH iionter 
 liberiua praedandi vaslauditpie eauaa ho in agroa efVuii- 
 deret, omnibua viia notia aemitisquo esaedariua ex Bilvia 
 emittebat et magiio cum periculo uostrorum equitum cum 
 iis confligebat, ntque hoc metu latiua vagari prohibeb:it. 
 Kclinquebatur ut neque longiua nb ngminc legionum dis- 
 cedi Caesar pateretur, et tantum in agria vaalandia 
 iiicendiisque faciendia hostibus noceretur, quantum laboie 
 atque itinere legionarii milites efficere potcrant. 
 
 are wc to know that it is his camp ? tlie river and frightened the Britanni 
 When the Hmporor Claudius visited away. JSomc of the stories in I'o- 
 Britain (a.d 4;i) he found the army lyaenus about Caesnr a^-ree with 
 of Aulus FlautiuB encamped on the Caesar's text ; others, like this, were 
 Thames somewhere, and he crossed got from other sources, 
 the river with the troops (Dion, Ix. \9. rircifrr iv) This in a larjjo 
 '21). It seems thai the cavalry were number of ' es^edarii,' perhaps loo 
 ordered to swim the river, for they large, but it is the MSS. leading, 
 would not go against the Ktikes. The rjruuilrrrt] • Jsjercrat,' IS( hn., for 
 infantry got over first, but how ihcy which there is good MSS. authority, 
 managed it wc cannot discover. It C>iw MS has 'eji«eret.' 
 was enough for Caesar's purpose to Jichvqurlxitur ut\ ' All t'..at re- 
 tell us the fact, but the nanativc is niained was for Caesar not to allow, 
 ileficicnt. PoUacnus (Sirateg viii. ' Kcstava solo die,' Forccllini. Coin- 
 23, § 5) tells a ilorv of Caesar having pare i fl. ' Ueliiiquebatur ;' nn<l Ci- 
 wilh him a very large eleplmnl cased ceio (Ad Att. x. Ii), " Kelinquitui 
 in mail, witli 'n lower on his back ut . . . quicwamus." ^ 
 :ontaining bo«imn and i>linger8. qnmitum lahnrc] The cavalry r«- 
 Ihc elcplunl wnh his load cnieied vaged llic counirj', but it was dnn 
 
 I 
 
 ,**> -J 
 
 ■A 
 
 M\ 
 
 ■■*»«^^ «*-.,*!Ei* ■»», ^**if, -uiiltt- 
 
 C. JULir CAKJSAiaS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
233 
 
 C. JUJ.II CAKSAiaS 
 
 LIBER V 
 
 239 
 
 :l 
 
 20. Tnt-erim Triiiobantea, propc flrnussima caruni rcgio. 
 lUiin civitMs, ex qua jMaiiclubratins adolfscciia, Cnesaria 
 fiilcm sccutiis, ad cum in contincnteni Galliam venerat 
 (cujua y&Un- linanueiitiu8 in ca civitato rcguum obti- 
 luicrat intcrrcctusquc orat a CassivcUauuo ; ipse fugn 
 mortem vitavrr.iL), Icgatos ad Cacsarem mittuiit pollicen- 
 turque scao ei dodituros alque imj)frata faclumsi pctunt 
 lit iMaiidubratiiim ab injuria Cassivcllauni dcfendat atque 
 in civitatcMu luittat qui prae.-?it imperiumque obtineat. 
 ]Iis Caosar im[)erat obsidos xl Iruinentumipie cxercitui, 
 Mandubratiunjque ad cos mittit. llli impcrata ccleriter 
 Icocruiit, obsidcs ad luimcrum frumcntumque miscrunt. 
 
 21. Trinobantibus dclcnsis alijue ab onuii militum in- 
 juria prohibitis, Ccnimagni, Sogc.ntiaci, Ancalitcs, J3ibroci, 
 
 pciou* for tlicni to lie sc|iarritc(l 
 nm« h from the infantry* Cacs.ir 
 tlicrcfitrc onlcrtd tlic r.iv.ilrv not to 
 laniMo far from tlu- inliuUi'v'H lino 
 i>l nmnli ; «oiif»f.|uriill y, ilii< *(|iiinii^(» 
 timt lliry coulii do \\;Ih liniitnl l.y 
 tlic c:i|»a< ity of llic Icfrion.-iry Mildii-i's 
 to march jintl lo act (' itincrc ct la- 
 b..rc'). 
 
 *2(). TrimUirilrs] The Trinohnntcs, 
 or Trinovantos, were the jK-oitlc 
 of Mssex. There is no inili«ati<>ri 
 of C'aesai's route north of the 
 'ihaiiMS. iJut if he rrossed ;,t Kinj;- 
 6t<in, or even a little hit'lier, it Fcema 
 lliat his line of ni:ir( h was t(» the 
 last of iho hi^Ii rlialk IiilU that rnr. 
 ;:ist Tring and Dunstahle to Ki.y- 
 Hon. lie would not go on the high 
 lands to his left, 'i'his line of niarrh 
 5c-eni8 to be indi.atid also by his 
 lieing in or near tlie borders o'f the 
 Trinohantcs, and in a manner per- 
 haps by the names of the tribo 
 Nvliich oenl lo him. His man h wniihl 
 Ite along tlieeentre of I Icrtfor.lshiro. 
 I take 'carum regionum,' not to 
 mean, as Schneider does, ' ihosc 
 parts of whidi CassivellauiiUs had 
 been appointed commander-in-ehicf 
 (c. 11), but the ' regionen' in which, 
 and t«)\vardR which, Caesar was 
 inarching. Tjie ' (irmissima eivitas ' 
 is 'a ujost warlike people.' See i. 
 
 3, and v. 51, * in j)riniis firuia.* 
 
 i\fini,liil,i(ititis] It is not said when 
 Mandnl. ratios came over to Pallia 
 toCaisar. ' ('jM'-ari* lidom Re«utli«,' 
 nHiiMx ' tiutiinj,' to Ciunar,* nnd of 
 cnurM' iiliai liin.' I^m^^d^ lo Caesar. 
 Sec j. ^h". 'per (idem;' iv. 21, and 
 V. ,')(j. This British prince would 
 know the way ho'ne. and he may 
 have pcrved as Caesar's guide. He 
 wa'* now with Caesar. 
 
 *JI. tlijrhsii — jnuhihids] Pioteclcd 
 ngaiuf-t C'.ivsivellauhus ('defcnsis). 
 and saved from all daiinige that the 
 Itom.in soldiers mig[it do tlicni. 
 Cicero *.a\ s (Vcrr. ii. A, c. G J), "quod 
 prae<lonc8 prociil nb insula Sieilia 
 nndiibuis-^ct Verrts." .Sec \\. (J. i. 
 10. 1.'). We must infer from the 
 beginning of this chapter that Cic-nr 
 was among the Trimdtantcs. or nt 
 least on their bordei^ The following 
 are the pn.bablc positidus of the 
 tribes winch C.-iesar mentions here: 
 tlie (\-nimagni, in Noif.dk, Sullolk, 
 ajid Caml»ri<Ig«; ; the S<u'oiiti.aci, in 
 p:iits of llampsliite and Mcrks : 7\n- 
 calitcs, in Htrks and Wilts; Dibroci, 
 Darts of iJerks. nnd the adj.acent 
 counties; Ca^si, in Ilcits. liut 
 some; of tluse pusitions are very 
 doubtful ; fur instance, the Ane.a- 
 litis, who h.ive been placed arcoid- 
 iiiij to Cauiden by some axjii<^uaiivi 
 
 Cassji, k'gationibus missis sese Cacsari dedunt. Ab iis 
 cognoscit non longe ex co loco oppidum Cassivellauni 
 abesae, silvis paludibusque munitum, quo satis magnus 
 homiumn pccori.sque nunuTua convciicrit. Op[)idum 
 autein Britaiun vocant, qiium silvas impcditas vallo attjue 
 foasa nuinierunt, quo incin*sionis bostium vitandac causa 
 conveiiire consucrunt. Eo proliciscitur cum Icgionibus : 
 locum roppcrit Cf^rcgic uatura alque opcre munittnu ; 
 tamen buuc duabus ex partibus oppuguarc contcndit. 
 Hostes j>auli.<per morati miliium noatrorum impctuiu iiou 
 tulerunt, sescque alia ex parte oppidi cjccerunt. ISIaguus 
 ibi nurucrus pccoris rcpcrtus, mulliquc in fuga sunt com- 
 prcliensi atqiu* interfccti. 
 
 22. Diun bacc in bis locis gcruniur, Cassivcllaunus nd 
 Caiiliuin, quod esse nd mare supra dcmunstravimuH, 
 qiiibiis regionibus qtiatuor rcges praccrant, Cingctorix, 
 Carviliua, Taximagulus, 8cgonax, nuncios mittit, atque 
 
 I 
 
 at HcTilcy on the 'Ibrmie*. In Ox- 
 lonUliire. 'I he n:<n)e of A mantle \% 
 will to remain in one pait «>f the 
 town (Camden, i. SJO. 321, c<l. fjib- 
 fofi). Henley is within the po'-f-ildc 
 limits of Cae*ar** njovcnient*. luU 
 nil tlic«c people nre only nientioned 
 s« sctidin;» ' bgnllones ' The name 
 that peenis most • b arly preserved is 
 Uirks, which in ty be a corruption of 
 llibroc, or it nny bo tlial Hcrks is 
 tlio genuine name, and the Unman 
 name is a corrupti'm. The hnndie«l 
 of Cassio or Ca'-hio in central and 
 foutl) \vc<t Heits ni.'>y preserve the 
 nninc of the Cu'si, as Cnnnlen 6"g- 
 Ccsts. In place of ' Ceniniagni.' 
 Kniner has ' Ireni, Cangi.' tlie 
 emendation or rather the corniption 
 of Lipsius. 
 
 ex CO iicii 1 Tlic place w bcrc Cnr^ar 
 liid irceived the < «»rn and bost.T^'c*. 
 
 The division into cliaplei^ often oh- 
 frurcs what is plain. When there is 
 110 natiie foi a pl.nc e, tljcrc i» no'.hing 
 lift to <lo but what Cae<ar docs, to 
 lay tlic place which I have last men- 
 tioned, ."sttabo's drs< ription of A 
 liri'ish town (p. 2n()) fe«ni« to be 
 tikeu from this paj><-age. It hab been 
 
 ronjeetored that Veruliim. near St. 
 All'afis, in the hundred of Cashio, 
 ninv have been the town of Cassi- 
 vellnunus, a supposition ]dau«-iblc 
 enotigli. but merely a fupp«>"5ition. 
 It is n p'lod site, ami tin* Komans 
 built Verulamitim on it. There «till 
 remains a bit of wall, but the chief 
 part of Verulamium is <'mboilie«l in 
 the CJcat chur'h of St. Albans. 
 (Cannlen, i. p. X»l, cil. (Jile^on.) 
 
 ivrursintiif — t'il'indur] Tbevc * op- 
 pida' were places of refupc, n<»t 
 places of abode. They may be traced 
 still in many parts of l'"ngIand,Bonie- 
 times on the liills. 
 
 2'2. fji/tfjus rrifinyiifjint] This com- 
 mon form of expression seems lo 
 have arisen from the omission of 
 what i* easily snpidicd : ' to Cantiuni, 
 which is divided into four distiid^, 
 over which districts four kinj-s were 
 governors.' The name Cing<t«»ri.x 
 18 purely Celtic, like OrL'ctori.x, 
 Vercingctorix. The name of this 
 distinguished coinmander. liUgoto- 
 lix. is not certain, further than that 
 the M.SJ5. ngrec in making it end in 
 riye. 
 
 
 
 \: 
 
 
 t 
 
 .' 
 
 i 
 
 
 % 
 
 m' 
 
 aP 
 
 - C H 
 
 ^•^1. 
 
 
 > 
 
 * 
 
 I- 
 
 ■*9 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 M 
 
 ''4} 
 
 J- 
 
 C. JULII.CAl'SAiaS 
 
t2lO 
 
 C. JULIICAESAiaS 
 
 1)13 impprat uti conctis omnibus copiis castra navalia de 
 improviso adonantiir atque oppiirr„ont. li nuum ad 
 castra vcnissont, nostri cnipfioiio fncta miiltis eor- m 
 iMloi-lochs, c.-.plo clhxm iiobili lUico ]Ai^nUm<-o suos 
 incolu.ncs mluxerunt. Cass-vollMurius hoc proelio nun- 
 ciato, tot (letrnnontia acccptis, vastnti.s fmibiia, maxiine 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 211 
 
 etiam pormotus (lefcctiono civitatinn, lorr^tos per Atro- ^ 
 batcin ComiMium de deditiono ad Caesarrm inlttit. Cae- ' 
 
 ■ lis quae inanes ei contincnti ad cum rcmittcreiitur, [et] 
 
 ^prioria commeatua cxpositis militibus, et quas ])ostca 
 
 i ■ Labienus facicndaH curavcrat iiumcro i.x, ])crpancae locum 
 
 . 'caperent, reli(juae fere omnos rejiccrcnUir. (^uas (juuiii 
 
 aliquanidiu Caesar frustra cxspcctasset, ne anni tcuiporo 
 
 a navigatione excluderetur, quod acquinoctium suberat, 
 
 - — . Cae- 
 
 fiar, quinn Htafuissct liicinoni in contl.K-nti propter 
 repontuio3 Galhac motus an^crc. ncque imiltum nestntis 
 supcressct atquo id facile extralii posse intelliperet 
 obHidcs imperat ct quid in anno.s sin^ulos vectVilis 
 populo Jiomauo Britannia pcndcrct consfituit: interdint 
 ;'<<I'«c nnpcrat Ca.ssivdlauno, no JMandubralio ncu Triiio- 
 bantibus noccat. 
 
 23. Ob^idibua acceptiM oxorcitum rcducit ad mare 
 naves invcnit rcfoctas. His dcductis, quod et eaptivorum 
 inn^num numorum l.abebat, et nonnullae tempcstate de- 
 pcriorant naves, duobuR conniicalibua exerciLum reportnre 
 insLituit. Ac SIC accidit uti ex tanto navium numero 
 tot navigationibus, necpie hoc neque supeiiore anno iilla 
 ornnino uavis quae nnlites portaret desideraretur, at ex 
 
 r.r^lT''""^ ronuM w.n« ui||, Ono- L.^sf., „„.| other .ien, of «„l,mi8«ion 
 
 Ca/hae wnfus 1 He nirana ' trou- «:,s not .o Mnall a, nouu- l.av' rnuc" 
 
 pontcfl it. Milt tl.r K..innns tli.lnnt 
 yiHl the i*l:in.l :it;iin nntil A.D. 43, 
 in the rcijrn of Claii.IitM. 
 
 n>ml-tscfi;i,>lis\ ' Whnt aiiniinl 
 tnhnte. ' In ..,„n.>s .jngulos' sunplv 
 
 Mcfl fh.it ho ai.prchcnfh'd* Straho 
 Bpcaks of actual (lislmhanrc anions 
 the Celtac (p. 'JOO) aiul mntinv o? 
 tlio Roman Boldjers. _ ' statni-RPt 
 liicinnn . . . apeic :' ' ronstitnis^et 
 hieniaic in,' &c., oniitting ' agerc,' 
 Schn. 
 
 i<l-~r.rfrnhi] He has sai.l Hint there 
 Mas not iniirli of ihe siimnier left; 
 and he adds thai this Ij-ilc mijilit 
 noon he wasted or Rprnl (' txtrahi'^'). 
 Schneider •lies three mher like rx- 
 
 the plarr of an inljerlivc. 
 
 inter, licit] Fn r. r,\\ there is loih 
 •pra.ri[»it ' and * interdi.- t.' 
 
 m.m//) 'hellmn faeiat,* KIb. 
 
 'j;{. in>tltuit\ 'Iheic i? a reading 
 rorismnit.' Thr.e tun words arc 
 
 ji.!,.,.- st,.i.o (,, .....0) ,av. ,i,a, r:^r.,;:!' V' i'u";' '".ji/.i'j 
 
 Cnc.nr ranK-,1 oir l,n,h„.,-,, ,|„v,.,, in ll„. .n,,,,. „„■ ' 
 
 -I...I „il„-r Imoty; ai„l (l,:,t i„ il,„ v„„r «„/,y,., /„;,/„r,n ■A,,,. ,„l 
 
 way of ypcakinp, like (i. 2I>) "qui 
 Wina fcnc po-jent." 
 
 [W] j)r/()ri>] Some editors have 
 omitted this 'cl.' Cac&arsent his men 
 _ back in two voyacfS. The ships tiial 
 were first sent back to Gallia Hi out 
 ipiin to brill? tlic remain<'er fiotn 
 Britain. Labienu* also (c. 11) lind 
 got rcn<ly other uliip* mid di»pati'b<d 
 them to Ittitain. t'ac-ar olmcrvet, 
 that 'of the jtbips wbirh wire dent 
 birk cinply, both those fcnt bark 
 after lamlint; the men of the first 
 Tnyagc, and of the ^i.\ty whieb La- 
 bieniis built after Caesar had *et out 
 to Britaui, very few eould make tho 
 iiland, almost all the rest were 
 driven back.' The ' ct ' before ' pri- 
 ori!* Bcenis wanted to ^vc foree to' 
 the sentence; but if we keep it, ihe 
 expression is inconiplcte, and ' re- 
 mittcrcntur' cannot npply l<» tltc 
 •hips of liabienus; but tliis little 
 irrcgulnrity remains even if we omit 
 the^t.' 
 
 mimnodium] The autumnal eqiii- 
 nor was near, and wc mny infer tint 
 Caesar left the island before the last 
 weik of September. Cicero »ay», in 
 llcttcr to Atticu* (iv. 17), "1 re- 
 ceived a letter from my brother 
 Quiiitvis and from Caesar on the 
 24tli of October, to the purport tliat 
 Britannia was finicbed ('conferta:' 
 perhaps corrupt), that bosta^'cs were 
 received, no booty cotten, but a tri- 
 bute imposed : the letters were dated 
 from the coast of Britannia, on the 
 2.5th of Sept. f' proximo a d. vi. Kal. 
 Oclobr.'). They were brinffinp bark 
 the arnjy from Mritain." These are 
 of course the ilaten of the unreforrned 
 Calendar. M. ('ircro •rot Mjverni 
 letters to hi* brother (juintu*, «hile 
 Quintus was in Britain with Cacvar, 
 ind he received several letters from 
 
 Quintns. One of the letters fioni 
 (Quintus was dated the lUih of Aii- 
 pust I Ad (^uint. I'r. iii. 1, c. 4) from 
 Biitiin. I'hus from the two letters 
 of the lOtli of Aujrusl and 'J.5th of 
 September of the unrcformed Calen- 
 d.ir, we asrertain that Cat Bar was at 
 Icavt foriy five days in Britain. (Jae- 
 snr wrote to Cireio frutii Britain on 
 the Ii-l of September, antl (Jieeio re- 
 ceived the letter on the *27th of Sep- 
 tember. In this letter Ctic'ar told 
 Cicero that he must not be f'Urprisecl 
 at not hearing fiom C^uintus, for 
 (Quintus Mas not with him when 
 lie rearhed the c«)ast. (Quintus was 
 probably bringing u|i th<t rear of thf 
 army. In another letter of Cieero 
 f Ad Quint. Fr. iii. 3) without date, 
 he siys, " I am preatly troubled that 
 it is now more than fifty days that I 
 hear nothing from \ou, nothing from 
 Caesar, no news from your where- 
 abouts, no letter, not even a rumour 
 has reached me. I am uneasy aliout 
 that sen uliereyou njo and tho coun- 
 try too." 'ibis letter appo.irs to have 
 been written ju^t before Ci'oro re- 
 ceived the last letter from Britiin, 
 as will npue.ir from the following 
 airatipenient of the letters : 
 
 Letter from C^uintus to C'i'cro, 
 dated lOtli August: received l.'Jili 
 Seiilcmbcr. 
 
 Letter fiom Caesar to f'icero, 
 dated 1st September: received 27th 
 September. 
 
 Ivctters from Caesar and (Quintus 
 to Cicero, dated 2)th September: 
 rcceive«l 24th October. 
 
 If Cicero wrote the letter to 
 Qniiitus (iii. ?>) just hefore tlie 'JUli 
 fif October, lio might nav th.it it wan 
 more than fifty days since he Ind 
 any news, for he would refer lo tho 
 date of the last news, the 1st of Scp- 
 
 R 
 
 f 
 
 1: 
 
 [J 
 
 I 
 
 € 
 
 ^' t .'■> 
 
 I. 
 
 ■ \ 
 
 .•m!! 
 
 «11 
 
 I- 
 
 
 K ■ 
 
 m 
 
 
!•"> 
 
 C. JULII CAESAJUS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 O 1 '> 
 
 ^ 
 
 nccpssnrio angustius militcs collocnvit, ac suinina trnn- 
 quillitato consccuta, sccuiida [iiiita] quuni solvisset 
 vigilia, prima luce terrain attigit oiniiebtjue ii.columes 
 naves j)orclu.\it. 
 
 21. Subductis navlbua concilioqne Gallorum Samaro- 
 brivae j)L'raett), (jiioil eo anno tVuim'iituin in Gallia propter = 
 siecilales anL;u;>Lius provciier.it, coaetiis est alitor ac supe- 
 rioribua annis exercitiiin in liibernis eolioeare legionesque 
 in plures civitatea distribuere : ex (luibus unani in Mori- 
 noa (lucendain C. Fabio lei^ato dcdit ; alteram in Nervios 
 Q. Ciceroni ; tertiam in J:]c<ano3 L, J^oaciu ; qnartain m 
 
 tcinluT ; ami tlic twciit ynim' «l:nR 
 wliiili Si|.tfii>l'('r tlicii liiiil, mill 
 Iwi'iity t\V(i .itr twtiil) •llmi- <la)H in 
 October, Avoiihl iii.ikc ujt llir full 
 (ift)-. Cars;ir lift tlic island bclojc 
 tlic equinox, hut it was vrry lu-ar. 
 He may have left ahout llu- "I'Mth of 
 SrptcMihrr <if the nroiincd (.'alcinlar. 
 On tlic 'J.'jtli »)f t' c uiiKfornM-d 0:i- 
 loii(l:ir, he had not yrt hi(in;,'lit Imh 
 troops harU. It upptarH llicnloio 
 from tlii'si- letters, tliat tiie dale of 
 the (Mjninox was after the "linXx of 
 Seprcnil'er in the unnfornud Ca- 
 lendar; but it is not easy to say how 
 much the unrcforujcd Calendar was 
 in advance of the time. It may have 
 been near a month ; and therefore 
 the fwst letter of the lOth of Autrnsl 
 may belong to the middle of Jul\, 
 and Caesar \\as full two month-' in 
 Itritaiu. 'i'liis will allow timeenou^di 
 (or his march north of the Thanio, 
 the repairs of hi<i sjiips, and the con 
 stniction of his two camps. Caesar 
 may have crossed to Mritain in July 
 of the un reformed Calen«hir, for Ci- 
 cero ^ays in a letter to Alliens (iv. 
 15) of "the "JTih of July that he sup- 
 puses frou) C^iiinlnsj' letters that he 
 must now be in IJiitain ; but no cer- 
 tain conelusion can be made from 
 this. 
 
 ifumma i^t'] There is a reading 
 *8ummam tran(|uillitatem con'^ou- 
 tus.' The w«)r(l 'inita' is omillcd 
 in Bou)e of the best MSS., and it 
 Oiav not be pcnuine. 
 
 24. iSam<irobrivac\ Jnlrod. p. IG. 
 
 f*;/ (!iil>lii — $ii',it<itrs\ ScP iv. 38. 
 
 (^. <'n,-iniii\ (Juinius infoniicd 
 his broihtr iM.ircuH (Cic. Ad KXI 
 iv. Ill) that Caesar jravc him the 
 choi<e of bis winter quarters : "cura 
 Caoare sunvissiinHin conjunctioiiem 
 — qui qiiidem (^uinlum nieum tu-: 
 umque, dii boni, quemadniotlum 
 traelat bonoie, di^'uitatc, gratia, noD 
 meiiH ac ni ri;o csstni impcralor, 
 lliltcina lev'iiinum digendi optio de* 
 lata (iimmiMlum, \il ad mo sciibit" 
 A;:ain, Cicero writing to Qiiin: 
 alter he was in the country of the 
 Nervii says, '* ubi cnim sint isti 
 iNeivii et qiiam longc ab.-int nescio" 
 (Atl (^). I'r. iii. }»). Caesar docs not 
 in'orm ii* that Q. Cicero was with 
 iiim ill Kiitain. 
 
 yv.v//f)%| See ii. '.\\. 'I'hc troopi 
 wvw placed in North Oallia, niiiong 
 the ^l..r ni, Nervii, Kcmi, ami the 
 Melgae, or in IWd-jiiini. The Vxim 
 Were somewlicie else. Caesar ki s 
 at the end of this chapter, that ai 
 the winter quarters were within 100 
 miles of one anotlier, except those in 
 the coiuitiy i-f the l>sui. \\'alckcnacr 
 |ila. cs the I')>Mji in liiixenibourg; 
 and be oli^ervcs. th.it there is a place 
 l>ch and a river I-'isehen 'on the 
 binders of the I rcviri and of Lower 
 (Jermany.' I'".sch is <in the ISuic, 
 which receives the I'iischeii : the 
 Sure is a bianch of the Mosel. But 
 in c. >i'.\ the Arm.iiic states meet 
 tfigetlier to att.ack Hoscius and hit 
 legion. It is clear, then, that these 
 people, w hatcver the true name mi] 
 
 ileniia cum T. Labieno in confmio Trcvirorum biemare 
 jussit; trcs in Bdgio collocavit : bis M. Crassum qnae- 
 storem et L. ]\lunatium Plancum et C. Trebonium 
 legates prat.'fecit. Unam legionem, quam proxiine trans 
 Padiun conscripserat, et coliortes qninqne in Ebnroncs, 
 quorum para maxima est inter I^Iosam ac Kbennm, ()ni 
 6ub imperio Ambiorigis et Cativolci erant, nnsit. His 
 militibus Q. Titurium Sabinnm et L. Aurnneulyinin 
 Cottara legates praeesse jiissit. Ad lunic nrndiim di.^tri- 
 butis legionibus laeillime inopiae frumentariae sese me- 
 deri posse i'xi>timavit : ntque liarum tamen omnium 
 
 gionum biberna, praeter earn quam L. lioseio in paea- 
 tiasiiimm et (piictisHimam partem dneendam (Irdmat, 
 milibus pasautim centum CDntinebantur. Ipse inti'ira, 
 quoad legiones collocas?et munitaque biberna cognovisset, 
 in GaUia morari constituit. 
 
 25. Erat in Carnutibua snmmo loco natna Tasgetius 
 CUJU8 majores in sua ci\itate legnum obtinuerant. Jluic 
 Caesar pro ejus virlute atquc in ne benevolentia, (juod ir. 
 omnibus bellia singidari ejus opera I'm rat uhuh, majoruu. 
 !jcuni restituerat. Tertiiim jam liune annum regnai.li'm 
 
 be, were near the A nnoric tUitcs. and 
 between the Seine and L«»ire. It is 
 probable that the Sesnvii, Kssui. and 
 otliiT corrupt varieties, arc all one 
 hcojile. There is no variation in the 
 MSS. as to the word * Kssuos.' The 
 proposed correction ' Acdnos' is 1 ad. 
 
 in Ikhfin] ' In Iklgis' Sclm. 
 WlRllicr''IUlv:io' or Midgis' is 
 ihc tiue reading, it appcirs that 
 Ciiesar means only a pari of those 
 Dilgac, whouj he makes one of the 
 Ihree divisions of Callia. 
 
 M. Cru.iitnn] The eMcr hrothcr 
 of Tubliiis (i. .VJ). ruldiu" had h f t 
 Gallia and gone with his father to 
 Sjria. 
 
 J'luncum] L. Munatiu* I'lancns 
 waK consul in B.C. A 2. Hon.ce ln«> 
 aildrcbscd an ode to him (Caim. i. 
 
 7)- 
 
 piojriini'] Caesar has not men- 
 tioned this legion before. It was 
 jivied 'trans Tadum,' that n. north 
 of the To, and probably when he 
 
 R 
 
 w.'is leavin'.' IDyricum (c. 'J). But 
 it had not arrived at the time of tlie 
 British expedition, for Caesar took 
 five legions with him and left tlnee 
 with Labieniis. This made the ninth 
 legion. But aft* r mentioning the 
 V inter quarters of Fcvm legions, be 
 mentions the new legion, and live 
 cohorts or half ft lrgi<.n, ns lu i4ig 
 quartered among the Kliurones. 'I hoc 
 is therefore half a legion not ac- 
 counted for. Caesar seldom repoils 
 the death of his men. He must 
 have lost some in Britain, rcihaps 
 he k»|>t live tohorts with him. 
 
 c<>hlhitf'<n.lur\ N<» two ' hilierna 
 ■were more than 1"" Uoman niiliB 
 njt.ut, 1 xecpl the ■ liiberna' of Kn-- 
 cmo. 'Mure may be an crn-r in the 
 liumcnils, for it i»c«itaiii lh.it ilu 
 quaiters of (}. .^.ibitius wiie moio 
 tliaii |0(l nitlc<« Iroiii the quarteis of 
 Ciassus — 'collotashel:* * collo< aLiH,' 
 
 Schn. 
 
 25. Tcrliumjajn] ' IIudo' is Ta»- 
 
 O 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 it 
 
 « 
 
 ' * 
 
 \ 
 
 .S-, 
 
 •rp^ "^•»'~,aj*,'S^'i *'»S.»¥f -5 i 
 
21 1 
 
 C. JULII CAl'SAJilS 
 
 i" 
 
 t 
 
 f 
 
 r 
 
 
 r 
 
 if 
 
 ininnci niulti3 palam ex civitate auctoribus iiiterfecerunt 
 Dffertur ea rca ad CaeHarcm. Ille veritus, quod ad 
 pluiTs perLiiicbal, no civitas coniin impulsu doficeret, 
 1j. I'laMcnm cum k'^rjoMo ex Hcl^do cvKriter in Curnuieu 
 prolR'isn jubi't ibi(|iio bicjiiarc ; (jiiormiujuo opera cogno 
 vmt Tas-(>tium iiitcrrccLnm, bos comprcbcnaos ad so 
 iinUcro inleiim ab omniljus Icnratis qiiacstoribuHque, 
 MUibiiH Icj^noiics tradidciat, ci'ilior racliis o«t in biberua 
 l)i'rvc'ii(.im» b)cijimiiio bil)cniiH cmsu immiliim. 
 
 20. Uicbua circiter w cpiibiis in bibenia vcntum est, 
 imtiiim ivpcntini tumwlliis ac dflVctioiiis oitum eat ab 
 Ambi()n-(! ot Cativolco; qui (pnini ad Hia'a rcg.ii sui 
 ^ibmo Col(ac(|uo pnu-sto fuisscut rrumciituiiupie in 
 bjbiM-iia C()ini)ortavis8c'nt, J lubicioiiiari Treviii jiuuciis 
 impiilsi, siioa coiicitaveruiit, Hubituquo opprossia bgna- 
 toribua iiiagiia luanu ad caatra oppui;natuin vcnerunt. 
 Quuiu cclentcr nostri anna copisscnfc valhunque adaceii-" 
 disaent, atqno una ex parte Uispania 0(piitibua emissis 
 fjpicaln pnudio wupcM-ioivH luisscnt, dcspcrata ro bostes 
 ab oppugnaLioiio suua rcduxcrunt. Tuui huo nioro cou- 
 
 LIB Ell y 
 
 215 
 
 19 
 
 KCtliis. Ill s(,iiic editions 'cum 
 piifixcd to ' intcrfcci-nint.' 
 
 qiintl (tU plii)Ts\ MccaiH? tin' m.it- 
 tcr coiicciiicd a lmmxI iii.inv. Many 
 li 111 taken iiiii in il,i. assassination 
 of Cai-ai's kiiij;. Sii- vii. .|;{, '• quod 
 ca res ad multo.^ pcrliiu-liat." 
 
 C'artinlrs] TIk; Carmitca were on 
 both Pidos of the Loire. 'Jlicir 
 cliicfplaccs were (.•cnal)iiiu (Orleans), 
 and AuU-irum (Charlres). The name 
 is retained in tliat of Cliartiaiii, one 
 of the aiitiievfdutionary divisions of 
 I'Vance. W'c learn from llii« jitlio 
 notice iiow mucli Caesar had hern 
 «h)iiij,', \vhi«li he never Hpcaks ahoiit, 
 .iiilos it nlalcst.i the main hinimss 
 • 'I his eani|.ai;,Mis. 'J'he serviers of 
 'I'aj'^'etiu^ and his elevation, wciild 
 never have been mentioned hut for 
 liis unlucky end. Another of Cac- 
 «ar's kiiij^s is mentioned in c. 54. 
 
 nuar.stoiihttsfiiw] In c. '2\ he has 
 onlv named one nuaestor. In c. .W 
 \j. Jioseiiis is called ' fina( stor,' ac- 
 cording to tlie reading of tome .M^iiS. 
 
 In this pas'^apt! it is said that two 
 IMSS. have 'quaestorerjuc' instead 
 of ' quaestorihiis.' 
 
 2i;. Dihus—fjnilniH] .Sec iii. 23 
 and the note, ami iv. Ifl. He doci 
 not fay where the *hibcrna' were, 
 and, 1 sii|)|.ose, beean<:c he did not 
 know. He knew at a later time, and 
 has told us the name (vi. 32) — 
 ' lumultu^,] 'an alaim.' Sec i. 4(1. 
 pnicxto /uissnit] ' lla<l met.' Ci- 
 cero u«.e9 the woni in the same wav, 
 or to sij,'nity waiting in readiness lor 
 
 a pt'lSnll. 
 
 Hi>}muis] These Spanish horse- 
 nun are not mentioned a;;ain in the 
 (Jallic war. Kin^' Juha (Hell. Civ. 
 ii. 10) had Spani-h ravaiiy in Afrir.i 
 nnd Cae!*ar (Ikll. Afr. c. 39) had' 
 them. Horses arc mentioned ns 
 liaving heen bought in Italy and 
 Spain (IJ. C;. vii. 5.')). It was not 
 Caesar's fashion to explain tlr.ngi 
 that were of no importance. He li.id 
 Spuiiards here, hut ho doe» not tell 
 Us how ihcy came. 
 
 ■wsftT* 
 
 damaverunt uti allqui ex nostris ad colloquium prodirot ; 
 habere bi'sc (ptae do re comnuini dicere velleiit, quibua 
 rebus contr()VLr.'*ias niinui pOHBO Hpcrnrcnt. 
 
 27. Mittitur ad cos colloqucndi cauwa C. Arpincius, 
 oquea Koinanus, familiaris Q. Titurii, ct Q. .luniuH ex 
 llispania quidaui, qui jam ante nussu CaosariM nd Aui- 
 biorigiMU vcntllare consuevcrat ; npud (j»U).s Aiubiorix ad 
 huuc inoduin locutuH est : Schl* pro Cai'nariH in nt' bi'iit^- 
 ficiis pluriniuin ci confitcri debere, quod ejus opera ati- 
 peudio liberatuH esset quod Aduatucis linitiniis Ruis 
 pendere conaucssct : quodquc ei et lilitis ct liairiH filiim 
 ab Cat^sare reinissi cssent, quo3 Aduatuci obsiduin 
 numcro luiasos aj)ud bc in Bcrvilulo ct catcnin LenuiHscnt; 
 neque id quod feccrit dc oppugnalionc caslroruin ant 
 judicio aut voluntate sua fccisae, scd coactu civitatis ; 
 Buaque esse cjusniodi imperia lit uon minus babcrct juris 
 in 86 multitudo quam ipse in multitudincm. Civilati 
 porro banc fuisHc belli causam, (juod repent iiiiu; (lallnruiu 
 conjuratioid rcKislcre non poluerit : id ho laeilc ex Innni- 
 litate sua probare posse, quod non ndco sit impcrituH 
 rerum ut suis copiis populum ]^omanum supcrari po^so 
 confidat; sed esse Galliae commune consilium ; omnibus 
 hibernis Cacsaris oppugnandis bunc esse dictum diem, no 
 qualegio altcii Icgioni subsidio venire posset : non I'acilo 
 Gallos Gallis negare potuissc, praesertiin quum de rcci- 
 peranda connnuni libertate consilium initum viderelur. 
 Quibus quoniam pro pietate satistccerit, babere nunc so 
 
 allfjni—prodirct] There are the lent to * tnlia.'—' miims juris in 6c,' 
 readings 'aliqui . . . pnwlirent.' mid ^r.., 'the people had no lees autlio- 
 "" " — • * rity over him than he liad over tho 
 
 pooplc' 'In' is thus used also by 
 the poets (I lor. Od. iii. 1, 5), 
 
 " ItcKuni timendoium in pre)pri«n 
 j-re^es, 
 lUv'e* ill ipsos im|>ciiuin est 
 
 OV18. 
 
 'aliijuis . , . prodirct.' The smpu'ar 
 ncnis iiKire appropiiatc ; and iheic 
 i« "ood authority for ' ali«jui.' 
 
 it.Jitiiintr.r //i'j'iiiiit 'I'liil'iin] 'A 
 certain Spaniard <^. Juhuh ;' a Spa- 
 niard who Ind p"l a K<»mnn name. 
 Scci.47,Jind ihennte. ' Ivv Hi-pania' 
 ptTfornis the oflice of an adjretivc. 
 See iv. 33, 
 
 fujirrari] ' Se Buperare,' another 
 
 adhu^.c] • in hunr,' another read- rendimr. seems less apjiropnatc to the 
 
 ing. Kitlur is I,.«tiii. ' lunmlitis,' or we^iknesR. win. I» 
 
 Adtiutiui^] Ste ii. 1"). Aml.iorix i.relende<I.— ' ulieri :' thero 
 
 ejiMnodi—itt\ A coii.mon use in is nuihority for ihe dative ' alteiae,' 
 
 Cicero, as in Vcrr. ii. '2, c. 4G, and wliirli Schn. has. 
 
 eliowhcre. ' Kjusmodi' is cquiva- QaiUs—pro pictulc] • And biucc 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
 r.l 
 
 
 \ 
 
 i ' 
 
 iJ! 
 
 
 ,' »'i 
 
 im 
 
 t '^1 
 
 
 
 C. JULU CAKSAKIS 
 
21G 
 
 C. JULIi CAKSAKIS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 217 
 
 rationem officii pro bciiufieiid C.iesarid; inonere, orara 
 Titurium pro ho.^pilio, lit biiau ac miliUini saluti cousulat: 
 magiiam niaiuun Gonnanormn (•oDducLain Jiliciiuni trans- 
 hsso ; liaiic ailforo biduo. J[)si)rum csyo couHilium 
 Veliiitiio priiKi (piaiii iinilimi Hciiliaiit (Mhictos ex liiborniB 
 militcs aut ad CiccM-oiicm auL ad Labii'miin dt'duccro, 
 iiuorum alter niilia i)Mssimm ciiritrr j,, alter paulo 
 amplill^J ab ii.s abHit. Jllud ho polliceri et jiircjuramio 
 conlinnare, tiitiim iter per lliu\s daturum ; ijuod quuiu 
 laciat, ct civitati sose coiisulero quod liibernia levetur, 
 vt Cacsari pro cjuH incriti.s gratiain rcicrre. liac oratioue 
 Iiabita disccdit Anibioi-ix. 
 
 1!8. Ar[)iiieiiks cL .Iiinius quae audieriint ad logatug 
 defoniiit. J Hi rcin-ntiiia re pertiirbati, eUi ab hoste ea 
 dieebaiitur, iioii taimii iic^di-^^'iula existiinabaiit ; iimxi- 
 meqiio bac n; [X'rmovcbantiir, (piod eivilatem i<;ii()bilcm 
 al(pie bmuilein Mbunmum sua spicule populo Jiomauo 
 belhim laeere ausam vix erat eredenduui. llacpie ad cou« 
 biliuMi rem deleruiit, ina^niaque inter eos exsislit contro- 
 versia. L. Auruneuleius eoiiipluresipie tribuni niilitum 
 et priiuorum ordimiin ceiiturioiies uibil temere agen- 
 duni neque ex bibernis iiijiussu Caesaris discedeiidum 
 existiinabaiit : qiiautasvis eopias etiaui Gennaiiorum 
 
 ' 
 
 lie liad (lone enough for llicni (' qui- 
 Itnb') in nspcct of liis duty to liis 
 i.ouiitry.' Cicero (Or. I*;iit 'J'J) h;is 
 u ilclinilion of ' pieias,' "ju>tili.i 
 tM'^a jKircntes |)iel;is nnniinatur," 
 'I lie l{oniuti sense of 'jiis'iiia' is 
 ' llie giving to :i man his tluc.' I he 
 fair-iltaling of Anihiorix lowanls 
 his roiintryuicn in ihe matter of 
 liheily WIS ' pietas.' — * haherc . . . 
 rationem :' 'ratio' is a worti u|»|tli»(l 
 to matters (»f reckonini; \vitl» ' lia- 
 here' ami '(Ulcere,' and with a geni- 
 livc. Also in anoliier form with a 
 iKMitcr, as in Cicero ( Vcrr. ii. .5, c. 
 14), " haheo rationem (|iii(l a populo 
 Jfjmiano aerepenm." Here Amhio- 
 rix says that * he liad rejrard to whitt 
 Wan due from him in rilurn lor the 
 lavoors ol Caesar.' 
 
 OiJiiitulitiii ] ' (Jot lo;:«-ther,' or 
 * hired,' \vc cannot say wiiich ii the 
 
 mcaniuL', for the words * merccdc' or 
 ' preiio can he omitted. Compart 
 i. 4 ; ii. 2\ vi. lil, and also ii. 1 ; vii. 
 .'>l, which pa^sajjes arc referred to 
 hy M Tiller. 
 
 Ij»'>iiim\ This word refers to Ti- 
 tnriiis and Cotta, not to the two bar- 
 hanans : ' it was f..r their considera- 
 tion whether they would cliooso 
 heloro the Imidering people licar ol 
 it." — ' tituH BiioH daturum, Mlb. 
 
 iiu.xl tjunm /<i, i<tt\ 'And by doing 
 thi> he was both actinj( for the ni- 
 teicht of his biaic in lelicving it from 
 the (Roman) winter quarters.'— 
 '•|Ui>d . . . hvetur' cannot bo trins- 
 lated literally. C'ompate li. l,"j)o- 
 puli Komani . . . mo e>tc fcrebaiit." 
 
 ■J!l. /niin'iiinn niiliiiiiin] Hco I 
 •lO ; V. ;'.7. ' 
 
 7««///a>ri.v] ' (^uantasvis niagnM,' 
 Klb. iSome ;:ood M6:x omit ' UiUg* 
 
 .jBtincri no^.e munitb l.ibernis doceb.int : rem cs.se tea- 
 L nnod priiMUU. bostium impctuni, ipult.s ultro 
 
 co,.vei.tura subsidia : postrono. qm.l ct<se Iomus n t 
 lurinux q-.a,n auotorc bo.to do s.unnns n-bus cnpero cou- 
 
 "'29" Co.ifra oa Titi.rius Rcro faoturoR dannlabat, quum 
 Ho^es ina,ms l.oslun,. adjuncli« (Jern.atUH convc.n>.R,.nn 
 „ qumn aliquid calau.itatis in prox,n.,« '•■'^-■"^^^'^^^ 
 .cceirt,.,..: b.oven, con.ulendi esse occns.onon, : Ue.aren 
 arbirari prolertutn in Italiam ; neque nliter CarnutM 
 ficio, ,li TasKetii consilium luis.e captnro«, neqno 
 E ,1 si me adesset. tanta enn, e,.nten.pt.one no.ln 
 7as av,,,,,,n,sesse: non bnstem andoren, sed rem 
 e sub,...e Id.enun, ; «>aRno esse lierman-B do on 
 
 Iriorti ">..rlen. et superiores nostras v.etor.as : ar.lero 
 
 .„.■ .,,i,.., .0..,,,, .0 ,,0 .„,,.. «u„„.. «r; on • ■ -u. ; ...0 y;;-,-;;;;;-;,,,, 
 
 .X7/;T:;;:;r;l,o, :^:.X^ ^ -- not ..... v-^a >- ». -y 
 
 that Ihcy n.ovt valiantly mstimed this matter. 
 the first att.ack of the enemy, and 
 had even inflicted on them many 
 wounds. ' ' Tc!'timonio' is the dative. 
 Sclineider lorrcclly explains 'ul- 
 tro.' He savs that the valour of the 
 soMicrs was'not limited to sustain 
 
 ofiidrssu-] 'Quid,' like ' num, is 
 uH-d with an infinitive in thefc re- 
 ported speeches. Seei.U.-'lev.us 
 merms 'more light,' 'less conside- 
 rate.' and the like. 
 
 i„, tl,c attack of Ihc cnony. I...t l.n.l tnc.r* . T.i 5 is on^ }> 
 
 ;!r'4o'=rvtTri;nt'.v;':.;'.;; 3. .; ^ 5v .-rccon. anc 
 
 Conuncniarii; .-.nH in t..« |'a»'«c «ou1<l l« t •» latp ° '° . ^ 
 „,e Greek ,n>,„l.Jor .,J, .o ron.lcrc. J-ncn.y . a.U . .» " • ^^^ . ." ,,^ 
 
 'voluntt.i.y.' a .r ....Intion «l,i, 1. ,. tl.n.k.ng .o ..at J - '■' f' »" ,„, 
 
 rJn'Volo; (i„o «ou.,l .up. ""'l^-r-rn' ■; 'c;iir.a, na 
 |,„,c .lu,f ul.ro- fo.lowcl br • n. .,';;'.''',,„,,, 'J „.r. for vcn- 
 
 b":;r;;n^':o^l.r'^o^n"^h:^:U^ 
 
 'ultro' contain the same root as iH, 
 
 
 •1 
 1. 
 
 i 
 
 i; 
 
 ■f 
 
 
 44 
 
 .riS!3^' 
 
 C. JULli CAESAKIS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
'2i6 
 
 C. JUlAl CAKSAKIS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 219 
 
 Galham, tot coiituiDuliis accoptia sub popiili Eomnni iir> 
 
 pcnuiii redactaiii, superioro gloria rei militaria cxstincta. 
 
 1 ostrtMHo (]iii3 lioc yibi ])orsua(l('rct, wine certa re Am- 
 
 bionn;cin ad («juHin,)(li conslliinn drsi-ciulisso ? S.iain sen- 
 
 tciitiaiii 111 utraiiH|iie partc-.n ivsso tutain : ai nihil v,it durius, 
 
 inillocuinprricuload proxiinain legionein pervcnturoa; si 
 
 (iailia onmiH cum (JtM-manin consL-ntiat, una.u esHo in 
 
 celcntate poi^itain .^altikMu. Coltac quidiMu atipio eorum 
 
 qui dissoiitin'ut consilium fjnem habiM-ct cxitum ? ia 
 
 quo SI non prao.scus pcriculum, at ccrtc lon<Mnqua obsi- 
 
 dione iamcs e.sset timcnda. 
 
 :^0 llac in utramquo partem disputationo liabita, quum 
 a CoUa prM!ns(pu> onliuil)u.s i\cv\icv rrsislrn-l ur Viiicite 
 iiiquit, SI ila vulLis. Sabi.uis, ot id clarioro voco ut ma-na 
 pars uuhtum cxaudiroL: nc.pio in 5,um, in.piit, qui m-avis. 
 snneexvobia mortis pcriculo ti-rrcar: lii sapit-ut, et si 
 gravms quul acciderit, abs tc rationem rcpo.socnt ; qui si 
 per to liccat, porendnio die cum proxiiui.s hibornis cmi- 
 juncti communiMu cum rcli(pii3 belli casum sus-tineaut 
 uon rojecti et relegali longe ab ceteris aut lerro aut iame 
 intereant. 
 
 31. Consur-itur ex couijilio ; couiprehenduut utrumque 
 
 
 ek orant Nc sua dissensione et pertinacia rem in summum 
 periculum deducant : facilem esse rem, sen mancant, sou 
 proficiacautur, hI modo uninn omnos sontiant ac probent ; 
 contra in disaeusionc nullam ae 8alutem ])crHpicere. liva 
 disputationo ad mediam noctem j)erducitur : tandem dat 
 Cotta pcrmotu? manus : superat pcntontia Sabini. Pro- 
 iiuiiciatur prima luce ituros: consuuiitur vi-^iliis reli(pm 
 pars noctis, quum sua quistpie miles circumapieeret, quid 
 secum portare posset, quid ex instrumcnto bibernorum 
 relinquere cogeretur. Omnia cxcogitantur quare nee 
 sine pcriculo maneatur ct languorc militum et vigiliis 
 periculum augcatur. Priuia luce sic ex castris proficis- 
 cuntur ut quibus esset persuasuu^ non nb bosle, sed ub 
 
 '4 
 
 ci'rfu rr] So h.iv» Cicero {A,l Div. 
 xii. 1?*)). " iKMiiic solum hpc, sid 
 crrta re." ' Ccrtu res ' is a con.-iiiitv, 
 a sure or rcitaiij ihiii};, »s o|)])()M(| to 
 :iM rx|»c. taiion : '* «nj.io res ? nii:ic 
 ^lK•s?'• (Ci.Tio. Ail Div. iv. r^). 
 
 *li'nciiJissc\ ' Ivrsortcil to mdi :m1- 
 vicc' * Drsrciulisso ' oCirii iiii|»liis 
 a last :ui«l (l(s|HT;ite iTt-oimc. Com- 
 pare vii. 7Ji iMul vi. K;. 
 
 ui/iil sit—consfiilidt] * Nihil csset 
 . . . couscntirct,' Scliii. Kitlier is 
 F.atin, hut, as S<:hnciilcr leiuarks. 
 the impcrrect is used in other |.:irt3 
 «'f this 8i>rceli. — ' l()ii;^iM()ua.' J'here 
 M a rending ' lf.n;.':i ' Comp. i. -l?, 
 " loDgiiKjji.i cnnsuetuiliiie." — ' rmciu 
 lialicrc c.xitiiin.' Knuer; hutSchuei- 
 dcr gives no variation in the read- 
 in;js. 
 
 *i non — (it cir/< ] See i. j;{, imtc. 
 
 .'5U. priniii o)diuJms\ Sec i. 40. 
 
 •claiiorc . . , ut.' JSo in Cicero 
 
 (Verr. ii. H, c. L'J), "Turn isto 
 nja.xinia vo.c Veneieis inijKiut ut 
 Xeno audiret. . . hoinineni ut asscr- 
 vcnt," where the liist ' »u ' (1ci>cm(1i 
 on ' maxima vore.'— ' e.xaudiret :' aco 
 vi. .'{D. 
 
 /// sit}>i,'„t\ These unrds convey 
 no el.-.ir m( auinu', hut the meaning 
 is c.xphiined h_v uh.u follows, ' these 
 will ju.l-e. and if any evil befalls 
 ns, will call you to account fur it.'_ 
 ' si per tc li'rcat.' ' if you would let 
 them,' 'if you do n«)t'liiiHlcr them.* 
 8ee v. 11, and the note. 
 
 'M.C'tinpnlicndKiil] ' 'Ijieir friendi 
 lav hold <.f them.' The words which 
 follow ('et orant') explain this 
 >v--rd. Alter their faslron the Ko- 
 mans take hy the hand the two dig- 
 l>utants and entie.it them. —Mat 
 nianns,' 'ho yiehh;' a man who 
 purren.lers, oilers his iiand to he 
 boimd, or si-ni. es by his gv«iuw 
 
 sm^mm^'^mm 
 
 that he makes no further icsisfance. 
 Cifcro. De Am. c. '1^. llorat lij'od. 
 
 17,v. 1. 
 
 instrnmoito] This word tlcnntes 
 any collection of things for u^e. On 
 a farm it is what wc rail the stock 
 (Dig. .'W, tit. 7); J^'k' fio >l •* «••"<■'' 
 W Cicero (Verr. ii. 3, c. 21, .'in), 
 licrc it means what they had for 
 uso in their quart<i-3. Sec vj. 30, 
 "militare instrumentuni." 
 
 excof/itiinlur — tiiii/''itttr] Srhnci- 
 (Icr liiis a lonj,' note here, at the end 
 of which he eunclnclcs that Davis, 
 who followed D'Ablanrourt, lias 
 given the tiuc nicininjr. ** ita *c pe- 
 i\int, niia^i id operatn dent, ne sine 
 |)Cii(uIo." i^r. Hut 'quare' i" ti^rd 
 nsin i. X), " quare . . . putarct." The 
 nas'.agc seems to mean, * every reason 
 issu^'f,'csle<l why there was no»tn\inj» 
 without danger, and why the danircr 
 would be increaocd by the lassitude 
 and w.Ttchcs of the soldier*.' Cae^nr 
 |»ut9 it in the nn)«t gcreral wny. It 
 was settled that th«y must j:o, and 
 every body, at least those \\lio were 
 in favour of going, thinks of every 
 iiossible rea«.on to ronhiin his opin- 
 ion, and to convince others thai if 
 tlicv stayed in the ramp, it was tiot 
 without ri<-k. and this risk w.as in- 
 creased by the las'itudc or disrou- 
 nj^cinentof the men, who ^aw thcin- 
 icUcs hemmed in, and by the fatigue 
 »f being constantly on the watch. 
 
 Kraner at the end of his edition 
 proposes another version, ' jnst as if 
 It were tlieir deliberate purpose 
 that the affair should turn out badly, 
 they devise every thing by which 
 (' quaie,' comp. Ci<ero, pro Rose. 
 Anier. c. .'i."5), while with finch a be- 
 pioning to remain was nowdangerouB, 
 the danpcr which as a matter of 
 course was ronnerled with the re- 
 treat must be Ptill inciea.<ied, since 
 they coulcl only begin the march 
 when wearied after a nipht spent in 
 wat4 liinp.' Hut I think that 1 pave 
 the tru* e.xplaiiaiion in the first 
 edition, and 1 find that Miiller (1B.55) 
 ha« the ••amc. 
 
 Prima hirr] Dion Ca'slus (40, 
 r. (I) Fays that they ^et out asFoon n» 
 it wa< eveninp,for n'd'irv u»/>' «<Tnij>ac 
 can mean nothing rUe. 
 
 sic — f/ui/>us] ' Jhey leave the 
 ramp like men who were convinced.' 
 'J'his expref-?C9 the state of the men's 
 minds 'Sic' has this Fubjcctivo 
 nieanmp here, »« lletv.op calls it. 
 Ho ujakcs'bic' altogc ther Rubjcetivo 
 and lopical ; 'ita,' he savs, is to bo 
 taken objectively, that is, with re- 
 feicnrc to certain given fart". 11© 
 adds that, a^ one can nalunilly con- 
 iiiler a thing from both points of 
 vii-w, and arrordinL'ly u«o eiihet 
 *sic" or 'ita,' all depends ()n this, 
 whether wc conibine the ihinp lopt 
 cally or historically in our uud*- 
 
 
 
 
 S; 
 
 I, 
 
 y 
 
 
 i 
 
 ^m^m^^m^^^^mm\ 
 
 
 
 
 
 C. .7T7L71 r.WR \TMS5 
 
 T TUFT? V 
 
250 
 
 C. JULTl CAESAKIS 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 251 
 
 liomine ainicissimo Anibiorige consilium datum, loiigis- 
 Bimo agminc maximisquo iMipcdiincMitis. 
 
 32. At liostos, postcswiM.'im i-x iKuauriio fnnnitu vigi- 
 liisquc do pmfi'ctioMc coram .scnscruut, collocatia inaidiis 
 bipertito in silvis opjmrtuiio at(iue occulto louo a milibus 
 pasHuum circitor duobii.s, Komaiiorum advcutum cxspec- 
 tabanl ; ct quum se major pars a<,nniMiH in ma<i^uam con- 
 vallcm domisi.ssct, ox ut-raquc parte ejus valli.i yubito se 
 ostciidcrunt, iiovis.siinosquc prcmcrc ct primos pmhibere 
 nsccusu atquo iniquissimo iiodtria loco proclium comniit- 
 tero cooporuiit. 
 
 .'^.3. Tum dcmum Titurius, qui nihil ante providisset, 
 trcpidaro ct coiicursarc cohortcsquo (lis[)()iicrc ; liaec 
 tamcn ipsa timidc atijuc ut cum omnia dcliccro vide- 
 rontur: quod plcrumquc lis accidcrc consucvit qui in 
 ipso lu'gotio consilium capcro co^Mintur. At Cotta qui 
 co^'itassct hacc j)osso in ilincrc acci(l«'ro, atipic ob earn 
 causam ])rotcclioni8 auctor non fuissct, nulla in vc com- 
 muni saluLi (bn'rat, ct in appcllandis c<)b()rlan(lis(|uo mili- 
 tibus impcratoris ct in pn-na militis olllcia pracstabat. 
 
 ftnuding. Tic ninl<cs tliis note on 
 the ii:i«-t;:ij;c in iv. 2l), " It.i unn tcin- 
 poic," i\.c, Mia' is etyinologirally 
 n-lati«l to * is.' an. I ' Rio ' to 'hie;' 
 and Kit -sic' has the dcniotistrativc 
 cliaracttT, uliich is in itself no oh- 
 jectiiin to Hcizof's doctrine. But I 
 don't think that he is rijiht. See 'sic 
 uti,' v^c., in V. .01. 
 
 /onf/is.siifin] 'J'his shows their con- 
 fidence. They marched in tiic most 
 convenient order (Mr marching, hut 
 in the most dangerous cider if an 
 enemy should attack them. (Sec c. 
 33; a id ii. 17 an<l 1"), " quo<l ad 
 Loste» a|»|)ri)]>in(iualiat.") 
 
 .'}*2. a wilihiis] 'j"hey had laid 
 Jicir anihusiade nhoul 2(l()() paces 
 /Vitni the Uomaii camp 'Ihi.s n.«;c of 
 'ab.' Imwever, is nnt c.vphiined l)y 
 all writci-s in the same way. Tlic 
 • implcKt e.vplaiiation Ih this, that 
 'ah' points out the terminaiion of 
 2000 paies from the camp jih tho 
 place w!ur«' the amhuscade heijan. 
 Thus it was from or alter the space 
 
 of 2000 paces that tlio amhuscade 
 \\:\o 'ecu and felt. In ii. .''(), there is 
 "at) tanto spatio;" ."^ce also ii. 7. 
 'iw is used exactly in the same 
 May in Xenoplmn, Anah. i. lO. II, 
 ol 6' uu (ini.liiindi . . . tK ir\iovos f; 
 To TTfiiiaOn' iijin/you. 
 
 :U. qui itihil] • ut f|ui nihil,' Klb. ; 
 and perhaps there is no ;;reat dilfer- 
 enee in meaniiiLT. In ' ut qui,' 'ut' 
 ni:iy he compared with *ut' in ' ut 
 c>t,' iv. .'{ : hut the nee of ' qui ' is a 
 iiillercnt one, and must he e.X|)lained 
 as h. fore. See H (.;. ii. .'^3. There 
 is nun h hi tter authority for omitting 
 ' ut ' here than for retaining' it. Com- 
 l>arc " At Colta qui co'.;ita^sct," kc. 
 
 rnncnrsiirr] \lc hurrieti about 
 from place to place See l\. G. J. 
 •17; V. .',0. 
 
 .sd/iifi ifrrni/] This in ail cxjires- 
 sion td'Ciiim and other writers: 
 
 *' Taliltus in rebus commutii deesse 
 haiuii." — Lucret. i. 43. 
 
 
 ,, 
 
 ■»^^S<S''»f'*! •f " «"". ' 
 
 Quum propter lon-Uudinem agminis minus facile per Be 
 omnia obire ct quid quoquo loco faciendum essct provi- 
 dcrc posscnt, jtis-.tMunt prontnRMarc ut imiM;dnncnta rchn- 
 Queient atquc in orbcm consistcrcnt. Quod consihum 
 etsi in eiusmodi casu reprcbcndcndum non est, tamcii 
 incommode accidit ; nam ct nostris militibuB spcm minuit, 
 ct ho.tcs ad pu-nam alacriorcs cHccit, quod non sine 
 Buimno timore ct dcspcratione id factum vidcbatur. 
 IVacterca accidit, quod licri ncccsse erat, ut vulgo militcs 
 ab sicTuis disccdiTcnt, qtiae qui^que corum carissimfi 
 haberct ab impcdimentis ])cterc atquc abnpcro propcrarct, 
 clamorc ct flctu omnia con»plcrcntur. 
 
 31 At barbaric consilium non dcfuit,nam ducca corum 
 tota acio pronunciare jusscrunt No quis ab loco discc- 
 deret; illorum esse pnicdam, atque illis rcscryan quae- 
 cumnue Komani rcliquisscnt ; proindc omnia in Victoria 
 posita cxistimarcnt. Erant ct virtute et numcro pug- 
 tuuulo pares nostri. Tamcn etsi ab duce ct a iortuna 
 descrebantur, tamcn onujcm spcm nalutis m virtuto pone- 
 baiit, et Qutitics (piactpie cobora procurrcrct, ab ca parto 
 ina'^iuis bostium numcrus cadebat. Qua re annnadvcrsa 
 Anibiorix pronunciari jubet, ut procul tela conjiciant ncu 
 nropius accedant, et quam in partem lioniani impetum 
 leceVint ccdant ; levitate armorum ct quotidiana cxerci- 
 
 protiuticiarf] The commanders or- 
 dered the tribune? ani centurions to 
 pivc the word, to form the ' orbis.' to 
 lace the enemy all rotind (iv, H7). — 
 ♦abripere :' 'atrijKTC,' S- hn , Kraner. 
 34. pronunct'ire] This may be 
 ri^dit; but there is a reading 'pio- 
 nunciari.' In this chapter ' pronun- 
 ciaii ' occur?. One may susj'Ct t that 
 the readiuRs should be 'pronuncian' 
 in lliis chapter an<l ii> c. M. 
 
 Kmut ft S^c] A (:) i» sometimes 
 put alter 'pares' which makes non- 
 sense. For it wouhl mean that 
 tlie barbarians «erc equal bv their 
 coMinjie and their numbers in the 
 f,J,trpuj;nando'),«hirh Caesar does 
 not m. an to »ay, for li'- d<.c» not 
 allow that in rou'nice the baibarians 
 were equal to the Itomms. lUsides 
 be has just spoken of the ' conMli'im' 
 
 
 of the ' barhari ;' their presciice of 
 mind, as the means by which they 
 got the advantage. It remains to 
 fpeak of the Jtonians, who by their 
 courape an<l ntnnl>er« wcic a match 
 for the cncujy in the Hu'iit; Imt tiny 
 were inferior in ' consilium,' for they 
 had no pood general. I have fol- 
 lowed Schneider. He shows that 
 the order ' Krant . . . nostri ' i« a 
 u^ape of Caesar; and that he beu'ins 
 fiiitci.ces with * etsi ' followe.l hs 
 •tamcn.' Si hnei<ler has ' Tamcl-i | 
 
 ah.' ^e. He ^a^8 that CnCRar never j 
 
 n-^es tamen etsi.* Sec i. .*'0. Miiller i 
 
 thinks all the explanations of this j 
 
 pa'-sapc ate a fsiihire.antl he observes j 
 
 that It mav be eormi't. Mo-t of tho j 
 
 bc^l MSS. have ' iiupuandi,* which ; 
 
 cannot he exjdaincd ^ ^ |^ 
 
 ;//oc«r/ cjc7 J pi ocuncrat,' Krancr. f 
 
 f 
 
 
 k\{ 
 
 »pnij jHf 1 » 
 
 C. JULIT CAESAR IS 
 

 C. .TU[,1T CAKSAUIS 
 
 Lini:;H V. 
 
 253 
 
 I 
 
 tationo niliil iia noccri posse ; ruisus se ad si-jnn reclpi. 
 35. Quo pracccpto ab iia clili-ciidsMiiin obsorvato 
 
 ccc.at, bostca v.-looi.sMnc rcln-irbant. Interim can, 
 partem imdari noccsso erat ft nb latere apert,, t,.|a recipi 
 KursiiH q„um in rum loci,., umie erant ..-re..! revoiti 
 ooeperaMt, et ab ii. ,pn cea.erant ct ab ii,, nn\ proxin,i 
 bttterant c.rcumvo.nebantur ; si„ autem locum tencre 
 
 m.lt.tu,hue conjeeta tela conCerti vitare pot.'rant. Tainen 
 tot ineommo.l,a eoullietati, multis vulueribus acceptis 
 .•os.stebaut. et „,a,.,a parte .lici eon.suu.pla .p.un. , , ' 
 !"7.""' ''..ran, v.,, pn^-nantur. nil.il ,pn!,l ip,i,T 
 ■mliKMum c.uun„tt,bant. Tnn, T. liaUvntio, mi mine 
 noroanno prunu.u pihnn duxerat, viro Ibrti et maX 
 auctontat.s, utrumquc Cenuir traRula transjieitur 
 Liicanuia ejUMlem onlini.s lortissime pu-uans ,|nm e^' 
 .MMuvento lilio Hubvenit. inteWieitur : Lf C^;t;a " ^^^^^ 
 omMeH eobortes ..niiue.quc. acll.orta.i. in adversum 
 liiiula viiiiR'j\'itiir. 
 
 30. il,s rebus permotus Q. Tituriu., qnu.n procul Am- 
 
 ^Z!t7'n 1.""' '•■''""•'';"'"" '^'-l----'-', in.erpretcm 
 M urn C... lompemm ad euni mitlit ro<;atum ut sibi miii- 
 
 t.busquo parcat. Ilio appciiatus respondit : Si velit secum 
 coiloqui hccie; S|.en.re a multitudine i.npetrari pos^c 
 quo.! ad nnbtu.n Sainton, pertineat ; ip.i ve'ro nil.il Loei- 
 tu... ,r., mque ean. .-en. se sua... llden. inte.ponere. Hie 
 3-5. c/m/OTi/om] Tlic cohort wlii.l, 'funrriorp -innn • t, ni 
 
 \v.sin, the S..?: '"t.^ rN',;^7 fct ir"'-;' "'" --^n/cvoratus; 
 ing ' rcrinco ' ^^' ^^'" " /"z .'' 'i^" ""* *'"^'"'-'»r tl.at .he 
 
 ';.«..<;. ;.7.,;,] Circo (Pl.il. i. J^o^.c tl c h t'lr:?';'"" ''"•"''*' 
 8) wnlcs •;,,ui onli,u.s .l.tlrunt." ' p,i„' ', . 1 .^ ' ' ''" '^ ''" ^^^^'^^ ^ 
 
 tliJiL nalvi'iiims was not 'niin.i.^ «• i i • *" ' I'"" '»• «^. ill. irj, 
 Pilns' now In.t L . L '• K ;:*''"'" 0-'^''-'^'-".., conjcclo." 
 
 
 cum Cotta saucio comniunical, si vidcatur, pugna ut exce- 
 fiuut et cum Ambiorif^e una colloquantur ; s})(3rare ab eo 
 de sua ac milituin ealute iinpetrare posse. Cotta se ad 
 armatuin bostein iturum lu^^it atquo ii» co constitit. 
 
 37. SabiiniH q\io3 in praescnlia tribunos milituin cir- 
 cum se babi'bat ct primorum ordinuin ccnturiones Be 
 sequi jubet, et qunm i)n)piu3 Ambiorifrein acccssisset, 
 jussus arma abjicere im|)(Tatum facit Buisque ut idem 
 faciant impcrat. Interim dum de conditioiiibiis inter se 
 agunt longiorque consulto ab Ambiorigi^ instituitur sermo, 
 paullatim circumventua intcrdcitur. Turn vero suo more 
 victoriam conclamant atque ululatnm tolhmt, impetu- 
 que in noslros facto ordinea perturbant. Ibi L. Cottr: 
 puf^iiunH iiitcrncitiir rum mnxima parte milituin ; r('li(pii 
 se in caMtra recipiunt unde erant cgtvHMi : r\ (piibiiH it. 
 Petrosidius aquilifur, qunm magna multitudine hoatium 
 preineretur, aquilam intra vallum projecit, ipse pro caa- 
 tris fortiasiinc pugnana occiditur. llli acgre ad noetem 
 oppugnationem auatinent: uoctu ad unnin omneH deape- 
 rata salute se ipsi interficiunt. Tanci ex proelio elapsi 
 incertia itiucribua per ailvaa ad T. Labienum legatum in 
 
 Pro Rose. Anicr. c. 3f), "inquc cam 
 rcra fulcra mam . . . intcr|ioi)cict ;" 
 which means to give liis \vor(l or 
 promise. St c B. (I. v. <>. 
 
 commnuirnt] ' Coiniininic.nt .... 
 It exccdant.' ' Coninmnicaie' is to 
 in:\ke sonutliing ' r.'innninis,' for in- 
 sUmcc, to sliari" .i thing uilh .inothor, 
 and hence to let a man know wliat 
 the connnunirator knows or nroposi'S. 
 
 iiiipitrutc] 'ri)cici*n reading ' nn- 
 pctrari.' " l>c fin wlutc impclm- 
 rcnt" ocruri* in Bell. Tiv. i. ?-J. It 
 exprcBScn gcnrrallv li> n!>l;iiM favoiii- 
 alilc terms without cxprc-sing ex- 
 actly what they were. — 'constitit:' 
 ' pcrseverat,' S< h , Kmiier. 
 
 37. tilnlutum] A flerCialHr fashion. 
 Kraner quotes I.ivy (v. Wl), " nata 
 in vanos tumullu* pens ((Jallorum) 
 trur.i canl\i chiiiii>ril)UB<juc variis hor- 
 rcndo cuncta complcverunt cantu." 
 
 L Cotta] The f-toiy of tlic death 
 of Colta and Sabinus is told $ome- 
 
 wliat didercntly by Dion CVmus 
 (xl. fi) ; ^"^ ^^<^ cannot l»c ccrttin 
 wlicllicr it is only a perversion of 
 this story, or whether "te got it from 
 some other authority than ('aes;ir. 
 If he |)relerrcd another narrative to 
 Caesar's, it is an evich-nrc of liis 
 want of judgment, for Cae«ar tells 
 the Bt'>rv very elearly, .and lie could 
 know the tuilh from the survivors of 
 the ma.s.'iacrc. Dion's narrative also 
 has in it ^igns of puerile invention, 
 ns the w<'|(ln of y\mhioiix, when he 
 drove hiH hpcar thron((li Siiltiiiu*. 
 Suetoi.ius (.lulius Cnesar. e, (i?) mys 
 that (.'ae»-ar, after hearing of the 
 slaMghtei of his men. did not cut his 
 hair or fhave his h«^aid until lie had 
 avenged ihein. 
 
 r,niri . . . rhipsi] The force of 
 SaltimiM nod (!otla was a hfriou and 
 a half, ahout (iUOD men, all of whom 
 jierished except a few. Kraner h.4 
 ' lapsi,' the MSS. reading. 
 
 y 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 . it 
 
 IT" 
 
 I i 
 
 > 
 
 ' f: 
 
 
 !■» 
 
 ■v 
 
 -»i 
 
 r: • % 
 
 V 
 
 •.'V#." 
 
 M 
 
 • K 
 
 n 
 
 , ^ 
 
 '•.J* 
 
 f •: J- 
 
 * 4 i 
 
 t 
 
 eh 
 
 Si 
 
 '' I 
 ■"• -■? 
 
 * 
 
 .- «*f t,t 
 
 »yy?yp«w^'yfw^!y»y'^^!y'fyw*T'*°*'^^ 
 
 1 
 
 '"^' .^v III iBiil'Wiaili'iWiWWaiWiiiniHiiMWriliTnfrtr " ■^"'■" ™"^' 
 
 C. JLTLII CAESAIUS 
 
 T.TRF.K V 
 
'.»^*tJi^,_iyj, , , 
 
 . TtriifaWri'"' '' *"*'■'' 
 
 r"- ■ ' '^ -' -— 
 
 fe 
 
 f \ 't 
 
 ( - 
 
 ' . i 
 
 « 
 
 4 
 
 f ' » 
 
 1 ' ■» 
 
 !K ! 
 
 r .'.-< 
 
 ■' A 
 
 &.-■» 
 
 F' ' 
 
 Or 
 
 51 
 
 C. JULII CAESAIUS 
 
 InWna perveniunt at^uo cu.n de rebus gesti. ccrtiorem 
 .it Mil Aduaiurns .,,n (.rant .j.,s r...., finltl.ni. profi i. 
 
 tu.quc Ae sui Ml pcrpetuum libcrandl at<p.e ulciscen, 
 d ittant: i„tcrlccto.s rsso Ic-atos duos rnai^uan.que par 
 
 Mb to oppr.ssan, K-.o.umu quao oun. Cwcrono, hiemf 
 t^'rl.c. ; so ad o:uu .vn, pn,flh-tur «djul.,r.,n. !«. 
 bac; oralioMo rsV-niis porsuadct. 
 
 .'ii). I(a<pio coMrc..stiM. (huiksls nunoiiH ad Ceutrone. 
 o^Z ;'''• ""''•'"^' ^^I--n>-o.s, O.i.I.n.os, qui on.ues l 
 CO n nnpono suut, qua.n .naxunas .nanus possunt 
 cogunt ct do iniprov.so ad Ciccro.n. bibcrna advolant 
 
 P'il {>^fnmif/{(] Ifc writes " niil- 
 i.iinpaitcMiiiortisitiiicic itilrrinisso " 
 I. !."»; ami v. 11, » „c notturnis . .' . 
 iiitcrniissis." 
 
 5-e sul.scfiiii; Mil,. I sn^pt-rt that 
 the true icarlinnr js siniplv ' scnui ' 
 or simply 'Kiihscqui.' as in'Ki-uiicr ' 
 J</mtt>icis\ Set- ii. Xl. 
 
 AWrins] I„ Ii. -ja it i3 ,.,1,, j,,^j 
 
 nearly all the fi^rhtinp uicn of the 
 nation wcro dc.tn.ycl. S.hnci.l.r 
 thinks that what is ^aid in the scron.l 
 hook co.ii.l hai.lly have hrcn written 
 hy a man who knew the fart of this 
 frish nsinu' of the Ncrvii ami n- 
 momheie.l it. Hut the rvj.lrtwe that 
 the saiMf man wrote h..th i^ thrsanic- 
 as the evi.lence that he wrote .ither 
 or any other part of tlu-e Com mm - 
 [■•uii. 'J'hf trne ronclnsiori in that 
 he wrote hoth at the ti.no of the 
 events. In thy secon.I lo<,U he wrote 
 that he ha.l nearly .i.Btrove.J the 
 ^^rvl:; :n„l he nii^'ht snppo.o ^o 
 ile was uritin^r as a man \;onhl .lo 
 after a great victory. I lere he states 
 ft faet whirji Was • notorious ; the 
 ^crvll were again in arms. JIc did 
 
 not rorreet his work to make tlif 
 later parts a^-rec wirh the carlici 
 parts; and lie ilid ri^'ht. 
 
 W/7//7 rs>r, ,\r ] • 1 1 xvns an em 
 malt.r. no tmnMe at all, for the 
 le-i.in that was uint. rinp uithCirern 
 to he Min.rised ('..pprc^sam') ati,l 
 Kil'cd. Cicero (Ad All. xii 14 
 Ad Div. xii. -J) uses 'nihil ne^otii ' 
 III the simc way; '• nihil cssct ne- 
 potii lihertateni ct rem nublicam 
 reen|)crarc.'' 
 
 .'10 rV'////ow.'.] or ' Cent rones; ns 
 some have it. AH tl/eje are unknown 
 people. The names are ?aid to occiii 
 "1 no othrr auth'.r.—' im|>crio sunt:' 
 tliete is a readitiir • im|K'rio conlino- 
 hatilMr' -Sunt' i, „,.„(. 1,1,^1^ ^^ 
 he th.' L"ntiine wor-l for Caesar ma} 
 havr iiH'.l it in uiiti,,.., t|,i, ,,.^,t of 
 his history at the time, or making 
 his mrm.. randoms : and it is not tlic 
 wonl that a e....xist would introduce, 
 for he would look rither to the per 
 manrnl fitne-H of il,e vv„id ihao toil; 
 lilne'.s in Cae«ar"s time. 
 
 rirrro;,is A//..-;v;./) Sec notc Oil 
 
 Aduatuca, at the end of lib. vii. 
 
 LIB Ell V. 
 
 255 
 
 nondum ad cum Hiuia de Titurii mortc porlata. lluic 
 qiioquo accidit, quod iuit nccosso, ut nonnulli nnlites, qui 
 lignutiouia niuuitionisquo cauHa in HilvaH diHcossiHHont, 
 ropcntiuo (Mjuitmn advcnlu iuton-ipcrculur. I lis cMrcuin- 
 veiitis niagua uiauu JCburont's, Norvii, A(biatu«'i atcpio 
 horutii omnium Rocii ct clientcH lo^doncm oi)puuniarc inci- 
 piunt : nostri celeritcr ad arma concurruut, valhim con- 
 scendunt. Acgre is dies sustcntatur, quod oninein spem 
 hcstea in celeritato ponebant, atqiie lianc adepli victonam 
 in perpetuum so tore victorcs ('()idi(bd)ant. 
 
 40. IMittuntur ad Cacsarem conb-Htiin ab Cicerone lit- 
 turae, magnis j)ropositifl praomiis si pcrtulissent : obsr^si^ 
 omnibuH ^NiiH niissi intercipiunlur. I^Joelii.e^ miaeiiu 
 quam nmnitioniH causa couiporlaveraut iui'-irs admocbnn • 
 cxx excitantur incredibili ccleritate ; quat; decHso operi 
 videban'tur ])erficiuntur. llostea poHtero die nmlto majo- 
 ribus coactis copiis casti-a oi)i)u«,njant, foHsam complont. 
 Ab nostris eadem ratione (pia pridie resiatitur : boc idem 
 rebqui3 deinceps fit diebus. Kidbi pars noclurni tem- 
 poris ad laborem intcrmittitur : nou acgria, non vulne- 
 ratia facultas quietis datur: quaocumque ad proximi diei 
 oppugnationem opua sunt, iioctu comparantur : inultae 
 praeustae sudcs, magnua muralium pilurum luimcrua 
 
 accidH] Silincidcr removes the 
 (,) after 'accidit.* and also in c. a\ 
 "that the ut may not feem todejicnd 
 on this word more tlian on tlie lol- 
 lowing.rfnit neecf'sc')." He might 
 imvc siniek out Mie (,) after ' nc- 
 cs'-c' also. ^ take the 'ut' lo «le- 
 l>eiid on 'acei.Iil.* ' Iluic' is Cieero : 
 the same titing Inppened to him 
 which had hiipi-eiied to 'ritmins and 
 Cotla. llntminn m<>p<tM<l tlic in- 
 sipid emendation 'hie,' wliieli Her- 
 zee nj.pl 3V(», though not eiiou;:h to 
 put it in his Irxl. He rites as one 
 cvitlence in favc)ur of it the Creek 
 p'jiaphra-t who lias /i»T«u(hi. 1 have 
 celdom mentioned this priraplirast. 
 He is ;;rnci.illv woiihless for llio in- 
 tciprelation of Caefcar. 
 
 udrpti] 'Ihis Latin nartieiple e.T- 
 prcsfics a condition, for it means, ' if 
 they got iLis victory.' 
 
 40. (Klmodum] This means ' full 
 12U towers,' or ' not less tha:i 1'20 ;' 
 not 'nearly' as some suppose. It 
 signifies to the full measure. There 
 niav he an error in the number cxx. 
 See vii. 5(>', " admodum inatrna ;" and 
 vii. (If), "admodum edilo;" atid vii. 
 TX — 'excitantur:' sec iii. M- 
 
 rrli'iuis tlcni<q)s] The trne order, 
 ns S( hnei<ler shows, and not ' <lein- 
 (cpH r«li«|uiK.' lie conipares iii. *2.'), 
 " rcli'i'iis deinceps dielms;" and 
 Bell. Civ. iii. .'ifi. 
 
 j>nn'usl(te swlrs] Pieces of wood 
 Khiirpened at the end hy hurning, 
 and inten<led to he thrown at the 
 enemv (vii. i\\). The * pila mu- 
 ralia' iiro mentioned vii. HJ. A« 
 ihcHe 'pila mnralia' are only men- 
 tioned as used for the defence of 
 walls (comp. Tacit. Ann. iv. 61), 
 it is probable that they were not 
 
 
 k^ 
 
 f 
 
 ■\>: 
 
 ^ 
 
250 
 
 C. JUL! I CAESAIUS 
 
 institintur ; turres contabulantiir, pinnae loncaeque ox 
 cratibus attexuntiir. Ipse Cicero, quum tenuissima vale- 
 tudine esset, iie nocturnum quideiii sibi tenipus ad 
 quietem relinquebat, ut ultro niilituin concursu ae vocibus 
 sibi parcere cogeretur. 
 
 41. Tunc duces principesque Nerviorum, qui aliquem 
 sermonis aditum causamque amicitiae cum Cicerone habe- 
 baufc, eolloqui sese velle dicunt. Facta potestate eadem 
 quae Ambiorix cum Titurio egerat commemorant, Omnem 
 esse in armis Gailiam, Germanoa Khenum transisse, Cae- 
 saris reliquorumque hiberna oppugnari. Addunt etiam 
 de Sabini morte. Ambiorigem ostentant fidei faciundae 
 causa. Errare eos dicunt, si quidquam ab his praesidii 
 sperent qui suis rebus diftidant ; sese tamen hoc esse in 
 Ciceronem populumque Komanum animo ut nihil nisi 
 hiberna recusent atque banc inveterascere consuetudinem 
 nolint : licere illis incolumibus per se ex hibernis disce- 
 
 tlirown, but med to thrust witlj. 
 The 'turrea cont.abulaiitur' means 
 vhat the 'tunvs' were furnished with 
 tabulata' or floorings at different 
 jlevations for the men to stand on. 
 (Lipsius, Op. iii. p. 538). 'Pinnae' 
 and 'loricae' are mentioned again 
 vii. 72. 'Pinnae' and 'loricae ex 
 cratibus,' or parapets niiidc of branches 
 or tbin nieces of wood (I.ipsius, Op. 
 iii. p. 514), are attached (' attexun- 
 tur') to the towers. The 'lorica' is 
 mentioned by Curtius (ix. 4), and 
 by Tacitus (iv. 37), " loricam val- 
 1 unique." ' Pinna' is a tail feather 
 of a bird, or a large feather from the 
 wing, or any thing ending in a point. 
 Tiiese ' pinnae ' were apparently 
 pieces of wood which rose above the 
 'lorica' and served for further pro- 
 tection. The 'pinnae' of walls were 
 parts that rose above the re>t at in- 
 tervals. Virgil (Aen. vii. 15f))scoii;8 
 to use the word in Caesar's sense : 
 
 " primasqtte in litore sedes 
 
 Castroiiim in morem pinnis atque 
 aggere cingit :" 
 
 where ' pinnis ' expresses the same 
 thing as 'vallum.' 
 
 instituitur] See vi. 9, and iv. 17. 
 lie means 'is ordered' or 'fixed.' 
 ' Rerniges . . . institui.' iii. 9. — 'ul- 
 tro :' ' even.' See v. 28. — ' vocibus :' 
 ' clamours' See vi. 3G. 
 
 41. udUum\ See i. 43, " neqne 
 aditum (access to the senate) nequo 
 causam postulandi jnstam." ' Adi- 
 tum conimendationis ' occurs in 
 Bell. Civ. i. 74. Caesar means that 
 these chiefs of the Ncrvii had been 
 accustomed to have access to Cicero 
 and to talk with him. 'Causa' is 
 a Ron)an word which has niany 
 meanings, often difficult to render. 
 It means here any thing which was 
 a foundation for friendship; as in 
 Cic. De Off. ii. 13, "causam cele- 
 britiitis et nominis aut a patre acce|»- 
 t<iin,"&c., where it means any ground 
 or origin of celebrity. 
 
 Ids . . . qui] Caesar and the other 
 Icgati in their several quarters. 
 
 inret'eni.scere] This practice of win- 
 tering ill Gallia. Sic ii. 1, "inve- 
 terascere in Gallia." — ' licere . . . per 
 se :' ' they miglit go away without 
 any hindrance from the Galli.' Com- 
 pare i. 42, and v. 30. — ' ullam acci- 
 pcrc :' Schneider omits ' ullaui.' 
 
 LTREK V. 
 
 257 
 
 cfcre, et quascumque in partes velint sine metu proficisci. 
 Cicero ad haec unum modo respondit : Non esse consue- 
 tudinem populi liomani ullam accipere ab hoste arinato 
 conditionem : si ab armis discedere velint, se adjutore 
 utantur legatosque ad Caesarem mittaut : sperare pro 
 ejus justitia quae petierint impetraturos. 
 
 42. Ab hac spe repulsi Nervii vallo pedum ix et fossa 
 pedum XV hiberna cingunt. Haec et superiorum anno- 
 rum consuetudine a nobis cognoverant, et quosdam de 
 exercitu nacti captivos ab his docebantur ; sed nulla fer- 
 ramentorum copia quae esset ad hunc usum idonea, 
 gladiis cespites circumcidere, manibus sagulisque terram 
 exliaurire cogebantur. Qua quidem ex re hominum 
 raultitudo cognosci potuit : nam minus horis tribu3 
 milium passuum xv in circuitu munitionem perfecerunt : 
 reliquisque diebus turres ad altitudinem valli, falces tes- 
 tudinesque, quas iidem captivi docuerant, parare ac face re 
 coeperunt. 
 
 43. Septimo oppugnationis die, raaximo coorto vento, 
 
 sperare] 'sperare se,' in most MSS, 
 There is good MSS. authority for 
 ' se ;' but it is Caesar's fashion to 
 omit 'se' where it is not wanted. 
 'Pro ejus justitia,' 'in accordance 
 with his justice,' 'his .«-ense of fair 
 dealing,' means that Caesar might 
 relieve them from the burden of 
 having his troops among them. 
 
 42. pedum ix] The 'vallum' 
 was nine or eleven feet high, as some 
 MSS. have it; and the ditch fifteen 
 feet wide. Schneider compares ii. 
 5. When the depth of a ditch is not 
 mentioned, and only one measure is 
 given, Caesar means the width (vii. 
 /2). — ' a nobis :' ' a nostris,' Elb. 
 
 nulla copia] This is Caesar's abla- 
 tive: 'as they had no stock of iron 
 implements adapted for this purpose.' 
 Compare ii. 9, " secundiore equiium 
 proelio." 
 
 (/nae esset] There is also ' essent.' 
 Eli), has 'quae sunt' on the autho- 
 rity of several good MSS. ; but it is 
 a palpable blunder. If Caesar wrote 
 'quae sunt,' he meant to say 'that 
 
 ferramenta, or iron utensils, are 
 useful for digging,' which is true ; 
 but he does not waste his words in 
 telling us what we know. — ' cespi- 
 tem:' Klb. 
 
 ea/uiurire] This word can be ap- 
 plied to a s])ade, as Horat. Ep 5, 
 V. 30, " Ligouibus duris humum 
 Exhauriebant." Men's hands as 
 well as the cloaks were used for ' fer- 
 ramenta,' spades, shovels, and even for 
 baskets. — Elb. has ' decern milJium 
 in circuitu.' ' Passns ' is often omitted 
 in like cases. In p]ac6 of ' passtuim ' 
 there is a reading 'pedum,' which 
 seems more probable. Orosius (vi. 
 10) agrees with the text. If there 
 were 45,000 barbarians, or 3000 for 
 every mile, they co\ild make the 
 ditch in three hours in some way. 
 The want of proper tools would be a 
 greater difficulty than the extent of 
 the lines. See ii. 30. note. But all 
 the circumstances of the siege indi- 
 cate a much less circuit than fifteen 
 miles. 
 
 a 
 
258 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 ferventes fusili ex argilla glandes fundis et fervefacta 
 jacuk incasas,quae more Gallico stramentis eraut tectae, 
 jacere coeperunt. Hae celeriter iguem eomprehenderunt 
 et venti magnitudine in omiiem castrorum locum distu- 
 lerunt. Hostes maximo clamore sicuti parta jam atque 
 explorata victoria turres testudinesque agere et scalis 
 vallum ascendere coeperunt. At tanta militum virtus 
 atque ea praesentia animi fuit ut, quum undique flamma 
 torrerentur maximaque telorum multitudine premerentur 
 suaque omnia impedimenta atque omnes fortunas con- 
 flagrare intelligereut, non modo demigrandi causa de vallo 
 decederet nemo, sed paene ne respiceret quidem quis- 
 Quam, ac tum omnes acerrime fortissimeque pugnarent. 
 Hie dies nostris longe gravissimus fuit; sed tamen hunc 
 babuit eventum ut eo die maximus bostium numerus 
 vuliieraretur atque interfieeretur, ut se sub ipso vallo 
 constipaverant recessumque primis ultimi non dabaut. 
 Paullum quidem intermissa flamma, et quodam loco turri 
 adacta et contingente vallum, tertiae cohortis centuriones 
 ex eo quo stabaut loco recesserunt suosque omnes re- 
 moveruiit : nutu vocibusque bostes si nitroire vellent 
 vocare coeperunt, quorum progredi ausus est nemo. Tum 
 ex omni parte lapidibus conjectis deturbati, turrisque 
 succensa est. 
 
 4-i. Erant in ea legione fortissimi viri centuriones, qui 
 jam primis ordiuibus appropinquarent, T. Pultio et L. 
 
 43. g/andes] Balls made of clay 
 softined or made plastic, and then 
 burnt, Ovid, Met xi. 126, has " fn- 
 sile aurum." It has been suggested 
 that the clay was mixed with coal, 
 as it still is in those parts for warm- 
 ing stoves. But Caesar only sptaks 
 of clay. The commentators are trou- 
 bled al)out these hot balls cast from 
 leather slings, for smh thev say the 
 slings were. If the barbarians did 
 really tlirow hot clay balls with slings, 
 let us be satisfied with the fact. 
 
 nicutiparta] 'Insecuti, quasi parta,' 
 Ell). 
 
 praesentia animi'\ This is not our 
 presence of mind, but firnmess of 
 ifBolutiun. (Srhncid.) 
 
 non mndo] See ii. 17.— 'nemo:' 
 see ii. 'do, note on ' nulli.' 
 
 demigrandi causa] ' For the pur- 
 pose ot deserting the vallum.' See 
 iv. li>, " de oppidis demigrarent." 
 
 ut *«;] See ii. 23, and vi. 7; vii. 
 4.5. 58. Our word ' as ' expresses the 
 'ut' fully. — 'ipso' denotes close to 
 the vallum; but if it is omitted, as 
 in vi. 37, the immediate pioximity 
 is not expressed. Livy, ii. 45, has 
 " haec quum sub ipso vallo por- 
 tisque strejKjrent.' 
 
 44. qui . . . appropinquarent] There 
 is a rea<ling *• qui jam appropinqua- 
 rant.' which does not appear to be 
 correct. The text monns 'very brave 
 centurions, and as Buch near being 
 
 LIBEE y. 
 
 259 
 
 Varonus. Hi perpetuas inter se controversias babebant 
 quiuam anteferretur, omnibusque annis de loco sum mis 
 simultatibus contendebant. Ex his Pulfio, quum acerrime 
 ad munitiones pugnaretur, Quid dubitas, inquit, Varene, 
 aut quem locum probandae virtutis tuae spectas ? hie dies 
 de nostris controversiis judicabit. Haec quum dixisset, 
 procedit extra munitiones, quaeque pars bostium confer- 
 tissima est visa, in eam irrumpit. Ne Yarenus quidem 
 tum vallo sese continet, sed omnium veritus existima- 
 tionem subsequitur. Mediocri spatio relicto Pulfio pilum 
 in hostes mittit atque unum ex multitudine procurrentem 
 transjicit, quo percusso et examinato hunc scutis pro- 
 tegunt bostes, in ilium tela universi conjiciunt neque 
 dant regrediundi facultatem. Transfigitur scutum Pul- 
 fioni et verutum in balteo defigitur. Avertit hie casus 
 vaginam et gladium educere conanti dextram moratur 
 mauum : impeditum hostes circumsistunt. Succurrit 
 inimicus illi Varenus et laboranti subvenit. Ad hunc se 
 confestim a Pulfione omnis multitudo convertit : [ilium 
 veruto transfixum arbitrantur.] Occursat ocius gladio 
 comminusque rem gerit Varenus, atque uno interfecto 
 reliquos paullum propellit ; dum cupidius instat, in locum 
 
 advanced to the rank of primipili.' 
 See i. 40. Schneider writes the 
 names of these two centurions 'Pullo' 
 and ' Vorenus.' — ' de loco :' the ri- 
 valry between them was about pro- 
 motion. Kraner has ' de locis.' 
 
 quinam] ' Uter' is the usual word 
 in such a case. — ' omnibusque annis:' 
 * all the time,' as we might say, that 
 is all the time during which there 
 was opportunity for this rivalry. 
 Schneider compares iii. 23, ' omnes 
 annos.' 
 
 qtuieqve pars] 'Quaque pars,' Elb. 
 But if we read ' quaque,' ' pars ' is 
 unnecessjiry, as Schneider says, who 
 omits ' in eam ' before ' irrumpit.' 
 
 relicto] The old pointing before 
 Oudcndoip's edition was ' subsequi- 
 tur mediocri spatio relicto : PulKo, 
 &.C.' The ' mediocre spatium.' is the 
 space which PiilHo allowed himself 
 for discharging his ' pilum,' as the 
 
 S 
 
 position of the words show, and not 
 the space between him and Varenus. 
 
 protegunt] Schn. has ' protcgtmt, 
 in hostem tela,' <&c. ; and Kraner. 
 
 verutum] This missile pierced 
 through the shield and stuck in :he 
 belt, and this circumstance turned 
 ('avertit') the scabbard from its 
 place, so as to put the handle of the 
 sword out of Pulfio's reach. The 
 ' verutum ' was also used by tlie 
 Roman soldiers (Liv. xxi. 55), Virgil 
 (Georg. ii. 168) makes it a Volscian 
 weapon. 
 
 illumi'eruto, ^c] Schn. omits these 
 words; and I am inclined to follow 
 him. The text in this passage is 
 very doubtful. Schn. has ' con- 
 vertit. Illic vero obcursat,' &c. 
 Elb., who retains the words which I 
 have inclosed in [ ], has 'arbitrantur. 
 Varenus gladio rem comminus gerit, 
 atque uno,' &c. 
 
 2 
 
260 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBEll Y. 
 
 261 
 
 inferiorem dejectus concidit. Huic rursus circumvento 
 fert subsidiuni Pulfio, atque ambo incolumes compluribua 
 interfectis summa cum laude sese intra munitioues reci- 
 piunt. Sic fortima in contentione et certamine utrumqiie 
 versavit ut alter alteri inimicus auxilio salutique esset, 
 iieque dijudicari posset uter utri virtute anteferendus 
 videretur. 
 
 45. Quanto erat in dies gravior atque asperior oppug- 
 natio, et maxime quod magna parte militum confecta vul- 
 neribus res ad paucitatem defensorum pervenerat, tanto 
 crebriores litterae nunciique ad Caesarem mittebantur ; 
 quorum pars deprebensa in conspectu uostrorum militum 
 cum cruciatu necabatur. Erat unus intus Nervius, 
 nomine Vertico, loco natus bonesto, qui a prima obsidione 
 ad Ciceronem perfugerat suamque ei fidem praestiterat. 
 Hie servo spe libertatis magnisque persuadet praemiis ut 
 littcras ad Caesarem deferat. Has ille in iaculo illigataa 
 eiFert, et Gallus inter Gallos sine ulla suspicione versatus 
 ad Caesarem pervenit. Ab eo de periculis Ciceronis legio- 
 nisque cognoscitur. 
 
 46. Caesar acceptis litteris bora circiter xi diei statim 
 nuncium in Bellovacos ad M. Crassum quaestorem mittit, 
 cujus hiberna aberant ab eo milia passuum xxv. Jubet 
 
 (fejectusji ' Being carried (lo^^•n the 
 sloping ground, in the ardour of his 
 pursuit he fell.' Comp. vi. 40, " se 
 . . . iniquum in locum deniiserant." 
 
 v('rs(tvil] ' Versa-re,' one of tlie 
 class of words that represent a repe- 
 tition of an action, as licre a repeti- 
 tion of ' vert-ere.' ' In their rivalry 
 and their struggle with the enemy, 
 fortune made such a turn for hoth 
 of tliem, that ' &c. Schn, makes •• sic ' 
 ixfcr to what precedes, and the 
 clause ' ut alter,' &c. to he explana- 
 tory ; and he may be right. Com- 
 ]>are vi. 41, *'8ic omnium animos," 
 &c. 
 
 45. nccahatur'\ It appears to be 
 Caesars fashion to use ' pars ' with a 
 singular verb. Elb. has 'necabantur.' 
 See iii. 17, ' convenerat ;' iv. 32; 
 vi. 31 ; and other places. 
 
 4G. ab eo] In c. 40 Cicero sends 
 
 to Caesar; but neither in that chap- 
 ter nor in this is it said where 
 Caesar was. The meeting of the 
 Gallic states (c. 24) wns held at Sa- 
 marobriva, where Caesar of course 
 was present, and nothing has been 
 said to show that he had quitted 
 that place. In c. 47. Caesar appoints 
 Crassus to command at Saniarobriva, 
 and, as it seems, to supply Caesar's 
 place. We must infer, then, that 
 Caesar was at Samarohriva when he 
 heard of Cicero's danger; and in- 
 deed the words ' qu<>d ibi . . . relin- 
 quebat ' leave no doubt about it. 
 A letter from Cicero to Trcbatius, 
 who had gone to Caesar with Cicero's 
 recommendation, shows that Treba- 
 tius was at Samarohriva during this 
 winter (Ad Div. vii. 16), and Caesar 
 also came to Samarohriva (v. 5o) 
 after relieving Cicero. 
 
 
 •i 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 media nocte legionem proficisci celeriterque ad se venire. 
 Exit cum nuncio Crassus. Alterum ad C. Fabium lega- 
 turn mittit ut in Atrebatum fines legionem adducat, qua 
 sibi iter faciendum sciebat. Scribit Labieno, si rei pub- 
 licae commodo facere posset, cum legione ad fines ^'er- 
 viorum veniat : reliquam partem exercitus, quod pauUo 
 aberat longius, non putat exspectandam ; equites circiter 
 quadringentos ex proximis hibernis cogit. 
 
 47. Hora circiter iii ab antecursoribus de Crassi ad- 
 ventu certior fiictus eo die milia passuum viginti progre- 
 ditur. Crassum Samarobrivae praeficit legionemque ei 
 attribuit, quod ibi impedimenta exercitus, obsides civi- 
 tatum, litteras publicas frumentumque omne, quod eo 
 tolerandae hiemis causa devexerat, relinquebat. Eabius, 
 
 Dion (xl. 9) says that Caesar was 
 on his road to Italy when he heard 
 the news, and that he returned. But 
 Caesar's narrative contradicts this. 
 Crassus (c. 24) was stationed among 
 the Belgae. Here his position is 
 more particularly given. He was 
 among the Bellovaci, xxv M. P. from 
 the place whence Caesar sent his 
 message, and south of Caesar's posi- 
 tion. 
 
 7«(il Fabius was ordered to march 
 from the country of the Morini into 
 that of the Atrebates, ' by which 
 route Caesar knew that he must go ' 
 to reach Cicero's canip. This agrees 
 with the supposition of Caesar set- 
 ting out from Samarohriva. — ' rei 
 publicae commodo :' see i. 35, note. 
 
 &r proorimis] From the quarters of 
 C. Trebonius (c. 24), as Schneider 
 supposes ; but we can't tell where 
 Caesar got them from. The rest of 
 the army was with Roscius and with 
 Plancus (c. 24, 25).— ' cogit:' *col- 
 ligit,'Schn., Krancr. 
 
 47. antecursoribus] Schneider con- 
 fuses all Caesar's movements, and 
 completely misunderstinds the mat- 
 ter. Caesar did not wait for the ar- 
 rival of Crassus. As soon as he was 
 sure that Crassus was near Samaro- 
 hriva, he left the place ; for ' adven- 
 tus ' is said both of an arrival and of 
 an approach (vii. 10). There is 
 
 nothing to show that Caesnr saw 
 Crassus, and the narrative is against 
 that supposition. He left Crassus 
 in command at Samarohriva, and 
 marched twenty miles towards 
 Cicero's camp. On the way he was 
 joined by Fabius, who had been 
 tolerably active ('non ita multiim 
 moratus'), but not quite so quick as 
 his master. 
 
 Caesar took the 400 hoi-semen 
 with him (c. 51), and the legion of 
 Trebonius, for there was no other 
 that he could take ; and if Caesar 
 was at Samarohriva, Trebonius was 
 there too, for the stores of the army 
 required protection, and Caesar sent 
 for Crassus to supply the jdace of 
 Trebonius' legion. Miiller has ex- 
 plained all this matter right. — 'pro- 
 greditur:' *procedit,' Schn. 
 
 litteras publicas] These are the 
 books and papers of the army ac- 
 counts. One sense of ' publicae lit- 
 terae,' very common in Cicero ( Verr. 
 ii. ], c. 34, &c.), is that of public re- 
 cords, or public documents. Schn. 
 quotes a passage of Velleius (ii. 37) 
 which is appropriate, " quae omnis, 
 sicut Pompeio moris erat, redacta in 
 quaestoris potcstatem ac publicia 
 descripta litteris." See also the 6toi7 
 in Plutarch, Tib. Gracch. c. 6, about 
 the quaestor's accounts. 
 
2C2 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 ut imperatum erat, non ita multum moratus in itinero 
 cum legione occurrit. Labienus interitu Sabini et caede 
 cohortium cognita, quuni omnes ad eum Trevirorum 
 oopiae yenisseut, veritus ne, si ex hibernis fugae similem 
 profectiouem fecisset, hostium impetum sustinere non 
 posset, praesertim quos recenti victoria efferri sciret, lit- 
 teras Caesari remittit, quauto cum periculo legionem ex 
 hibernis educturus esset: rem gestam in Eburonibus 
 perscribit : docet omnes equitatus peditatusque copias 
 Trevirorum tria milia passuum longe ab suia castris con- 
 sedisse. 
 
 non ita muUavi] See iv. 37. 
 veritus ne, si Sj^c] Tlie old read- 
 ing is ' veritus si . . . ut hostium . . . 
 non posset.' Kraner has 'veritus, 
 si . . . ut hostium , . . posset.' The 
 use of ' vcreri ' and ' metucre ' is very 
 pei-plcxing, and it seems likely that 
 the usage was not well fixed. Caesar 
 has (H. G. i. 19. 42) ' vereri ' with 
 'ne,' in which passages and like pas- 
 sages it is usual to translate it 'to 
 fear lest,' &c. ' Ne ' is a negative, 
 and ' vereri ' has for its object a ne- 
 gative proposition : ' that a thing 
 should not be ' is the object of fear 
 or apprehension. Now this is ambi- 
 guous. All fear about a future event 
 implies a wish that it shall happen 
 or it shall not; and fear that a tning 
 will not happen, means with us that 
 the ' not happening' is the object of 
 the fear. On the contrary, fear that 
 a thing will happen, means that the 
 happening is the object of fear. In 
 B. G. i. 19, it is ' the not offending ' 
 which is the object of ' veritus,' for 
 Caesar's purpose and wish was not 
 to offend. It is clear that ' metuere' 
 and ' vcreri ' in Latin followed by 
 ' ut ' or ' ne,' were not conceived by 
 the Romans in the same way as we 
 use the word 'fear' with and with- 
 out a negative. It is absurd to say 
 that in the phrase (Cic. Ad Div. 
 xiv. 14) "vereor ut Dolabella ipse 
 satis nobis prodesse possit," any ne- 
 gative notion is contained, though 
 we may translate it in our language, 
 * 1 fear that Dolabella himself won't 
 
 be able to do us much good.' But 
 Cicero makes the positive notion, 
 the help, the object of the mental 
 condition, ' vereor ;' and tiiat is bet- 
 ter than our form of expression. In 
 all such cases the positive and the 
 negative notion alteraate in the 
 mind ; but the positive is the no- 
 tion to which the mind fixes itself, 
 and therefore to use a negative in 
 such a form as this is a perverted 
 form of speech. On the contrary, 
 the negative is the true form with 
 ' metuere ' or ' vereri,' when the fear 
 has for its object the negative of 
 something. Thus Caesar's fear or 
 trouble in i. 19 had for its object 
 the negation of offending Divitia- 
 cus. 
 
 The Romans sometimes used * ne 
 ... non ' where they could have ex- 
 pressed the notion otherwise; as in 
 Cicero, Ad Div. xiv. 5, " accepi 
 tuas litterasquibus intellexi te vereri 
 ne superiores mihi non redditae 
 essent." The text of Caesar, as it 
 stands in this passage, may be right. 
 Forms of negation are often difficult 
 to explain, and they differ very much 
 in different languages. 
 
 litteras . . . quanto] He sends back 
 an answer to Caesar, in which he 
 shows what hazard there would be 
 in quitting his camp with the letrion. 
 The notion of information contained 
 in the word 'littei-as' explains the 
 connexion with ' quanto,' &c. 
 
 lon<je] See vii. 16, " ab Avarico 
 longe," «Sic. 
 
 LIBER Y. 
 
 203 
 
 
 48. Caesar consilio ejus probato, etsi opinione trium 
 legionum dejectus ad duas redierat, tamen unum com- 
 muni saluti auxilium in celeritate ponebat. Venit 
 magnis itineribus in Nerviorum fines. Ibi ex captivis 
 cognoscit quae apud Ciceronem gerantur, quantoque in 
 periculo res sit. Turn cuidam ex equitibus Gallis niagnis 
 praemiis persuadet uti ad Ciceronem epistolam deferat. 
 Hanc Graecis conscriptam litteris mittit, ne intercepta 
 epistola nostra ab liostibus consilia cognoscantur. Si 
 adire non possit, monet ut tragulam cum epistola ad 
 amentum deligata intra munitionem castrorum abjiciat. 
 In litteris scribit se cum legionibus profectum celeriter 
 adfore : hortatur ut pristinam virtutem retineat. Gallus 
 periculum veritus, ut erat praeceptum, tragulam mittit. 
 Haec casu ad turrim adhaesit, neque ab nostris biduo 
 animadversa tertio die a quodam milite conspicitur ; 
 
 48. dejectus\ Labienus could not 
 come with his legion, and Caesar 
 being disappointed in his expectation 
 of three legions, had been reduced to 
 two. If we take the legion of 
 Crassus as one, and that of Fabius 
 for the other, there are two. But 
 Crassus had a legion assigned to him 
 for the proteciion of Samarobriva; 
 and it does not appear what legion 
 this was, unless it was his own. 
 The legion of Plancus was among 
 the Camutes (c. 25), and that of 
 Roscius was among the Essul. There 
 remains only the legion of Trebo- 
 nius, and we must again conclude 
 that Samarobriva was the quarters of 
 this legion. As Caesar sent no mes- 
 sage to Trebonius, it follows that he 
 was where Trebonius was, or^ very 
 near him. But if Caesar left Sama- 
 robriva with the legion of Trebonius 
 before Crassus arrived, did he leave 
 all his stores and army accounts at 
 the mercy of the Galli even for an 
 hour .5* This is not probable. There 
 is a half legion not accounted for 
 (c. '24), which may have been sta- 
 tioned at Samarobriva; for Caesar 
 informs us of the disposition of all 
 his forces except thi» half legion, 
 and though none of his legions may 
 
 have been complete, we must sup- 
 pose that he still had ten legions m 
 name. 
 
 equitibus Gallis] Dion (xl. 9) says 
 that Caesar did not employ the slave 
 of Vertico, because he was afraid 
 that he might betray him. But 
 there is no trace of this in the Latin 
 text. Dion says that the letter was 
 written in Greek. Caesar only says 
 that it was written in the Greek 
 characters, but it may have been 
 written in the Greek language too. 
 If the Nervii knew any characters at 
 all, they were quite as likely to 
 know the Greek as the Roman. But 
 it is probable that they knew neither. 
 They might, however, have captives 
 or others among them who knew 
 Latin (c. 42) ; and it is here supposed 
 by Caesar that there would be less 
 chance of a letter being read which 
 was written in Greek than in Roman 
 characters. 
 
 amentuni] A stiing or cord at- 
 tached to a spear. As ' mentum ' is 
 a termination, the root seems to be 
 ' ap,' the same as in ' ap-tus.' It was 
 used in some way fcr tbroAving the 
 missile. Ovid, Met. xii. 321. Virg. 
 Aen, ix. QQb. 
 
264 
 
 C. JULII CAESA RIS 
 
 dempta ad Ciceronem defertur. Ule perlectam in con- 
 ventu mditum rectat, maximaque omnes laetitia adficit 
 li m fumi incendiorum procul videbantur, quae res omnem 
 dubitationem adventus legionum expulit. 
 
 49 Galli re cognita per exploratores obsidionem relin- 
 quunt, ad Caesarem oniDibus oopiis contendunt : liae erant 
 armatorum crciter miJia lx. Cicero data facuJta e 
 Galium ab eodem Verticono, quem supra demonstra- 
 vimus, repetit qui litteras ad Caesarem referat: hunc 
 admouet Iter caute diligenterque laeiat: perscribit lu 
 litteris, hostes ab se diseessisse omnemque ad eum mui- 
 titudinem conyert.sse. Quibus litteris circiter media 
 nocte Caesar allatis suos facit certiores, eosque ad dimi- 
 rnTirr-'''-^. confirmat: postero die luce prima movet 
 castra, et circiter mdia passuum quatuor progressus trans 
 
 !! r T^r"" ''' '""?^ multitudinem hosUum conspT 
 catur Erat magni periculi res cum tantis copiis iniquo 
 loco dunicare: tum quoniam obsidione liberatum Cice- 
 ronem sciebat, aequo auimo remitteudum de celeritate 
 
 perlectam] Of course this is the 
 letter, thouc'h the word to which it 
 directly refers is ' tnxfrula.' _' re- 
 citat:' this is the word commonly 
 used to express a reading of some- 
 thmgpi.blicly.— 'fumiincemliorum:' 
 this lias been explained to siirnify the 
 fires of Caesar's camp, hut it means 
 the blaze of the buildings and the 
 property of the enemy, bv which the 
 vindictive Roman signified his ap- 
 proach. Seeiv. 38, 'siccitates.' 
 
 4.9. hae'\ ' Haec,' some MSS. and 
 Kraner, who has also ' armata.' Schn. 
 has 'armatae.' 
 
 (tata facultnte] ' Having the op- 
 portunity,' but it is ambiguous. 
 Schneider supposes that tlic messen- 
 ger who went to Caesar had returned 
 and 'repetit' requires that explana- 
 tion. But then Caesar should have 
 said 'eundem Galium,' observes 
 Muller, and the ' opportunitv' must 
 be the 'opportunity' of 'sending 
 another, not the same, messenger 
 after the enemy had quitted the 
 blockade to march against Caesar. 
 
 It 18 also urged that Caesar has not 
 mentioned the return of Vertico's 
 messenger, that the return is in itself 
 improbable, and that Caesar sent his 
 ovyn letter by another man. AH 
 this is easily answered. The slave 
 would go back to his master to get 
 his reward (c. 4,5), and he had the 
 onpoitumty of returning when the 
 blockade was raised ; and when the 
 blockade was raised, he could be sent 
 again to Caesar. 
 
 omnem . . . nuiltiiudviem] These 
 
 are accusatives after ' convertisse.' 
 QniUs . . . Caesar allatis] Schn 
 
 compares the similar position of 
 Caesar' in ii. 11.—' cum tantis:' 
 tantulis, some MSS. and Kraner 
 
 which of course means Caesar's 
 small force.' 
 ammo] « Re strengthens them in 
 
 their resolution;' as in Bell. Civ. ii 
 
 4, "rursusque se ad confligendum 
 
 ammo confirmant." 
 
 . «^7««/''/»»/o] All the MSS. liave 
 annuo, and most of them ' aeono 
 
 or 'equo.' Elb., following Ouden- 
 
 I 
 
 
 LIBER V. 
 
 2G5 
 
 existimabat. Consedit, et quam aequissimo potest loco 
 castra communit, atque haec etsi eraut exigua per se, 
 vix bominum milium vii, praesertim nuUis cum impedi- 
 mentia, tamen anguatiis viarum quam maxime potest 
 contrahit, eo consilio ut in summam contemptionera 
 bostibus veniat. Interim speculatoribus in omnes partes 
 dimissis explorat quo commodissime itinera vallem 
 transire possit. 
 
 50. Eo die parvulis equestribus proeliis ad aquam 
 factis utrique sese suo loco continent ; Galli, quod am- 
 pliores copias, quae nondum convenerant, exspectabant ; 
 Caesar, si forte timoris simulatione bostes in suum locum 
 elicere posset, ut citra vallem pro castris proelio con- 
 tenderet ; si id efficere non posset, ut exploratis itineribus 
 minore cum periculo vallem rivumque transiret. Prima 
 luce hostium equitatus ad castra accedit proeliumque cum 
 nostris equitibus committit. Caesar consulto equites 
 cedere seque in castra recipere jubet ; simul ex omnibus 
 partibus castra altiore vallo uiuniri portasque obstrui 
 atque in bis administrandis rebus quam maxime con- 
 cursari et cum simulatione agi timoris jubet. 
 
 51. Quibus omnibus rebus bostes invitati copias trans- 
 ducunt aciemque iniquo loco constituuut ; nostris vero 
 etiam de vallo deductis propius accedunt et tela intra 
 munitionem ex omnibus partibus conjiciunt ; praeconi- 
 busque circummissis pronunciari jubent, sen quis Gallus 
 sen Komanus velit ante horam tertiam ad se transire, 
 sine periculo licere ; post id tempus non fore potestatem : 
 ac sic nostros contempserunt ut obstructis in speciem 
 
 dorp and others, has ' eoque omnino 
 . . . existimabat, consedit,' &c. 
 Cicero's being released from the 
 blockade was no reason why Caesar 
 should slacken his march. Caesar 
 says that it was dangerous to fight 
 the enemy on such ground, and he 
 could not move on without fighting. 
 He was therefore compelled to halt. 
 But besides this (' tum '), as he knew 
 that Cicero was released from the 
 blockade, he thought that he ought 
 to be well satisfied (' aequo animo'), 
 to be contei't., tiiat he hud to remit 
 
 the rapidity of his march. The only 
 objection to the reading in the text 
 is the apparent abruptness of 'con- 
 sedit ' without ' itaque ' or some such 
 word. 
 
 contrahit] He contracts his camp 
 by making the 'viae,' or passages 
 in it, as narrow as he could. See 
 vii. 40. 
 
 50. concursari] He orders his 
 men to hurry about the camp, a sign 
 of alarm. See i. 47, note. 
 
 51. in speciem] The gates of the 
 camp were closed uf. with single 
 
266 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 portis singulis ordinibus cespitum, quod ea non posse 
 mtrorumpere videbantur, alii vallum manu scindere, alii 
 fossas complere inciperent. Turn Caesar omnibus portis 
 eruptione facta equitatuque emisso celeriter hostes in fu- 
 gam dat sic uti omnino pugnandi causa resisteret nemo ; 
 magnumque ex iis numerum occidit atque omnes armis 
 exuit. 
 
 ^ 52. Longius prosequi veritus, quod silvae paludesque 
 mtercedebant, neque etiam parvulo detrimento illorura 
 locum rehnqui videbat, omnibus suis incolumibus copiis 
 eodem die ad Ciceronem pervenit. Institutas turres, 
 testudmes munitionesque hostium admiratur: producta 
 iegione cognoscit non decimum quemque esse relictum 
 mihtem sine vulnere. Ex his omnibus judicat rebus 
 quanto cum periculo et quanta cum virtute res sint ad- 
 ministratae: Ciceronem pro ejus merito legionemque 
 collaudat: centuriones siugillatim tribunosque militura 
 appellat, quorum egregiam fuisse virtutem testimonio 
 Ciceronis cognoverat. Be casu Sabini et Cottae certius 
 ex captivis cognoscit. Postero die contione habita rem 
 gestam proponit, milites consolatur et confirmat: quod 
 
 rows of turf, but only for a show or 
 pretext, for the apparent barrier was 
 easily thrown down when the Ro- 
 mans rushed out. This deceived the 
 enemy : ' as they thought that they 
 could not force their way into the 
 camp by the gates {' ea '), some began 
 to tear down the vallum with their 
 hands, and others to till up the 
 ditch,' various parts of the ditch. 
 
 fossas] See iv. 38.—' armis exuit :' 
 Bee iii. 16. 
 
 52. nec/tie . . . illorum] ' illorum ' is 
 the reading of the best MSS. Some 
 have ' ilium.' As to leaving the 
 place, Caesar must do that in order 
 to get to the camp of Cicero. There 
 is no sense therefore in 'ilium.' The 
 meaning is that he was afraid to fol- 
 low the enemy, because he must pass 
 through woods and marshes ; ' and 
 he did not see that room was left 
 even for any small amount of da- 
 mage to be done to the enemy.' 
 He could do them no harm by fol- 
 
 lowing them. See vi. 42, " ne ml- 
 nimo quidem casu locum relinqui," 
 &c.— ' relictum :' ' reliquum,' Schn., 
 who compares i. 12, " quartam vero 
 partem . . . reliquam esse." 
 
 Ciceronem . . . collaudat] Cicero 
 deserved the commander's praise, 
 and Caesar has given him his due.' 
 But Caesar also wished to please 
 Quintus' brother Marcus Cicero, and 
 to keep Marcus in his interest at 
 Rome. Marcus' letters to his bro- 
 ther (Ad Q. Fr. lib. iii.) show how 
 he stood to Caesar in b.c. 54. 
 
 rem—proponit] He had learned 
 all about Sabinus and Cotta. This 
 seems to be what he told the legion 
 of Cicero : * he tells them all that 
 had happened' to these two men, 
 and probably, as it seems, what he 
 had done himself on his march ; for 
 we may collect this from what fol- 
 
 l?.^^^..^V *° 'proponit,' Bce i. 17, 
 20; m. 18; and vi. U. * 
 
 
 LIHEK Y. 
 
 267 
 
 detrimentum culpa et temeritate legati sit acceptum, hoc 
 aequiore animo ferendum docet, quod, beneficio deorum 
 immortalium et virtute eorum expiato incommodo, neque 
 hostibus diutina laetatio neque ipsis longior dolor relin- 
 quatur. 
 
 53. Interim ad Labienum per Bemos incredibili celeri- 
 tate de victoria Caesaris fama perfertur, ut, quura ab 
 hibernis Ciceronis milia passuum abesset circiter lx, 
 eoque post horam nonam diei Caesar pervenisset, ante 
 mediam noctem ad portas castrorum clamor oriretur, 
 quo clamore significatio victoriae gratulatioque ab Remis 
 Labieno fieret. Hac fama ad Treviros perlata Inducio- 
 marus, qui postero die castra Labieni oppugnare decre- 
 verat, noctu profugit copiasque omnes in Treviros reducit. 
 Caesar Fabium cum sua Iegione remittit in hiberna, ipse 
 cum III legionibus circum Samarobrivam trinis hibernis 
 hiemare constituit ; et quod tanti motus Galliae exstite- 
 rant, totam hiemem ipse ad exercitum manere decrevit. 
 Nam illo incommodo de Sabini morte perlato, omnes fere 
 
 legati^ lie means Sabinus. 
 
 hoc — quod] ' They must for this 
 reason ('hoc') be the more content 
 to bear what had happened, that or 
 because.' ' Hoc ' is the ablative, and 
 ' quod ' &c. expounds what it is. See 
 i. 2. 32, ' hoc . . . quod ;' so ' ea de 
 causa ' is followed by ' quod,' iii. 17 ; 
 iv. 30. So we have ' eo . . . quod,' 
 i. 23; iii. 12, 13. 
 
 53. per Remos] By the Remi ; 
 ' by means of the Remi,' as we say. 
 Compare iv. 21, 'per mercatores. 
 Labienus was in the country of the 
 Remi (c. 24). Or it may mean 
 ' through the country of the Remi.' 
 
 oriretur] Schneider has 'oreretur;' 
 but in vi. 9, 'oriretuu' The M8S. 
 aie no great authority in these mat- 
 ters. This verb belongs to the forms 
 which are a mixture of the third and 
 fourth conjugations, such as 'cap-ere.' 
 
 • Cap-ere ' has ' caperetur' in the 
 passive form ; and we may have 
 
 * or-cretur.' The form of the in- 
 finitive ' ori-ri ' docs not help to de- 
 termine the question, for that is a 
 form of the fourth conjugation, and 
 
 is a compound of 
 see by the forms 
 
 the verb ' orior 
 the two, as we 
 ' ortus ' and ' ori-untur.' 
 
 quo— -fieret] This must not be ex- 
 plained by any such ellipsis as ' tan to 
 clamore ut eo clamore,' &c. It is the 
 ordinary use of the subjunctive. If 
 Caesar had said ' fiebat,' he would 
 have said, ' a shout by which the 
 intelligence of the victory was con- 
 veyed.' But he says, ' a shout arose, 
 such a shout as to convey to Labie- 
 nus the news and the rejoicing for a 
 victory.' 
 
 Fabium — remittit] See cc. 24 and 
 47. 
 
 ctim in legionibus] The two le- 
 gions which Caesar brought with 
 him and the legion of Cicero. Caesar 
 took all his troops out of the country 
 of the Nervii. — ' ad exercitum :' see 
 i. 31 ; vi. 38. 
 
 trinis hibernis] These distributive 
 numerals are often used with nouns 
 which are not used in the singular 
 number. See i. 53, note. 
 
 incommodo] A usual word. See 
 c. 52, and i. 13 ; vii. 14. 
 
2G8 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 Gnlliae civlfcates de bello consultabant, nuncios le<Tati'i> 
 nesque in omnes partes dimittebant, et quid reliqufcou- 
 eihi caperent atque unde initium belli fieret explorabant 
 nocturnaque in locis desertis consilia habebant. Neque 
 ullum fere totius hiemis tempus sine sollicitudine Cae- 
 saris intercessit, quin aliquem de conciliis ac motu Gal- 
 Jorum nuncium acciperet. In his ab L. Roscio legato 
 quern legioni xiii praefecerat, certior est factus magnas 
 Gallorum copias earum civitatum, quae Armoricae appel- 
 Jantur, oppugnandi sui causa convenisse, neque loncrjua 
 rnilia passuum viir ab hibernis siiis abfuisse; sed nuncio 
 allato de victoria Caesaris discessisse adeo ut fun^ae similis 
 discessus videretur. ° 
 
 54. At Caesar principibus cujusque civitatis ad se evo- 
 catis, alias territando, quum se scire quae fierent denun- 
 ciaret, alias cohortando, magnam partem Galliae in officio 
 tenuit. Tamen Senones, quae est civitas in primis firma 
 et magnae inter Gallos auctoritatis, Cavarinum quern 
 Caesar apud eos regem constituerat, cujus frater Mori- 
 tasgus adventu in Galliam Caesaris cujusque majores 
 regnum obtinuerant, interficere publico consilio conati 
 
 rehqui] Comp. iii. 24, "quid 
 hostcs consilii caperent." The states 
 of Gallia, which were deliberating 
 about war, ' endeavoured to ascer- 
 tain what resolution the rest of the 
 Oalli were taking.' 'Reliqui' has 
 been taken to be the genitive singu- 
 iar, which is a mistake. 
 
 Ifi /lis] ' Among the reports that 
 reached him.' — ' Armoricae :' see 
 Introd. p. 3, and vii. 75; viii. 31. 
 
 legato] Schneider has ' quaestore.' 
 See c. 25, note. Kraner has neither 
 word. 
 
 loTifjius vnfia] Theie are also the 
 readings 'milium,' 'millibus,' and 
 |milibus.' See i. 22, ' longius ' &c. ; 
 i. 38. note on ' amplius.' 
 
 adeo] We must not supply any 
 adverb with 'adeo.' A man can 
 move off slowly or hastily. These 
 people made their retreat, not slowly, 
 hut so far, to that degree, as to seem' 
 like a flight. Whatever difficulty 
 there may be iu the translation, the 
 
 Latin usage is clear, as Schneider 
 shows by various examples: Bell 
 Civ. i. 80; iii. 15. 58. ' Usque eo,' 
 in B. G. vi. 37, is like it. If 
 we translate 'discessisse adeo,' &c., 
 ' made their retreat erew to its havina 
 the appearance of a flight,' we obtain 
 the meaning of 'adeo' as equivalent 
 to ' even,' a word that augments the 
 expression ; and such a use is very 
 common in Cicero. See c. 54, ' idque 
 adeo.' 
 
 54. alias — alias] In the same sense 
 as in c. 57; which may be worth 
 noting, as some have made * alias ' 
 agree with ' civitates ' understood. 
 
 Senones, quae est civitas ] See i i . 1 , 
 note.— ' flrma :' see i. 3, 'firmissi- 
 mos.' 
 
 pnhlico consilio] By a resolution 
 or determination of the people, or of 
 those, the senate probably, who may 
 be taken as the public. They were 
 going to condemn him formallv; 
 not to assassinate Lim like i'asgeti'm 
 
 LIBER T. 
 
 2G9 
 
 quum ille praesensisset ac profugisset, usque ad finea 
 insecuti regno domoque expulerunt ; et missis ad Cae- 
 sarem satisfaciendi causa legatis, quum is omnem ad se 
 senatum venire jussisset, dicto audientes non fuerunt. 
 Tantum apud homines barbaros valuit esse aliquos 
 repertos principes inferendi belli, tantamque omnibus 
 voluntatum commutationem attulit, ut praeter Aeduos et 
 Remos quos praecipuo semper honore Caesar habuit, 
 alteros pro vetere ac perpetua erga populum Romanum 
 fide, alteros pro recentibus Gallici belli officiis, nulla fere 
 civitas fuerit non suspecta nobis. Idque adeo baud scio 
 
 (c. 25). — 'dicto audientes :' see Ci- 
 rero, Verr. ii. 5, c. 32, and B. G. i. 
 39. 
 
 Tantum opud ^c] The nomina- 
 tive to 'valuit' is ' esse aliquos,' &c.; 
 and the ' principes belli,' &c. are 
 those who set the example of a hos- 
 tile movement, as Livy (xl. 53) says, 
 " principes et anctores transcendendi 
 Alpes." The omission of an ' and' 
 at the beginning of this sentence 
 somewhat obs< ures the meaning; 
 for it seems at first to mean, ' such 
 was the effect upon barbarians of 
 some being found to set the example 
 of a hostile movement ;' as if the 
 Senones were following the example 
 of others, as the Kburones and 
 Nervii. But the words 'tantum,' 
 &c., cannot be separated from ' tan- 
 tamque,' &c., and the 'ut' in 'ut 
 praeter,' &c., is the correlative of 
 ' tantum ' and ' tantam.' The ' prin- 
 cipes inferendi' are therefore the 
 Senones, who set an example which 
 the others followed. 
 
 Idque. adeo] ' Id ' refers to the pre- 
 ceding sentence. Cicero often uses 
 * id adeo ' ( Verr. ii. 4. c. 63, 64, and 
 5, c. 4). In none of these examples 
 is it easy to render the force of tiiis 
 word. I believe that in the passages 
 of Cicero it means ' so far;' and how 
 far this is, the context shows. One 
 of these passages in Cicero may help 
 to explain this (ii. 4, c. 63), " Id 
 adeo, judices, ut mihi ah illis de- 
 moDstratum est, sic vos ex nie cog- 
 
 noscite;" which seems to moan, 
 ' This (what he has just mentioned) 
 80 far, judices, as it was tohl to me 
 by them, so shall you learn from 
 me.' He could tell what he was told, 
 so far (' adeo'), neither more nor less. 
 Here Caesar means to say, 'and this 
 so far I am inclined to view as no- 
 tiiing surprising, both for many other 
 reasons, and mainly because^' &c. ; 
 where ' so far ' means, ' so far as he 
 gives reasons.' ' Hand scio' is gene- 
 rally followed by 'an,' in place of 
 which there is here " ne' after ' mi- 
 randum.' I have rendered this pas- 
 sage so as to express that Caesar was 
 not surprised at the uneasiness of 
 the Galli, and he manifestly means 
 to say this. But it is said that 'hand 
 scio an ' expresses an affirmative as 
 to what follows. Caesar, however, 
 does not mean to say this. If, then, 
 the text is right, this phrase ' hand 
 scio miranduinne ' is not the same 
 as ' baud scio an,' or ' nescio an.' I 
 think, iiowever, that ' baud scio an * 
 was used somewhat loosely ; and 
 Meyer remarks (Or. Rom. Frag. p. 
 235, 2nd ed.) that as the expression 
 is used both affirmatively and nega- 
 tively, it is not itself either aflfirma- 
 tive or nen;ative, but that the mean- 
 ing depends on the whole meaning of 
 the sentence. The reading of R, 
 Stephanus in this passage is ' miran- 
 dumne non sit.' 
 
 • Hand ' is not used indifl^erently 
 with ' non.' It is not a general nega- 
 
270 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 mirandumne sit, quum compluribus aliis de causis, turn 
 maxime quod ii qui virtute belli omnibus gentibus 
 praeferebantur tantum se ejus opinionis deperdidisse 
 ut a populo Romano imperia perferrent gravissime dole- 
 
 55. Treviri vero atque Induciomarus totlus hiemis 
 nullum tempus intermiserunt quin trans Ehenum legatoa 
 mitterent, civitates sollicitarent, pecunias pollicerentur, 
 magna parte exercitus nostri interfecta multo minorera 
 Buperesse dicerent partem. J^-eque tamen ulli civitati 
 (rermanorum persuaderi potuit ut Ehenum transiret 
 quum se bis expertos dicerent Ariovisti bello et Tench- 
 therorum transitu; non esse amplius fortunam tentan- 
 dam. Hac spe lapsus Induciomarus nihilo minus copias 
 cogere, exercere, a finitimis equos parare, exsules dam- 
 natosque tota Gallia magnis praemiis ad se allicere 
 coepit. Ac tantam sibi jam his rebus in Gallia auc- 
 toritatem coniparaverat ut undique ad eum legationes 
 concurrerent, gratiam atque amicitiam publico priva- 
 timque peterent. 
 
 6Q. Ubi iutellexit ultro ad se veniri, altera ex parte 
 
 Hon like ' non.' But it is very diffi- 
 cult to say what it ia. Herzog says 
 that it denies suhjectively, that^is, as 
 expressing the opinion of the subject 
 or person, and hence problematically. 
 
 complurilms — causis] He does not 
 say what causes ; but we know. He 
 required money and supplies from 
 the Galli. Caesar's Icf^ions were 
 eating the Galli up, and thev had 
 pood reason for getting rid of him. 
 (See ii. 1 ; v. 41.) 
 
 So. tenlandam ] * tentaturos : ' 
 Schn., Krancr. ' Expertos ' is used 
 absolutely, as in i. 44, ' they had 
 made the experiment twice.' Some 
 editions place (,) after 'transitu,' 
 and make 'non esse . . . tentandam' 
 riepend on ' expertos.' But it is non- 
 iense to say that they had twice 
 made the experiment, that they 
 ought not to try their fortune any 
 further. According to this way of 
 talking, they made the second e.\- 
 perimcut after having found by the 
 
 first that they ought not to try 
 again. 
 
 jam his rebus] This is a Roman 
 nicety of expression, by wliich an 
 emphasis is given to 'his rebus.' 
 Elb. has the bad reading 'jam iis 
 rebus.' Here we read of 'exsules 
 damnatosque,' exiles, emigrants, men 
 under sentence. The same history 
 is played over again in modem 
 times. 
 
 pnhlice (^'c] This means ' both 
 by states and individuals.' (See i. 
 16.) But 'legationes,' though the 
 grammatical subject of •peterent,' ig 
 not the real subject ; for it cannot 
 be said that embassies or deputations 
 came both on the nart of commu- 
 nities and individuals. It is a care- 
 less mode of wiitiiig, for Caesar 
 means that deputations came to him, 
 and boih communities and indivi- 
 duals sought his favour and friend- 
 shij). 
 
 56. ultro— veniri] He found that 
 
 LIBEE V. 
 
 271 
 
 Scnones Carnutesque conscientia facinoris instigari, altera 
 Nervios Aduatucosque bellum Eomanis parare, neque sibi 
 voluntariorum copias defore si ex linibus suis progredi 
 coepisset, armatum concilium indicit. Hoc more Gallorum 
 est initium belli, quo lege communi omnes puberes armati 
 convenire consuerunt : qui ex iis novissimus venit, in 
 conspectu multitudinis omnibus cruciatibus adfectus 
 necatur. In eo concilio Cingetorigem, alterius principem 
 factionis, generura suum, quem supra demonstravimus 
 Caesaris secutum fidem ab eo non discessisse, hostem 
 judicat bonaque ejus publicat. His rebus confectis in 
 concilio pronuuciat arcessitum se a Senonibus et Carnu- 
 tibus aliisque compluribus Galliae civitatibus, hue iter 
 facturum per fines liemorum, eorumque agros popula- 
 turum, ac prius quam id faciat Labieni castra oppugna- 
 turum. Quae fieri velit praecipit. 
 ^ 57. Labienus, quum et loci iiatura et raanu muni- 
 tissimis castris sese teneret, de suo ac legionis periculo 
 nihil timebat : ne quam occasionem rei bene gerendae 
 dimitteret cogitabat. Itaque a Cingetorige atque ejus 
 propinquis oratione Induciomari cognita quam in concilio 
 habuerat, nuncios mittit ad finitimas civitates equitesque 
 undique evocat : his certura diem conveniendi dicit. In- 
 terim prope quotidie cum omni equitatu Induciomarus 
 sub castris ejus vagabatur, alias ut situm castrorum cog- 
 nosceret, alias colloquendi aut territandi causa : equites 
 plerumque omnes tela intra vallum conjiciebant. Labienus 
 
 people were even coming to him ; 
 thev did not wait to be invited. 
 
 Hoc more Gallorum] See Livy xxi. 
 0. 20. — ' venit :' the perfect. 
 
 publicat] 'He declares him an 
 enemy, and all his property forfeited 
 to the state.' This is a Roman ex- 
 pression, to declare a man an enemy 
 (' hostis'), and his property forfeited ; 
 as in a letter of Tlancus to Cicero 
 (Ad Div. X. 21), " hostibus denique 
 omnibus judicatis bonisque publica- 
 tis." 'Publicare' means to make 
 private property become public pro- 
 perty. — 'iter facturum:' ' iturum,' 
 Schn., Krauer. 
 
 57. natura et manu] The same 
 as ' natura et opere,' c. 9. 
 
 diem — dicit] This is a Roman 
 forensic term ; and it was also usea 
 when a time was fixed by some per- 
 son or persons in authority. Con)p. 
 i. 6. — ' sub castris :' compare ' sub 
 vallo,' c. 43. 
 
 equites — omnes] He says ' the 
 cavalry;' but 'all' is qualified by 
 'plerumque,' which means '■nearly 
 all.' Kraner says that ' plerumque ' 
 must be connected with ' cojijicie- 
 bant ;' and he compares vii. 84, 
 " omnia enim plerumque " &c. 
 
272 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 suo«^ intra munitiones contiuebat timorisque opinionem 
 qiiibuscumque poterat rebus augebat. 
 
 58. Qiium niajore in dies contemptione Induciomarua 
 ad castra accederet, nocte una intromissis equitibus 
 omnium finitimarum civitatum quos arcessendos cura- 
 verat, tanta dih'nrentia omnes suos custodiis intra castra 
 coutinuit ut nulla ratione ea res enunciari aut ad Tre- 
 viros perferri posset. Interim ex eonsuetudine quotidiana 
 Induciomarus ad castra accedit atque ibi magnam partem 
 diei consumit; equites tela conjiciunt et magna cum 
 contumeha verborum nostros ad pugnam evocant ; nullo 
 ab nostris dato response, ubi visum est sub vesperum 
 diapersi ac diasipati discedunt. Subito Labienus duabus 
 portis omnem equitatum emittit ; praecipit atque inter- 
 dicit, perterritis hostibus atque in fugam conjectis, quod 
 tore sicut accidit videbat, unum omnes petant Inducio- 
 marum, neu quis quem prius vulneret quam ilium inter- 
 fectum viderit, quod mora reliquorum spatium nactum 
 Ilium eifugere nolebat : magna proponit iis qui occiderint 
 praemia: submittit coliortes equitibus subsidio. Com- 
 probat homnns consilium fortuna, et quum unum omnes 
 peterent, in ipso fluminis vado depreheusus Induciomarus 
 
 58. nocte una'] In c. 45, Caesar 
 has "unus intus Ncrvius." This 
 passage may mean, as Kraner savs, 
 'in one night,' 'in a single niglit.' 
 Some critics take 'una' to he equi- 
 valent to ' quadam,' as in ii. 25. 
 
 suh vesperum] See ii. 33. 
 
 pruecipit—interdicit] Here there 
 IS a clause which contains a positive 
 order, to which we may refer 'prae- 
 cipit,' and another clause which con- 
 ^nins a negative order, to whicli we 
 may refer ' interdicit.' In v. 22, the 
 use of 'interdicit atque imperat' is 
 not so clear. 
 
 perterritis] ' Protcrritis,' Elb., 
 bchneider. — ' petant : ' ' peterent,' 
 Schn. 
 
 mora reUfiuonim] This seems to 
 mean ' by the dclav which the rrst 
 \vould cause; if the Romans lost 
 their time in killing them. 
 
 hominis] Caesar has usc>J 'homi- 
 
 nem l)efore (v. 7). Cicero some- 
 times uses it where he might have 
 used the pronoun. In v. 7, some 
 have supposed that there is contempt 
 expressed by 'homiiiem,' but that 
 explanation will not suit either that 
 passage or tliis. Schneider remarks 
 that ' homo' directs attention to the 
 character of the person ; to the ob- 
 stinate resolution of Dumnorix in v. 
 7, and to the prudence of Labienus 
 here. So it is in Cicero. He fie- 
 quently uses ' homo ' in this emphatic 
 way, which may ex{)ress either praise 
 or blame according to the context 
 He savs of Caesar (Ad Div. vii. 17), 
 "hominis libeialitatem Kicrcdih»' 
 lem." See De Prov. Cons. c. 
 
 11, and 20. Pro KcgQ Deiotaro, 
 c. Jl. 
 
 ipso] He was caught just as he 
 was fording a river: he was very 
 near making his escape. Caesar does 
 
 LIBEE V. 
 
 273 
 
 mterfieitiir, caputque ejus refertur in castra : redeuntes 
 equites quos possunt consectantur atque occidunt. Hac 
 re cognita omnes Eburonum et Nerviorum quae conve- 
 nerant copiae discedunt ; paulloque habuit post id factum 
 Caesar quiet iorem Galliam. 
 
 not mention the name of the river; of the branches, as we mav infei 
 and it was immaterial for his pur- from the position of the Renii and 
 [I0J2. It was either the Maas or one the Treviri. 
 
NOTE 
 
 ON 
 
 CAESAirs BEITISII EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 Brit.hf ,n.U?o . ^'" .'-'^^^ "^'T' *''" ^^""'^ ^-^^'-^ Caesar landed fn 
 tl.Vr . n I 'Attempts have been made to trace Lis niarch in the island. All 
 that ^.e know of h.s man-l, is, tl.at I.e crossed a small river a few miles from 
 i wTf "11? ^'% r^*^^^'' ''^"'' thut he crossed the Thames at a pk e vl ore 
 Jt was fordable. The name of the small river may be ascertained fiv« 
 can find out where he lan<led ; and though the pL^wSTe crossed 
 the 1 hanjes .s not known, a fair guess may be made. His course beU^en 
 
 "turd?;- "j^nr; ^r^^"'-'^^^ r'^ ^"'' ^^-"^»--n that"n"Vberon 
 jecruica (v. j» note). However, he gives us ne ther direction tim^ nnr 
 distances, in his n,arch into the island, exre.t one distance of eightv Roman 
 •s"^l"ofT'"?l'r"r"?n''T;-'^'^ '--^i^^-P'-e on the coast to- the pas- 
 
 CWsSiticfn V^"f^^«"r^^ to explain Dr. Hallev's account of 
 m Xnnf^f^ « r- , ".'^"«y <^"dcavoured to show that he landed at Deal 
 oi about he Sandwich flats, but he was mistaken about the direction of the 
 .de on that part of the Kentish coast; and I followed him knowing no 
 better. I have no^y got al the facts together that are neccWaiv for^he 
 decerm.nat.on of tins question; and I still maintain that Caesar fanded at 
 Dca, and could land no where else. Anv man's opinion, however on such 
 a subjec ,s unimportant. The evidence' must decide tl e question and I 
 
 Wn n'" 1 ' i '""rf' ^ '^'■'" ? '° '-^"^'^^ '' unnecessarv to\e done ag^In 
 nncn ail tl.e facts are stated, any person of ordinarv understandin-ma; 
 judge whether Caesar landed at D.al or at some other'place A fe v llS 
 
 make the stateinont complete. ^'*- i». v., lo 
 
 Strabo, who w.ote in tl>e time of Anmistus and Tiberius followed 
 
 uTJ u'^ ^r'^'^T' "^ *''^ •'^^'^^""^ «^ ^'^^I'i- '-^n^ Britain. He m,h 
 ave collected something new from the traders of his time and even f om 
 e I mons whom he saw in Rome; but the Roman armie 'had not vis ted 
 linta n again when he wrote. Strabo (p. ]J)<)) observes that there were 
 four lines of rans:t from Gallia to B itain, which were generaUy used 
 The most northern passage was " from the country of the Mor"ni n wl ieh 
 country is Portus Itn.s (ro'Ir-o.), which Caesar used L his hi ,s a ion 
 when be passed over to the island:" he adds, -he sailed bvi'^d't and 
 came to land the next day about the fourth hou;," bavin'i nllia io a^^^^^^^ 
 .320 stadia; or forty Roman miles. Eustathius in his ConTnicntar' 'on^ the 
 Periegesis of Dionysius (v. 56fi) follows Strabo in his arcoum of Caesar's 
 invasion ; but in his text the length of the nissiire i, q M) "tl '.; ° a 
 panson of Strabo with Caesar shows that StrSXs"n*rdI nguish^nrt^ 
 t^o expeditions, though he knew that Caesar visited the island twice' But 
 
 XOTES. 
 
 275 
 
 he evidently supposes only one place of embarkation, at Itius in the country 
 of the Morini ; and so far he is right. The Morini were the coast people'; 
 their neighboui-s on the north were the Menapii. On the south alone the 
 coast were the Ambiani, and the Caleti (Pavs de Caux) on the nortli" side 
 of the outlet of the Seine. 
 
 In the latter part of the summer of B.C. 55, Caesar determined to invade 
 Britain (B. G. iv. "20), because the (Jalli had received ai<l from the island 
 in their wars with Caesar. Britain was visited by traders (' mertatores'), 
 and Caesar got as many of them together as he could to make inquiries 
 about the island and the ports. But the traders told him nothing, or next 
 to nothing. Accordingly, Caesar sent forward C. Volusenus with a ship of 
 war to examine the coast of Britain ; and he brought all his forces from the 
 Riiine, fresii from their German expedition, into the country of the Morini, 
 "because the passage from that country to Britain was the shortest " (iv, 
 21, 'in Morinos proficiscitur,' &c.). He not only advanced towards the 
 country of the Morini, but he entered it and came to the coast of tho 
 Morini; for he had ordered his ships to be collected ('hue,' that is, in 
 Morinos) in the country of the Morini. A^olusenus did not land in Britain. 
 He returned to Caesar on the fifth day and reported what he had seen. 
 While Caesar was staying in these part's (iv. 22) getting his ships ready, 
 ambassadors came to him frr)m a large part of the Morini to make excus^es 
 for their former f^ehaviour (iii. 2i), 29), and to j)romise obedience for the 
 future. Caes«ar had ravaged part of their country the year before, and lie 
 was now among them with all his force. The Morini gave him hostancs, 
 and were ackni.whdged as friends. Caesar considered this a lucky affair^ 
 as he did not wish to leave an enemy at his back. However, before he set 
 sail he sent two of his legati with that part of his army which was not 
 designed for the British expedition, to pay the Menapii a visit, and also 
 those pagi of the Morini which had not sent ambassadors to him. At'er 
 this he sailed for Britain (iv. 23) near tlie end of the month of August. He 
 does not say where he sailed from, except that it was from the country of thfl 
 Morini, frotn which country was the shortest cut to Britain. On his 
 return he also landed in the country of the Morini (iv. 37). 
 
 The position of the Morini is iiulicated by the fact of their position with 
 reference to Britain. The part of the French coast from which there is the 
 shortest passage to Britain, lies between Boulogne and Calais. Boulogne 
 (Gesoriacum) was in the territory of the Morini. which extended north at 
 least to Gravelines, and probably further. We do not know how far soutli 
 the Morini extended. The Ambiani, the next peojde to them on the south, 
 were on the Somme, and as the territory of the Ambiani seems to have ex- 
 tended to the sea, it is a fair conclusion that they had all the lower basin of 
 the river Somme. 
 
 In his first expedition Caesar had his ships in two pla^'es. which were 
 *ight Roman miles apart (iv. 22). He gives no name to the port from 
 \yhich he sailed, nor does be give a name to the other j)ort : he only calls it 
 the 'ulterior portus,' or 'superior portus' (iv. 23. 28). bv which lie means 
 that it was further to the east than the port from which he sailed. He 
 had a fair wind for the Knglish coast, but the same wind was unfavourable 
 for the eighteen shi})s in the other port coming to join him in the port 
 from which he sailed (iv. 22). He sailed about midnight, and about luilf- 
 past eight the next morning, "with tiie first shi|)S he touched Britain," and 
 •Jiw all the hills covered with armed men. These hills were so steep and so 
 near the sea, that a missile could be thrown from the higher parts upon the 
 •bore. Not liking his landing-place, he waited at anchor for the rest 
 ♦f his ships to the ninth hour, which at that season would be about 
 
 T 2 
 
27G 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 three, P.M. In tlie mean time he called together his officers, toid them of 
 the information that he had got from Volusenus, and explained what he 
 wished to be done. It seems that he knew where he was going to land. 
 Ihon Cassius (?>9, c. 51), an authority of no value in such" matters, saya 
 that Caesar not being able to land where he ought to have done, sailed 
 round a piomontory and went to the other side: but which was the other 
 side he does not say. There is nothing about the promontory in Caesar, 
 though, if the place where I suppose that he Hrst touched land is rightly 
 determined, this fact about the promontory will appear to have been derived 
 from some genuine authority. At last, 'Miaving got wind and tide at the 
 same time favourable," he weighed anchor, and advancing about vii Roman 
 miles (VIII acciding to a few MSS.), he brought his ships to land 'on an 
 open and flat shore' (iv. 24); and here he got his men out, after a hard 
 nght with the natives. 
 
 On the fourth day after his arrival in Britain the eiglitcen ships 
 
 which had the cavalry on board se», sail from the ' superior portus ' 
 
 Iluy made the British coast (iv. 2tf), and were seen from the Roman 
 
 camp, but a sudden storm drove Ihem from their course: some got 
 
 back direct to the place from which thev had set sail, but " others 
 
 were carried to tlie lower part of the island, which is nearer to the setting 
 
 of the sun" However, these ships also got safe back to the continent. 
 
 J he " lower part of the island " is the south part. In the fifth book (v. 13) 
 
 Caesar describes the island of Britain in general terms: 'one side is 
 
 opposite to Gallia; one angle of this side, which (angle) is at ("antium. to 
 
 which part most of the ships from Gallia come, looks to the rising sun the 
 
 lower angle looks to the south.' Caesar's camj) was in such a position "that 
 
 he could say that some of the eigiiteen ships were driven to the south and 
 
 the west. 
 
 On the same night, the night of the fourth day after Caesar's landing (iv 
 -!)) It happened to be full moon, * nd tliis day,' savs Caesar, ' makes tlie 
 hi-liest ti.ies in the Ocean.' 'I'his full moon, according to Dr. Ilalley and 
 others who have calculated it independently since his time, was on the nipht 
 of the 30th of August. Dr. Ilalley's conclusion is, that Caesar landed in 
 Britain on the 2bt!i of August; but the Roman expression, ' on the fourth 
 day, 13 ambiguous. The Romans sometimes reckoned inclusively and 
 sometimes not. There is no certain rule about this usage, and examples 
 are easily found of both ways of reckoning. If the day of landing is one 
 day, and the day of the full moon another, only two full davs intervened 
 between the landing and the full moon, and accordingly he landed on the 
 2rh of August. If wc do not admit that Caesar knew the exact time of 
 ttill moon, he could not be mistaken about the spring-tide, which happens 
 on the day after new and full moon. He may then have landed on the 28th 
 of August; but on one of these three days, about three in the afternoon 
 he moved from under the hills, with wind and tide, as he says, to bit 
 Janding-plaf e. 
 
 In Bc. 54 he came again with a large fleet. In the previous winter he 
 had new shins built and old ones repaired. The new ships were made lower 
 and wider than the ships used in the Mediteiranean, in order that they 
 might be easier to load and to haul up ashore (v. 1). AH the ships were 
 ordered to muster at Portus Itius (v. 2), «' from which port he had ascer- 
 tained that the passage to Britain was the most commodious, a distance of 
 aboiit XXX Kon.an miles from the continent." (See v. 2, and the note on 
 the text ) rbese words iiavc been interpreted two ways : they have been 
 used to prove that he di<l not sail from the Itius on his'first voyage, and to 
 I«rovc that he did. If he did not sail from tlie Itius on the first voyage ho 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 277 
 
 r; 
 
 i«i\^(^ from some place from which he thought that he should hjivc tht 
 shortest passa-e (iv. 21). The words just quoted may mean, tiiat ('aesar 
 after his first voyage, had ascertained in some way, which he dovs not 
 mention, that the* Itius was the best place to sail from, and bttter than the 
 other place from which he had sailed ; (.r they may mean, and this meaning 
 is most conformalile to tlie jilain sense of the Latin, that he had by his first 
 voyage found out that this was tlie best nlace to sail from, being about xxx 
 Roman miles from Britain. Thus wc learn how he knew that it was the 
 best port for his purpose, without being left to conjecture, according to the 
 other interpretation, by what means, unknown to us, he had found out a 
 better line of transit than that which he had tried. His first voyage w;i8 
 very lucky, and there was no reason to change his place of embarkation, 
 )aiticularly as he intended to land, and did land, at the place where he had 
 anded before. Besides this, when he speaks (v. 8) of his landing-place on 
 the second voyage, he says, ' qua optimum esse egrcssum superiore aestate 
 cognoverat;' the same form of expression that he uses in speaking of the 
 place of embarkation (v. 2), except that he docs not there use the words 
 * superiore aestate.' On the whole, the fair conclusion is that he sailed 
 from the Portus Itius on the first voyage, and bo Strabo understood the 
 matter. 
 
 In V. 2 he estimates his passage from the Itius at xxx Roman miles, or 
 about 28 English miles. There is no MSS. authority for reading xxxx, 
 or for any other reading than xxx. (See Lib. V. c. 2, note.) We must 
 therefore take the distance as we find it in the MSS. Whether we must 
 reckon xxx from the Itius to the nearest part of the British coast, or to 
 the landing-place, Caesar does not say. 
 
 In his second expedition Caesar had above 20,000 fi^'hting men, 2000 
 horsemen, and 800 ships and boats of all sizes. He was detained at Portus 
 Itius about twenty-five days by the ' corus ventus,' a wind which blows 
 ' ab occasu solstitiali ' (Pliny, ii. 47). This is about w.N.w. ; or we may 
 erhaps assume, tha; as there were two points between west (Zcphyrus or 
 j'avonius) and north (Septemtrio), these two points divided the quadrant 
 into three equal parts. If this is so. Corus is nearer N.w. by w. than 
 w.N.w. At last he set sail about sunset with a moderate Africus, a wind 
 which is south of west, and a point at the same distance from west that 
 Coras is on the north of west. Africus then is either about w.s.w. or not 
 
 far from S.W. by w. t • -nt l * 
 
 Geographers are not agreed about the position of Portus Itius. North of 
 the Seine Ptolemy (ii. 9, § 2) places the promontory Itium ("Iktioj/), which 
 it is agreed must be Grisnez, for there is no other striking point on this 
 coast north of the Seine. At Grisnez the coast, which runs nearly due 
 north from the mouth of the Somme, turns to the east ; but in Ptolemy 
 Itium is placed in the latitude of Gcsoriacum Navale or Boulogne, which 
 may be explained by supposing it to be one of the many blunders in 
 Ptolemy's geography of Gallia. But whether this promontory is rightly 
 identified or not is immaterial. Yet if we can trust the numbers in our 
 text of Ptolemy, his error in placing Itium in the parallel of Boulogne 
 instead of about eight miles further north is not very great, and we have 
 the position of Itium tolerably well fixed. It is generally assumed, and 
 the assumption is probable, that Portus Itius was near the promontory 
 Itium. But the position of Portus Itius is independent of the position of 
 Itium. The most southern position i that has been proposed for the Portus 
 
 ? 
 
 1 Mr. Airy has proposed another position for Portus Itius, the mouth of 
 the Somme, and he makes Caesar laud at Pcvcnsey His argument leada 
 
278 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 279 
 
 Itius is the mouth of the Canche, which De Valois recommends But the 
 
 tho iS i t^'^ /' ^^^^'-''-^^"'"^ l^"t thi3 place also is too far from 
 
 the Biitish coast. Camden supposed that Itius is Wissant, a small nl-ire 
 
 cot?::;\?'''r';' ""k^ ^^f."^"^^' --^"'^ ^^^"' ^'^^ "^'-^--^^t part or tie Fre n dt 
 coa t to the chfts about Dover and the South Foreland. Ea.st of W ss n 
 
 8 the sn.a 1 recess of Sangatte, the di.t.nce of which front Wissantcor-e- 
 sponds wuh the distance between Caesar's two ports (iv. 2'2). U he C^c ar 
 
 et out on his second expedition he left Labienis (v. 8) to protect the pms 
 (ut port us tueretur; . There was therefore one por at ^Ic^^ near !du 
 beidesltius; and this agrees with the mention of two ports in X fi " 
 
 ve, y Mdl with the number xxx, at least as well as anv other place. Hallev 
 
 Zi\ ""li ^' ""'"'' ^^"^'>J-'t<^"s<^ <»• Calais ; but it'cannot be Calais for 
 there IS no other port north of it at the proper distance. There is ?he 4p^ 
 objection to Ambletouse. In the middle aires, as Ducancre 8ho^^^ it «^! 
 usual to sa, from Wissant to Britain ; and Ducan.e and fibson h^w tha 
 
 SdVarH'^^V'T ''r'f'' of the voyage of Alfred, the b "h r ^f St 
 tduard fro.n England to France, calls the place Wissant, while another 
 
 thV S ntu ^V f ; '' "f ' '"'^tl'i^ *^ ^^'''^ t*> ^'^^ ^« the probability of 
 the Identity of lie two places. The Flemings still call it Isten and the 
 Fi-ench sailors Ksseu. Wiss^^nt was known tt the Romans, for the e are 
 the traces of a Roman road from this place to Therouenne. If ever there 
 was a small creek at Wissant, it has been sanded up. 
 
 Ihe beach of Wissant is no port at all; and it has been assumed that 
 this ,s an objection to the identiHcation of Itius and Wissant. Hut Caesar 
 d d not want a nort m the modern sense of the word. He wanted his slips 
 at he nearest pUce to Britain : the shortest passage was *,he best for m 
 
 he conl riV'^T' \r'\'^ ''' ^"^'^^"^ frorthe coast of the Morhii and 
 
 he ou d know where the shortest passage was. His vessels and boats would 
 
 .c hauled up on the beach till the wind'was fair. He had no no? onU e 
 
 torn rv'fn' "t '"l '""^"^ "P ^^li '''' ^'">^ ^'"'^ ^•-^- -^ 'alleged b a 
 6t., m V. 1 . Boulogne is a small port, and when the Romans were Mell 
 
 secured on this coast they made it a naval station. The shortcs dLt^nce 
 
 fm.n Boulogne to the coast of Britain the Romans estin ated at 50 Sp 
 
 \uZ tI I ^l-' '^'^ '' '''' '""^'^ ^'''^'" ^^^>"'o?"e to Dover ;r to 
 ki .bhn k'^ ^^'a"t''"e Itinei-ary makes it 450 sta.lia'from Gesoriacum to 
 Rahborough near Sandwich, and Dion Cassius ( xxxix. 50), when h^ ia 
 
 ainncxion'wir t'h? s" " ^''*' *'''' ,f^^' I''''''' ^^'"^ ^^^^ ^™^' ^ery close 
 onncxion wit the Somme ; secondly, that it was exterior to the country 
 of the Alonni. As to ' Hrst,' there is nothing at all in Caesar wh ch sK 
 "Z:X^"a:T\ 'f"^"^ i^ortus Itius'and the Somme 'anS t^ 
 i>ioiini ^is. Lj. IV. JI), though he docs not say so in direct terms Rut 
 Mh.namun says that he ' marches for' or ' {o wards tie co^ try of tl^ 
 Morini, becau.-e the m>Rn(m f,n,„ fi.,.,.„ *.. m..u..: .t , ^i^umry oi iiie 
 
 M «;.,: ^ L- . '"I'" '^"".tj "'""'loo.iuuis irom a arsre Dart ot tho 
 
 Morini came to h,m, there is only one conclusion, which is, tWhc wa3 
 
 spei'.king of Caesar's passage from tiie country of the Morini to Britain, 
 makes tJK) shortest distance 450 stadia. Dion seems to have used the 
 estimated measure from Boulogne to the usual landing-place on the Britisl: 
 coast, for, when he wrote. Boulo^rne had for a loi.g time been a Roman 
 naval station. Now, as D'Anville observes, if we take this stadium at 10 
 to the mile, as in this instance we probably ought to do, it will make a dis- 
 tance of 45 Roman miles from Boulogne to Richborough, which is toleral.ly 
 exact. Perhaps also Strabo's 320 stadia must be taken at the same rate, 
 and then the distance from the Itius to Britain is reduced to 32 Romau 
 miles, or even to 30, the number in Caesar's text, if wc take the reading 
 300 stadia, on the authority of the text of Eustaihius. The Em])eior 
 Claudius (Sueton. Claud, c'. 17) sailed from Boulogne ad. 43, when he 
 came to Britain (Dion Cassius, Ix. 21). 1 am not aware that the Romans 
 ever used any port south of Boulogne for the passage to our island. 
 
 The wind, W.S.W., or thereabouts, which Caesar had on his second 
 voyage failed him about midniglit. He did not hold his course ; and 
 being carried too far by the tide, at daybreak he saw Britain on his lelt 
 hand, and left beiiind (' sub sinistra Britanniam relictam,' v. 8). He was 
 drifted outside of the Goodwin sands, and he was off the Nortli Foreland, 
 probably several miles. There is no other possible explanation of this 
 passage.' Seeing where he was, he followed the change of the tide, and 
 rowed towards that part of Britain where he had landed the year before, and 
 he got to land about midday. We may infer from Caesar's brief description 
 that when he looked about him on this summer morning he could see 
 whereabouts his old landing-place was. If he was some miles off the North 
 Foreland, he could see the valley of the Stour between the Forelands. " It 
 is probable that the stream would not carry him further to the n e. than 
 this position (some miles off the North Foreland), from which the indraught 
 towards the Thames and W.S.W. direction of the Gull stream materially 
 assisted him in his progress towards Deal." (LieutenaHt Bui-stal.) 
 
 Whatever part of the French coast Caesar sailed from on his second 
 expedition, the position of his ships with respect to the island on the fol- 
 lowing meining shows that he could be in no other place than off the North 
 Foreland ; nor is tiiere any landing-place which he could reach from that 
 position and in that time which will agree with his description except the 
 Hat coast south of the Stour. 
 
 On his first voyage he appears to have anchored under the chalk cliffs 
 about Dover or South Foreland. There is no other high land on the Kenti.-^h 
 or east side of the island which corresponds to his description. When he 
 says that he got wind and tide favourable to carry him to his landing-place, 
 one would suppose that botli were favourable, and that both carried iiim in 
 the same direction, whatever that direction was. 
 
 Lieutenant Burstal observes, "that during the interval between 12h 
 40m. and Gh. 50m. p.m. of August the 27th, the stream was setting to the 
 westward, and therefore if he weighed anchor at 3^h. p.m.^, the stream was 
 
 ' We cannot fix the time exactly. Caesar reached the Kentish coast 
 * circiter hora quarta' (iv. 23), which probably means ' about the beginning 
 of the fourth hour.' It may perhaps mean 'some time in the fourtii hour.' 
 If it was at the beginning of the fourth hour, it was about half-past eight, 
 but the time may have been nine. He stayed at anchor till the ninth hour. 
 If he means the beginning of the ninth hour, it was about half-past two, 
 P.M. The ninth hour certainly had begun, and we may add lialf an hour 
 more to the reckoning, if we like, or a full huur, which will make it half- 
 past three. 
 
2S0 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 sett ng to the w.s.w ; but it is very possible that there was sufficient wir,d 
 for hni to n.akc good hoa- 1 -wav against the stream, as at that period of the 
 moon, four days before the full, the stream would not exceed H mile an 
 hour .1 his IS on the supposition that he wished to lai«.J near' Deal or 
 bandwirh, where in most cases it would be most practicable. But should 
 tne statement be literal.y coiTect that at 3^ p.m. the wind and tide we o 
 
 vT"!;n V?^ '"''"i^ ^^^'Y '^ '}"' conclusion that the wind was from the 
 .VE. and hat he sailed with wind and tide down channel to the westward 
 and landed on the first level beach, about 10 miles from the South Fo^- 
 land, or near the village of Sandgate." If it was the 28th on which he 
 eame under the ehffs off South Foreland, the tide was equally again t him 
 going north ; with w.ml and tide he must have gone towards SanVte. 
 
 H^itner then he had a wind sufficient to carry him to Deal, though the 
 tide was against him, and he was mistaken about the tide ; or he went 
 towards Sandgate; or he landed on some other part of the English coa"t 
 and not <- the coast of Keiit. But his camp L in Kent ofctrn! 
 .Lf\ 1 . f ' V "°''' .^""^ ^^' ^''^^^'-^ Cantium extended along the 
 
 Fori '';"f ;^-^V.f '''I' •^" 1 '* '' ''''''''} ^^•'^^ '' extended north to the North 
 Foreland (v. lA) It is also certain that he did not land at Sandgate. In 
 his second expedition attcr fixing on a site for a camp, he went inland 
 XII M P and came to a nver, on the opposite bank of which, on high 
 ground, the natives were posted. This river seems to be the Stou^ and the 
 west bank at Grove I^erry corresponds with the description. There is 
 nothing near Sandgate that corresponds ; nor does the country about San.l- 
 gate agree with Caesar's history. He chose a fit place for a camp. H s 
 camp was not on the coast. It was so far off that he did not know what 
 damage a storm had done to his ships in the night until he Mas told of it 
 the next morning v. 10). Water was necessary for his men, and he could 
 hnd It no where abundantly except on the Stour. He therefore probably 
 fixed his camp a little above Sandwich, about Richborough^, where the 
 nver would furnish him with water and protect one side of his camp. (See 
 the note on castra,' n 5.) After his ships were hauled ,ip, he united the 
 nava camp and the other camp by a line of defence, a very laborious work 
 ^1* P\ . u- ''""''^'"y between Deal and Richborough is in every respect 
 adapted to this purpose tor a line from Deal or thereabouts to Rich'boroueh 
 would protect Inm on the soi.tli, the Stour below Richborougl. would protect 
 him on the north, and the sea on the east. The countrv at the back of Deal is 
 level ami dry, and we 1 fitted for the movements of the British war chariots 
 (IV. 24). It IS a fertile com tract. The district about Eastry, Worth and 
 those parts contains some of the best wheat land in England: and Caesar 
 found an abundant supply of corn about his camp (iv. 31). We do not 
 know where Aulus Plautius, the next Roman general who invaded Britain 
 made his lamung; nor where the Emperor Claudius landed from Boulocrne* 
 Kichborough, one of the best preserved Roman inclosures in Britain wna 
 made a strong place by the Romans. Its position on the Stour and its 
 proximity to Deal seem to show that this coast was used for debarkation by 
 the Romans, fhere is none more convenient. The east coast of Kent was 
 the usual landing-place of the Oalli, as Caesar observes (v. 13): and tne 
 coast of Deal must have been well known to them. The Belgian invaders 
 of Britain, who preceded Caesar (n. 4; v. 12), may have landed here ; but 
 this 18 merely conjecture. ' 
 
 *v,i^-''K "vff ""f'l S^''.!" ?v^T ^"^^^o'-e^^ on ^''9 first Tovage were not 
 the high cliffs about South Foreland, ■ he ' mirifirae mole3,''the wondrou. 
 
 s See V. 10, note. This conjecture is not my own ; but I accept it. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 281 
 
 mountain barriers which Cicero mentions Ad Att. iv. 16, evidently on the 
 report of his biotlier or of Caesar, both of whom wrote to him from' Britain 
 (B.C. 54), I don't know where we are to look for them; nor is there any 
 landing-place, except Deal, which will correspond to the account of the 
 second voyage, or to the description of his fortified camps. The probable 
 place of embarkation, the distance across the Channel, the fact of the 
 eighteen ships being driven out of sight of the encampment to the south and 
 west, the circumstances of the second voyage, the river at xii m. P. distance, 
 the probable position of Caesar's camp and his lines, and the nature of the 
 country about Deal, all concur in pointing out Deal as his landing-place 
 There remains the difficulty about the tide, or the wind and the tide, on 
 his first voyage; and this difficulty cannot be removed \ 
 
 I am indebted to Captain Bullock, R.N., and Lieutenant Burstal, R.N., 
 for information as to the tides on the Kentish coast ; and I have quoted 
 two passages from a communication from Lieutenant Burstal. The opinion 
 of Captain Bullock 5 and Lieutenant Burstal is valuable, because they are 
 well acquainted with the Channel. Both these officers think that Deal is 
 Caesar's landing-place, which I do not state with the view of supporting an 
 opinion by authority, for I set no value on authority ; but simply because 
 it is the fact. Their opinion is founded on a written statement of mine, in 
 substance the same as this, but somewhat shorter. The statement contained 
 no assumption, except that Itius is Wissant. But it is immaterial to deter- 
 mine the name of the nlace where Caesar sailed from, if we give him credit 
 for telling the truth when he says that he looked for the shortest passage, 
 and that he found it to be about xxx m. p. ; thirty Roman miles to his 
 landing-place about Deal, as I now assume that he means to sa}-. 
 
 To obviate some possible objections, I add that whatever changes have 
 token place in the tract between the outlet of the Stour and the Isle of 
 Thanet, they do not affect the question of Caesar's landing. The fable 
 that Camden records of an island having existed in the middle ages where 
 the Goodwin sands now are, I reject without difficulty; nor, if an island 
 did exist there in Caesar's time, is that any objection to his narrative, for, 
 according to his practice, he would not mention it, because it did not affect 
 his operations in any way. 
 
 Since this note was printed, I have had a communication from H. L. 
 
 * Mr. Airy removes this difficulty by supposing that Caesar in his first 
 voyage made the British coast in the neighbourhood of St. Leonard's, near 
 Hastings, where " the tide, which a few miles from shore had turned to the 
 
 west at Uh., was at 3h. running in full stream to the west. The run of 
 
 eight miles would then bring him to the beach of Pevensey, answering per- 
 fectly to his description, probably the most favourable place for landing on 
 the whole coast of Britain, and famous in later times as the landing-place 
 of William the Conqueror." If Caesar's ships got under the high lands at 
 Hastings, the tide would have certainly carried him towards Pevensey; 
 but this conclusion made it necessary for Mr. Airy to assume that Caesar 
 sailed from the Somme or at least from some jdace not in the country of 
 the Moiini ; an assumption which he supports by a false interpretation of • 
 Caesar. I assent to Mr. Airy's general remark "that in everv one of the 
 discussions which I have seen, the investigator has been contented with 
 fixing upon some one indication contained in Caesar's account, and showing 
 that that one indication conforms to his theory, without any rec^ard to the 
 others." "^ 
 
 » See Captain Bullock's Man of the S. E. coast of England, Downs. 
 Surveyed lliiG. Hydrographical Office. 
 
282 
 
 Is^OTES. 
 
 Tonpr, Esq. of Farnham, Surrey, who has paid ereat attention to th« 
 gcograpny of Caesar His rennvrks on tl>e Po^us Itius, which le take, to 
 be VV issant, appeared ,n the Gentlenmn's Magazine for ScZtn^r 184« 
 He observes, hat Froissart speaks of it as a large town in 346 and tint 
 
 I'V r"' 'Y'r'^' 'Tl>' ^"•^'' '-^^ ^^^-^'l^^^t place for hauli"; up sh . 8 
 after Roman fashion. I ha\xj lost a letter from the fi-.rn^ ^«r,,? ' 
 receu-ed some years ago, whi, h. I believe!' ;u'gg!:s/:d tn HhatX hS 
 ^L I l^Tf'''''^ '^"^ '^^' of Caesar's camp, not his nava. camp Mr I ona 
 hinks that Caesar crossoo the F.ttle Stoul- at LittlehomneTmi the S.ou? 
 at Sturrey, twc.ve mi.es from Sandwich • because a ne o v ? itfl i 
 at east from Ickham and Wickham, must^rb:;;?: am ' n^^fe 
 
 Heigatc, wlijcl, will belter agree with the distance of ei-ht^ ° J B,?t 
 JJ^lsTf" " ^""' '"''""™^ '° "■^*« """"■■'<»' »<• Pfincipallj- in the 
 
 c::i'titi?;fi°fB^;."atr„x'^.a,?i'.i„r^°^ ">= --""" ^'-' 
 
 hn t\ ' ' ''"^ '^^ ''•"' described the place where he hmded^n Britain 
 am wish .^'''" "' name to it. Those who are curious about this maS 
 and wish to exercise their ingenuity without wasting their time sTo Id 
 
 hoi'""'"''-/'''? "^"'-^ ^'^ ^^""''^ ''^ *^'^ ^'•^"ch coast from which Cae«;ar could 
 question is from whirl, he did sail. I think it will L ,?lmi,.„'l k, i. , 
 
 whiciri^ s;V''° wKotVir ''h\"'sx;tm r IT'"",""" r' '"i i^r '^™■ 
 
 The names It-ius or Icc-ius, and Ouissant or Wissint hr^nr c^r, 
 
 Ji::^iM ^ oircp^^in^u^t^n^ii-^^-FX- ^" ^- 
 
 this ' Ou ' or ' W was a n.r of Z ^ F^'''' ^"^*'^" ^»"«^^°» «f it, if 
 -..take to suppose th^^ oS nrL:!^,;^?^ro?&::Xr^^^^ 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 283 
 
 meaning either white or sand. There is another Ouessant on another part 
 of the P rench coast, a small island, the old Gallic name of which is Uxant-i« 
 
 Tv'i^o ' e^'Jently the same name as the other Ouissant. 
 
 Uid Caesar know where he intended to land in Britain ? I think that he 
 iui. J eople were continually passing from one side to the other, and 
 though he says that he could not find any body to tell him what he wanted 
 
 ♦fnn r' l\r' ^''';"7 P?.''^^^^ *^^' ^^ '^^"'^ "''t have got some informa- 
 tion about the usual landing-places in Britain 
 
 hAL^^ rf I'^V*"^ coast of Kent under the high cliffs, it is possible thai 
 he intended to land at Dover or Folkestone, and was only prevented by 
 seeing the enemy on the heights; but I doubt if he chose ^uch a landing- 
 place. However as he could not land under the cliffs, he had to look for 
 another place, either to the north or the south, and he availed himself of 
 Vo usenus information, whatever it might be. Volusenus had seen at 
 least some part of the Kentish coast in his four days' absence (iv. 21). 
 
 f^aesar did land the same day, and on an open coast seven or ci-ht miles 
 from the p ace where he came under the high cliffs. He landed therefore 
 either on (he lejel coast between Walmer and the river Stour, or he went 
 down towanis Romney Marsh and landed about the site of Lvmpne near 
 Hy tlie. as some suppose. ' ^ 
 
 Caesar was eight or nine hours in crossing. Some of his ships were much 
 longer about it ; and so much longer that we cannot suppose that they 
 sailed when he did. Thej. did however join him while he was waiting for 
 them a anchor on the Kentish coast, and we may assume that the wind 
 Which had been favourable to Caesar was favourable to the other ships 
 
 find him ""^ '° "'"'"^ ^'°"'' *^^^'' ^'"'' """^ ''^''' '^^^ ^^'^y ^"^'^ ^''^'"^ '« 
 If Caesar knew where he was going to, and if he was going to Romney 
 Marsh why did he not stop there on his road instead of going on to 
 Folkestone or Dover or the South Foreland.? It was broad daj light at 
 least four hours before he came under the cliffs, and he could see his wav 
 Jf he was going further north than Fo'kfttone or Dover, we can understand 
 Why he anchored under the cliffs to wait for his ships. 
 
 Caesar says that he was at anchor under the cliffs from about eight and 
 a half or nine in the morning till about half-past two or three in the after- 
 noon. It was high water off Dover on the 27th of August about half-r^t 
 seven, and as Caesar waited there till half-past two or till three, he saw'tho 
 water on the coast fall to its lowest, and he saw it rise again. The water 
 had been rising about an hour and a half before he set sail. When he 
 moved from his anchorage, ' having got wind and tide favourable.' as he 
 says, we must understand him to mean that the wind was favourable for 
 going in the direction, whatever the direction was, in which he did go But 
 though the tide was rising, the stream was not running north up the 
 Channel, but to the west, or w.s.w. If then he went with the stream, he 
 must h.ave gone down channel past Sandgate towards Hythe ; and if there 
 IS nothing more to be said, this settles the question. 
 
 But there is great diflSculty in reconciling Caesar's text with this con- 
 clusion He advanced (' progressus') seven or eight miles as he says from 
 his anchorage, but to advance (' progredi '), as Caesar uses the word and ag 
 It should be used, means to continue in a given direction ; and as he came 
 from the south to the north, the continuance of his course would be in the 
 same direction. To go to Hythe was going back. 
 
 He says that he sailed from his anchoring-place as soon as ' he got wind 
 and tide favourable ' (' et ventum et aestum uno tempore nactus secundum ' 
 IV. 'J6). Ihis may mean either that both had been unfavourable and both 
 
284i 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 berame favourable ; or that one had been unfavouiable and it chanced and 
 tlieii both wtre favourable. ' 
 
 But Caesar means by ' aestus ' simply the tide, the rising of the tide 
 not the stream of wl.ich he could know nothing; and ' secundus aestus* 
 18 the nsmg tide. When the tide ebb^, lie calls it ' minnens aestus' (iii 
 12), or aestus decessus ' (iii. 13). When the change in the direction of 
 the tide shows itself in the open sea, he calls it ' aestus comniutatio' (v 8) 
 He anchored under the cliffs scon after high water, and he staved there till 
 low water; and we may assume that his ships were aground or not able to 
 float. He could not move then till the tide began to rise, and when there 
 was water enoudi he did move, for the wind was favourable, the same 
 wind that brought him there, if he was going north, and he had water too 
 But the 8. ream was agamst him, for at 3h p.m. on this day the stream was 
 -uU to the west. This cannot be denied. He had not the stream with him 
 but agaiiut him. Could he not go round the South Foreland or move' 
 north troiri it with a good wind and the stream against him .» That is the 
 question to be answered. It is a mist;ike to suppose that ' aestus secundus ' 
 means the direction of the stream, for, as I have sai.l, Caesar could know 
 nothing of the times and direction of the stream in the channel If he 
 found that there was a stream against him, and if he knew that the stream 
 did set north sometimes and sometimes south, he had no experience to tell 
 him how far the stream coincided with the rising or falling of water on 
 the coast. All that he could know of the tide on the 27th of August was 
 that It was rising at three in the afternoon, for he saw it. He lias said this 
 plainly, and he means nothing else. 
 
 On his second voyage, which was also in the night, he was drifted so far 
 north by the stream that in the morning he saw that he had left Britain 
 behind hnn on his left hand (v. »). He had got out into the sea east of 
 the Isle ot Ihanet, and yet he landed where he landed the ve.,r before bv 
 tollowing the ' change of the aestus' and using his oars. No explanation 
 ot tins i>assage consistent with big landing at Hythc has ever been dven 
 nor can it be j^iven. " ' 
 
 Those who make Caesar land near Hythe affirm that the place ajrrees 
 with Ins description Mr. Airy thinks that Pevensey agrees with Caesar's 
 description. All who do not admit that he landed at or about Deal deny 
 that the country about Deal suits Caesar's description. I would not deny 
 that It IS possible to reconcile all three localities with Caesar's description 
 but as far as I can judge, the country at and about Deal is much more like 
 the p ace which (.aesar describes than Lvmpne or Pevensey ; and I think 
 that those who condemn Deal have either examined it very superficially or 
 with strong prejudice, for all that they sav about it is not true 
 
 Every man then must judge for himself about these tiirce places. People 
 might employ some of their holiday time much worse than in visitincr and 
 examining them. *> 
 
 To get rid of the difficulty of the stream on the first vova^re, it might b« 
 suggested that Caesar came to land under the North Foreland and so when 
 he set sail ngain in the afternoon he might be carried by the stream towards 
 the mouth ot the btour and Deal. But I should not accept this solution 
 for It would bring fresh difficulties with it; and Caesar's statement about 
 the favourable wind and tide, when he is rightly understood, is so plain 
 that we cannot misunderstand him. He says that he went on, after the 
 tide began to rise, and that he went seven or eight miles further This is 
 what he says, and I believe that he tells the tuith^ 
 
 « I have said that a man should use only Caesar in examining this 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 285 
 
 "WISSANT. 
 
 The little village of Wissant is two or three hundred yards from the coast, 
 which is lined with sand hills. This sand would cover the present village 
 in the course of time if it were not held together in some degree by the 
 long coarse grass and sea shrubs which have been planted on it. The story 
 on the spot is that old Wissant is buried under a sand hill. On each side 
 of Wissant extends a fine sandy beach bounded on the east by Blancnez 
 and on the west by Crisnez, both of which as they are viewed from the 
 beach at Wissant run out a little into the sea .and are very conspicuous. 
 This long saiuly beach was the best place along all this coast for Caesar's 
 purpose. His ships were made for liauling up ('ad subductiones,' v. 1), 
 and the beach, which is five or six miles lonir, would hold more ships than 
 he had, and they could all be floated out at' the san.e time. Tliere is an 
 opening in tiie dunes or sand hills just oj)!)Osite to Wissant, and a small but 
 never-failing stream of ex<-cllent water flows through this opening into the 
 sea. It is possible that there may once have been something like a cre« k 
 here, but that would have been of no use to Cae^ar. His ships were not made 
 to be put in narrow creeks or in rivers, which would have been entirely 
 useless to him. This little stream rises inland at a very short distance 
 from Wissant and near a small hill which some of the people call Mont 
 Coupe or the Cut Mountain, and others Fort Cesar. The name of Caesar 
 proves nothing, but the hill has certainly been cut and made a place of 
 defence. The highest part of the hill is a small flat of oval form, surrounded 
 by a broad and deep ditch, which is just as it was when it was made. This 
 ditch is cut on the slope or side of the little hill, and surrounds the whoie 
 inclosure except on one side, where there is a wide entrance. This entrance 
 ecems to be part of the orii^inal work. This place has evidently been 
 designed as a strong po^ition. It may be a work of the ancient Morini, and if 
 so, it is a place which I^abienus, who had charge of the port, would certainly 
 make use of (v. 8). The lower part of this hill aU round the ditch may 
 also have been used as the site of an encampment. 
 
 The countiy at the back of Wissant is irregular and hilly. It containr 
 a great deal of good lan<l, which is now well cultivated. In Caesar's time 
 we may assume that there were also forests there, and Labicnus might find 
 materials for the ships or boats which he was ordered to construct in haste 
 (v. 11). 
 
 Wissant was probably the chief place of the Morini in those davs, a much 
 better position for Caesar than either Calais or Boulogne ; a place where fresh 
 water was abundant, the soil rich, and the beach the btst tliat there could 
 be for such ships as Caesar's. In fact. Wissant is very well situated, is 
 very healthy, and has a pleasant country at the back. Such a j)lace in 
 England would soon be a well-frequented watering place, and mav be made 
 so even in I'rant e when the French have found out what it' is worth. 
 (August, UKYJ.) 
 
 subject. But It is usual to quote all writers indiscriminately, even such a 
 writer as Florus, wlio is good for nothing, and Plutarch and' DiOn Cassius 
 (39, c. 51), who, for such matters as this, are no better. Dion says that 
 Caesar in his first expedition landed in shoals or shallow water (-rf'^fi-yij), 
 which of con i-se is true; but the critics, resting on this word and on Caesafs 
 ' vada' (iv. 2f)), make him land in a swamp or marsh, which I should havo 
 supposed that he would not do, if he could possibly land elsewhere. But 
 rtvayii means ' bhoal water ' and nothing else, and so does ' vada.' 
 
LTT^EH SEXTIJS. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 Chap. 1. Caesar increases his forces in Gallia. 2. The Galli prepare f..r ^rar 
 and the I leviri attempt to get the aid of the Gennani. 3. A risin-r oj 
 the iNervii 18 stopped by Caesar; Caesar holds an assemblv of the G^illi 
 at Lutetia Pansiorum. 4. The Scnoncs and Carnutes suhniit to Caesar 
 6, The Menapii are subdued. 7, 8. The defeat of the Treviri by 
 Labienus. 9. Caesar's motives for crossintr the Rhine; the Ubii send a 
 (leputatK.n to him. 10. The mustering of^iie Suevi, and their retreat. 
 Jl -^0. Description of the habits of the Galli ; the Druids (13 l4) and 
 the rehgion of the Galli. 21. The Germani. 24. The Ilercvnia Silva. 
 7^^- , '''^^i animals in this large forest. 29. Caesar 'returns to 
 
 (.allia, and cuts down part of the bridge whicli he had made over the 
 Khine; the Arduenna Silva. 30, 31. The forces of Ambiorix are dis- 
 Ur""-?.' ,^;^^'''°^'?^' '^"J.^\«^?"e half of the Eburones, poison, himself 
 • ; ^''^ ^^'"■"^nof the Eburones is ravaged bv Caesar. 3.5.0 Cicero 
 
 IS attacked at Aduatuca, the -.vinter quarters of titurius and Auruneu- 
 leiusin thepreeedingyear, bytheSigambri, aGernuintribe. 3G_42 The 
 foragers of Quintus are fallen upon by the Sigambri ; the camp of Q.iintus 
 is in danger of being forced ; the return of Caesar to Aduatuca 43 Caesar 
 again ravages the country of the l«:burones, plunders and burns every thing 
 before him 44 He returns to Durocortorum, where lie holds an assembly 
 of tlie Galli ; Acco, the leader in the rebellion of the Senones and Cai- 
 nutcs, IS put to death ; the winter quarters of the army ; Caesar goes to 
 
 The events in this Imok belong to a.U.c. 701, or B.C. 53, and the consulship 
 ot Ln. Douiitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messala. 
 
 MuLTis de causis Caesar majorem Galliae motum exspce- 
 tans per M. Silanuai, C. Antistium liegiiium, T. Sex- 
 tium legates deleetum habere instituit : simiil ab Cii. 
 Ponipeio procoosule petit, quomain ipse ad iirbem cum* 
 
 M. Sihtnrtjn] He was the brotlicr- 
 in-law of M. r>epidus, one of the 
 Triumviri of B.C. 43, and he was 
 consul B.C. 2.5, but a man of no niprk. 
 Reginusis mentioned again (vii. 83) ; 
 T. Soxtius in also mentioned in vii. 
 49. 90. He played a considcrab'e 
 l«rt in Africa, in" the tiouhles which 
 ((flowed after Caesar's death. B.C. 
 «4 — -deleetum;' tiivre is authority 
 
 both for ' deleetum ' and ' dilectam.' 
 Perhaps the Romans were careleaa 
 ahout writing this and some other 
 words of the same kind. Sclineidcr 
 says Uiat according to the MiSS. we 
 must conclude that Caesar alw.irs 
 wrote 'dilectus.' The new trooua 
 weie raised in Italy, three legions ia 
 all (c. 32). 
 
 Ot. J^umjxto] Cn. PomjH'ius, who 
 
 C. JULIl CAESARIS LIBER VL 
 
 287 
 
 imperio rei publlcae causa remaneret, quos ex Cisalpina 
 Gallia cousulis sacramento rogavisset, ad signa convenire 
 et ad se proficisci juberet ; magni interesse etiam in reli- 
 quum teuipus ad opiuioneiii Galliae existimana tantas 
 videri Italiae facultates ut, si quid esset in bello deiii 
 menti acceptum, non modo id brevi tempore resarciri 
 «ed etiam majoribus augeri copiis posset. Quod quum 
 Pompeius et rei publicae et amicitiae tribuisset, celeriter 
 coufecto per suos delectu, tribus ante exactam hiemem et 
 coustitutis et adductis legionibus, duplicatoque earum 
 eohortium numero, quas cum Q. Titurio amiserat, et cele- 
 ritate et copiis docuit quid populi Eomaui disciplina atque 
 opes possent. 
 
 2. Interfecto Induciomaro, ut docuimus, ad ejus pro- 
 pinquos a Treviris imperium defertur. llli finitiiiios Ger- 
 manos sollicitare et pecuniam polliceri non desistunt: 
 quum ab proximis impetrare non possent, ulteriores 
 
 had been consul for the second time 
 in B.C. 55, received in that year the 
 government of both the Spains to 
 hold after his consulship, but Pom- 
 peius did not go to Spain. He stayed 
 near Rome ('ad urbem'), and sent 
 his Icgati to Spain. At the time 
 mentioned by Caesar, Pompeius had 
 the superintendence of the supplv of 
 com to Rome (Dion 39, c. 39) ; "and 
 this was an excuse for staying near 
 the city, though he had the command 
 of an armv (' cum imperio '). See i. 
 7, " ab urbe." 
 
 sacra7ne?ito] 'The military oath.' 
 The phrase in Livy (iv. 53) is this, 
 " metu ceteri sacramento dixere." 
 There is also the expression (Liv. ii. 
 SJ), " in verba cousulis jurare." 
 The word ' rogare ' (Liv. ii. 28) ex- 
 presses the consul summoning the 
 i:!on to take the oath of military 
 service. The senate had empowered 
 Pompeius and Crassus in B.C. 55 to 
 raise troops where they liked, even 
 in the province of another (Cic. Ad 
 Att. iv. 1;. These men of Cisalpine 
 Gallia were not at present under 
 arms, for Caesar requested Pompeius 
 to command them to muster (* ad 
 bigna convenire') and come to him. 
 
 Pompeius and Caesar were still 
 friends. Pompeius was the husband 
 of Julia, Caesar's only daunhtcr, 
 who died in the latter part of b.c 
 54, and before the events which 
 Caesar mentions in this chapter 
 Caesar received one legion from 
 Pempeius, and raised two more in 
 North Italy by his legati. His army 
 was strengthened by three new le- 
 gions (vi. 32. Dion 40, c. 65). As 
 he had eight legions before, he ought 
 to have had eleven now; but he 
 mentions only ten (vi. 32, 33). This 
 is explained by the loss of the legion 
 and a hal founder Sabinus and C"ot:a 
 (v. 24. 37). The words 'duplica- 
 toque' therefore merely express the 
 fact that the threenewle'gionsdouhled 
 the number of the legio^n and a Iwilf 
 which he had lost in the country of 
 the Eburones. In fart, he had 'not 
 ten complete legions now, for the 
 eight had been reduced to six and a 
 half 
 
 rei pnhlicac — tribimf^et] See i. 13, 
 2. ad fjtis pri.pinmtus] Thev had 
 been put in Caesars hands as' hos- 
 tages (v. 4). Schneider suirgests that 
 they had been set free hy Cacsa 
 after his return from Britaiii. 
 o 
 
2S8 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER TI. 
 
 289 
 
 tentant. Tnventis nonnullis civitatibus jurejurando inter 
 se confirmant, obsitlibusque de pecuuia caveiit : Ambio- 
 rigem sibi societate et foedere adjungunt. Quibus rebua 
 coguitis Caesar, quum undique bellum parari videret, 
 Neryios, Aduatucos, Menapios, adjuiictis Cisrhenania 
 omnibus Germanis, esse in armis, Senones ad imperatum 
 non venire et cum Carnutibus finitimisque civitatibus 
 consilia communicare, a Treviris Germanos crebris lega- 
 tionibus sollicitari, maturius sibi de bello cogitandum 
 putavit. 
 
 3. Itaque nondum hieme confecta proximis quatuor 
 coactis legionibus de improvise in fines Nerviorum con- 
 tendit, et prius quam illi aut convenire aut profugere 
 possent, magno pecoris atque hominum numero capto 
 atque ea praeda militibus concessa vastatisque agris, in 
 deditionem venire atque obsides sibi dare coegit. Eo 
 celeriter confeeto negotio rursus in hiberna Icgionea 
 reduxit. Concilio Galliae primo vere, uti instituerat, 
 
 nnnnuUis civitatihus] This moans 
 
 • having found some states to listen 
 to them, they strengthen the alliance 
 by mutual oaths, and they give 
 hostages as security for the money.' 
 'Contirmare' is used in i. 3 with 
 
 * pacem et amicitiam.' Here there is 
 no case after it ; and we must take 
 'jurejurando inter se confirniiint' to 
 express 'they confirm the bargain by 
 a mutual oath.' As the Treviri pro- 
 mised the money, they must be the 
 persons who gave a security for the 
 payment. It may perhaps be im- 
 plied that the Germans and Treviri 
 exchanged hos-tages, the Germani 
 receiving them as a security for the 
 money, and the Treviri as a security 
 for the services. But the text only 
 speaks of security for the money, 
 which the Treviri promised. ' Ca- 
 yere' is a technical word, and one of 
 its meanings is to give a man security. 
 Scaevola, Dig. 46. 3. 89. 
 
 Cisrhenayiis — Gennu?iis] These 
 Cisrhenan Germani are enumerated 
 it) ii. 4. 
 
 Consilia commimieare] This moans 
 not ' to communicate ' in our sense. 
 
 hut * to make common,' * to join in 
 one league with the Carnutes,' &c. 
 One of tiie best exam|)lcs of its use 
 is the contract of partnership, in 
 which the stock of each partner 
 winch is intended to be common 
 stock is made common by the mere 
 act of agreement (Dig. 17. 2. 1), 
 "in societate omnium bonorum 
 omnes res qu.ie coeuntium sunt con- 
 tinue communicantur," See v. 36. 
 3. ItcKfue — (/are coegil] A short 
 winter campaign toM in one sen- 
 tence. The four legions are those 
 mentioned in v. .53. 
 
 Cuiicilii)] This was Caesar's prac- 
 tice ("ut instituerat') to summon a 
 meeting of the Gallic states. lie 
 means the states of Gallia Proper 
 (see i. 1). Lutetia was on an island 
 in the Seine, where j)art of Paris 
 now stands (vii. 57). We must sup- 
 pose that the 'concilium' was trans- 
 ferred from Samarobriva; for Caesar 
 wintered there (v. 24. 53). The 
 Parisii had made a confederation of 
 some kind with their nei-;hbours the 
 Senones within the memory of man ; 
 but the union 'vas not very clo.-e, 
 
 indicto, quum reliqui praeter Senones, Carnutes, Trevi- 
 rosque veuissent, initium belli ac defectionis hoc esse 
 arbitratus, ut omnia postponere videretur concilium 
 Lutetiam Parisiorum transfert. Confines erant hi Seno- 
 iiibus civitatemque patrum memoria conjunxerant ; sed 
 ab hoc consilio abfuisse existimabantur. Hac re pro sug- 
 gestu pronunciata eodem die cum legionibus in Senones 
 proficiscitur magnisque itineribus eo pervenit. 
 
 4. Cognito ejus adventu Acco, qui princeps ejus con- 
 silii fuerat, jubet in oppida multitudinem convenire ; 
 conantibus prius quam id efiici posset adesse Komanos 
 iiunciatur; necessario sententia desistunt legatosque 
 deprecandi causa ad Caesarem mittunt ; adeunt per 
 Aeduos quorum antiquitus erat in fide civitas. Libenter 
 Caesar petentibus Aeduis dat veniam excusationemque 
 accipit, quod aestivum tempus instantis belli, non quaes- 
 tionis esse arbitrabatur. Obsidibus imperatis centum, 
 hos Aeduis custodiendos tradit. Eodem Carnutes legates 
 
 for the Parisii took no part in this 
 rebellion of the Senones (' ab hoc 
 consilio abfuisse existimabantur'), 
 and Caesar's king, Cavarin us (v. 54), 
 is called only king of the Senones ; 
 nor do Caesar's words necessarily 
 mean that this union of the Parisii 
 and Senones still existed. 
 
 pro suggestn] Caesar addressed 
 the assembly, and inf'oimed them 
 that he considt red that the Senones 
 liad declai ed war. ' Hac re ' is the 
 ' initmm belli,' &c. Kraner says that 
 it is the removal of the ' concilium' 
 to Lutetia. A 'suggestus' or ' sug- 
 gestum ' is a raised place of earth, 
 stones, or any thing else, a word 
 compounded of 'sub' and 'ger,' to 
 throw up or raise up. It is gene- 
 rally used with 'de' or 'ex.' ' Pro' 
 means ' in front of See Tacit. Hist, 
 i. 36. 
 
 magnisque itinenhus'\ All easy 
 marching through a level country. 
 
 4. in fitle\ The Aedui had once 
 the supremacy in Gallia, and not 
 only in the country of the Celtae, 
 but in parts of the division which 
 Caesar calls the Belgae. The Se- 
 
 nones were 'in fide Aeduorum' of 
 old ; they acknowledged their supre- 
 macy. Cicero (Pro S. Rose. Am, 
 0. 33) says, " quaere in cujus fide 
 sint et clientela." The phrase 'fidem 
 sequi ' expresses the same thing (v, 
 20). 
 
 petentibus Aeduis] 'At the re- 
 quest of the Aedui :' it is the abla- 
 tive. In i. 28 some take 'petentibus 
 Aeduis' to be the dative. 
 
 quaestionis] ' Caesar considered 
 the summer as the season for the war 
 that was on hand, not for an in- 
 quiry.' ' Quaestio' is a term which 
 means any inquiry of a judicial cha- 
 racter, M'hether conducted by regular 
 forms, or by a special commission, of 
 which latter there are many examples 
 in Livy. 
 
 Eodem Camutes'\ To the same 
 place to which the Senones send, 
 •whatever the place was. Kraner re- 
 marks that this contradicts viii. 31. 
 Perhaps it does not. 
 
 Carnutes] Here the Carnutes, who 
 are Celtae, are represented as in a 
 kind of dependence ('clientela') on 
 the Remi, who were Belgae. 
 
290 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 obsidesque mittimt usi deprecatoribus Eemis quorum 
 crant iu clientela : eadem ferunt responsa. Peragit con- 
 cilium Caesar equitesque imperat civitatibus. 
 
 5. Hac parte Galliae paeata totus et mente et animo 
 iu bellutn Trevirorum et Ambiorigis iusistit. Cavariuum 
 cum equitatu Seuouum secum proficisci jubet, ne quis aut 
 ex hujus iracundia aut ex eo quod meruerat odio civitatis 
 motus exsistat. Ilis rebus constitutis, quod pro explorato 
 babebat Ambiorigem proelio non esse coucertaturum, 
 ••eliqua ejus consilia animo circumspiciebat. Erant Me- 
 napii propinqui Eburonum fiuibus, perpetuis paludibus 
 silvisque muniti, qui uui ex Gallia de pace ad Caesarem 
 legates numquam niiserant. Cum his esse hospitium 
 Ambiorigi sciebat: item per Treviros venisse Germanis 
 in amicitiam cognoverat. Haec prius illi detrahenda 
 auxilia existimabat quam ipsum bello lacesseret ; ne 
 desperata salute aut se in Menapios abderet, aut cum 
 Transrhenanis congredi cogeretur. Hoc inito consilio 
 totius exercitus impedimenta ad Labienum in Treviros 
 mittit, duasque legiones ad eum proficisci jubet: ipse 
 cum legionibus expeditis quinque in Menapios proficis- 
 
 LIBER YI. 
 
 291 
 
 Peragit concilium] Com p. v. 24, 
 and V. 2, "convcntibus peractis;" 
 and Cicero, Pro Sestio, c. 35. As 
 *conveutus agcrc' is to hold the 
 'conventus' (i, 54), ife see that 
 ' peras:ere ' is to close them after 
 finishing all the businoss. 
 
 5. 7nente et aniino\ See iii. 19, 
 note, and i. 39. 
 
 Cavarinum] See v. 54. — ' meru- 
 erat :' there is a faulty reading ' me- 
 tuerat.' The text means, ' that no 
 disturbance might he caused by the 
 indignation (vengeance) of Cavarinus, 
 or through the hatred which he had 
 brought on himself ' Civitatis' pro- 
 bably goes with ' motiis.' 
 
 concertatnruin] If tliis is the right 
 reading, and not ' cei taturum,' it 
 means that he would not try his 
 strength in a battle, he would not 
 match himself with Caesar. See 
 Tacit. Ann. xjv. 29. 
 
 Menapii] As to their position, 
 POO ii. \Q, iv. 4. Their flat country 
 
 was partly on the left bank of the 
 Rhine, below the territory of the 
 Eburones, which reached to the 
 Rhine and lay between the Treviri 
 and the Menapii. The country of 
 the Menapii was defended by con- 
 tinuous (' perpetuae ') swamps and 
 forests, and extended noith wards to 
 the mouth of the Mosa. 
 
 congredi] The word means * to 
 join' the Transrhenane Germans, 
 which is not the common meaninar. 
 See i. ?,(] and 39. 
 
 in Treviros] Labienua' quarters 
 were in the territory of the Rcmi, 
 but on the borders of the Treviri Cv. 
 24. 5G). ^ 
 
 ecrpeditis] This passage explains 
 • legiones expeditae, if it wants ex- 
 planation. The heavy material (' im- 
 pedimenta') was sent to Labienus. 
 and the legions were unincumbered 
 (' expeditae '). Caesar did not want 
 it in the swamjw. 
 
 f^l 
 
 eitur. nil nulla coacta manu, loci praesidio freti, in 
 eilvas paludesque confugiunt suaque eodem conferunt. 
 
 6. Caesar partitis copiis cum C. Eabio legato et M. 
 Crasso quaestore, celeriterque efFectis pontibus, adit tri- 
 portito, aedificia vicosque incendit, magno pecoris atque 
 homnium numero potitur. Quibus rebus coacti Menapii 
 legatos ad eum pacis petendae causa mittunt. Ille obsi- 
 dibus acceptis hostium se habiturum numero confirmat 
 81 aut Ambiorigem aut ejus legatos finibus suis recepis- 
 sent. His confirmatis rebus Commium Atrebatem cum 
 equitatu custodis loco in Menapiis relinquit ; ipse in Tre- 
 viros proficiscitur. 
 
 7. Dum haec a Caesare geruutur, Treviri ma^^ni' 
 coactis peditatus equitatusque copiis Labienum cum una 
 legione quae in eorum finibus hiemaverat adoriri para- 
 bant, jamque ab eo non longius bidui via aberant, quum 
 duas venisse legiones missu Caesaris cognoscunt. Positis 
 castris a mihbus passuum xv auxilia Germanorum ex- 
 spectare constituunt. Labienus, hostium cognito consilio 
 sperans temeritate eorum fore aliquam dimicandi facul- 
 tatera, praesidio v cohortium impedimentis relicto, cum 
 XXV cohortibus magnoque equitatu contra hostem profi- 
 ciscitur, et mille passuum intermisso spatio castra com- 
 munit. Erat inter Labienum atque hostem difficili 
 
 6. M. Crasso quaestore'] See i. 49. 
 
 — ' pontibus :' Caesar advanced from 
 
 the country of the Senones (c. 3). 
 
 Ilis route is not mentioned, nor the 
 
 rivers which were bridged ; but there 
 
 are many streams in the watery coun- 
 try which he entered. 
 hostium—nuiiiero] See i. 28. After 
 
 receiving the hostages he assures the 
 
 Menapii that he will put the hostages 
 to death, if &c. 
 
 Treviros] Caesar now turned 
 south, entered the country of the 
 Treviri, and then again crossed the 
 Rhine near the place where he 
 effected his former passage. This 
 ulone shows whereabouts he drove 
 the (Jei-mans into the river, "ad con- 
 fluentem Mosae et Rheni" (iv. 15). 
 Yet niany of the Germans will per- 
 »:«(t in making this piace at the angle 
 
 U 
 
 between the Rhine and the Maas, 
 (Drumann, Geschichte Roms, iii! 
 p. 288,) whatever is meant by this 
 expression, though the Rhine and 
 Maas do not flow together or unite, 
 nor does Caesar say that they did.' 
 Caesar's first bridge was in the coun- 
 try of the Treviri, and his second 
 bridge was near the first. Drumann 
 (iii. p. 329) allows that the seeond 
 bridge was made not far from the site 
 of the first, and about Andernach. 
 He even places the fii-st bridge south 
 of Bonn, but forgets to explain how 
 Caesar got there from the imaginaiv 
 junetion of the Maas and the Khine' 
 (See iv. 1.5, 16, 17, notes.) 'J'liig 
 second bridge " ripas Ubiornm con- 
 tingebat " (vi. 29). 
 
 7. in eorum finilms] See v. 24, " \u 
 Remis ... in coutinio Trevirorum " 
 2 
 
202 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 LIBER YI. 
 
 205 
 
 transitu flumon ripisque praeruptis ; hoc neque ipse 
 transire in aninio haljebat, neque hostes transituros existi- 
 niabat. Augebatur auxiliorum quotidie spes. Loquitur 
 in consilio palam, Quoniam Germani appropinquare di- 
 cantur, sese suas exercitusque fortunas in diibium non 
 devocaturum et postero die prima luce castra moturum. 
 Celeriter haec ad hostes deferuntur, ut ex manfuo Gal- 
 orum equitum nuniero nonnullos Gallos Gallicis rebus 
 layere natura cogebat. Labienus noctu, tribunis militum 
 primisque ordinibus convocatis, quid sui sit consilii pro- 
 ponit, et quo facilius hostibus timoris dot suspicionem, 
 niajore strepitu et tumultu quam populi Romani fert 
 consuetude castra moveri jubet. His rebus fugae similem 
 l)rofectiouem etfecit. Haec quoque per exploratores ante 
 lucein in tanta propinquitate castrorum ad hostes de- 
 feruntur. 
 
 8. Vix agmen novissimum extra munitioncs processerat, 
 quum Galli cohortati inter se Ne speratam praedam ex 
 nianibus dimittereiit, longum esse perterritis Romanis 
 Germanorum auxilium exspectare, neque suam pati digni- 
 tatem ut tantis copiis tam exiguam manum, praesertim 
 fugientem atque impeditam, adoriri non audeant, flumen 
 transire et iuiquo loco proeliuni committere non dubitant. 
 
 flumen] The name is not men- 
 tioned. It was difficult to cross, and 
 had steep banks. Caesar does not 
 mention his subsequent junction with 
 J.abienus; but the fact is certain, 
 for Labienus had tlie care of all the 
 hoavy material. The river was 
 therefore not far from the Rhine, 
 which Caesar again crossed. The 
 inference is certain that Labienus 
 was north of the Mosel, and per- 
 haps not very far above its jimction 
 with the Rhine. The banks of the 
 Mosel are in many places very high 
 and abrupt. (See note at the end of 
 Lib. VIL on Aduatuca ) 
 
 in dulnum non devocaturum] ' to 
 bring into danger/ Let iLem risk a 
 battle' (MuUer). 
 
 Gallos Gallicis] Schneider. For 
 'Gallos 'there is a reading 'Galiorum, 
 ftod some MSS. omit it. If we accept 
 
 * Gallos,* we must explain with 
 Schn the text thus: 'as out of a great 
 number of Gallic horsemen nature 
 forced some, being Gauls, to favour 
 the GiiUic side.' Comp. v. 27. 
 
 natura] The love of country, the 
 natural disposition which men have 
 to prefer their own country and its 
 interests to othei-s. As to ' ut,' see 
 iv. 3, " ut est captus Germanorum," 
 and v. 43. 
 primisque ordinibus] See v. 30. 
 quid sui, S[C.] See i. 21. 
 in tanta] " in tama multitudine," 
 i. 27, and see i. 3:1 
 
 8. lunfji/m] This menns that it 
 was tedious, or too long to wait for 
 ♦he Germans. Hcrzog compares si- 
 milar uses of 'multus,' ' maturus,' 
 and other words. 
 
 proeitum cotnmittere] Schn. omits 
 * proelium ' on the authority of oae 
 
 
 Quae fore . suspicatus Labienus, ut omnes citra flumen 
 eliceret eadem usus simulatione itineris, placide progre- 
 diebatur. Tum praemissis paullum impedimentis atque 
 in tumulo quodam coUocatis, Habetis, inquit, milites, 
 quam petistis facultatera : hostem impedito atque iniquo 
 loco tenetis : praestate eandem nobis ducibus virtutem 
 quam saepenumero imperatori praestitistis : adesse eum 
 et haec coram cernere existimate. Simul signa ad hostem 
 converti aciemque dirigi jubet, et paucia turmis praesidio 
 ad impedimenta dimissis reliquos equites ad latera dis- 
 ponit. Celeriter nostri clamore sublato pila in hostes 
 immittunt. Illi ubi praeter spem quos fugere credebant 
 infestis signis ad se ire viderunt, impetum modo ferre 
 non potuerunt, ac prime concursu in fugam conjecti 
 proximas silvas petierunt : quos Labienus equitatu con- 
 sectatus, magno numero intertecto, compluribus captis, 
 paucis post diebua civitatem recepit : nam Germani qui 
 auxilio veniebant, percepta Trevirorum fuga, sese domum 
 contulerunt. Cum his propinqui Induciomari, qui defec- 
 tionis auctores fuerant, comitati eos ex civitate excessere. 
 Ciugetorigi, quem ab initio permansisse in officio demon- 
 stravimus, principatus atque imperium est traditum. 
 
 MS. ; and for insufficient reasons. 
 He supposes tluit it means ' se com- 
 mittere,' or that 'committere' is to 
 be understood absolutely, like 'con- 
 vertere' and other verbs. 
 
 nobis ducibus] Caesar was Impe- 
 rator; he had the Imperium (vi. 1, 
 "cum imperio"). He had all the 
 authority which the Roman people 
 conferred on a provincial governor, 
 and his officers were his agents. 
 The short and pithy address of this 
 able officer, who did Caesar such 
 service, is aptly contrasted by Hei-zog 
 with what he said some years after, 
 when he had left his old general and 
 was in arms against him : " Desinite 
 ergo de compositione loqui, nam 
 nobis nisi Caesaris capite relato pax 
 esse nulla potest,' B. C. iii. 19. 
 
 adesse eum] 'atque ilium adesse,' 
 Schneider. 
 
 conreiii] See ii. 2C. — 'acicm di- 
 
 rigi :' he orders the line to be formed. 
 Compare ' directa materia' (iv. 17). 
 Schneider supposes that Caesar does 
 not use the expression 'dirigere 
 aciem' elsewhere. 
 
 impetum inado] 'Modo' is to be 
 read as an enclitic to ' impetum,' 
 like ' tantummodo.' The enemy 
 could not sustain so much as the 
 onset. See vii. 66. 
 
 civitatem] Labienus brought back 
 (' recepit ') the Treviri to acknow- 
 ledge the Roman supremacy (see 
 vii. 90) ; and Cingetoiix received 
 the chief authority, whatever it was, 
 which the Romans called ' imperium,' 
 a word that means a delegated autho- 
 rity, conferred by the sovereign peojde 
 Caesar (vii. 4) distinguishes bctwecR 
 a ' principatus ' and ' regniim,' See 
 also vi. 12, " Galliae totius piinci* 
 patum." 
 
 in o^cio] See v. 3. ^ 
 
294 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 9 Caesar postquam ex Menapiis in Treviros vcnit 
 duabus de causis Rhenum traDsire constituit : quarum 
 enit altera quod auxilia contra se Treviris miserant ; 
 a.tera, ne Ambiorix ad eos receptum haberet. His con- 
 stitutis rebus paullum supra eum locum quo ante exer- 
 eitiim transduxerat facere pontem instituit. Nota atque 
 instituta ratione magno militum studio paucis diebus 
 opus efficitur. Firmo in Treviris ad pontem praesidio 
 relicto, ne quis ab iis subito motus oriretur, reliquas 
 copias equitatumque transducit. Ubii, qui ante obsides 
 dederant atque ni deditionem venerant, pur^andi sui 
 causa ad eum legatos mittunt qui doceant neque ex sua 
 civitate aux.ha in Treviros missa neque ab se fideir 
 laesain : petunt atque orant ut sibi parcat, ne communi 
 
 n 1. r'"'-''''*^'^ '^"T^^"" P'^ nocentibus poenas 
 pendant : si amplms obsidum velit, dare poliicentur. 
 tognita Caesar causa repperit ab Suevis auxilia missa 
 esse, Ubiorum satisfactionem accepit, aditus viasque in 
 ouevos perquirit. i ^ m 
 
 10. Interim paucis post diebus fit ab Ubiis certior 
 buevos omnes uuum in locum copias cogere, atque iis 
 
 LIBER VI. 
 
 295 
 
 9. quar/nn~al/era] In place of 
 the first 'altera' there is a reading 
 ' una erat,' which Schneider has. 
 
 wiseraut] ' 'J'he Germans' had 
 sent, the Ti-ansrhenani, indicated by 
 ' Kheniun transire ' (Schn). 
 
 potitem indituit] 'J'his bridge was 
 in the country of the Treviri, and a 
 little hijrher up the stream th:in the 
 other, which was also in the country 
 of the Treviri (iv. 17). ' Instituere'' 
 (V. 40) seenis to mean to lay the 
 foundation of a thin<r, to begin the 
 execution, not merely to make a 
 resolve, as ' constituere' does. Com- 
 pare "tu actionem instituis" (Ci- 
 cero, Pro Murcna, c. 9). 'J'hus in 
 Horace (Od. iii. 27. 5), ' iter insti- 
 tutiim is a journey begun. ' Insti- 
 tiiere ' was used in Rome to instruct 
 a person in the elements or founda- 
 tion of a thing,- law, for instance; 
 and hence the elementary treatises 
 rl-i. '^ ^^ere called ^ institutiones.' 
 Ibc plan of the bridge was known 
 
 C nota') and already fixed, asa bri.ljje 
 had been built before. 
 
 in deditionem\ See i. 27, note, 
 and IV. 10. 
 
 communi ndio Germanorum^ ' on 
 account of the hatred of all the Ger- 
 mans ' towards the Romans. 
 
 ampliiis] This usage of ' amplius ' 
 with a genitive in this sense is not 
 common, llerzog says that 'am- 
 plms implies that a certain number 
 or quantity is already known or 
 tixed and that something is to be 
 added to it. This may be somcthincr 
 hke the fact, but I don't think tha't 
 the remark is univereally true. 
 Schnei(!er has ' vellt t.' 
 
 Uluorum] Most of the MSS. have 
 
 u .1 horum.' See i. 54, note. 
 
 10. omnes] Schneider says that 
 
 the order of the words shows that 
 
 omnes belongs to ' Suevos.' Mul- 
 
 er observes that the order may shi.w 
 
 that we ou^ht to connect 'omn(8 
 
 • • • c^*»as cogere.' Schc. remarki 
 
 t 
 
 nationibus quae sub eorum sint imperio denunciare, uti 
 auxilia peditatus equitatusque mittant. His cognitis 
 rebus rem fruraentariam providet, castris idoncum locum 
 deligit, Ubiis imperat ut pecora deducant suaque omnia 
 ex agris in oppida conferant, sperans barbaros atque 
 imperitos homines inopia cibariorum adductos ad ini- 
 quam pugnandi conditionem posse deduci : mandat ut 
 crebros exploratores in Suevos mittant, quaeque apud eos 
 gerantur cognoscant. Illi imperata faciunt, et paucis 
 diebus intermissis referunt, Suevos omnes, posteaquam 
 certiores nuncii de exercitu Romauorum veneriut, cum 
 omnibus suis sociorumque copiis quas coegissent penitus 
 ad extremos fines sese recepisse : silvam esse ibi infinita 
 magnitudine, quae appellatur Bacenis ; banc longe in- 
 trorsus pertinere, et pro native muro objectam Cheruscos 
 ab Suevis, Suevosque ab Cheruscis injuriis incursioni- 
 busque prohibere : ad ejus initium silvae Suevos ad- 
 ventum Romanorum exspectare constituisse. 
 
 11. Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est, non 
 alienum esse videtur de Galliae Germaniaeque moribus 
 
 * copias cogere' may be said 
 
 that 
 
 alone ; which will not be disputed. 
 
 (fiuie — si7d\ As usual in such pas- 
 gaces, there is a reading * sunt.' The 
 subjunctive is the true form here : 
 it is the less definite expression, and 
 is a part of the intelligence that 
 Caesar got. — ' rem frumentariam,' 
 see V. 8, note. 
 
 penitus^ ' Peni-tus' may be com- 
 posed as to form with ' fundi-tiis,' 
 ' antiqui-tus,' 'caeli-tus.' As 'fundi- 
 tus ' means ' from the botiom,' 'pen- 
 itus ' may mean ' from the top/ or 
 the other extremity. It cannot mean 
 ' towards.' but it may mean ' from,' 
 w) that 'penitus' is from gome, the 
 remotest point in the contemplation 
 of him who speaks or writes. 
 
 quae appellatur Bacenis] This po- 
 sition of the indicative is exactly 
 like that of 'quae . . . sint' above, 
 and the subjunctive would be the 
 regular form. But an indicative in 
 such a position is used when a fact 
 is stated, for C&esar announces the 
 
 name of the forest as certain. Ileraog 
 quotes B. C. i. 18, " Caesari nun- 
 ciatur Sulmonenses, quod oppidum 
 a Corfinio vii milium intervallo 
 abest, cupere ea facere quae vellet." 
 Nothing is known of the Bacenis. 
 
 ii/juriis — prohdjere] Compare v. 
 21, '' ab injuria .... prohibitis." 
 Perhaps he means ' protects the Suevi 
 from wrongs and incursions from the 
 Cherusci.' Compare v. 54, ' a po- 
 pulo Romano imperia.' (Schn.) 
 
 11.] Here 'Caesar tells us more 
 about the Galli. He may have got 
 some information from Posidonius, 
 who travelled in Gallia before Caesar 
 was born, and wrote down what he 
 saw. See Athenaeus, iv. p. 152, cd. 
 Cas., who quotes from the twenty- 
 third book of Posidonius his descrip- 
 tion of a Gallic feast, and other 
 things (p. 154). This part of Caesar 
 (11 — 28) may have been written 
 after the rest of this book. 
 
 ad hunc locum\ He means, to thi« 
 place in his narrative. 
 
296 
 
 C. JULll CAESABIS 
 
 et quo differant liae nationes inter sese proponere. Id 
 Gallia non solum iu omnibus civitatibus atque in omnibus 
 pagis partibusque, sed paene etiam in singulis domibus 
 factiones sunt, earumque factionum principes sunt qui 
 summam auctoritatem eorum judicio habere existimantur, 
 quorum ad arbitrium judiciumque summa omnium reruni 
 consiliorumque redeat. Idque ejus rei causa antiquitus 
 institutum videtur ne quis ex plebe contra potentiorem 
 auxilii egeret : suos enim quisque opprimi et circum- 
 veniri non patitur, neque, aliter si faciat, ullam inter 
 suos habet auctoritatem. Haec eadem ratio est in summa 
 totius Galliae ; namque onmes civitates iu partes divisae 
 sunt duas. 
 
 12. Quum Caesar in Galliam venit, alterius faetionis 
 principes erant Aedui, alterius Sequani. Hi quum per 
 t«e minus valerent, quod summa auctoritas antiquitus erat 
 iu Aeduis magnaeque eorum erant clientelae, Germanos 
 atque Ariovistura sibi adjunxerant eosque ad se ma"-nis 
 
 pagis pa}iibusque] * In all the 
 pagi and parts of thf civitates :' this 
 seems the probable meaning of ' par- 
 tibusque.' 
 
 factiones] See i. 31. Caesar means 
 political parties. In the first edition 
 I mistook the meaning of * earumque 
 factionum . . . redeat." Schneider 
 has set it right. The wonJ ' quorum ' 
 does not refer to ' eorum.' The 
 ' quorum ' are the same pei-sons as 
 the ' qui.' The meaning is, ' and 
 the chiefs of the factions are those 
 who in their judgment (the judg- 
 ment of the Galli) are supposed to 
 have the chief authority, and the 
 consequence is that to their pleasure 
 and judgment affairs in genei-ul and 
 measures are referred.' Thus ' quo- 
 rum . . . redeat ' has its proper mean- 
 ing ; it expi^sses the consequence 
 of public opinion, wliirh is to give 
 power in fact to those to Mhom it is 
 tirst given in opinion. 
 
 The use of ' red ' in such com- 
 pounds as 'redeat' is not limited to 
 the converse of a given act, as ' ire,' 
 ' rcdirc ;' 'dare,' ' reddere ;' but it is 
 
 used generally when the act, state, 
 or condition is the result of some- 
 thing that has preceded. 'Dare jura' 
 is to act as a legislator ; ' reddeie 
 jui-a,' or 'jus' (vi. 13), is to act as 
 a judge, to render justice to those 
 uho apply, for the office of a judge is 
 only to act when he is apidied to. 
 Terence (Phorm. iii. 1. 3) has pre- 
 cisely the same expression, "Ad to 
 sumina solum, Phormio, rerum re 
 dit." See 'recidere' (vii. 1). 
 
 in summa] Schneider savs tha 
 ' in summa' is taken absoliite'lv, and 
 of course 'totius Galliae' depends 
 on ' ratio.' Kraner follows him, and 
 ti-anslates 'in summa,' 'in the whole, 
 in the mass.' I now think this is the 
 true explanation, though I am not 
 sure. Schneider says that ' in summa 
 totius Galliae' does not agree either 
 with the usage of the I>atin or the facts 
 of the case. Caesar here means that 
 all the seveml states follow the one 
 or other of the two leading stJites in 
 Gallia, as the beginning of the next 
 chapter states. 
 
 12. Aedui, tj^c] Corap. i. 31. 
 
 LIBER VI. 
 
 297 
 
 )> 
 
 V 
 
 jacturis poUicitationibusque perduxerant. Proeliis vero 
 compluribus factis secundis atque omni nobilitate Aeduo- 
 rum interfecta, tantum potentia antecesserant ut magnara 
 ])artem clientium ab Aeduis ad se transducerent obsi- 
 desque ab iis principum filios acciperent et publico jurare 
 cogerent nihil se contra Sequanos consilii inituros, et 
 partem finitimi agri per vim occupatam possiderent Gal- 
 liaeque totius principatum obtinerent. Qua necessitate 
 adductus Divitiacus, auxilii peteudi causa E-omam ad 
 senatum profectus, imperfecta re redierat. Adventu 
 Caesaris facta commutatione rerum obsidibus Aeduis 
 redditis, veteribus clientelis restitutis, novis per Caesarem 
 comparatis, quod hi qui se ad eorum amicitiam aggrega- 
 verant meliore conditione atque aequiore imperio se uti 
 videbant, reliquis rebus eorum gratia dignitateque ampli- 
 ficata Sequani principatum dimiserant. In eorum locum 
 Kemi successerant ; quos quod adaequare apud Caesarem 
 gratia intelligebatur, ii qui propter veteres inimicitias 
 nuUo modo cum Aeduis conjungi poterant se llemis in 
 clientelam dicabant. Hos illi diligenter tuebantur. Ita 
 et novam et repente collectam auctoritatem tenebant. Eo 
 turn statu res erat ut longe principes haberentur Aedui, 
 secundum locum dignitatis Eemi obtinerent. 
 
 13. In omni Gallia eorum hominum, qui aliquo sunt 
 numero atque honore, genera sunt duo ; nam plebes paeno 
 
 jacturis'] ' Jacturam facere * is to 
 throw a thing away to save the rest. 
 It is the term applied to the loss of 
 things thrown overboard to lighten a 
 ship (Cic. I)e Off. iii. '23; and Dig. 
 14, tit. 2. De T>ege Rhodia dc jactu), 
 wliere it is said, " jacturae suunnam 
 pro rerum pretio distribui oportere," 
 every one who was a gainer by the 
 casting overboard of a portion to 
 save the rest, uiust bear his propor- 
 tion of the loss. We may translate 
 'jacturis' by 'sacrifices.' 
 
 p7ib/u'e] See i. 16. 
 
 Divituicus\ Introd. p. 34, andi. 31. 
 
 reliquis rehus] ' In every other 
 way, or by every other means, the 
 influence and estimation of the Aedui 
 (eorum') being increased, the Se- 
 qiiani had loat the supremacy.' ' Di- 
 
 mittere' is to set things apart, to. 
 sever, of which there is an example 
 in vi. 43. See also vi. 37. 
 
 adaequare] In ii. 32 it is used 
 with the accusative, and we may sup- 
 ply ' Aeduos ' after ' adaequare.' 
 
 in clientelam dicabant] Comp. c. 
 13. "sese in servitutem dicant." 
 'Dica-re' is a different word from 
 ' dic-erc,' as it seems, for it means ' to 
 attach,' ' to fix.' Cicero (Pro Balbo, 
 c. 12) has "in aliam civitatem se 
 dicavit." He also says (c. 11), "qui 
 se alii civitati dicavit." 
 
 13. omni Gallia'] If 'omni Gal- 
 lia' has the same meaning here as 
 i. 1, Caesar is speaking of 'Gallia' 
 in the wider sense ; but I am not 
 sure that he means this. 
 
 nuiuero\ This means, to be reck- 
 
298 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 servorum habetur loco, quae nihil audet per se, fetl nullo 
 adhibetur consilio. Plerique, quum aut aere alieno aut 
 niagmtudme tributorum aut injuria potentiorum pre- 
 muntur, sese in servitutem dicant nobilibus : in hoa 
 eadem omnia sunt jura quae dominis in servos. Sed de 
 his duobus generibus alterum est Druidum, alterum 
 equitum. ilh rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica 
 ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur. Ad hos 
 
 Oiied or counted as somebody (Lu- 
 cret. y. 1 HO). Cicero says ( D'i vin. c. 
 19), "quum is tibi numero parentis 
 fuisset." 
 
 nullo] If ♦ nullo ' is rigbt, it is a 
 dative. Caesar has (vii. 77, "ad 
 concilium adhibeudos." 
 
 azU—aut—ani] The first * aut ' is 
 omitted in several good MSS. Ex- 
 amples of three 'auts' are rare. 
 Though ' aut ... aut ' is generally 
 used, as if we were to say, it is 
 either this or that, it docs not ap- 
 pear that the several things here are 
 so distinct, that all of them might 
 not happen to be the cause of the 
 servitude. See i. 19, note. 
 ^ The poor Gaul, either by getting 
 mto debt, or being overwhelmed 
 with taxation (' tributa '), or being 
 wronged by some powerful person, 
 had no refuge except in servitude. 
 Tnbntum' is the general Roman 
 term for taxation. The Callic cul- 
 tivator has known the burden of 
 taxation for at least nineteen centu- 
 ries. Arthur Young's picture of the 
 miseries of French taxation before 
 the revolution of 1789, may serve 
 for Caesar's age. The debt was 
 probably money borrowed by poor 
 cultivators. See i. 4, note. 
 
 Druidum] The ruling classes 
 were tw.), Druids or priests, and 
 equites," mounted men, rich, nobles. 
 The Druids were the ministers of 
 religion (' rebus divinis intersunt ') ; 
 they directed and superintended 
 ('procurant') all sacrifices, they 
 «^ere the expwunders ('interpretan- 
 tur') of all that concerns religion, 
 i ue name Druid is certainly Celtic, 
 
 but the learned are not agreed about 
 Its etymology. Some suppose that 
 It is derived from a word which sig- 
 nifies an oak tree. These chapters 
 of Caesar are our principal authority 
 for what we know of the Druids 
 Thierry (Hist. desGaulois, Dcuxieme 
 Partie, chap, i.), and bifore him Si- 
 mon Pelloutier (Ilistoire des Celtes) 
 have collected all that can be said 
 of them. Stnibo (p. 1<^7, and com- 
 pare Diodorus, v. 31), whose au- 
 thority may l)e Posidonius, makes 
 three classes of these ministers of 
 religion : Druids, properly so called, 
 who studied the occult part of their 
 religion, directed fcducation, and 
 were judges in all matters; the 
 Vates, who performed the sacrifices 
 and studied the nature of material 
 things; and the Bar.ii, who were 
 the hymn-singers and poets, the 
 bards. Their instrument was the 
 harp. Lucan has some spirited 
 verses on the Bardi and Druids 
 (Pharsal. i. 447, " Vos quoque qui 
 fortes animas belloque peremptas "). 
 Perhaps the Druids lived a soli- 
 tary life, and a life of celibary. 
 J heir pupils seem to have supplied 
 the order with members. Caesar 
 docs not say whetlier these youths 
 belonged to both classes, nobles and 
 common folks. The inducements to 
 become Druids are mentioned in the 
 next chapter, freedom from taxes an.i 
 all burdens. It seems to follow that 
 they did not woik, but were sup- 
 ported by the labour of others, the 
 greatest inducement of all, and a 
 condition necessary to the existence 
 of a priestly caste. 
 
 LEBER VI. 
 
 299 
 
 mngnus adolescentium numerus disciplinae causa con- 
 currit, magnoque hi sunt apud eos honore. Nam fero 
 de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt ; 
 et si quod est admissum facinus, si caedes facta, si de here- 
 ditate, [si] de finibus coiitroversia est, iidem decernuut ; 
 praemia poenasque constituunt. Si qui aut privatus aut 
 populus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis interdicunt. 
 Haec poena apud eos est gravissima. Quibus ita est in- 
 terdictum, hi numeroimpiorum ac sceleratorum habentur: 
 ab his omnes discedunt, aditura eorum sermonemque 
 d(*fugiunt ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiaiit, 
 neque his peteutibus jus redditur neque honos ullus com- 
 municatur. His autem omnibus Druidibus praeest unus, 
 qui sunimam inter eos habet auctoritatem. Hoc mortuo, 
 si qui ex reliquis excellit dignitate, succedit : at si sunt 
 p lures pares, sufFragio Druidum [allegitur] j nonuuraquam 
 
 hi — eos] * Hi ' are the Druids ; 
 * cos ' are the Oalli ; a careless way 
 of writing, common in Caesar and 
 with all people who write vigorously, 
 and quick, and brief 
 
 Nam fere] The Druids admi- 
 nistered the law generally ; be does 
 not say what were the excepted 
 cases. They settled disputes between 
 states ('publicis'). They were the 
 judges in criminal matters, in dis- 
 putes about successions (' de hcre- 
 ditate'), and about boundaries of 
 land ("tines'). Caesar, as u>ual, 
 uses Roman terms. ' Poenas ' are 
 penalties, pecuniary probaMy. I do 
 not know what 'praemia' means. 
 They enforced their judgments by 
 excommunication (' sacrificiis inter- 
 dicunt ;' see i. 46, note), which 
 among a nation like tlie Galli (c. 16) 
 would be the most efficient means. 
 The man or the state that dis- 
 obeyed was out of the pale of the 
 law. Neither the Galli nor Britanni 
 had a class of lawyers. Rome made 
 the Galli a present of the lawyer, 
 and he has thriven well. Juven. v. 
 Ill : 
 
 •' Gallia causidicos docuit facunda 
 Biitaimos." 
 
 ab his — dtscedwit] ' iis ... dece- 
 dunt,' Elh. ; 'his . . . decedunt,' 
 Schn. and Kraner. I believe that 
 ' discedunt,' for which tliere is good 
 authority, is the right reading. All 
 people avoid them. ' Decedere ali- 
 cui ' is to make way for a man, as a 
 mark of honour. This is generally 
 the meaning. In Terence, Hauton. 
 Prolog. 31, if ' decesse ' is the right 
 reading, it means what 'decedunt' 
 must mean here. 
 
 commwiicatur] That is ' cum iis.' 
 They are not allowed to participate 
 with others in the enjoyii.ent of any 
 office (' honos '), for that is the 
 Roman meaning of ' honos.' See 
 vi. 23. 
 
 \allegitur] This word is wanting 
 in most of the MSS., and it cannot 
 be explained consistently with the 
 usage of ' adicgerc,' which is to elect 
 persons into an existing body, as in 
 Livy (x. 6). If it is omitted, there 
 is no way of dealing with the passage 
 except that which Held proposes, 
 " si qui ex reliquis excellit, digni- 
 tate succedit : at si sunt pi u res pares, 
 suffragio Druidum." Schneider 
 reads, ' mortuo aut, si qui ... dig- 
 nitate. succedit, aut si . . . sufFmuio 
 Druidum, nonnunquam.' 
 
800 
 
 C. JFLTI CAESAHTS 
 
 etiam armis de principatu contend unt. Hi certo anm 
 tempore in finibus Carnutum, quae regio totius Galliae 
 media habetur, considunt in loco consecrato. Hue omnes 
 undique qui controversias habent conveniunt, eorumque 
 decretis judiciisque parent. Disciplina in Britannia 
 reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur; 
 et nunc, qui dilin^cntius earn rem cognoscere volunt, ple- 
 rumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur. 
 
 14. Druides a bello abesse consuerunt, neque tributa 
 una cum reliquis pendunt ; militiae vacationem omnium- 
 que rerum habent immunitatem. Tantis excitati praemiis 
 et sua sponte multi in disciplinam conveniunt et a paren- 
 tibus propinquisque mittuntur. Magnum ibi numerum 
 yersuum ediscere dicuntur: itaque annos nonnulli xx 
 in disciplina permanent. Neque fas esse existimant ea 
 litteris mandare, quum in reliquis fere rebus, publicis 
 privatisque rationibus, Graecis litteris utantur. Id mihi 
 duabus de causis instituisse videntur ; quod neque in 
 vulgum disciplinam efFerri velint, neque eos qui discunt 
 
 Carnutum'] It is difficult to ima- 
 gine this annual meeting of all the 
 Pruids in the territory of the Car- 
 nutes, between the middle Loire and 
 Seine, every year. All persons cer- 
 tainly could not come there to have 
 their disputes settled. This 'disci- 
 plina' or system, is here referred to 
 Britain as the parent country, a very 
 improbable fact; but we may believe 
 that Caesar was told so, and' he tells 
 it to us ; and that is all, for he pro- 
 bably had no opinion about the truth 
 of it. The power of the Druids may 
 have been declining in Oallia. for 
 we see from Caesar that a civil go- 
 vernment was pushing aside this 
 hierarchy; and Britain, where the 
 pvstem was imported, was more 
 lik(;ly to keep it, being less civili/ed 
 than d'au'. He says nothing of the 
 &o called Druidicaltemples, of which 
 Carnar near Auray, in the depart- 
 ment of Morbihan, a country whi(h 
 Caesar saw (iii. 11, &c.), is an ex- 
 ample. 
 profichcuntur] See iii. 8, note. 
 
 14. milUiae vacalvmem] A Roman 
 word which signifies an exemption 
 from a duty. ' Vacare,' in the same 
 sense, is used with an ablative (Cir. 
 De Sin. c. 11). Cicero (Verr. ii. 4, 
 c. 10) has "vacatio . . . militiae." 
 
 Graecis liltcris] "Writmg was 
 common among thcGalli, thesotith- 
 ern and central Galli at least, both 
 for public and private purposes, and 
 the characters were Cireek (i. 29). 
 The Celtic language was therefore a 
 written language in Caesar's time, a 
 fact that we cannot establish of any 
 other language of western Europe 
 except those of Italy. Now if the 
 Celtic Druids had a written lan- 
 guage, and used the Greek charac- 
 ters, and if the Galli went to Britain 
 to perfect themselves in the Druidical 
 science, because Britain was the great 
 scat of this learn injr, it is a certain 
 conclusion that the Britannic Druids 
 had a written language, and that the 
 Greek characters were used in Bri- 
 tain long before Caesar's time. 
 
 LIBEE VL 
 
 301 
 
 litteris confisos minus memoriae studere ; quod fere pie- 
 risque accidit ut praesidio litterarum diligentiam in per- 
 discendo ac memoriam remittant. In primis hoc volunt 
 persuadere, non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem 
 transire ad alios, atque hoc maxime ad virtutem excitari 
 putant, metu mortis neglecto. Multa praeterea de side- 
 ribus atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum magni- 
 tudine, de rerum natura, de deorum immortab'um vi ac 
 potestate disputant et juventuti tradunt. 
 
 15. Alterum genus est equitum. Hi, quum est usus 
 atque aliquod bellum incidit, quod fere ante Caesaris 
 adventum quotannis accidere solebat, uti aut ipsi inju- 
 rias inferrent aut illatas propulsareut, omnes in bello 
 versantur, atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque 
 amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque 
 habet. Hanc unam gratiam poteutiamque noverunt. 
 
 16. Natio est omnis Gallorum admodum dedita reli- 
 gionibus, atque ob eam causam qui sunt affecti gra- 
 vioribus morbis quique in proeliis periculisque versantur,. 
 aut pro victimis homines immolant, aut se immolaturos 
 Tovent, admiuistrisque ad ea sacrificia Druidibus utuntur; 
 quod, pro vita hominis nisi homiiiis vita reddatur, non 
 posse [aliter] deorum immortalium numen placari arbitran- 
 tur, publicequeejusdem generis habent instituta sacrificia. 
 Alii immani magnitudine simulacra habent, quorum con- 
 
 wow intenre] There is nothing 
 peculiar in this, for the immortality 
 of the soul is the common belief of 
 nations. Whether the belief made 
 the Galli so careless of life, or there 
 were other reasons, we may doubt. 
 Thetransmiu'vation of the soul is like 
 the Pythagorean doctrine, and Dio- 
 dorus (v. 28) calls this (Jallic belief 
 the d ctrine of Pvthaoforas. Thev 
 do not seem to have been a bit the 
 better for it, for Diodorus (v. 28, 
 «i:c.) gives a beastly account of their 
 morals. Their contempt of life 
 seems to have been a kind of despe- 
 ration, the result of depraved habits 
 and of frequent intoxication ; for the 
 Gaul would drink whenever he 
 could. Those who could not get 
 wine, which the Italian merchants 
 
 supplied, used to content themselvea 
 wiih beer. 
 
 15. est ustis] See iv. 2 ' am- 
 bactos ' seems to be a Gallic word, 
 of which *clientes' may be an ex- 
 planation See iii. 22. — ' hubet :' 
 there is also the reading ' habent.' 
 
 16. onniis] ' omnium,' Scimeider. 
 — 'dedita religionibus,' ' much givtu 
 to religious ceremonial.' — * homines 
 immolant.' Cicero (Pro Fonteio, c. 
 10) speaks of the Galli sacrificing 
 human victims, which the Romans 
 too had done sometimes, if their 
 writers tell the truth. 
 
 [aliter\ Some MSS. omit it, and 
 Schneider, who says that it is neit'Ct 
 necessary nor used by Caesar after 
 ' nisi.' 
 
 Alii] There is nothincr to cor 
 
 B 
 
302 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 texta viminibus membra vivis hominibiis complent, quibug 
 succensis circumventi flamaia exanimantur homiDes. 
 Supplicia eorum qui iu furto aut in latrocinio aut aliqua 
 noxa siiit comprehensi gratiora diis immortalibua esse 
 arbitrantur, sed quum ejus generis copia deficit, etiam 
 ad innoceutium supplicia descendunt. 
 
 17. Deum maxime Mercurium eolunt. Hujus sunt 
 plurima simulacra ; hunc omnium inventorem artium 
 terunt, hune viarum atque itiuerum ducem, hunc ad 
 quaestus pecuniae mercaturasque habere vim maximam 
 arbitrantur. Post hunc Apollinem et Martem et Jovem 
 et Minervam. De his eandem fere quam reliquae gentes 
 habent opinionem ; Apollinem morbos depellere, Mi- 
 nervam operum atque artificiorum initia tradere, Jovem 
 imperium coelestium tenere, Martem bella regere. Huic, 
 quum proelio dunicare constituerunt, ea quae bello cepe- 
 rint plerumque devovent. Quae superaverint, animalia 
 
 respond to * alii,' or ' others.' Pro- 
 bably it may mean ' some of the 
 Galli.' Tliese ' simulacra,' as we 
 may infer from the meaning of the 
 word, were colossal figures of deities, 
 construrted in the rudest way. 
 
 fioja] After mentioning theft and 
 robbery, Caesar uses 'noxa,' a Ro- 
 man word, which comprehends every 
 ' delictum ' ((Jaius, Dig. .50. 16. 238), 
 and consequently theft and robbery' 
 which are 'delicta' in tlie Roman 
 system (Gaius, iv. 75, &c. ; and iii. 
 192). Other instances of 'noxa' 
 are, damage wilfully done to a man's 
 property and to his person. 
 
 supplicia] He simply means 'exe- 
 cutions.' — 'descendunt," come down 
 to,' ' have recourse to.' See v. 29. 
 
 n. Mercurium] Caesar has not 
 taken the trouble to tell us the 
 Gallic names of these deities, whom 
 he designates by Roman names. 
 Tacitus (Germ. 9) gives the Germans 
 also a Mercury, " Deorum maxime 
 Mercurium eolunt," &c. The Gallic 
 Mercury and the German Mercury 
 liad of course different names in the 
 l;«n^aage3 of the (Jalli and the Ger- 
 Ujaiis. The Gallic name for ihe ter- 
 
 rible God of war was Esus or Aesus 
 (Schol. ad Lucan. Pharsal. i. 445. 
 Lactantius, i. 21, 'de falsa religione'). 
 The god whom Caesar calls Mercu- 
 rius was Teutates, a word formed 
 from Teut, Dent, or Dit. Caesar in 
 the next chapter confounds this god 
 with the Roman Dis. The Gallic 
 Tent was the supreme god, Deus. 
 
 artificiorum] Minerva taught them 
 or gave to them the elements of the 
 useful labours and of the arts. Cicero 
 (Verr. ii. 4, e. 21) uses 'artificiu' 
 for the arts of sculpture and paint- 
 ing. 
 
 regere] There is a reading ' ge- 
 rere,' the reading of most of the 
 MSS. it is said, but an evident 
 blunder arising from a transposition 
 of letters. The sense requires ' re- 
 gere,' as Lucretius (i. 32) has it : 
 
 " quoniam belli fera moenera 
 
 Mavors 
 Armipotens regit." 
 
 Quae mjyeravervit'] this is cor- 
 rectly explained by Forcellini. 'i'he 
 preceding sentence means that they 
 devote to Mars what they take in 
 war, the most part. ' Quae suprra- 
 
 LIBER VI. 
 
 303 
 
 capta immolant ; reliquas res in unum locum conferunt 
 Multis m civitatibus harum rerum exstructos tumuloa 
 locis consecratis conspicari licet, neque saepe accidit ut 
 neglecta quispiam religione aut capta [apud se] occultare 
 aut posita tollere auderet ; gravissimumque ei rei suppli- 
 cium cum cruciatu constitutum est. 
 
 18. GalU se omnes ab Dite patre prognatos praedicant, 
 idque ab Druidibus proditum dicunt. Ob eam causam 
 spatia omnis temporis non numero dierum sed noctium 
 nniunt ; dies natales et mensium et annorum initia sic 
 observant ut noctem dies subsequatur. In reliquis vitae 
 nistitutis hoc fere ab reliquis ditferunt, quod suos liberos 
 nisi quum adoleverunt ut munus militiae sustinere pos- 
 sint, palam ad se adire non patiuntur ; filiumque puerili 
 aetate in publico in conspectu patris adsistere turpe 
 
 19. Viri quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis nomino 
 
 verint' means what remains after 
 this ' devotio ;' and he divides the 
 remainder into two parts, animals 
 and the other things. 
 
 These ' tumulos ' have been taken 
 to be such earthen ' tumuli ' as are 
 found in great numbrrs in England, 
 in Wiltshire, for instance, and many 
 of them contain arms and other sup- 
 posed Celtic remains. But Caesar 
 Bays, ' harum rerum . . . tumulos,' and 
 I exstructos' does not alter the mean- 
 ing ; it signifies ' piled up.' The ' tu- 
 mulus ' was made of the things, as 
 ' posita tollere ' shows, if there were 
 any doubt about it. 
 
 18. Dite] The Roman Father 
 Dis is Pluto, M-ho carried oflf Proser- 
 pina from Henna (Cic. Verr. ii. 4, 
 c. 48). Cicero has another passage 
 about him (De Nat. Deor. ii. 20"; : 
 " terrena vis omnis atque natura Diti 
 patri dedicata est, qui dives, ut apud 
 Craecos WKovtuiv, quia et recidaiit 
 ouinh in terras et oriantur e terris." 
 The Galli sprung from the earth. So 
 the German Tuisco came out of the 
 earth, and his son Mannus was the 
 progenitor of the Germans (Tacitus, 
 Germ. 2). h becms they forgot the 
 
 B 2 
 
 mother. 
 
 The connexion (' ob eam causam') 
 between the origin of the Galli and 
 their practice of reckoning time by 
 nights instead of days, is not clearly 
 expressed. The realms of Dis are 
 dark, and out of darkness the Galli 
 came. Their origin was night, and 
 so they begin their reckoning of time 
 with the night, and call a space of 
 time so many nights, just as we say 
 a fortnight, a sevennight. 8o Taci- 
 tus reports of the Germans (Germ, 
 c. 11); and it was nothing strange 
 even to a Roman. His civil day 
 began at midnight (Censorinus, De 
 pie Natali, c. 23), and sometimes 
 he reckoned by nights, as in the 
 case of the 'tiinoctium' (Gaius, i. 
 112), where indeed the night was 
 the essence of tiie matter. 
 
 19. dtdis vomiiie] The portion of 
 the Gallic wife is compared by Caesar 
 to the Roman ' dos.' but it was not 
 the same. The words ' quantas pecu- 
 nias' do not necessarily mean monev; 
 it might be money or money's worta 
 The husband contributed as much as 
 he received with the wife, and the 
 whole was maiie a coniuion f»^;V 
 
304. 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER n. 
 
 305 
 
 acceperunt, tantas ex suis bonis aestimatione facta cum 
 dotibus comnmnicant. Hujus omnis pecuniae conjunctini 
 ratio habetur fructusque servantur : uter eorum vita 
 superarit, ad eum pars utriusque cum fructibus supe- 
 riorum temporum pervenit. Viri in uxores sicuti in 
 liberos vitae necisque habent potestatem ; et quum pater 
 tamiliae illustriore loco natus decessit, ejus propinqui 
 conveniunt, et de morte si res in suspicionem venit, de 
 uxoribus in servilem modum quaestionem habent, et si 
 compertum est, igni atque omnibus tormeutis excruciatas 
 interfaciunt. Funera sunt pro cultu Gallorum magnifica 
 et sumtuosa ; omniaque quae vivis cordi fuisse arbi- 
 trantur in ignera inferunt, etiam animalia : ac paullo 
 supra banc memoriam servi et clientes, quos ab iis di- 
 lectos esse constabat, justis funeribus confectis una ere- 
 mabantur. 
 
 20. Quae civitates commodius suam rem publicam 
 
 which is expressed by ' cum dotibus 
 coninjtinicant.' The whole was ad- 
 ministered as one piece of property; 
 the accounts were distinct from those' 
 of other property, and the produce 
 nrnctiis ) was added to the capital. 
 The whole, the oricrinal stock and 
 tlie savings, went by survivorship. 
 It follows from what Caes:ir savs, 
 that neither husband nor wife could 
 alienate any portion of the common 
 stock, or dispose of the fruits. This 
 was not an estate in joint tenancy, 
 as the English call it, but nearly 
 iike what the English lawyers call a 
 tenancy by entireties when the sub- 
 ject is land (Preston on Estiites, i. 
 131). It was a well-devised scheme 
 for accumulation, but of course it onlv 
 applied to the rich Galli. The poor 
 Gaul who was ground by taxation 
 and poverty, would have as little to 
 do with such arranjrements as the 
 mass of the people of England with 
 the artificial system of marriage set- 
 tlements. 
 
 Eor ' fructibus' there is a reading 
 'friictu;' but the Romans generally 
 used the plural 'fructus' for the 
 j'roduce of any thing ; though they 
 usf ' ususfructus ' in the singular. 
 
 de tLTorilms'] Caesar does not say 
 that the Galli were polycramist*; but 
 'pater familiae ' and ' de uxoribus' 
 can only mean that a man might 
 have more wives than one. The wives 
 were examined and tortured as slaves 
 were at Rome. 
 
 pro cultu] 'According to the 
 means which the Galli have,' or, as 
 we say, ' for the means of the Galli,' 
 'for their mode of living' (i. 1). 
 Cicero (Ad Div. iv. 2) says, ''pro 
 ea copia quae Athenis crat funus ei 
 satis amplum faciendum curavi." 
 
 wferwit] ♦ Tamquam inferias.' 
 Schn. " Rettulit inferias Jugurihae" 
 (Ilor Carm. ii. 1). 
 
 supra hartc meinnrtani] This means 
 at a time extending farther back 
 than that of living people, when 
 Caesar wrote. The Galli seem, even 
 before Caesar's time, to have been 
 feeling the influence of Greek and 
 Roman civilization. 
 
 justis/nnerUms] There is ' fune- 
 brihus,' a conjecture of Ursini. 'JustJi 
 funera ' is the funeral ceiemonv per- 
 formed in due C justa ') form. When 
 'justa' is used for a funeral, the 
 context shows what kind of justa 
 are meant. 
 
 
 administrare existimantur, habent legibus sanctum, si 
 quis quid de re publica a finitimis rumore aut fama acce- 
 ^erit, uti ad magiatratum deferat neve cum quo alio com- 
 niunicet: quod saepe homines temerarios atque imperitos 
 falsis rumoribus terreri et ad facinus impelli et de summis 
 rebus consilium capere cognitum est. Magistratus quae 
 visa sunt occultant ; quaeque esse ex u.su judicaverint, 
 multitudini produnt. De re publica nisi per concilium 
 loqui non conceditur. 
 
 21. Germani mnltum ab hac consuetudine differunt : 
 nam neque Druides habent qui rebus divinis praesint, 
 neque sacrificiis student. Deorum numero eos solos 
 ducunt quos cernunt et quorum aperte opibus juvantur, 
 Solem et Yulcanum et Lunam : reliquos ne fama quidem 
 acceperunt. Vita omnis in venationibus atque in studiis 
 rei militaris consistit : ab parvulis labori ac duritiae stu- 
 dent. Qui diutissime impuberes permanserunt, maximam 
 
 20. legihm sanctum] They have 
 a rule made by law with a penalty, 
 for the ' s.anctio ' is the penalty which 
 is added to make a law effective. 
 Just. Inst. ii. 1, § 10, "legum ens 
 partes quibus poenas constituimus 
 ad versus eos qui contra leges feceriut, 
 sanctiones vocamus." 
 
 judicavervii] There is a reading 
 * judicaverunt. Both are Latin. 
 
 per concilium] In the 'concilia' 
 or assemblies only was it allowed to 
 speak of matters that concenied the 
 state. Freedom of speech was sup- 
 pressed, and if printing had been in 
 use then, there would have been no 
 fteedom of the press. There was 
 always fear of desperate fellows 
 making some disturbance. Caesar 
 says nothing of the physical type of 
 the Galli. Diodorus (v. 28), on the 
 authority of Posidonius, we may sup- 
 pose, says they were tall, fleshy, 
 white-skinned, yellow-haired. 'Some 
 shave their beards, and others let 
 them grow a moderate length : but 
 the gentlemen shave their cheeks, 
 and let their beards grow long, so 
 that the hair covers their mouths. 
 Accordingly, when they eat, their 
 beards dip in the food, an4 when 
 
 they drink, the liquor passes as 
 through a funnel.' 
 
 21. Germayii] Tacitus (Germania) 
 may be compared with Caesar; and 
 some passages in Posidonius (Athe- 
 nacus, p 153, ed. Cas.). Here it is 
 stated that the Germani had no 
 priests corresponding to the Druids; 
 but we know that they had priests 
 and priestesses. They paid no great 
 attention (' neque . . . student ') to 
 sacrifices. ' Studiis ' is what we call 
 ' pursuits.' Cicero (De Invent, i. 2.5) 
 defines ' studiura' to be that which 
 a person follows with constant, steady 
 purpose and good will. The Ger- 
 mans were not 'admodum dediti re- 
 ligionibus.' The difference between 
 the character of the two peoples was 
 and is great. 
 
 Deorum mimero] Tacitus (Germ, 
 c. 9) says that the Germans have 
 other deities (see c. 17, note). 
 
 impuheres] This word is hardly 
 used in its proper sense. ' Impubes 
 is a male or female who has not 
 attained puberty. At some time, and 
 it may have been after Caesar's time, 
 the word obtained a fixed technical 
 signification among the Romans; 
 and it meant a male under fourteen 
 
306 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 inter suos feriint laudem : hoc ali staturam, ali hoc vires 
 iiervosque confirmari putant. Intra annum vero vicesN 
 mum lemuiae notitiam habuisse in turpissimis habent 
 rebus : cujus rei nulla est occultatio, quod et promiscue 
 m fluminibus perluuntur, et pellibus aut parvis renonum 
 tegi mentis utuntur, magna corporis parte nuda. 
 
 22. Agriculturae non student ; majorque pars victus 
 eorum in lacte, caseo, came consistit : neque quisquam 
 agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios, sod magis- 
 tratus ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cogna- 
 tionibusque hominum, qui una coierunt, quantum et quo 
 loco visum est agri attribuunt, atque anno post alio 
 transire cogunt. Ejus rei multas adferunt causas : ne 
 assidua consuetudine capti studium belli gerundi agricul- 
 tura commutent ; ne latos fines parare studeant poten- 
 tioresque humiliores possessionibus expellant ; ne accu- 
 ratius ad frigora atque aestus vitandos aediticent ; ue qua 
 
 aTiil a female under twelve. The con- 
 text shows wliat it means here. 
 
 renonum] There aie readinirs 
 ^rhenoruui,' 'nnoriim,' ' renonuin,' 
 'rcnim,' ' rcniim.' Accordinu: to 
 Isidorus (Oiig. xix. 23), * rhenones ' 
 are coverings for the shoulders and 
 breasts, extindin? as far as the navel, 
 and 80 rough, through tlic hair being 
 twisted toioiher, as to throw off the 
 lain. The simplest explanation seems 
 to be, that the Germans use either 
 skins (Tacit. Germ. 17) or small 
 garments^ of 'renoncs,' whatever 
 ' renones ' may be. Caes^ar appears 
 to mean tliat the small garments are 
 made of ' renones.' 'Pellibus,' it 
 has been observed, is seldom used 
 absolutely, e.xcept in such an expres- 
 sion as 'sub pellibus Iiiemare,' but 
 is followed by ' feraruiu ' or some 
 other genitive. In Sallust's Hist. 
 Frag. iii. .57, .58, ed. Kritz, we find 
 •' Germani intectum renonibus cor- 
 pus tegunt,"and *' Vestes de pellibus 
 renones vocantur." 
 
 22. geiitihus] This is a Roman 
 torm, which was familiar to Cacs.ar 
 who belonged to the Julia gens. He 
 Uies a word wlrch would partiv con- 
 vey his meaning, but 'cognatioiiibus ' 
 
 completes and explains what he would 
 say. He means, therefore, a num- 
 ber of pei-sons who were connected 
 by ' cogn.itio,' which the Romans 
 define thus, "coirnati ab eo dici 
 putantur, quod quasi una communi- 
 terve nati, vel ab eodem oiti pro- 
 genitive sint " (Modestiiius, Dig. 38. 
 IW- '*,§!)• Cacs.ar here repeats what 
 he said about the land of the Suevi 
 (iv. 1 ). They had plenty of it, and 
 they did not allow it to be appro- 
 priated. Though to some extent an 
 agricultural people, they had not the 
 institution of property in land. Cae- 
 par represents this as a piece of po- 
 licy ; at least he states various rea- 
 sons that he had heard. Tacitui 
 (Germ. c. 15) says that all the brave 
 fighters of the Geimims did nothing. 
 The care of the house and of tbo 
 fields was put on the women, the old 
 men, and the weiikest persons in the 
 family. Modern Kuiope is neariv 
 in the sanje state still, where large 
 numbers of men are n-quired to keep 
 up st.'inding armies. Thus barharisin 
 as it w.as, and civilization as it is, 
 bring us to the same condition.— 
 ' coierint,' Klb. 
 accurutius] One of Cicero's words 
 
 LIBER YL 
 
 307 
 
 oriatur pecuniae cuplditas, qua ex re factiones dissen- 
 Bionesque nascuntur ; ut animi aequitate plebem conti- 
 neant, quum suas quisque op"s cum potentissimis aequari 
 videat. 
 
 23. Civitatibus maxima laus est quam latissime circum 
 se vastatis finibus solitudines habere. Hoc proprium 
 virtutis existimant, expulsos agris finitimos cedere neque 
 quemquam prope audere consistere : simul hoc se fore 
 tutiores arbitrantur repentinae incursionis timore sublato. 
 Quum bellum civitas aut illatum defendit aut infert, 
 magistratus qui ei bello praesint ut vitae necisque habeant 
 potestatem deliguntur. In pace nuUus est communis 
 magistratus, sed principes regionum atque pagorum inter 
 suos jus dicunt controversiasque minuunt. Latrocinia 
 nuUam habent infamiam, quae extra fines cujusque civi- 
 tatis fiunt, atque ea juventutis exercendae ac desidiae 
 
 The Germans had huts, but they 
 were not constructed to be per- 
 manent; not made with any great 
 care. 
 
 animi aequitate — cnntineavf] There 
 is no nominative for ' contineant,' 
 but the context supplies one, and it 
 is ' magistratus,' &c. This German 
 way of using the land is represented 
 as foundeii on certain notions of the 
 chiefs, as we must suppose, whose de- 
 sign was to maintain tlie martial 
 character of the people, and to pre- 
 vent the consequences of land being 
 appropriated to individuals. ' Animi 
 aequitate' is one of Cicero's ex])re8- 
 sions ( De Sen. 1 ). The meaning here 
 is, ' that the chiefs may be able to 
 keep the inferior sort together,' that 
 is prevent civil broils, by reason of 
 their being contented ('animi aequi- 
 tate'), when every man sees that his 
 own means are as great as those of 
 the men who have .luthority. As there 
 was no difference in wealth, tlie dis- 
 tinctions were perhaps partly founded 
 on birth, and partly on iiiilitary 
 prowess. I am merely viewing the 
 matter as it is presented by Caesar. 
 
 23. Idtissvne] Or • latissimas,' as 
 some MSS. have it. See iv. 3. 
 
 nt vitae, ^c. ] Magistrates (to use 
 
 X 
 
 a Roman term) are chosen (by vote, 
 perhaps he means) to conduct the 
 war, and with power of life and 
 death. The omission of ' ita,' when 
 followed by ' ut,' is not uncommon. 
 Caesar means that they have tiie 
 direction of the war with such 
 power as to decide on matters that 
 affect a man's life. The word 'com- 
 munis ' can only be explained by 
 reference to this sentence. In time 
 of war, all who are under the ' ma- 
 gistiatus' are subject to their juris- 
 diction : such is a 'communis ma- 
 gistratus.' In time of peace the 
 people are under the jurisdiction 
 of the chiefs of the several districts, 
 who administer justice('jus dicunt'). 
 Tacitus (Germ. 12) says, "_ Eliguntur 
 in iisdem conciliis et principes qui 
 jura per pagos vicosqiie reddunt (red- 
 dnnt.^)." The German system was 
 not one of centralization, but one of 
 local administration. 'Jus diccre ' 
 is said of a Roman magistrate who 
 has 'juris dictio,' jurisdiction, au- 
 Uiority to declare the law. 
 
 minuunt] Cfomp. v. 2G, ' quibus 
 contioversuis,' &c. Cicero (Acad. 
 Pr. ii. 2G) has the same expression. 
 It means to settle matters in di» 
 pute. 
 
 2 
 
308 
 
 C. JULIl CAESAEIS 
 
 miiiuendae causa fieri praedicant. Atque ubi quia oi 
 principibus in concilio dixit Se ducem tore, qui sequi 
 velint protiteautur ; consurguiit ii qui et eausam et hoini- 
 nem probant, suumque auxilium pollieentur atque ab 
 multitudine collaudantur : qui ex iis secuti iion sunt in 
 desertorum ac proditorum numero dueuntur, omniumque 
 lis rerum postea fides derogntur. Hospitem violare fas 
 non putant ; qui quacunque de causa ad eos venerunt, ab 
 injuria prohibent sanctosque habent, bisque omnium 
 domus patent victuaque coinmunicatur. 
 
 24. Ac fuit antea tenipus quum Germanos Galli vir- 
 tute superarent, ultro bella interrent, propter bominum 
 multitudinem agrique inopiam trans Khenum colouias 
 mitterent. Itaque ea quae fertiUssima Germaniae sunt 
 loca circum Hercyuiam siivam, quam Eratostbeni et qui- 
 
 profiteaniur] * Let them give in 
 their names.' 'Profiteii'is a usual 
 expression in this sense, ami also 
 when a man makes a return or state- 
 ment of his means for the purpose of 
 heing tixed (Cic. Verr. ii. 4, c. '22), 
 as we do for the income tax. Kraner 
 says that ' qui ex his secuti non sunt,' 
 as he has it, means of course after 
 they had promised to join the ex- 
 pedition ; but 1 think that it means 
 tliose ' qui non polliciti simt.' 
 
 deroqatur] This is a word used in 
 legislation, and means to repeal part 
 of a 'lex.' Ulpian (Frag. Tit. at the 
 beginning). Cicero (De Re Publica 
 iii. 22, ed. Mai) has it also, but with 
 an ablative, "neque derogari ex liac 
 aliquid licet;" or it may be used 
 with 'de.' But when the subject is 
 a person, the dative is used as here. 
 As to ' rerum fides,' see i. 19. 
 
 (/ui quacunque] 'Qui quaque,' 
 Klb., Schn.— ' venerint,' Elb., for 
 which there is less authority, aud the 
 indicative is required. 
 
 24. u/tro] • Thev even invaded 
 Germany.' See v. 56. The Volcae 
 Tectosages in Caesar's time occupied 
 part of the Provincia ; their chief 
 place was Toulouse. But this was 
 not their original place. The name 
 is Volgae TtctoMges in some MSS., 
 
 and one has Bclgae. Their primitive 
 name, according to some readings 
 (Ausonins, De Clar. Urb. Narb.), 
 was Bolgae, " Usque in Tictosagos 
 primaevo nomine Volcas." The read- 
 ing in Cicero (Pro Font. c. 8) in 
 many editions is ' Belgarum.' These 
 invadei*s of Germany seem to have 
 gone along the valley of the Danube 
 about three centuries before the 
 Christian aera. Caesar affirms that 
 some of them maintained themselves 
 in Germany to his time. The course 
 and the history of these adventuious 
 marauders are traced by Thierry 
 (Hist, des Gaulois, ch, iv ). A body 
 of Tectosages, with other Galli, 
 finally settled in Asia Minor, in the 
 country to which they gave the name 
 of (laiatia. Their chief town was 
 Ancyra. They preserved their name, 
 their habits, and their language for a 
 long time. 
 
 J/era/nial Strabo (p. 292) de- 
 scribes the llercynia. but the pas- 
 sage is obscure, and probably in parta 
 corrupt. (iSee Groskurd's Transla- 
 tion, i. 514.) Strabo says, that a 
 man who is going from Celtice (Gal- 
 lia) to the Hercynian forest, must 
 first cross the lake (of Constan/), 
 then the Danube, then make his way 
 th'ough a coup try which is uiore 
 
 LIBER Yl. 
 
 80y 
 
 busdam Graecis fama notam esse video, quam illi Orcy- 
 niam appellant, Volcae Tectosages occupaverunt atque 
 ibi cons'ederunt. Quae gens ad hoc tempus his sedibus 
 eese continet summamque habet justitiae et bellicae laudis 
 opinionem : nunc quoque in eadem inopia, egestate, pa- 
 tientia qua Germani permanent, eodem victu et cultu 
 corporis utuntur. Gallis autem Provinciae propinquitas 
 et transmannarum rerum notitia multa ad copiam atque 
 usus largitur. Paullatim adsuefacti superari, multisque 
 victi proeliis, ne se quidem ipsi cum illis virtute com- 
 parant. 
 
 25. Hujus Hercyniae silvae, quae supra demonstrata 
 est, latitude novem dierum iter expedito patet : non enim 
 aliter finiri potest, neque mensuras itinerum noverunt. 
 Oritur ab Helvetiorum et Nemetum et Eauracorum 
 
 easily traversed, and throuffh moun- 
 tain plains (high plateaus) to the 
 forest. The rest that he says is very 
 obscure. Caesar, whn seldom makes 
 any display of learning, of whiih, 
 however, he had as much as any 
 of his countrymen, cites the Greek 
 Eratosthenes, whom Strabo used 
 largely for his work. This distin- 
 guished astronomer and geographer 
 lived at Alexandria in tiie third cen- 
 tury B.C. He w;.8 not a traveller, 
 but 0!ie of those laborious men of 
 antiquity who endeavoured to reduce 
 to a system all the materials that 
 were found in travellers and voy- 
 agers. The ' certain Greeks' may be 
 Posidonius who travelled in Gallia, 
 and pcrhai)s Pytheas of Marseille. 
 
 sedi/ttLs] Schneider has ' aedibus.' 
 These words are often confounded. 
 See Cicero (Pro Sulla, c. 6), " in 
 aedibus meis." — ' Provinciae :' ' pro- 
 vinciarum,' Schn. — ' usus :' there is 
 a reading ' usum.' 
 
 cum illis] ' Not even the Galli 
 themselves compare themselves with 
 the Germans ('cum illis').' 
 
 25. demo7istrata] The word means 
 no more than ' mentioned ' here. 
 
 nov>eTH — iter] See iv. 7. 
 
 lioi'cnint] There is no nomina- 
 tive. Cac!>ar'8 style has a certain 
 
 carelessness about it sometimes, or 
 it seems so to us. His information 
 about the Hcrcvnia could only come 
 fron) Germans, directly or indirectly, 
 and we must therefore suppose that 
 the Viey are Germans. They were 
 not acquainted with the practice of 
 measuring road distances, as the 
 Romans were who set up mile stones 
 (' lapides ') on their roads. 
 
 Oritur] Caesar makes the forest 
 commence from the banks of the 
 Rhine, for the Rhine was the eastern 
 boundary of the Helvetii (i. 2). The 
 Rauraci were on the west bank of 
 the Rhine (i. 5), but the Nemetes 
 in Caesar's time were ])robably on 
 the east bank, for he does not men- 
 tion them among the peoi)les on the 
 west bank, where they were fixed in 
 Tacitus' time (iv. 10). The position 
 of these three nations gives a kind of 
 measure of the extent of the forest 
 from north to south. On the east it 
 extended in the direction of the 
 Danube straight to the boundaries 
 of the Daci and Anartes. We can- 
 not tell where Caesar, or those from 
 whom he got his information, sup- 
 posed the boundaries of the Daci and 
 Anaites to commence. The boun- 
 daries of the later Roman province 
 of Dacia are pretty well fixed. 1 he 
 
310 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 fjnibus, rectaque fluminis Daniibii ro^ione pertinet ad 
 lines Dacorum et Anartium ; hinc se flectit sinistrorsua 
 diversis ab flumine regionibus, multariinque gentium 
 lines propter magnitudinem attingit : neque quisquam 
 est hujus Germaniae qui se aut adisse ad initium ejus 
 silvae dicat, quum dierum iter lx processerit, aut quo ex 
 loco oriatur acceperit : multaque in ea genera ferarum 
 nasci constat quae reliquis in iocis visa iion sint : ex 
 quibus quae maxime difterant ab ceteris et memoriae 
 prodenda videantur haec sunt. 
 
 20. Est bos cervi figura, cujus a media fronte inter 
 aures unum cornu exsistit, excelsius magisque directum 
 his quae nobis nota sunt cornibus. Ab ejus summo 
 
 Anartes were a Dacian people, who 
 |K>iliiip8 were on the Theiss (Ti bis- 
 ons), that branch of the DanM)e 
 which drains a large part of Hun- 
 gary. At these ' Hnos,' wherever 
 they were, Caesar seems to fix the 
 eastern limit of the forest, which 
 limit we cannot conceive to be 
 lorincd by the commencement of 
 cleared and cultivated grounds, bnt 
 to be determined in some other way, 
 perhaps by the country ceasing to 
 be a wooded country, and becoming 
 a region of steppes. For he says, 
 from this point ('hinc') the forest 
 turns to the left, that is to the north, 
 and in different directions from the 
 river, and extends he knows not 
 where. 
 
 rectoqtte fluminis — reffiofie] * A nd 
 following the straight course of the 
 river,' for, as Schneider observes, 
 Caesar not only means that the forest 
 follows tlie coairse of the Danube, 
 but he also means that the course of 
 the Danube is straight. See v. 46, 
 * recta regione,' and Virgil, Aen. ii,' 
 737 ; ix. 885 ; xi. 530. 
 
 hujus Gerrnaniae] ' This Germany,' 
 of which Caesar knew something ; 
 that is, western Germany, or the 
 parts which he saw. — 'ad initium:' 
 ' the origin,' in the east. 
 
 muUaijue.^c] Schneider remarks 
 tii;it this mugt be connected with 
 
 ' multarumque . . . attingit.* 
 
 menioriae] There is aiithoritv foi 
 'memoria,' which all the MSS.have 
 in V. 12. Both the dative and ab- 
 lative are used with ' prodere ;' and 
 some critics suppose that there is a 
 difference in the meaning. 
 
 26. fxts] Caesar names this animal 
 ' bos,' though it had the form of a 
 'cervus,' or deer, an anin>al with 
 which he Mas acquainted. But the 
 woid 'bos' was used generally foi 
 horned animals, and even elephants 
 were called ' Lucae boves.' It ia 
 now generally agreed that Caesar's 
 description refers to the reindeer, 
 but the reindeer has a pair of horns. 
 He is right as to the horns of the 
 female, which are like those of the 
 male, ' but less, more slender, and 
 not so mu( h branched.' ' A single 
 branch, sometiints, but seldom two, 
 spnngs fronj each lioin in front, verv 
 near the base, frequently equalling 
 the length of the head, compres-ed 
 at the top and bran* hed ' (Penny Cy- 
 clopaedia, ail. Deer). This mav ex- 
 plain Caesar's 'unum cornu.' 'Tlie 
 horns of this animal are cylindrical, 
 but at the top compressed and pal- 
 mated, or flattened, with many seg- 
 ments. They spread out like the 
 flat of the hand and the branches ot 
 trees. This is Caesar's ' iwhuac.' 
 
 LIBER YI. 
 
 311 
 
 BJcut palmae ramique late diffunduntur. Eadem e«*t 
 I'eminae marisque natura, eadem forma magnitudoquo 
 corn num. 
 
 27. Sunt item quae appellantur alces. Harum est cou- 
 similis capreis figura etvarietas pellium; sed magnitudiue 
 paullo antecedunt mutilaeque sunt cornibus, et crura sine 
 nodis articulisque habent ; neque quietis causa procum- 
 bunt, neque, si quoafflictae casu conciderunt, erigere sese 
 aut sublevare possuut. His sunt arbores pro cubilibus : 
 ad eas se applicant, atque ita paullum modo reclinatae 
 quietem capiunt ; quarum ex vestigiis quum est animad- 
 versum a venatoribus quo se recipere consuerint, omues 
 60 loco aut ab radicibus subruunt aut accidunt arbores 
 tantum ut summa species earum stantium relinquatur. 
 Hue quum se consueiudine reclinaverunt, infirmas arbores 
 pondere aftiigunt atque una ipsae concidunt. 
 
 28. Tertium est genus eorum qui uri appellantur. Hi 
 sunt magnitudiue paullo intra elephantos ; specie et 
 
 ramufJie late] Most MSS. are 
 said to have ' ramique late ;' there is 
 also a reading ' diffundunt.' 
 
 27. alces] Caesar means the elk, 
 which Pliny also (viii. 15) describes. 
 The words 'mutilac cornibus,' muti- 
 lated or broken in the horas, may 
 be explained, if we suppose that 
 those who gave Caesar the informa- 
 tion had seen the horns when they 
 had exfoliated. The no 'joints' is 
 a marvellous blunder, in Caesar in- 
 excusable. The elk has very long 
 legs, and feeds by browsing on leaves 
 and twigs. Caesar's ' knots and joints' 
 mean the articulations of the limbs. 
 Pliny uses the expression 'nodorum 
 artic'uli.' Caesar may have got his 
 information even at third or fourth 
 hand, and tlirough interpreters. If 
 the beast had no joints in his legs, 
 what is said of his habits is con- 
 sistent. He was obliged to do with- 
 out joints as well as he could. 
 
 capreis] ' capris,' Schneider and 
 others ; which we must translate, 
 'These elks have a form and variety 
 in their skins like coats.' 
 
 eriyere — suLlevure] ' They cannot 
 
 set themselves straight up, or raise 
 themselves.' If they could set them- 
 selves straight up on their legs ('eri- 
 gere sese'), they could of course 
 raise themselves; but they could 
 not do even that. 
 
 subrituf/t\ ' They either under- 
 mine all the trees in that place at 
 the roots (' a radicbus '), or cut them 
 so far as to leave the external (' sun»- 
 ma ') appearance of a standing tree ;' 
 but the ti*ce only seems to stand 
 secure. Miiller gives the same ex- 
 planation of ' summa species.' It is 
 not necessary to give the other in- 
 terjiretations. Compare ii. 6, ' mu- 
 rum subruunt.' 
 
 28. uri] This is often said to be 
 the aurocns, or European bison, or 
 'bison jnbatus' of Pliny (viii. 15) 
 which is said still to exist between 
 the Caspian and the Black seas. 
 But it is Cuvier's opinion that this 
 animal, the ' urus,' is an extinct spe- 
 cies. Pliny, in the passage just 
 quoted, speaks both of ' bisontes 
 jubati ' and ' uri.' See the article 
 Bison, Penny C'yclopaedia. 
 
312 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 cdore et figura tauri. Magna via eorum eat et magna 
 velocitas, neque liomini neque ferae quam conspexerunt 
 parcuut. Hos studiose foveis captos interficiunt. Hoc 
 se labore durant [honiinea] adolesceutea atque hoc genera 
 venationis exerceut : et qui plurimos ex his interfecerunt, 
 relatis in publicum cornibus quae aint teatimonio mag- 
 nani feruut laudem. Sed adsueacere ad hominea et man- 
 suehen ne parvuli quidem excepti poasunt. Amphtudo 
 cornuum et figura et apeciea multum a nostrorum bourn 
 cornibua diffurt. Haec atudiose conquisita ab labria ar- 
 gento circumcludunt atque in amplissimis epulis pro 
 poculis utuutur. 
 
 29. Caesar postquam per Ubioa exploratorea comperit 
 
 Suevos aeae m silvas recepisae, inopiam Irumenti veritus, 
 
 quod, ut supra demonstravimua, minime omnes German! 
 
 agriculturae student, constituitnon progredi longius; sed 
 
 lie omnmo metum reditus aui barbaris tolleret,'^atque ut 
 
 eorum auxilia tardaret, reducto exercitu partem ultimain 
 
 pontis, quae ripas Ubiorum contingebat, in longitudincm 
 
 pedum cc rescindit; atque in extreme ponte turrim tabu- 
 
 Jatorum quatuor conatituit praesidiumque cohortium xii 
 
 pontis tuendi cauaa ponit, magnisque eum locum muni- 
 
 tiombus firmat. Ei loco praesidioque C. Volcatium 
 
 luilum adolescentem praefecit. Ipse, quum maturescere 
 
 Irumenta inciperent, ad bellum Ambiorigis profectua per 
 
 Arduennam silvam, quae est totius Galliae maxima atque 
 
 stwf lose foveis] They cat( h tl>em 
 in pitfalls made with great care (' stu- 
 tliose') and then kill them. 
 
 iie—excepfi] ' Not even if they 
 are taken when very small.' 
 
 ah luhris] ' At the rim.' A ' la- 
 hrum ' is the margin of a thing, as 
 the lips of the mouth. See vii. 72 ; 
 and compare ' ab radicibus,' c. 27, 
 and i. I, note. 
 
 29. rerihts] Dion (40, c. 32) savs, 
 ' being afraid of the Sucvi,' which is 
 false if we takeCaesir's ttstimony. 
 
 minime omnes] Here some critics 
 make a difficulty out of nothing. 
 Some would have ' homines ' in 
 place of ' omnes.' Caesar savs ' mi- 
 nime . . . saepe' (i. 1). The Ger- 
 
 mani ' minime student,' and this it 
 the case with all of them, the whole 
 Germanic nation. 
 
 cohvrtium] He does not sav how 
 long tlicse twelve cohorts watched 
 the bridge. See c. 33, note. 
 
 jxr A rduen7iajn—patet\ See v. 
 3; vi. 33. These words are placed 
 in [ J by many editors, without any 
 reason at all. They are not in the 
 Greek version, whic h however is of 
 very little authority. But they are 
 in Oio-jus (vi. 10), and some sup- 
 pose that they have been transferred 
 from his text to Caesar's, which is 
 very unlikelv, for they are, as it ap- 
 pears, in all the MSS. of Caes.ar 
 St.ubo (p. 194) blames the historians 
 
 LIBEH YI. 
 
 813 
 
 ab ripia Kheni finibusque Trevirorum ad Nervios per- 
 tinet, milibusque ampliua quingeutis in longitudiuem 
 patet, L. Minucium Basilum cum omni equitatu prae- 
 mittit, si quid celeritate itineria atque opportunitate 
 temporis proficere poasit ; monet ut ignea in caatria fieri 
 prohibeat, ne qua ejus adventua procul significatio fiat : 
 sese confestim subaequi dicit. 
 
 30. Basilus ut imperatum eat facit. Celeriter contraque 
 omnium opinionem confecto itinere, multos in agria inopi- 
 nantes deprehendit ; eorum iudicio ad ipsum Ambiorigem 
 contendit, quo in loco cum paucia equitibua esae dice- 
 batur. Multum quum in omnibus rebua, tum in re mili- 
 tari potest fortuna. Nam sicut magno accidit casu ut in 
 ipsum incautum etiam atque imparatum incideret, priua- 
 que ejus adventus ab hominibus videretur quam fama 
 aut luincius adferretur, sic magnae fuit fortunae, omni 
 nnlitari instrinnento quod circum se habebat erepto, 
 rliedis equisque comprehensis, ipsum eff'ugere mortem. 
 Sed hoc eo factum eat quod aedificio circumdato silva, ut 
 sunt fere domicilia Gallorum qui vitandi aeatus cauaa 
 plerumque silvarum ac fluminum petunt propinquitates, 
 oomites familiaresque ejus angusto in loco pauUisper 
 
 for making the Arduenna 4000 sta- 
 dia, that is, D.M.P. in length, and 
 there is little doubt that he means 
 Caesar, and that he found d.m.p. in 
 Caesar's text. It is true that 500 
 Roman miles is a monstrous exag- 
 peration. The Arduenna may have 
 extended from the Rhine below 
 Coblenz westward to the forests of 
 the Morini and Menapii; but if we 
 suppose it to have reached even to 
 the coast between Calais and Ostend, 
 the number in Caesar is greatly ex- 
 aggerated. It is hardly possible to 
 conceive that he made this mistake ; 
 and an error in the text, as old as 
 Strabo's time, may have existed. 
 D'Anville proposes to reduce the 
 length to CL.M.P,, which would cor- 
 respond better to the limits as deter- 
 mined by Caesar. 
 
 'I'lie name Ardennes still exists, 
 aini is the name of one of tlie l*'rcnch 
 departments which contains a part 
 
 of the forest. The rest is in Lux- 
 embourg and Belgium. The name 
 is Celtic, and is also found in Eng- 
 land. Arden in Warwickshire is 
 part of the tract of the English Ar- 
 duenna, once an extensive forest. 
 
 BusUtim] See vii. 90, and the 
 note. — 'proficere posset,' Schn. 
 
 30. Nam sicut] 'Sicut' is the 
 correlative of 'sic' in ' sic magnae 
 fuit :' 'so it was a piece of great 
 good fortune for Anibiorix to escape 
 from death.' — ' instrumento.' See 
 V. 31. 
 
 ut sunt] See iii. 8. 
 
 domicilia] The reading of some 
 of the best MSS. ; the rest have 
 ' acdificia.' Caesar has used ' domi- 
 cilium ' (i. 30 ; ii. 29) in its common 
 sense of a place for residence, the 
 place in which a man has his house 
 and family (Dig. 50, tit. 1). I be- 
 lieve it is the true word here, ami it 
 means the usual places of abode. 
 
314 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 equitum riostrorum vim sustlnuerunt. His pugnantibus 
 ilium in equum quidam ex suis iiitulit : fugientem silvae 
 texerunt. JSic et ad subeuodum perieulum et ad vitandum 
 multum fortuna valuit. 
 
 31. Ambiorix copias suas judicione non conduxerit, 
 quod proelio dimicandum nou existimarit, an tempore 
 exclusus et repentino equitum adventu prohibitus, quum 
 reliquum exercitum subsequi crederet, dubium est ; sed 
 certe dimissis per agros nunciis, sibi quemque consulere 
 jussit : quorum pars in Arduennam silvam, pars in con- 
 linentes paludes profugit ; qui proximi Oceano fuerunt, 
 hi insulis sese oecultaverunt quas aestus efficere eonsue- 
 runt : multi ex suis finibus egressi se suaque omnia 
 alienissimis crediderunt. Cativolcus, rex dimidiae partis 
 Eburonum, qui una cum Ambiorigo consilium inierat, 
 aetate jam confectus, quum laborem [aut] belli aut fugae 
 ferre non posset, omnibus precibus detestatus Ambio- 
 rigem qui ejus consilii auctor fuisset, taxo, cujus magna 
 in Gallia Germaniaque copia est, se exanimavit. 
 
 Sic et] This means, ' such was the 
 power of fortune, both as to (Ambi- 
 orix) gettin^^ into (hinger and getting 
 cut of it.' F'ortuna ' is not good 
 fortune, bui fortune' generally, 
 that which happens as it may. ' For- 
 tuna' was a goddess (Hor. Caim. i. 
 So). These remarks on ' fortuna ' 
 are not at all in Caesar's style, for 
 his work is seldom distigurcd l)y such 
 reflections. He is on the subject 
 flwain c. 35. 42. Caesar speaks in i. 
 12 of his success in such a way as to 
 leave the reader to refer it cither to 
 I casus,' or the ' consilium deonim 
 immortaliiim.' The ' dei immor- 
 tales ' to whom Cicero so often refers, 
 do not seem to have occupied Caesar's 
 thoughts much. 
 
 31. certe] There is very little 
 authority for 'clam,' which some 
 editions place after ' certe.' — ' his 
 insulis,' Elb. It is not easy to 
 understand whether Caesar means 
 islands or places insulated at high 
 wutci (iii. 12). Caesar knew nothing 
 accurately of the coast between the 
 
 Schelde and the Maas; and it is 
 useless to attempt to get more out of 
 him thun there is in him. 
 
 qui— fuisset] ' Cursing Ambiorix 
 for being the adviser of the war,' for 
 that is what he means. See v. 26. 
 Perhaps he cursed Caesar. The sen- 
 tence contains ' qui . . . inierat,' and 
 ' qui . . . fuisset,' two examples the 
 clearest that we can have of the dif- 
 ference of the two moods. ' Qui . . . 
 inierat' is only a further description 
 of Cativolcus. ' Qui . . . fuiyset ' 
 might be ' qui . . . fuerat,' and it 
 would have a like meaning; it would 
 define or describe Ambiorix more 
 exactly. But Caesar means to say 
 something else, which the English 
 tianslation expresses. ' Preces ' is 
 a request addressed to a superior, 
 or to the gods, which may be against 
 another. 
 
 The unfortunate old man poisoned 
 himself with yew (' taxus '), as Cae- 
 sar heard. The berries, it is 8ai4, 
 are not poisonous, but the leaves 
 will poison some animals. The be- 
 
 LIBER YT. 
 
 315 
 
 32. Segni Condrusique ex gente et nnmero Germano- 
 rum, qui sunt inter li]burones Trevirosque, legates ad 
 Caesarem miserunt oratum Ne se in hostium numero 
 duceret, neve omnium Germanorum qui essent citra 
 Ilhenum unam esse causam judicaret; nihil se de belle 
 cogitasse, nulla Ambiorigi auxilia misisse. Caesar, explo- 
 rata re quaestione cnptivorum, si qui ad eos Eburones ex 
 fuga convenissent ad se ut red jcerentur imperavit ; si itn 
 fecissent, fines eorum se violaturum negavit. Tum copiis 
 in tres partes distributis impedimenta omnium legionum 
 Aduatueam contulit. Id castelli nomen est. Hoe fere 
 est in mediis Eburonum finibus, ubi Titurius atque Au- 
 runculeius hiemandi causa consederant. Hunc quum 
 reliquis rebus locum probabat, tum quod superioris anni 
 munitiones integrae manebant, ut militum laborem sub- 
 levaret. Praesidio impedimentis legionem xiv reliquit, 
 unam ex his tribus quas proxime conscriptas ex Italia 
 transduxerat. Ei legioni castrisque Q. TuUium Cice- 
 ronem praefecit ducentosque equites attribuit. 
 
 33. Partito exercitu T. Labienum cum legionibus tribus 
 
 lief of antiquity was. that the yew 
 had poisonous qualities, and it is a 
 matter on which antiquity is as likely 
 to be right as we are. 
 
 32. S€</ni] Thev are not named 
 in ii. 4. The Segni and Condrua 
 were two of the German tribes which 
 lay between the Eburones and the 
 Ti-eviri (iv. 4, the note). 
 
 Aduatueam] Caesar does not 
 mention the name of the place in 
 his fifth book (v. 24. 2G, &c.). He 
 here tells us that Aduatuca was the 
 winter quarters of Titurius and Au- 
 runculeius. D'Anville (Notice de 
 la Gaule) gives some reasons for 
 supposing tl at it may be the site of 
 'J'ongcni, in the Belgian province of 
 Limburg. Tongern is on the Jaar, 
 a branch of the Maas, and an old 
 place. No river is mentioned in 
 Caesar. 
 
 reliquis refjus] ' lie selected this 
 spot for other reasons, and because 
 the woiks of the preceding year re- 
 mained entire, to relieve the :abour 
 
 of the soldiers.' Caesar's use of an 
 ablative, like * reliquis rebus,' is 
 common. The nominative to ' sub- 
 levaret' is probably Caesar, thougji 
 it is possible that ' locus ' understood 
 may oe tne nommative, as Schneider 
 remarks, and so the Greek translator 
 understood it. 
 
 er /lis tribus] See vi, 1, 
 
 33. cum legionibus] He had lef\ 
 a legion with Cicero, and he speaks 
 of nine more in this chapter. He had 
 ten in all (c. 44; vii. 34). Schneider 
 concludes that the twelve cohorts 
 which guarded the bridge over the 
 Riiine (c. 29) had already joined 
 Caesar. If that is so, they could 
 hardly have had time to serve the 
 purpose for which they were left at 
 the Rhine. But they must have 
 joined Caesar, or we must assume 
 that these ten were not complete 
 legions, and that the twelve cohorts 
 left the Rhine before the winter 
 came. The expression in c. 3.% 
 ' praebidium . . . relictum,' will uot 
 
31G 
 
 C. JULII CAESARTS 
 
 ad Ocpanum versus in eaa partes quae Menapiosattingunt 
 profieisci jubet: C. Trebonium cum pari legionum numero 
 ad earn regionein quae Aduatucis adjacet depopulandam 
 mittit : ipse cum reliquis tribus ad flumen Scaldem quod 
 influit in Mosam, extremasque Arduennae partes ire cou- 
 stituit, quo cum paucis cquitibus profectum Ambiorigem 
 audiebat. Discedens post diem septimum sese rever- 
 surum confirmat, quam ad diem ei legioui quae in prae- 
 sidio relinquebatur frumeutum deberi sciebat. Labienum 
 Treboniuiuque hortatur, si rei publicae commodo facere 
 possint, ad eum diem revertantur; ut rursus communicato 
 consdio expluratisque hostium rationibus aliud belli ini- 
 tium capere possent. 
 
 34. Erat, ut supra demonstravimus, manus certa nulla, 
 non oppidum, non praesidium, quod se armis defeuderet, 
 sed in omues partes dispersa multitudo. Ubi cuique aut 
 vallis abdita aut locus silvestris aut palus impedita spem 
 praesidii aut salutis aliquam offerebat, consederat. Haec 
 loca. vicinitatibus erant nota, maguamque res diligeutiam 
 
 decide the question, for it may simply 
 mean that a force had been left 
 there ; hut one cannot ece why the 
 force had been left there except to 
 prevent any Germans from crossing 
 at that part of the Rhine while Cae- 
 sar was ravaging the country of the 
 Eburones. 
 
 ad— versus] ' In ' is also used 
 with * versus,' as " in forum versus 
 agere" (Cic. De Am. c. 25). 
 
 Scaldem] The Greek version has 
 'Sabim,' the Sambre, and also the 
 edition of R. Stephens. But we 
 must retain ' Scaldem ' on the autho- 
 rity of the MSS., notwithstanding 
 the fact that the river Scludde does 
 not flow into the Maas (Introd. p. 
 17). 'J'he piobahle explanation of 
 the passage is, tliat the tract between 
 the outlet of the Schclde, called 
 \A'est Schelde, and the Maas, was 
 unknown to Caesar, and that the 
 aestuary of the Schelde communi- 
 cated with the lower part of the 
 M osa. 
 post diem septimum] This woul 1 
 
 mean literally, 'after the «>\-enth 
 day;' but the Romans used these 
 ordinal numbers very loosely. In 
 mnny cases both extremes are in- 
 cluded, as in 'ante diem tertium 
 Kal. Jan.,' which is the 3Uth of De- 
 cember. So here the day on which 
 Caesar sets out is one, and the day 
 on which he promises to return is 
 another, and there are five clear 
 days^ between. For it appears from 
 c. 35, 36, that Caesar was to return 
 on the seventh day. As to 'diem 
 
 . . . quam ad diem,' compare i. 6. 
 
 • commodo rei publicae •. see i. 35 : 
 v. 46. 
 
 34. mantis certa] 'Sure,' 'one 
 that could be relied on.' Schneider 
 compares 'certa subsidia.' ii. 22. 
 
 Ubi] "Plerique codd. et edd. 
 prim, multitudo, utncumque,'^ ¥Ah. 
 
 vicinitatibus] Vov examples of 
 'vicinitas' in the sense of ' vicini- 
 ties,' 'people in the vicinity,' see 
 Forcellini. — 'gumma excrcitu's:' the 
 mass of tfie army, as we may say. 
 See vi. 11. 
 
 LIBER VI. 
 
 317 
 
 rcquirebat, non in summa exercitus tuenda, nullum enim 
 poterat universis ab perterritis ac dispersis periculum 
 accidere, sed in singulis militibus conservandis ; quae 
 tamen ex parte res ad salutem exercitus pertinebat. Nam 
 et prj^edae cupiditas multos longius evocabat, et silvae 
 incertis occultisque itineribus confertos adire probibebaut. 
 Si negotium confici stirpemque hominum sceleratorum 
 interfiei vellet, dimittendae plures manus diducendique 
 erant milites : si continere ad signa manipulos vellet, ut 
 instituta ratio et consuetudo exercitus Eomani postu- 
 labat, locus ipse erat praesidio barbaris, neque ex occulto 
 insidiandi et dispersos circumveniendi singulis deerat 
 audacia. At in ejusmodi difficultatibus quantum dili ■ 
 gentia provideri poterat providebatur, ut potius in uo- 
 cendo aliquid oniitteretur, etsi omnium animi ad ulciscen- 
 dum ardebant, quam cum aliquo detrimento militum 
 noceretur. Dimittit ad finitimas civitates nuncios Caesar, 
 omnes ad se vocat spe praedae ad diripiendos Eburones] 
 ut potius in silvis Gallorum vita quam legionarius miles 
 periclitetur ; simul ut magna multitudine circumfusa pro 
 tali facinore stirps ac nomen civitatis toUatur. Magnus 
 undique numerus celeriter convenit. 
 
 35. Haec in omnibus Eburonum partibus gerebantur, 
 diesque appetebat Septimus, quern ad diem Caesar ad im- 
 pednnenta legionemque reverti constituerat. Hie quan- 
 tum in bello fortuna possit et quantos afferat casus 
 cognosci potuit. Dissipatis ac perterritis hostibus, ut 
 demonstravimus, manus erat nulla quae parvam modo 
 
 quae — res] 'which however partly,' 
 * in some degree/ ' was a matter 
 which concenied the safety of the 
 army.' 'I'he safety of the parts con- 
 cerned tlie safety of the whole. 
 
 stiipem] 'Stirps' seems to mean 
 sometimes the root, sometimes the 
 lower part of the stem of a plant or 
 tree ; and hence it has the sense of 
 race or stock from which a man or a 
 nation springs. Caesar would de- 
 stroy the whole stock or breed of 
 these villains. This looks as if it 
 were written at the time. His lan- 
 guage, which is a rare thing in these 
 
 books, is that of passion. 
 
 ad >ig7ia manipulos] See ii. 25, 
 and the note. 
 
 At] Many MSS. have' ut.' 
 
 noDien] See ii. 28. 
 
 35. appetebat] See vii. 4, whert 
 there is a different use of the word. 
 Livy (xxi. 1) has, "jam ver appete- 
 bat quum Hannibal ex hibernis 
 movit,' speaking of the approacti of 
 spring. — 'quem'ad diem:' 'quam 
 ad diem ' in c. 33. See i. 6, note. 
 
 nulla— parvam modo] This means, 
 ' not 60 much as a little.' 
 
318 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 causam timorls afferret. Trans Rhenum ad Germanoa 
 pervenit fama diripi Eburones atque ultro onin(?s ad 
 praedain evocari. Cogunt equitiini duo niilia Sigarabri 
 qui sunt proxiini Rheuo, a quibus reeeptos ex fuga 
 Tenchtheros atque Usipetes supra docuimus : transeunt 
 lihenuin navibus ratibusque xxx milibus passu um infra 
 eum locum ubi pons erat perfectus praesidiumque ab 
 Caesare relictum: prirnosEburonum fines adeunt, multos 
 ex fuga disperses excipiunt, magno pecoris nuniero, cujus 
 sunt cupidissinii barbari, potiuntur. Invitati praeda Ion- 
 gins procedunt. Non hos palus in bello latrociniisque 
 natos, non silvae niorantur : quibus in locis sit Caesar 
 ex captivis quaerunt ; profectum longius reperiunt om- 
 nemque exereitum discessisse cognoscunt. Atque unua 
 ei captivis, Quid vos, inquit, banc miseram ac tenuein 
 soctaniini praedam, quibus licet jam esse fortunatissimis r 
 Tribus horis Aduatucam venire potestis : huconines suas 
 fortunas exercitus Romanorum contulit ; praesidii tan- 
 
 Rfienum] Hero we have another in- 
 dication of the site of Caesar's bridge 
 (iv. 17). The Siganihri were north 
 of the Ubii, and tlicy were going to 
 the country of the Eburones, whicli 
 is between the Treviri and Menapii. 
 They crossed the river about xxx 
 in.p. below the hridufe where Caesar 
 had left a detachment. As tlieCer- 
 nians crossed thirty miles below the 
 bridge, the Usipetes could cross from 
 tlie west to the east side of the Uhine, 
 as I have explained in the note on 
 iv. If), while Caesar was building 
 his bridge, or beginning to build it. 
 The nearest point to the probable 
 site of Caesar's bridge, whicli corre- 
 sitonds to this distance, is opposite to 
 Honn, north of the Seven Moun- 
 tains. Tlicre the Germans might 
 easily get their horses across : the 
 country is quite flat on both sides of 
 the river. The number ' thirty,' 
 like all other such numbers, must 
 be taken as an appro.\iniation. Da- 
 vis and Clarke had tlie bad taste to 
 prefer a reading ' im perfectus,' for 
 vchich there is some authority. 
 
 ultrol * And more than this, that 
 all were invited to the plunder.' 
 V. 40. 
 
 reeeptos ex fuga] ' By whom they 
 were received after their flight.' 
 Compare ii. 12, 'omnis ex fuga, &c. 
 As to the Tenchtheri and Usipetes, 
 see iv. 16'. 
 
 primos— fines] See i. 2*2, note, 
 and ii. 4, note. ' They reach the 
 border of the territories of the Ebu- 
 rones,' as Schneider correctly explains 
 it, and comi)arc8 ' extrcmos fines,' c. 
 10, and 'in mediis finibus,' c. 32. 
 See also vii. 6G, and viii. 31. 
 
 mnltts S(C.\ This means, ' many 
 in their flight who were dispersed 
 over the country f;ill into the hands of 
 the Germans.' They Avere dispersed, 
 flying, and flying towards the Rhine. 
 See ii. 6, 'ex itinere.' note. 
 
 forlunatissiniis] ' fortunatissimos,' 
 Schn. Both are Lntin. 
 
 venire potest is] There is a read- 
 ing ' vcniri potest.' 
 
 fortunas^ All that they had, bag>« 
 gage (' impedimenta,' c. 32) and plun- 
 der. See V. 43. 
 
 LIBER VI. 
 
 319 
 
 turn est ut ne murus quidem cingi possit neque quisquam 
 egredi extra munitiones audeat. Oblata spe Germani 
 quam nacti erant praedam in occulto relinquunt ; ipsi 
 Aduatucam contendunt usi eodem duce cujus baec indicio 
 cognoverant. 
 
 30. Cicero, qui [per] omnes superiores dies praeceptis 
 Caesaris [cum] summa diligeutia milites in castris conti- 
 nuisset ac ne calonem quidem quemquam extra munitio- 
 nem egredi passus esset, scptimo die diffidens de numero 
 dierum Caesarem fidem servaturum, quod longius [eum] 
 progressum audiebat neque ulla de reditu ejus fama 
 atterebatur, simul eorum permotus vocibus, qui illius 
 patientiam paene obsessionem appellabant, si quidem ex 
 castris egredi non liceret, nullum ejusmodi casum exspec- 
 tans, quo novem oppositis legionibus maximoque equi- 
 tatu dispersis ac paene deletia hostibus in milibus pas- 
 suum III oliendi posset, quinque coliortes frumentatuRi 
 in proximas segetes misit quas inter et castra unus 
 omnino collis intererat. Complures erant in castris ex 
 legionibus aegri relicti, ex quibus qui boc spatio dierum 
 convaluerant, circiter ccc sub vexillo una mittuntur : 
 
 tantum est] ' They have not force 
 enough to man the wall, or for any 
 one to venture to go out of the forti- 
 fications.' Hcrzog cit«'8 a similar 
 passage (B. C. iii. 2), "tantum 
 navium repperit ut angustc xv milia 
 leL'ionarioruiii militiim . . . trans- 
 portare posse nt." See Cicero (De 
 Imj). Cn. Pomp. c. fi), " nam cetera- 
 rum provinciarum," &c. 
 
 3f>. vocilnis] Com})are ii. 30; iii, 
 17. 24; V. 3.0. ' Vocibus' in these 
 passages means ' clamour,' ' abuse,' 
 and the like. 
 
 ejitsiwidi easum — ffuo] ' Quo' is the 
 ablative, 'by which;' and 'offendi' 
 is used impersonally, as it is called. 
 Caesar means that * Cicero, expecting 
 nothing to ha])pen that should cause 
 any danger to the men within a range 
 of three miles from the camp, sent 
 five cohorts to the nearest standing 
 crops.' The word 'oppositis' seems 
 a careless expression, as there is 
 
 C 
 
 nothing added to explain it: but the 
 sense is clear ; ' because nine legions 
 and a very large body of the cavalry 
 had gone to meet the enemy who were 
 dis;>ersed and almost destroyed.' ' In 
 milibus passuum ill' may be com- 
 pared with ' quein Caesar in milibus 
 passuum Jill consecutus ' (Bell. Afr. 
 c. 03). 
 
 sub vexiUn'] Caesar has used ' vex- 
 ill um ' (ii 20) for the signal of battle. 
 Tliese soldiers belonged to the several 
 legions which were absent on ser- 
 vice, and they had no ' signa et ma- 
 ni|>uli ' (c. 40). But to maintain 
 order they all marcheil under a ' vex- 
 illum,' or colours. The 'vexillarii' 
 of a later period were the soldiers 
 who had served a long time, and 
 were expecting their retiring allow- 
 ance, money or land, who were still 
 with the troops, but did net form a 
 part of the regular army. Tacitus 
 (Ann. i. 17) explains this. 
 
 2 
 
/ 
 
 320 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 magna praeterea multitudo calonum, ma^.aa vis jiimen 
 torum, quae in castris subsederat, facta potestate se- 
 quitur. 
 
 37. Hoc ipso tempore et casu Germani eqirites interve- 
 niuut, protinusque eodem illo quo veneiaut cursu ab 
 decumatia j)orta in castra irrumpere conantur, nee prius 
 sunt visi objeetia ab ea parte silvis quani cnstris appro- 
 pinquarent, usque eo ut qui sub vallo tenderent merca- 
 tores recipiendi sui facultatem non haberent. Inopi- 
 nantes nostri re nova perturbantur, ac vix primum 
 impetum cohors in statione sustinet. Circumfunduutur 
 ex reliquis hostes partibus si quern adituin reperire pos- 
 sent. Aegre portas nostri tuentur, reliquos aditus locus 
 ipse per se munitioque defendit. Totis trepidatur castris, 
 atque alius ex alio causam tumultus quaerit ; neque quo 
 signa ferautur neque quam in partem quisque conveniat 
 provident. Alius capta jam castra pronunciat; alius 
 (leleto exercitu atque imperatore victorcs barbaros venisse 
 contendit : plerique novas sibi ex loco religiones fingunt, 
 
 mapia vis^ This word is used 
 peneially to express a mass, a gieat 
 quantity, or great number. Tlie 
 Ivomans said, ' magna vis hominum,' 
 ' hederiie vis,' ' magna vis frumenti,' 
 
 '61. et casu] Some MSS. omit 
 ' et ;' but the sense requires ' et,' for 
 it was at this very time, and at the 
 time when things haj)pened to be in 
 this state, that the Germans sud- 
 denly arrived. 
 
 ujypropinnruirent'] See i. 53, note. 
 
 usque eo\ Schneider says these 
 words do not refer simply to' castris 
 appropinquarcnt,' but to all that pre- 
 cedes. ' Qui . . . tenderent ' is like 
 'qui superessent ' (ii. 27), and simi- 
 larly placed with respect to ' ut' and 
 its tense ' haberent.' — ' mercatorcs :' 
 eee i. 1. They had their tents near 
 tiie ' vallum ' on the outside. ' Ten- 
 dcre' is used absolutely in this sense 
 Doth by the poets and the historians. 
 
 " lllic Aeacides, illic tendebat 
 Ulixes." — Ovid. Her. i. 35. 
 
 recipiendi sui] ' Se recipere ' is 
 
 used in Caesar so as to show the 
 place to wliich a person makes hia 
 way (iii. 6). It is also used abso- 
 lutely to express recovery from sur- 
 prise or alarm or fatigue (iii. 4). 
 The ' mercatores ' had not gone 
 with the foraging party : they weie 
 in the tents with their wares, and 
 there the Germans surprised them. 
 We may infer that they were mas- 
 sacred, not having time to escai)e 
 into the camp, where we may suppose 
 that they would have been allowed 
 a shelter. The cohort or guard (' in 
 statione,' iv. 32) had trouble enough 
 to defend itself 
 
 novas — rclKjkmes^ ' Most of thcnj 
 imagine new superstitious alarms 
 sugirested by the place, and' &c.; hav- 
 ing hitherto, as Schneider remarks, 
 been without fears and thoughts 
 of evil forebodings. — There is also 
 ' qui . . , occiderunt.' If ' qui occi- 
 derint' is the true reading, it must 
 n<)t be translated like an indicative : 
 * and have before their eyes the ill 
 luck of Cotta and Titurius in pe- 
 rishing in the same place.' 
 
 LIBER VI. 
 
 321 
 
 Cottaeque et Titurii calamitatem qui in eodem occiderint 
 castello ante oeulos ponunt. Tali timore omnibus per- 
 Lerritis, confiruiatur opinio barbaris, ut ex captivo audi- 
 erant, nullum esse intus praesidium. Perrumpere nitun- 
 tur, seque ipsi adhortantur ne tantam fortunam ex manibus 
 dimittant. 
 
 38. Erat aeger in praesidio relictus P. Sextius Baculus, 
 qui primum pilum ad Caesarem duxerat, cujus men- 
 tionem superioribus proeliis fecimus, ac diem jam quiutum 
 cibo caruerat. Ilic diffisus suae atque omnium saluti 
 inermis ex tabernaculo prodit : videt imminere hostes 
 atque in summo rem esse discrimine : capit arma a prox- 
 imis atque in porta consistit. Consequuntur hunc cen- 
 turiones ejus cohortis quae in statione erat : paullisper 
 una proelium sustinent. Relinquit animus Sextium gra- 
 vibus acceptis vulneribus : aegre per manus tractus ser- 
 vatur. Hoc spatio interposito reliqui sese confirmant 
 tantum ut in munitionibus consistere audeant speciemque 
 defensorum praebeant. 
 
 39. Interim confecta frumentatione milites nostri cla- 
 morem exaudiunt. Praecurrunt equites; quanto res sit in 
 periculo cognoscunt. Hie vero nulla munitio est quae 
 perterritos recipiat : modo conscript! atque usus militaris 
 imperiti ad tribunum militum centurionesque ora con- 
 
 the 
 the 
 'ad 
 
 «r manihm dimittant] * let 
 'let slip.' See c. 12. 
 
 38. ad Caesarem] This is 
 same as ' ajmd Gaesarem,' if 
 reading is riglit. See iii. 9, 
 omnes nationes.' There is a reading 
 ' apud.' Bacujus is mentioned ii. 
 25; iii. 5. 
 
 per vianus] Baculus fainted, and 
 was hardly rescued, being carried off 
 by his comrades. Cicero (Verr. ii. 
 5, c. 11) has " ut . . . inter manus 
 e convivio tanquam e proelio aufer- 
 rctur" in tlie saujc sense; and 'per 
 manus . . . trndat ' (De Prov. Cons. 
 c. U>). See B. G. vii. 25. 
 
 speciem] Compare vi. 27, ' summa 
 species.' 
 
 39. exaudiiint] Compare v. 30, and 
 vii. 47. ' Audirc ' is simply ' to hear.' 
 
 ' Exaudire ' seems to express a hear- 
 ing of something, which reaches the 
 ears of those for whom it is not in- 
 tended, or those who are at a dis- 
 tance, or to whose hearing some ob- 
 stacle is opposed. Herzog quotes 
 Livy ii. 27, '■ neque decretum ex- 
 audiri consulis prae strepitu ac clr- 
 more poterat." See Cicero, In Cat. 
 i. b ; and iv. 7. The ' milites nostri ' 
 are the foragers. The cavalry, who 
 were with them, though not men- 
 tioned c. 36, hurry forwaids to see 
 what is the cause of the noise. 
 
 Hie vero] ' Now under these cir- 
 cumstances, there was no fortified 
 place to receive the affrighted sol- 
 diei-8.' ' Hie' is often used thus, by 
 Cicero, for instance, to ex])res8 a 
 state or condition of things. 
 
322 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 vertunt : quid ab his praecipiatur exspectant : nemo est 
 tarn fortis quiii rei novitate perturbetur. Barbari signa 
 procul conspicati oppugnatioue desistunt : redisse primo 
 legionea credunt, qtias longiua discessisse ex captivis cog- 
 uoverant : postea despecta paucitate ex omuibus partibua 
 iuipetum faeiunt. 
 
 40. Caloiies in proximuin tumulum procurruut : hinc 
 celeriter dejecti se in signa manipulosque conjiciunt : eo 
 inagis tiinido3 perterrent milites. Alii cuneo facto ut 
 celeriter perrum[)ant censent, quoniam tam propinqua 
 sint castra ; et si pars aliqua circumventa ceciderit, at 
 reliquos servari posse conlidunt : alii ut in jugo con- 
 sistant atque eundem omues ferant casuin. Hoc veteres 
 non probant milites, quos sub vexillo una profectos 
 docuimus. Itaque inter se cohortati duce C. Trebouio, 
 equite Eomano, qui eis erat praepositus, per medios 
 hostes perruinpunt incolumesque ad ununi omnes in 
 castra perveniunt. Hos subsecuti calones equitesque 
 eodcm iinpetu uiilitum virtute servantur. At ii qui in 
 jugo constiterant, nullo etiam nunc usu rei militaris per- 
 cepto, neque in eo quod probaverant consilio perniauere, 
 ut se loco superiore defenderent, neque earn quain prod- 
 
 nemo es7] Sclineider correctly 
 observes tluit this is not a gciierul 
 remark. Caesar means tliat all the 
 Romans were frightened. 
 
 despecla] See vii. 20, " paucita- 
 tem eorum ex loco superiore cognos- 
 cere et virtutem despiceie." 
 
 40. Ca/o?iesl See ii. 24, note. 
 
 si(/ua 7nuni/>n/<iii(jtie] They throw 
 themselves among the ranks for pro- 
 tection. As to 'signa manipulosque,' 
 see ii. 25. — 'Alii'me;ins the 'mi- 
 lites :' some advise (' ci nsent ') that 
 ♦.hey form in mass and l)reak through 
 the Germans. 'Censore' in this 
 eense is so used : Cicero has (Ad 
 Div. vii. I'.]) " 'J'reviros vites cen- 
 600." Cae>ar also uses it in another 
 way (vii. 77). Sec i. 35, note. The 
 ' cuneus ' is dcscrihed by V^egctius 
 (iii. 19) as a nuujbcr of infantry in 
 close rank with the head of the co- 
 lumn narrow and widening iouards 
 
 the rear, and formed to break an 
 enemy's line. In shape the ' cuiuus ' 
 was like a A. It was also called 
 'caput porcinum.' The word often 
 occurs in I.ivy ; as ii. 50; vii. 24. 
 
 si—<(t] See v. 2f); i. 43, note. 
 
 etiani. nunc] 'Even now' means 
 ' even then.' These were the men 
 who were 'inexperienced in militav 
 practice '(' militaris usus imperiti, 
 c. 39). They had not had much time 
 to improve their practice. Caesar 
 seen)s to mean that 'even then not 
 seeing at all what military practice 
 required ;' which was either to keep 
 tlieir atlvantageous position and fight 
 it out, or to form in mass and break 
 through the enemy. Instead of 
 doing this they endeavoured to re.nch 
 the camp m disorder, and descended 
 upon unfavourable ground (' se . . . 
 iniquiim in locum demiscrunt *). 
 
 LIBER YI. 
 
 323 
 
 esse aliis vim celeritatemque viderant imitan potuerunt, 
 sed se in castra recipere conati iniquum in locum demise 
 runt. Centuriones, quorum nonnulli ex inferioribus 
 ordinibus reliquarum legion um virtutis causa in supe- 
 riores erant ordines hujus legionis transducti, ne ante 
 partam rei militaris laudem amitterent fortissime pug- 
 nantes conciderunt. Militum pars horum virtute sum- 
 motis hostibus praeter spem incolumis in castra pervenit ; 
 pars a barbaris circumventa periit. 
 
 41. Germani desperata expugnatione castrorum, quod 
 nostros jam constitisse in munitionibus videbant, cum ea 
 praeda quam in silvis deposuerant trans Khenum sese 
 receperunt. Ac tantus fuit etiam post discessum hostiura 
 terror ut ea nocte, quum C. Volusenus missus cum equi- 
 tatu ad castra venisset, fidem non faceret adesse cum 
 incolumi Caesarem exercitu. Sic omnium animos timor 
 praeoccupaverat ut paene alienata mente deletis omnibus 
 copiis equitatum tantum se ex fuga recepisse dicerent, 
 neque incolumi exercitu Germanos castra oppugnaturos 
 fuisse contenderent. Quern timorem Caesaris adventus 
 sustulit. 
 
 42. Eeversus ille, eventus belli non ignorans, uuum 
 quod cohortes ex statione et praesidio essent emissae 
 questus, ne minimo quidem casu locum relinqui debuisse, 
 
 ftr inferioribus ordinibus] See i. 40, 
 note. — ' summotis :' the enemy be- 
 ing driven from their ground, pushed 
 out of the way. Compiire i. 25, " ut 
 victis et summotis resisteret." 
 
 41. Jidein tion faceret] See iv. 11, 
 ' fidem faceie.' There is a reading 
 * haberct,' which is a mistake ; but 
 another reading Miabcrent' maybe 
 right, for it means 'to believe;' as 
 in Cicero (Verr. ii. 5, c. 57), " fides 
 huic defensioni non haberetur ;" and 
 In Pison. c. 34. Volusenus is men- 
 tioned iii. 5 ; iv. 21. 
 
 4'2. ipiorans] The reading * igna- 
 rus,' which would make 'eventus' 
 the genitive singular, spoils the pas- 
 sage ; for the meaning is, ' Caesar not 
 being ignorant of tlie chances of 
 wir. 
 
 (iuei>tus\ Cicero had not followe<l 
 
 y 
 
 Caesar's orders, and he had been 
 surprised. The general deals very 
 gently with Quintus for his brother 
 Marcus' j-ake. Not a word is said 
 about Cicero bestirring himself after 
 the surprise. The general's silence 
 expresses both his disapprobation and 
 his forbearance. He praised Cicero 
 before when he had deserved it (v. 
 40, and 52). 
 
 casu] Some MSS. have 'casui.' 
 This final ' i ' seems to have been 
 often dropped in this declension. 
 The words ' ne minimo . . . debuisse' 
 have no direct dcj)endence on any 
 word, but they may depend on 
 'ouestus' just as ' unum ' does, 
 which is explained by ' quod . . . 
 essent emissae.' As to 'locum re- 
 linqui,' compare v. 52. 
 
324. 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER yi. 
 
 325 
 
 multum fortunam in repentino hostium adventu potuisse 
 judicavit; multo etiam amplius, quod paene ab ipso vallo 
 portisque castrorum barbaros avertisset. Quarum omnium 
 rerum maxime admirandum videbatur, quod Germani, 
 qui eo consilio Rhenum transierant ut Ambiorigis finea 
 depopularentur, ad castra Komanorum delati optatia- 
 simum Ambiorigi beneficium obtulerant. 
 
 43. Caesar rursus ad vexandos hostes profcctus magno 
 coacto numero ex finitimis civitatibus in omnes partes 
 dimittit. Omnes vici atque omnia aedificia quae quisque 
 conspexerat incendebantur : praeda ex omnibus locia 
 agebatur ; frumenta non solum a tanta multitudine 
 jumentorum atque hominum consumebantur, sed etiam 
 anni tempore atque imbribus procubuerant ; ut, si qui 
 etiam in praesentia se occultaasent, tamen his deducto 
 exercitu rerum onniium inopia pereundum videretur. Ac 
 saepe in eum locum ventum est, tanto in omnes partes 
 diviso equitatu, ut modo visum ab se Ambiorigem in fuga 
 
 ay^ertisset] This seems to be the 
 true reading, and not ' avertissent,' 
 for fortune, which had shown her 
 power in the matter of the sudden 
 attack, had shown it much more in 
 turning tlie enemy back after reach- 
 ing the ' vallum ' and tlie gates. 
 
 quod — vhtuleratit \ There are also 
 the readings 'obtulerunt' and ' ob- 
 tulerint.' The subjunctive perhaps 
 is not right here, but though ' quod ' 
 does not differ from other forms of 
 'qui* as to its construction, it is 
 doubtful when there is such a word 
 as 'videbatur,' if we should have 
 the subjunctive or the indicative. 
 *■ Videbatur' is not a word used to 
 express a doubtful opinion ; it ex- 
 presses a fact, though in the form of 
 an opinion. 
 
 43. vHKjno — numero] See iii. 14, 
 note. — Caesar again set out ' ad 
 vexandos hostes.' His warfare with 
 these people is the same as that of 
 modem nations in the countrv of 
 people whom they call savages. The 
 Eburones were an agriciiltui-al pea pie ; 
 tiiey had corn fields, houses, villages. 
 Mid catile. Their houses and villages 
 
 were burnt, their cattle were driven 
 off (' praeda . . . a^chatur'), their corn 
 was consumed by the men and the 
 beasts, and it was laid by the rains; 
 so that if any of the enemy had con- 
 cealed themselves they must die of 
 hunger when the Koni'an armv was 
 withdrawn. The horror of Ca'csai's 
 devastations was increased by his 
 letting loose on the miserable Ebu- 
 rones their own savage neighbours. 
 At each end of Africa we have seen 
 two Euiopean nations doing what 
 Caesar did. The Roman was pro- 
 voked by the slaughter of his men 
 and the treachery of the natives; 
 and there is the same excuse now 
 for the same retaliation. " The 
 crops of the Gaikas (the Eburones of 
 South Africa) have been utterlv 
 destroyed" (1852). In 1857 the 
 English burned villages in the re- 
 volted provinces of India. 
 
 inopia] He appeal's to have de- 
 stroyed the people. We hear no 
 more of them, and the Tungri oc- 
 cupied their place. 
 
 eum loatm] This hunt afler tke 
 king of the Eburones is described in 
 
 [circumspicerent] captivi nee plane etiam abisse ex con- 
 spectu contenderent, ut spe consequendi illata atque 
 infinito hibore suscepto, qui se sum mam ab Caesare 
 gratiam inituros putarent, paene naturam studio vin- 
 cerent, semperque paullum ad summam felicitatem de- 
 fuisse videretur, atque ille latebris ac silvis aut saltibus 
 se eriperet, et noctu occultatus alias regiones partesque 
 peteret, non majore equitum praesidio quam quatuor, 
 quibus solis vitam suam cominittere andebat. 
 
 4i. Tali modo vastatis regionibus exercitum Caesar 
 duarum cohortium damno Durocortorum Remorum re- 
 d Licit, concilioque in eum locum Galliae indicto de con- 
 juratione Seuonum et Carnutum quaestionem habere 
 instituit ; et de Accone, qui princeps ejus consilii fuerat 
 graviore sententia pronunciata, more majorum supplicium 
 sumsit. Nonnulli judicium veriti profugerunt ; quibus 
 quum aqua atque igni interdixisset, duas legiones ad tines 
 
 one long clumsy sentence. Ambiorix 
 was too active and too cunning to be 
 cauirht even by Caesar (viii. 24). 
 
 By 'eum locum' is meant gene- 
 rally that ' matters were brought to 
 such a pass,' ' such was the activity 
 of the pursuit.' The hunters took 
 prisoners every now and then wiio 
 affirmed that the king had just been 
 seen, indeed was hardly out of sight; 
 and thus no doubt they put the 
 Romans on the wrong scent. AVe 
 nmst translate ' ut ... vincerent,' 
 &c., and 'so that the pursuers, hav- 
 ing the hope of catching Ainhiorix 
 presented to them, and underL'oing 
 incessant toil, in the expectjition 
 (' qui putarent ') of getting Caesar's 
 best thanks, made almost super- 
 natural efforts ('naturam . . . vin- 
 cerent') in their zeal, hut still fell 
 short of perfect good luck, as Am- 
 biorix saved himself by lurking and 
 in the woods or defiles, and after 
 hiding himself by night, made his 
 way towards other regions and parts 
 with no more tlian an escort of four 
 horsemen, to whom alone he ven- 
 tured to entrust his life.' 
 
 oiwtiv%\ ' circumspicerent captivi.' 
 
 'i'hei e is also • conspexisse 
 
 Schn., which we must read if we 
 follow the MSS. authority, but 
 though it has been explained in a 
 way, 1 think no sense can be made 
 out of it. 
 dicerent,' which is sense 
 
 ut spe] 'i'his 'ut' does not de- 
 pend on 'in eum locum' like the 
 first ' ut,' but on all that precedes 
 (Kranei). 
 
 44. DurocoHorum] The capital of 
 the Rcmi, now Reims, on a river 
 (the Vele, a branch of the Aisne), 
 as the word ' Dur,' 'water,' implies. 
 
 more majoruin] After Roman 
 fashion. When Nero (Sueton. 49) 
 was informed that he was going to 
 be arrested " ut puniatur more ma- 
 jorum," he asked what it was, and 
 was infonKC<l that he must be strip- 
 ped naked, have his head stuck in a 
 kind of pillory ('fuica'), and he 
 flogged to death. See Cic. Ver. ii. 
 5, c. 6; and B. G. viii. 38. 
 
 aqua atque igni] See i. 46. This 
 expression occurs in a letter of D. 
 Brutus in the collection of Cicero's 
 letters (Ad Div. %\. 1), "pauUo 
 post futurum ut hostes judiccmui 
 aut aqua et igni inteidicamur." 
 
326 
 
 C. JIJLII CAESARIS LIBER YI. 
 
 Arevirorum, diias in Lingonibus, sex reliquas in Senonum 
 finibus Agendici in hibernis collocavit ; frumentoque 
 exercitu proviso, ut instituerat in Italiam ad conventus 
 agendos profectus est. 
 
 Such an interdict was passed at Rome 
 against Cicero, and by the terms of 
 it he was not allowed to be within 
 400 miles of Rome (Cic. Ad Att. 
 til. 4). To exclude a man from 
 firo and water is equivalent to put- 
 
 ting him out of the pale of societj. 
 
 Ageiidicum] ii. 2, note— Caesar 
 here mentions the ten legions again, 
 Seevi. 1, note. — * instituerat :' in the 
 first chapter of the next book, thera 
 is ' constituerat' 
 
 LIBER SEPTIMUS. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 Chap. 1. The causes which moved the Galli to rise against Caesar 
 2, ?». The Cainutos begin the war, and the Arverni (4, 5), under Vercin- 
 getorix, follow their example, b* — 8. Caesar passes from Italy into 
 Transalpine Gallia, cuts a road through the snow on the Cevennes. and 
 comes unexpectedly on the Arverni. 9 — 13. Caesar collects his forces, 
 and Vercingetorix prepares to assault the town of the Boii. Caesar 
 takes Vellaunodunum, Genabum, Noviodunum of the Bitnriges, and 
 advances against Avaricum, the cliief town of the Bituriges. 14, 15. The 
 Gallic confederates burn twenty towns of the Bituriges, and other towns 
 are burnt to prevent them falling into the hands of the Romans; Avari- 
 cum is not burnt, and preparation is made for defending it against Caesar. 
 16, 17. Vercingetorix follows Caesar to the neighbourhood of Avaricum ; 
 the sufferings of the Roman soldiers before Avaricum. 18 — 21. Caesar 
 leaves Avaiicum to attack the camp of V^ercingetorix in his abs^ence, 
 but the Galli decline a battle; Vercingetorix on his return is accused of 
 treachery by his countrymen, but he clears himself. 22 — 25. The obsti- 
 nate defence of Avaricum ; description of the walls of Gallic towns; the 
 Galli in Avaiicum fire the Roman agger, and make an unsuccessful sally; 
 a story of Gallic courage. 26 — 28. The Galli prepare to quit Avaricum, 
 but are prevented by the women ; the Romans take the town and mas- 
 sacre all the people, 29, 30. Vercingetorix encourages the Galli to hope 
 for better things, and he raises fresh forces. 32, 33. Tiie Aedui tend to 
 ask Caesar to settle their disputes: he puts down one of the two claim- 
 ants to the chief magistracy and sets up the other. 34, 35. Labienus is 
 sent with four legions to the territory of the Senoncs and Parisii ; Caesar 
 crosses the Elaver with the rest of his force by a stratagem. 36. Caesar 
 reaches Gergovia and begins the siege. 37 — 40. Convictolitanis and 
 Litavicus attempt to detach the Aedui from the Romans; the trick of 
 Liiavicus discovered by Caesar, who goes to meet Litavicus and frustrates 
 his plan. 41. The camp at Gergovia attacked in Caesar's absence. 
 42, 43, The violence committed by the Aedui against the Romans who 
 were among them : the Aedui pretend to be sorry for what they have 
 done, and Caesar affects to overlook it. 44—51. The siege of Gergovia 
 continued : capture of the Gallic camps, which were outside of the walla 
 of Gergovia: a fight under the walls of Gergovia, in which the Romans 
 sustained great k.*B. 52, 53. Caesar reproves the rashness of his soldiers, 
 and encourages them : he gives up the siege of Gergovia. 54—56. Epore- 
 dorix and Virdumarus, two Aedui, make faUe professions of friendship to 
 Caesar; they seize Noviodunum on the Liger, where Caesar had his 
 stores : Caesar crosses the Liger. and advances to join Labienus. 57 — 72. 
 fhe operations of Labienus among the Parisii ; he hears of Caesar giving 
 up the siege of Gergovia, and of the revolt of the Aedui : he skilfully 
 coaductu bi« troop's back to Agcndicum, and then joins Caesar. 63 — 65. 
 
328 
 
 C. JULII CAESAETS 
 
 Vcrcingetorix is chosen the commander of all tlie Galli, against the will 
 of the Aedui : he prepares for the contest : Caesar's vigilance : he re- 
 cruits his cavalry with Germans from beyond the Rhine. ti6, 67. Vcr- 
 cingetorix attacks Caesar with his cavalry, and is defeated. 68, 6.9. 
 Vercingetorix retius into Alesia, a town of the Mandubii ; description 
 of Alesia. 70, 71. Caesar's Germans defeat the cavalry of Vercingetorix, 
 who after the battle sends away his cavalrv, and summons all (Jallia to 
 his aid. 72—74. Caesar's works rotmd Alesia. 75, 7f). The Galli as- 
 semble and fix the contingents which the several states must send to 
 Vercingetorix : the new troops march to the relief of Alesia. 77, 78. 
 Famine in Alesia; Critognatus exhorts his coimtrynien in Alesia to 
 hold out : the Mandubii are expelled from their own'town by the Galli. 
 79, 80. The Roman lines around Alesia are attacked by the Gallic con- 
 tingents under Conimius and others, but the Galli are re|»ul8ed. 81, 82. 
 Another unsuccessful attack is made by the Galli on Caesar's lines. 
 83 — 88. A great battle is fought round the town ; and the Romans are 
 victorious. 8.9. Tlie surrendei of Alesia, and of Vercingetorix. 90. The 
 submission of the Aedui, and the Arverni : the winter quarters of the 
 legions. 
 The events in this book belonor to B.C. 52, and the consulship of Cn. Pora- 
 peius Magnus III. and Q. Metellus Scipio. 
 
 QuiETA Gallia Caesar, ut constituerat, in Italiam ad 
 conventus agendos proficiscitur. Ibi cognoscit de Clodii 
 caede ; de senatusque consulto certior factus ut omnea 
 juuiores Italiae conjurarent, delectiim tota provincia 
 habere instituit. Eae res in Galliam Transalpinar. 
 celeriter perferuntur. Addunt ipsi et affiugunt rumori- 
 
 Cl^>dn\ P. Clodius Pulcher was 
 killed near Rome in January, B c. 
 52, in an encounter with his enemv 
 Milo (Cicero, Pro Milone, c. 9, lOJ. 
 Great disturbances followed at Rome; 
 and the senate ordered a general 
 muster of the 'juniores,' or the 
 males within a certain age, who 
 were liable to military service out 
 of the city (Asconius; Introd. to Ci 
 ccro, Pro Mil. ; LW. i. 43; vi. 2). 
 The word 'conjurare,' which means 
 to swear together, is ambiguous, for 
 it may mean tuking an oath all at 
 once; or it may have reference to 
 the mutual understanding of the 
 swearers, as in the case where ' con- 
 iuratio ' means what we call a com- 
 bination or conspiracy. Caesar says 
 ofPompeius, after his defeat inThes- 
 saly (U. C. iii. 102), " erat cdic- 
 tum Pompeii nomine Amphipoli pro- 
 posituin, uti omnes ejus provinciae 
 
 juniores, Graeci civesque Romani, 
 jurandi causa convenirent ;" where 
 the simple word 'jurare' is used: 
 Pompeius summoned all persons un- 
 der a certain age to come to take the 
 military oath. There a|)pears to be 
 no difference in the meaning of 'con- 
 jurare' in this j)as8age of the Gallic 
 War, and ' jurare ' in the Civil War. 
 Perhaps the ' conjurare ' expresses 
 the tumultuary character of the act, 
 something done in a hurry, and to 
 meet a difficulty. So when Turnus 
 gives the signal of war from the cita- 
 del of Lauren turn (Aen. viii. 4), 
 
 *' Exteniplo turbati animi, simul 
 omuf tunuiltn 
 Conjurat trepido Latium." 
 
 Addunt S^c] The Galli received 
 news of the facts which Caesar has 
 mentioned, and of their own inven- 
 tion they added to the reports what 
 
 LIBER Yll. 
 
 320 
 
 bus Galli quod res poscere videbatiir, retineri urbano 
 motu Caesarem, ueque in tantis dissensionibus ad exer- 
 citum venire posse. Hac impulsi occasione, qui jam 
 ante se populi Eomani imperio subjectos dolerent, liberius 
 atque audacius de bello consilia inire incipiunt. Iiidictis 
 inter se principes Galliae conciliis silvestribus ac reniotis 
 locis queruntur de Acconis morte ; hunc casurn ad ipsos 
 recidere posse demonstrant ; miserantur communem Gal- 
 liae fortunam ; omnibus pollicitationibus ac praemiis de- 
 poscunt qui belli initium faciant et sui capitis periculo 
 Galliam in libertatem vindicent. Ejus inprimis rationem 
 habendam dicunt, priusquam eorum clandestina consilia 
 efierantur, ut Caesar ab exercitu intercludatur. Id esse 
 facile, quod neque legiones absente imperatore audeant ex 
 hibernis egredi, neque imperator sine praesidio ad legiones 
 pervenire possit : postremo in acie praestare interfici 
 quam non veterem belli gloriam libertatemque quam a 
 majoribus acceperint reciperare. 
 
 2. His rebus agitatis profitentur Carnutes se nullum 
 periculum communis salutis causa recusare, priucipesque 
 ex omnibus bellum facturos pollicentur, et, quoniam in 
 praesentia obsidibus inter se cavere non possint ne res 
 efferatur, ut jurejurando ac fide sanclatur petunt collatis 
 militaribus signis, quo more eorum gravissimae caerimo- 
 niae continentur, ne facto initio belli ab reliquis de- 
 serantur. Turn collaudatis Carnutibus, dato jurejurando 
 ab omnibus qui aderant, tempore ejus rei constitute, ab 
 concilio disceditur. 
 
 3. Ubi ea 'dies venit, Carnutes Cotuato et Conetodunc 
 
 m the circumstances seemed to be a 
 necessary consequence (' quod res 
 poscere videbatur '), that Caesar was 
 detained in Italy by the disturbances 
 in Rome (^ urbano motu '). 
 
 qiii — dolerent] See v. 4, note. 
 
 Indictis — principes Galliae con- 
 ciliis] See ii. 11, and v. 49. The 
 order of the words is like ' Quibus 
 litteris . . . Caesar allatis ' (v. 49). 
 
 recidere] See vi. 11, note. — 'fa- 
 cial . . . vindicet :' the reading of 
 gome MSS. 
 
 veterem — gloriam] Comp. Sallust, 
 Cat. 53, " gloria belli Gallos ante 
 Romanos fuisse." 
 
 2. cavere] This word expresses 
 both getting security and giving se- 
 curity (vi. 2, note). With * inter se* 
 it means to give and take security. 
 
 collatis — signis] "Armati, ita 
 mos gentis erat, in conciliuui venerc 
 (Galli)," Liv. 21, c. 20.— 'dato ju- 
 rejurando :' 'the oath being taken,' 
 as in Cicero, De Off. iii. 31. 
 
 Dion Cassius (40, c. 33, &c.) has 
 
330 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 ducibus, desperatis hominibus, Genabum dato signo con- 
 currunt, ciyesque Eomanos, qui negotiandi causa ibi cou- 
 stiterant, in his C. Fusium Citam, honestum equitem 
 Komanum, qui rei frumentariae jussu Caesaris praeerat, 
 interficiuut bonaque eorum diripiunt. Celeriter ad omnes 
 Galliae civitates fania perfertur; nam ubi major atque 
 illustrior incidit res, clamore per agros regionesque signi- 
 ficant ; hunc alii deinceps excipiunt et proximis traduut, 
 ut turn accidit. Nam quae Genabi oriente sole gesta 
 assent, ante primam confectam vigiliam in finibus Arver- 
 norum audita sunt; quod spatium est milium circiter 
 
 CLX. 
 
 4. Simili ratione ibi Yercingetorix, Celtilli filius, Ar- 
 
 wiitten the campaign of B.C. 5*2 in 
 nine chapters, from which no exact 
 knowledge can be pot. 
 
 3. desperatis] Our word 'despe- 
 rate ' means nearly the same ; men 
 of whom and for whom there is no 
 hope, either in others or in them- 
 selves. Caesar, like other men who 
 have power, applies words of dispa- 
 ragement to those who rise up against 
 hill). 
 
 Cenahum] Introd. p. 14 ; and ii. 
 35, note. The modern name Orleans 
 is a corruption of the later name, 
 'civitas Aurelianorum.' 
 
 negotiandi] See i. ]. These men 
 were said ' ncgotiarj,' ' negotia ha- 
 bere.' They were generally ' equites,' 
 and moneyed men, who carried on the 
 business of bankers, and managed 
 loans of money, both on their own 
 account and on account of others. 
 They also seem to have dealt in 
 corn, buying it in large quantities. 
 In this instance, Cita, who had the 
 conimand of money, had been ap- 
 pointed by Caesar to look after the 
 supply of rorn for the army; and he 
 may have been in the position of a 
 contractor, who agreed to deliver the 
 com at a certain price. 
 
 rei frumentariae] Genabum being 
 on the Loire would be a convenient 
 place for receiving the produce which 
 was sent down the river. Between 
 
 Orleans and Paris there is also the 
 Pays de Bcauce, arich coin country. 
 clamore] What Caesar describes 
 is simple enough. The country was 
 populous, and great news was quickly 
 carried from one spot to another. 
 The 'shouts' through the country 
 would not do much unless the shout- 
 ers ran some way with their news; 
 for a bare shout, such as could be 
 heard some distance, would not con- 
 vey any exact intelligence. During 
 the first French revolution the same 
 thine was done in liretagne. The 
 word of command passing from pa- 
 rish to parish brought the peasants 
 together at the place w hich was men- 
 tioned. Emissaries ran through the 
 country; childien and women car- 
 ried the orders of the chief, and no- 
 body failed at the place of meeting. 
 
 Herzog calls this the first rude at- 
 tempt at a kind of telegraph, for- 
 getting that to make it like a tele- 
 graph, there must have been stationed 
 persons in readiness, alwavs waiting 
 for the news, and at distances within 
 which the human voice could clearly 
 convey intelligence ; not a trace of 
 which is there in Caesar. 
 
 siifnijicant] ' significabatur,' ii. 7; 
 'significare,' vii. 26. 
 
 quod spatium] From Genabum tf 
 Gergovia is about 160 English milol 
 in a straight line. 
 
 LIBER Yll. 
 
 331 
 
 vernus, summae potentiae adolescens (cujus pater prin- 
 cipatum Galliae totius obtinuerat, et ob earn causam, 
 quod regnum appetebat, ab civitate erat interfectus), 
 convocatis suis clientibus facile incendit. Cognito ejus 
 consilio ad arma concurritur : ab Gobanitione patruo 
 suo, reliquisque principibus, qui banc tentandam fortu- 
 nam non existimabant, expellitur ex oppido Gergovia ; 
 non destitit tamen, atque in agris habet delectu/n egen- 
 tium ac perditorum. Hac coacta manu, quoscumque adit 
 ex civitate ad suam sententiam perducit : liortatur ut 
 communis libertatis causa arma capiant: magnisque co- 
 actis copiis, adversaries sues, a quibus paullo ante erat 
 ejectus, expellit ex civitate. Rex ab suis appellatur; 
 dimittit quoquoversus legationes ; obtestatur ut in fide 
 maneant. Celeriter sibi Senones, Parisios, Pictones, Ca- 
 durcos, Turonos, Aulercos, Lemovices, Andes reliquosque 
 omnes, qui Oceanum attingunt, adjungit : omnium con- 
 sensu ad eum defertur imperium. Qua oblata potestate 
 omnibus his civitatibus obsides imperat, certum numerum 
 militum ad se celeriter adduci jubet, armorlim quantum 
 quaeque civitas domi quodque ante tempus efficiat con- 
 stituit : in primis equitatui studet. Summae diligentiae 
 summam imperii severitatem addit: magnitudine supplicii 
 dubitantescogit: nam majore commisso delicto igni atque 
 omnibus tormentis necat ; leviore de causa auribus de- 
 sectis aut singulis efibssis oculis domum remittit ut sint 
 
 4. An'fernus'] The name Arvemi 
 is the origin of Auvergne (Introd. 
 p. 13). Gergovia, which is after- 
 wards described by Caesar (c. 3G), 
 was on the flat summit of a hill near 
 Clermont, the chief town of the 
 Auvergne. See note at the end of 
 Lib. vii. 
 
 incendit] There is a reading ' eos 
 incendit.' See iii. 14, note. 
 
 quoquoversus] 'quoque versus,' 
 Kraner. See iii. '23. — ' defertur :' 
 see ii. 4. 
 
 Andes'] Most of the MSS. have 
 ' Andos ' nere. Sec ii. 35, note. The 
 Cadurci extended from the borders 
 of the Arverni to the Garonne. Their 
 chief town, Divona (Cahors), retains 
 
 a trace of the name Cadurci, which 
 ahio appears in the name of the old 
 division of Querci. The Lemovices 
 nere north of the Cadurci in the 
 Limousin. The town of Limoges 
 still retains the original name slightly 
 altered. When Caesar says ' reli- 
 quosque omnes' &c. he is speaking 
 vaguely or carelessly, as if he did 
 not choose to trouble himself with 
 further particulars. These words 
 wouM comprehenti tjie Santones, 
 but they are not mentioned before 
 as having given Caesar any trouble, 
 and they supplied him with ships 
 (iii. 11) for his Venetian war. In 
 vii. 75, they join the confederates. 
 
iJ32 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 rellquis docunitnito et magnitudine poenae perterrcant 
 alios. 
 
 5. His suppliciis celeriter coacto exercitu Lucterium 
 
 Cadurcuiri, summae hominem audaciae, cum parte copia- 
 
 rum in Kutenos mittit : ipse in Bituriges proficiscitur. 
 
 Ejus adventu Bituriges ad Aeduos, quorum erant in fide, 
 
 legates niittunt subsidium rogatum, quo facilius hostium 
 
 copias sustinere possint. Aedui de consilio legatorum, 
 
 quos Caesar ad exercitum reliqut-rat, copias equitatus 
 
 peditatusque subsidio Biturigibus mittunt. Qui quum 
 
 ad flumen Ligerim venissent, quod Bituriges ab Aeduia 
 
 dividit, paucos dies ibi morati neque flumen transire 
 
 ausi domum revertuntur legatisque nostris renunciant, 
 
 se Biturigum perfidiam veritos revertisse, quibus id con- 
 
 silii fuisse cognov^rint, ut, si flumen transissent, una ex 
 
 parte ipsi, altera Arverni se circumsisterent. Id eane de 
 
 causa quam legatis pronunciarunt, an perfidia adducti 
 
 5. Rutenos] Tlicy had the Cadurci 
 on the west, and the Cevennes on 
 the east. They have heen mentioned 
 before (i. 45). In c. 7, Caesar speaks 
 of some of the Rutetii, as Provin- 
 ciales, from which it apjjcars, that 
 part of their country was now within 
 the limits of the Provincia. The Ce- 
 vennes formed a natural boundary 
 in this part betwetn the Provinria 
 and the rest of Gallia; and there is 
 no place for the Ruteni Provinciales 
 except the tract west of the Ce- 
 vennes, which borders on the Volcae 
 Tectosages, and has for the chief 
 town Albi on the Tarn. Tolosa was 
 within the Provincia, and we may 
 easily conceive the limits of the Pro- 
 vincia to have extended to the banks 
 of the Tarn, one of the chief branches 
 of the Garonne. The Ruteni, not the 
 Provincialcs, had a chief town Sego- 
 dunum. afterwards 'civitas Ruteno- 
 rum,' now Rhodez. The old diocese 
 of Rhodez seems to have correspond- 
 ed to the Ruteni of Celtica. 
 
 Bituriges] The Loire below the 
 junction of the Loire and Allier 
 ns the boundary between the Bitu- 
 rijfcs and the Aedui. The territory of 
 
 the Bituriges was chiefly within the 
 basin of the Cher, and corresponds 
 to the ante- revolutionary province 
 of Berri, with part of Bourbonnois, 
 and a small part of Touraine, or to 
 the old diocese of Bourges. These 
 Bituriges are called Ciibi by some 
 writers, and thus distinguished from 
 the Bituriges Vivisci, whose head 
 town was Burdigala (Bordeaux) on 
 the Garonne. 
 
 in Jide] They were some of the 
 'veteres clientes' (vi. 12), in which 
 chapter Caesar has the phrase ^ se in 
 clientelam dicabant.' ' In fide ' (vi. 
 4) seems to be not quite the same as 
 ' fidem seqni ' (v. 20), which means 
 to put trust in a person, " cujus fidem 
 secuti sumus" (Paulas, Dig. 50. 17. 
 84). ^ 
 
 de consilio] * According to the ad- 
 vice ;' 80 there is ' de consilii sen- 
 tcntia' (Cic. Verr. ii. 5, c. 21), and 
 other like expressions. Caesar means 
 the legati at Agendicum and among 
 the Lingones (vi. 44). 
 
 pronunciarunt ] '• MSS. fere omncs 
 et Ed. Lie. pronunciiirint ; Leid. 
 
 £rim. et Havn. A. prontuiciavrri/tt,^^ 
 ilb. * Pronunciarunt' is not in the 
 
 LIBER YII. 
 
 833 
 
 fecerint, quod nihil nobis constat, non videtur pro certo 
 esse ponendum. Bituriges eorum discessu statim se cum 
 Arvernis conjungunt. 
 
 6. His rebus in Italiam Caesari nunciatis, quum jam 
 ille urbanas res virtute Cn. Pompeii commodiorem in 
 statum perveuisse iutelligeret, in Transalpinam Galliam 
 profectus est. Eo quum venisset, magna difficultate afficie- 
 batur qua ratione ad exercitum pervenire posset. Nam 
 si legiones in provinciam arcesseret, se absente in itinere 
 proelio dimicaturas intelligebat: si ipse ad exercitum con- 
 tenderet, ne iis quidem qui eo tempore pacati viderentur 
 suam salutem recte committi videbat. 
 
 7. Interim Lucterius Cadurcus in Rutenos missus eam 
 civitatem Arvernis conciliat. Progressus in Nitiobriges 
 et Gabalos ab utrisque obsides accipit, et magna coacta 
 manu in Provinciam Narbonem versus eruptionem facere 
 contendit. Qua re nunciata Caesar omnibus consiliis 
 antevertendum existimavit ut Narbonem proficisceretur. 
 Eo quum venisset, timentes confirmat, praesidia in Rute- 
 
 Bame position as * fecerint,' which 
 belongs to the clause ' cane ' as well 
 as to the clause 'an.* There is no 
 reason why ' pronunciarunt ' should 
 not be the true form ; but v.e cannot 
 be certain. Roman usage seems a 
 little unsteady as to such explanatory 
 clauses as these, when they are in- 
 volved in a dependent phrase like 
 ' eane . . . fecerint.' 
 
 6. Ilaliam Caesari] Caesar was in 
 Italy when the rebellion broke out 
 in the beginning of B.C. 52. Cicero 
 (Ad Att. vii. I. 4) speaks of him 
 being at Ravenna, and Florus (iii. 
 10, Duker), so often false, has re- 
 corded this truth, "Aberat tunc 
 Caesar Ravcnnae deh ctum agens." 
 
 On. Pompeii] During the dis- 
 turbances which followed Clodiiis' 
 death, Cn, Pompeius was elected 
 sole consul in February for the pur- 
 pose of keeping order. Q. Metcllus 
 Scipio was made his colleague in 
 August, B.C. 52. (App'an, B. C. 
 ii. 25; Pint. Pomp. c. 55.) 
 
 magna difllculiate — qua] We 
 could say ' he was in great straits, 
 
 how he should.' Kraner compares 
 iv. 14, " perturbantur copiasne du- 
 cere . . . praestaret." 
 
 7. Gahatos] The Gabali (vii. 75) 
 wore in the basin of the Lot, in the 
 Gevaudan, the chief town of which 
 is Mende. Pliny (xi. 42) tells us 
 that the Gabalic i pajri are in the 
 neighbourhood of Mons Lesura, La 
 Lozere (Introd. p. 6), But they 
 extended considerably west of La 
 TiOzere, for Anderituni, their chief 
 town, is Javols, according to D'An- 
 ville, and Anterieux, according to 
 others. 
 
 It 18 probable that Lucterius vi- 
 sited the Gabali before the Nitio- 
 briges, who. are on the Garonne, west 
 of the Cadurci, in the de])artment of 
 Lot, and on the river Lot, a branch 
 of the Garonne. The Gabali are 
 next to tlie Ruteni. — ' Narb »ncm :' 
 see Introd. p. 28. As to the use cf 
 *■ versus,' see vi. 33 and vii. 8. 
 
 omnilms — antex>crtendum] The 
 meaning is, ' Caesar thought that he 
 ought to reach Narbo in preference 
 to every other design.' 
 
 D 
 
334 
 
 C. JULIl CAESAEIS 
 
 nis prcvincialibus, Yolcis Arecomicis, Tolosatibus, cir- 
 cumque Narbonem, quae loca hostibus erant finitiaia, 
 constituit : partcMn copiarum ex provincia supplementum- 
 qiie quod ex Italia adduxerat in Helvios, qui tiues Arver- 
 norum eontingunt, convenire jubet. 
 
 8. His rebus comparatis, represso jam Lucterio et re- 
 moto, quod intrare intra praesidia periculosum putabat, in 
 Helvios proficiscitur. Etsi mons Ceveuna, qui Arvernoa 
 ab Helviis disci udit, durissimo tempore anni altissiraa 
 nive iter impediebat, tiVnen discissa nive in altitudinem 
 pedum VI atque ita viis patefactis, summo militum labore 
 ad fines Arvernorum pervcnit. Quibus oppressis inopi- 
 nantibus, quod se Cevenna ut muro munitos existima- 
 bant, ac ne singulari quidem umquam homiiii eo tempore 
 anni semitae patuerant, equitibus imperat ut quam latis- 
 sime possint vagentur, et quam maximum hostibus ter- 
 rorem inferant. Celeriter haec fama ac nunciis ad Yer- 
 eingetorigem perferuntur ; quem perterriti omnes Arverni 
 circumsistunt atque obsecrant ut suis fortunis consulat, 
 neu se ab hostibus diripi patiatur, praesertim quum videat 
 omne ad se bellum translatum. Quorum ille precibua 
 permotus castra ex Biturigibus movet in A rvernos versus. 
 
 9. At Caesar biduum in his locis moratus, quod haec 
 
 supplementum] The new troops 
 mentioned in c. 1. — ' Helvios :' they 
 were east of the Cevennes, as the 
 next chapter shows, between the 
 Cevennes and the Rhone, and in the 
 Provincia. They occupied the Vi- 
 varais, which is north-east of the 
 Gevaudan and bonlers on it. 
 
 8. Cevenna\ See Introd. p. 5, &c. 
 — ' discissa :' there are the readings 
 ' discussa' and ' discisa.' 
 
 J n-ernorum] He reached the 
 Arverni from the Helvii, and pro- 
 bably he went by the valley of the 
 Aideche. When Caesar was at 
 Niirbo he could have crossed the 
 Cevennes by the valley of tlie Gar- 
 don and by Anduze. But tliis road 
 would have brought him into the 
 country of the Gabali. and the 
 Gabali might be troublesome, as 
 
 they had given hostages to LucteriuB. 
 Besides this, Caesar had ordered his 
 new Italian levies to go to the coun- 
 try of the Helvii. He had brought 
 them over the Alps in this winter 
 season, and by the usual road of the 
 Mont Genevre, as we certainly infer 
 from the country of the Helvii being 
 fi.vcd as the place where they were to 
 wait for him ; for he had ordered 
 these troops tliere, while he hurried 
 to Narbo to (heck Luctcrius. He 
 would reach the Arverni sooner by 
 the vulley of the Ardechc than by 
 the valley of the Garden or by any 
 of the roads west of the valley of the 
 G'ardon. 
 
 si/i(ju/ari] This word means 
 'single.' Cicero (Contra Rull. ii. 
 35) has ' singularis homo, privatus, 
 &c. 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 335 
 
 de Vercingetorige usu ventura opinione praeceperat, per 
 causam supplementi equitatusque cogendi ab exercitu 
 discedit ; Brutum adolescentem his copiis praeficit ; hunc 
 monet ut in omnes partes equites quam latissime per- 
 vagentur : daturum se operam ne longius triduo ab cas- 
 tris absit. His constitutis rebus, suis inopinantibus, 
 quam maximis potest itineribus Viennam pervenit. Ibi 
 nactua recentem equitatum, quem multis ante diebus eo 
 praemiserat, neque diurno neque nocturno itinere inter- 
 misso, per fines Aeduorum in Lingones contendit ubi 
 duae legiones hiemabant, ut, si quid etiam de sua salute 
 ab Aeduis iniretur consilii, celeritate praecurreret. Eo 
 quum pervenisset, ad reliquas legiones mittit, pri usque 
 omnes in unum locum cogit quam de ejus adventu Ar- 
 vernis nunciari posset. Hac re cognita Vercingetorix 
 rursus in Bitiiriges exercitum reducit, atque inde pro- 
 fectus [Gergoviam] Boiorum oppidum, quos ibi Helvetico 
 proelio victos Caesar collocaverat Aeduisque attribuerat, 
 oppugnare instituit. 
 
 10. Magnam haec res Caesari difficultatem ad consilium 
 capiendum aflferebat, si reliquam partem hiemis uno in 
 loco legiones contineret, ne stipendiariis Aeduorum ex- 
 
 9. usu ventura \ ' Haec ' refers to 
 the movement of Vercingetorix from 
 the Bituriges towards the country of 
 the Arverni, which allowed Caesar 
 to go with more safety through tlie 
 territory of the Aedui, the neigh- 
 hours of the Bituriges. Caesar stayed 
 two days in those parts, ' because' he 
 had correctly conjectured that this 
 would so happen with respect to 
 Vercingetoiix.' Cicero (Cato Maj. 
 c. 3) has ' usu venirent ;' and Pro 
 Q. Roscio, c. 11. Terence (Phor- 
 mio i. 2, 24) has 'mi usus venit.' 
 See vii. 80, ' si usus veniat.' 
 
 per causam] Mil Her affirms that 
 Caesar always uses ' per causam ' to 
 express a false ground or reason. 
 
 Brutum] Decimus Brutus (iii. 11). 
 — ' Viennam :' Vienna (Vienne), the 
 chief town of the Allobroges, on the 
 east side of the Rlione. If Caesar 
 went only as far as the Lingones (Lan- 
 grcs), this rapid winter journey w;i8 
 
 D 
 
 above 300 miles measured in direct 
 lines. But he probably travelled 
 more ; for he seems to have gone as 
 far as Agendicum (Sens). The ' three 
 days' absence ' was a pretence. 
 
 de sua salute] The context shows 
 the meaning to be, 'that if the Aedui 
 should form any design that con- 
 cerned his life or chief interests, he 
 might anticipate it by the rapidity of 
 his movements.' 'S'alus' is a term 
 of very extensive meaning. 
 
 [Gergoviam]] There seems to be 
 no MSS. authority for this name. The 
 variations are Gergoniam, Gorto- 
 nain, Gorgobiam, and others 'I'he 
 name of this town of these Boii is 
 uncert.ain. See i 28. 
 
 atinhuerat] He had made them 
 dependent on the Aedui. See vii. 
 76 ; viii. 6. 
 
 10. ne stipendiariis] The 'ne' 
 depends on ' difficultatem,' &c. 
 
 If ' stipendiariis ' is to be taken in 
 
330 
 
 C. JULII CAESAPvIS 
 
 pugnatis cuncta Gallia deficeret, quod nullum amicia in 
 eo praesidium videret positum esse; sin maturius ex 
 hibernis educeret, ne ab re frunientaria duris subvectioni- 
 bus laboraret. Praestiire visum est tamen omnes difil- 
 cultates perpeti quam tauta contumelia accepta omnium 
 suorum voluutates alienare. Itaque cohortatus Aeduos 
 de supportando commeatu, praemittit ad Boios qui de 
 suo adventu doceant hortenturque, ut in fide maneaut 
 atque hostium impetum magno animo sustineant. Duabus 
 Agendici legionibus atque impedimentis totius exercitus 
 relictis ad Boios profieiscitur. 
 
 11. Altero die quum ad oppidum Senonum Vellauno- 
 dunum venisset, ne quern post se hostem relinqueret, quo 
 expeditiore ro frumentaria uteretur, oppugnare instituit 
 idque biduo circumvallavit : tertio die missis ex oppido 
 legatis de deditione, arma proferri, jumenta produci, do 
 obsides dari jubet. Ea qui conficeret C. Trebonium lega- 
 tum relinquit : ipse, ut quam primum iter conficeret, Ge- 
 nabum Carnutum profieiscitur, qui, turn primum allato 
 nuntio de oppugnatione Vellaunoduni, quum longius earn 
 rem ductum iri existimarent, praesidium Genabi tuendi 
 causa, quod eo mitterent, comparabant. Hue biduo perve- 
 
 the strictly Roman sense, we must 
 conclude that these Boii made cer- 
 tain fixed payments to the Aedui 
 for their lands (i, 3(), note). 
 
 ab re— laboraret] ' Lest he should 
 have trouble about his supplies of 
 coi-n owing to the difficulty of 
 bringing them up to the quarters.' 
 ' Laborare' is also used with an ab- 
 lative without a preposition, but the 
 meaning is not exactly the same. 
 With the preposition the form of 
 expression is more general, indi- 
 cating the object or person 'from 
 which,' as the Romans said, 'with 
 reference to which,' as we say, the 
 predication is made. 
 
 subrectiornbus] See i. 39, note, 
 and ii. 5, note.—' Agendici :' ii. 2; 
 vi. 44. 
 
 11. Vellaunodunum] Caesar, leav- 
 ing Sens and marching to Orleans, 
 comes to Vellaunodunum on the 
 
 second day ('altero die') after leaving 
 Sens. The day of leaving Sens is 
 the first day. We have no other 
 moans of jud'ging what i)lace Velhm- 
 nodunum is. D'Anville (Notice. 
 &c.) gives some reasons for sup- 
 posing that it may be Beaune in 
 Gatinois. Caesar marched in two 
 days from Vellaunodunum to Gciia- 
 bum. The time alone confutes va- 
 rious ^'ucsses about the site of Vel- 
 launodunum, wliich are mentioned 
 by Walckenaer, Geog., &c. i. 410. 
 
 ductum iri] Tiiis form of exni««- 
 sion is the supine, as it is called, 
 after a verb of motion, as in ' specta- 
 tum veniunt.' So we could say 
 'spectatum itur,' or if the 'going' 
 depended on another verb, ' specta- 
 tum iri existimarent.' 'Ductum' 
 nieans to prolong, to draw out, anc 
 it is used in a similar sense in i. 16. 
 
 LIBER Yll, 
 
 337 
 
 nit : et castris ante oppidum positis, diei tempore exclusus 
 in posterum oppugnationem differt, quaeque ad earn rem 
 usui sint militibus imperat ; et, quod oppidum Genabum 
 pons fluminis Ligeris contingebat, veritus ne noctu ex 
 oppido profugerent, duas legiones in armis excubare jubet. 
 Genabenses, paullo ante mediam noctem silentio ex op- 
 pido egressi, flumen transire coeperunt. Qua re per ex- 
 ploratores nunciata Caesar legiones, quas expeditas esse 
 jusserat, portis incensis intromittit atque oppido potitur, 
 perpaucis ex hostium numero desideratis quin [cunctil 
 vivi caperentur, quod pontis atque itinerum angustiae 
 multitudini fugam iutercluserant. Oppidum diripit atque 
 incendit, praedam militibus donat, exercitum Ligerim 
 transducit atque in Biturigum fines pervenit. 
 
 12. Vercingetorix, ubi de Caesaris adventu cognovit, 
 
 continyehat'] The reading of four 
 of the best MSS. (Elb.), which 
 reading, says Herzog, does not de- 
 serve any notice. He has ' contine- 
 bat,' and he explains it by saying 
 that the town consisted of two parts 
 on opposite sides of the river, united 
 by a bridge; which is false, as any 
 one may see who will read with 
 care, 'i'he town was on tlie north 
 side of this wide river, and there was 
 a bridge near it; the bridge came up 
 to or near the town, and this may 
 have been the reason why Caesar 
 could not got at it and so stop the 
 retreat of the townsmen. In vi. 2.9, 
 there is " partem ultimam pontis, 
 quae ripas L'biorum contingebat." 
 With this fact established, tlie nar- 
 rative of Caesar is perfectly clear. 
 If the town had lain on both sides 
 of the river, with a bridge between, 
 the people would have made their 
 escipe over the bridge without being 
 interrupted by the Romans. Those 
 at least who were in the part on the 
 south side of the river could have 
 got away easily before the Romans 
 broke into the town. For if there 
 was any difficulty about crossing the 
 bridufe from the north side, this 
 would not have prevented those 
 from escaping who were in the sup- 
 
 posed town on the south bank of the 
 river, as Caesar did not take his 
 army over the Loire until he had 
 got possession of the town and burnt 
 it. 
 
 Oppiduni] Reflections either in 
 an author or a commentator are 
 generally not worth much ; but it 
 may he useful now and then (B. G. 
 V. 2, note) to make a careless reader 
 observe the rapidity of the man's 
 movements, and his brief contempt- 
 uous style. He robs the town and 
 sets it in a blaze; he gives the plun- 
 der to his soldiers; he crosses the 
 Loire, and lie enters the territory of 
 the Bituriges, — not however without 
 marching some distimce. All is done 
 in a short sentence. Not a word 
 about the miserable people of Or- 
 leans, whose houses were reduced to 
 ashes, and most of them made pii- 
 soiiers. They were probably in- 
 cluded in the'prueda,' such as did 
 n!)t perish by fire, the sword, cold, 
 or hunger. In vii. 89, Caesar makes 
 e.ach soldier a present of a slave 
 (' praedae nomine'). The soldier 
 would of course turn him into 
 money; he would truck with tha 
 ' mercatores ' who followed the camp, 
 for such thin^rs as ho wanted. 
 
 Z 
 
338 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 oppugnatlone desistit atque obviam Caesari proficiscitur. 
 Ille oppidum Biturigum positum in via Noviodunum op- 
 pugnare instituerat. Quo ex oppido quum legati ad euni 
 veniasent oratum ut sibi ignoseeret suaeque vitae con- 
 suleret, ut celeritate reliquas res conficeret qua pleraque 
 erat consecutus, arma proferri, equos produci, obsides 
 dari jubet. Parte jam obsidum tradita, quum reliqua ad- 
 ministrarentur, centurionibus et paucis militibus iutro- 
 missis qui arma jumentaque coriquirerent, equitatus 
 hostium procul visus est qui agmen Vercingetorigis aute- 
 eesserat. Quem simul atque oppidani conspexeruut atque 
 iu apem auxilii venerunt, clamore sublato arma capere, 
 portas claudere, iiiurum complere coeperunt. Centu- 
 rionea in oppido quum ex aignificatione Gallorum novi 
 aliquid ab his iniri consilii intellexissent, gladiis deatrictia 
 portaa oceupaverunt auoaque omnes incolumes rece- 
 perunt. 
 
 13. Caesar ex castris equitatum educi jubet proelium- 
 que equestre committit ; laborautibus jam suia Germanoa 
 equitea circiter cccc submittit, quoa ab initio aecum 
 habere inatituerat. Eorum impetum Galli suatinere non 
 potuerunt, atque in fugam conjecti multis amisaia se ad 
 agmen receperunt : quibus profligatis, rursus oppidani 
 perterriti comprehensoa eoa, quorum opera plebem conci- 
 
 12. Biturigum — Noviodunnm'\ 
 These words are ' ut videtur' (Elb.) 
 in the best MSS., but they are 
 omitted in many MSS. and in the 
 early editions. The words ' Bituri- 
 gum . . . via' are omitted in one 
 MS. (Elb.) I believe that all the 
 words in the text are genuine. It 
 is a mistake to suppose that Caesar 
 means Noviodunum of the Aedui 
 (vii. 55). He must have crossed 
 the Loire to get there, and must 
 have crossed it again to get to Ava- 
 ricum. Besides, why should he at- 
 tack a town of the Aedui, who were 
 still his friends, and a town that lay 
 out of his road ? Kraner says (c. 55) 
 that Noviodunum of the iJituriges 
 and Noviodunum on the Loire are the 
 Bame place, and yet hi« map of Gal- 
 lia, which it made by Kicpeit, marks 
 
 them properly as two different places. 
 D' Anville supposes this Noviodunum 
 to be Nouan, but T)e Valois places it 
 at Neuvy sur Baranjon, where I 
 have betn informed that there are 
 traces of an ancient town. It was 
 evidently a place on Caesar's route 
 from Geiiabum to Avaricum. 
 
 ex sig7iificatio7ie'\ ' from the signs 
 of what the Galli were doing. — 
 ' destrictis :' see i. 25. 
 
 13. Germanoa] He has not men- 
 tioned these German horsemen be- 
 fore, but he mentions them after- 
 wards (c. 67. 70). It is not clear what 
 he means by ' ab initio,' ' from the 
 beginning.' He had not had them 
 from the beginning of his Gallic 
 campaitrns. — 'perduxerunt :' there is 
 a reading ' produxenint.' 
 
 LIBER yiL 
 
 339 
 
 tatam exiatimabant, ad Caesarem perduxerunt seseque ei 
 dediderunt. Quibua rebus confectia Caesar ad oppidum 
 Avaricum, quod erat maximum munitissimumque in fini- 
 bua Biturigum atque agri fertilissima regione, profectus 
 est ; quod eo oppido rccepto civitatem Biturigum ae in 
 poteatatem redacturum confidebat, 
 
 14. Vercingetorix tot continuia incommodia VelJauno- 
 duni, Genabi, Novioduni acceptis suos ad concilium con- 
 vocat. Docet longe alia ratione esse bellum gerendum 
 atque antea sit gestum : omnibus modis huic rei studen- 
 dum, ut pabulatione et commeatu Komani prohibeautur : 
 id esse facile, quod equitatu ipsi abundent, et quod anni 
 tempore subleventur : pabulum secari non posae ; neces- 
 sario diapersoa hoates ex aedificiia petere : hoa omnea 
 quotidie ab equitibua deleri posse. Praeterea salutia 
 causa rei familiaris commoda negligenda ; vicoa atque 
 aedificia incendi oportere hoc spatio [a Boia] quoquo 
 versua quo pabulandi causa adire posse videantur. Harum 
 ipsia rerum copiam suppetere, quod quorum in finibua 
 bellum geratur eorum opibus aubleventur : Romauos aut 
 inopiam non laturoa, aut magno cum periculo longius ab 
 castris progresauros : neque interesae ipsosne interficiant 
 impedimentisne exuant, quibua amisaia bellum geri non 
 possit. Praeterea oppida incendi oportere quae non 
 
 Avaricum] Avaricum on the 
 Avara (Evre), was afterwards called 
 Bituriges, of which the modem name 
 Bourges is a corruption. Bourges is 
 at the junction of the Levrette with 
 the Auron ; the stream below the 
 junction of these two rivers is called 
 the Kvre, and the Evre falls into 
 the Cher, one of the laige branches 
 of the Loire. The Levrette receives 
 several small branches just above or 
 at the town, and the Auron also 
 receives a small branch just above 
 the town. It was a town in the 
 midst of water, as Caesar (c. 15) 
 describes it. 
 
 apri /ertilisstmal ' and in the most 
 fertile part of the country of the 
 Bituriges.' Avaricum stood on a 
 •D.all elevation, surrounded by a 
 
 Z 
 
 flat, rich country. 
 
 14. incommodis] See c. 30. 
 
 alia — atque] See i. 28. 
 
 [a Boia] This place is unknown. 
 Hcrzog conjectures that Boia may 
 mean a tract of country like Veneti'a 
 (iii. 9), the country of the Veneti. 
 If this is so, it means the country of 
 the Boii (i. 28) ; but Vercingetorix 
 was in the country of the Bituriges. 
 
 ipsosne — impcdiine/distie] " Vulg. 
 ante Oud. et Giani impedimentisve"'' 
 (Elb.). The forai ' ne . . . ne ' is 
 used sometimes. I don't know if 
 * ne . . . ve ' is genuine. 
 
 geri non possit] " Sic Havn. A. — 
 Leid. sec. posse'" (Elb.). 1 can't tell 
 what the rest have; but 'posse' ia 
 good Latin, and may be taken by 
 those who prefer it. 
 O 
 
31:0 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 munitione et loci natura ab omni sint periciilo tuta, ueu 
 Buis siut ad detractandam militiam receptacula, neu 
 llomanis proposita ad copiam commeatus praedamque 
 tolleudam. Haec si gravia aut acerba videantur, multo 
 ilia gravius aestimare debere, liberos, conjuges in servi- 
 tutem abstrahi, ipsos interfici ; quae sit necesse accidere 
 victis. 
 
 15. Omnium consensu hac sententia probata uno die 
 amplius xx urbes Biturigum incenduntur. Hoc idem tit 
 in reliquis civitatibus. In omnibus partibus incendia 
 couspiciuntur ; quae etsi magno cum dolore omnes fere- 
 bant, tamen hoc sibi solatii proponebant, quod se prope 
 explorata victoria celeriter amissa reciperaturos confide- 
 bant. Deliberatur de Avarice in communi concilio, in- 
 cendi placeret an det'endi. Procumbunt omnibus Gallis 
 ad pedes Bituriges, Ne pulcherrimam prope totius Galliae 
 urbem, quae et praesidio et ornamento sit civitati, suis 
 manibus succendere cogerentur ; facile se loci natura de- 
 fensuros dicunt, quod prope ex omnibus partibus flumine 
 et palude circumdata unum habeat et perangustum adi- 
 tum. Datur petentibus venia, dissuadente prime Vercin- 
 getorige, post concedente et precibus ipsorum et miseri- 
 cordia vulgi. Defensores oppido idonei deliguntur. 
 
 16. Yercingetorix minoribus Caesarem itineribus sub- 
 eequitur, et locum castris deligit paludibus silvisque 
 iimnitum ab Avarico longe milia passuum xvi. Ibi per 
 
 Haec^-illa] 'Haec' refers to 
 what goes before; Mlla' to what 
 comes after. There is a reading 
 'multo ilia graviora existimari de- 
 bere.' 
 
 15. amplius xx] 'more than.' 
 See i. 38. The territory of the 
 Bituriges extended east to the Loire 
 (vii. 5). The towns of upper Bcrri 
 are small ; those of lower Berri, a 
 more fertile country, are larger. 
 
 explorata victoria] See iii. 18. 
 
 placeret] This is a usual Roman 
 term to express a resolve or deter- 
 mination. The complete form would 
 I)e ' incendine placeret an ;' hut the 
 • ne ' may be oniitted. Herzog cites 
 exumolcB from Livy ii. 8, &;c. 
 
 concedente] ' Precibus ' is the 
 ablative ; for Vercingetorix finally 
 ' yielded *.hrough the prayers of the 
 liituriges, and through compassion 
 for the common sort,' who would 
 have been turned out of their houses 
 in the winter. ' Ipsorum' refers to 
 the Bituriges, a term which includes 
 all ; but Vercingetorix was also 
 moved by consideration for the poorer 
 sort. 
 
 16. deligit] The Gaul followed 
 the Roman system of war, as far as 
 lie could make his countr\ men con- 
 form to it (ii. 5, note).— ' longe:* 
 sec V, 47. — ' agcreniur,' or ' gereren- 
 tur.' There is authority for both 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 311 
 
 certos exploratores in singula diei tempera quae ad Ava« 
 ricum agerentur cognoscebat, et quid fieri vellet impera- 
 bat : omnes nostras pabulationes frumentationesque ob- 
 servabat, dispersosque, quum longius necessario procede- 
 rent, adoriebatur maguoque incommode afficiebat, etsi, 
 quantum ratione provideri poterat, ab nostria occurreba- 
 tur ut incertis temporibus diversisque itineribus iretur. 
 
 17. Castris ad earn partem oppidi positis Caesar, quae 
 intermissa a flumine et palude aditum, ut supra diximus, 
 angustum habebat, aggerem apparare, vineas agere, turres 
 duas constituere coepit ; nam cireumvallare loci natura 
 prohibebat. De re frnmentaria Boios atque Aeduos ad- 
 hortari non destitit ; quorum alteri, quod nullo studio 
 agebant, non multum adjuvabant ; alteri non magnis facul- 
 tatibus, quod civitas erat exigua et infirma, celeriter quod 
 habuerunt consumpserunt. Sum ma difficultate rei fru- 
 mentariae aflfecto exercitu, tenuitate Boiorum, indiligentia 
 uieduorum, incendiis aediticiorum, usque eo ut complures 
 dies milites frumento caruerint, et pecore e longinquiori- 
 
 occurrehatur] See i. 33, " quibus 
 rebus . . . occurrendum." This is a 
 common construction of ' occurrcre,' 
 when it means to meet a thing or 
 prevent it by precaution. Cicero 
 (Verr. ii. 5, c. 9) has ' sceleri occur- 
 rere ;' see also a letter of Servius to 
 Cicero (Ad Div. iv. 5). The Roman 
 impersonal forms of expression are 
 difficult to translate; they express a 
 thing in a gcnei-al way, and yet with 
 a precision which our language can- 
 not equal. The text means : ' though 
 as far as prudence could provide 
 against this danger, our men took 
 the precaution of going at uncertain 
 times and in different directions.' 
 
 17. paliuie] ' a palude,' Elb. — 
 • intermissa a flumine :' in i. 38 he 
 has "reliquum spatium . . . qua flu- 
 men intermittit ;" and in vii. 23, 
 "neque inter se contingant trabes, 
 sed p.aribus intermissae spatiis," in 
 whicn last passage one MS. has 
 ' intermissis.' In these cases the 
 word means ' to leave a vacant 
 i.|)ace.' In i. 27, there is ' nocte in- 
 termissa;' aud vii. 33, 'intermissis 
 
 magistratibus.' See also vii. 70, 'in- 
 termissam collibus.' 
 
 ailitum] The magnificent cathe- 
 dral of Bourges stands on the highest 
 ground in tiie city, and the cathedral 
 is approached on one side from the 
 country by a tract of laud which has 
 about the same level as the base of 
 the cathedral, and is not wide (* unum 
 habeat et perangustum aditum,' c. 
 15). On each side of the road which 
 is formed along this tract of land the 
 country slopes down to the right and 
 the left into a flat, which continues 
 all round the city. It was by this 
 high and dry road that Caesar ap- 
 proached Avaricum. All the rest of 
 tlie surrounding country was low and 
 wet, and this will explain a passage 
 in c. 26. 
 
 aggerem — vineas] ii. 12, note. 
 
 no7i magnis facuttatilms] The ab- 
 lative: 'having no great means.' 
 Comp. V. 42, ' nulla . . . copia."— 
 'caruerint:' 'sic Havn. A.' ElU 
 He mentions ' carerent,' the reading 
 of one MS. 
 
 pecore] ' Pecus' sometimes means 
 
342 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 bus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent, nulla 
 tamen vox est ab iis audita populi Eomani majestate et 
 superioribus victoriis indigua. Quin etiam Caesar quum 
 in opere singulas legiones appellaret, et, si acerbius 
 inopiam ferrent, se dimissurum oppugnationem diceret, 
 universi ab eo ne id faceret petebant: Sic se complures 
 anuos illo imperante meruisse ut nullam ignomiuiam 
 acciperent, numquam infecta re discederent : hoc se igno- 
 miniae laturos loco, si inceptam oppugnationem reliquis- 
 sent: praestare omnes perferre acerbitates quam non 
 civibus Eomanis, qui Genabi perfidia Gallorum interis- 
 seut, parentarent. Haec eadem centurionibus tribunis- 
 que militum mandabant, ut per eos ad Caesarem defer- 
 rentur. 
 
 ]8. Quum jam muro turres appropiuquassent, ex cap- 
 tivis Caesar cognovit Yercingetorigem consumpto pabulo 
 castra movisse propius Avaricum, atque ipsum cum equi- 
 tatu expeditisque, qui inter equites proeliari consuessent, 
 insidiandi causa [eo] profectum quo nostros postero die 
 pabulatum venturos arbitraretur. Quibus rebus cognitis 
 media nocte silentio profectus ad hostium castra mane 
 pervenit. Illi celeriter per eiploratores adventu Caesaris 
 cognito carros impedimentaque sua in artiores silvas ab- 
 diderunt, copias omnes in loco edito atque aperto in- 
 struxerunt. Qua re nunciata Caesar celeriter sarcinas 
 conferri, arma expediri jussit. 
 
 19. Collis erat leniter ab infimo acclivis : hunc ex om- 
 
 all four-footed animals, used for 
 food.—' meruisse :' the complete ex- 
 pression is ' stinendia nierere ' or 
 ' mereri.' See the use of this word 
 in Cicero, Verr. ii. 4, c. 60. 
 
 ignominia] This is a Roman tech- 
 nical term, which signifies some mark 
 of disgrace, such as the ' ccnsoria 
 nota.' It is also used to signify the 
 disgrace of a soldier, inflicted hv a 
 commander for cowardice or other 
 Buflficient cause. Here it may mean 
 % disgraceful defeat or failure. See 
 Lipsius, Op. de Militia Romana, v. 
 Dial. 18. 
 
 parentarent] 'Parentare' would 
 •eem to be the regular construction. 
 
 But perhaps we must supply ' ut ' 
 after 'quam.' See the note in 
 Oudendorp's edition ; and ii. 10, note. 
 ' Parentare ' means to make offerings 
 to the dead, such as milk, honey,'a 
 wreath of flowers, a lock of hair. 
 Hence it came to signify ' to avenge,' 
 as here and in Livy xxiv. 21. 
 
 18. inter equites] See i. 48. '[eo]' 
 is omitted in some of the best MSS., 
 and it is not necessary. — ' sarcinas :' 
 see ii. 17, note. the 'sarcinae' 
 were piled together before a battle 
 (i. 24). — ' arma expediri :' the sol- 
 diers were ordered to have their 
 arms ready for fighting. (.Liv. xxn. 
 4) 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 343 
 
 Dibus fere partibus palus difficilis atque impedita cingebat 
 non latior pedibus l. Hoc se colle interruptis pontibus 
 Galli fiducia loci continebant, generatimque distributi in 
 civitates omnia vada ac saltus ejus paludis certis custodiis 
 obtinebant, sic animo parati ut, si earn paludem Romaui 
 perrumpere conarentur, haesitantes premerent ex loco 
 superiore ; ut qui propinquitatem loci videret paratos 
 prope aequo Marte ad dimicandum existimaret ; qui ini- 
 quitatem conditionis perspiceret, inani simulatione sese 
 ostentare cognosceret. Indignantes milites Caesar, quod 
 conspectum suum hostes ferre possent tantulo spatio iu- 
 terjecto, et signum proelii exposcentes, edocet quanto 
 detrimento et quot virorum fortium morte necesse sit 
 constare victoriam ; quos quum sic animo paratos videat 
 ut nullum pro sua laude periculum recusent, summae se 
 iniquitatis condemnari debere, nisi eorum vitam sua salute 
 habeat cariorem. Sic milites consolatus eodem die reducit 
 in castra, reliquaque quae ad oppugnationem oppidi per- 
 tinebant administrare instituit. 
 
 20. Vercingetorix quum ad sues redisset, proditiouis 
 insimulatus, — quod castra propius Eomanos movisset, quod 
 cum omni equitatu discessisset, quod sine iraperio tantas 
 copias reliquisset, quod ejus discessu Eomani tanta op- 
 portunitate et celeritate venissent ; non haec omnia for- 
 
 19. cingebat] See ii. 5, ' naunie- 
 bat,' and vii. 11, ' continpbat.' 
 
 gencratim] See i. 51 . — ' saltus.' 
 If we look to the etymolog.y of this 
 word, it seems to have the meaning 
 of a ' pass,' or ' passage ;' but it often 
 means a pass through a forest or a 
 woody valley, and hence it some- 
 time8 means ' forests.' The place 
 was not entirely surrounded by 
 water (' ex omnibus fere partibus ') : 
 it could be approached by fords and 
 by passes through woods or bushes. 
 
 aequo Marie] Mars is the god of 
 war, who might be 'aequus,' indif- 
 ferent to either party. The word is 
 used to express the resul t of a battle, 
 as in Livy (ii. 0'), " varia victoria 
 et velut aequo Marte pugnatum est." 
 But the expression is used to signify 
 also the terms or conditions on 
 
 which two armies fou-jht, as it does 
 here ; for the proximity of the 
 enemy, who had the advantage of 
 a slight eminence only, seemed to 
 offer a battle on almost equal terms; 
 but when the inequality ('iniquitas') 
 of the position was carefully exa- 
 mined, it was plain that the enemy 
 did not intend to fight. 
 
 sua salute] ' Salus ' here means 
 Caesar's reputation. See vii. 9. 
 
 20. insimulatus] The reading of 
 most of the MSS. seems to be ' insi- 
 mulatur;' but 'insimulatus' is per- 
 haps right, and Caesar, after these 
 various ' quods,' repeats the word in 
 another form, ' tali modo accusatus.' 
 Perhaps the complete constniction 
 of ' insimulare' is that in Livy (xliv. 
 16), " proditionis crimine insimu- 
 lari." See B. G. vii. 20. 38. 
 
*»-''■■*'^*«5'%A4i.^-l„w-■■-l ™mr"iigi.""e,~*i 
 
 su 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 tuito aufc sine consiho accidere potuisse; regnum ilium 
 Jjalliae malie Caesaris concessu quam ipsorum habere 
 benehcio-talimodoaccusatusad haec respondit: Quod 
 castra movisset factum inopia pabuli, etiain ipsis hortan- 
 tibus: quod propius liomanos accessisset persuasum loci 
 opportumtate, qui se ipsum munitione defenderet : equi- 
 tum vero operam iieque in loco palustri desiderari de- 
 buisse, et illic fuisse utilem quo siiit profecti: summam 
 iinpem se consulto iiulli discedentem tradidisse, ne is 
 nuiltitudinis studio ad dimicanduni impelleretur ; cui rei 
 propter animi mollitiem studcre oiniit^a videret, quod 
 diutuis laborem ferre nou posse.it. Koinani si casu iiJter- 
 venerint, fortunae; si alicujus iudicio vocati, huic haben- 
 dani gratiam quod et paucitatem eorurn ex loco superiore 
 cognoscere et virtutem despicere potuerint, qui dimicare 
 nou ausi turpiter se iu castra receperint. Imperium se 
 ab Caesare per proditionem nulhun desiderare quod habere 
 victoria posset, quae jam esset sibi atque omnibus Gallia 
 explorata: quui etiam ipsis remittere, si sibi magis hone 
 rem tribuere quam ab se salutem accipere videantur • 
 iiaec ut intelligatis, inquit, a me sincere pronunciari, 
 audite Romanes milites. Producit servos quos in pabu- 
 iatione paucis ante diebus exceperat et fame vinculisque 
 excruciaverat Hi jam ante edocti quae interrogati pro- 
 nunciarent, Mdites se esse legionaries dicunt: fame et 
 inopia adductos clam ex castris exisse, si quid frumenti 
 aut pecoris HI agris reperire possent: simili omnem exer- 
 citum inopia premi, nee jam vires sufficere cuiquam, nee 
 
 persuasum] He means 'pereua- 
 sum sibi.'—'se ipsum :' 'se ipse ut,' 
 Kraner. 
 
 desiierari debuisse] Vercinfretorix 
 took tlie cavalry from his camp (c. 
 16), which was in a mar>hy place. 
 His defence is, tliat the want of the 
 service of the cavalry in a marshy 
 spot ought not to have been com- 
 plained of, or in other words, tliat 
 the cavalry could have been of no 
 use at the camp, and thev had been 
 useful in the i)lace to wljich he had 
 Je<l them (c. 18, ' quo nostros,' &c.). 
 See c. 52. 
 
 moUitiem] This word is explained 
 by what follows : it means their in- 
 capability of endurance. See vii. 77 
 'animi . . . mollities' ' 
 
 reitiiaere] Clarke tjikes this to 
 mean 'im(.erium remittere,' that he 
 offered to resign his command ; and 
 m support of this, ' beneficium re- 
 mitto'(B. C. ii. 32)is cited. This 
 m;iy be the meaning. But it may 
 mean what Morns says: 'he left 
 them to judge, if they couLi be con- 
 sulcred to be conferring a high office 
 on him mthcr than to be receiving 
 every thing from him.' 
 
 LIBER Yll. 
 
 315 
 
 ferre operis laborem posse : itaque statuisse imperatoreni, 
 si nihil in oppugnatione oppidi profecisset, triduo exer- 
 citum deducere. Haec, inquit, a me, Verciugetorix, 
 beneficia habetis, quem proditionis insimulatis, cujus 
 opera sine vestro sanguine tantum exercitum victorem 
 fame paene consumptum videtis ; quem turpiter se ex hac 
 fuga recipientem ne qua civitas suis finibus recipiat a me 
 pro visum est. 
 
 21. Conelamat omnis multitude et suo more armis 
 concrepat, quod facere in eo consuerunt cujus orationem 
 approbant : Sum mum esse Vercingetorigem ducem, nee 
 de ejus fide dubitandum, nee majore ratione bellum ad- 
 rainistrari posse. Statuunt ut decern milia hominum 
 delecta ex omnibus copiis in oppidum submittantur, nee 
 solis Biturigibus communem salutem committendam cen- 
 sent ; quod penes eos, si id oppidum retinuissent, sum- 
 mam victoriae constare intelligebant. 
 
 22. Singulari militum nostrorum virtuti consilia cujus- 
 que modi Gallorum occurrebant, ut est summae genus 
 sollertiae atque ad omnia imitanda et efficienda quae ab 
 quoque tradantur aptissimum. 'Nam et laqueis falces 
 
 21. armis concrepat] 'They make 
 a clatter with their arms,' bv striking 
 with theirswords.for instance, against 
 their shields, as in Livy (xxviii. 29), 
 "exercitus . . . gladiis ad scuta con- 
 crepuit." — ' in eo :' a common Latin 
 expression, ' in the case of,' ' in the 
 matter of a thing or person.' 
 
 penes eos] The reading of most 
 MSS. Thei e is a reading ' paene in 
 eo,' which the Greek paraphrast evi- 
 dently had. The text means, ' be- 
 cause the Gallic confederates saw 
 that if the Biturigcs should maintain 
 the town, the merit of the victory 
 was with them.* It was their jea- 
 lousy of the Bituri;.^es which prompted 
 them. 'Paene in eo' means 'that 
 the successful issue of the war de- 
 pended almost on the defence of the 
 town.' 
 
 22. cujusqm modi] Ifwe take the 
 other reading 'hujusce modi,' it re- 
 fers to ' nam et laqueis,' at the begin- 
 
 ning of the next sentence. — 'ut est,' 
 «&c. : Cicero (Divin. c. 9) has a like 
 expression : " Illi quidem, ut est ho- 
 minum genus nimis acutum et sus- 
 piciosum," &c. There is a compa- 
 rison tacitly involved. ' The valour 
 of our soldiers wms met by every kind 
 of contiivance of the Galli, as might 
 be expected from a people of the 
 greatest ingenuity.' 
 
 /alces] Perhaps the same as ' har- 
 pagones' (vii. 81). When the Galli 
 nad laid hold of (' destinaverant') 
 these 'fakes' with nooses, they 
 pulled the ' falces' towards the wall 
 with some machinery {' tomientis') 
 which worked the rope at the end of 
 which tlie 'laquei' were. As to 
 ' destinaverant,' see iii. 14. The Galli 
 also worked mines under the 'agger' 
 and carried off the earth, so that the 
 'agger' would sink. As to ' cuni- 
 culi ' and ' ferrariae,' see iii. 21, note. 
 Iron is still worked near Bourgea 
 
ri«*4ias.«*i(»*»jr- 
 
 346 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 avertebant, quas quum destinaverant tormentis introrsus 
 redueebant; et aggerem cuniculis subtrahebant, eo scien- 
 tius quod apud eos magnae sunt ferrariae, atque omne 
 genus cuniculorum notutu atque usitatum est. Totum 
 autem murum ex omni parte turribus contabulaverant 
 atque has coriis intexerant. Turn crebris diurnis noc- 
 turiii:?que eruptionibus aut aggeri ignem inferebant, aut 
 milites occupatos in opere adoriebantur ; et nostrarura 
 turrium altitudinem, quantum has quotidianus agger ex- 
 presserat, commissis suarum turrium malis adaequabant ; 
 et apertos cuniculos praeusta et praeacuta materia et pice 
 
 and in other parts of the department 
 of Cher, of which Bourges is the 
 chief place. 
 
 murum — contabulaverant^ They 
 made towers on the walls, towers of 
 ■wood, and apparently several stories 
 high. One mii,'ht suppose that they 
 raised all the wall by a breastwork 
 of wood, but this explanation is not 
 consistent with ' turribus.' ' Turres' 
 implies intervals. ' Totum murum' 
 is not clear. Caesar did not circum- 
 vallate the town (c. 17), and his 
 camp was placed at that part of the 
 town where alone there was an ap- 
 proach. The rest of the town was 
 surrounded by water, and the attack 
 was directed against this part only 
 by means of an ' agger ' and two 
 ' tunes.' Still he says that they 
 made the ' turres ' all round. The 
 hides were raw probably, or if not, 
 they were kept wet. 
 
 aggeri ig)iem'\ See ii. 30. 
 
 altitudinem^ There is a reading 
 ' altitudini.' ' Exprimere ' means 
 ' to raise up,' and, as Herzog ob- 
 serves, is the opposite of ' depri- 
 mcre.' Caesar has used 'excitare' 
 (iii. 14) in a like sense. The 'quo- 
 tidianus agger' is the daily rise in 
 the n.ound made by the labour of 
 the Roman soldiers. The ' commis- 
 sis... malis' is rightly explained 
 by Herzog. The ' mali ' are the 
 strong uprights of the 'turres' at 
 the angles, such as we see used in 
 building a house. These ' mali ' 
 Here coanected by cross pieces, fonu- 
 
 ing the various stories, and the Galli 
 kept building these stories one over 
 the other, so as to make their towers 
 as high as those of the Romans. If 
 this explanation is right, we must 
 suppose that the 'mali' rose above 
 the first stories, and were long enough 
 to bear other stories. Miiller sup- 
 noses that the original 'mali' were 
 iengthtncd, when the Galli found 
 that tliey were not high enough to 
 bear more stories, and this is * com- 
 missis ... malis,' *thc mali being 
 joined and lengthened.' 
 
 apertos cuniculos] See iii. 21. 
 These are not ' open,' as opposed to 
 'covered,' 'cuuiculi.' Clarke says, 
 " Caesar simpliciter intelligit cuni- 
 culos, postquam vel quxi parte essent 
 tandem uj^rtiC and this may be 
 right, but it does not explain all. 
 The words 'et apertos,' &c. to the 
 end of the chapter are wanting in 
 many MSS., and in the first editions, 
 and in the Greek paraphrast. They 
 are in Havn. A., the edition of 
 Aldus, and those after him. Some 
 commentators think that they were 
 ' cuniculi ' made by the Romans, and 
 that they were * opened ' when the 
 Romans got to the end of their work 
 and broke tJirough the ground to 
 make their way out. But this is in- 
 consistent with ' moenibus appropin- 
 quare.' If the text is right, ' appro- 
 pinquare' means the 'cuniculi,' and 
 it must mean the Roman 'cuniculi.' 
 The Galli were skilled in making 
 ' cuniculi,' and they contrived to work 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 347 
 
 fervefacta et maximi ponderis saxis morabantur moeni- 
 busque appropinquare prohibebant. 
 
 28. Muris autem omnibus Q-allicis haec fere forma est. 
 
 into the Roman ' cuniculi,' to open 
 into them; and they stopped them 
 up with sharpened stakes, hot pitch, 
 and large stones. The operations 
 described in Livy xxiii. IH; xxxviii. 
 7, seem to explain it. " Our miners 
 have already commenced their sub- 
 terraneous labours. The first mine 
 bas been ruined by the Russian 
 miners, who have countermined, and 
 by burning powder and resin smoked 
 our men in their galleries." Siege 
 of Sebastopol. 
 
 23. Muris\ There are different 
 opinions about this description, and 
 it has been misunderstood. Straight 
 (' directae ') beams were laid hori- 
 rontally on the ground, and they 
 were of one continuous length (' per- 
 petiuie') through the wall from the 
 inside to the outside. It is not 
 necessary to suppose that they were 
 one piece ; they might be formed by 
 joining several pieces. The balks 
 were laid parallel at intervals of two 
 feet (' binos pedes'). They were 
 bound together on the inner side 
 ('introrsus'). We must take this 
 reading, and not 'extrorsus,' the 
 reading of many MSS. The spaces 
 between were tilled with earth, ex- 
 cept in front or the outside, where 
 the interval was filled with large 
 stones. All these balks and stones 
 being well fastened together, the 
 first layer or tier was complete. The 
 »econd, which was placed on it, was 
 constructed in the same way : the 
 same interval wr.s kept between each 
 pair of balks. The only difficulty 
 that remains is as to the position of 
 the balks and stones in the second 
 tier, with respect to the balks and 
 Btones in the first tier; for each tier 
 in itself was just like every other. 
 Caesar, after saying, " ut idem illud 
 intcrvallum servetur," adds, "neque 
 inter se contingant trabes," &c. ; the 
 fii-st clause expresses the intervals 
 between the balks in the second tier, 
 
 and the second clause is unnecessary, 
 unless it means something else. 
 The balks of the second weie not 
 laid on ths balks of the first tier, but 
 on the stones, so that no bsrika 
 touched one another, ' but separated 
 by equal spaces, every several balk 
 by the several stones placed between, 
 they are closely bound.' This inter- 
 pretation gives a meaning to '* neqiie 
 inter se contingant trabes," though 
 the balks would still touch at the 
 edges, provided they were two feet 
 wide, which does not seem likely. 
 If the balks were less than two feet 
 wide, it is easy to arrange them so 
 that no piece of timber shall touch 
 any other; for when the second tier 
 is completed by placing the balks on 
 the intervals between the balks of 
 the first tier, the third may be con- 
 structed by placing the bulks in a 
 position which vertically corresponds 
 with the position of the balks in the 
 first tier. Perhaps 'rectis lineis' 
 may be supposed more consistent 
 with the supposition that the balks 
 of the second tier were placed on the 
 balks of the first tier, and so on; 
 but ' rectae lineae ' of balks and 
 stones would be formed in the way 
 that I suppose the wall to be built. 
 The beams would be also better pro- 
 tected against fire in this way, than 
 if they were one on the other. As 
 to ' revinciuntur,' see iv, 17. In 
 place of ' intermissae ' one MS. has 
 ' intcrmissis.' 'Intermissae' means 
 that the balks in all the rows were 
 separated by equal intervals. 
 
 The work was continued to a third 
 tier, and so on, until the requisite, 
 full, proper ('justa') height was ac- 
 complished. The appearance of the 
 work, it is added, was not unpleasing 
 to the eye, ' balks and stones alter- 
 nating, which in riglit lines preserve 
 their rank or order.' As the balks 
 were laid with their ends on the out- 
 side of the wall, the thickness of the 
 
3^8 
 
 C. JULII CAESAlilS 
 
 S r r ;'''-Pf P'^^^f .^° longitudinem, paribus inter- 
 valhs, distantes inter se binos pedes, in solo collocantur : 
 hae revmciuntur mtrorsus et multo agc^ere vestiuntar. 
 i^a autem quae dixinius intervalla grandibus in fronte 
 saxis effarcuntur. His collocatis et^oagmentatis aliu. 
 insuper ordo adjicitur, ut idem illud intervallum serNe ur 
 s3r^ ? contingant trabes, sed paribus intermi^sae 
 spatns singulae singulis saxis interjectis, arte continean- 
 
 Ih^iurU r?P' """xT^ ^^P^' contexitur, dum justa muri 
 atitudo expleatur. Hoc quum in speciem varittatemque 
 opus deforme non est alternis trabibus ac saxis, quae 
 rectis lineis suos ordines servant; turn ad utilita em e? 
 
 oi"Tr-"^""i^"""^" ^^^^^* opportunitatem 
 quod et ab incendio lapis et ab ariete materia defendit 
 quae perpetuis trabibus pedes quadragenos plerumque 
 intror.^s revincta neque perru,np? neque distral^i potest 
 
 ^of-n ;. *°Vf "!. 1"^^^^'^^ oppugnatione milites, quum 
 -oto tempore luto, frigore et as.iduis imbribus tardare^ 
 tur tamen continenti labore omnia haec superaverunt et 
 diebus xxy aggerem, latum pedes cccxxx,altum pedes 
 
 tin':;eTt"rr""' ?^^" ^^ ^"^^^"^ ^^^^^-- P-- -n! 
 tingeret, et Caesar ad opus consuetudine excubaret mili- 
 
 tesque cohortaretur, ne quod omnino tempus ab opere i- 
 ermitteretur, paullo ante tertiam vigilianl est animadver- 
 sum lumare aggerem quem cuniculo hostes succenderant • 
 eodemque tempore toto muro clamore sublato duabus 
 portis ab utroque latere turrium eruptio fiebat. AlH faces 
 
 blrnTcem" /;•''""" '' ""^^"^ ^^^^^^ euiinus jacie! 
 bant, picem reliquasque res quibus ignis excitari potest 
 
 wall was coual to the length of tlie 
 balks, which was forty feet each for 
 the most part ('pedes quadragenos 
 plerumque') ; some might be less 
 
 waiena] Is timber, the bulks. 
 oee c. 73. 
 
 ^^' i'ioJ ^^^^ ^^■°''^ ^s on)itted in 
 many MSS. 
 
 diebus XXV] This appeai-s to be 
 nearly the whole time that he had 
 been before the town (c. 17). The 
 assault was made two days after 
 Consequently the siege lasted about 
 touj weeks.— ' consuetudine :' 'ac- 
 
 cording to his custom; like 'insti- 
 
 tuto in this chapter. 
 ab tUroque—turrium] On each 
 
 side of the Roman towers. 
 
 Alii faces] It lias been supposed 
 that another 'alii' before 'picem' 
 IS wanted; but this 'alii ' may apply 
 to fun.lebant' as well as to ' aci- 
 ebant and all who are thus included 
 under al.i may be opposed to those 
 who sallied from the two gates. This 
 IS Heijog 8 explanation. The omis- 
 sion of one of two 'alii' is notUQ. 
 common. See i. 8, note. 
 
 LIBER A^II. 
 
 3^0 
 
 fuudebant, ut quo primum occurreretur aut cui rei fer- 
 retur auxilium vix ratio iniri posset. Tamen, quod insti- 
 tute Caesaris duae semper legiones pro castris excuba- 
 bant, pluresque partitis temporibus erant in opere, cele- 
 riter factum est ut alii eruptionibus resisterent, alii turres 
 reducerent aggeremque interscinderent, omnis vero ex 
 castris inultitudo ad restinguendum concurreret. 
 
 25. Quum in omnibus locis consumpta jam reliqua 
 parte noctis pugnaretur, semperque hostibus spes vic- 
 toriae redintegraretur, eo magis quod deustos pluteos 
 turrium videbant, nee facile adire apertos ad auxiliandnm 
 animadvertebant, semperque ipsi recentes defessis sue- 
 cederent, omnemque Galliae salutem in illo vestigio tera- 
 poris positam arbitrarentur, accidit, inspectantibus nobis, 
 quod dignum meraoria visum praetermittendum non ex- 
 istimavimus. Quidam ante portam oppidi Gallus, qui 
 per manus sevi ac picis traditas glebas in ignem e regione 
 turris projiciebat, scorpione ab latere dextro transjectus 
 
 duae semper leffiones] Not * duae 
 legiones . . . semper excubabant.' He 
 says, ' there wore always two legions 
 lying out in front of the camp.' 
 Compare the use of the Greek tiii ; 
 and 'reliquis deinceps diebus,' B. G. 
 iii. 29. 
 
 pluresque'] " Sic TTavn. A." Elb. 
 There is a reading ' duaeque.' Caesar 
 had more than four legions before 
 Avaricum (c. 31). — 'reducerent:' 
 the Romans drew back the ' turres,' 
 which were moved by wheels (Livy 
 xxxii.c. 17), and they cut through the 
 'agger' to prevent the tire spreading. 
 This passage shows that an 'agger' 
 contained a good deal of wood. The 
 frame-work indeed would be wood, 
 and the open parts would be filled 
 wnth earth and stones or rubbish of 
 any kind. Lipsius (Polinrcetic. Lib. 
 ii.'Dial. 4) has the learning on this 
 matter. 
 
 25. pluteos] The 'plntei' were 
 the planks on the 'turres,' the breast- 
 works which protected the soldiers. 
 (See vii. 72.) ' Apertos' means the 
 Roman soldiers 'exposed,' who could 
 k»idly venture to approach to assist 
 
 (•ad auxiliandnm'); perhaps he 
 means to quench the fire. 
 
 vestigio] See iv. 5, note ; and 
 Cicero, In Pis. c. 9, " eodem et loci 
 et temporis vestigio." 
 
 per manus] The pitch and com- 
 bustibles were passed from hand to 
 hand (' per manus,' vi. 38), till they 
 came to the man who threw them on 
 the fire from the place where he stood 
 op|)osite to the tower. 
 
 scorpvmel] ' Catapultae,' ' ballie- 
 tae,' and ' scorpiones' are all enume- 
 rated in a passage of Livy (xxvi. 47) ; 
 and the ' scorpiones ' are divided into 
 'majores' and ' minores.' Vegetius 
 says that the ' Scorpio ' was after- 
 wards called 'manubalista,' and that 
 it caused death by small, sharp ' spi- 
 cula.' In the African war (c. 29), 
 the missile which was discharged is 
 called 'Scorpio;' but in c. 56, " bal- 
 listis scorpionibusque crebris ante 
 frontem castrorum . . . collocatis," 
 the ' Scorpio ' must mean a machine. 
 Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 4) 
 describes the ' scorpio ' of his time. 
 — 'altero successit :' * alteri sue.' 
 Krancr. 
 
 E 
 
850 
 
 C. JULII CAESAlilS 
 
 exanimatusque concidit. Hunc ex proximis unus jacentem 
 transgressua eodem illo raunere fungebatur: eadem ratione 
 ictu scorpioiiis exanimato altero successit tertius et tertio 
 quartus ; nee priua ille est a propugnatoribus vacuus re- 
 lictus locus quain restiiicto aggere atque omni parte sub- 
 metis hostibus tiuis est pugnandi factus. 
 
 26. Omnia experti Gralli, quod res nulla successerat, 
 
 postero die consiliura ceperunt ex oppido profugere, hor- 
 
 tante et jubente Vercingetorige. Id silentio noctis conati 
 
 non magna jactura suorum sese eiffecturos sperabant, 
 
 propterea quod neque longe ab oppido castra Vercingeto- 
 
 rigis aberant, et palus perpetua quae intercedebat Komanos 
 
 ad insequendum tardabat. Jamque hoc facere noctu ap- 
 
 parabant, quum matres familiae repente in publicum pro- 
 
 currerunt, llentesque projectae ad pedes suorum omnibus 
 
 precibus petierunt ne ae et communes liberos hostibus ad 
 
 supplicium dederent, quos ad capiendam fugam naturae 
 
 et virium infirmitas impediret. Ubi eos in sententia per- 
 
 stare yiderunt, quod plerumque in summo periculo timor 
 
 misericordiam non recipit, conclamare et significare de 
 
 fuga liomanis coeperunt. Quo tunore perterriti Galli, ne 
 
 ab equitatu Romanorum viae praeoccupareutur, consilio 
 
 destiterunt. 
 
 27. Postero die Caesar promota turri directisque 
 operibus quae facere instituerat, magno coorto imbri, 
 non inutilem banc ad capiendum consilium tempestatera 
 arbitratus, quod pauUo incautius custodias in muro dis- 
 positas videbat, suos quoque lauguidius in opere versari 
 jussit, et quid fieri vellet ostendit. Legionea intra vineas 
 in occulto expeditas cohortatur ut aliquando pro tantis 
 laboribus fructum victoriae perciperent: his qui primi 
 
 26. consilium — profugere'\ This 
 is called a Grecism by those who 
 explain some Latin idioms as if they 
 were bastard Gieek. It is at least a 
 Romanism ; and ' profugere ' is the 
 explanation of ' consilium.' See vii. 
 
 71 
 
 palus perpdua — interceilebai] See 
 e. 17, note ; and ii. 5, note. 
 
 Quo tiinore] Compare ' hoc do- 
 •re,' V. 4 ; and ' ho; metu,' v. 19. 
 
 27. direclis] If this reading is 
 right, it means directed towards an 
 object, which here is some part of 
 the walls ; but tlien ' opi ra ' would 
 seem to mean something moveable, 
 as machines ; and 1 don't know if 
 tliis interpretation of ' opera ' can be 
 maintained. There is a reading 'per- 
 fcctis' on good MSS. authority, 
 which ia easier understood than ' di- 
 rectit.* 
 
 LIBER YII. 
 
 351 
 
 murum adscendissent praemia proposult militibusque 
 signum dedit. Illi subito ex omnibus partibus evola- 
 verunt murumque celeriter compleverunt. 
 
 28. Hostes re nova perterriti, muro turribusque dejecti, 
 in foro ac locis patentioribus cuneatiai constiterunt, hoc 
 animo ut, si qua ex parte obviam contra veniretur, acie 
 inatructa depugnarent. Ubi neminem in aequum locum 
 sese demittere, sed toto undique muro circumfundi vide- 
 runfc, veriti ne omnino spes fugae tolleretur, abjectis 
 armis ultimas oppidi partes continent! impetu petive- 
 runt, parsque ibi, quum angusto portarum exitu se ipsi 
 premerent, a militibus, pars jam egressa portis ab equiti- 
 bus est interfecta: nee fuit quisquam qui praedae 
 studeret. Sic et Genabensi caede et labore operis 
 incitati non aetate confectis, non mulieribus, non in- 
 fantibus pepercerunt. Denique ex omni [eo] numero, 
 qui fuit circiter xl milium, vix dccc, qui primo cla- 
 more audito se ex oppido ejecerant, incolumes ad Ver- 
 cingetorigem pervenerunt. Quos ille multa jam nocte 
 silentio ex fuga excepit, veritus ne qua in castris ex 
 eorum concursu et misericordia vulgi seditio oriretur, 
 ut procul in via dispositis familiaribus suis principi- 
 busque civitatum disparandos deducendosque ad suos 
 
 adscendissent] One MS. at least 
 has 'escendissent' Polyaenus (viii. 
 23) describes the stratagem of the 
 capture of Avaricura. 
 
 28. cuneutirn] See vi. 40. Here 
 he means ' in masses.' — ' obviam ve- 
 nire ' is a general expression to sig- 
 nify going to meet a person ; but 
 Caesar adds ' contra,' which ex- 
 presses the sense of opposition. 
 
 (wqiium iocuin ] Literally ' on even 
 ground,' that is, the ground within 
 the wall, on which ground the Galli 
 stood, as Caesar explains it by ' un- 
 dique muro circumfundi.' 
 
 continent i imjietu] ' With an un- 
 interrupted eft'ort.' There is a read- 
 ing ' continue.' 
 
 non — non — non] Caesar tells the 
 «tory of the slaughter in few and 
 emphatic words He was resolved 
 
 E 2 
 
 on taking the town, and he knew 
 what the consequence would be to 
 the besieged. Of course he could 
 not prevent the massacre. On an- 
 other occasion (B. C. ii 12) he gave 
 orders not to storm a town, in order 
 to prevent a massacre ; but then he 
 was not fighting against Galli. 
 
 multa jam nocte j See i. 22 ; and 
 'tres jam,' i. J 2. 
 
 silentio ^c] There is a reading 
 * nocte sic ex fuga excepit' (Elb.). 
 I conclude that ' silentio ' is the read- 
 ing of most MSS. The ' sic' is not 
 necessary, for ' silentio . . . excepit 
 ut' is the same kind of expression aa 
 ' incredibili celeritate ut,' v. 53. 
 
 disjKirandos] Two more recent 
 MSS. have 'di8])ertiendos;' but ' dii- 
 parare.' ' to separate,' is used by 
 Plautus, Rud. Prol. v. 10. 
 O 
 
352 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 curaret, quae cuique civitati pars castrorum ab initio 
 obveiierat. 
 
 29. Postero die concilio convocato consolatua co- 
 hortatusque est Ne se admodum animo demittereiit, neve 
 perturbarentur incommodo : non virtute neque iu acie 
 vicisse Eomanos, sed artificio quodam et scieiitia oppug- 
 nationis cujus rei fuerint ipsi imperiti : errare, si qui m 
 bello omnes secundos reriim proveutus exspectent : sibi 
 immquam placuisse Avaricum del'eudi, cujus rei testes 
 ipsos haberet; sed factum imprudentia Biturigum et 
 nimia obsequentia reliquoruin uti lioc incommodum acci- 
 peretur : id tamen se celeriter majoribus comiiiodis sana- 
 turum. Nam quae ab reliquis Gallis civitates disseutirent, 
 lias sua diligentia adjuncturum atque unum consilium' 
 totius Galliae effecturum, cujus couseusui ne oi:bis quidem 
 terraruin possit obsistere ; idque se prope jam ettectum 
 habere. Interea aequum esse ab iis communis salutis 
 causa impetrari ut castra munire instituerent, quo facilius 
 repentinos hostium impetus sustinere possent. 
 ^ 30. Fuit haec oratio non ingrata Gallis, maxime quod 
 ipse animo non defecerat tanto accepto incommodo, neque 
 se in occultum abdiderat et conspcctuin niultitudinis 
 fugerat; plusque animo providere et praesentire existi- 
 niabatur, quod re integra primo incendendum Avaricum, 
 post deserendum censuerat. Itaque ut reliquorum im- 
 peratorum res adversae auctoritatem minuunt, sic hujus 
 ex contrario dignitas incommodo acce[)to in dies auge- 
 batur: simul in spem veniebant ejus affirmatione de reli- 
 
 quae cuique — pars] 'To their 
 own people (' ad suos'), to that part 
 of the caiup which had been assigned 
 to each state at first.' See c. 19, 
 ' genoratim ;' and c. 21. 
 
 •29. pror-entus] The reading of 
 most and of the best MSS. The other 
 reading is ' eventus.' ' Proven tus' 
 may signify any thing which comes 
 forth, and it is used to express a crop 
 or produce (v. 24, ' provenerat '). 
 
 oO. iiicominodo] 'A loss,' as we 
 say, sometimes 'a defeat' (c. 14; 
 and V. 52). Cicero (Verr. ii. 5, c. 
 . 6) uses the word in tlie same way. 
 
 — *re integra.' A thing is a 'ret 
 integra ' which is entire for any pur- 
 pose. The ' res integra' here'is the 
 choice that the Galli had of burning 
 Avaricum or not ; and while matters 
 weie in this state, and before it was 
 decided not to bum it, Vcrcingetori.v 
 advised its destruction. 
 
 ejus affirmatione] The ablative in 
 Caesar has perhaps a more extended 
 use than in the other Roman writers. 
 We means to say that the ' Galli be- 
 gan to hope by reason of his asser- 
 tion about attaching to their side 
 the rest of the Gallic states.' There 
 
 LIBER yil. 
 
 353 
 
 quis adjungendls civitatibus, primumquc co tempore Galli 
 castra munire instituerunt, et sic sunt animo consternati, 
 homines insueti laboris, ut omnia quae imperarentur sibi 
 patienda et perferenda existimarent. 
 
 31. Nee minus quam est pollicitus Yercingetorix animo 
 laborabat ut reliquas civitates adjungerct, atque earum 
 principes donis pollicitationibusque alliciebat. Huic rei 
 idoneos homines deligebat, quorum quisque aut oratioue 
 subdola aut amicitia facillime capi posset. Qui Avarico 
 expugnato refugerant, armandos vestieudosque curat. 
 Simul ut deminutae copiae redintegrarentur, imperat 
 certum numerum militum civitatibus, quem et quam ante 
 diem in castra adduci velit; sagittariosque omnes, quorum 
 erat permagnus in Gallia numerus, conquiri et ad se mitti 
 jubet. His rebus celeriter id quod Avarici deperierat ex- 
 pletur. Interim Teutomatus, Olloviconis filius, rex Nitio- 
 brigum, cujus pater ab senatu nostro amicus erat appel- 
 latus, cum magno equitum suorum numero et quos ex 
 Aquitania conduxerat ad eum pervenit. 
 
 32. Caesar Avarici complures dies commoratus, sum- 
 mamque ibi copiam frumenti et reliqui commeatus nactus, 
 exercitum ex labore atque inopia refecit. Jam prope 
 hieme confecta, quum ipso anni tempore ad gerendum 
 bellum vocaretur et ad hostem prolicisci constituisset, 
 sive eum ex paludibus silvisque elicere, sive obsidione 
 premere posset, legati ad eum principes Aeduorum veniunt 
 oratum ut maxime necessario tempore civitati subveniat : 
 
 is no occasion to supply such a word 
 as ' adducti ' or ' commoti.' 
 
 consternati] Herzog explains this, 
 according to Livy, vii. 42, to be 
 ' roused ;' but Livy adds, ' ad arma.' 
 Ifere it means ' alarmed,' as in viii. 
 19, not of course by what Vercinge- 
 torix said, but by the loss of Avari- 
 cum. ' Kxteriiatus ' has this sense 
 in Ovid (.Met. i. 641). 
 
 31. capi] " Sic Hav. A. — Abcst 
 a qdd. codd. — 2 codd. capere,^" Elb. 
 'Capere' would make a difference, 
 for ' quisque ' would be each of the 
 I idoneos homines;' but as the read- 
 xng stands, it is each of the 'prin- 
 
 cipes.' Kraner, who has * capere, 
 has also 'eas' in place of 'earum 
 principes,' 
 
 co7i(tm^rat] He probably means 
 hired or induced by pay (' mercede '). 
 In vi. 31, the word means simply 
 ' brought together.' The king of 
 the Nitiobriges would probably 
 have no other means of bringing the 
 Aquitani together than by promise 
 of pay. 
 
 32. obsidionel See i v. 19. — 'max- 
 ime necessai io tempore :' ' at a very 
 critical time.' See i. 16, " tarn ne* 
 cessario tempore;" and vii. 40. 
 
 A a 
 
354 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 Summo esse in periculo rem ; quod, quum singuK magis- 
 tmus antiquitus creari atque regiain potestatein anirum 
 obtinere coiisuesseiit, duo inagistratum gerant et se 
 uterque eorum legibus creatuni esse dicat. Horum esse 
 alterum Convictolitauem, florentem et illustrem adoles- 
 ceutem; alterum Cotum, aiitiquisslma familia natum, 
 atque ipsum hominem summae potentiae et ma^^nae cotr- 
 natioMis, cujus frater Valetiacus proximo anuo euudem 
 magistratum gesserit; civitatem omiiem esse in armis 
 divisum seuatum, divisum populum, suas cujusque eorum' 
 clieutelas. Quod si diutius alatur coutroversia, fore uti 
 pars cum parte civitatis coufligat ; id ne accidat, positum 
 m ejus dihgentia atque auctoritate. 
 
 33. Caesar, etsi a bello atque hoste discedere detrimen- 
 toBum esse existimabat, tamen uon igiiorans quanta ex 
 dissensionibus nicommoda oriri consuessent, ne tanta et 
 tarn conjuncta populo Komano eivitas, quam ipse semper 
 aluisset omnibusque rebus ornasset, ad vim atque arma 
 descenderet atque ea pars quae minus sibi coufideret 
 auxilia a Yercingetorige arcesseret, huic rei praeverten- 
 dum existimavit; et quod legibus Aeduorum iis qui 
 summum magistratum obtinerent excedere ex fiaibus non 
 liceret ne quid de jure aut de legibus eorum deminuisse 
 videretur, ipse in Aeduos proficisci statuit senatumque 
 omnem et quos inter coutroversia esset ad se Decetiam 
 evocavit. Quum prope omiiis eivitas eo convenisset, 
 docereturque, paucis clam convocatis alio loco, alio tera- 
 
 singuli maphtratiis] See i. IG. 
 
 annum] There is a reading 'an- 
 niiaiu ' in several good MSS. 
 
 suas~-<lie7itelas\ The senate was 
 diviUed; the 'populus' or those 
 who were not the senate, were di- 
 vided ; and each of these parties had 
 their sevei-al trains or followers (' ali- 
 en telas'). 
 
 33. dejure Sec] ' Deminucre de' 
 means to breiilc off a portion, and 
 hence to impair a thing. Servius 
 feulpicius says in a letter to Cicero 
 (Ad Div. iv. 5), "de imperio Po- 
 puli^ Roniani tanta deniinutio facta 
 est." It is doubtful if the ortho- 
 graphy in this jase and in ' deminutio 
 
 capitis' should be de- or di-. Both 
 forms were used indifferently as Sa- 
 vigny supposes (System, &c., ii. p. 
 <)1, note a.) Caesar went into the 
 territory of the Aedui to liear tie 
 case, that ho might not be considered 
 to have infringed the rights or the 
 laws of the Aedui by requiring the 
 claiiuiints to leave their territory. 
 The sense of ' legibus ' is plain. A 
 'lex' is a statute, a law. 'Jus* 
 has the same tense that it has in i. 
 36". 
 
 Decetiam] This is Decise, an 
 island and town in the Loire, south 
 of Nevers, in the department of 
 Jsievre. 
 
 LIBEB YII. 
 
 355 
 
 pore atque oportuerit, fratrem a fratre renunciatum, quum 
 leges duo ex una familia vivo utroque non solum magis- 
 tratus creari vetarent sed etiam in senatu esse proliibe- 
 rent, Cotum imperium deponere coegit : Convictolitanem, 
 qui per sacerdotes more civitatis, intermissis magistrati- 
 bus, esset creatus, potestatem obtinere jusait. 
 
 34. Hoc decreto interposito cohortatus Aeduos ut 
 controversiarum ac dissensionum obliviscerentur atque 
 omnibus omissis [his] rebus huic bello servirent, eaque 
 quae meruissent praemia ab se devicta Gallia exspecta- 
 rent, equitatumque omnem et peditum inilia x sibi cele- 
 riter mitterent, quae in praesidiis rei frumentariae causa 
 disponeret, exercitum in duas partes divisit : iv legiones 
 in Senones Parisiosque Labieno ducendas dedit ; vi ipse 
 in Arvernos ad oppidura Gergoviam secundum flumen 
 Elaver duxit : equitatus partem illi attribuit, partem sibi 
 
 minnnatum] Caesar always ap- 
 ies Roman terms to Gallic insti- 
 futions. ' Renuuciatio ' at Kome was 
 the declaration of the election of a 
 person, and the declaration was made 
 by some competent authority through 
 a ' praeco,' or sometimes by the con- 
 sul himself. Cicero says (Pro Mu- 
 rena, 1), " L. Murenam consukm 
 renuntiavi." See Verr. ii. 5, c. 15. 
 intermissis] The meaning seems 
 to be ' when the office was vacant.' 
 The words 'more civitatis' show 
 that the election made by the priests 
 was made in due form. See the 
 various uses of ' intermissus' refcired 
 to in vii. 17. 
 
 34. intei-jiosito] The decree was 
 ' interposed,' as the Roman expres- 
 sion was. See Cicero (Verr. ii. 2, 
 c. 48), " ob decreta interponeuda 
 pccunias acceperit." In i. 42 there 
 18 ' interposita causa.' 
 
 [his] relms] 'His' is said to be 
 in all the MSS. Perhaps it may be 
 genuine, 'all these things' meaning 
 'all these disputes.' 
 
 rei frumentariae] These forces 
 were to be stationed in convenient 
 places to get supplies and to secure 
 tlcir safe arrival to his army (c. 3J]). 
 
 A a 
 
 He had ten legions to feed and other 
 trooj)S. Me could not have fed them, 
 unless Gallia had been populous and 
 well cultivated. 
 
 Elaver] Caesar would cross the 
 Elaver (Allier) above its junction 
 with the Loire, on his march from 
 Avaricuni to Decctia. In order to 
 reach Gcrgovia from Decctia (c. 35, 
 note;, he had to cross the Allier 
 again, and he found the bridges de- 
 stroyed. The existence of (wooden) 
 bridges shows that the communica- 
 tion between different towns waseasy; 
 for bridires imply roads leading "to 
 them. As to the Allier, see Introd. 
 p. 13. 'Secundum flumen' means 
 along the stream, either up or down 
 (ii. 18). Caesar was moving south- 
 wards and up the valley of the Allier. 
 Therefore ' secundum' flumen ' here 
 means up the river. ' Socundo flu- 
 mine ' means down the stream in 
 vii, 58. It is important to fix the 
 meaning of 'secundum flumen.' 
 Varro says (De R. R. i. 12), in 
 speaking of the proper site for a 
 villa, "Sin cogare secundum flumen 
 (on the banks of a river) aediticare, 
 curandum no adversum eum ponas." 
 Cicero (Ad Att. xvi. 8) has •• secun* 
 2 
 
1,- «".»• 
 
 '3oG 
 
 C. Jl-LlI CAESAHIS 
 
 t^. i 
 
 t. 
 
 
 
 .\i 
 
 reliqult. Qua ro cogr.ita Vorclngelorix omnibus inlcr- 
 upls ..ju,s nu,n„u.s ,,o„i|l,„, ,.|, „n,,.„ iji,,,,, „rt^ 
 »Llt lacuio c'oc[)iL. ^ 
 
 leronmS"''"' "^^'■'1"'= »t'i-l"<-' o.sset cxc-rcitus in couspecttt- 
 
 •u nt or^f. :-■' ' '"iV" I'"'"^- ^<""'='"i <--oi.iaa t.ausduce- i 
 .olt ui n . V''"°.'r '^"'''^'" Jill'<^""="i'^'^» re. no .najoreio 
 autu nu > Fl" r '■"•"-•''"■^•""■. T'"J "0" lore ante 
 
 atudcct, Mvu^itri loco castns po.sitia e ri- ,.,io uuiu3 
 run. poulmn. ,,uo3 V.^vingctiix rc.ciuden,]" Z. 
 
 lesUlit; reliquas eop.as ciim oinuibus iinpedimeutis ut ^ 
 
 the enemy to be tix. The explana- ■ 
 tinri, which has soin.iimcs bcca ' 
 «i«l<>|»tf(l, ihal one fourth of the»ix'i 
 li-;,'!oiis w;i* BtlccMcd by Camr, dmi ^ 
 IS, fittccii cohuits, to remain with I 
 hitn, IS contni<!icttd by the text' * 
 for he says that he had'iwo Icgiona « 
 (t\v. nty cohorts) with him. Nor* 
 Hould this diiiiiniitiuii of the gix i 
 h-ions by ©nc futiiil, hclj. to make ' 
 ll»e enemy believe that there were 
 8!X legions on the majch. It mouJ! ' 
 liivc just the o|i|.obite cfrcct; but 
 the four Uvions mar. bed in six divj. 
 U'>u%, the enemy mt^'l.i i.ot discover •' 
 that there were oniy loiir. Cacwr'i ' 
 «»bj<Cl ua« to Tiialxc'lour hK'O'illook 
 l:^^e nx; und wc iiia\ nssuino ih.t 
 tlie four le-iuns luaiched in surh 
 form that tills cfu-ci was produce 
 >\ hen Caesar says tliat he keiit two : 
 Ie),'i<.n9, he mav mt-an JO cohoitj • 
 Ironi tho six K}(ioii9. The six Ic- ' 
 
 j,'ionHrontaiiicdi.l»iuhort8.andifC.i> 
 e-ir took the lii>t toh..rf, tho fouitl. 
 the <cvent!i. and ho on. he would havii 
 -U c.horls or two legi.ms. Thii 
 m.dc of expl.tiiiing '(jnartii qui- 
 busfjuc cohurtibns' is quite con- 
 Bi-'triit Willi Konian um-^c. Thii • 
 is tlic exjdaiiatioii of Fclbausch 
 (Drumann, (;*s. hnhtc F{omg, ill. '■ 
 ol'., note). '1 bus, instead of taking ! 
 two entire K-cions, which the euenr, 
 U':^'lit Iroiu some circumstance o: 
 
 «Ium mnrcsupcrum." Comp. Appian, 
 liell. Civ. lii. r.i, 45. 
 
 .'Jo. (^uiiin iitrn/uc c^c] Tho text 
 of the liist lew lims ot this rliapt* r is 
 very nmeitain. 'I'hc * expUnatoies' 
 were ot course pl.ircd in dillVient 
 parts by Vciriiigcturix only, thou^'h 
 the benteiice does not eleaily e\pic°s 
 tins. ' J-: rej,Mone ' here and in c. '^r, 
 IS generally followed by a pmitivo: 
 It nuaiis • oppoMic.' ' (^uum uteniuo 
 utnnKinc exisjct cxcrcitu«, in con- 
 si'cclu . . . ponebaul. Di^po5itis.' 
 Kiancr, 
 
 /'Jltinrtarh] The river !;< low in 
 ••niiinicr aiid in aiminin, if the mm- 
 ►•"I m diy. Ill .July. lij.Mi it ,^,„ 
 vi'iy I..VV at M..uliiM and at Vuunn.M 
 (•eiurajlyiii, 5,;,it| that the Allierii 
 not furd;.blc before the cii.l of June 
 and III u-et seaiuns not till a later 
 time. 
 
 o.p/is ^v.J The text is uncertain. 
 t..o..^'n ii.oht MSH have '.apti* ' 
 Kraiier has ' <|uilMibdam ' in place of 
 *f|nartis quib..=que.' Caesar kept 
 two legions with him. and sent four 
 lorwaid.s (• ut con^ueverat ') with all 
 the htavy inateri.il. He me.ins by 
 'utcons.eveiat' that these four were 
 to mairh with the ' iinpe.liinenta,' as 
 tlie whole army, the six U-ions. had 
 marche.l hitherto. 'J|,c words " cap- 
 li» . . . tohorlibiis' show what he d;d 
 tlmt the lour legions m;ght scctu .*o 
 
 LIBEll Aai. 
 
 357 
 
 uti numcrus lcn;iojnnn coiiRl-aro vidorctur. Ills quam 
 loiigiBuiiiiu ]}iiHHrjit/ pto/^rnli JuhhIh, <|Uiiim jniii rx diei 
 tempore coiijectunnii ciipcrL't in c.-ihIiji piTvciiUiiii, liHtloin 
 sublicis quarum pars inrerior iiitcgra rcmanebat poutein 
 reficere coepit. CoIoritLT cllccto opere logioiiibusque 
 transductis, ct loco castria idunco dclccto, ruJicpuia copias 
 revocavit. Vercingctorix ro cognita, no contra suam 
 voluutatem diniicaro cogcrctur, niagnis itincribus aute- 
 cessit. 
 
 3(3. Caesar ex co loco qiiinlis castris Gergoviam por- 
 venit, cqueatriquo j)rot'lio eo dlo Jovi Incto, pora])ccto urbis 
 situ, quae posita in aitiHsinio inonto oinnos aditus difliciles 
 habebat, do expugnationo deapcravit j do obsessione nou 
 
 otiicr have niipsed, he prcfcrvcd tho making an intrenched carap. Th# 
 
 six legions ^vilh diminished num- live days' maich was along the left 
 
 hers; for the object was ;hat then; bank of the A llier, southwards from 
 
 sliould a])iK'ar to be six legions. If the point where ('aesar crossed. If 
 
 this is not the ex|»lanation we iiiuf<t he cros'-ed the Allier in the parallel 
 
 dcf-pair of finding one. Dion Ca^siiis of i)6ei!>c, the duect distamc to 
 
 (xl. 3o) conceived the thing riglil in Clermont in Auvergne is above 7U 
 
 » general way; but he says iioihing miles. 'Jhcre is a route in tb? 
 
 of the broken bridge?, and he also 
 ms that Cae*ar crossed the river on 
 rafts, a direct contradiction to (y'ae- 
 gai'g text. Polyaenus (viii. *J.'{) de- 
 scribes the stnitngem somewhat 
 better, but not quite correctly. Cur 
 
 '1 heodo'sian 'J'able from Avaricuni 
 through 'iincollum (a mistake for 
 'J'inconeiiim, now Sansroins), to Dc- 
 cetia; and Caesar may have passed 
 Irom Avaiitum to Decetia by this 
 line. It seems also that there was a 
 
 (viii. 13) describes a similar road from I>eretia to Aquae iJor- 
 
 tius 
 
 siratagcm of Alexander, by wliirh bo 
 
 deceived I'^rus and g«»t m io'<Ha lari,'«; 
 
 river in India, prohably the Jly- 
 
 (ia»{>cs. 
 
 caperci\ ' ccperat,' K'raner. — 'rc- 
 manebat : the lower j)art of the piles 
 
 mnniR, lioiirbon TAn liainbault, 
 which is went of the Allicr, an<l there 
 miiKt have berii ii lord or u biidi^n 
 over llie river on the road, 'ilie 
 n;irrative of Caesar shows that he 
 A\isli(d to cross the Allier sooner 
 
 remainctl, though the upper part had than lie did, but lie found no 
 been cut away. (Sen iv. l/,noie.) bridge, and he marched some dis 
 
 Kianer in hia second ediiion has fol- 
 lowed Miillcr's explanation ol 'pars 
 inferior,' which in his (list edition 
 he had very strangely uiisundcr- 
 itood. 
 
 atitecrsaH] Vereingctorix, dipco- 
 vcring that the liomans bad cros«^ed 
 the river, marched on bef«Me them at 
 a great rale to avoid a battle. 
 
 30. ouinlis m»7/isj ' in (ive days' 
 march, or, literally, 'at the liih 
 eDcampment,' for I'he Itoman prac- 
 tjce was not to fwtfs the mglit w iihout 
 
 timu (c. •'/)) along the light bank 
 before he w.as able to get across by 
 the fitiatagem described in e. Xk 
 I'ischcr conjcctuns that Ijc may 
 linvc crossed the Allier above tho 
 junction of the Sioiilc, soniewheio 
 between Varcniies and Vichy (Aquao 
 Calid.'ie). 'i'he direct distance from 
 Vichv to Gcrgovia is only uO iniie% 
 whiifi is too litilo for Caefcar'i 
 march. 
 
 cjjmpnntionc] ' Oppugnatione' in 
 some MSrf., but 'expugnationo* 
 
 -»''. 
 
 ,4|« 
 
 Vh 
 
 
 ^yj^^WP^. 
 
 
 C. JTTTJT PATqA-piq 
 
 LiiiEK VII. 
 

 
 it* i ■ 
 
 •13.''- 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 ^'JC'' 
 
 '1 
 
 
 
 a» I * 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 ^» 
 
 V 
 
 
 • '• ^^ 
 
 .-•"I 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ,• >;-■#• 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 H 
 
 •_ 
 
 ^'^;^ 
 
 r> 
 
 .•- * * * 
 
 
 858 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 ■J" 
 
 *>. 
 
 I 
 
 V. 
 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 priua an^ondum constitult quain rem frumontariam expe- 
 (iKssct:. At ycrcin^ctoriT, cu.striM propc oppidum in monte 
 ])OHiLiH, mcchocnbus circum ho intervallis separatim sin- 
 fjuJannn ciyitatium copias collocavcrat ; atque omnibus 
 ejus jugi colhbus occupatis qua despici poterat horribilem 
 i^pcciern praebebat, principesque carum civitatium, quos 
 sibi ad con.dium capiendiim delegcrat, prima luce quo 
 tidie ad so jubebat convcnire, scu quid coinniunicandum 
 ^cu. quid adnnmstrandum viderctur, neque ullum fere 
 dicm intermittcbat quia cquc.tri proelio iiitcrjectia sagit^ 
 tarns quid 111 quoque cs.sct auiini nc virtutis suorum 
 periclitarctur. Erat e rcgionc oppidi collia sub ipsis 
 radicibus montis, cgregio niuuitus atque ex omiii parte 
 circumciaus quom si tcuerent nostri, et aquae magna 
 parte et pabulatione libera prohibituri hostes videbantur* 
 aed 13 locus praesidio ab iis iiou iiimis finno tenebatur; 
 tainen sdeutio noctis Caesar ex castris egressus, prius 
 
 fcciiiB to be tlic proper word with 
 ' iiefl|)cmvit,' 
 
 (j'crgovia was on the top of a vcrj 
 n.'^h mountain an«l all the approaches 
 wtrc ditriiult. The ranip* of Vir- 
 cintjcton.x were on n mountain (' in 
 monte'), not on the 'altis-imus 
 mons,' hut near it, for thev wiio 
 near the town. The 'ejus jii;ri,' 
 which had hills (' colics'), mu-t ''he 
 the eauic as the 'mons' on which 
 the camps were placed, for the camps 
 Were on the 'mons,' an<l tlu-v Ofcu- 
 pied all the hci;,dits of that 'ju-um.' 
 If Ca(sar had written 'ejus montis' 
 in place of 'ejus ju-i,' it would have 
 hcon plainer to us; hut this ' mons ' 
 or ^ju;,'um' is the mass of hi^'h land 
 •»hich is west of the summit <*u whirli 
 {Mli,'ovia utands. is roufiec ted with 
 It Ity a nariow ridge, nn.l i< part of a 
 farvo tract of elevated pround, the 
 hiirhest part of which is the flat on 
 »*hich (ier'4«)via fitood. 
 
 'I he hill opposite (*e rrpionc op- 
 pi'li ') to the town had abrupt cidcs; 
 ami it was occupied by an incon- 
 siderable force of the cnmiy, with 
 the view- of pccurin;^ a hafe [Kissaco 
 fer water and f<>r:i;:;e. Ca« jar d<>is 
 not describe the positiou of his camp 
 
 (' mnjora cajtra '). (See note at th« 
 end of this book.) 
 
 srparutim] Like 'generatim,' vii. 
 L*^— 'qua despici :' where there wai 
 a view down on the plain. In place 
 of * qua' the more u^ual form would 
 be 'undc'aa in iii. 14. "undecrat.. 
 dc«rHxtu8," and vii. 20. 79. Fischer 
 explains *qua despici poterat' dif- 
 fcrrntly. See the note on Get- 
 goria. 
 
 j^ridU'jrrtur} * perspiceretur,' 
 Kraner. 
 
 ojte^jie munitus] Caesar does not 
 eay 'natura munitus,' as in ii. 29, 
 nor ' egrejie et natura et opere,' as in 
 V. 9. His words mipht mean that 
 this spot had been ftrengtiiened or. 
 cut into a stcrp face by men's labour. 
 Ciccr.» (|)e Ke I'ubl'ica ii. 6, cited 
 by Ilcr/oj:), in his descri|.iion of 
 Home, says "atquo ut ita n)unita 
 nrx rir«uuijecto arduo ct quasi cir« 
 cumci.«o Mxo nitctetur." But in 
 another plice (Verr. ii. 4, c. 48) 
 «hcrc he i* dcfcnbinjr the natural 
 fcature<» of Henna in Sicily, he luiyi, 
 ** tota vero ab omni adiiu ciicumciw 
 atque direcla est." 
 
 hirnrn] Hcr/op and Kraner mak« 
 • laiueu ' begin a new sentence, vihicb 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 
 '•''?l 
 
 s 
 
 q lam subsidio ex oppido veniri posset dcjecto pmesidio 
 ; ,titu8 loco, duas ibi Icgioiirs collocavit, fossamquo dupli- 
 cein duodenum ixmIumi ii .najoril)UH castriH ad ininora pcr- 
 diiiit, ut tuto ab repeuliuo hostiuui iucursu etiaiii BUiguli 
 
 cjmmeare possent. r^ • l vi.^^;^ 
 
 . 37. Dum haec ad Gergoviam geruntur, Convictolitanis 
 Aeduus, cui ma-JHtratuni adjudicatum a Caesare demou- 
 Btravimus, sollicitatus ab Arveniis pccuiua cum quiUus- 
 dam adoleacentibus coUoquitur, quoruni erat princepa 
 Litavicus atquo ejus fratres, aniplissima iannha nati ado- 
 lescentea. Cum his pracmium commuuicat liortaturque 
 lit se liberos et imperio luiloa memiuermt : unam esse 
 \eduorum civitatem quae ccrtissimam Galliae victonam 
 tnstiacat; ejus auctoritate reliquas coutmeri ; qua trans- 
 uacta locum consistendi Komanis m Gallia non fore: 
 tsso nonimllo se Caesaris beneficio afTectum sic taineii 
 ut justissimam apud eum causam obtinuerit ; 8C( plus 
 communi libcrtati tribuero: cur enim potms Aedui de 
 •buo iure et do legibus ad Oaesarcm disccptatorem quam 
 Eomaiii ad Aeduos veniant ? Celeriter adolescentibus et 
 
 is a bad mode of pointing. It refers 
 to ' egregic munitus . . . circtmicisus;' 
 and what lies betwi-rn does not affect 
 the construction of tlic scntrnce. 
 Compare 'tamcn' in iii. 14. 22; iv. 
 17 20, where it is i.icccdc<l by 'clsi; 
 ai.d vii. 47. .')7. MuUcr refers ' ta- 
 mcn ' to ' Bed is locus . . . tencbattir, 
 nnd he translates if. ' But litis point 
 was occupied by thcui, though not 
 with a very 6ti on g force.' 
 
 diUHlrmt'w jwhtm] l''a« U ditch was 
 twelve feet wi.lc (v. 42); and the 
 Roman road wis bclwf-cn th«n«. 
 
 37. O'lju'Itriitfiiii] \'M>. has 'ad- 
 signatuul' oti ihc atilhority of live of 
 tlic bi-st MSS. It uiay bo light, 
 though it is not the usntl word in 
 mch a case. ' A'ljudicatum ' cor- 
 responds heller to Caesar's decision 
 (c. 33). Ciceio (De Lege Agr. ii. 
 17) has "quo* pcrHpiriamuB ngnum 
 Alexandriiio rtolemaeo gratis adju- 
 dicaiuros." 
 f,rarmifim] There is a rending 
 
 ' ppmnm, 
 
 ' which does not seem to 
 
 mc absurd. * Pracmium coramuni- 
 cat' means that he gives them a part 
 of what he had received. 
 
 dislmeat] ' Distinerc' is to keep 
 apart, to f-cparate (vii. 5f))- ^^e iii. 
 II; iv. 17. llenrc it i« to cheeky 
 hinder, and the like. * Contincri,' 
 ' luld together,' means held together 
 in obc<licn(C to the Romans. Kraner 
 has'dilineat.' . , „ j •„ i 
 causam ohti7incnt] lie admitted 
 • that he was under some obligations 
 to Caesar, but still his cause that he 
 maintained before Caesar was a most 
 right(nu<»«au«e.' lie says that Caesar 
 only did him jtistico, and cojifcrred 
 no favour. ' Obiineie causam ' means 
 that a man maintains his cause or 
 ease. So they said 'obtinero jus 
 Buum contra almucm.' 
 
 disccplalorcm] 'As a judge, or 
 one who determines,' as Cicero defines 
 it (Or. I'art. :i), " disceptator est rci 
 Beiilenliaenuc moderator." SccCicero 
 (Vcrr. ii. Ic. 72), * vobis discrptan- 
 tibuB,' addrtsbcd to the 'judiccs.' 
 
 ; .• 
 
 
 -3 
 
 
 -. I 
 
 
;iGO 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 oratione magistratus et praemio deductis, quurn se vel 
 principes ejus consilii fore profiterentur, ratio perficiendi 
 quaerebatur, quod civitatem temere ad suscipiendum 
 bellum adduci posse non confidebant. Placuit uti Lita- 
 vicus decern illis milibus, quae Caesari ad bellum mitte- 
 rentur, praeficeretur atque ea ducenda curaret, fratresque 
 ejus ad Caesarem praecurrerent. Eeliqua qua ratione agi 
 placeat constituunt. 
 
 38. Litavicus accepto exercitu, quum milia passuum 
 circiter xxx ab Gergovia abesset, convocatis subito mili- 
 tibus, lacrimans, Quo proficiscimur, iuquit, milites ? Om. 
 nis noster equitatus, omnis nobilitas iiiteriit : principca 
 civitatis, Eporedorix et Virdumarus, insiniulati proditionis, 
 ab Eomanis indicta causa interfecti sunt. Haec ab his 
 cognoscite qui ex ipsa caede fugeruut ; nam ego fratribus 
 atque omnibus meis propinquis interfectis dolore prohi- 
 beor quae gesta sunt pronunciare. Producuntur ii quos 
 ille cdocuerat quae dici vellet, atque eadem quae Litavicus 
 pronunciaverat multitudini exponunt : Omues equites 
 Aeduorum interfectos, quod collocuti cum Arvernis dice- 
 rentur; ipsos se inter multitudinem militum occultasae 
 atque ex media caede profugisse. Conclamaut Aedui et 
 Litavicum ut sibi consulat obsecraut. Quasi vero, inquit 
 
 vel principes ejus cofisilii] ' They 
 would even be the first to execute the 
 plan, if nobo(l\ else would,' as Miiller 
 rightly explains it. He refers to v. 
 50, 'pnncipcs belli inferendi.' 
 
 </ecem illia mili/ji/s] See c. 34. 
 ^ 38. nohilitas] 8ce i. 2, note. — 
 Kpore-dorix is like Cingc-torix. 
 Obeilin writes Eporedirix, on the 
 .luthority of an inscription found at 
 Hourbon Lancy. It is imniat?rial. 
 
 Quasi t'ero] A usual sarcastic 
 formula: ' as if,' says Litavicus, 'it 
 \vere a matter for deliberation.' The 
 expression is no dojibt elliptical, and 
 we must look back to what has been 
 said whenever it is used. They in- ^ 
 tieat Litavicus to consider what is * 
 best for theui ; and his answer is, 
 ' yoM tell me to consider, just as if it 
 were a matter for consideration,' 
 Caesar has (v, 49j 'magni pcricuii 
 
 res,' and other like forms, as in vii. 
 45, • occasion is esse rem.' 
 
 Havercamp, in his notes on Oro- 
 sius, has copies of three silver small 
 denarii (vi. 11) with the legends 
 LITA and LITAVI, under a figure of 
 a man on horsebai k. One of them 
 has on the other side c, which he 
 6U])poses to signify that they were 
 struck at Cabillonum, in the country 
 of the Aedui. He also gives a com 
 with the legend verga, which ho 
 Uikes to be Vercingetorix ; another 
 with VI ROD V, supposed to be of Vi- 
 rodumarus ; and a third with the le- 
 gend coMios. All these coins have 
 either a horse or a mounted horse- 
 man on one side. I do not know 
 whether these coins are genuine. All 
 the legends are in Roman characters. 
 It is certain that the Galli had coined 
 money. Havercamp also gives iu 
 
 LIBER VIL 
 
 3G1 
 
 ille, consilii sit res, ac non necesse sit nobis Gergoviam 
 contendere et cum Arvernis nosmet conjungere. An 
 dubitamus quin nefario facinore admisso Eomaui jam ad 
 noe interficiendos concurrant ? Proinde, si quid est in 
 nobis animi, persequamur eorum mortem qui indignissime 
 interierunt, atque hos latrones interficiamus. Ostendit 
 cives Eomanos, qui ejus praesidii fiducia una eraut. Con- 
 tinue magnum numerum frumenti commeatusque diripit, 
 ipsos crudeliter excraciatos int»frficit : nuncios tota civi- 
 tate Aeduorum dimittit, eodem mendacio de caede equitum 
 et principum permovet : hortatur ut simili ratione atque 
 ipse fecerit suas iujurias persequantur. 
 
 39. Eporedorix Aeduus, summo loco natus adolescens 
 et summae domi potentiae, et una Yirdumarus, pari 
 aetate et gratia, sed genere dispari, quem Caesar [sibi] ab 
 Divitiaco traditum ex humili loco ad sum mam dignitatem 
 perduxerat, in equitum numero convenerant nominatim 
 ab eo evocati.^ His erat inter se de principatu contentio, 
 et in ilia magistratuum controversia alter pro Convictoli- 
 tane, alter pro Coto summis opibus pugnaverant. Ex iis 
 Eporedorix, coguito Litavici consilio, media fere nocte 
 rem ad Caesarem defert ; orat Ne patiatur civitatem 
 pravis adolescentium consiliis ab amicitia populi Eomani 
 deficere, quod futurum provideat, si se tot hominum milia 
 cum hostibus conjunxerint, quorum salutem neque pro- 
 pinqui negligere neque civitas levi memento aestimar^ 
 posset. 
 
 another place a coin or medal of 
 Orgetorix with the legend orcitirix. 
 The Helveiii (i. 29) used Greek cha- 
 racters, but if the Romans made coin 
 for the Galli, they would of course 
 use Roman characters. Even the 
 liritanni had copper coin (v. 12), but 
 not of their own making. 
 
 una erant] After saying ' hos la- 
 trones,' he pointed to some Romans 
 Mho were in their company (' una'), 
 relying (' fiducia') on the protection 
 of this escort. They were taking corn 
 and supplies to Caesar at Gergovia 
 (c. 34). 
 
 tota civitate] ' All through the 
 •tate of the Aedui.' See ' toto un- 
 
 dique muro ' (c. 28). 
 
 39. [sihi]— traditum} 'Sibi' is 
 omitted in some MSS. ' Traditum' 
 is something like ' introduced,' but 
 this English word does not fully ex- 
 press the Roman term. It seems to 
 contain the notion of ' traditio,' or 
 
 * delivery ' of a thing to a man as his 
 own (Cic. Ad Div. v. 5). Eporedo- 
 rix and Virdumarus had been sum- 
 moned to him by Caesar (' evocati'). 
 See iii. 20, note. 
 
 levi momento] In c. 85 there is 
 
 * magnum momentum.' ' Momen- 
 tum' is *movi-mentum,' a move- 
 uient, or that which causes a move- 
 ment, a force, a weight ; and hence a 
 
3G2 
 
 C. JULIl CAESARIS 
 
 40. Magna affectus sollicitudine hoc nuncio Caeear 
 quod semper Aeduorum civitati praecipue indulserat,' 
 nulla interposita dubitatione legiones expeditas quatuor 
 equitatumque oranem ex castris educit, nee fuit spatium 
 ta 1 tempore ad contrahenda castra, quod res posita m 
 celeritate videbatur. C. Fabium legatum cum legionibus 
 II castris praesidio reliuquit. Pratres Litavici quum 
 coniprehendi jussisset, paullo ante repperit ad hostes 
 profugisse. Adhortatus milites, ne necessario tempore 
 Jtuieris labore permoveantur, cupidissimis omnibus pro- 
 gressus mdia passuum xxv, agmen Aeduorum conspica- 
 tua nnmisso equitatu iter eorum moratur atque impedit, 
 luterdicitque omnibus ne quemquam interficiant. Epore- 
 dorigem et Virdumarum, quos illi interfectos existimabant 
 inter equites versari suosque appellare jubet. His cognitia 
 et Litavici fraude perspecta, Aedui manus tendere, dedi- 
 tionem significare et projectis armis mortem deprecari 
 incipuint. Litavicus cum suis clientibus, quibus more 
 (rallorum nefas est etiam in extrema fortuna deserere 
 patronos, Gergoviam profugit. 
 
 41. Caesar nunciis ad civitatem Aeduorum missis, qui 
 suo beneficio conservatos docerent quos jure belli inter- 
 ficere potuisset, tribusque horis noctis exercitui ad quie- 
 tem datis caatra ad Gergoviam movit. Medio fere itinere 
 equites ab Fabio missi quanto res in periculo fuerit 
 exponunt: summis copiis castra oppugnata demonstrant- 
 quum crebro integri defessis succederent nostrosque assi- 
 
 value. The argument of ^ondorix 
 Is this: if so many thousands of 
 their citizens joined the Arverni, the 
 Aedui would be in a difficulty, for 
 though they did not wish to desert 
 Caesar, their kinsfolks would not be 
 indifferent to the lives of so many 
 men, nor could ihe state set a light 
 vaiue on them. The Aedui must 
 of necessity join the Arverni, if the 
 ten thousand did. 
 
 40. quod semper'\ Some good 
 MSS have 'qui,' but 'qui' would 
 require the subjunctive. With an 
 indicative ' qui . . indulserat' would 
 be 4 mere idle remark. I cannot 
 
 explain the use of ' quod ' fully, nor 
 why ' quod ' should not have a sub- 
 junctive where 'qui' would have; 
 but such is often the fact, if our 
 texts are right. 
 
 contrahenda] See v. 49. When 
 Caesar had taken four legions, the 
 two remaining legions were not suf- 
 ficient to defend his camjjs before 
 Gergovia, and he had not time to 
 contract theui. — ' necessario tem- 
 pore :' vii, 32. 
 
 ej-trcma/oiiHJia] Caesar uses Ro- 
 man terms, ' clientes ' and ' patroui.' 
 See iii. 22. 
 
 41. Jure M/t] See i. 35, note. 
 
 LIBER YII. 
 
 363 
 
 duo labore defiitigarent, quibus propter niagnitudiuem 
 castrorum perpetuo esset eisdem in vallo permanendum ; 
 muititiidine sagittarum atque omnigenere telorum multos 
 vulneratos : ad haec sustinenda magno usui fuisse tor- 
 menta : Eabium discessu eorum duabus relictis portis 
 obstruere ceteras, pluteosque vallo addere et se in poste- 
 rum diem similein ad casiim parare. His rebus cognitis 
 Caesar summo studio militum ante ortum solis in castra 
 pervenit. 
 
 42. Dum haec ad Gergoviam geruntur, Aedui primis 
 nunciis ab Litavico acceptis nullum sibi ad cognoscen- 
 dum spatium relmquunt. Impellit alios avaritia, alios 
 iracundia et temeritas, quae maxime illi hominum gener: 
 est iiinata, ut levem auditionem habeant pro re comperta. 
 Bona civium Eomanorum diripiunt, caedes faciunt, in 
 servitutem abstrahunt. Adjuvat rem proclinatam Con- 
 victolitanis, plebemque ad furorem impellit ut facinore 
 admisso ad sanitatem pudeat reverti. M. Aristium tri- 
 bunum militum, iter ad legionem facientem, data fide ex 
 oppido Cabillono educuut : idem facere cogunt eos qui 
 negotiandi causa ibi constiterant. Hos continuo in itinere 
 adorti omnibus impedimentis exuunt ; repugnantes diem 
 noctemque obsident ; multis utrimque interfectis majorem 
 multitudiuem ad arma concitant. 
 
 43. Interim nuncio allato omnes eorum milites in 
 potestate Caesaris teneri concurrunt ad Aristium ; nihil 
 
 discessu eoi'U7n'\ * When the ecemy 
 retired ' after the day's attack, which 
 they intended to renew, as Kraner 
 and Miillei Hghtly ex])lain it. 
 
 pluteosque vallo] See vii. 25, 
 note; and vii. 72, note. 
 
 42. illi homiuum] The innate 
 character of that race of men, tiie 
 Galli. A few words mark the cha- 
 racter of these peo])]e. They take a 
 report to be a tmth, when it agrees 
 with their wishes. Men of solid 
 sense wait for some evidence, as a 
 Roman would have done. See iv. 5. 
 13; vi. 20. — 'rem proclinatam:' 
 there is also a reading ' inclinatam.' 
 The meanings do not differ much, if 
 at all. A * res proclinata' is a tiling 
 
 that has got a movement forward in 
 a certain direction towards its fall. 
 Ovid explains the word (Trist. ii. v. 
 
 " Quum coepit quassata domus Bub- 
 sidere, partes 
 In proclinatas omne recumbit 
 onus." 
 
 ad sanitatpm] See i. 42. * ad 
 
 legionem.' He was probably goirg 
 to join his legion. ' Cabillonum ' is 
 Ciialon-sur-Saone. Aristius and 
 these 'negotiatores' must have had 
 some force with them to be able to 
 make such a resistance. 
 
 imped imentis euuunt] See iii. 6. 
 
364 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 publico factum consillo demonstrant; quaestionem de bonis 
 direptis decernunt; Litavici fratrunique bona publicant; 
 legatos ad Caesarem sui purgandi gratia mittunt. Haec 
 faciunt reciperandorum suorum causa: sed contaniiuati 
 facinore et capti compendio ex direptis bonis, quod ea res 
 ad multos pertinebat, et timore poeiiae exterriti, consilia 
 clani de bello inire incipiimt, civitatesque reliquas leg? 
 tionibus sollicitaufc. Quae tametsi Caesar intelligeb'at. 
 tamen quam mitissime potest legatos appellat : Nihil se 
 propter inscientiam levitatemque vulgi gravius de civitate 
 judicare, neque de sua in Aeduos bene\ olentia demimiere. 
 Ipse niajorein Galliae niotum exspectans, ne ab omnibus 
 [civitatibus] circumsisteretur, consilia inibat quemadmo- 
 dum ab Gergovia discederet ac rursus omnem exercitum 
 contraheret, ne profectio uata ab timore defectiouis 
 similis fugae videretur. 
 
 44. Haec cogitanti accidere visa est facultas bene 
 gerendae rei. Nam quum minora in castra operis per- 
 spiciendi causa venisset, animadvertit collem, qui ab hos- 
 tibus tenebatur, nudatum hominibus, qui superioribus 
 diebus vix prae multitudine cerni poterat. Admiratus 
 quaerit ex perfugis causam, quorum magnus ad eum quo- 
 tidie Humerus confluebat. Constabat inter omnes, quod 
 jam ipse Caesar per exploratores cognoverat, dorsum esse 
 ^jus jugi prope aequum, sed silvestre et angustum qua 
 
 43. quaestioTiem] See vi. 18, note. 
 — ' publicant :' sec v. 56. 
 
 sui purgandi] See iii. 6. 
 
 compendio] Cicero (Verr. ii. 2, 
 c. 3) says, " quos ilia (Sicilia) par- 
 tem niercil)us suppeditandis cum 
 quaestu compendioque diu)ittit." 
 How the word ' com-pend-ium ' 
 came to mean gain or profit I do 
 not know. It is not easy to trace 
 the history of many of our own 
 words.—' ea res :' ' the thing,' ' the 
 affair,' as we say. ' Res' is a uni- 
 versal word anion? the Romans 
 
 •pertinebat:' compare v. 25, " quod 
 ad piures pertinebat." 
 
 demi/.tiere] See vii. 33, and i. 53. 
 where ' quidquam ' is added ' [civi- 
 tatibus] ' is doubtful: "abcst ;.b 
 
 And in. Oxon. et ITavn. A." Elb. 
 
 ' rursus . . . contraheret :' by going 
 to join Labienus and his four leaions 
 (c. 34). ^ 
 
 4i. stlvestre] 'silvestrem,' Kraner 
 and Elb., ' dorsum ' being in that case 
 the accusative of ' dorsus.' Several 
 MSS. have ' sed hunc silvestreni.' 
 The Cod. El. has 'sed hoc silvestre,' 
 out of which Davis made ' sed hac 
 silvestre,' which Ilci-zog and others 
 have accented. Caesar's smaller 
 camp on tlie height from which he 
 had dri\cn the enemy, Mas con- 
 nected by lines with' his larger 
 camp. One day (c. 44) when he 
 hj»d gor.o to the ' minora castra,' he 
 observed thar an eminence wliich 
 the cncmv huj occupied on former 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 3G5 
 
 esset aditus ad alteram oppidi partem : huic loco vehe- 
 menter illos tmiere, nee jam aliter sentire, uno colle ab 
 Komanis occupato, si alterum amisissent, quin paene 
 cn-cumvallati atque omni exitu et pabulatione interelusi 
 viderentur: ad hunc muniendum locum omnes a Yerciu- 
 getorige evocatos. 
 
 45. Hac re coguita Caesar mivtit complures equitum 
 turnyas eo de media nocte: iis imperat ut paullo tumul- 
 tuosms omnibus locis pervagarentur. Prima luce magnum 
 numerum impedimentorum ex castris mulorumque pro- 
 duci, eque iis stramenta detrahi, mulionesque cum cassi- 
 
 days, was bare. He found there 
 was a 'dorsum' bclongin;r to that 
 * jugum ' (c. 36), and that this ' dor- 
 sum ' was nearly level. The 'jugum ' 
 is the mass of high land which is 
 connected l.y this ' dorsum ' with the 
 higher plateau of Gergovia, and on 
 the west side of the plateau. He 
 says that the 'dorsum' was nearly 
 level, but wooded and narrow, and 
 that by this road the other pait of 
 the town might be approached ('qua 
 iiditus; &c.). This 'other' part 
 must be a part further removed from 
 Caesar; foi as he might call tiiepart 
 of the town nearest and right op- 
 |)osite to him ' one part,' so a part 
 further from him he might call the 
 'other part.' And that this is so, 
 appears from the beginning of c. 4ii. 
 He says then that near the [dateau 
 on which the town stood the 'jugum' 
 was contracted into a ' dorsum,^ and 
 this was the part which the Galli 
 were fortifying, and they had left 
 their camps for this purpose. The 
 Romans had got pos^css>ion of one 
 'collis,' and if they got a second, 
 'alterum,' they would be enabled to 
 extend their lines to it, and thus 
 almost to inclose the town. The 
 word ^'alterum ' might mean 'the 
 other,* but then we must suppose 
 theri were only two places, which 
 Caesar calls 'tolles,' wherens he 
 speaks of more (c. 36. 45). I con- 
 Ciude tliat this narrow wooded part 
 of the 'jugum' is the 'collis of 
 which Caesar is here speaking. 
 
 aliler sendre—guin] This is not 
 a usual construction of 'sentire,' 
 which may be followed by ' quam!' 
 It is sometimes sup|)osed that this is 
 an elliptical expression, but I don't 
 see how any thing is to be fairly 
 supplied that will help it. Hcivog 
 says that the com()lete expression 
 would be 'neque aliter sentire . , . 
 quam non multum abesse quin.' &c, 
 1 doubt if Caesar would have liked 
 to see his work mended in this way, 
 45. ro] He sends them 'thither' 
 or ' towards that place,' towards the 
 'alterum collem ' (c. 44), that is the 
 part which he calls the 'dorsum.' 
 'Collihus' is the ablative, and means 
 'along the hills or heights on which 
 they would be seen from (iergovia.' 
 muluruinque —strujucida] 'Jhese 
 words are omitted in most MSS. 
 and in the old editions; and in the 
 MSS. which contain them there are 
 consideruble variations. In place of 
 'eque,' Davis conjectured 'deque.' 
 If the words ' mulorumque . . . stra- 
 menta' are omitted, 'ex castris . . . 
 detrahi' is hardly intelligible. If 
 ' impedimentorum ' is right, it must 
 mean animals, and as mules are men- 
 tioned, the 'impedimenta' must be 
 horses. In iii. 29, Caesar lias 'pecus 
 atque extrema impedimenta.' The 
 passage seems to be corrupt ; but the 
 meaning is clear. Caesar mounted 
 his mule drivers on mules and horses, 
 to make them look at a distance like 
 regular cavalry. 
 
3GG 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 dibus equitum specie ac sinmlatione colllbus circumvehi 
 jubet. His paucos addit equites qui latius ostentationia 
 causa vagarentur. Lougo circuitu easdem omnes jubet 
 petere regiones. Haec procul ex oppido videbantur, ut 
 erat a Gergovia despectus in castra, ueque tanto spatio 
 certi quid esset explorari poterat. Legiouem unam eo- 
 dein jugo mittit et paullum progressaiu inferiore consti- 
 tuit loco silvisque occultat. Augetur Gailis suspicio 
 atque omnes illo ad munitionem copiae transducuntur. 
 Vacua castra hostium Caesar conspicatus, tectis insignibus 
 suorum, occultatisque signis miiitaribus, raros milites, 
 ne ex oppido aniiuadverterentur, ex majoribus castris in 
 minora transducit, legatisque, quos singulis legionibus 
 praefecerat, quid fieri vellet ostendit : in primis mouet ut 
 contineant milites, ue studio pugnandi aut spe praedae 
 longius progrediantur : quid iniquitas loci habeat incom- 
 modi proponit: hoc una celeritate posse vitari: occasionis 
 esse rem, non proelii. His rebus expositis signum dat, 
 et ab dextra parte alio ascensu eodem tempore Aeduos 
 mittit. 
 
 46. Oppidi murus ab planitie atque initio ascensus 
 recta regione, si nullus amfractus intercederet, mcc passus 
 
 LIBER YII. 
 
 367 
 
 ut erat] See v. 43, note. 
 
 despectus in castra] The larpfer 
 camp, as appears from another part 
 of the chapter (' ne ex oppido . . . 
 transducit '). The larger camp could 
 be seen from Gergovia : the smaller 
 camp could not, for between Ger- 
 govia and the smaller ramp there 
 was the hill which Caesar intended 
 to surprise. (See c. 79, 'desjwctus 
 in campum.') 
 
 eodon Jtt(/o] ' He sends one legion 
 by the same jngum.' ' Kodem jugo ' 
 means tliat they were to go by and 
 along that 'jugum,' on which the 
 horsemen and mule drivers went. 
 This legion advanced a short dis- 
 tance on this ' jufirum,' and then de- 
 •cendcd to lower jirround and hid 
 itself in the trees. The object of 
 Caesar's movements was to make 
 the enemy bilicve that he was going 
 lo attack the town on the north-west 
 
 side, by the 'aditus' described in c. 
 44 : and accordingly all the forces 
 of the Galli were transferred to that 
 point ('illo') to fortify it, and their 
 camps were left deserted. Caesar's 
 real object was to take the position 
 occupied by the camps. 
 
 insvpiibus] See i. 21 ; ii. 20, 21. 
 — ' raros milites :' the soldiers passed 
 few at a time. 
 
 occasioim] It was a case for a 
 surprise, not for a battle. An 'oc- 
 casio,' says Cicero, is a portion of 
 tinie that offei-s an opportunity for 
 doing or not doing f.omething (De 
 Invent, i. 27); but that part of Ci- 
 cero's definition in which he speaks 
 of 'not doing' seems to be absurd. 
 
 4G. afn/ractus] The ascent to the 
 the plain in a straight 
 
 town wall from 
 
 line ('recta regione') was 'mcc 
 passus;' hut the ascent had windings 
 (' amfractus 'j, for the purpose ol 
 
 ? 
 
 
 f) 
 
 aberat : quidquid liuic circuitus ad molliendum clivum 
 accesserat, id spatium itineris augebat. A medio fere 
 colle in longitudinem, ut natura montis ferebat, ex gran- 
 dibus saxis sex pedum murum, qui nostrorum impetum 
 tardaret, praeduxerant Galli, atque inferiore omni spatio 
 vacuo relicto, superioreni partem coUis usque ad murum 
 oppidi densissimis castris compleverant. Milites dato 
 signo celeriter ad munitionem perveniunt, eamque trans- 
 gressi trinis castris potiuntur. Ac tanta fiiit in castris 
 capiendis celeritas ut Teutomatus, rex Nitiobrigum, 
 subito in tabernaculo oppressus, ut meridie couquieverat, 
 superiore corporis parte nudata, vulnerato equo, vix se ex 
 manibus praedantium militum eriperet. 
 
 47. Consecutus id quod auimo proposuerat Caesar 
 receptui cani jussit, legionisque decimae, quacum erat 
 contiouatus, signa constitere. At reliquarum milites 
 legionum non exaudito tubae sono, quod satis magna 
 vail is intercedebat, tamen ab tribunis militum legatisque, 
 ut erat a Caesare praeceptum, retinebantur: sed elati spe 
 celeris victoriae et hostium fuga superiorumque temporum 
 secundis proeliis, nihil adeo arduum sibi existimabant 
 quod non virtute consequi possent ; neque prius finem 
 
 getting a less rapid ascent. The 
 meaning of ' amfractus ' is proved by 
 a rule of the Twelve Tables about 
 roads (Caius, Dig. 8. 3. 8), " viae 
 latitude ex lege duodecira tabularum 
 in porrcrtum octo pedes habct, in 
 amfractum, id est ubi flexum est, 
 sedecim." — ' A .medio,' &c. : about 
 half way up iltx- hill the Romans 
 came on the six-foot wall, which was 
 built along the side of the hill 
 (" in longitudinem ') about half way 
 between the base and the top. Ouden- 
 dorp has 'At medio,' which is a 
 blunder. Some of the enemies' en- 
 canipments were very near one 
 another on the upper part of the 
 hill, and Caesar surprised three of 
 them. 
 
 frmis castris] See i. 53 and the 
 not«, and vii. 6G. 
 
 nudata] There is a reading ' nuda.' 
 
 47. receptui cani] He ordered the 
 
 i:gnaX to be given for 6 halt, not a 
 
 F 
 
 retreat. He wanted his men to form 
 again in order. The complete expres- 
 sion would be 'receptui tuba cani.' 
 
 vallis] Caesar had ascended the 
 hill the slope of which is opposite to 
 the ' minora castra,' and the towc 
 was now before him. But there ii 
 a valley between the hill top which 
 Caesar had reached and the higher 
 level on which Gergovia stood. It 
 is diflficult to show this valley in a 
 plan ; but if a man will ascend the 
 hill, where Caesar ascended it, when 
 he has reached the top of the slope, 
 he will see what Caesar saw. 
 
 retinchatdur] The superior offi- 
 cers tried to check the soldiers' im- 
 petuosity ; but they could not. — 
 ' appropinquarunt :' it is ' appropin- 
 quarent' in "Leid. prim.Oxon.Havn. 
 A. et alii," Elb. The MS. Reg. of 
 Clarke has 'appropinquarunt,' which 
 he has received into his text. Sen L 
 53 noto. 
 
 2 
 
368 
 
 C. JITLII CAESARIS 
 
 sequendi feceruut quain muro oppldi portisque appropm* 
 quarunt. Turn vero ex omnibus urbis partibus orto cla- 
 more, qui longius aberant ropentino tumultu perterriti, 
 quum hostem intra portas esse existimarent, sese ex 
 oppido ejecerunt. Matres fomiliae de muro vestem ar- 
 gentuuique jactabant, et pectoris fine prominentes, passia 
 manibus obtestabantur Komanos ut sibi parcerent, neu, 
 sicut Avarici fecissent, ne mulieribus quidem atque infan- 
 tibus abstinerent. Nonnullae de muro per manus de- 
 missae sese militibus tradebant. L. Fabius, eenturio 
 legionis viii, quern inter suos eo die dixisse constabat 
 excitari se Avaricensibus praemiis, neque commissurum 
 ut prius quisquam inururn aseenderet, tres suos nactus 
 manipulares atque ab iis sublevatus muruni ascendit. 
 Eos ipse rursus singulos exceptans in raurum extulit. 
 
 48. Interim ii qui ad alteram partem oppidi, ut supra 
 demonstravimus, munitionis causa convenerant, primo 
 exaudito clamore, inde etiam crebris nunciis incitati oppi- 
 dum ab Komanis teneri, pi'aernissis equitibus magno 
 cursu eo contenderunt. Eorura ut quisque primus vene- 
 rat, sub muro consistebat suorumque pugnantium nume- 
 rum augebat. Quorum quum magna multitudo conve- 
 nisset, matres familiae, quae pauUo ante Eomanis [de 
 muro] manus tendebant, suos obtestari et more Gallico 
 passum capillum ostentare liberosque in conspectum pro- 
 i'erre coeperunt. Erat Romania nee loco nee numero 
 aequa contentio : simul et cursu et spatio pugnae defati- 
 gati non facile recentes atque integros sustinebant. 
 
 49. Caesar quum iniquo loco pugnari hostiumque 
 
 qui loiifjius^ Those who were in 
 the part of CJcrgovia wliich was fur- 
 tliest from the phice where the Ro- 
 mans .'ipproached the walls. 
 
 pectoris Ji)ie\ Tliis is the reading 
 of two good M8S. Tlie otiicr reading 
 is ' ncctore nudo.' They stood on ihe 
 Wall, and they wore visible ' pectoris 
 fine,' as far as the breast. There are 
 several instances of 'tine' so used 
 (Forcell.). — ' nonnullae de muris,' 
 Elb. 
 
 de mural ' ^^ mnris,' Krancr, 
 which means 'from various parts of 
 
 the walls.' 
 
 tres snos'l See iv. 12, and i. 52. 
 
 41). ad n/teram] See c. 44. Caesar 
 ascended the mountain on the side 
 whicii was out of sigiit of that part 
 of the 'jugtim' which the Galli had 
 gone to fortify, and which Caesar 
 had made a feint of attacking. 
 
 ncc loco] The ascent to the pla- 
 teau of Gergovia flora the ' vallis ' 
 (c. 47) is rather steep. He says (c. 
 4.0) ' iniqno loco.' 
 
 cursu] 'concursu,* Elb. — 'pas* 
 sum :' there is a reading ' sparsum.' 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 3G9 
 
 augeri copias videret, praemetuens suis ad T. Sextium 
 legatum, quern minoribus castris praesidio reliquerat, 
 inittit ut cohortes [ex castris] celeriter educeret et sub 
 infimo colle ab dexti-o latere hostium constitueret, ut, si 
 postros loco depulsos vidisset, quo -minus libere hoi>tes 
 insequerentur terrer-et. Ipse paullum ex eo loco cum 
 legioue progressus ubi constiterat eventum pugnae ex- 
 spectabat. 
 
 50. Quum acerrime comminus pugnaretur, hostes loco 
 et numero, nostri virtute confiderent, subito sunt Aedui 
 visi ab latere nostris aperto, quos Caesar ab dextra pai'te 
 alio ascensu manus distinendae causa miserat. Hi simi- 
 litudine armorum vehementer nostros per-terruerunt ; ac 
 tametsi dextris humeris exsertis animadvertebantur, quod 
 insigne pacatis esse consuerat, tamen id ipsum sui f'al- 
 lendi causa milites ab hostibus factum existimabant. 
 Eodem tempore L. Fabius eenturio quique una muruni 
 ascenderaut circumventi atque intei-lecti de muro prae- 
 cipitantur. M. Petreius, ejusdem legionis eenturio, quum 
 por^tas excidere conatus esset, a multitudine oppressus ac 
 sibi desperans, multis jam vulneribus acceptis, manipu- 
 laribus suis qui ilium secuti erant, Quouiam, inquit, me 
 
 49. viiftif] Some MSS. have 
 'niisit.'— '[e.v castrisj:' omitted in 
 some good iMiSS. It ap] tears from 
 c. 51 that it was the ' minora castra.' 
 T. SextiuB was ordered to post him- 
 self at the foot of the ' collis,' on the 
 right of the enemy, whicli would be 
 Caesar's left. As the Romans were 
 driven down, T. Scxtius protected 
 the retreat, haNing occupied a high 
 
 Position (c. 5J). Vercingetoiix, 
 aving driven the Romans down, led 
 his troops back when they had reach- 
 ed the foot of the ' collis,' or of tlie 
 high land. — 'cum leiiione :' the 
 tenth, as it appears from c. 47, tlie 
 tavoijrite legion (i. 40). 
 
 50. latere — aperto] here means the 
 right, as the context shows. — ' manus 
 distinendae:' ' for the purpose of di- 
 verting the enemy's force,' see iii. 
 Il, ''qui eam manum distinendara 
 curet.'' The Aedui had been ordered 
 
 to ascend to the right of the Romans, 
 and they must have been a consider- 
 able distance to the right, for the 
 Romans saw nothing of them till 
 they appeared on the hie;h ground. 
 Their armour was like die Gallic 
 armour, which made the Romans 
 take them for enemes. 
 
 C3rsertis] ' Bared ;' literally, ' put 
 out' of their clothing or dress. See 
 Ovid. Met. ii. 271 ; Virg. Aen. i. 4.92. 
 '1 he Romans took them for enemies 
 on account of their armour, notwith- 
 standing the pacific sign. There is 
 a reading 'pacatum.' Fischer de- 
 scribes a Gallic silver coin of Epad- 
 nactus, the reverse of which has an 
 armed man with the head and one 
 shoulder hire ; and this, he thinks, 
 may serve to explain 'insigne paca- 
 tum,' as ho rtads the passage. 
 sibi desj trans] Sec iii. 12. 
 
 B b 
 
370 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LTLER VII. 
 
 371 
 
 una vobiscum servare non possum, vestrae quldein certc 
 vitae prospiciam, qiios cupiditate gloriae adductus in 
 periculum deduxi. Vos data facultate vobis consulite. 
 Siinul in medios hostes irrupit, duobusque interfectis reli- 
 quos a porta paullulam submovit. Conantibus auxiliari 
 siiis, Frustra, inquit, meae vitae subvenire conamini, quem 
 jam sanguis viresque deficiunt : proinde abite dum est 
 facultas, vosque ad legionem recipite. Ita pugnaus post 
 paullum concidit ac suis saluti fuit. 
 
 51. Nostri quum undique premerentur, xlyi centurio- 
 nibus amissis dejecti sunt loco ; sed intolerantius Gallos 
 insequentes legio x tardavit, quae pro subsidio paullo 
 acquiore loco constiterat. Hanc rursus xiii legiouis 
 cohortes exceperunt, quae ex castris minoribus eductae 
 cum T. Sextio legato locum ceperant superiorem. Legiones 
 iibi primum planitiem attigerunt, infestis contra hostes 
 signis constiterunt. Vercingetorix ab radicibus collia 
 8U0S intra munitiones reduxit. Eo die milites sunt 
 
 • paullo minus dcc desiderati. 
 
 52. Postero die Caesar contione advocata temeritatem 
 cupiditatemque militum reprehendit, Quod sibi ipsi judi- 
 cavissent quo procedendum aut quid agendum videretur, 
 iieque signo recipiendi dato constitissent, neque ab tri- 
 bunis militum legatisque retineri potuissent : exposito 
 quid iuiquitas loci posset, quid ipse ad Avaricum sensisset, 
 quum sine duce et sine equitatu deprehensis hostibus 
 cxploiatam victoriam dimisisset, ne parvum modo detri- 
 
 ffftem] * Quem ' refers to the ' ego ' 
 contained in tlie notion of ' my ' 
 ('meae'), as in Terence, Audria i. 
 1.70: 
 
 " laudare fortunas raeag 
 Qui natum liaberem tali ingeuio 
 praeditum," 
 
 — ' liinc abite,' Elb. There is bet- 
 ter authority for omitting ' hinc ;' 
 and it is more em])hatic without it. 
 
 51. intolerantius] The same as 
 • cupidius,' ' williout restraining 
 liiemselves.' 
 
 infestis^ The legions must have 
 turned their backs: they could hardly 
 
 get do\ni the hill otherwise. AVhcn 
 they reached the level ground, they 
 halted and turned the standards to 
 the enemy. See ' siL'na inferri,' vii. 
 67. 'Infestis' is the participle of 
 'inferre;' as'confertus' of 'conferre.' 
 52, crposito] The old reading was 
 *exposuit,' but 'exposito' has appa- 
 rently the better MSS. authority. 
 'Exj)03ito' refers to what follows, 
 ' quid iniquitas , . . acciderct,' which 
 stands to 'exposito' in the relation 
 of a noun in the ablative. Caesar 
 alludes to what is told in c, 19, 20. 
 — ' accideret :' perhaps the reading 
 ' acciperet' is preferable. 
 
 mentum in contentione propter iniquitatem loci accideret. 
 Quanto opere eorura animi maguitudinem admiraretur 
 quos non castrorum munitiones, non altitudo mentis, non 
 nmrus oppidi tardare potuisset, tanto opere licentiam 
 arrogantiamque reprehendere, quod plus se quam impe- 
 ratorem de victoria atque exitu rerum sentire existima- 
 rent : uec minus se in milite modestiam et continentiam 
 quam virtutem atque animi maguitudinem desiderare. 
 
 53. Hac habita contione et ad extremum oratione con- 
 firmatis militibus, Ne ob banc causam animo permoveren- 
 tur, neu quod iniquitas loci attulisset id virtuti hostium 
 tribuerent, eadem de profectione cogitans quae ante sen- 
 serat, legiones ex castris eduxit aciemque idoneo loco 
 coustituit. Quum Vercingetorix nibilo minus in aequum 
 
 et continentiam'] These words arc 
 omitted by four of the best M8S. 
 and by Havn. A. (Elb.) ' Modestia' 
 is here opposed to 'licentia,' and 
 means ' obedience.' 
 
 Caesar has told his own story of 
 his defeat before G ergo via, and we 
 know no more than he tells us. Dru- 
 mann (Gcsrhichte Roms, iii. 349) 
 gives a different version of the affair. 
 As a sample of comment it is worth 
 reading : he speaks like an eye-wit- 
 ness : " In fact the chief blame be- 
 longed to Caesar. He had designed 
 to take the town : any other reason 
 for his attempt cannot be imagined ; 
 and the observation, that his purpose 
 was attained, when his men stood 
 beneath the walls, is only a pallia- 
 tion of his blunder, or an instance of 
 the pride which will not admit that 
 he retreated against his will. The 
 signal for retreat was doubtless not 
 given until the Galli returned from 
 their fortification towards Gergovia, 
 and the soldiers were only so far 
 blamable, that the first, before the 
 arrival of the rest, and without defi- 
 nite orders, attempted to break into 
 tlie town, and so caused an alarm too 
 soon." Nearly the whole of which 
 is pure figment and clumsy figment. 
 No doubt Caesar's ultimate object 
 tras to take the place. He got pos- 
 
 B 
 
 session of three camps, and if he 
 could have kept his men there, and 
 been joined by the Aedui, the Galli 
 must either have fought a regular 
 battle with him on the heights and 
 beaten him, or they must have retired 
 from the city, which was then lost. 
 Caesar's story is consistent and clear. 
 He would have had the city, but for 
 the impetuosity of his men ; and 
 without the trouble of an assault. 
 He rarely mentions his losses in 
 numbers. Here he lost forty-six offi- 
 cers and near 700 men. There is 
 nothing disguised. He did fail, and 
 he tells us so. He quitted the place, 
 glad enough to do it with decency ; 
 and he tells that too. He foresaw 
 the storm that was gatherimr, and, 
 like a prudent man, he wished to 
 get Labieuus and his four legions 
 back. 
 
 53, id . . tribuerent^ * id hosti tri- 
 buerent :' ' And. Oxon. et Havn. A.' 
 Elb, See i. U. 
 
 nihilo minus] " Onmes, ut videtur, 
 codd, (sic Havn, A.), edd. prim., 
 Aid. al. (et Celsus) nihilo minus." 
 Elb. Yet most editors have ' nihilo 
 magis.' Herzog has ' nihil minus,' 
 which means, he says, 'uequaquam:' 
 and so it may mean in certain posi- 
 tions. But if Vercingetorix did noe 
 come down at all, how did it happen 
 
 b 2 
 
372 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 locum descenderet, levi facto equestri proelio atque eo 
 secundo in castra exercituni reduxit. Quum hoc idem 
 postero die lecisset, satis ad Gallicam ostentationeni 
 miuueiidain mihtumque animos coufirmandos factum ex- 
 istimans in Aeduos castra movit. Ne turn quidem inse- 
 cutis hostibus tertio die ad llumeii Elaver pontem refecit 
 atque exercitum transduxit. 
 
 54 Ibi a Virdumaro atque Eporedorige Aeduis appel- 
 latus discit cum omni equitatu Litavicum ad sollicitandos 
 Aeduos profectum ; opus esse et ipsos antecedere ad con- 
 firmandam eivitatem. Etsi multis jam rebus pertidiam 
 Aeduoruni perspectam habebat, atque horum discessu ad- 
 matuniri defectionem civitatis existimabat, tamen eos re- 
 tineiidosnou censuit, ne aut inferre injuriam videretur 
 jiut dare timoris aliquam suspicionem. Discedentibus his 
 breviter sua m Aeduos merita exponit, quos et quam 
 Immi es accepisset, compulsos in oppida, inultatos Lris 
 omnibus ereptis copiis, imposito stipendio, obsidibus 
 summa cum contumelia txtortis, et quam in fortunam 
 quamque in amphtudinem deduxisset ut non solum in 
 pristmum statum redissent, sed omnium temporum digni- 
 
 LIBEK Vir. 
 
 373 
 
 that there wtis a skirmish between 
 the cavalry? Caesar says that he 
 posted his forces in a favourable po- 
 sition (' idoneo loco '), favourable tor 
 himself, we must suppoi^e : he would 
 not put them in a position favour- 
 able for the enemy, at least only ^o 
 far favourable as to give them the 
 opportunity of figliting. Now to say 
 tliat Vcremgctonx did not a bit the 
 more (m tiiat account come down 
 upon level ground ' lias no meaning 
 in it. Ikit there is a meaning if 
 C aesar said that he did nevertlicTcss 
 come down. Yet there was no piteheil 
 battle, the reason of which mav have 
 been that Vcreingetorix woufd not 
 fit?ht Why then did not Caesar 
 attack him? 1 cannot answer that 
 question, but it seems that Caesar 
 .'ilso had no wish to fiirht. I have 
 kept 'nihilo minus' because there is 
 uo good authority, so far as I know 
 
 fj)r any thing else. It was necessary 
 that Cae>ar should challenge tiie 
 Gaul after the affair on the hill in 
 order to re>tore his men's co'nH- 
 denee; and he did challenge him 
 but the Gallic chief, as we infer de- 
 c ined the battle, and Caesar was 
 glad enough to save his credit and 
 move off. 
 
 pufitan] One of the broken brid.rea 
 perhaps (c. M), not that which "he 
 liad before repaired. He reached 
 tins on the third day from Gcigovia 
 He marched from the other in five 
 days to Gergovia. Kraner has ' pon- 
 tes reficit eoquc traducit.' Some cri- 
 tics suppose that Caesar means the 
 bridge which he had repaired before 
 (c. d.)) erossinjf the Allicr. 
 
 54. uil7naturan] There is a read 
 ing ' maturari,' as in c. 5G, ' matu- 
 randum.'-^' dare :' there is a reading 
 daret. * 
 
 'I 
 
 
 c 
 
 "> 
 
 $■ 
 
 tatem et gratiam antecessisse viderentur. His datis man- 
 datis eos ab se dimisit. 
 
 55. Koviodunuin erat oppidum Aeduorum ad ripaa 
 Ligeris opportuno loco positum. lluc Caesar omues ob- 
 sides Galliae, frumeiitum, pecuniam publicam, suorum 
 atque exercitus impedimentorum magnam partem contu- 
 lerat : hue magnum numerum equorum hujus belli causa 
 in Italia atque Hispania coemptum miserat. Eo quutu 
 Eporedorix Yirdumarusque venissent et de statu civitatis 
 cognovissent, Litavicum Bibracte ab Aeduis receptuni, 
 quod est oppidum apud eos maximae auctoritatis, Convic- 
 tolitanem magistratum magiiamque partem senatus ad 
 eum convenisse, legatos ad Yercingetorigem de pace et 
 amicitia concilianda publice missos, non praetermittendum 
 tantum commodum existimaveruiit. Itaque interfectis 
 Novioduni custodibus, quique eo negotiaudi aut itineris 
 causa convenerant, pecuniam atque equos inter se partiti 
 sunt ; obsides civitatum Bibracte ad magistratum dedu- 
 cendos curaverunt ; oppidum, quod ab se teneri non possa 
 judicabant, ne cui essct usui Komanis incenderunt ; fru- 
 
 mandatis] This means ' instruc- 
 tions :' he told them what message 
 he wished them to carry. Com- 
 pare H. G. i. 35. 'Mandate alicui' 
 is to entrust something to anotiier 
 to do, which he undertakes to do 
 gratuitously : "nam (mandatum) ori- 
 ginem ex officio et amicitia trahit" 
 (Dig. 17. 1. 1). Caesar did not af- 
 fect to command these men. 
 
 55. Noi-ioduinim] Nevers on the 
 east side of the Loire, at the junc- 
 tion of the Nievre. It was after- 
 wards Nivernum or Nevirnum, so 
 called from the Niveris. the Nievre. 
 There was also Noviodunum of the 
 Bituriges, and Noviodunum of the 
 Suessiones. See c. 12, note. 
 
 Caesar mentions his own ' impedi- 
 menta ' and those of the army. Per- 
 haps he means the booty that they 
 had got; and doubtless he had his 
 share. This pun-hasing of horses in 
 Italy and Spain is an indication of 
 the cost of the war, but the Galli 
 paid fur it ia the end. The ' pecunia 
 
 publica' appears to be what Caesar 
 was allowe(l by the Roman treasury. 
 That he should have left Noviodu- 
 num unprotected, and have let these 
 two treacherous fellows seize it, 
 seems inconsistent with his vigilance ; 
 but he was in great straits, and he 
 thought it worth while to run any 
 risk to keep the Aedui faithful. 
 
 Bihrade] ' Bibracti ' as some edi- 
 tors have it. The termination in i 
 is often used as a case of locality, 
 like 'ruri,' ' Carthagini,' but some 
 nouns in e are used in the same way. 
 Horace says (Ep. i. 2), " Dum tu 
 declamas Roinae, Praeneste relegi." 
 As to Bibracte sec i. 23. 
 
 oppidtim — iucefidiTuut] Dion C:is- 
 sius (40, c. 38) tells the story of the 
 capture of Noviodunum after Cae- 
 sar; but the rest of his narrative is 
 jn confusion. He says that Caesar 
 not being able to advance against the 
 Aedui on account of the Loire, turned 
 against the Lingones, and did not 
 succeed even there. It is a mon- 
 
374 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 rnenti quod subito potuerunt navibus avexerunt, reliquum 
 flumine atque incendio corruperunt ; ipsi ex finitimis re- 
 gionibus copias cogere, praesidia custodiasque ad ripas 
 Ligeris disponere, equitatuinque omnibus locis injiciendi 
 hmoris causa osteutare coeperunt, si ab re frumentaria 
 Eomaiios excludere aut adductos inopia ex provineia ex- 
 cludere possent. Quam ad spem multuni eos adjuvabat, 
 quod Liger ex uivibus creverat ut omniiio vado nou posse 
 transiri videretur. 
 
 5G. Quibus rebus cognitis Caesar maturandum sibi cen- 
 suit, SI esset in perficiendis pontibus periclitandum, ut prius 
 quam essent majores eo coactae copiae dimicaret. Nam ut 
 coinmutatoconsilio iterin provinciamconverteret,id ne turn 
 quidem uecessario faciundum existimabat : quum infamia 
 
 Btrous perversion of a plain storj-. 
 The Greek did not know where the 
 Lingoncs were, nor the Ligeris. 
 
 si ab re — cavludere— possent] ' To 
 exclude or prevent the lionians from 
 iretting supplies' is intelligil.le, but 
 the rest is not so elrar. ' Adductos 
 iuopia,' 'induced oi led by' (as in 
 B. G. i. 3), requires something after 
 it to express what those do who are 
 ' adducti inopia." The next sentence 
 shows that the direct object of the 
 Aedui was to prevent Caesar from 
 crossing the river. If tlicv kept him 
 on the west side, he would have to 
 levy contributions in a country which 
 he had already passed through, and 
 which was probably devastated. He 
 had also Vercingetorix in his rear. 
 There was corn on the cast side of 
 the Loire, for Caesar got it as soon 
 as he crossed. ' C^uam ad sDcm ' 
 therefore would be quite intelligible, 
 if the direct object of the Aedui was 
 to prevent his getting supplies, by 
 preventing him from crossing the 
 river. If he crossed the river, how- 
 ever, he would readily get into the 
 ' provineia ' by a much easier and 
 shorter road than by crossing the 
 Cevennes. It seems likely then 
 tliat the Aedui wished to prevent 
 his getting supplies and also to pre- 
 vent hit) getting into the 'provineia' 
 
 by crossing the Loire, for Caesar 
 would plunder all the country of the 
 Aedui, if he crossed the river. Da 
 vis" conjecture, 'in provinciam re- 
 pelleie,' is without any authority; 
 and it is absurd. If they simply 
 drove him into the 'provineia,' where 
 lie could get supplies, and from Italy 
 too, they might expert to see iiim 
 among them again, and the country 
 of the Aedui would be tlie first to 
 sutler. Their plan was to starve him 
 where he was, between the Allier 
 and the Loire, or if he retired into 
 the ' provineia,' to compel him to 
 pass south through the Cevennes. 
 I conclude that the te.xt is corrupt; 
 but tliere is enough to siiow what is 
 meant. 
 Lu/er] See c. 3.5, and Introd. p. 1 3. 
 o6. eo] means 'at the river.' 
 Caesar thought that he ought to 
 make haste, if he must run a risk 
 while making his bridges, that he 
 might have the fight, which he ex- 
 pected, before larger forces wcae as- 
 sembled on the Loire. 
 
 id ne tuni (quidem] Here is 
 another corruption in the MSS., 
 unless the e<litois have spoiled the 
 passage. f:ib., following Ouden- 
 dorp, has ' ut nemo non turn,' &c. 
 Tiie -non ' is an invention of Ciac- 
 coiiius, who proposed ' ut non nemo/ 
 
 LlBEli YIL 
 
 JO 
 
 atque indignitas rei ct oppositus mons Cevenna viarumqiie 
 ditficultas impediebat, turn maxime, quod abjuncto Labieno 
 atque iis legiouibus quas una miserat vehementer timebat. 
 Itaque admodum magnis diurnis atque nocturnis itineri- 
 bus confectis contra omnium opinionem ad Ligerim per- 
 venit ; vadoque per equites invento pro rei necessitate 
 opportune, ut brachia modo atque humeri ad sustinenda 
 arma liberi ab aqua esse possent, disposito equitatu qui 
 vim fluminis refriugeret, atque hostibus primo aspectu 
 perturbatis, iucolumem exercitum trausduxit ; I'rumentum- 
 que iu agris et pecoris copiam nactus, repleto his rebus 
 exercitu, iter in Senonas f'acere instituit. 
 
 57. Dum haec apud Caesarem geruntur, Labienus eo 
 supplemento quod nuper ex ItaHa venerat relicto Ageu- 
 dici, ut esset impedimentis praesidio, cum iv legiouibus 
 Lutetiara proficiscitur. Id est oppidum Parisiorum posi- 
 tum iu insula fluminis Sequanae. Cujus adventu ab hos- 
 tibus cognito, magnae ex finitimis civitatibus copiae con- 
 venerunt. Summa imperii traditur Camulogeno Aulerco, 
 qui prope confectus aetate, tamen propter singularem 
 scientiam rei militaris ad eum est honorem evocatus. Is 
 quum animadvertisset perpetuam esse paludem quae in- 
 
 It does not seem to me likely that 
 Caesar would tell us what others 
 thought to be necessary under the cir- 
 cumstances. He always trusted his 
 own judgment (i. 40 ; vii. 5'2). The 
 common reading before the edition of 
 Oudendorp was ' id ne tum quidem,' 
 which may be a correction of ' ut ne 
 metu quidem," Or ' id ne metu qui- 
 dem,' which many MSS. are said to 
 have. Oxon. and Havn. A. are said 
 to have ' ut nemo tunc quidem.' Ou- 
 dendorp put 'ut nemo non tum qui- 
 dem' in his text, ' audentcr," as he 
 says. Kraner has ' Nam ne,' and the 
 rest like Oudendorp. The reading 
 that I have followed is the only 
 reading that fits the context, and it 
 may be the true reading. It gets rid 
 of the difficulty of the construction, 
 'ut . . eonverteret . . impe«Iiebat,' 
 which is the true construction of 
 Uiia scUbencc according to Ouicu- 
 
 dorj)'s text; and it dispenses with 
 Herzog's translation of ' ut . . eon- 
 verteret,' gesetzt dass, ' granted," or 
 'supposed that.' 
 
 disponto equitatii] Tliis use of 
 cavalry is described by Vcgetius iii. 
 7, Clarke's translation. 
 
 in agris] Not on the ground, but 
 stored in the country. 'i'he corn 
 was not ripe. It was still early in 
 the year, for the Loire was swollen 
 by the melting of the snow on the 
 Cevennes, and the winter was not 
 quite past when Avaricum was taken 
 (c. 32). 
 
 57. suppleynenio] See vii. 7.- 
 ' Lutetian! :' see Introd. p. 15. 
 
 paludem] There was a contin 
 ous swamp, probably along the Sein* 
 with which it communicated, ana 
 'made all that place' impassable. 
 ' That place ' is the bank of the 
 Seine, on the south side, opposite to 
 
376 
 
 C. JULIi CAESAKIS 
 
 ^fliieret in Sequanam atque ilium omnem locum maffno- 
 opere impediret, hie consedit noatrosque transitu prohi- 
 bere instituit. ^ 
 
 58. Labienus primo vineas agere, cratibus atque arrcrere 
 Vf^](^}emexp]eve atque iter iDunire coiiabatur. Postquam 
 Id diihcilius fieri animadvertit, sileutio e castris tertia 
 vigiha egressus, eodem quo veuerat itinere Melodunum 
 pervenit. Id est oppidum Senonum, in insula Sequanae 
 positum, ut paullo ante Lutetiam diximus. Deprehensis 
 navibus eirciter l eeleriterque conjunctis, atque eo militi- 
 bus nupositis, et rei novitate perterritia oppidanis, quorum 
 magna pars ad bellum erat evoeata, sine coutentione op- 
 pido potitur. Keiecto ponte, quern superioribus diebus 
 
 hostes resciderant, exercitum transdueit, et secundo flumine 
 ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit. Hostes, re cognita ab iia 
 qui a JMeloduno profugerant, Lutetiam incendi pontesque 
 ejus oppidi resenidi jubent: ipsi profecti a palude in 
 npis Sequanae e regione Lutetiae contra Labieni castra 
 considunt. 
 
 59. Jam Caesar a Gergovia discessisse audiebatur; 
 jam de Aeduorum defectione et secundo Galliae motu 
 
 the island of Lutetia. Reichard 
 makes the 'palus' to be the outlet 
 of the Marne into t])e Seine; and 
 yet l.ahicnus tries to make a road 
 over it. But Lahienus would ap- 
 proach Lutetia on the south side, and 
 so avoid crossing the Marne. 
 
 58. vineas a</ere] See ii. .HO. The 
 •vincae' wore to protect the men 
 ^vhile theyattem|>ted to make a road 
 across the marsh bv throwing in 
 wood and earth. ' Iter munire,' to 
 'build a road,' is the Roman ex- 
 pression, used botii by writers and in 
 inscriptions. Their roads were built, 
 they were constructed of stones with 
 gnat solidity. — ' fieri :' ' confieri,' 
 Kib , Kraner. 
 
 Afc/odtit/uni] This is Mclun on 
 the right bank of the Seine. The 
 island on which the Celtic town 
 stood is still there. Labienus had 
 passed the place on bis m:ircb from 
 Agendicum, and he returned there. 
 He repaired the bridge, and took 
 
 over his men to the other side, that 
 is, the right side of the river. He 
 also took the vessels with him, 
 Avhich he had used to bridge the 
 river at Me]un. Labienus now 
 marched again to Pjiris down the 
 stream ('secundo flumine') ; but on 
 the riglit bunk. He would use the 
 boats to take his men over tlie 
 Marne and aftei-wards over the Seine 
 (c. ()0). 
 
 Lutetiam^ Many MSS. have *de 
 Lutetia,' which is just as good.— 
 * eo :' that is, ' in naves,' as Cicero 
 says (Ad Div. xii. 14), " navea 
 oncrarias in quas excrcitus ejus 
 iinponi posset." See i. 42— 'qui 
 a Meloduno :' ' qui Metiosedo,' 
 Havn. A.; and the same MS. has 
 the same in c. GO. — ' incendi •' ' in- 
 cendunt,' Elb. 
 
 potitesqm} The bridges which 
 connected the island of Lutetia with 
 both banks of the Seine. 
 
 LIBER YIL 
 
 377 
 
 rumores afferebantur, Gallique in colloquiis interclusum 
 itinere et Ligeri Caesarem inopia frumenti coactum in 
 provinciam conteudisse conlirmabant. Bellovaci autem 
 defectione Aeduorum cognita, qui ante erant per se infi- 
 deles, manus cogere atque aperte bellum parare coepe- 
 runt. Turn Labienus tanta rerum commutatione longe 
 aliud sibi capiendum consilium atque antea senserat intel- 
 ligebat, ueque jam ut aliquid acquireret proelioque hostes 
 lacesseret, sed ut iucolumem exercitum Agendicum re- 
 duceret, cogitabat. JS'amque altera ex parte Bellovaci, 
 quae civitas in Gallia maximam habet opinionem virtutis, 
 instabant; alteram Camulogenus parato atque instructo 
 exercitu tenebat ; turn legiones a praesidio atque impedi- 
 meiitis interclusas maximum flumen distinebat. Tantis 
 subito difBcultatibus objectis ab animi virtute auxilium 
 petendum videbat. 
 
 00. Itaque sub vesperum consilio convocato cohortatus 
 ut ea quae imperasset diligenter industrieque administra- 
 rent, naves quas [a] Meloduno deduxerat singulas equ.ti- 
 bus Eomanis attribuit, et prima confecta vigilia iv milia 
 passu urn secundo flumine silentio progredi ibique se ex- 
 spectaii jubet. Quinque cobortes, quas minime firmas 
 ad dimicandum esse existimabat, castris praesidio relin- 
 quit: V ejusdem legionis reliquas de media nocte cum 
 omnibus impedimentis adverso flumine magno tumultu 
 proficisci imperat. Conquirit etiam lintres : has magno 
 sonitu remorum incitatas in eandem partem mittit. Ips^e 
 
 59. Bellovaci] See ii. 4. The 
 Bellovaci threatened Labienus on 
 one side, and the forces of Camulo- 
 genus on the other. He was also 
 separated by a large river from his 
 troops and material at Agendicum. 
 'J'hose who suppose that Labienus 
 was on the south side of the Seine, 
 cannot explain how he was between 
 the Bellovaci and the forces of Ca- 
 mulogenus; for the Bellovaci were 
 to the N.W., and Camulogenus was 
 not on the same side of the river 
 •s Labienus. Nor can they explain 
 if Labienus was on the south side of 
 the Seine, whv he could not march 
 quietly to Agendicum, aud leave his 
 
 enemies behind him. 
 
 Namque ^r.] 'nam cum ex 
 altera parte,' Havn. A.; where 
 ' cum ' or ' quum ' corresponds to 
 ' turn,' which comes after. 
 
 opinirniem virtutis] See vii. 83. 
 
 60.] Tiie movements of Labienus 
 are clearly described. He left five 
 cohorts in his camp. He ordered 
 the other five cohorts to march up 
 the stream ('adverso flumine') and 
 to make a great noise. He sent the 
 shi)>s down the river, and crossed 
 over by them to the left bank with 
 three legions. 
 
 siilj vea/ieniiiil See ii. 33. 
 
378 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 9 
 
 post paullo silentio egressus cum tribus legionibus eura 
 locum petit quo naves appeJli jusserat. 
 
 61. £o quum esset ventum, exploratores hostium, ut 
 omni fluminis parte erant dispositi, inopinantes, quod 
 magna subito erat coorta tempestas, ab nostris oppri- 
 muntur: exercitus equitatusque, equitibus Romanis ad- 
 ministrantibus quosei uegotio praefecerat, celeriter trans- 
 niittitur. Ujio fere tempore sub lucem hostibus nun- 
 ciatur in castris liomanorum praeter consuetudinem 
 tumultuari et magnum ire agmen adverso flumine, soni- 
 tumque remorum in eadem parte exaudiri et paullo infra 
 milites navibua transportari. Quibus rebus auditis, quod 
 existimabant tribus locis transire legiones atque omnea 
 perturbatos defectione Aeduorum fugam parare, suaa 
 quoque copias in tres partes distribuerunt. JN'am' prae- 
 sidio e regione castrorum relicto, et parva manu Metio- 
 sedum versus missa, quae tantum progrediatur quantum 
 uaves processissent, reliquas copias contra Labienura 
 duxerunt. 
 
 G2. Prima luce et nostri omnes erant transportati et 
 hostium acies cernebatur. Labienus milites cohortatus 
 ut suae pristinae virtutis et tot secundissimorum proe- 
 liorum memoriam retinerent, atque ipsum Caesarem cujus 
 ductu saepeuumero hostes superasseut [praesentem] 
 adesse existimarent, dat signum proelii. Primo concursu 
 ab dextro cornu, ubi septima legio constiterat, hostes pcl- 
 
 LIBEE VII. 
 
 879 
 
 ^1. tumultuai-i] is used here as a 
 passive verb. 
 
 e.mudiri] There is a reading 
 'audiri.' Sec vi. 3J)._'Metio- 
 scduiu versus.' The place is un- 
 known, but it may be intended for 
 Melodununi, the name of which is 
 written with great diversities. The 
 matter is well discussed by D'An- 
 ville, Notice de la Gaule,'MehKlu- 
 nnm. If we follow tlie reading of 
 iTavn. A., we have the name Metio- 
 %odum three times, but it has " Mel- 
 lodunum pervenit' (c.58). The place, 
 whatever is the name, was hiu^her up 
 the stream than Paris; for of the three 
 divisions which the Galli made of 
 ilieir forces, one was posted opposite to 
 
 the camp of Labienus, a small force 
 was sent up the stream, and the rest 
 was led against Labienus, and there- 
 fore down the stream. Reichard has 
 a dissertation on the movements of 
 Labienus. He phices him on the 
 wrong side of the river, and puts the 
 whole narrative into confusion. The 
 same geographer shows his skill by 
 placing Gergovia near Orleans. 
 
 prnqr('di(,tur] Oudcndorp reads 
 'pi ogrederetur,' which is a correction. 
 Some M8S. have ' progrediebatur,' 
 which is wrong.—' naves :' these are 
 the ' 1 in tres.' 
 
 62. [praesevtem]] This word if 
 omitted in some «rood NSS.. saA 
 also ' hostes pelluntur aUjuc' 
 
 I 
 
 luntur atque in fugam conjiciuntur : ab sinistro, quem 
 locum duodecima legio tenebat, quum primi ordines hos- 
 tium transiixi pilis concidissent, tamen acerrime reliqni 
 resistebant, nee dabat suspicionem fugae quisquam. Ipse 
 dux hostium Camulogenus suis aderat atque eos cohorta- 
 batur. Incerto etiam nunc exitu victoriae, quum sep- 
 timae legionis tribunis esset nunciatum, quae in sinistro 
 cornu gererentur, post tergum hostium legionem ostende- 
 runt signaque intulerunt. Ne eo quidem tempore quis- 
 quam loco cessit, sed circumventi omnes interfecti sunt. 
 Eandem fortunam tulit Camulogenus. At ii qui prae- 
 3idio contra castra Labieni erant relicti, quum proelium 
 commissum audissent, subsidio suis ierunt collemque ce- 
 perunt, neque nostrorum militum victorum impetum sus- 
 tinere potuerunt. Sic cum suis fugientibus permixti, quos 
 non^ silvae montesque texerunt, ab equitatu sunt inter- 
 fecti. Hoc negotio confecto, Labienus revertitur Agen- 
 dicum ubi impedimenta totius exercitus relicta erant: 
 inde cum omnibus copiis ad Caesarem pervenit. 
 
 63.^ Defectione Aeduorum cognita bellum augetur. 
 Legationes in omnes partes circummittuntur : quantum 
 gratia, auctoritate, pecunia valent, ad sollicitandas civi- 
 tates nituntur. Nacti obsides, quos Caesar apud eos 
 deposuerat, horum supplicio dubitantes territant. Petunt 
 a Vercingetorige Aedui ut ad se veniat rationesque belli 
 gerendi communicet. Ee impetrata contendunt ut ipsis 
 summa imperii tradatur; et re in controversiam deducta 
 totius Galliae concilium Bibracte indicitur. Conveniunt 
 uudique frequentes. JMultitudiuis suffragiis res permit- 
 titur; ad unum omnes Vercingetorigem probant impera- 
 
 suis aderat] ' Alicui ade?sc ' is 
 to be with a person, to help him in 
 any way that the case may require. 
 It is a common Latin formula, as in 
 Cicero, Verr. ii. 2, c. 29. 
 
 neqm] A single •• neque' is some- 
 times thus placed, as in iv. 26, 
 'neque longius,' &c. ; it seems to 
 mean something like ' nor yet.' 
 
 ad Caesarem\ Caesar had crossed 
 the Loire in order to join Labienus, 
 who after his campaign about Lutctia 
 
 returned to Agendicum and thenco 
 marched to Caesar, who was in the 
 country of the Lingones, c. ^Q. 
 
 63. nitu7ittcr] The Aedui, as the 
 narrative shows. — 'deposuerat:' c. 
 55. ' Depositum ' in the Roman 
 legal sense is that which a man com- 
 mits to the keeping of another with- 
 out any reward for the trouble of 
 keeping it. (Inst. iii. tit 14 )— ' pe- 
 tunt ... ad se,' Elb. without • ut.' 
 
 ' eodcm conveniunt,' Elb. 
 
380 
 
 C. JULIT CAESAEIS 
 
 torem. Ab hoc concilio Kemi, Lingones, Treviri abfiie* 
 runt: illi, quod amicitiam Eomanoruin sequebantur; Tre- 
 viri, quod aberant longius et ab Gcrinaiiis premebantur, 
 quae t'uit causa quare toto abessent bello et ueutris auxilia 
 niittereiit. Maguo dolore Aedui ferunt se dejectos prin- 
 cipatu ; queruntur fortunae commutationcm et Caeaaris 
 in se indulgentiam requirunt ; neque tamen suscepto 
 bello suum consilium ab reliquis separare audent. Inviti 
 summae spei adolescentes Eporedorix et Yirdumarus Ver- 
 cingetorigi parent. 
 
 ^ 64i. Ipse imperat reliquis civitatibus obsides : denique 
 ei rei constituit diem : hue onmes equites xv milia 
 numero celeriter convenire jubet : Peditatu quem ante 
 habuerit se fore contentum dicit, neque fortunam tenta- 
 turum aut acie dimicaturum ; aed quoniam abundet equi- 
 tatu, pcrfacile esse factu frumentationibus pabulationi- 
 busque Eomanos prohibere, aequo modo auimo sua ipsi 
 frumenta corrumpant aedificiaque incendant, qua rei fami- 
 liaris jactura perpetuum imperium libertatemque se con- 
 sequi videant. His constitutis rebus, Aeduis Segusianis- 
 quequi sunt finitimi Provinciae x milia peditum imperat: 
 hue addit equites Dccc. His praeficit fratrem Eporedo- 
 rigis bellumque inferre Allobrogibus jubet. Altera ex 
 parte Gabalos proximosque pages Arvernorum in Helvios, 
 
 dejectos principatu] Caesar says 
 (v. 4!)), ' oi)inione dejectus.' — ' re- 
 quirunt :' 'they miss,' as we say; 
 they feci th:it they have lost some- 
 thing. So Cicero' writes (Dc Sen. 
 c. 9), "ita bonis esse viiibus ex- 
 tremo tempore aetatis ut adolesccn- 
 tiam non rcquircret." 
 
 CA. fysc] Most MSS. have 'ipse; 
 \rhich Krancr has. ♦ lUe,' Oudeu. 
 
 hue] This can only mean to Bi- 
 bracte. Kraner omits ' hue.' 
 
 neque— aut\ Cicero (Ad Div. 
 vi. 6) has ' non ijritur . . . nee . . . 
 nee . . . aut,' and Cacnir (B. C. iii. 
 31 ) has " ante id tcmpus nemo, ant 
 niiles aut equus ad Pompeinm trans- 
 icrat." In this passage the old read- 
 ing was ' neque acie,' but ' aut' is in 
 nearly all the MSS. There are ex- 
 
 amples of ' neque . . . neque . . . aut ' 
 in B. G. iv. 20; v. 17; of 'neque 
 • . . aut' in V. 6. Oudendorp says 
 that in this chii|ilcr 'aut acie' is 
 right, for ' fortunam tintare ' and 
 ' acie dimicare ' are the same ; a 
 remark tiiat does not apply to the 
 ' aut,' V. 17. 
 
 Scgiisiani] See i. II, note. — * Vol- 
 carum Arecomicorum:' these Volcae 
 were the neighbours of the Tccto- 
 sages, but it is not possible to fix 
 the boundary betwr'cn them. They 
 extended along the coast to the 
 Rhone, and they were separated by 
 the Cevcnnes from the Ruteni and 
 the Gabali. They were included in 
 the Provincia. their position cor- 
 responds nearly to the modern de- 
 partments of I'lerauU and Card. 
 
 LIBEE YII. 
 
 381 
 
 item Eutenos Cadurcosque ad fines Yolcarum Arecomi- 
 corum depopulaudos mittit. Nihilo minus clandestinis 
 nunciis Icgationibusque Allobrogas sollicitat, quorum 
 nientes nondum ab superiore bello resedisse aperabat. 
 Horum principibus pecuuias, civitati autem imperium* 
 totius Provinciae pollicetur. 
 
 65. Ad hos omnes casus provisa erant praesidia co- 
 
 hortium duarum et viginti, quae ex ipsa coacta Provinci 
 
 ab L. Caesare legato ad omnes partes opponebantui 
 
 Helvii sua sponte cum fiuitimis proelio congressi pellun- 
 
 tur, et C. Valerio Donotauro, Caburi filio, principe civi- 
 
 tatis, compluribusque aliis interfectis, intra oppida muros- 
 
 que compelluntur. Allobroges crebris ad Ehodanum dis- 
 
 positis praesidiis magna cum cura et diligentia sues fines 
 
 tuentur. Caesar, quod hostes cquitatu superiores esse 
 
 iutelligebat, et interclusis omnibus itineribus nulla re ex 
 
 Provincia atque Italia sublevari poterat, trans Ehenum in 
 
 (^"ermaniam mittit ad eas civitates quas superioribus annia 
 
 pacaverat, equitesque ab his arcessit et levis armaturae 
 
 pedites qui inter eos proeliari consueverant. Eoruin ad- 
 
 ventu, quod minus idoneis equis utebantur, a tribunia 
 
 militum reliquisque [sed et] equitibus Eomanis atque 
 
 evocatis equos sumit Germauisque distribuit. 
 
 bello resedissp] See i. G, nnd Tn- 
 trod. p. ;54. — ' risedisse,' one of the 
 compounds of ' sid ere,' exi)resse8 
 the sinking down of something that 
 has been raised, as in V'irgil, A en. 
 vii. 27, "ouinisque repente resedit 
 Flatus ;" and hence it is u«ed by a 
 metiiphor to express the settling 
 down of passion, as in Livy ii. 29, 
 " quum iiae resedi^sent." 
 
 0'.>. L. Caesure] Lucius Caesar, 
 who had been consul B C. 64, was 
 of the same ' gens ' as Caesar, and a 
 kinsman. This cxam])]e and many 
 others show that a nian, who had 
 been consul, sometimes served after- 
 wards under another. — ' C. Valerio 
 Donotauro.' See i. 19, note. 
 
 e%s civituies] The Ubii (vi. 9); 
 jnd perhaps no others. 
 inter eos proeliari \ See i. 48; viii. 
 
 la. 
 
 [sed et] ] This is said to be the 
 reading of nearly all the MSS., but 
 the passage seems to be corrupt, 
 'i hese ' equites ' were Romans of 
 equestrian rank who were with the 
 army. " The Evocati were taken 
 from citizens, from Sotii, from 
 horsenitn and infantry; but they 
 were got by asking and request, and 
 therefore called Evocati ; for they 
 were Vcteiani, well skilled and ex*- 
 perienced in war, who after having 
 completed their service willing) v 
 joined the army for the sake of the 
 consuls or commanders." (Lipsius, 
 De Militia Romana, lib. i. Dial.' 
 viii.) He quotes Dion Cassius (xlv. 
 12), who gives the same meaning ol 
 the term Evocati. In iii. 20, Cae- 
 sar speaks of a great number of men 
 of Tolosa and Narbo being sum- 
 moned by name (' evocati '). There 
 
 G 
 
382 
 
 C. JULIT CAESAEIS 
 
 GQ. Interea dum baec geruntiir, hostiiim copiae ex 
 ArvcriHs, equitesque, qui toti Galliae eraiit imperati, con- 
 veniuiit. Magno horum coacto numero, quum Caesar in 
 Sequanos per extrenios Lingonum fines iter faceret, quo 
 facilius subsidium Provinciae ferre posset, circiter milia 
 passuum x ab Komauis triuis castris Vereiugetorix con- 
 sedit, convocatisque ad concilium praefectis equitum, 
 Venisse tempus vietoriae demonstrat : fugere in Provin- 
 ciam Eomanos Galliaque excedere : id sibi ad praesentem 
 obtinendam libertateni satis esse; ad reliqui temporid 
 pacem atque otiuin parum prolici, majoribus enim coactis 
 copiis reversuros neque finem bellandi facturos ; proinde 
 in agmine impeditos adoriantur : si pedites suis auxilium 
 ferant atque in eo morentur, iter confici non posse ; si, id 
 quod^ magis f'uturum coufidat, relictis impedimentis suae 
 saluti consulant, et usu rerum necessariarum et dignitate 
 spoliatum iri ; nam de equitibus hostium, quin nemo 
 eorum progredi modo extra agmen audeat, ne ipsos qui- 
 
 must have been a nmstcr-roU of 
 tlit'se men, and ])erhap8 they were 
 those provincials who were entitled 
 to relief from actual service, and 
 were only summoned in emergen- 
 cies. 
 
 fi6, iuti] There is a reading ' tota 
 Gallia.'' — ' Caesar in Sequanos per,' 
 &c. is the common reading, but ' in 
 Sequanos' is omitted in four of the 
 best MyS. and Ilavn, A., according 
 to Elb. But I believe the words to 
 be genuine. Caesar's plan was to 
 reach the I'rovincia, and the country 
 of the Allobroges ; in fact he was 
 retreating, with the intention, we 
 may be sure, of soon returning. 
 'Jhe Lingnnes were friendly, and lie 
 was in their country. TJie Aedui 
 were hostile, but the Sequani have 
 never been mentioned as hostile. 
 '1 he rev(dt of the Aedui would 
 rather confirm their obedience to the 
 Komaiis. Caesar's only safe line of 
 march therefore was on the east side 
 of the Saone, tlirough the country 
 of the Sequani to the Allobroges; 
 and this was his intended route, 
 whether he wrote 'in Sequanos' or 
 
 not. Plutarch (Caesar, c. 26), cer- 
 tainly no authority for interpreting 
 Caesar, seems, however, to iiave got 
 his notion of Caesar's movements 
 from a text which had ' in Sequa- 
 nos;' for he says, viript(3a\t rd 
 AiyyoviKa fiuvXanivo^ a\l/aa-dai 
 T^s ^iKovavioif <l)i\(t}u oirrwu Kal 
 trtwKnuivwv T^s 'IxaXias irpot 
 Tj'/i/ tt\\;/j/ TaXaTiav. — 'ferre pos- 
 set:' Merre possit,' Elb. — 'finem 
 belli.' Elb. 
 
 trims castris'] See c. 46. 
 
 proinde — adoriantur ] ' adori- 
 rentur,' Kraner. 'They should at- 
 tack the Romans then, on the march, 
 encumbered with their lieavv mate- 
 rial.' 'Proinde,' that is 'pro' and 
 ' inde,' ' hence forward,' is often used 
 in conclusions, in the sense of 'then' 
 or 'therefore.' 1 don't think the 
 device of an ellipsis is necessary to 
 explain 'adoriantur.' See i. 36, 
 "quum vellet congrederetur." 
 
 progredi modo] '" modo abest I.eid. 
 prim. Oxcm. et Havn. A." Elb. 
 Still ' modo ' is perhaps genuine. It 
 means 'so much as to advance for- 
 ward out of the line of march.' See 
 
 LIBEE VII. 
 
 383 
 
 dem debere dubitare : id quo majore faciant animo, 
 copias se omnes pro castris habiturum et terrori hostibus 
 futurum. Conclamant equites, Sanetissimo jurejurando 
 confirmari oportere ue tecto recipiatur, ne ad liberos, ne 
 ad pareutes, ne ad uxorem aditum habeat, qui non bis 
 per agmen hostium perequitarit. 
 
 67. Probata re atque omnibus ad jusjurandum adactis, 
 postero die in tres partes distributo equitatu, duae se 
 acies ab duobus lateribus ostendunt, una a primo agmine 
 iter impedire coepit. Qua re nunciata Caesar suum quo- 
 queequitatum tripertito divisum contra hostem ire jubet. 
 Pugnatur una [tunc] omnibus in partibus: consistit ag- 
 men . impedimenta inter legiones recipiuntur. Si qua in 
 parte nostri laborare aut gravius premi videbantur, eo 
 signa interri Caesar aciemque converti jubebat ; quae res 
 et hostes ad insequendum tardabat et nostros spe auxilii 
 confirmabat. Tandem Germani ab dextro latere summum 
 jugum nacti hostes loco depelluut ; fugientes usque ad 
 
 c. 76, 'aspectum modo,' and vi. 8, 
 'impetum modo.' — 'bis' is omitted 
 in some good MSS. If it is genuine, 
 it perhaps n)eans to ride through the 
 enemy, and ride back again. 
 
 67. a primal Most^ MSS. omit 
 * a,' and the earliest editors ; but ' a 
 
 Srimo' is right. It is a common 
 loman usage. Ciesar's leLMons were 
 marching as usual (ii. 17). His 
 cavalry was fornjed into three divi- 
 sions to oppose the three divisions of 
 the enemy's cavalry. The legions 
 halted and formed in masses, within 
 which the material was received ; and 
 whenever Caesar's cavalry was hard 
 pressed, he directe<l the 'legions to 
 face about to that point and to ad- 
 vance. The Germans, by gaining a 
 hill and driving the enemy from it, 
 got the victory. Vercingetorix was 
 posted on a stream with his Gallic 
 infantry, and 1 suppose that it was 
 between him and Caesar. His in- 
 fantry was no match for the Roman 
 legions. This river was not the 
 Saone, for the distance from Alesia 
 will not admit that supposition ; but 
 it may have been one of the streams 
 
 G 
 
 which flow into the Saone on the 
 right bank. 
 
 vide/Hmtur] The meaning of this 
 word is sometimes misunderstood. 
 Sometimes ' videri ' and 'esse' are 
 opposed, in which case an appear- 
 ance, which may not be true, is op- 
 posed to a reality. But ' videri,' ' to 
 be seen,' or, as we say, ' to seem,' 
 often expresses an opinion or judg- 
 ment; the judgment may be true or 
 false, but still it is a judgment. So 
 here, if we do not translate ' vide- 
 bantur' by ' were seen,' and for what 
 I know such a translation may be 
 right, we must explain it to mean, 
 ' if in any part our men in Caesar's 
 judgment or opinion were hard 
 pressed.' See i. 40, note. 
 
 Germani] Dion Cassius (40, c. 
 39) calls them Celtae, but he means 
 Germani. He also says that Ver- 
 cingetorix stopped Caesar in the 
 country of the Sequani. Caesar was 
 on the borders of the Sequani (c. 66) 
 and entering the country of the Se- 
 quani; but he h.ad not' reached it. 
 He was on the east side of the hills 
 which bound the basin of the Saouc. 
 2 
 
384 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER YII. 
 
 385 
 
 fliimen, ubi Vercingetorix cum pedestribiis copiis coiise- 
 derat, perseqiiuntur compluresque interficiunt. Qua re 
 animadversa reliqui ne circunivenireiitur veriti se fugae 
 mandant. Omnibus locis fit caedes : tres nobilissimi 
 Aedui capti ad Caesarem perducuntur : Cotus, praefectus' 
 equitum, qui controversiam cum Convictolitane proximis 
 comitiis habuerat ; et Cavarillus, qui post defectionem 
 Litavici pedestribus copiis praefuerat ; et Eporedorix, 
 quo duce ante adventum Caesaris Aedui cum Sequauis 
 bello contenderant. 
 
 68. Fugato omui equitatu Vercingetorix copias suas, 
 ut pro castris collocaverat, reduxit ; protiuusque Alesiam, 
 quod est oppidum Mandubiorum, iter f\icere coepit, cele- 
 riterque impedimenta ex castris educi et se subsequi jussit. 
 Caesar, impedi mentis in proximum collem deductis, dua- 
 busque legionibus praesidio relictis, secutus quantum diei 
 tempus est passum, circiter tribus milibus hostium ex 
 novissimo agmine interfectis, altero die ad Alesiam castra 
 fecit. Perspecto urbis situ, porterritisque hostibus, quod 
 equitatu, qua maxime parte exercitus confidebant, erant 
 
 Cotus] See vii. 33. 3.0. The 
 * proximis comitiis' is the last elec- 
 tion for 8ti|)rtine magistrate. It is 
 purely a Ron)an term, just as if we 
 were to say ' at the last election.' 
 Caesar distinguishes this Kporcdorix 
 from the 'adolescens' (c. 39. 54) by 
 the words ' quo duce,' &(r, 
 
 68. ut — coilucaverat] Heraog com- 
 pares (c. 4(>) ' ut meridie conqui- 
 everat,' and (c. 61) ' ut erant di.^po- 
 siti ;' and also (v. 43) ' ut se siii> '•'«o 
 vallo constipaverant.' Ourwoid "as' 
 seems to express it ))retty well, or 
 'just as,' for a comparison is thus 
 implied. Vercingetorix had placed 
 his infiintry ('copiae') in front of 
 his camp, and there they stood until 
 he retreated. As he had placed 
 them in front of his camp, so he led 
 them hack to his camp. Between 
 placing them and leading them back 
 no change occurred in their position. 
 A(€iiia7n] The Mandubii were with- 
 in the limits of the Aedui, on the 
 bordere of the Liugones. Strabo (p. 
 
 191) is guilty of a great blunder 
 when he makes thcin border on the 
 Arverni. Their town Mas Alesia, or 
 Alexia, as the name is sometimes 
 written (Veil. Pat. ii. 47 ; Florus iii. 
 lO, who makes a strange confusion 
 between Gergovia and Alesia). Plu- 
 tarch (Caesar, c. 27) calls the place 
 Alesia ('AX»;(Tia),and also Diodorns 
 (iv. 19), and Strabo (p 191), who has 
 copied Caesar's description of the 
 place. There seems to be no autho- 
 rity for Alexia, but it is so written 
 in some editions of Strabo. 
 
 Caesar followed up the pursuit on 
 the day of tlie battle, and on the 
 next day he encamped before Alesia. 
 We cannot therefore reckon more 
 than one good day's march from 
 the field of battle to Alesia; and ad 
 Caesar was on the borders of the 
 Lingoncs, the battle was fought east 
 of Alesia ; but we cannot tell how 
 much to the south or north of cast. 
 
 (IU(t — coiijidehiint] Codd. et edd. 
 prim. ' quo maxim-i parte ex. confide< 
 
 pulsi, adhortatus ad laborem milites Alesiam circumval- 
 lare instituit. 
 
 G9. Ipsum erat oppidum in colle summo, admodum 
 edito loco ut nisi obsidioneexpugnari posse uon videretur: 
 cujus collis radices duo duabus ex partibus flumina sub- 
 luebant. Ante id oppidum planities circiter milia pas- 
 suum III in longitudinem patebat : reliquis ex omnibus 
 partibus colles mediocri interjecto spatio pari altitudinis 
 fastigio oppidum cingebant. Sub muro, quae pars collis 
 ad orientem solem spectabat, Imnc omnem locum copiae 
 Gallorum compleverant fossamque et maceriam sex in 
 altitudinem pedum praeduxerant. Ejus munitionis quae 
 
 bat,' Elb. But some MSS. have 
 'confidebant,' and some have 'quo 
 maxime confidebat ' or ' confide- 
 bant.' 
 
 ^^. Alesia is now the village of 
 Alise Sainte Reine in the depart- 
 ment of Cote d'Or, near Flavigny. 
 In tlie excavations made at Alise 
 email figures of bronze, fragments of 
 Btone, Roman medals, and many 
 domestic utensils have been found, 
 which show that Alise was once the 
 rite of a town, 'i'he modern village 
 of Alise is on one side of the hill. 
 The old town, which Caesar besieged, 
 was on the ])lateau, on the summit 
 of the hill, like Gergovia, The loca- 
 lity, which is well marked, agrees 
 with Caesar's description. A stream 
 i-uns on each side of the hill, and 
 the two streams after their junction 
 fall into the Vonnc, a branch of the 
 Seine. See the note at the end of 
 Lib. vii. 
 
 sidjluehaiit] He also has ' patebat,' 
 * cingebant,' and ' spectabant' See 
 ii. o, note. 
 
 viediucri — apatio'] This ' mediocre 
 spatium ' is the valleys in which the 
 two rivers flow on three sides round 
 the hill of Alesia. The ' fastigium ' 
 is the summit of the hills which 
 bound these valleys on the north, 
 east, and south. On the west side of 
 the hill of Alesia is the ' planities.' 
 
 Sttb muro — huuc omnem] ' Under 
 the wall, that oart of the hill which 
 
 looked towards the east, all this space 
 the forces of the Galli had occupied.' 
 This is a way of writing which a for- 
 malist would never use. It is the 
 fashion of a man who looks to the 
 matter more than to the form ; and 
 yet the form is clear, precise, and 
 natural, agreeable to the nature 
 of the thing; first the wall, then its 
 position, then all the space beneath 
 it, and the way in which it was occu- 
 l)ied. ' Quae pars collis' is a usual 
 kind of expres<sion, the relative hav- 
 ing its noun following it, and a dif- 
 ferent noun from that to which it 
 refers. See ii. 1, " quam. . . partem," 
 and the note ; and iv. 29, " luna 
 plena, qui dies," &c. 
 
 solem] Some of the best MSS. 
 omit 'solem.' In i. 1 there is, 'ori- 
 entem solem.' 
 
 maceriam] The Galli made a wall 
 of stones ('maceria') six feet high, as 
 a defence in front ('praedu.xerant'). 
 They did not intrench themselves 
 all round within a ditch and wall, for 
 they were protected on the west by 
 the hill of Alesia. In c. 71 Caesar 
 savs " coi)ias omnes quas pro oppido 
 collocaverat in oppidum recipit." 
 The wall was made in haste of stones 
 without any cement, of such stones 
 as they found on the spot, such as 
 are there still. Varro (De Re Rust 
 i. 14) describes four kinds of ' mace- 
 
 tja. 
 
 
 C C 
 
386 
 
 C. JULIT CAESARIS 
 
 ab Romanis instituebatur circuitus xi milia passuum tene- 
 bat. Castra opportuiiis locis eraut posita, ibique castella 
 ixiii facta; qui bus in caatellis interdiu stationes dispo- 
 nebantur ne qua subito eruptio fieret : haec eadem noctu 
 excubitoribus ac tirmis praesidiis tenebantur. 
 
 tmeban As to the numbers I 
 caunot tell what the MSS. readings 
 are, whether x or xi. If ' xi mi- 
 lium' is right, ' tenebat' must be 
 taken in a sense of which I can find 
 no examples. Those that are cited 
 are not to the purpose. The MSS. 
 are of little authority, for they have 
 probably the abbreviation ' m.' or 
 'mil.' Klb. and the editors gene- 
 rally have ' XI milium.' 
 
 castella] A 'castellum' is a 
 small ' custrum,' a redoute. Some- 
 times * castella' might be constructed 
 with more care, as probably in i. 8 ; 
 and of stones and timber when cir- 
 cumstances required. These 'cas- 
 tella' were small inclosures with a 
 ditch and 'vallum,' adapted to hold 
 a certain number of men. Caesar 
 says that his ' castra' were placed at 
 convenient sites, and there (* ibi') '23 
 'castella' were made. Tiiese 'cas- 
 tra' were therefore different from 
 the ' castella.' The 'castella' were 
 used in the day time as ' stationes,' 
 and in the night as places for men 
 (* excubitores') to keep a look out 
 from. If the text is right there 
 might be 23 ' castra,' and a ' castel- 
 lum* close to each; but I suppose 
 that there were fewer 'castra' and 
 ' castella ' between them. He had 
 not yet made his lines of circumval- 
 lation. He left CJergovia with six 
 legions, but incomplete. Labienus 
 joined him with four legions (vii. 34. 
 62). He had a large body of cavalry, 
 both Galli and Germans. At the 
 siege of Gergovia (vi. 50) he had a 
 number of Aedui in his service ; but 
 it is certain that he did not keep 
 them. There was a ' supplementum' 
 from Italy, the amount of which is 
 not stated, which Labienus left at 
 Sens when he went a;:rainst Paris 
 tvii. 57). We must assume that he 
 
 took this ' sufrplementum ' with him 
 when he returned to Sens on his way 
 to join Caesar (vii. 62) ; for he came 
 to Caesar 'cum omnibus copiis.' 
 This was all Caesar's force, for he 
 could get no aid from the'provin- 
 cia' when he was in the country of 
 the Lingones (vii. 65) ; all the roads 
 were stopped. In this difficulty he 
 sent for German cavalry from the 
 east side of the Ithine. The cavalry 
 of Caesar must have been strong, for 
 it was more than a match for that ot 
 Vercingetorix. The number of men 
 in Alesia, after Vercingetorix sent 
 away his cavalry, is stated at 80,000 ; 
 but we cannot tioist the numerals. 
 We may perhaps estimate all Cae- 
 sar's force at not less than 50,000 
 infantry and cavalry. 
 
 In the civil Mar (B. C. iii. 43) 
 Caesar tried to hem in Pompeius in 
 tho way that he describes l)ere. 
 There were many lofty hills around 
 the camp of Pompeius. Caesar first 
 occupied these hills with bodies of 
 men (' praesidia ') ; and then ' cas- 
 tellaque ibi communiit,' he made 
 small camps or redoutes. He goes 
 on to say, " inde ut loci cujusque 
 natura ferebat, ex castello in castel- 
 lum perducta munitione circumval- 
 lare Pompeium constituit." The 
 'circumvallatio ' could Tiot be effected 
 till the ' castella ' were made in order 
 to secure the communications. Lu- 
 can, who has taken more pains than 
 poets generally do with military ope- 
 rations, has a description of the cir- 
 ciimvallation of Pompeius by Caesar 
 (Pharsalia, vi. 37) : — 
 
 " Franguntur montes planumque per 
 ardua Caesar 
 Ducit opus," &c. 
 
 excubitoribus] The 'stationes' 
 during the day. The ' excubitores ' 
 
 LTBER YII. 
 
 38/ 
 
 70. Opere institute fit equestre proeliura m ea planitio 
 quam intermissam collibus in milia passuum in longitu- 
 dmem patere supra demonstravimus. Summa vi ab utris- 
 que contenditur. Laborantibus nostris Caesar Germanoa 
 submitt-t, legionesque pro castris constituit ne qua subito 
 irruptio ab hostium peditatu fiat. Praesidio legionum 
 addito nostris animus augetur: hostes in fugam conjecti 
 so ipsi multitudiue impediunt atque angustioribus portia 
 relictis coartantiir. Gennani acrius usque ad munitiones 
 sequuiitur. Fit magna caedes : nonnulli relictis equis 
 fossam transire et maceriam transcendere conantur. Paul- 
 lum legiones Caesar quas pro vallo constituerat promoveri 
 jubet. ]Son minus qui intra munitiones erant Galli per- 
 turbantur; veniri ad se confestim existimantes ad arma 
 conclamant; nonnulli perterriti in oppidum irrumpunt. 
 Vercingetorix portas jubet claudi ne castra nudentur. 
 Multis niterfectis, compluribus equis captis, Germani sese 
 recipiunt. 
 
 71. Vercingetorix, priusquam munitiones ab Romania 
 perficiantur, consilium capit omnem ab se equitatum 
 noctu dimittere. Discedentibus mandat, Ut suam quis- 
 que eoruni civitatem adeat omnesque qui per aetatem 
 arma ferre possint ad belliim cogant ; sua in illos merita 
 proponit obtestaturque ut suae salutis rationem habeant, 
 neu se de communi libertate optime meritum hostibus in 
 cruciatum dedant: quod si indiligentiores fuerint, milia 
 
 watched by night. See c. 11, * excu- 
 biae,' and c, 24, 'excuharet.' 
 
 70. Opere instituto] ' Institu- 
 tum ' not ' perfectum ' (c. 71). The 
 object of thf Galli was to prevent 
 the 'circumvallatio.' — 'intermissam:' 
 see vii. 17. — 'irruptio:' there isalso 
 a reading ' eruptio.' 
 
 angustioribus — relictis] Ouden- 
 dorp understood this to mean that 
 "not only all the 'castra,' hut also 
 the laiger gates, were closed by a 
 ditch and wall, so that these narrow 
 gates were left for them to return 
 by." But Caesar means, as Heraog 
 says, that the Galli had left the 
 openings in their wall ('maceria') 
 too narrow for them when they were 
 
 C C 
 
 re-entering in the hurry of defeat. 
 The word 'relictis' must be ex- 
 plained by the context, as in vii. 41, 
 'duabus relictis portis,' which is 
 ' non obstructis.* In place of ' coar- 
 tantur' Kraner has ' coac ervantur.' 
 —'veniri:' most MSS. and editions 
 have ' venire.' — ' portas claudi :' the 
 gates of the town, for some of the 
 Galli were leaving the camp an I 
 ru>hing into the town. 
 
 71. consilium Cdpit—dimittere] 
 Comp. c. 26, "consilium ceperunt 
 profugcre." 
 
 quod si] There is a reading ' qui 
 si.' which also means ' and if they 
 should be at aU negligent :' and it is 
 aUo Latin, just as good as 'quod »i.' 
 Z 
 
388 
 
 C. JULII CAESAiaS 
 
 LIBER YIL 
 
 3S9 
 
 hominum delecta lxxx una secum iuteritura demonstrat; 
 ratioae inita frunientum ee exigue dierura xxx habere, 
 SL'd paullo etiani longius tolerare posse parceiido. His 
 datis mandatis, qua erat nostrum opus intermissuin, 
 secunda vigilia silentio equitatum dimittit ; frumentum 
 omne ad se referri jubet ; capitis poenani iis qui non 
 parueriut constituit ; pecus, cujiis ina^^na erat ab Man- 
 dubiis coinpulsa copia, viritim distribuit ; frumentum 
 parce et pauUatim metiri iustituit ; copias omnes qua.s 
 pro oppido collocaverat in oppidum recipit. His ratio- 
 iiibus auxilia Galliae exspectare et belluiu administrare 
 parat. 
 
 72. Quibus rebus ex perfiigis et captivis cognitis 
 Caesar haec genera munitionis iustituit. Fossam pedum 
 XX directis lateribus duxit ut ejui. fossae solum tantum- 
 dem pateret quantum summa labra distabant. Reliquas 
 omnes munitiones ab ea fossa pedes en reduxit, id hoc 
 
 — * ratione inita.' This means that 
 by having taken account of the stock 
 of corn, he liad, as he told them, 
 barely enough for thirty days. — 
 'paullatim:' at short intervals, by 
 doing which he could judge better 
 wh»'thor he could continue the same 
 allowance, than if he gave it out 
 in larger quantities and at longer in- 
 tervals, 
 
 frumetitum — dieruni xxx] Comp. 
 i. .">, "trium niensium — cibaria." 
 
 1'2. directis] The sides of the 
 ditch were perpendicular. Caesar 
 explains ' directis' by ' ut ... dista- 
 bant.' The readings vary between 
 ' directis' and 'derectis ' here as in 
 other cases (iv. 17). In Cicero ( Verr. 
 ii. 4, c. 48) the word occurs in the 
 panic >«ense, and the MSS. there, as 
 it is said, vary between ' directa' and 
 'dirempta.' Ilcivog takes ' dcrec- 
 tus ' to mean ' perpendicular,' and 
 'directus' straignt generally. The 
 ' solum ' of the ' fossa ' is the ground 
 at the bottom: 'xx' is the width 
 of the ditch. The word ' fossae ' is 
 omitted in some MSS.; and it may 
 be omitted, for ' ejus ' refers to ' fos- 
 lam;' but as Caesar sometimes re- 
 
 peats the preceding noun with the 
 relative (i. 6), so he sometimes re- 
 peats it with 'is.' ' Lahrum' is a 
 lip, an<l the margin of any thing; 
 in vi. 28 the broad and open end of 
 a horn has ' labra.' 
 
 pedes] Most MSS. have tlie ac- 
 cusative, but -some have ' pedibus.' 
 Caesar uses both the accusative and 
 the ablative to ex])ress a measure of 
 this kind. The Greek paraphr.ist 
 has Tpia mdciUy whicli is o7o 'pas- 
 sus.' See i. 8. 
 
 id hoc] This refers to ' pedes CD 
 reiluxit.' He did it with this design, 
 or with this ' purpose, since he had of 
 necessity compreliended so large a 
 sj)ace. and the whole could not easily 
 be manned with a line of soldiers, 
 that a number of the enemy might 
 not,' &c. Caesar explains the pur- 
 pose of this ditch, which was, as 
 (iuischardt says (Mem. Milit. c. xvi. 
 i. '2'.y,i), to secure the Roman troops 
 while they were working at ihe 
 ' ligne de ( ontrcvallation.' The cir- 
 cuit of this ditch was of course amch 
 liss than the circuit of the real 
 woiks, which wore beyond and out- 
 side of It. This ditcii was what the 
 
 .*' 
 
 consilio, quoniam tantum esset necessarlo spatium corn- 
 plexus nee facile totum opus corona militum cingeretur, 
 ne de improviso aut noctu ad munitiones hostium multi- 
 tudo advolaret, aut interdiu tela in nostros operi desti- 
 natos conjicere possent. Hoc intermisso spatio duas 
 fossas XV pedes latas, eadem altitudine perduxit ; quarum 
 interiorem campestribus ac demissis locis aqua ex flumine 
 derivata complevit. Post eas aggerem ac vallum xii 
 pedum exstruxit ; huic loricam pinnasque adjecit, grandi- 
 
 French call ' un fosse perdu, a fond 
 de cuve.' The earth from this ditcli 
 was thrown up on the outside and 
 served to protect tlie soldiers. 
 
 The real works were 400 feet be- 
 hind this ditch. They consisted of 
 a rampart ('agger') twelve feet high 
 strongly palisaded and surmounted by 
 a parapet. In front of this i-ampart 
 was a ditch, and in front of this ditch 
 was another ditch, each of which 
 ditches was fifteen feet wide and fif- 
 teen feet deep. The earth, thrown 
 out of the front ditch, the inner 
 ditch, would form a ramj)art on the 
 outside of it. but Caesar says no- 
 thing about this rampart, which was 
 not his real defence. This inner 
 ditch was tilled with water in tho.e 
 parts where it passed through the 
 plain {' campestribus locis '), and also 
 in those parts where it passed along 
 the valleys ('demissis locis'), which 
 separate the hill of Alesia from the 
 high lands on the nortli, east, and 
 south. All this is quite plain to any 
 man who has seen Alesia. 
 
 opus] is omitted in some MSS. 
 Others have a bad reading, ' corpus.' 
 A * corona ' is a number of persons 
 standing round in a circle, as in Ovid. 
 Met. xii. l,"vulgi stante corona;" 
 and in Livy 28, c. 29. It has also 
 the meaning of works to inclose and 
 surround (Liv. 23, c. 44) ; but Cae- 
 sar fixes his own meaning here by 
 the addition of 'militum.' — 'agge- 
 rem ac vallum :' here we have the 
 two proper words, ' agger,' the earth 
 which is piled up after being dug out 
 of the ' fossa;' and ' vallum,' th'e work 
 
 that is placed on the 'agger,' cou- 
 si^sting of stakes fastened together. 
 Each several stake is a ' vail us.' The 
 ' XII ' feet is the height of the ' val- 
 lum' (ii. 30). 
 
 loricam pinnasque] See v. 40. 
 'Adjecit' is to us an ambiguous 
 word, for we do not know if this 
 'lorica' was put on the top of the 
 I vallum' or in front of it, to make 
 it still stronger. It seems that the 
 'lorica' was in front of the 'val- 
 lum,' and the whole formed a strong 
 parapet.—' cervi :' ' stags,' that is, 
 pieces of wood forked like the horns 
 of a stag. They are mentioned bv 
 Livy (xliv. 11). 'Plutei' are the 
 blinds or planks used for a defence 
 (B. G. vii. 25. 41 ; B. C. i. 25 ; iii. 
 24), anii here manifestly they com- 
 prehend the whole breastwork made 
 by the ' vallum' and 'lorica.' The 
 ' commissurae ' is the place where 
 these ' plutei ' were fixed in the ' ag- 
 ger,' which would be at their base 
 or lowest part ; and from this lowest 
 part these branching ))iece8 of wood 
 projected horizontally, and up and 
 down, to impede (*qui tardarcnt') the 
 enemy if they attempted to get up. 
 — ' Quae . . . distartnt ' is the regular 
 strict Roman usage. He placed the 
 towers round at the distance of 
 ' lxxx' feet from one another. The 
 affirmation is not made in direct 
 terms, that tlie ' turrcs pedes inter se 
 LXXX distabant ;' but they were so 
 placed as to be ' lxxx ' feet asunder. 
 This passage shows, if there was any 
 doubt about it. that the ' turres' &vt 
 different from the 'castella.' 
 
390 
 
 C. JULII CAESAllIS 
 
 bus cnrvis eminentibus ad commissuras pluteorum atque 
 aggens qui ascensum hostium tardarent ; et turres toto 
 opere circumdedit quae pedes lxxx inter se distareat. 
 
 73. Erat eodein tempore et nmteriari et frument.iri et 
 tantas munitiones fieri necesse dimiimtis nostris cojiiij 
 quae longius ab castris progrediebantur : ac nouuuinquain 
 opera nostra Galli tentare atque eruptionem ex oppido 
 pluribus portis summa vi faeere conabantur. Quare ad 
 haec rursus opera addendum Caesar putavit, quo minore 
 numero militum munitiones defendi possent. Itaque 
 truncis arborum aut admodum firmis ramis abscisis atque 
 horum delibratis ac praeacutis caeuminibus, perpetuae 
 fossae quinoa pedes altae ducebantur. Hue illi stipites 
 demissi et ab iufimo revincti iie revelli possent ab rarais 
 
 73. matertari] To pet ' materia,' 
 large timber; not ' lignari,' to get 
 fire-wood (iii. 29). This is the poj)ii- 
 lar and proper distinction of the 
 words, as the adopiion of it by the 
 law writers proves (Ulp. Dig. 32. 53. 
 1). There is also ' aquari ' and 
 others of a like form and sense. 
 
 delihrdtis] There is hottci autho 
 rity for this ri-ading than 'dolabratis.' 
 It means 'the bark being stripped off 
 and the ends being sharpened.' Con- 
 tinuous trenches (' per|)etuae ') were 
 made all around the place in front of 
 the' agger.' Into these 'fissae' ('hue') 
 these steujs or strong branches ('sti- 
 pites') were let down, and at the 
 bottom being fiistened (' revincti,' 
 iv. 17) so tliat it was not possible for 
 them to be pulled out of their place, 
 they rose above the ditches wi h 
 their branches (' ab raini>'). The 
 part which appeared above the ground 
 was the smaller branches, cut short 
 and pointed. He has already 8|)oken 
 of ' a<imoduni firmis lamis,^ but these 
 * rami ' which " eminebaut' were not 
 the ' admodum firmi rami,' The 
 thick parts which were fi.xcd in the 
 ground were either trunks of trees 
 or very strong branches, and these 
 trunks and strong branches had the 
 smaller bramhes left on them ana 
 made pointed BerliTighieri (quot*-d 
 Ij Ilerzo^j supposes that the branched 
 
 were fixed down in the earth and the 
 tliick end uppermost, which is a 
 ludicrous blunder in a man who 
 undertook to explain tlie siege of 
 Aksia. 
 
 The ' fossae ' were ' quinos pedes ' 
 deep, or each five feet deep, from 
 which we learn that the ' fossae ' 
 were not all one. Perhaps he means 
 that they weie ina e only where they 
 were wanted. The ground in some 
 plai-es uiiiiht not require them ; or 
 he may mean by this plural ('fossae') 
 the several parts of the ditch. Tlie 
 'quini ordiiies' are 'five rows' of 
 these pointed trunks or bninches, 
 five in ea'-h "■ fossa,' connected witlj 
 one another, and crossing, inter- 
 lacing, so that those who came into 
 these ' fossae ' got upon these very 
 sharp points. It was like a hedge. 
 ' Induebant' is used by Cicero (Verr. 
 ii. 2, c. 42), " Hie videte in quot se 
 laqucos induerit." ' Vallis ' is tlie 
 dative. — 'cippos:' this is a Roman 
 name for an upright quadrangular 
 
 ftiece of stone, such as was used at 
 »urial places and to mark the boun- 
 dary of laud (Horat. Sat. i. 8, v. I'i). 
 Simplicius (a|)ud Goes. Rei Agrariae 
 Auctores, p. 88) says that when a 
 boundary stone is smoothed only in 
 the up|»er part, and the lower part it 
 left xiugh, it is a ' cippus mouuiueu- 
 ulis.' 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 891 
 
 emiiiebant, Quini erant ordines conjuucti inter se atque 
 implicati, quo qui intraverant, se ipsi acutissimis vallid 
 induebant. Hos cippos appellabant. Ante hos obliquia 
 ordinibus in quineuncem dispositis scrobes trium in alti- 
 tudinem pedum iodiebantur paullatira angustiore ad 
 infimum fastigio. Hue teretes stipites feminis crassitu- 
 dine, ab sum mo praeacuti et praeusti, demittebantur ita 
 ut non amplius digitis quatuor ex terra eminerent : simul 
 contirmandi et stabiliendi causa singuli ab infimo solo 
 pedes terra exculcabautur ; reliqua pars scrobis ad occul- 
 
 quincuncem] 'Quincunx' is five 
 •unciae,' five parts out of the twelve 
 which the ' as' contained. Ihe nu- 
 merical representation of it is V ; 
 and this is the form of a quincunx. 
 A series of them is thus : 
 
 and 80 on. — ' dispositis :' " Morns, 
 Bipp. Oberl. Herz. Held, nescio 
 unde dispositos," Elb. And so it is. 
 ' Dispositos,' originally a typogra- 
 phical blunder, has been propagated 
 from one book to another. These 
 were not ' fossae,' but ' aerobes,' 
 ' holes,' three feet deep, so arranged 
 J16 to form a quincutix. ' Ad 
 infimum' is the reading of most 
 M.SS., but some have 'summum.' 
 The holes, if they were like other 
 holes that a man digs, would be 
 Wider at the to[» than at the bottom. 
 ' Fastigium ' often means the summit 
 of a thing, but it is a summit formed 
 by something which slopes up to a 
 point or edge. If then the holes 
 slo[>ed down in the usual way, the 
 'faitigium' must he viewed in an 
 inverted position, if we call it the 
 bottom. But that makes no sense, for 
 it is the ' fastigium ' that gradually 
 grows narrower, as Caesar says. '' Fas- 
 tigium' is neither bottom nor top in 
 this passage, for we can't say that 
 either bottom or top gradually giows 
 narrower. Forcellini has tlie reading 
 'summum,' and supposes that the 
 bottom was wider thiu the top, and 
 this will agree wuii the beube of 
 
 * fastigium.' The sides too would 
 easier fall in when the enemy trod 
 on them. Sharp pointed logs were 
 fixed in these lioles, so as to rise 
 about four fingers above the level of 
 the ground. They were secuie<l by 
 trampling the eaith round them at 
 the bottom to the depth of «)ne foot, 
 for this must be the meaning of 'ex- 
 culcabautur.' Many MSS., I don't 
 know how many, have ' pedes tres,' 
 which is a blunder, and has arisen 
 from* in' being mistaken for" in': or 
 it has come out of ' terra.' For the 
 reading of some MSS. is ' in terra,' as 
 I believe. According to this reading 
 each piece of wood was rammed in 
 with earth to the top of the hole, 
 and the words ' reliqua pars scrobis' 
 are left without a meaning 'Sin- 
 guli |>edes' a foot in each hole was 
 tilled with earth to secure the upright 
 wood, and the rest was cnviied With 
 brushwood to hide it. SoGlareanus 
 and LipsiuB have correctly explained 
 the passage. Wherever these pits 
 were made, eight rows were f»)rmed 
 (' octoni ), and the several rows were 
 each three (' ternos ') feet apart. Fur- 
 lanetto, the editor of Forcellini, 
 thinks that each several hole with 
 its stake iu it was called a ' lilium,' 
 from its resemblance to a flower, the 
 sUike hemg the stem and the circular 
 hole the flower. But Vossius started 
 this idea ; and it is the correct expla- 
 nation. Each hole with its stake 
 was a lily. 
 
392 
 
 C. JULII CAESAETS 
 
 tandas insidias vimiiiibus ac virgultis integebatur. Hujus 
 generis octoui ordiues dueti ternos inter se pedea distabant. 
 Id ex similitudiue floris liliuiu appellabant. Ante haec 
 taleae, pedern longae, ferreis bamis infixia, totae in terram 
 inlbdiebantur, niediocribusque iiitermissis spatiis omnibus 
 loeis disserebantur, quos stimulos nominabant. 
 
 74. His rebus pertVctis regiones secutus quam potuit 
 acquissimas pro loci natura, xiv milia passuum complexus, 
 pares ejusdein generis niunitiones, diversas ab his, contia 
 oxteriorem hostein perfecit, ut ne magna quidem multi- 
 tudine, si ita aecidat ejus diseessu, munitionum praesidia 
 circumt'undi possent ; neu cum periculo ex castris egredi 
 cogatar, dierum xxx pabulum Irumentumque habere 
 omnes convectum jubet. 
 
 75. Dum haec ad Alesiam geruntur, Galli concilio 
 
 Ante ha4>c'\ ' In front of all this' 
 which he has mentioned. All * these 
 things ' whicii lie (iesnibcs were lie- 
 tween the first ditch which was made 
 to protect the men during their work 
 und the cuntrevallutioii. 
 
 taleae] See iv. 1"2. These were 
 pieces of wood with curved pieces of 
 iron fixed to tiiem, buried so as not 
 to be vi8il)le. but still not too deep 
 to be felt. They were planted all 
 about at moderate distances. They 
 ai-e *stili caeci ' (Bell. Afr. c. 31). 
 They were called ' hami,' from being 
 recurved, but tliey were aUo pointed. 
 The caltrop, or chiiusse-tmppe, as the 
 French call it, serves the Bauie purpose. 
 
 74. reifinnes—aequissimns] ' Fol- 
 lowing the most level parts that he 
 could,' not the level in the vallevs. 
 as some have supposed, hut the level 
 on the high land which on three 
 sides surrounds the hill of Alesia. 
 (Comp. c. 80, '"erat ex omnihus," 
 &c,) This high land which sur- 
 rounds Alesia is nearly flat on the 
 sunimit. 
 
 diversas'] This word expresses 
 the po>ition of the outer line of 
 works, which were turned the other 
 way, 'contra erteriorem hostem,' 
 »s he says, so that the ditch of the 
 outer woiki would be nearest to tliu 
 
 ' exterior hostis,' if he should come. 
 Some of tlie commentators have 
 found a difficulty here, particularly 
 in ' dive^!^as,' because they incor- 
 rectly translate it ' different.' This 
 was the line of circuuivallution. 
 
 si ita — diseessu] There are all 
 the possible variations of ' aecidat,' 
 'acciderit,' 'accideret,' 'accidisset.' 
 In^^tead of * ejus diseessu ' there is a 
 reading ' per ejus disce>.sum.' As to 
 'ejus diseessu, Elberling says "equi- 
 deui haec verba non intelligo." They 
 refer to the departure of the cavalry 
 of Vercingetorix, and to Guischardt 
 takes it. ' Eius' may be a corrup- 
 tion of ' equitatus.' 
 
 neu] Most MSS. are said to have 
 ' aut,' and Havn. A. has ' ut.' ' Ut ' 
 may be followed bv 'neu' (ii. 21); 
 and ' aut ' may follow ' ne.' But I 
 don't see how ' aut ' can stand hero 
 with ' dierum . . . jubet' following'. 
 
 75. Tliis muster-roll contains t'le 
 names of many Gallic tribes. The 
 positions of all of them which are of 
 anynote. have been given. See Indrx. 
 
 The Ambivareti, if the name is 
 right, must have been near the Aedui, 
 and different from the Anjbivariti 
 mentioned in iv. 9. They are men- 
 tioned again m vii 90. 
 
 Tlie authoritv for Brannoviis eeems 
 
 LI BEE YII. 
 
 393 
 
 principum indieto non omnes qui arma ferre possent, ut 
 cenauit Vercingetorix, convocandos statuunt, sed certum 
 numerum cuique civitati imperandum ; ne tauta multitu- 
 diue confusa nee moderari uec discernere suos nee fru- 
 mentandi rationem habere possent. Imperant Aeduia 
 atque eorum clientibus, Segusianis, Ambivaretis, Aulercis 
 Brannovicibus [Brannoviis], milia xxxv; parem nume- 
 rum Arvernis, adjunctis Eleutheris Cadurcis, Gabalis, 
 Velaunis, qui sub imperio Arvernorum esse consuerunt ; 
 Senonibus, Sequanis, Biturigibus, Santonis, Eutenis, Car- 
 nutibus duodena milia ; Bellovacis x ; totidem Lemovici- 
 bus; octona Pictonibus et Turouis et Parisiis et Helviis; 
 Suessionibus, Ambianis, Mediomatricis, Petrocoriis, Ner- 
 viis, Morinis, Nitiobrigibus quina milia; Aulercis Ceno- 
 manis totidem; Atrebatibus iv ; Bellocassis, Lexoviis, 
 Aulercis Eburonibus terna ; Eauracis et Boiis xxx ; uni- 
 versis civitatibus quae Oceanum attingunt quaeque eorum 
 consuetudine Armoricae appellantur, (quo sunt in numero 
 Curiosolites, Eedones, Ambibari, Caletes, Osismi, [Lemo- 
 vices,] Veneti, Unelli) sex. Ex his Bellovaci suum nume- 
 
 litllc or nothing. The Aulerci Bran- 
 novices may be a branch of the Au- 
 lerci, Some geographers place the 
 Brannovices north of the Segusiani, 
 between the Loire and the Rhone, in 
 the Briennois on the Loire. 
 
 If Eleutheris Cadurcis is tight, 
 Eleutheri may be a general name 
 lik« Aulerci, and Cadurci a division 
 of the Eleutheri. Walckenaer asserts 
 that the Eleutheri are distinct from 
 the Cadurci, and he places them be- 
 tween the dioceses of Cahors and 
 Clermont, or else in the northern 
 
 f)art of the diocese of Rhodez ; and 
 le adds with great simplicity, " for 
 on this matter ve have no positive 
 information." Quite true: none at 
 all. 
 
 The Velanni are the Vellavi of 
 Strabo (p. 190), who were between 
 the Gabali and the Segusiani, in 
 Velay. I suspect that many of the 
 MSS. of Caesar have V^ellavi. Kra- 
 ner has ' Vellaviis.' 
 
 The Bellocassi are the Velocasses 
 
 (ii. 4 ; viii. 7). In this passage many 
 MSS. are said to have Belliocassis or 
 Baiocassis, but the Baiocasses were 
 a different people. Whether we 
 write Bellocassi, Vellocasses, or Ve- 
 .iocasses, it is still the same people. 
 The Aulerci Eburones should be 
 probably the Aulerci Eburovices (B. 
 G. iii. 17, note). As to the Armoric 
 states, see Introd. p. 3, and ii. 34. 
 
 The Helvii were in the Provincia 
 (c. 7). and are out of place here. 
 For 'Helviis' Kraner has ' Helve- 
 tiis,' which is false, I think. 
 
 quae Oceanum] See ii. 34. All 
 these states were only required to 
 Bend six thousand. The Veneti had 
 been nearly destroyed (iii. 16). 
 
 [Lemovices] ] The Lemoviceshave 
 been mentioned before in this chapter; 
 tbey are out of their place here, and 
 there is some error in the name, or it 
 ou<;ht to be omitted. The only name 
 that we can put in its place isLexovii, 
 and they have been mentioned. 
 Caesar's enumeration of Armorio 
 
S94r 
 
 C. JULII CAESAETS 
 
 rum non contulenint, quod se suo nomine atque arbitrio 
 cum Eomanis bellum gesturos dicerent, ncque cujusquam 
 imperio obtemperaturos ; rogati tameu ab Commie pro 
 ejus hospitio duo milia miserunt. 
 
 76. Hujus opera Commii, ita ut autea demonstravimus, 
 fideli atque utili superioribus annis erat usus in Britannia 
 Caesar; quibus ille pro meritis civitatem ejus immunem 
 esse jusserat, jura legesque reddiderat, atque ipsi Morinoa 
 attribuerat. Tanta tamen universae Galliae consensio 
 tuit libertatis vindicandae et pristinae belli laudis recupe- 
 randae ut neque beneficiia neque amicitiae memoria move- 
 rentur, omnesque et auimo et opibus in id bellum iucum- 
 berent, coactis equitum viii milibus et peditum circiter 
 CCXL. Haec in Aeduorum finibus receusebuntur nume- 
 rusque inibatur. Praet'ecti constituebautur. Commio 
 
 people here extends from the Caleti, 
 who were the ntighboiir* of the Velo- 
 casses, and on the north side of the 
 lowest part of the Seine, to the Ve- 
 neti, who were the neighbours of the 
 Namnetes. This eiiunieration of the 
 Armoric states is not eompletc. nor is 
 it the same as in ii. 'M. wiierc he per- 
 liapsdoesTiot intend toenurinrate all 
 of tliein. In fact all the states on the 
 oce.in might he called Armoric, for 
 the nanie m» ans ' maritime.' 
 
 I know nothing of the Amhibari. 
 There are prohabTy several errors in 
 this chapter in the proper names and 
 the numerals. The number ' xxx ' 
 is too large for the Hauraci. wlio Imd 
 been so severely puuished (i. 29), 
 and the Boii. The sum total (c. 7f;) 
 may be inconect too Some editors 
 lave m^ije the particulars and the 
 sum agree. 
 
 76". Commit] S<e iv. 21 —'ille,' 
 who is Caesar, is in most MSS., and 
 in the fir^t editions, but we do not 
 want it. 'Immufiem' means fiee 
 from services and contributions due 
 to the Romans, or rather to Caesar, 
 for we must suppose that while he 
 was in Gallia all payments and con- 
 tributions came to him. Cicero 
 (Verr. ii. 3, c. b') mentions five cities 
 of fcJicily as 'immuncs ac liberae ' 
 
 under the Roman government. The 
 ' immunitas,' or freedom from 'nm 
 nia,' oldigations, duties, was not 
 ( omplete in the case of these Sicilian 
 towns, but they were 'immunes' in 
 comparison with others — ' jura,'&c. : 
 this is a phrase which signifies restor- 
 ing to them every thing except poli- 
 tical independence. In fact all thai 
 Caesar could d.iim of them wouM 
 be that they should be quiet. Me 
 also gave them ('attribuerat') the 
 Morini as dependents, which means 
 that the Atrebates would exact cer- 
 tain payments from the Morini. See 
 vii. 9, " Aeduisque attribuerat," and 
 Cicero, De Prov. Cons. c. 3. 
 
 Commio <^v.] F'our of the best 
 MSS. have' 'constituebantnr Com- 
 mius Atrebas, Vindom:irus et Epo- 
 ndorix Acdui. Vergasillauno,' &c. ; 
 and this looks specious. But the 
 words ' His delecti.' &c., seem to 
 justify the text. Besides it is said in 
 c. 79, "Commius et reliqui du«e8 
 quibus summa imperii commissa 
 erat;" c. 83, " Vergasillaununi . . . 
 unum ex quatuor ducibns." Her/og 
 properly remarks that these 'delecti' 
 were commissioners who accompanied 
 the army to direct, or at lea.st to 
 watch the generals; such as the 
 French Convention used t« send to 
 
 I 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 895 
 
 Atrebati, Yirdumaro et Eporedorigi Aeduis, Vergasillauno 
 Arverno, consobrino Vercingetorigis, summa imperii tra- 
 ditur. His delecti ex civitatibus attribuuntur quorum 
 consilio bellum administraretur. Omnes alacres et fiduciae 
 pleni ad Alesiam proficiscuntur ; neque erat omnium 
 quisquam qui aspeetum modo tantae multitudinis susti- 
 neri posse arbitraretur, praesertim ancipiti proelio, quum 
 ex oppido eruptione pugnaretur, foris tantae copiae equi- 
 tatus peditatusque ceruerentur. 
 
 77. At ii qui Alesiae obsidebantur, praeterita die qua 
 Buorum auxilia exspectaverant, consumpto omni frumento, 
 inscii quid in Aeduis gereretur, concilio coacto de exitu 
 fortunarum suarum eonsultabant. Apud quos variis dictis 
 sententiis, quarum pars deditionem, pars, dum vires sup- 
 peterent, eruptionem censebat, non praetereunda videtur 
 oratio Critognati, propter ejus singularem ac nefariam 
 crudelitatem. Hie summo in Arvernis ortus loco et 
 magnae habitus auetoritatis, Nihil, inquit, de eorum sen- 
 tentia dicturus sum, qui turpissimam servitutem dedi- 
 tionis nomine appellant ; neque hos habendos civiuiu 
 loco neque ad concilium adhibendos censeo. Cum his 
 mihi res sit qui eruptionem probant, quorum in consilio 
 omnium vestrum consensu pristinae residere virtutis 
 memoria videtur. Animi est ista moUitiea, non \irtus, 
 
 look after their generals and report 
 their doings. 
 
 aspeetum modo] ' Even the sight,' 
 vi. 8. Though ' modo ' is omitted in 
 two good MSS., that is not sufficient 
 reason for rejecting it. — Caesar ex- 
 j laius 'ancipiti proelio;' when tiie 
 ttomans should be attacked on both 
 sides. See i. 26. 
 
 77. Critayuati] Caesar does not 
 often treat us with a speech of his 
 own making, but we may be sure 
 that he does here. 'J'he proposal of 
 ('litognatus to eat those who were 
 not good for fighting m.iy be a tact, 
 and Caesar embellishes it. 
 
 Cum his — sil] ' Let me deal with 
 those who,' &r. So in Terence, 
 IMiorm. ii. 1, 19, " Quod si tibi res 
 Bit cum eo lenone." — ' resideie' is a 
 compo.ind of Tc ' aud ' i>ede.' The 
 
 form ' resTdere ' is proved from Lu- 
 cretius (iii. 398), Ovid, and Cicero, 
 In Cat. i. 13, 'residebit.' It is a 
 difficult word to ti-anslate. The fol- 
 lowing passage of Cicero (Tuse. i. 
 43) shows what it means : " In 
 corpore autem perepicuum est vel ex- 
 stincto animovel elapso nullum resi- 
 dere sensum." The ' re' must have 
 its due force in the version. To pro- 
 pose to surrender was a sign that those 
 who proposed it had lost all their 
 spirit ; but to propose to sally out and 
 die fighting seemed to ^how that the 
 memory of their ancient spirit still 
 remained in those who were for thi> 
 movement. 
 
 ista] This is one of those cases in 
 which 'iste' contains the expressioi* 
 of contemi)t, which is not however 
 the primary notion of ' iste,' but a 
 
396 
 
 0. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 LI BEE A' II. 
 
 897 
 
 mopiam paullisper ferre non posse. Qui se ultro morti 
 otieraut lacilius reperiuntur quam qui dolorem patienter 
 terant. Atque ego banc sententiam probarem, nam apud 
 me tantum diguitas potest, si nullam praeterquam vitae 
 iiostrae jacturam fieri viderem ; sed in consilio capieudo 
 omnem Gralham respiciamus quam ad nostrum auxiJium 
 concitavimus. Quid bominum milibus lxxx uno loco 
 mterteetis propiuquis consanguiuei«que nostris auimi 
 tore existimatLs, si paeue iu ipsis cadaveribus proelio 
 decertare cogentur ? JN^olite hos vestro auxilio exspo- 
 liare, qui vestrae salutis causa suum periculum ne^]ex- 
 eruut, nee stuUitia ac temeritate vestra aut imbecilbtate 
 ammi omnem Galliam prosternere et perpetuae servituti 
 addicere. An, quod ad diem non venerunt, de eorum fide 
 coustantiaque dubitatis ? Quid ergo Romanos in iUis 
 
 subsidiary notion. It means, ' this 
 is weakness in you, not couiage,' 
 
 ullro] Once more as to °ultro,' 
 which docs not mean ' voluntarily,' as 
 opposed to ' compulsion.' ' Se morti 
 otterre,' expresses a man's readiness 
 to die and 'ultro' merelv strengthens 
 the expression. The real meaning 
 of the ' ultro ' is that those, of whom 
 It is here said, go to meet death, 
 instead of shunning it; and we mav 
 translate it 'even' if we like. Th'e 
 following lines in Ovid explain 
 ' ultro ' (Met. iii. 457) :— 
 
 "Spem mihi ncscio quam vultu pro- 
 mittis aniico, 
 Quumque ego porrexi tibi brachia, 
 porrigis ultro." 
 
 tantum] There is a reading ' nml- 
 tum,' but ' tantum ' is more empha- 
 tic He means that the authority 
 ( dignitas') of those who recom- 
 mend a sally has weight enoiigl. 
 with him to make him approve of it. 
 If there were not stronger reasons 
 against it. 
 
 Quid hominum] As manv MSS 
 
 have 'Quid in hominum.' DHhne 
 
 proposes ' Quid enira hominum,' cScc. 
 
 Quid ' is often thus se|)arated from 
 
 itt genitive, as in Cicero (Verr. ii 5 
 
 c. 20), " Quid ecnsctis . . . laboris " 
 &c. 
 
 Nolite hos vestro] Or 'Nolite 
 vestro auxilio exspoliare (spoliaie.^) 
 eos qui,' as some M.*SS. have it. 
 
 tiec--<t(Jdicere] There is a read- 
 ing 'suhjicere.' See the note of 
 I . Manutius on Cicero (Ad Div. iv. 
 ^)».\'^^oli • . oblivisci . . neque inii- 
 tari," as he reads the pass;ige, and 
 perhaps rightly; the common reading 
 now is • neque imitare.' It is a kind 
 of expression that one easily adopts 
 in the Latin lan-u:ige, but'l dont 
 accept the explanation of Manutius, 
 who extracts a * velitis ' out of ' no- 
 lite.' Caesar simplv savs, ' Do not 
 despoil, &c., nor trjve dp Gallia to 
 lasting servitude,' instead of saying 
 'or give up,'. &c. 'Addicere' is a 
 Roman technical term, a court term, 
 used to express the declaration of a 
 m;.gisiratus' that a thing belonged 
 to a p.rtuular person. Livy (iii. 5ii) 
 has '-qui liherum corj-us in servitu- 
 tem addixisset" Jt is also a term 
 applied to auctions ('auctiones') to 
 express a thing being knocked down 
 to a man (Cicero, Verr. ii. 2. c. 63). 
 Quid en/o] 'Jhe practice is to put 
 a {.■') after ' ergo,' a vicious punctua- 
 tion. There ought not to be even 
 a comma after it. The interrogation 
 
 ) 
 
 ulterioribas munitionibus, animine causa quotidie exerceri 
 putatis ? Si illorum nunciis contirmari non potestis omni 
 aditu praesepto, bis utimini testibus appropinquare eorum 
 adventum, cujus rei timore exterriti diem noctemque in 
 opere versantur. Quid ergo mei consilii est? iacere 
 quod nostri majores nequaquam pari bello Cimbrorum 
 Teutonumque fecerunt, qui in oppida compulsi ac simili 
 inopia subacti eorum corporibus, qui aetate inutiles ad 
 bellum videbautur, vitam toleraverunt, neque se hostibus 
 tradiderunt. Cujus rei si exemplum non haberemus, 
 tamen libertatis causa institui et posteris prodi pulcberri- 
 mum judicarem. Nam quid illi simile bello fuit ? Depo- 
 pulata Gallia Cimbri magnaque illata calamitate finibus 
 quidem nostris aliquando excesserunt atque alias terras 
 petierunt ; jura, leges, agros, libertatem nobis reliquerunt : 
 ilomaui vero quid petunt aliud aut quid volunt, nisi invi- 
 dia adducti, quos fama nobiles potentesque bello cognove- 
 runt, horum in agris civitatibusque cousidere atque bis 
 aeternam injungere servitutem ? Neque enim umquam 
 alia conditione bella gesserunt. Quod si ea quae in lon- 
 girquis nationibus geruutur ignoratis, respicite finitimam 
 Galliam, quae in Provinciam redacta, jure et legibus com- 
 mutatis, securibus subjecta, perpetua premitur servitute. 
 78. Sententiis dictis constituunt ut qui valitudine aut 
 aetate inutiles sunt bello oppido excedaut, atque omnia 
 
 is ' Quid ergo Romanes . . . muni- 
 tionibus,' and it is resumed in ' ani- 
 mine.' ' Well then the Romans in 
 these outer works of theirs, is it for 
 pure pleasure, think ye, that they 
 are daily exercising themselves.^' 
 No ; they are expecting to be at- 
 tacked ; and so you need not doubt 
 that our friends will keep their pro- 
 mise. As to 'auimi causa,' sec v. 
 
 Quid — cnjisilii] See i. 21. 
 
 Cimbrorum] See In trod. p. 29; 
 i. 33; ii. 4. — 'toleraverunt:' see i. 
 28, " famem tolci-arent." In v. 47, 
 " tolerandae hicmis causa." But 
 'tolerare vitam,' a common form, 
 does not express the same notion. 
 lu vi'u 17 he has " exiremam famem 
 
 sustentarent." 
 
 iuditui] ' Established, made. 
 See vi. 9. 
 
 Nam quid] 'Simile' is a noun. 
 It means, ' what resemblance was 
 there in that war to this.^' 
 
 redacta] See Introd. p. 27. — 
 'securibus:' the stern symbols of 
 Roman power were the axe bound 
 iu a bundle of rods (' virgae ') ; the 
 rods for the back (vi. 44, note), the 
 axe for the neck. Both together, 
 axe and rods, were the ' fasces. Only 
 in Rome was the axe taken out 
 when the lictors carried the ' fasces ' 
 before him who was entitled to this 
 honour. (Livy, 24, e. 9.) 
 
 78. ut qui — su7d] Havn. A. haa 
 ' siut,' which any one may safely take, 
 
 II 
 
398 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER YII. 
 
 399 
 
 pnus experiantur quam ad Critognati descendant aenten- 
 tiam : illo tamen potius uteudum consilio, si res cogat 
 atque auxilia moreutur, quam aut deditionis aut pacia 
 subeuudaui conditionem. Mandubii, qui eos oppido rece- 
 peraut, cum liberia atque uxoribus exire coguntur. Hi 
 quum ad muuitiones [Komanorum] accessisseut, flentea 
 omnibus precibus orabaut ut ae in aervitutem receptoa 
 cibo juvareut. At Caeaar dispositia in vallo custodiia 
 recipi prohibebat. 
 
 79. Interea Commiua et reliqui duces, quibus summa 
 imperii permissa erat, cum omnibua copiia ad Alesiam 
 perveuiunt, et colle exteriore occupato non luugiua M 
 paasibus ab nostris munitiouibua considunt. Poatero die 
 equitatu ex castris educto, omuem eam planitiem, quam 
 in longitudinem iiimilia pasauum pateredemonstravimus. 
 complent pedestresque copias paullum ab eo loco abditaa 
 m locis auperioribua constituuut. Erat ex oppido Aleaia 
 despictua in campum. Concurritur hia auxiliia viaia ; fit 
 gratuJatio inter eoa, atque omnium animi ad laetitiam 
 
 if he likes it better; but it has not 
 the same meaning as 'sunt.' If we 
 accept tlje reading ' ut hi qui/ or 'ut 
 ii qui,' we must certainly have ' sunt.' 
 
 desce?idant] See v. 2i>, and the 
 note. 
 
 [NomanoriDn] ] This setms an idle 
 addition. It is ouiitted in some 
 MSS. 
 
 Caesar's brevity, his close sticking 
 to his matter, sometimes disappoints 
 us. He Would not receive these 
 wretched people, women and chil- 
 dren, and he does not tell us what 
 became of them. They either went 
 hack or died of hunger between the 
 city and the Roman lines. But we 
 huve no authority for assuming that 
 the Galli in the city let them in 
 again. The conclusion then is cer- 
 tain, but it is left to the reader to 
 make it. Dion Cassius (40, c. 40) 
 would not let the reader make this 
 conclusion, but he makes it part of 
 his history ; he says that all the 
 Mandubii perished between the city 
 and the Roman lines. He also in- 
 iorciB us of Caesar's reasons lor not 
 
 receiving the expelled Mandubii, 
 part of v\ hich reasons is manifestly 
 false. This Greek writes history, ;w 
 it is written now-a-days, a compound 
 of facts, inferences, and inventions. 
 
 79 col/e ej-leriore\ Kianer erro- 
 neously 8upp(jses this to be one of 
 tlie 'coUes' spoken of in c. 69. It 
 was one of the hills on the west side 
 of the 'planities.' 
 
 altditus] This seems to mean 
 simply. ' put apart,' or 'placed away.' 
 The notion of concealment in this 
 word is only a secon ary one. As 
 they were here placed on the higher 
 giounds, they were not in the best 
 position for being hid, tiiough in the 
 best to be out of the way of the 
 Romans. At any rate the people 
 in Alesia saw them. 1 take ' in 
 supeiioribus locis' with 'constitu- 
 uut.' — 'concurritur:' the people in 
 Aiesia run to and fro on seeing 
 tiieir friends arrive: they move about 
 to speak and to hear, as people do 
 when great news arrives. Kraoei 
 has ' concurrunt.' 
 
 
 
 excitantur. Itaque productia copiia ante oppidum consi- 
 dunt et proximam fossam cratibus integunt atque ago-ere 
 explent, aeque ad eruptionera atque omnea casua compa- 
 rant. 
 
 80. Caesar omni exercitu ad utramque partem muni- 
 tionum dispoaito ut, si usua veniat, suum quisque locum 
 teneat et noverit, equitatum ex castria educi et proelium 
 committi jubet. Erat ex omnibua castris quae summum 
 undique jugum tenebant despectus, atque omnium mili- 
 tum inteuti animi pugnae proventum exspectabant. Galli 
 inter equites raros sagittarioa expeditosque levis arma- 
 turae interjecerant, qui suis cedentibus auxilio succur- 
 rerent et nostrorum equitum impetus sustinerent. Ab 
 his complures de improvise vulnerati proelio excedebant. 
 Quum suos pugua superiores esse Galli confiderent et 
 nostros multitudine premi viderent, ex omnibus partibus 
 et iiqui munitionibus continebantur, et ii qui ad auxilium 
 convenerant, clamore et nlulatu suorum animos confirma- 
 bant. Quod in conspectu omnium res gerebatur, neque 
 recte ac turpiter factum celari poterat, utrosque et laudis 
 cupiditas et timor ignomiuiae ad virtutem excitabant. 
 Quum a meridie prope ad solis occasum dubia victoria 
 pugnaretur, Germani una in parte confertis turmis in 
 
 80, si usus veniat] ' if the occa- 
 sion should arise.' See vii. 9. — ' ex 
 omnibus castris :' there were several 
 'castra' (c. 0'9), bome of which (c. 
 82) are called ' superiora.' See als.o 
 c. 83. " iniquo loco et leniter declivi 
 castra fecerant." Some of the camps 
 were on the heights ('jugum') round 
 Aiesia. But the camp which was in 
 a level part (c, 81), could not have a 
 look down, at least not from heights. 
 1 conclude that the text means from 
 ' all the camps which occupied the 
 surrounding heights,' not ' from all 
 the camps, all which occupied,' &c. 
 
 omnium — pugnae] There is a read- 
 ing 'omnes milites intcnti pugnae.' 
 Some editions have 'omnes milites 
 intenti animis.' 
 
 proventum^ See vii. 29. — ' suc- 
 currerent :' in v. 44, ''succurrit ini- 
 micub illi Vaicuus." Here 'auxilio' 
 
 H 2 
 
 is also a dative, and the whole means 
 ' to run up to the horsemen in their 
 retreat to aid them.' 
 
 rede ac turpiter] The meaning of 
 ' recte ' is easily got from its oppo- 
 site 'turpiter.' It seems natural, a 
 part of man's nature, to consider a 
 straight line, for this is the notion 
 of * rectus,' as the outward sign of 
 all that is fit, proper, just, right. 
 There is a reading ' neque recte aut 
 turpiter.' 
 
 conjertis] The heavy Germans in 
 a close mass bore down the Galli 
 and broke them. These barbarians 
 did Caesar good service here and in 
 the previous battle (c. 67). Though 
 Caesar had punished their country- 
 men go severely at the Rhine and 
 elsewhere, the Germans hated the 
 Galli enougii to serve him zealously, 
 perhaps with the hope of getting landi 
 
400 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 hostes impetum fecerunt eosque propulerunt ; quibus in 
 fugam coiijectis, sagittarii circumventi interfectique sunt. 
 Item ex reliquis partibus nostri cedentes usque ad castra 
 insecuti sui colligendi facultatem non dederuut. At ii 
 qui ab Alesia processerant moesti prope victoria despe- 
 rata se iu oppidum receperunt. 
 
 81. Uno die interrnisso Galli atque hoe spatio magno 
 cratium, scalarum, harpagonum nuinero efiecto, media 
 nocte silentio ex castris egressi ad campestres munitiones 
 accedunt. Subito clamore sublato, qua significatione qui 
 in oppido obsidebantur de suo adveutu cognoscere pos- 
 sent, crates projicere, i'undk, sagittis, lapidibus nostroa 
 de yallo deturbare, reliquaque quae ad oppugnationem 
 pertineut parant administrare. Eodem tempore clamore 
 
 LI BEE YII. 
 
 401 
 
 on tlic French side of the Rhine, 
 as the I'bii did in the time of 
 August'is. 
 
 al> Alesia] Perhaps 'ab' should 
 be omitted. Roman usage does not 
 require the preposition with a verbsigf- 
 nifying motion and a name of a i)lace. 
 It is emitted iiere bv Havn. A. and 
 other MSS. In c. 58, Havn. A. lias 
 'qui Metioscdo profugerant,' and 
 in c. 69, ' quas Metiosedo dedux- 
 erat.' But in c. .59, 'a Gcrgovia.' 
 
 lil)iilibus' together, and explains 
 them to be slings which threw 
 stones a poun<l weiglit, which I think 
 are rather too heavy for a sling. 
 Vegetius (ii. 23) says the Roman 
 soldiers practised throwing with the 
 hand ' libralia saxa,' and that this 
 was a readier mode of fighting, as it 
 did not require a sling. If 'libnili- 
 bus' is right, this may be the mean- 
 ing. Those who threw tliese stones 
 
 at. IJut m c. n9, ' a Gergovia.' were called ' libratores ' (Tacit. Ann 
 81. cratium] fascines. See iii. 8, ii. 39, "funditores libratoresque ;' 
 
 'virgultis,' and vii. 79, ' fossa m era 
 tibus.' 
 
 harpaoofium] A Greek word, or 
 a Latin form of a Greek word. The 
 ' harpago ' is a pole with an iron hook 
 at the end (Livy, xxx. 10). It is 
 sonietimes used as synonymous with 
 the 'manus ferrea;' but Caesar (Ii. 
 C. i. 57) mentions both. 
 
 campcdres 7nunitiones] That part 
 of Caesar's lines which was on tlie 
 ' planities,' c. 69. — 'qua signiKca- 
 tione :' ' a signal by which.' See ii. 
 1, note. 
 
 parant administrare] Klb. omits 
 * parant,' though most MSS. have 
 it. — 'definitus:' there is a reading 
 'attributus' on good authority. — 
 ' librilibus :' the word is omitted in 
 two good MSS., and some have 'li- 
 iralibuB.' Forcclliui takes ' fundis 
 
 and Ann. xiii. 39, *' libratoribus 
 fundi tori busq lie attributus locus 
 unde eminus glandes torquerent"). 
 If tlien the text is right, as to which 
 there is some doubt, 'librilibus' 
 miiy be the 'libralia 'of Vegetius. 
 But the mention of 'sudibusqne' 
 after them seems curious, especially 
 as 'glandes' (v. 43, note) are men- 
 tioned at the end of the sentence. 
 Festus has an article ' Librilia.' 
 '■ Librilia appellantur instrumenta 
 bellica, saxa scilicet ad brachii cixs- 
 situdinem in morem tlagellorum lo- 
 ris revincta." Ilerzog, who writes 
 'librilibus,' derives the word from 
 'liber,' 'bark of a tree,' and hence 
 probably, he says, 'librilia' were 
 slings made of strips of bark. Vcrv 
 improbable I thii:k. 'Libralia' bo 
 derives from ' libra.' 
 
 exaudito dat tuba siguum suis Verciugetorix atque ex 
 oppido educit. Nostri, ut superioribus diebus suus cuique 
 locus erat definitus, ad munitiones accedunt ; fundis, libri- 
 libus, sudibusque, quas in opere disposuerant, ac glandi- 
 bus Gallos perterrent. Prospectu tenebris adempto 
 multa utrimque vulnera accipiuntur : complura tormentis 
 tela conjiciuntur. At M. Antonius et C. Trebonius, 
 legati, quibus hae partes ad defendendum obvenerant, 
 qua ex parte nostros premi intellexerant, his auxilio ex 
 ulterioribus castellis deductos submittebant. 
 
 82. Dum loiigius ab munitione aberant Galli, plus 
 multitudine telorum proHciebant : posteaquam propius 
 successerunt, aut se ipsi stimuHs inopinantes iuduebant, 
 aut in aerobes delapsi transfodiebantur, aut ex vallo ac 
 turribus transjecti pilis muralibus interibant. Multis uu- 
 dique vulneribus acceptis, nulla munitione perrupta, quum 
 lux appeteret, veriti ne ab latere aperto ex superioribus 
 castris eruptioue circumvenirentur, se ad suos recepe- 
 runt. At interiores, dum ea quae a Vercingetorige ad 
 eruptionera praeparata erant proterunt, priores fossas 
 explent ; diutius in his rebus administrandis raorati prius 
 suos discessisse cognoverunt quam munitionibus appro- 
 pinquarent. Ita re infecta in oppidum reverterunt. 
 
 83. Bis magno cum detrimento repulsi Galli quid agant 
 
 perterrent] There is a reading 
 • proterrcnt.' See iii. 26, note on 
 ' perruptis ;' and v. 58, ' perterritis.' 
 
 Af. Antonius] M. Antonius the 
 son of Julia the sister of L. Julius 
 Caesar, consul B.C. 6"4. Antonius 
 was quaestor in this vcar B.C. 52 
 (Cicero, Phil. ii. 19, 2oj. He is here 
 mentioned in the Gallic war for the 
 first time, though he is said to have 
 joined Caesar in Gallia in B.C. 54. 
 He afterwards makes a great figure 
 in Roman history. The ' ulteriori- 
 bus castellis' are the 'castella,' wbich 
 were further from their ' castra,' in 
 those parts of the lines which the 
 enemy were not attacking. 
 
 82. se—induchant] See c. 73. Ci- 
 cero (Verr. ii. 2, c. 42), "videte in 
 quot se laqueos induerit;" and Liw 
 (44, c. 41 j, " iuduissent se hae^ir."-! 
 
 •pilis muralibus,* v. 40. 
 
 appeteret] See vi. 35. There is 
 a reading 'adpareret.' 
 
 ex superioribus castris J The cam ps 
 on the higb grounds, and on tho&e 
 parts of the high grounds which wei e 
 nearest to the ' planities,' and in the 
 line of circumvallation. The attack 
 was directed against tlie outer lines 
 on the jdain. The ' interiores,' those 
 in Alesia, bring out what was got 
 ready for the sally, and fill up the 
 ditches in front ('priores fossas') 
 These ditches seem to be not onlj 
 the first ditch made to protect th( 
 men while they weie working. tli< 
 'fosse perdu' {c. 72), but also the 
 second ditch which was in front of 
 the ditch which protected the line of 
 contrevallation. 
 
 T> d 
 
402 
 
 C. JULII CAESAETS 
 
 eonsuhmt; locorum peritos adhibent : ab his siiperiorum 
 castrorum situs rnunitionesque cognoscunt. Erat a sep- 
 temtrionibus collis, quern propter magnitudinem circuitus 
 opere circumplecti non potuerant nostri, necessarioque 
 p^aene iniquo loco et leniter declivi castra fecerunt. Haec 
 C. Antistius Eeginus et C. Caninius Kebilus legati cum 
 duabus legionibus obtinebant. Cognitis per exploratores 
 regionibus duces liostiuin lx milia ex omiii numero deli- 
 gunt earum civitatum quae maximam virtutis opiiiionem 
 liabebaut; quid quoque pacto agi placeat occulte inter se 
 constituunt ; adeundi teinpus detiniunt, quum meridies 
 esse videatur. lis copiia A^ergasillaunum Arvernum, 
 ununi ex quatuor' ducibus, propinquuin Vercingetorigis! 
 praeficiunt. Ille ex castris prima vigilia egressus, prope 
 eonf'ecto sub lucem itiiiere, post montem se occultavit 
 mihtesque ex nocturno labore sese reficere jussit. Quum 
 jam meridies appropinquare videretur, ad ea castra quae 
 supra demonstravimus contendit, eodemque tempore 
 equitatus ad campestres muuitiones accedere et reliquae 
 copiae sese pro castris ostendere coeperunt. 
 
 84. Vercingetorix ex arce Alesiae suos conspicatus ex 
 oppido egrediturj a castris iongurios, muscuJos, lalces 
 
 83. septeinirionifjHs] This is one 
 of the heights which the plan shows 
 (see note at the end of Lib. vii.), 
 th.at to the west of Cressigny, whi( h 
 \yas too large to be inclosed. The 
 line of cirrumvallation ran a'ong 
 the slope which faces the west end 
 of the plateau of Alesia, and there- 
 fore the camp was on the slope of 
 the hill, w-ith the lest of the hill 
 above it. 'i'his slope is seen from 
 the west end of the plateau of Ale- 
 sia. 
 
 rirttifts opiviovem\ Cicero savs 
 (Ad Attic, vii. 2), '-opinio quam'is 
 vir habet integritatis meae," whci-e 
 
 the ' is 
 
 has the ' opinio.' 
 
 Here it is 
 
 used the other way : the sixty thou- 
 sand had the 'opinio' of others in 
 their favour. See B. G. ii. 24 ; vii. 
 50, 
 
 meridies^ No MSS. authority is 
 f I veil by Klb. for ' meridies,' as to 
 
 wliic^ he says ' sic edd. prim.' The 
 MSS. seem generally to have ' me- 
 ridie.' — 'sub lucem,' 'just at day- 
 break.' See ii. 33, note. 
 
 pro castris] The enemy's infantry 
 began to show themselves in front of 
 their encampment. 
 
 84. castris] This word has caused 
 some commentators so much diffi- 
 culty, that they have altered ' a cas- 
 tris' to 'cra'cs,' and even to ' ras- 
 tios;' but Vercingetorix had a camp 
 (c. 70), and though it was at the 
 cast end of the hill, it was below it, 
 and on such a level that it was much 
 more easy to cany such things as 
 ' nmsculi ' from his camp (' castra ') 
 to the lines on the west side of the 
 hill (' campestres munitiones'), or to 
 any other part of them, than to 
 bring them from the high plateau ol 
 Alesia down its steep sides. An> 
 mau who has seen the ground antl 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 403 
 
 reliquaque quae eruptionis causa paraverat profert. I'ug- 
 natur uuo tempore omnibus locis [acriter], atque omnia 
 tentantur: quae minime visa pars firma est, hue concur 
 ritur. ilomanorum manus tantis munitionibus distinetur, 
 nee facile pluribus locis occurrit. Multum ad terrendoa 
 nostros valet clamor, qui post tergum pugnantibus ex- 
 istit, quod suum periculum in aliena vident virtute con- 
 stare: omnia euim plerumque quae absunt vehementius 
 hominum meiites perturbant. 
 
 85. Caesar idoneum locum nactus, quid quaque in 
 parte geratur cognoscit, laborantibus auxilium submittit. 
 Utrisque ad animum occurrit unum illud esse tempus 
 quo maxime coutendi conveuiat. Galli, nisi perfregerint 
 munitiones, de omni salute desperant: Homani, si rem 
 obtinuerint, finem laborum omnium exspectant. Maxime 
 ad superiorcs munitiones laboratur, quo Vergasillaunum 
 missum demonstravimus. Exiguum loci ad declivitatem 
 fastigium magnum habet momentum. Alii tela conji- 
 
 read Caesar's text with care will re- 
 ject the emendation ' crates.' There 
 would be no use in having all tluse 
 cumbrous things ol the top of the 
 hill in the town. 
 
 musculoii] The ' musculus' is de- 
 scribed by Vegetius (iv. 16) ; but 
 most clearly by Caesar himself (B. C. 
 ii. 10). It was a strong piece of 
 wood-work. The base was quadran- 
 gular; at each angle w:is a strong 
 pillar; the pillars supported a two- 
 sided roof, sloping each way from a 
 ridge. Under this the soldier woiked 
 and made holes in the wail of a be- 
 sieged city. It was constructed so 
 strong, that no stones or weights 
 tumbled down from above could 
 break through it. Every thing that 
 was thrown upon it roiled off. Lip- 
 sius (Poliorcet. lib. i. Dial. 9) has 
 an article on it, and a picture. 
 
 quae minime] ' qua minime,' Elb. 
 See v. 44, note on ' quaeque pars.' — 
 ' valet . . . existit :' ' valuit . . . ex- 
 titit,' Elb. ; but he gives better au- 
 thority for the present. There is a 
 shout behind the rear of the Koman 
 koldicrs as they are lighting, behind 
 
 D d 
 
 the back of both lines, for the enemy 
 was attacking the ' campestres muni- 
 tiones' from the outside, and also 
 from the inside. These shouts alarm 
 them, because they see that their 
 danger or risk depends on the valour 
 of others : each body of men who 
 faced the enemy feel that wliatever 
 they may do in front, they can't help 
 themselves in the rear, and there 
 they must rely on others. 
 
 85. quaque in] or ' quaque ex,' aa 
 some MSS. have. — 'auxilium:' 
 omitted in all the MSS. perhaps, 
 except one. 
 
 rejn obtinuerint] See vii. 37. 
 Ejiiguuin— fastigium] There is a 
 reading ' iniquum.' The Romans 
 had made this part of their ' supe- 
 riorcs munitiones ' on a slope (c. 8o), 
 and the enemy who assailed it on 
 the outside had the advantage of the 
 ground sloping down towards the 
 wall, so that they could throw their 
 missiles from a distance at greater 
 advantage than if the ground had 
 been level, and at much greater than 
 if it sloped upwaids to the wall. 
 Accordiiiglv, Caisar pays, 'a smali 
 
 2 
 
404 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 ciunt ; alii testudine facta subeuDt ; defatigatis in vicem 
 mtegn succedunt. Agger ab uuiversis in munitioneni 
 conjectus et ascensum dat Gallis et ea quae in terrain 
 occultaverant Komaui contegit : nee jam arma nostris nee 
 vires suppetunt. 
 
 86. His rebus cognitis Caesar Labienum cum coborti- 
 bus sex subsidio laborantibus mittit : imperat, si sustinere 
 non possit, deductis cohortibus eruptioue pugnet ; id nisi 
 necessario ne iliciat. Ipse adit reliquos ; cohortatur ne 
 labori succumbant; omnium superiorum dimicationum 
 iructum m eo die atque bora docet consistere. Inte- 
 riores desperatis campestribus locis propter magnitudinem 
 munitionum loca praerupta ex ascensu tentant : buc ea 
 quae paraverant conl'eruiit : multitudine telorum ex turri- 
 bus propugnantes deturbant, aggere et cratibus Ibssas 
 explent, ialcibus vallum ac lorieam rescindunt. 
 
 87. Caesar mittit primo Brut urn adolescentem cum 
 cobortibus Yi, post cum aliis vii C. l^abium legatum : 
 postremo ipse, quum vehementius pugnaretur, integros 
 subsidio adducit. Eestituto proelio ac repulsis hostibus 
 eo quo Labienum miserat contendit ; cobortes quatuor 
 ex proximo castello deducit ; equitum partem [se] sequi, 
 partem circumire exteriores munitiones et ab tergo 
 bostes adoriri jubet. Labienus, postquam neque aggeres 
 neque fossae vim bostium sustinere poterant, coactis 
 undequadraginta cobortibus, quas ex proximis praesidiia 
 
 inclination of the ground (fasti- 
 gium) <io\vi» wards has a great effect 
 or force;' it may help greatly to 
 decide a battle. — ' fastitjiuiu :' see c. 
 73. 
 
 * Agger' means earth, s'ones, anv 
 thing that was at hand, which the 
 Galli threw up against the Roman 
 lines to make way for the assault, 
 and at the same time covered ali the 
 
 Roman ' lilia' and ' cippi.' • in ter- 
 
 ram :' some MSS. have ' in terra.' 
 
 86. possit — puQnei\ 'posset . . . 
 pugnaret,' Kraner. 
 jlediictis] This is explained by c. 
 H7. He was to draw the cohorts 
 from the ' castella,' and make a sally. 
 If the enemy could no longer be 
 
 l<ept out, the right way was evi- 
 dently to rush out upon them. 
 
 fussas eapleut] In place of this 
 Elb. has 'aditus expeiHunt,' from 
 " Andiu. Oxoii. edd. Aid. al. Seal, 
 seqq. et Giani. — Cetcri codd. etiam 
 Havn. A. ed.l. prim. R. Stcph. al. 
 Jossas explent:' «ome editions have 
 ' fossas explent, aditus expediunt.' 
 
 87. Brutum] See iii. 11, " D. 
 Bi utum adoJesieniem ;" and iii. 14* 
 " Bruto qui chissi praeerat." Kraner 
 omits ' VI ' and • vii.' There seems 
 to be little autliority for these nu- 
 merals —•inttgros,'*fresh men, who 
 had not yet been in the battle. 
 Comp. c. 85, " defatigatid iutegii in 
 vicem succedunt." 
 
 LIBER VIL 
 
 405 
 
 deductas fors obtulit, Caesarem per nuncios facit cer- 
 tiorem quid faciundum existimet. Accelerat Caesar ut 
 proelio intersit. 
 
 88. Ejus adventu ex colore vestitus cognito, quo in- 
 signi in proeliis uti consueverat, turmisque equitum et 
 cohortibus visis, quas se sequi jusserat, ut de locis supe- 
 rioribus baec declivia et devexa cernebantur, bostes proe- 
 lium committunt. Utrimque clamore sublato excipit 
 rursus ex vallo atque omnibus munitionibus clamor. 
 Nostri omissis pilis gladiis rem gerunt. Repente post 
 tergum equitatus cernitur : cobortes aliae appropinquant : 
 bostes terga vertunt : fugientibus equites occurrunt : fit 
 magna caedes. Sedulius, dux et princeps Lemovicum, 
 occiditur: Yergasillaunus Arvernus vivus in fuga compre- 
 henditur : signa militaria lxxiv ad Caesarem referuntur . 
 pauci ex tanto numero se incolumes in castra recipiunt. 
 Conspieati ex oppido caedem et fugam suorum desperata 
 salute copias a munitionibus reducunt. Fit protinus bac 
 re audita ex castris Gallorum fuga. Quod nisi crebris 
 
 fors ohtulit] It is difficult to dis- 
 cover the exact meaning of Caesar. 
 Thece words are used to express 
 something that we may call acci- 
 dental, as opposed to that which 
 comes from design. Thus 'ratio' 
 and 'fors' are sometimes opposed. 
 Labienus, it seems, could not liave 
 reckoned on so many cohorts. All 
 the Roman lines were manned, and 
 the battle had betn raging at the 
 
 t»oint where the fJalli from Alesia 
 lad been attomptingto break through 
 the lines on the higher ground. La- 
 bienus was hard pressed, he saw that 
 he must come to close quarters with 
 the assailants, he summoned the co- 
 horts from the nearest parts, and it 
 happened that he got together nine- 
 aad-thirty, near four legions. It was 
 accident, not design or plan, which 
 secured him so many. Kraner has 
 ' coactis vma quadraginta.' 
 
 88. qw) iiisigni — consueverat] His 
 scarlet cloak was probably the ' palu- 
 diim.'^ntum.' These words liave been 
 considered spurious by some editors, 
 
 because all generals wore the ' palu- 
 damentum.' But all generals may 
 not have worn it in battle, and Cae- 
 sar's cloak or diess may have been 
 particularly distinguii^hed by colour. 
 The word ' insigni ' is a noun, as 
 C.iesar elsewheie uses the word ; ii. 
 20. — ' ut . . . cernebantur.' See 
 vii. 68, note on ' ut,' — ' haec decli- 
 via,' &c. : this is the true expression 
 of a man who writes with the facts 
 fresh in his recollection : he speaks 
 of ' thfse movements along the de- 
 scent to the level ground being seen 
 by the enemy from the higher 
 ground.' He says ' haec,' ' these 
 parts which sloped downwards and 
 these troops which were mo^injj 
 down.' This may be the meaning. 
 
 omissis] 'emissis,' Elb. There 
 is authority for both, but ' omissis* 
 suits the facts better, vii. 62, and i. 
 52. Heraog compares Sallust, Cat, 
 c. 60, " pila omittunt; gladiis re« 
 geritur." — ' de media nocte.' See i. 
 12. 
 
iOG 
 
 C. JULir CAESAias 
 
 LTBER VII. 
 
 407 
 
 subsidiis ac totius diei labore milites essent defessi, 
 omnes hostium copiae deleri potuisseut. De media noclo 
 missus equitatus novissimiim agmen consequitur : maguua 
 Humerus capitur atque interiicitur ; reliqui ex fu^^a in 
 civitates discedunt. ° 
 
 89. Postero die Ycrcingetorix concilio coDvocato id 
 86 bellum suseepisse non suarum ueceasitatum aed com- 
 munis libertatis causa demonstrat ; et quouiam sit for- 
 tunae cedendurn, ad utramque rem se illis olierre, seu 
 morte sua Romauis satisfacere, seu vivum tradere veliiit. 
 Mittuntur de his rebus ad Caesarem legati. Jubet anna 
 tradi, priucipes produci. Ipse in munitione pro castria 
 conaedit : eo duces producuntur. Yerciugetorix deditur, 
 
 89. tiecessitatum] This is con- 
 trasted with the ' common liberty,' 
 from whicii we collect that it means 
 ""for his own interests.' 
 
 consedit] Caisar was seated on 
 his tribunal within his lines, in front 
 of one of his camps, when the van- 
 quisiied chiefs were brought before 
 him. " The leader of the whole 
 war, Verciniretorix, puttini: on his 
 best armour and equipping his horse, 
 came out through the gates, and 
 riding round Caesar who was seated, 
 and then, leaping from hi^ horse, he 
 tiirewotfhis com})lete armour, and 
 seating himself at Caesar's feet, he 
 remained tlieie till he was delivered 
 lip to be k«pt for the triumph" 
 (Plutarch, Caesar, c. '11). This is 
 evidently not got from Caesar's text, 
 and we cannot accept Hotmann's 
 supposition, that Plutarch, by mis- 
 understanding such a word as 'pro- 
 duci,' made all this story. It is so 
 lively and so natural a thing, so 
 truly Gallic, that it has been got 
 from some autliority. Caesar did 
 not amuse himself with telling such 
 trifles. PluUirch's description of the 
 siege of Alesia is tolerably correct, 
 and most lively. He save of the de- 
 feat of the Calii: "so 'quickly did 
 so mighty a force, like a phantom or 
 a dream, vanish out of sight and dis- 
 perse, the greater part of the men 
 having fallen iu battle." Floras (i. 
 
 44) has something about Vercin- 
 getorix's surrender. lie even tclU 
 us what the Gaul said. Dion Cas- 
 sius says (40, c. 41) that Vercin- 
 getorix miirht have escap- d, because 
 he was neither taken nor wounded ; 
 but it is not clear how he could have 
 escaped. lie adds, that " trusting to 
 his former friendship with Caesar, 
 he hoped that he should be pardoned 
 by him; and accordingly he came, 
 without having sent him any mes- 
 sage, and suddenly appeared before 
 Caesar, who was sitting on his tribu- 
 nal, — a circun)stance which startled 
 those who were present; for he was 
 of great stature, and conspicuous for 
 his splendid armour. Tiiere was 
 dead silence. The Gaul said nothing, 
 but falling on his knees and clasping 
 liis hands, in this manner supplicated 
 his conqueror." But he moved not 
 the compassion of the Roman, who 
 put him in chains. He appeared in 
 Caesar's four days' triumph (B.C. 4G), 
 iifter the close of the African war. 
 Arsinoe, the Kgyptian, a woman and' 
 a queen, appeared in chains in this 
 barbaric pomp. The life of the 
 w Oman was spared, but Vercingetorix 
 with Others was put to death after 
 the triumph, according to Roman 
 fashion (Dion Cassius 43, c. \i)). 
 This was the end of the brave Gaul 
 after near six ye:Ms' ca|)ti\itv in a 
 Roman dungeon. As to lliis ci-uel 
 
 
 arma projiciuntur. Eeservatis Aeduis atque Arvernis, si 
 per eoa civitates recuperare posset, ex reliquis captivid 
 toto exercitu capita singula praedae nomine distribuit. 
 
 90. liis rebus confectis in Aeduos proficiscitur ; civi- 
 tatem recipit. Eo legati ab Arvernis missi quae impe- 
 raret se tacturos pollicentur. Imperat magnum numerum 
 obsidum. Legiones in hiberna mittit. Captivorum cir- 
 
 Roman practice, see Cicero (Verr. 
 11. 5, c. 3U). 
 
 Rescrx-at's] The captive Aedui 
 and Arvemi were reserved, in the 
 hope that by means of them Caesar 
 might bring those states back to his 
 alliance. He was not so confident 
 as to be willing to provoke the further 
 enmity of two poweiful states that 
 bordered on the Provincia. ' Rescr- 
 vare' is to keep for some particular 
 purpose, as in Ciceio (Verr. ii. 5, c. 
 30). 'J'he form ' si . . . posset,' and 
 the like, are common. They express 
 briefly a purpose or attemjit, and aie 
 elliptical forms. 
 
 ejcercitu] 'J'he MSS. vary between 
 ' exercitu ' and * exercitui ' here as in 
 other instancea If ' toto exercitu ' 
 is right, ' toto' is the dative. Caesar 
 gave to every man in the army a 
 single captive (' toto exercitu singula 
 cai)ita') as booty or p:ize-money 
 ('praedae nomine'). In ii. 3.5, he 
 «^old the pri8onei"S to the ' nierca- 
 lores.' ' Praeda ' is moveable things 
 taken from the enemy ; and they 
 were either distributed among the 
 soldiers or sold, and the produce 
 brought into the Roman treasury 
 (' aerarium '). 
 
 90. cwitatein recipit] * He brings 
 back the state to submission.' iSee 
 vi. 8, and the note. 
 
 hilterna] Two legions were placed 
 In the country of the fSequaui under 
 Labienus, with Rati 1 us as his de- 
 puty; two «eie placed in the coun- 
 try of the Remi, to protect them 
 from any harm from the Bellovaci, 
 for the Remi had continued faitliful 
 to Caesar (vii. 63). Three legions 
 were placed severally in the country 
 of the Ambivareti, Biturigcs, and 
 
 Ruteni. 
 
 'J'hus seven legions are disposed 
 of. Cicero and Sulpicius were placed 
 iesi>eetively at Cabillonum (vii. 42), 
 on the west side of the Saone, a little 
 below the junction of the Doubs and 
 Saone, and at Matisco, or Macon, 
 also on the west side of the Saone, 
 about half way between Chalon and 
 Lyon. Each of these had a legion 
 (viii. 4). Caesar wintered at Bi- 
 bracte (Autun), jn-obably with a le- 
 gion also. Thus the ten would be 
 disposed of. At Bibracte Caesar 
 was near the positions of Cicero and 
 Sulpicius. Labienus was at no great 
 distance, on the east side of the 
 Siione. Caesar had tln.s five legions 
 within a moderate disUmce of one 
 another, and he held the chief town 
 of the Aedui. His communication 
 with the two legions in the Remi, 
 through the friendly country of the 
 Lingoncs, was not veiy ditticult. The 
 Arverni, if not quite reconciled to 
 their defeat by the restoration of their 
 prisoners, had a Roman legion in the 
 Bituiiges to the norh, and anotlier 
 in the Ruteni to the south of them. 
 The legion in the Ruteni was on the 
 borders of the Provincia. whence aid 
 could be ^ot ; and that in the Bitu- 
 rigcs was within reach of Caesar at 
 Bibracte. His forces were well 
 placed for the defence of tiie Provin- 
 cia. foi the ])rotection of the Remi, 
 and for being collected with the least 
 difficulty. 
 
 From this chapter .ind from vii. 
 75, we may make a guess as to the 
 position of these Ambivareti, or 
 whatever people are meant, for the 
 reading here is ' Ambilaretos ' 'Jhejr 
 were dependents of the Aedui, and 
 
408 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 citer XX miha Aeduis Arvernisque reddit. T. Labienum 
 duabus cum legiombus et equitatu in Sequanos proficisci 
 jubet: huic M. Sempronium Kutilum attribuit. C. Ya- 
 bium et L Minucium Easilum cum duabus legionibus in 
 Kemis collocat, ne quam ab liiiitimis Bellovacis calami- 
 Uitem accipiant C. Auti«tium liegiuum in Ambivareto3, 
 1. bextiura in Bituriges, C. Caninium liebilum in Kute- 
 nos cum einguhs legionibus mittit. Q. Tullium Cicero- 
 
 therefore near tliem, like the Segu- 
 Biani and the Brannovices. Now it 
 is clear that Caesar was placing his 
 legions so that there would be an 
 easy communication. No legion 
 would be placed west of the Ar- 
 vcrni ; tliat would be only to expose 
 them to destruction. The safe place 
 tor this legion in the Ambivareti 
 would therefore be where the Ambi- 
 vareti ought to be, on the L'p|>er 
 Loire, on the west border of the 
 Aedui. We cannot determine tlieir 
 precise position; but it was probably 
 on the east bank of the Loire, and 
 between the legion in the Bituriges 
 and Caesar at Bibracte. The only 
 legion that was far removed from 
 Caesar, and difficult to communicate 
 with, was that in the Kuteni, but 
 this lejiion was on the borders of the 
 Provincia. It is hardly worth notice 
 perhaps that Walckcnaer makes the 
 Ambivareti or Ambivariti of iv. i), 
 the same as those in vii. .'^0. D'An- 
 ville says nothing of the Ambiva- 
 reti. 
 
 This conclusion as to the general 
 position of the Ambivareti is certain ; 
 for (viii. 2) Caesar leaves Bibracte 
 and goes to the thirteenth legion, 
 which T. Sextius commanded (vii.' 
 90), in the country of the Bituriges, 
 and he joins to this legion the ele- 
 venth, which had been placed nearest 
 to it. Now this eleventh was neither 
 of the legions on the Saone under 
 Cicero and Sulpicius, for these were 
 the fourteenth and the eighth legions 
 (viii. 4). It was not the legion at 
 Bibiacte, for Caesar left Bibracte 
 with only a few cavalry, (t wus 
 therefore the legion of Regiuus, 
 
 which was in the country of the 
 Ambivareii. We may therefore 
 place the Ambivareti with certainty 
 within or on the borders of the 
 Aedui, west of Bibracte, and cast of 
 the Loire. 
 
 in ijlec/mtios] After the capture of 
 Alesia Cae.-ar enters the territory of 
 the Aedui, which had been the 
 centre of the late insurrection in 
 Gallia. His object was to reduce 
 the country to obedience and to t;ike 
 Bibracte (Autun). From Bibracte 
 he sent Labienus into the country 
 of the Sequani. If Alesia was, as 
 some French critics have lately main- 
 tained, on the site of Alaise', in the 
 country of the Sequani, and south of 
 the Doubs, l)etween Salins and Or- 
 nans, Caesar would have left La- 
 bienus there before he went to Bi- 
 bracte; and if Lahicnus had accom- 
 panied him to Bibracte, he would 
 have said that Labienus icturned to 
 the country of the Sequani. The 
 same remark applies to Cicero and 
 SuJpicius. If Alesia was at Alaise, 
 Ciceio and Sulpicius crossed the 
 Saone to accompany Caesar to Bi- 
 bracte, and then returned to the 
 Saone. If Alesia was at Alise Ste 
 Reinc all the arrangements of Caesar 
 are phun. This discovery of a new 
 site for Alesia is a signal instance of 
 penerted judgment and prejudice. 
 
 Basilum] There is a letter of 
 Cicero (Ad Div. vi. 15) to Basilus, 
 ^vho IS supposed to be this man, 
 Basilus was praetor B.C. 45; and in 
 B.C. 44 he was one of Caesar's assas- 
 sins. See vi. 29. 
 
 Cicenmem] This is the onlv i)]ace 
 ai which Quintus is moatioued iu 
 
 LIBER VII. 
 
 409 
 
 nem et P. Sulpicium Cabilloni et Matiscone m Aeduis 
 ad Ararim rei friimentariae causa collocat. Ipse Bibracte 
 hiemare constituit. His rebus litteris Caesaris cognitis 
 Eomae dierum xx supplicatio iiidicitur. 
 
 this book. Cicero (Pro Mil. c. 37) 
 speaks of his brother as being away 
 from Rome when the speech for 
 Milo was delivered in April b c. 52. 
 P. Su/piciuin] He had been a 
 legatus' for some time (iv. 22). 
 He followed Caesar's fortunes in the 
 
 Civil War. 
 
 fits — coqnitis'] Perhaps it ought 
 to be 'ex titteris' (ii. a^^; iv. 38).— 
 * indicitur :' * redditur ' is said to be 
 the reading of nearly all the MSS. ; 
 but it is hard tv> believe that it ii 
 right. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 411 
 
 iV T E 
 
 cv 
 
 ADUATUCA 
 
 (▼ 24—37; vi. 3-.>); and Note on vi. 5—8. 
 
 In tlic winter of B.C. 54, Caesar placed his legions in various quarteis 
 Kcause the harvest had failed. A legion and a half were quartered under 
 I-. Jitunus Sahiuus and L. Aurunculeitis Cotta in the territory of the 
 hl.uroncs (v. 24). Caesar does not mention the name of these quarters in 
 Ins hfth book; but m the sixth book (vi. 32) he calls the place Adnatuca 
 and says that it was about the middle of the territory of the Eburones' 
 I nave assume.l it to be Tongern. near the Maas, but I might have added 
 soM.ething more from a paper by H. L. Long, Esq. in the Gentleman's 
 MagazHu;, New Scru-s, 184/. Tongern on the Jaar, a branch of the Maas 
 1 8 a position uell fitted for a 'rastellum' or fort. The road called the 
 CJ.aussee Bn.nhault enters Tongern bv the gate of St. Frond. Toncrern 
 stands on a ridge, where the watershed between the Schelde and the Maas 
 IS a narrow neck of land. This Chaussee IJrunhault. whatever mav have 
 been done to it by the labour of man, runs in a direction which is 'deter- 
 uuned by the nature of the country. " A dry elevated plateau extends in a 
 dirertion from n.e to s.w., dividing the waters of the Meuse and the 
 Saml)re on the east from those of the Schelde and the Sonne on the west 
 and presenting a natural foundation for tt.e reception of this great hi.diwav' 
 For the most part it traverses an open, |.racticah!e, undulating countrv with 
 Uie woods and rocks of the Ard nnes on one side, and the marshes of 
 Handers on the other. I ongern is at one extremity of this road and 
 Ravay (Bagacura), n.e. of Cam bray, at the other. The position of Adua- 
 tura at I ongern, where D Anville placed it, seems to be certain. Whether 
 a road existed in Caesar's time we cannot tell, but the Romans would cer- 
 tainly march to Aduatuca along the line of this road. The positions of 
 .aesars other legions in the winter of b c. 54 (v. -24) can only be conjec- 
 tured. Mr. Lono; p aces the legion of Fabius at Teroucnne, in the country 
 of the Morini which is not impr..bable; and that of Cicero at Mons which 
 may be true, but we have no evidence. He rejects, as I have done, Walcke- 
 naers nosition of the legion of Roscius at Esch in Luxembourg, which is 
 altogether inconsistent with Caesar's narrative; and he phues it at Seez in 
 ^ormandy. Roscius was among the Essui, as the MSS. have it If Sect 
 
 I 
 
 '1^ 
 
 is thetrne position, and it n.a5M)e, for certainly itc^amm'be fir wrong* 
 
 P'^ople who are called Sesuvii in another place (iT 
 
 tfacie Essui are the same p*: 
 
 f' \^^f}' '^ position of Labienus was amon^r tl-.r F.enii, on the bord^n 
 of the Treviri (v. 24), and about sixty Roman miles fiom Cicero's camp 
 in another place (v. 27), the camp of Sabiiius and Cotta is said to be fifty 
 miles from Cicero s camp, and a little more from the camp of Labienus 
 according to the statement of Ambiorix. But we cannot trust the bar- 
 barian s estimate of the distance, and the ancient texts are notoriously 
 inaccurate in numbers. Mr. Long i-elects Meuz,.n (.Mosomagus) on the 
 Maas as the position of Labienus; but he admits that the resi)ective posi- 
 tions of rongcrn, Mons, and Meuzon, do not agree with the numbers in the 
 text of Cae.sar. Labienus, however, was on a river, the Maas probably, or 
 one of Its branches (v. 58). "^ 
 
 1 have given my opinion (v. 24) on Caesar's words, 'milibus passunna 
 centum continebantur.' Mr. Long understands these words to mean tliat 
 all the cam[.s, except that of Roscius, ' were comprised within a radius of 
 one hundred Roman miles;' for Tongern and Beauvais, the quarters of 
 Crassus, are near two hundred miles apart. In order to establish this in- 
 ter|.retution we must find a centre for this circle of a diameter of near two 
 Jiundred miles, and Mr. Long supposes that it mav be near Avesnes. As 
 the passage of Caesar presents a great diHicultv, I niei.tion this solution of 
 It, winch however 1 do not think consistent with the meaning of the Latin 
 word*. * 
 
 When the Nervii attacked Cicero's position, thev hemmed him in with a 
 ditch and rampart, fifteen miles in circuit as the text stands (v. 42) The 
 readings in this passage are very various, and Schneider has cited all of 
 them. I suppose. Some have x and some have XV; some have 'pedum * 
 and some have ' passuum ;' and some omit both 'pedum' and 'passuum' 
 Perhaps there is more auhority for 'pedum' tlian for ' passunm.' If we 
 have •milium' only, the word to be supplied is 'passuum;' and we cannot 
 supply pedum' because the height of the 'vallum' and the width of the 
 'fossa have been given in feet at the beginning of that chapter. But I 
 auree with Mr. Long, who observes as to the ten miles in circumference 
 that It was "a perfectly needless extent for the purpose of enclosing the 
 camp of a single legion." We may then safely conclude that it was neither 
 ten nor fifteen miles in circuit. 
 
 The Aduatuca of Caesar is fixed with great probability at Tongern Jt 
 was the chief place of the Eburones; and vet there is a people whom Caesar 
 calls Aduatuci (ii. 29), and whose strong place he took, 'ihe name Adua- 
 tuca would lead us to suppose that the Aduatuci occupied Aduatuca, and 
 Mr. Long supposes that it was their original place, and that thev carried 
 their name with them to their new town. He sui)poses the 'oppiduui 
 Aduatucorum' which Caesar took (ii. 29, 30) to be the citadel of Aamur 
 "being a tongue of precipitous rock at the confluence of the Sambre and the 
 Meuse, and the fifteen thousand feet, or three miles, would very well suit 
 its circumference, embracing the lune tes." The situation seems a very 
 likely one, but I cannot reconcile it with Caesar's description. As to the 
 fifteen thousand feet, we cannot, as I have already observed, supply 'pedum* 
 with 'XV milium' (ii. 30) : it is contrary to Roman usatre (see Oudendorp 
 on B. G. 1. 1.-), note, and Schneider's note on ii. 30). The ' thousands' are 
 usually signified by a mark over the numeral XV and the like; and this 
 uiark is often omitted by a transcriber. There mav be an error in xv, and 
 the CHcuit may have been less ; but Caesar made as great a circnmvallation 
 all but one mile, at Alesia. This ' oppidum ' contained a large number of 
 people, for fifty-three thousand were sold as slaves (ii. 33). 
 
 In the note on vi. 7, 8, I have assumed that Labienus defeated the 
 Ircviri aear the Mosel. Reichard observes, that the 'J'le^iri, who were 
 
412 
 
 IS-QTES. 
 
 waiting for tlieir German auxiliaries, were two davs' march from Labfcnns* 
 can.p on the borders of the Treviri. Labienus advanced to meet them ami 
 by an artifice induced them to cross a river with steep banks. He says the 
 Trlvlfr^'.^ p^' '■''''' ^"'^•"^"f '^'^ ^^■'''' ^^-^^ t»'^ l^«""darv between t e 
 
 f om the Roman camp in the territory of the Remi. He concludes that 
 the nver may be the Sure (Saner), a bran, h of the Mosel. Labienus was 
 encamped on the borders of the Remi and Treviri (v. '24), and on or nea 
 
 CO nt.v of the Treviri, for Caesar says (vi. 5), "ad Labienum in Treviros 
 ^- ; 1 /!"u'^'* '' ^•::^sar speaks of the one le?ion of Labienus which had 
 wintered (' h.emarat,' or'hiemahat' i„ some ^1SS.) in the territories of the 
 fir ^^^'^"••s may have advanced into the territories of the Treviri 
 after defeating Induciomarus, for he was only on the borders of the Remi 
 
 bat le being fought near the Mosel, is incorrect. I don't know if the banks 
 ot the bi.re correspond to Caesars descriotiou (vi. 7). Thoee of the Mo^el 
 do in some parta. ' -"u.ci 
 
 NOTES. 
 GERGOYIA 
 
 (vii. 36—53). 
 
 413 
 
 Panoramic View of the Gergovian Hille (from the S.W.) 
 
 The Gergovia mountains belong to the high plateau on which stand the 
 peaks of the Lower Auverirne. These peaks ', which are called Puys in the 
 country, lie in a line which runs west of the meridian of Clermont, and 
 from north to south. Nearly due west of Clermont is the Puy de Dome, 
 1476 metres or 4841 feet above the sea-level. Seen from Clermont this 
 Puy rises above the intervening heights like a huge blunted wedge. From 
 the high plateau branches extend eastward towards the basin of the Allier, 
 and contain valleys between them. Some of these branches terminate in 
 plateaux. One of the most conspicuous of these plateaux is Gergovia, 
 which is seen from a great distance as we approach Clermont from the 
 south and from the north. It is a mass of limestone capped by a stream of 
 lava, from the summit of which there is a wide prospect over the fertile 
 Limagne d'Auvergne. The summit of Gergovia is 701 metres above the 
 sea-level, and nearly horizontal. It is a kind of parallelogram lying nearly 
 east and west, about 151)0 metres (4920 feet) in length, and 6"00 metres 
 (19()8 feet) wide from north to south. (Fischer.) 
 
 This view of the Gergovia mountains, as seen from the Puy Giroux, 
 about four English miles s. of Clermont, the capital of the department of 
 Puy de Dome, is taken from Scrope's Central France. The view is towards 
 the N.E. It represents in the foreground the Puy de Jussa% the summit of 
 which is a siuall flat: the side opposite to the spectator appears steep. 
 
 » Thev are clearly indicated on the map published by the Depdt de U 
 Guene, 1854, No. 166» 
 
lU 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Rmn? nl.ovo tlrs an<l bcyon.l it is the s.immit of the mountain of Ger-ovia. 
 
 hidden h> the Puy de Jussat, but a small part uf the steep side of the moun 
 tarn of Gergovia, whuh is opposite to the I'uv de Jussat is een 
 
 Below the summit of Ger.^ovia the hill descends .tcep but with consider- 
 able variety on the different sides. On the east si<ie t e hill is roueh and 
 
 V Uc'v of tiri'mer "^T^r -lTr^]y^^ C'crgovia from the south ifg 2e 
 vallty ot the Allier, and the si.^ht of the heights on the north and e;ist was 
 
 0:"he\o'uttsLe;r ''T ^''7^-^-"^'' -t be taken by assal (Vn.^ 3b^ 
 Uu the south side the slopes descend more gradually to the plain exceut ut 
 the v,lh,ge of Merdogne. On the north-wc.t and north tl e I i j descends 
 rapidly towards the villages of Romagnat and Little Perit4 T he fol 
 
 owin. IS Bou.l et's description of the flat of Ger.ovia : '"S" le plateau of 
 Gergovia H ciiltivated at present. It is from 17UU to 1800 metres (more 
 than an Lnglish mile) from east to west, and about 600 inSres w de Tbp 
 .xravation. which have been made hav'e laid open «"ll b, i h "ith .eat 
 
 oliditv wells lined with cement, and pavements. Ivhi.h would eem to slow 
 that the place was mhabitcd after the conquest of (Jaul by the Romar 
 rhe earliest excavations mentioned were ma.ie in 1755, svhc-n t ui da io^.s 
 ?eet Tel c ;t?^\7'r'T ^^«^.°^'^«'^>- ^ ^^inding staircase and" 1 t w 1 "« 
 from fiff/ V . ^ ^''-"'l' 'r'"' of marble, a number of iron pins or pegs 
 lom fifteen to twenty inches l„ng heads of .pears, pieces t>f bronle and imn 
 iTokeu utensils, medals, and a great quantiti of p eces of p.^n- Tthe red 
 v:u th which the Romans called Terra Campana. ' At the Je nt day hen 
 ever the earth ,s stirred for cultivation particularly o^th" west ^ide' 
 Gallic medals of gold and silver are found, but most are of b.x, 7t^ ea. u n 
 
 Gu.'rdu*'v4^gt^i^^^ ^^ '^'•^-^^^- -•^^' ^''- I^-'^'et, 
 
 1 he south-west angle of the plateau of Gergovia is connected bv a lower 
 
 and narrow neck or ridge (vii. 44, ' dorsum esse ejus ju^ri" &c ) with 'nothef 
 
 arge plateau. This neck is the watershed be ween^'twfvalkTS one of 
 
 n .rtl to Rra'U? ''t i '^ '''T r''^' ^^^ ^"''^"' ^'^ tSe 'ther" ne 
 nnitn to Komagnat. ] iiis second plateau is of an irregular form and is 
 
 n^tmed by Fischer the plateau of Jussac or JuiUac, thf nle which i 
 Siiopes view is written Jussat. There are several parts of his » n >■ 
 ^v l.nh rise above the geneml level and may be caM Is (vii 36 ^T 
 B.des havealsoa rapid descent, except on the west s de he i thc^nlateau 
 IS connected by he defile of Opme with the Puy fJiroux ^ 
 
 jcr^.oviaoT eaesdi. J he old toun disappeared or was deserted under tbo 
 R<.n.an dominion and Augustonometum becau.e the ch e to^^ of t i' 
 rountry,a8 It still ,s under the name of Clermont. The den itv of 
 
 e s^Tleriefm^'tire a"T''^ "f '^''"^^^ ^>- '''^' Al>b/Lanceijt,fn n 
 
 nf • bui ^x:t^^S"-^^^^ 
 
 tei 
 of 
 
 ;,Z.™, "'I.. J ';'='"«'■ '?"'P ™ certainly somewhere sout 
 
 le 
 th 
 
 desDcctus in ci<ttra ' vi,- Ik\ V v^^igovia t^' m erat a Gergov a 
 
 Flicker tian«lacf. the passage m vii 3e_' qua despici potcrt''- tbu.. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 415 
 
 \i-...i 1 • - ••- ....„v vu.Mj, ,>i4.a ceriamv somewhere south 
 
 Merdogne, and it could bo seen from Gercrovi-i (^'ut Z., n I 
 
 Dcctus in cititm ' vi,- AK\ tx ■ ■ ^f'^S"^''^ \ "t crat a Gergovia { 
 
 [Hcius in cas ra, vii 45). The position of this camn mnst fh«r«f^L x^ V 
 
 i 
 
 where we could look down on them ;' and consequently he says, the larger 
 camp was on high ground, from which one could look' down not on Ger- 
 govia, but on the slopes and heights which were occupied by the Galli. 
 He adds that this explanation agrees perfectly with the localities. He also 
 thinks that it is confirmed by the passage in vii. 45, ' legionem unam eodem 
 'ugo,' &c. ; which he explains thus : " Caesar orders them to advance a 
 it tie on the same ridge, that which was connected with Le Crest, and then 
 to halt on lower ground." 
 
 The hill described in vii. 3(> (' erate regione oppidi collis'), the hill which 
 Caesar took by surprise, is supposed by Fischer to be the Roche Blanche. 
 Having got this hill Caesar placed two legions there, and he connected this 
 smaller camp with the larger camp by two ditches, between which there 
 was a safe passage for his men from one camp to the other. If Fischer has 
 rightly fixed the position of the two camps, the Auzon r.an between them, 
 and this circumstance would make the communication less complete, unless 
 Caesar built a wooden bridge over this small stream. 
 
 Fischer supposes that Caesar made his feigned attack (vii. 44, 45) in the 
 direction of Opine, and that the place to which the Galli hurrie<i to fortify 
 it, was the detile at Opme between the Puy Giroux and the plateau of 
 Jussac. In order to take Gergovia Caesar, he says, must pass through the 
 defile of Opme and attack Gergovia at the weakest point, which is on the 
 north-west side. The Galli being drawn off to Opme had left their camps 
 on the hill ; and Caesar observing this (vii. 44) ordered his troops to pass a 
 few at a time from the larger to the smaller camp, for though the larger 
 camp could be seen from Gergovia, the smaller camp could not. 
 
 Caesar says 'that having gone to the smaller camp for the sake of 
 examining the works (vii. 44), he saw that the hill or a hill was bared of 
 men, which hill on former days could scaice be seen, such were the number 
 of men on it' It is a fair inference from this passaire that he could not see 
 this hill from the larger camp ; and this fact may assist in the determination 
 of the sites of his camps. If we are not quite sure about the position of 
 Caesar's two camps, there is no doubt that Caesar ascended the hill (vii. 45) 
 either on tlie snutli or the south west side. The Aedui ascended the hill 
 on Caesar's right, on the south-east or east side, and at a considerable 
 distance from Caesar's men (vii. 50). The Romans took three camps of the 
 enemy on the heights (vii. 46). Caesar having accomplished his purpose gave 
 the signal for his men to come back, and he halted on the spot where lie was 
 with the tenth legion. The other troops elated with their success rushed on 
 towards the town, and they did not hear the signal for retreat, for there is a 
 considerable valley or depression between the place Avhere Caesar had 
 halted and the plateau of Gergovia ('satis magna vallis,' vii. 47). The 
 Galli were working on the fortifications at ' the other part of the town,' but 
 hearing the noise and receiving information of the attack on the town they 
 hurried to the defence. 
 
 Caesar, seeing the difficulty in which he was, had sent orders to T. Se.K- 
 tius to lead the cohoris from the smaller camp and to place them at the foot 
 of tjjc heights on the right of the enemy. If the smaller camp was at tlie 
 Ro(he Blanche, Sextius posted himself in the valley \vhich leads up to the 
 narrow lidgo ([du.sum') on the west side of the city. Caesar himself 
 moved on tht higu ground a little further from the place where he had 
 halted with the tenth legion. In the mean time the Aedui had got up on 
 the hill, and suddenly appearing on Caesar's right added to the confusion of 
 the Romans, for as their armour was like that of the Galli they were taken 
 for enemies (vii. 50). Caesar from his position between Merdogne and the 
 falley on his left could see all the gix>und to the east end of Gergovia, aa 
 
 I 2 
 
4sl6 
 
 KOTES. 
 
 Fischer assures us. The tenth legion with Caesar checked tlie Oaili who 
 were liotly pursuing the Romans in their retreat from the walls of" (ier- 
 govia; and the thirteenth legion under Sextius, having got on tiie high 
 ground supported the tenth. Thus the Ko.nans with great loss got down 
 to the plain, and by the same part of the hill by which thev had ascended. 
 
 1 he work of Fischer to which I have referred, is entitled ' Gerpovia &c. 
 von Maxinnluin Achilles Fischer, Doctor der Philosophic, Professo; aw 
 Lyceum zu Clern.ont. Leipzig, ]8.5o.' It contains k map of Caesar's 
 route from the passage of the Allicr to Gei-ovia, and a plan of Gergovia 
 J heau hur says that the plan is after the official Atlas of the Department 
 of the 1 uy (le Dome, and that it has been verified on the spot. Fischer's 
 Tvork contains references to the previous works on Gergovia. 
 
 frnn' r fl" /p^ '"'''^ ^!''!" '■' ''"l ^'""'^ •''''''«" «^ ^^^^^ Commentaries was 
 from Cd)lu8 (Rccueil d Antiquites, torn. v. PI. 101). Fischer savs that 
 Caylus had never seen the groun.l, and that he did not possess a sufficient 
 map, and that h.s nlan is very defective. Caylus' plan is lertainly not com- 
 plete but It must have been made by some person who had seen the place. 
 
 the Roche Blanche If this site is determined, it is the kev to every thing 
 
 tt ^''y^':\^''*i '^^V'^" °^ '^"^ ''"«" ^^^"^P ^^t ^ »^i" on the plateau of 
 Ju sac, or at the Puy de Jussat in Scro,,e-8 view. Fischer savs that this 
 h 11 does not answer Caesar's description either in being isolated or being 
 I^n to assault from the plain. 1 do not assent to either" of these remarks^ 
 the Jussat is an isolated peak and it might be assaulted. Jussat is a trun- 
 cated c-one, with room enough on the top for a small station to keep a look 
 
 nnLJ^i '^''""''''^ '''"*, ^''^^PP°'''^'^'?h g'-«""J on the east there is a 
 tun e.T trTr "' ^"^^" P^=''"; ^t the foot of Jussat, and on the side 
 ; .ri ^.^^^••^'•^l.^^'-gov.a, there is a kind of plateau elevated above this 
 nair ow depression or small plain, and this plateau might be the site of the 
 bk i^'ll'''™^" f '"i .''*'"'^ ""' comprehend the whole of Jussat within 
 
 n and of he hill, and from the top of it he could see round him for many 
 miles, and command a complete view of the town of Gergovia and of the 
 enemy who were on the heights west of Gergovia ^ 
 
 who S.'^Jr''"'"'''''' ''^'''^'''■' T'"'^ '\^ ^^'""'"'y ^^ ^^- ^«"'"et of Clermont, 
 Who hxes Caesar s ram |.s on the north side of Gergovia, and has inserted 
 tins theory in his Guicle to Clermont. M. Bouilletl explanation navnS- 
 ead those who visit Gergovia, and only consult his Guide, but it will not 
 deceive any person who has read Caesar, whether he has seen the place or 
 
 With the assistance of this note and the plan, which is from Fischer's 
 work compared with the French map mentioned above, and Vr^adin^ 
 
 tiaSlV r^- '"• "• ?^-^^' ^''^" ''■-'^'' niay understand Caesar's oS 
 .ons before Gergovia. I am not quite satisfied about everv point ^.nd 
 
 hSorTv'H'"''''''"" '^'T' ""^'^^ V-rticnhrs to those^vho mav 
 he icaf.er have the opportunity of carefully examining the ground, which 
 
 which rcannoA"'P'r^ it^'^' ^^'''\'' °"^ ^^'' '^ ^^^^^^^ « expknaticn 
 ramns th " C 1^"^ I v^P^^'t '''"* ^''"" ^^''^' ^"'Tr'^^d the Gallic 
 Gvou^c nnS ^fi ""T l^'-t'^y^"? \he defile at Opme between the Puy 
 
 were wo^k nl .t ^^ ^" *^"T- \'^''^S^b ""'' ^ '''^^ ^'''"'^' ^hat the Gal^ 
 
 tT-i M R ^ r"^ point on the north-west side of Gergovia, looking 
 
 eilon o?'tK ' '"^ '^"'' ^^J^'^^^-'^^ to prevent Caesar from^ getting po^ 
 
 Wnded t^th."? 'iV" fT'''''^ [" l ^^' '?"•' ' ^^^^»"ot believe that tLv 
 
 ■« 
 
 ^ 
 
 I'l 
 
4.16 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Fischer assures us. The tenth Icorion with Caesar clieckod tlie OailJ who 
 were liotly pursuing the Romans in their retreat from the walls of" (kt- 
 govia; and the thirteenth legion under Scxtius, l.avin- trot on the hich 
 ground supported the tenth. Thus the Romans with great loss got down 
 to he plan,, ami hv the same part of the lull hy which ti.ev had asrended. 
 llie work ot iMscher, to which I have referred, is entitled 'CJer-ovia &c 
 von Maximilian Achilles Fis.hcr, Doctor dcr Philosophie, Professo; aiu 
 Lyceum zu Clermont. I.eipziir, 18.5.5.' It contains a map of Caesar's 
 route from the passage of the Allier to Cer.ovia. and a plan of Gergovia 
 
 of rlf" .""■ ''pVh' t''^^ P^^V 's ='f^-r tl'e utlicial Atlas of the Depa.rment 
 of the i uy de Dome, and that it has been verified on the spot. Fischer's 
 vork contains references to the pievious works on Oer-^ovia 
 
 t.on Caylus (Recueil d Antiquites, torn. v. PI. lUl). Fischer savs that 
 t aylus ha( never .een the ground, and that he did not possess a sufficient 
 
 pltte but It must have been made by some person who had seen' the place 
 
 the Roche Blanche. It this site is determined, it is the kev to every thiug 
 
 W ^"'^■^•;^^'^•■; ^^'V'^" ""^ '^''' ^"■'^" '■=''"!> ^^t a hill on the pla'teau of 
 
 .use. 01 a the Puv de Jussat in Serope's view. Fischer savs'that this 
 
 11 does not an>wer Caesar's descripti<,n either in being isolated or being 
 
 pen o assault tiom the plam. I do not assent to eithei" of these remarks • 
 the Jussat 18 an isolated peak and it might be assaulted. Jussat is a trun- 
 cated cone, with room enough on the top for a small station to keep a look 
 
 nLvJi '■'''""'''•''' '"'',^''V*''P"''^^ '"='' ?'•"""•! "" the east there is a 
 nanovv depression or small plain. At the foot of Ju>sat, and on the side 
 turned toward Gergovia, there is a kin.l of plateau elevated above this 
 narrow depression or small plain, and this plateau mi-jht be the site of the 
 sm;.ller camp. Caesar would not comi-rehend the whole of Jussat within 
 
 n uuH th^T'-l';- '"', f '^"1'"' '' '^'' ''''''' '»^ '^ ^^--'1^ ?-<^ »''- ^^ 
 n Z n ' •''T^ ^'"'" "^ *"P "^ '' ''^ ^-^''^'^ ^^'^ '•°""^» 'ii«' for many 
 
 n lies, and command a complete view of the town of Gergovia and of the 
 enemy who were on the heights west of (Jergovia 
 
 who Hv^'l'r '"'■'''''''' ''^''"'' ^?'"'^ '^'.^ ^''"'•'*>' "^' ^^- ^'>»'"^t of Clermont, 
 Who hxes Caesar scamns on the north side of (Jergovia, and has inserted 
 tim theory in his Guide to Clermont. M. Bouillet'l explana ion nav m^- 
 lead those who visit Gergovia, and only consult his Guide, but it will not 
 deceive any person who has read Caesar, whether lie has seen the place or 
 
 With the assistance of this note and the plan, which is from Fischer's 
 work compared with the French map mentione.l above, ami M heading 
 
 onrrr" r^- '"• "• P-^^' ^''^" ''''^'^ "«a.vundersta;KWs opS 
 .ons before Gergovia. I am not quite satished about every point and 
 
 he eTferTv :.'■"'"'■'"" ^^ ^T^ ^^ ^''^ partln^l^rs to thoL^vho niav 
 beefier have the oppoitunity of carefully examining the ground, which 
 
 w icH^-nnn' t'"'^*'r' it-^'^- ^^'''' .'' «"^ ^^'' "^' ^^'^'^-'^ explanation 
 Ta . ns bpCir '''''• V' -'"f-'^"''? '•'-'^^ ^^•''^•" ^'''^' «"n>rised tiie Gallic 
 famps, the Galli were fortihmg the defile at (Jpme between the Puv 
 
 tT- M R ^ some point on the north-west side of Gergovia, looking 
 leiion of '^h^T ''' ' '"' ""^^ ''']'!'' ^^ P'-^^^'"t C'-^esar from getting po^ 
 Wnded trthi"?'il" 'I'T'^''''^ [" t -i-^' -r^ I cannot believe that tJ.ey 
 tie hi-, .'griu. ''^' "' ^'^"^'' ''^''^ -^ " ^^"^^ ''^y ^'^^ ^J'-ir ^""^P« o^ 
 
NOTES. 
 
 417 
 
 ALESIA 
 
 (vii. 68—90). 
 
 The hill on ^liich Alesia stood is now named Mont Auxois. It is an 
 isolated mass of liigli laiui surrounded on the north, east, and south by 
 other iiills of about tiie same heiglit. On the north and south Mont 
 Auxois is bounded by the valleys in which How the Ose and Oserain. On 
 the south-east a low col or nt-ck separates Mont Auxois from the height 
 called Plevenel, which also lies between the valleys of the Ose and 
 Oserain. 
 
 The summit of Mont Auxois is a plateau, which about the middle rises 
 a little above the general level. At the east end and just bc^ow the edge of 
 the plateau there is a spring, the water from which is now carried in pipes 
 to supply the hospice which is on the western slope of Mont Auxois. The 
 highest point of the plateau of Mont Auxois is 418 me'res. The plateau is 
 boi'dered all round by a steep face of rock, below which there is a narrow 
 flat on the south-west side of the hill, and here the village of Alise Sainte 
 Reine stands. In the other parts below the steep face of the rock there is a 
 gentle descent to the valleys of the Ose and Osei'ain, and on the west to the 
 fertile plain of Les Laumes. This is the plain three miles wide, fiom north 
 to soutli, which Caesar describes as being in front of the town (c. G.O). The 
 place \vhere Vercingetorix posted himself and made his wall and ditch, wag 
 below the idateau at the east end of Mont Auxois, between Mont Auxois 
 and Mont Plevenel. 
 
 Caesar began the blockade of Alesia by placing his camps round Mont 
 Auxois in convenient positions. He also made twenty-three redoutes 
 ('castella') on aline of eleven Roman miles in circuit. These 'castella' 
 were probably first placed on the heights to the south, east, and north. 
 The cavalry of Vercintretorix made their escape through the plain on the 
 west side of Mont Auxois (c. 71), before the place was shut in. 
 
 The first ditch which Caesar made {c. 7*2i, the 'fosse perdu,' was in the 
 plain of Les Laumes, and along the valleys on the north and south of Mont 
 Auxois, but outside of the two streams. At the east end the ditch would 
 luu across the col or neck which separates Mont Auxois fiom Plevenel. 
 
 Caesar's parapet or "vallum' was 400 feet distant from the first ditch 
 (the 'fosse ])erdu'). It ran through the plain of Les Laumes and on the 
 heijits which surround Mont Auxois on the north, cast, and south. This 
 line of c<mtrevallation passed over Rea, the height which is north-west of 
 Mont Auxois. Rea is separated from the high land to the east of it by tha 
 valley in which Cressigny is situated. The line of circumvallation being 
 outside of the line of contrevallation (c. 74) was of still greater circuit, 
 fourteen Roman mile. This line also passed over Rea, and through the 
 plain to the west of Mont Auxois, but between the foot of Mont Auxois 
 and tlie small river Brenne. It then ran along the plateau on which the 
 town of l"'lavigny stands and past the site of this town, across the Oserain, 
 Mont Plevenel, the Ose, the Vaux which runs past Daney, then along the 
 high ground between Darcey and Cressigny, and terminated at Rea, wiiere 
 Regii.us and Rebilus were posted (c. 83). The weak pan of the line waa 
 
 E e 
 
NOTES. 
 
 417 
 
 ALESIA 
 
 (vii. 68—90). 
 
 The hill on 'vliirh Alcsia stood is now named Mont Anxois. It is an 
 isolated mass of high laml surrounded on the north, east, and south by 
 other hills of about the same lieiLdit. On the north and south Mont 
 Auxois is bounded by the valleys in which How the Ose and Oserain. On 
 the soutii-cast a low col or ntck separates Mont Auxois from the height 
 called Plevenel, which also lies between the valleys of the Ose and 
 Oserain. 
 
 The summit of iMont Auxois is a plateau, which about the nii<ldle rises 
 a little above the general level. At the east end and just be^)w the edge of 
 the plateau there is a spring, the water from which is now carried in pipes 
 to su])p]y the hospice wliich is on the western slope of ISIont Auxois. Tiie 
 highest ]»oint of tlie plateau of .Mont Auxois is 418 nie'res. The plateaii is 
 bordered all round by a steep face of rock, below which there is a narrow 
 flat on the south-west side of the hill, and here the village of A list- Sainte 
 Reine stands. In the other parts below the steep face of the rock there is a 
 gentle descent to the valleys of the Ose and Oserain, and on the we^t to the 
 fertile plain of Lcs Launies. This is the j)lain thiee miles wide, fiom north 
 to south, which Caesai' describes as being in front of the town (c. ().'>). 'J'he 
 place where Vercingetori.v posted biniself and made his wall and ditch, was 
 below the idateau at the east end of ]\Iont Auxois, between ^lont Auxois 
 and Mont Plevenel. 
 
 Caesar began the blockade of Alcsia by placing his camps round .Mont 
 Auxois in convenient ])osition8. He also made twenty-three redoutes 
 (' eastella') on a line of eleven Roman miles in circuit. These 'castella' 
 were probably first placed on the heights to the south, east, and north. 
 The cavalry of Vercinjetorix made their escape through the plain on the 
 west side of Mont Auxois (c. 71), before the place was shut in. 
 
 The fir>t ditch which Caesar made (<■. 7'2i, the 'fosse perilu,' was in the 
 plain of Les Laumes, and ak)ng the valleys on the north and south of Mont 
 Auxois, but out-^ide of the two streams. At the east end the ditch would 
 lun across the col or neck whic h separates .Alont Auxois fioni Plevenel. 
 
 Caesar's para])et or •vallum'' was 40<') feet distant from the hrst ditch 
 (the 'fosse jierdu '). It ran through the jdain of Les Laumes and on the 
 heii;ht9 which suriound Mont Auxois on the north, cast, and south. This 
 line of contrevallation passed over Rea. the height which is north-west of 
 ]\Iont Auxois. Rea is separated from the high land to the east of it by thy 
 valley in which Cressigny is situated. 'Ihe line of circumvallation being 
 outside of tlie line of contrevallation (c. 74) was of still greater circuit, 
 fourteen Roman miles. This line also ])assed over Rea, and through the 
 plain to tlu- west of Mont Auxois. but between the foot of INIout Auxois 
 and the small river Brenne. It then ran along the jdateau on which the 
 town of I'lavigny stands and past the site of this town, across the Oserain, 
 Mont Plevenel, the Ose, the Vaux which runs ])ast Daney, then along the 
 high ground between Dareey and Cressigny, and terminated at Rea, where 
 Regii.us and Rebilus were posted (e. 83). The weak pars of the line waa 
 
 E e 
 
418 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 tlonjf Rea. But if Ciiesar had enclosed the hill of Rea, it would have boci 
 necessary to carry his lines some distance further to the north-west. 
 Accordingly the lines ran along the face of Rea which was turned to the 
 south, and tlie ground onllie outside of the lines of circuinvallation sloped 
 down to them (c. 83). This was the post which Vergasillaunus attacked, 
 and here the decisive battle was fought (c. 85). 
 
 The Gallic auxiliaries who arrived with Comm and others posted them- 
 selves on the heiglits to the west of the Brenne. not more than a Roman 
 mile from Caesar's lines in the plain. In the battle described in c. 79, the 
 Gallic cavalry filled all the plain, but their infantry remained on the 
 heights. The men in Alcsia had a full view from the town (c. 79); and 
 they came down from the liill to the inner lines in the plain, ready to break 
 through them if they found it practicable. Caesar was ready for them. 
 He manned all his lines and led his cavalry out to battle. The infantry of 
 the Gallic atixiliarics watched the fight from their heights, and those who 
 TTcre shut up in Alesia saw it from their high position. The Roman sol- 
 diers from their lines which crowned all the neighbouring heights had also 
 a view of the battle. The Gallic cavalry was defeated, and the besieged 
 returned from the inner lines to the plateau of Alcsia. 
 
 The next day the lines in the plain were attacked by the Galli. This 
 was the part where M. Antonius and Trebonius were posted (c. 81). A» 
 the Romans were hard pressed in some parts, Antonius and Trebonius got 
 relief from the ' castolla.' which were further removed from the point of 
 attack (c. 81). 'i'he battle was foutrht here in the nijrht, and when daylight 
 appeared the Galli retired, being afraid of being attacked in flank from tiie 
 lines on the hi:hcr ground (c. 82). I do not take ' latere aperto' to mean 
 one flank more than the other. They were eridently in danger on both 
 flanks. Nor do the ' superiora castra' in c. 8.5 mean the camp of Reginus 
 and Rebilus only; for when Caesar says of the d'alli, " they get people who 
 were acquainted with the ground, and are informed by them of the position 
 and fortifications of the ' superiora castra,' '* he means all the lines on the high 
 jrround, and he then speaks of the hill to the north-west as the point whi h 
 the Galli determined to attack. The sixty thousand men under Vergasil- 
 launus (c. 83) made a circuit from the Gallic camp and marched on the 
 Avest side of the high ground which bounds the plain, so as to be hid fron» 
 the Romans. They rested behind a hill to the north-west of Rea, and at 
 the time fixed they emerged from behind this cover and advanced to the 
 po'^ition of Reginus and Rebilus, At the same time the cavalry advanced 
 against the lines in the plain on the west side of the city, and the rest of the 
 Gallic infantry began to show themselves in front of their camp, which was 
 opposite to Caesar's ' campestres munitiones' in the plain of Les Laumes. 
 Verciiigctorix again descends from the hei-hts of Alesia towards the plain 
 (c. 8fi), to make a last eftbrt to break out. 
 
 The great fight was at the lines on Rea, to which Vergasillaunus had led 
 the sixty thousand men. Caesar was on the look out. Unless the Galli 
 forced the Roman lines, they were beaten; and if they did force them, the 
 Romans must be destroyed. Labienus is sent to support Reginus and 
 Rebilus, with orders if the Galli could not be repelled from the lines, to 
 draw the troops from the other parts of the fortifications and to make a 
 sally on the enemy. The Galli in Alesia at last give up the attack on the 
 lines along the plain and try the steeper parts. Brutus and Fabius are sent 
 to stop the besieged from breaking out here, and Caesar himself brings 
 fresh men to support them. The besieged are checkeil ; and so far all is 
 safe. Caesar now goes to support Labienus. He takes four cohorts from 
 the nearest 'castellum,' and some cavalry. He orders another part o*" the 
 
 XOTES. 
 
 419 
 
 e»valry to go round the outer lines to attack the enemy in .ne rear. La- 
 bienus, being unable any longer to keep the enemy out, iiaving got together 
 nine and thirty cohorts, near four legions, from the nearest 'castella,' sends 
 to tell Caesar what liis opinion was as to the next move : he was preparing 
 to sally out upon the assailants. 
 
 The Roman hurries to the fight. He seems to have come from the 
 heights on the south-west, and to liave passed between his lines in the plain, 
 Eonspicuous with his scarlet cloak, the man \vhose presence brought victory. 
 His narrative is as rapid as his movements. He seems in a hurry to end 
 his storv. He is received with shouts on both sides; the shout is answered 
 from all the Roman lines. His soldiers attack with the sword, the weapon 
 with which the Romans conquered the world. All at once the cavalry 
 ap])ear in the rear of the enemy ; other cohorts advance upon them: the 
 Galli turn their backs, and the fugitives meet the cavalry. The slaughter is 
 great; and the battle is won. The narrative of Caesar is free from all 
 difificulty. Its truth is justified by the unerring evidence of the localities, 
 and t^ )se who have ignorantly found fault with the history of this inctom- 
 pai-able writer, may learn a lesson of modesty and self-distrust 1 com the siege 
 of Alesia. 
 
 There is a long essay in the Revue des Deux Mondes, Mai, 1858, on the siege 
 of Alesia.^ It is entitled, ' Alesia, Etude sur la Septieme Campagne de Cesar 
 en Gaule.' It is a well written essay, well worth a careful perusal. At the 
 head of this essay there is a list of eight recent works on the site of Alesia. 
 It had long been the established opinion that Alise Ste Reine is Caesar's 
 Alcsia, but some French writers have recently made the discovery that 
 Alesia is Alaise on the east side of the Saone. (See c. 90, note.) There are 
 two objections to receiving this discovery : the first is, that if we place 
 Alesia east of the Saone and on the site of Alaise, that posititn is incon- 
 sistcnt with Caesar's movements both before the siege of Alesia and after 
 the siep. The second is, that the ground at Alaise does not correspond to 
 Caesar 8 description of Alesia, and the ground at Alise does coirespond to 
 Caesar's desrription. This plan of Alesia is from the plan in the Reme, 
 which is made on a reduced scale from the map of the Depot de la Guerre. 
 The Revue -aIho contains a plan of Alaise. 
 
 E e 1? 
 
LIBER YIII. 
 
 421 
 
 LIBER OCTAYUS. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 
 " x" T. ir. * ''^ *^^ ^"^''«''- ^- ^'^'^ combination of the Galli 
 Tl,t r 'l'^'"'»^^ P'-^'l^«<^ ^■««- «ar, but are compelled to yield. 4 5 
 G Tb? Rpn 'l"'^'--^/'^^ «'^"'«^"' but are reduced to 'sulmmsion 
 reus nd SZ' ^7 oo ^^^''^-^ng states prepare lor war under Co": 
 
 tlTeir submiss on oT n ^•'''^'' '''"^''^'"" ^^?^"^' ^''^ Bellovaci, and 
 «mvnf. » ^- ^''""" '^''^' "«' ^•■"st ''''"self to the Romans- 
 
 8to,y of the Romans attempting to assassinate Coum,. 24, 25. DisTiibu- 
 Uonof the Roman legions; Caesar again ravages the ter itory of Am- 
 bionx ; Lab.enus ,s sent against the 'JVeviri. HCy-Oi). Dn.S a Ga^l 
 
 uuTrl K n '' ^- <^^"'"'"8 ^o»nes to the aid of Duratius, and 
 
 al^> C. Kab.us; Dumnncus is defeated. 30. Caninius pursues dAvZ 
 a benon and Luctenus a Cadurcan, who were threatening tie ProvTn^a 
 31. Pabms compels the C'arnutes and the Armoric states to submit 
 
 botlT^^l^owe'r WT ' "'"^"'r^- :'-'?■ ^^'^'^P- -^' LucteHus bdng 
 of he CS n l^ &"'^«"'n''"' t''^'";^lvcs up in U.xello.lunum. a town 
 T V 01.^ ; "^^ P'appcs and Lncterius with some men leave 
 
 U.xellodunum to get supplies to carry into the town: the Ronnns fall 
 upon them; Lucterius escapes, but Dmnpes is caugh b Ca,"iniu 
 37. Canmms prepares to blockade Uxclfodunum. 38 Caesai leaves 
 M. An toniu, among the Bellovaci, and visits the Carnu es he flo's L 
 
 te 3;;llT"r "'' '"' ^'"^T T, *1'^ ^■•'^"^"^- ^« -•• tl.e year be 
 he cuts oVfu .^r ' '""'"' '" Uxeilodunum ; description of the place ; 
 th. Ro. r^'"-^ '/'"^^'^ ^'^ ''"•'^''^'^ operations about Uxcllodunum • 
 
 off tL Tt ™tr^^^^^ '"f»^\^= ^'^^^^•'^•- »>y his nnnes Smws 
 
 on tne Avaur tioni the only source that the besieged had and thcv ar? 
 
 compelled to submit. 44. Caesar cuts off the hands of a 1 tl e men u'm 
 
 nd iX:r:7;:>?"'^^"^t'7l?•'""^^^^« '•-^•^ -■ I-^^enus is caught 
 ana (icliveitd to Caesar. 45. Labunus reduces the Treviri to obedience 
 
 ^u T^"" Aquitania for th« first time and receives the submis' 
 
 Tthe wintrT^ hegoesto Narbo; the distributir:f'hrsTe'g?o„^; 
 
 Bel.h.m 47 48 ?'"'' ^'"-i?' ^'T^^ \"^ '''''''''' ^' Ne'netocenna in 
 
 Short f.reface of the author. 49 C.esar, during his winter sfciv in R^l 
 gium tnes to conciliate the Galli. 50, 51. ul goesr tal ^ J supno 1 
 M. Antomus his quaestor in his canvass for a priest's office he is' re 
 
 IdmnistcrTnll T ^"l^'^^'-^.to.^emetocenna; he appoints Labienus to 
 artmmister Ga lia Togata; the signs of a civil war ai iroachinrr 54 Rv 
 a senatusconsmtum Caesar and Pompeius are sever ifvreSed fall 
 up. a legion for the Parthian war. bv whic^Ss r i.X lose, ?w^ 
 legions: h:. distribution of hi. troop^ for the w"t"r; he goes ritl^' 
 
 55. On reaching Italy he learns that the two legions "which were taken 
 from him on the pretext of a Parthian war are given to Cn. Pompeius 
 and are kept in Italy. 
 The events contained in chapters 1 — 48 belong to A.u.c. 703 or B.C. 51, 
 and the consulship of Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, and M. Claudius i\Tarcellu8. 
 The events contained in chapters 49 — 55 belong to a.u.c. 704 or B.C. 5\), 
 and the consulship of L. Aemilius Paullus, C. Claudius Marccllus. 
 
 The author of this book is not Caesar as the Preface shows; and indeed, if 
 there were no preface, we should not fail to discover that it is by a dif- 
 ferent hand. Suetonius (Caesir, c. 56) says that Caesar left Com- 
 nientarii of the Gallic war and of the Civil war of Pompeius. He adds — 
 that the author of the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish war is uncer- 
 tain ; some think that Oppius is the author, others assign them to Hir- 
 tius, who also (perhaps.') completed ('suppleverit') the last and the 
 imperfect book of the Gallic war. — He also quotes a passage from this 
 Preface: ' Adeo probantur . . . . scimus.' According to this testimony 
 there is no doubt that Aubis Hirtius is the author of this book. The 
 name of Hirtius is prefixed to this book in some MSS. ; but most have 
 the name of Aulus Hirtius Pansa, though Hirtius and Pansa are two 
 different persons. Plutarch, in his Life of Caesar, does not notice any of 
 the events in this book, and it does not appear in the (ireek version. 
 
 Aulus Hirtius was consul with C. Vibius Pansa, B.C. 43, and both of them 
 lost their lives in the battles near Mutina. Cicero mentions Hirtius 
 several times in his letters (Ad Div. xi. 1 ; xii. 22). There is extant a 
 letter of Hirtius to Cicero (Ad Att. xv. 6). Hirtius was a friend of 
 Caesar, and after his assassination very unwillingly joined the so r a'.led 
 Republican partv. This preface is addressed to Balbus, who is L. Corne- 
 lius Balbus, a native of Gades, in Spain. Balbus received the Roman 
 citizenship from Cn. Pompeius, on the recommendation of L. Cornelius 
 Lenlulus, and after the fashion in, such cases, he adopted the gentile 
 name of his patron, when he became a Roman citizen, 'i'here is extant 
 an oration of Cicero in defence of Balbus against an attempt to deprive 
 him of his citizenship. Balbus was much trusted by Caesar (Cicero, Ad 
 Div. vi. 8). He is often mentioned in Cicero's letters, and there is 
 extent a letter from him to Cicero (Ad Att. ix. 7). 
 
 CoACTUS assiduis tuis vocibus, Balbe, quum quotidiaua 
 niea recusatio non difficultatis excusatiouem, sed iuertiae 
 videretur deprecationem habere, difficillimam rem suscepi. 
 Caesaris nostri commeutarios rerum gestarum Galliae, 
 
 I 
 
 quum . . . deprecation' m] ' Since 
 my continual refusal ap])eared to be 
 not an excuse on account of the dif- 
 ficulty, but an apology for my in- 
 dolence.' 
 
 Caesaris nostri . . . riiag Caesarisi 
 Instead of ' compai-andos ' there is 
 'comparantibus' on better authoiity 
 perhajre, and 'comparentibus,' and 
 ' comparandis.' Kraner has ' cohae- 
 reutibus.' It is clear that the text 
 
 cannot express the author's meaning ; 
 for ' Caesaris nostri conmientarios 
 . . . contexui,' means, ' I have put 
 together the commentarii of Caesar.' 
 Tiie words ' non comparandos .... 
 scriptis' are quite unintelligible, at 
 least, to me. The words ' novissi- 
 niumque imperfectum ' seem to b© 
 the same words that Suetonius uses 
 in speaking of the last book of tho 
 Gallic war ; and yet these arc fol- 
 
422 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 non comparandos superioribus atque insequentibus ejus 
 scriptis, contexui, novissimumque [ac] imperfectum ab 
 rebus gestis Alexandriae coiiteci usque ad exitum non 
 quidem civiiis dissensionis, cujus finem nullum videmus, 
 sed vitao Caesaris. Quos utinam qui legeut scire pos- 
 smt, quam invitus susceperim scribendos, quo facilius 
 caream stultitiae atque adrogantiae crimine qui me mediis 
 interposuerim Caesaris scriptis. Coustat enim inter 
 omnes nihil tam operose ab aliis esse perfectum quod non 
 iiorum elegaritia commentariorum superetur. Qui sunt 
 ¥diti ne scientia tantarum rerum scriptoribus deesset 
 adeoque probantur omnium judicio ut praerepta non 
 praebita tacultas scriptoribus videatur. Cujus tamen rei 
 major nostra quam reliquorum est admiratio : ceteri enim 
 quam bene atque emendate, nos ctiam quam facile atque 
 celeriter eos perfecerifc scimus. Erat autem in Caesare 
 
 lowed by ' ab rebus . . . Alexandriae,' 
 as if the writer were thinking of the 
 tontinuation of the last hook of the 
 Civil war. Again, the words ' quos 
 utinam,' &c., refer to more books 
 than one, but nobody can tell what 
 books they arc. The words ' qui me 
 mediis,' &c., ixfer to this eighth 
 book, which comes bctwctii C'aet^ar's 
 Commentarii and his Civil war. 
 Fuither, the author speaks of con- 
 tinuing some narrative to the death 
 of Catsar; but this narrative only 
 goes to the beginning of the Civil 
 war, and even the Spanish war 
 <loes not continue the history to the 
 death of Caesar. The author, who- 
 ever he is, wrote after Caesar's 
 death, and as if he saw a great deal 
 of the troubles which followed. Yet 
 Hirtins died tlic year after Caesar. 
 We collect from this obscure pre- 
 face that the author wrote something, 
 which has not been preserved, or 
 that he intended to write it. 
 
 nos . . . ifctnius] Here the writer 
 8j>eaks as if he knew something of 
 the circumstances under which the 
 Commentarii were written. T)ru- 
 mann (Geschichte Roms iii. Hirtii) 
 eays that Mirtius accompanied Cae- 
 »ar B.C. oli, as legate to Gallia, and 
 
 sought here also jovial living, on 
 which account Q. Cicero blam. 8 
 liim with his usual bitterness; in 
 proof of which he refers to a letter of 
 Q. Cicero to Tiro, B.C. 44, which 
 seems to allude to Hirtius and Pansa 
 having been in the Gallic wars ; but 
 that is all. Hirtius came from Caesar 
 to Rome in e.c. 50 (Cic. Ad Att. 
 vii. 4). Caesar never mentions him. 
 The Commentarii were written, I 
 think, during the Gallic war. They 
 were certainly written and published 
 before Cicero wrote his Brutus, B.C. 
 40\ for he speaks of them as ' com- 
 mentarios rerum suarum,' an ex- 
 pression which may comprehend also 
 the three books of the Civil war. 
 It does not seem likclv that Caesar 
 wouhl have time to write the Gallic 
 war after he invaded Italy, B.C. 49. 
 He would have plenty of time in the 
 year B.C. 50, for ho was then unem- 
 ployed (viii. 52). It seems then that 
 he either wrote them during this 
 year or lefore. The author pro- 
 fesses to know something of Cae 
 sar's way of writing them. But if 
 Hirtius was never in Gallia with 
 Caesar, then it seems that Hirtius 
 did not write this book. Further, 
 the words 'pro testimonio' con- 
 
 LIBEK VIII. 
 
 428 
 
 quum facultas atque elegantia summa scribendi, turn 
 verissima scientia suorum consiliorum explicandorum. 
 Mihi ne illud quidem accidit ut Alexaudrino atque Afri- 
 cano bello interessem ; quae bella quamquam ex parte 
 nobis Caesaris sermone sint nota, tamen aliter audimus 
 ea quae rerum novitate aut admiratione nos capiunt, 
 aliter quae pro testimonio sum us dicturi. Sed ego nimi- 
 rum, dum omnes excusationis causas colligo ne cum 
 Caesare conferar, hoc ipso crimen adrogantiae subeo quod 
 me judicio cujusquam existimem posse cum Caesare com- 
 parari. Vale. 
 
 Omni Gallia devicta Caesar quum a superiore aestate 
 nullum bellandi tempus intermisisset, miiitesque hiberno- 
 
 nected with what precedes (' audi- 
 mus') ought to mean that the author 
 heard the facts in this book told by 
 somebody, an(i that he collected in- 
 formation for the purpose of writing 
 it. He did not listen to Caesar's 
 story of the Alexandrine and African 
 wars with the purpose of wiiting the 
 history, but merely to be pleased. 
 Whether Hirtius was with Caesar in 
 the Alexandrine war, we do not 
 know ; for the fact that he was with 
 Caesar at Antioch after that war 
 (Cic. Ad Att. xi. 20) docs not prove 
 that he was not with Caesar at Alex- 
 andria, as Drumann supposes. He 
 was not in the African war c<>r- 
 tainly. I think the cxjjression ' mi- 
 hi ne illud quideui ' implies that the 
 author knew nothing personally of 
 the Gallic war, for when he says that 
 he was not even in the Alexandrine 
 and African war, he ought to mean 
 that there was some other war also 
 in which he was not; and that must 
 be the Gallic war. If he was a wit- 
 ness of the rapidity with which the 
 books were written and was not in 
 Gaul with Caesar, Caesar wrote 
 them after the end of the Gallic 
 war; a conclusion that nobody will 
 accept who has read the Gallic war 
 carefully. Or, if he did write them 
 after the end of the war, he hud 
 
 ample memoranda to help him. 
 The author of this preface has con- 
 trived to make the thing as obscure 
 and confused as possible. It is a 
 master-piece in this way. 
 
 Asinius Pollio (Suetonius, Caesar, 
 c. 5(J), " thinks that the Commen- 
 tarii were written with little care and 
 no exact regard to truth, since 
 Caesar for the most part inconsider- 
 ately gave credit to what was done 
 by others, and as to his own acts 
 either purposely or from defect of 
 memory stated them inaccurately ; 
 and he thinks that Caesar would 
 have written them over again and 
 corrected them ;" if he had lived, I 
 suppose he means t<> say. We do 
 not know what auth *ty Pollio had 
 for saying this as to tu > Gall c war ; 
 nor do 1 see how Caesai- was to cor- 
 rect the facts which liad been re- 
 ported to him untruly, especially as 
 r. Crassus for instance who con- 
 ducted the Aqtiitanian campaign 
 (Lib. iii.) was dead, and Labiinus, 
 who carried on various operations in 
 Caesar's absence, never saw him 
 after B.C. 49; nor do I see how Cae- 
 sar's memory of his own acts was to 
 be improved by lapse of time. Pol- 
 lio was an eye-witness and an histo- 
 riaa of the Civil war. 
 a supjriore] Clark omits 'a ' od 
 
124 
 
 C. JULU CAESAKIS 
 
 rum quiete reficere a tantia laboribi.s vellet, coniolure. 
 eodem tempore cvitates renovare belli cousilir nunc a 
 bantur co.yurat.ouesque faeere. Cujus rei verisimi is 
 
 ne "e u latu t// T' •^""'^ ""'"'""^ cognituH 
 neque ulU multitudine in unum locum coacta reaisti 
 
 posse liomanis, nee, si diversa bella compTures eodem 
 tempore ,n,ssent civitates, satis a.uilii aut spatH au™ 
 copiarum habiturum exercitum Populi Romani ad omni. 
 persequenda: non esse autem aliL civ? aT solr^! 
 commod. recusandam, si tali mora reliquae possent a« 
 vindicare in libertatem. ^ possent se 
 
 2 Quae ne opinio Gallorum confirmaretur Caesar M 
 Antonium quaestorem suis praefecit hibernis- ipse cum 
 equitatus pjaesidio pridie Kal. Januarias ab' opp"do 
 Bibraete prolic.scitur ad logionem xiu, quam non o'^ee 
 a hu.bus Aeduorum collocaverat in finibus B"turi°,i,n 
 eique adjungit legiouem xr, quae proxima fuerat T, k 
 
 etirm Tnl?''^-'''"'^"'^ 'tuend^a] relief reliquume-! 
 ercitum m copiosissimos agros Biturmum inducit • nni 
 quum latos fines et complura oppida^abS Ju^^^ 
 legionis hibernis non potuerant contineri qui^'bel am 
 pararent conjurationesque facerent. ^ 
 
 3. Kepentino adventu Caesaris accidit, quod imnaratia 
 
 colentes prius ab equitatu opprimerentur quam confugere 
 
 the authority of Cod. Reg. Perhaps 
 the writer nicans that there had been 
 no rest since the s-immer of b c 53 
 which was the fact. He begins his 
 narrative where the seventh book 
 ends, with the troops going into 
 winter quartei-s in the rear B.C. .52 
 
 Romauis] Many MSS. have 'a 
 Romanis; manifotly a false readin^r. 
 bevei-al states were preparing an out- 
 break at the same time, for they 
 knew that with no force which thiy 
 could muster in one spot were thev 
 abl- to resist the Romans, nor i'f 
 many states shouhl rise at the same 
 tin«e had the Romans force enou'di 
 to engage them all at once; no sta'te 
 thrn onglit to refuse to take its share 
 f*f the danger of an insurrection, 
 
 since by engaging the Romans in 
 many places a- once, and so causine 
 them to lose time, those Gallic 
 states that were not attacked by the 
 Komans might secure their liberty 
 ;,"'*:70 'intulissent,' Kraner. 
 
 ••""o, ^"^^niumqriaestorem] See 
 V". «1, note. '' 
 
 liihraete] See vii. 90, as to the 
 quarters of the legions.-' legionem 
 xm: the JNl.SS. have 'legionem 
 ti,"' ,.^"^T «cxtius(vii. 51) had 
 the thirteenth, and (vii. 90) T 
 bextius Avas quartered among the 
 iiitunges. See viii, H 
 
 cmplum cppida] Yet they had 
 burnt twenty of their towns the 
 vcar before (vii. 15).-^ potuerant >' 
 potuennt,' Kraner. 
 
 
 LIBER yill. 
 
 425 
 
 in oppida possent ; namque etiam illud vulgare incursion- 
 ibus signum hoatium, quod incendiis aedificiorum in- 
 telligi consuevit, Caesaris id erat interdicto sublatum ne 
 aut eopia pabuli frumentique, si longius progredi vellet, 
 deficeretur, aut hostes iuceudiis terrerentur. Multis 
 hominum milibus captis perterriti Bituriges, qui primuni 
 adventum effugere potuerant llonianorum, in finitimas 
 civitates, aut privatis hospitiis contisi aut societate con- 
 siliorum, confugerant. Frustra : nam Caesar magnis 
 itineribus omnibus locis occurrit ; nee dat ulli civitati 
 spatium de aliena potius quam de domestica salute cogi- 
 tandi ; qua celeritate et fideles amicos retinebat et dubi- 
 tantes terrore ad conditiones pacis adducebat. Tali eon- 
 ditione proposita Bituriges, quum sibi viderent dementia 
 Caesaris reditum patere in ejus amicitiam, finitimasque 
 civitates sine ulla poena dedisse obsides atque in fideni 
 receptas esse, idem fecerunt. 
 
 4. Caesar militibus pro tanto labore ac patientia, qui 
 brumalibus diebus, itineribus difBcillimis, frigoribus iu- 
 tolerandis, studiosissime permanserant in labore, ducenos 
 sestertios, centurionibus ii milia nummum praedae no- 
 mine condonanda pollicetur; legionibusque in hiberna 
 remissis ipse se recipit die xxxx Bibraete. Ibi quum 
 jus diceret, Bituriges ad eum legatos mittunt auxilium 
 petitum contra Carnutes, quos iutulisse bellum sibi que- 
 rebantur. Qua re cogiiita quum non amplius x et viri 
 dies in hibernis esset commoratus, legiones xiy et Yi ex 
 
 3. ruh/are incursiotiifms] To burn 
 the buildings was usual in this 
 Gallic warfare. It was Caesar's 
 practice (v. 48). — ' incursionis,' Kra- 
 ner. 
 
 deficeretur] There is little MSS. 
 authority for ' deficeret ' in this 
 passage. If we read ' deficeretur,' 
 ' copia' is the ablative. 
 
 Frustra] Suetonius speaks as if 
 Caesar left an eighth book imi)er- 
 fect, and the unintelligible sentence 
 of the preface seems to mean some- 
 thing of the kind. Caesar never 
 wrote this ' Frustra,' and perhaps no 
 part of this book. If he did, the 
 author took the liberty of spoil- 
 
 ing it. We have his ' Frusti-a' again, 
 c. 5. 
 
 4. hrumaWms di.hiis] These 
 events belong to the end of the true 
 year, for ' bruma ' is the winter sol- 
 stice. The men had been called out 
 when the days are shortest. 
 
 7iuuimum] That is 'nummorum,' 
 and *■ nummus' alone means *• sester- 
 tius.' Most MSS. are said to have 
 ' tot milia.' Only one MS. is said 
 to have ' II milia.' 
 
 praedae nomine] See vii. 89. — 
 'condonanda:' most of the MSS. 
 have ' condonata.' 
 
 legumes xiv et vi] See vii. 90. 
 These are the tw( e;jionsat Matisco 
 
426 
 
 C. JULIl CAESARIS 
 
 liiberms ab Arare educit, quas ibi collocatas explicaudae 
 rei Irumeiitariae causa superiore commentario demoii- 
 Btratum est. Ita cum duabus legiouibua ad persequeudos 
 Carnutes proficiscitur. 
 
 5. Quum fama exercitus ad hostes esset perlata, cala- 
 mitate ceteroruin ducti Carnutes, desertis vicis oppidisque, 
 quae tolerandae hiemis causa, constitutis repeiite exiguis 
 ad necessitatem aedificiis, incolebaut, (nuper enim devicti 
 complura oppida araiserant,) dispersi profiigiunt. Caesar 
 erumpentes eo maxime tempore acerrimas tempestates 
 quum subire milites uollet, in oppido Carnutum Genabo 
 castra ponit atque in tecta partim Gallorum, partim quae 
 conjectis celeriter stramentis teutoriorum integendoruni 
 gratia erant inaedificata, milites contegit : equites tamen 
 et auxiliaries pedites in omnes partes mittit quascumque 
 petisse dicebautur hostes : nee frustra, nam plerumque 
 magna praeda potiti nostri revertuutur. Oppressi Car- 
 nutes hiemis difficultate, terrore periculi, quum tectis ex- 
 pulsi nullo loco diutius consistere auderent, nee silvarum 
 praesidio tempestatibus durissimis tegi possent, dispersi 
 magna parte amissa suorum dissipantur in finitimas 
 civitates. 
 
 G. Caesar tempore anni difficillimo quum satis haberet 
 convenientes manus dissipare, ne quod initium belli nas- 
 ceretur, quantumque in ratione esset exploratum haberet 
 
 and Cabillonum. The name of the 
 sixth has not occurred before, and it 
 has been assunied that this is a new 
 legion, and so Caesar would in this 
 year have eleven legions. The true 
 explanation probably is that there is 
 an error in the number vi. 
 
 rei /rumejitariae] See vii. 90. 
 * Explicandae rei frumentariae causa' 
 is not one of Caesar's expressions. 
 He says in vii. 36, 'rem frumenta- 
 nam expedisset." The Romans used 
 'exphcare' and 'expedire' in the 
 sense of bringing a tiling to a proper 
 tcrnimation. In c. 14 there is ' con- 
 fusum . . . explicant agmen.' 
 
 5. oppidisque] Tins word has 
 caused some ditiiculty, but it is in 
 the MiSS. They hud probably some 
 
 towns besides those which had been 
 destroyed. 
 
 aviiserant] A better reading 
 than ' dimiserant,' though there are 
 fewer MSS. in favour of ' amiserant.' 
 If 'dimiserant' is right, it means 
 that they had quitted the 'oppida,' 
 not attempted to defend them, and 
 this may be the meaning of the pas- 
 sage. In vi. 12 there is ' Sequani 
 principatum dimisei-ant.' 
 
 Genubo] Genabum was burnt the 
 year before (vii. IJ). This passage 
 shows that some of the Galli had 
 constructed huts or houses on the 
 spot. 
 
 viilites contegit] ' Milites conje- 
 cit,' Kraner, 
 
 b\ quantumque, <|c.] ' As far as he 
 
 LIBEE VIIT. 
 
 427 
 
 sub tempus aestivorum nullum sum mum belluin posse 
 couflari, C. Trebonium cum ii legionibus quas secum 
 habebat in hibernis Genabi collocavit ; ipse, quum crebria 
 legatiouibus Eemorum certior fieret, Bellovacos, qui belli 
 gloria Gallos omnes Belgasque praestabant, finitimasque 
 his civitates duce Correo Bellovaco et Commio Atrebate 
 exercitus comparare atque in unum locum cogere, ut 
 omni multitudine in fines Suessionum, qui Kemis erant 
 attributi, facerent impressionem, pertinere autcm non 
 tantum ad dignitatem, sed etiam ad salutem suam judi- 
 caret, nuUam calamitatem socios optime de re publica 
 meritos accipere, legionem ex hibernis evocat rursus xi, 
 litteras autem ad C. Eabium mittit, ut in fines Suessio- 
 num legioues ii quas habebat adduceret, alteramque ex 
 duabus ab T. Labieno arcessit. Ita quantum hibernorum 
 opportunitas bellique ratio postulabat, perpetuo suo la- 
 bore in vicem legionibus expeditionum onus injuugebat. 
 
 7. His copiis coactis ad Bellovacos proficiscitur, cas- 
 trisque in eorum finibus positis equitum turmas dimittit 
 in omnes partes ad aliquos excipiendos ex quibus hostium 
 consilia cognosceret. Equites oflBcio functi renunciant 
 paucos in aedificiis esse inveijtos, atque hos, non qui 
 agrorum colendorum causa remansissent, namque esse 
 undique diligenter demigratum, sed qui speculandi gratia 
 essent remissi. A quibus quum quaereret Caesar, quo 
 loco multitudo esset Bellovacorum, quodve esset consilium 
 eorum, inveniebat Bellovacos omnes qui arma ferre pos- 
 sent in unum locum convenisse ; itemque Ambianos, 
 
 could judge,' * as far as was within 
 his means of judging.' 
 
 sid) tempus aestivoruiri] ' As the 
 season for the summer campaign was 
 approaching.' See c, 46, '' extre- 
 mum tempus aestivorum." Tiie 
 'aestiva' is the summer season, the 
 time for a campaign. A ' summum 
 bellum ' seems to be a general war, 
 a war in which the ' summa rei pub- 
 licae ' is concerned. 
 
 Remis — attributi] The Remi and 
 Suessiones were once in a kind of 
 political confederation. Tlie Remi 
 were always frieudly to Caesar, but 
 
 the Suessiones joined the Belgae 
 against Caesar (ii. 3). They also 
 sent troops to attack Caesar at Ale- 
 sia (vii. 7o), but the Remi still were 
 faithful (vii. 03). Caesar had made 
 the Suessiones ('attributi') dependent 
 on the Remi. See vii. 10 and vii. 
 76, as to the word 'attribuere.' Fa- 
 bius was among the Remi (vii. 
 90). 
 
 in vicem] He imposed on the le- 
 gions in turns the labour of service 
 in these several expeditions, himsell 
 being always engaged in them. 
 
428 
 
 C. JULIl CAESAEIS 
 
 Aulercos, Caletos, Velliocasscs, Atrebatas ; locum castrie 
 excelsura iu silva impedita circumdatuni palude dele- 
 gisse ; omnia impedimenta in ulteriores silvas contulisse ; 
 complures esse principes belli auctores, sed multitudinem 
 niaxime Correo obtemperare, quod ei summo esse odio 
 iiomen Populi Roinaui intellexissent ; paucis ante diebus 
 ex his castris [Atrebatem] Commium discessisse ad aux- 
 ilia Germanorum adducenda, quorum et vicinitas pro- 
 pinqua et multitudo esset infiuita: constituisse autem 
 Jiellovacos omnium principum consensu, surama plebis 
 cupiditate, si, ut dicebatur, Caesar cum tribus legionibus 
 veniret, offerre se ad dimicandum, ne miseriore ac duriore 
 postea conditione cum toto exercitu decertare cogerentur: 
 si majores copias adduceret, in eo loco permanere quem 
 delegissent ; pabulatione autem, quae propter anni tempus 
 quum exigua turn disjecta esset, et frumentatione et 
 reliquo commeatu ex insidiis prohibere liomanos. 
 
 8. Quae Caesar consentientibus pluribus quum cogno- 
 visset, atque ea quae proponereutur consilia plena pru- 
 dentiae longeque a temeritate barbarorum remota esse 
 judicaret, omnibus rebus inserviendum statuit, quo cele- 
 rius hostia contemptasuorum paucitate prodiret inaciem: 
 singularis enim virtutis veterrimas legiones vii, viii, yiiii 
 babebat ; summae spei delectaeque juventutis xi, quae, 
 octavo jam stipendio functa, tamen collatione reliquarum 
 
 7. Velliocassesi Or Veliocasses, 
 or Veliocasses, as some have it (vii. 
 75). Tliere is also a variation Atre- 
 bates. 
 
 impedita — pulwle] The reading 
 is uncertain. Elb. omits ' in silva.' 
 Morus would omit ' circumdatum.' 
 Oros'iiis (vi. 11) has "locum quon- 
 dam cinctum atque impeditum uudi- 
 que paludibus capiunt. ' 
 
 ut dicebatur] ' ut diceretur,' Elb., 
 perhaps on better iMSS. authority; 
 but the indicative may stand. If 
 the subjunctive is used, ' ut diccre- 
 tur ' is a part of what is represented 
 as having been said to Caesar. 
 
 pabiUatione — quae — disjecta] ' The 
 forage could only be got from places 
 remote from one anotlier.' C'omp. c. 
 
 10, '* quem roris disjectisque," &c. 
 
 8. omni/jus- inserciendum] 'I'he 
 author intends to e-\'press something 
 like vvliat Caesar has expressed (vii. 
 7), and the two forms may be com- 
 pared : ' omnibus consiiiis antever- 
 tendum existimavit ut,'&c. Kraner 
 observes tlmt ' omnibus rebus ' is the 
 ablative, and 'inserviendum' refers 
 to ' quo celerius . . . prodiret.' 
 
 octavo — stipendio] The word 
 ' stipendium,' the soldier's pay, join- 
 ed to a numeral, expresses the num- 
 ber of his year's service ; as in Taci- 
 tus, Ann. i. 36, " missionem dari 
 vicena stipendia meiitis." 
 
 collatione re/i(jiuiruin] ' In com- 
 parison with the rest.' Instead of 
 ' cajiere' Caesar uses ' habere' (viL 
 
 LIBER VIII. 
 
 429 
 
 nondum eandem vetuatatis ac virtutis ceperat opiniouem. 
 Itaque consilio advocato, rebus iis quae ad se essent de- 
 latae omnibus expositis, auimos multitudiuis coufirmat. 
 Si forte hostes trium legion um numero posset elicere ad 
 dimicandum, agminis ordinem ita constituit, ut legio vii, 
 VIII, vim ante ouuiia irent impedimenta ; delude omnium 
 impedimeutorum agmen, quod tamen erat mediocre, ut in 
 expeditionibus esse consuevit, cogeret undecima, ue ma- 
 joris multitudinis species accidere hostibus posset quam 
 ipsi depoposcissent. Hac ratione paene quadrato agmine 
 instructo in conspectum hostium celerius opinione eorum 
 exercitum adducit. 
 
 9. Quum repente instructas velut in acie certo gradu 
 legiones accedere Galli viderent, quorum erant ad Cae- 
 sarem plena fiduciae consilia perlata, sive certaminis peri- 
 
 83), "quae maximam virtutis opi- 
 nionem habebant." Kraner has ' in 
 collatione,' and he omits ' functa.' 
 
 ut in eapeUiiioniljus] The author 
 uses the same expression as Caesar 
 and Livy, to signify a rapid move- 
 ment to tight a battle or strike some 
 sudden blow (B. G. v. lU). 
 
 paene quadrato] The explanations 
 which are given of this expression 
 by some who have written on mili- 
 tary matters are not clear. I do not 
 think tliat Polybius (vi. 40), who is 
 sometiufes referred to here, explains 
 it. The author exjilains it, in a 
 manner, him^elf. The three legions 
 marched before all the ' impedi- 
 menta,' which was not the usual 
 form. They would be readier for 
 action than if each legion was fol- 
 lowed by its ' iuipedimenta.' Tlie 
 form of march then is such that the 
 troops were rather an ' acies,' a battle 
 order, than a marching body (comp. 
 Liv. 33, c. 9). Cicero says of An- 
 tonius (Phil. xiii. 8), *' Prorupit 
 subito Brundisium, ut inde agmine 
 quadrato ad urbcm accedcret," which 
 is as much as to say that he intended 
 to atUick the city. (See also Phil, 
 v. 7 ; and Livy, 21, c. 5.) The be- 
 ginning of the next chapter explains 
 ' quadrat um agmen' here, for the 
 
 Galli saw the Roman legions approach 
 ' instructas velut in acie.' In c. 30", 
 "legionem armatam instructamque 
 adducit." An ' agmen quadratum ' 
 then is an army that marches in 
 Older of battle, and a march in 'acie 
 triplici' (B. G. iv. 14) seems to be 
 the same thing. The explanation 
 of 'paene quadrate' by Guischardt 
 (Mem. Milit. i. 3!)) seems to be cor- 
 rect. The three legions formed an 
 'agmen quadratum," but thefouith 
 legion, which marched behind, broke 
 the regularity of the figure, and it 
 was not a perfect * agmen quadra- 
 tum.' It brought up the rear of the 
 ' impedimenta ' (' impcdimcntorura 
 agmen . . . cogeret'). Kraner says 
 that the proper * agmen quadratum ' 
 is a hollow square with four fronts, 
 and he refeis to Sallust, Jug. cc. 46. 
 49. But the term is not used by 
 iSallust in tbose chapters. 
 
 9. sivj certain t?ns c^c. J These 
 words are rather obscure. They 
 umst be explained by 'copias instru- 
 unt . . dccedunt.' The enemy formed 
 in battle order in fiont of their camp, 
 but would not quit their ground ; 
 and all this was done 'either be- 
 cause a battle was imminent, or be- 
 cause of the suddenness of the ap- 
 j)roach of the Romans, or beiause 
 
430 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 culo, sive subito adventu, seu exspectatione nostri consilii, 
 copias instruunt pro castris nee loco superiore decedunt. 
 Caesar etsi dimicare optaverat, tamen admiratus tantam 
 multitudinemhostium valle intermissa magis inaltitudinem 
 depressa quain late patente castra castris hostium confert. 
 Haec imperat vallo pedum xii nniniri coronisque lori- 
 culam pro ratione ejus altitudiuis inaedificari ; fossam 
 duplicem pedum quinum denum lateribus directis de- 
 primi ; turres crebras excitari iu altitudinem triura tabu- 
 latorum, poiitibus transjectis constratisque conjungi, quo- 
 rum frontes vimiuea loricula muuireutur, ut hostis a 
 duplici [fossa, duplici] propugnatorum ordiiie defende- 
 retur ; quorum alter ex pontibus, quo tutior altitudiue 
 esset, hoc audacius longiusque tela permitteret ; alter, 
 qui propior hostem iu ipso vallo collocatus esset, ponte 
 ab incidentibus telis tegeretur. Portis fores altioresque 
 turres imposuit. 
 
 10. Hujus munitionis duplex erat consilium. Namque 
 
 they were waiting to see what the 
 design of the Romans was.' 
 
 coufert\ Ho pitches his camp op- 
 posite to the enemy's camp, as in 
 Livyxxvii.e. 12, '" Marcelius vestigiis 
 inbtabat castraque castris conferebat, 
 et opere peifecto," &c. 
 
 coronisijue . . . inaedificar{\ The 
 reaiiiiior is very uncertain, and the 
 dithculty of choosing among the 
 readings is increased by the difficulty 
 of knowing what ' coronae ' are. Cur- 
 tius (ix. 4) has : " Angusta muri 
 corona erat; non piimae sicut alibi 
 fastigium ejus distinxerant, sed per- 
 pctua lorica obducta transitum sep- 
 serat." Here boih a ' corona ' and 
 a ' lorica ' are mentioned, though it 
 is not quite clear what the ' corona ' 
 is. Some commentators explain it, 
 by the aid of Vitiuvius, as a pro- 
 jecting part of a wall. A few 
 AlSS. of Caesar have ' coronis inae- 
 dificari,' and omit the rest; but most 
 ]\1SS have ' loriculam' or 'loricam.' 
 It is difficult to say whether there is 
 much authority for ' loriculamque.' 
 A 6 tlie text sianiis, it means ihat a 
 
 small * lorica,' or breastwork, was to 
 be built in or on the 'coronae,' 
 which Would supi»ort it. If we had 
 the singular, *" corona,' Oudcndorp's 
 explanation might he accepted : " in 
 summo rotiindi valli fastigio aedifi- 
 cari loriculam." And I don't see any 
 other meaning for ' coronae.' Krantr 
 omits 'coronisque,' and he reads 
 ' muniri, loriculam per aggerationem 
 ejus altitudini,' &c. 
 
 ej^iluri\ This is one of Caesar's 
 words (iii. 14). 
 
 po7iiihus] These planks connected 
 the ' turres,' and were appropiiatcly 
 called ' pontes.' Their purpose is 
 explained by the author. Besides 
 this, if one ' turris' f^hould be taken 
 by the enemy, Ije might be stopped 
 from further progress by cutting off 
 the communication. 'J'he words 
 ' fossa duplici ' are omitted in some 
 MSS., and they encuu)ber the pas- 
 sage. The MSS, readings are either 
 'ut ab hostibus . . . defenderentur,' 
 Mhich is perhaps hardly Latin, or 
 ' ut hostis . . . depelleretur.' ' l)e- 
 fendere ' is to repel. 
 
 LIBER YIII. 
 
 431 
 
 I 
 
 et operum magnitudinem et timorem suum sperabat fidu- 
 ciam barbaris allaturum, et quum pabulatum frumenta- 
 tumque longius esset proficiscendum, parvis copiis castra 
 nmuitioue ipsa videbat posse defendi. Interim crebro 
 paucis utrimque procurrentibus inter bina castra palude 
 luttTJecta contendebatur ; quam tamen paludem nounum- 
 quam aut nostra auxilia Gallorum Germanorumque trans- 
 ibant acriusque hostes insequebantur, aut vicissim hostes 
 eandem transgressi nostros longius submovebant. Ac- 
 cidebat autem quotidiauis pabulationibus, id quod accidere 
 erat necesse, quum raris disjectisque ex aediticiis pabulum 
 couquireretur, ut impeditis locis dispersi pabulatores cir- 
 cumvenirentur: quae res etsi mediocre detrimentum ju- 
 mentorum ac servorum nostris adferebat, tamen stultas 
 cogitationes iucitabat barbarorum, atque eo magis, quod 
 Commius, quem profectum ad auxilia Germanorum ar- 
 cossenda docui, cum equitibus venerat; qui tamen etsi 
 numero non amplius erant quingenti, tamen Germanorum 
 adventu barbari intijlbantur. 
 
 11. Caesar quum animadverteret hostem complures 
 dies castris palude et loci natura munitis se tenere, neque 
 oppugnari castra eorum sine dimicatione perniciosa, nee 
 locum munitionibus claudi nisi a majore exercitu posse, 
 litteras ad Trebonium mittit, ut quam celerrime posset 
 legionem xiii, quae cum T. Sextio legato in Biturigibus 
 hiemabat, arcesseret, atque ita cum iii legionibus [quam] 
 maguis itiueribus ad se veniret: ipse equites in vicem 
 Remorum ac Lingonum reliquarumque civitatum^ quorum 
 magnum nuraerum evocaverat, praesidio pabulationibus 
 mittit, qui subitas hostium incursiones sustinerent. 
 
 10. timorem suu7n] Caesar's sup- 
 posed, not real, fear. — ' eandem trans- 
 gressi :' * eadem transgress!,' Kraner, 
 which means ' having crossed by the 
 same mar^h.' 
 
 Cominiui — Germanoru7n] See c. 
 
 iame?i etsi] Or ' tametsi,' as some 
 MSS. have it. — 'amplius . . . quin- 
 genti :' there is no occasion to adopt 
 the reading ' quingentis.' ' Amplius ' 
 is often used thus, as in iv. IJ, '' non 
 amplius octingentos equites." But 
 
 if 'amplius* is separated from the 
 numeral by several words, the con- 
 struction is used as in viii. 18. — ' in- 
 flabantur :' this word has the autho- 
 rity of some MSS. Many have 
 ' nitebantur.' Caesar (B. C. i'ii. 108) 
 has " regis inflatum pollicitationibus." 
 ' Inflantur' occurs in B. G. viii. 12. 
 
 11. [(/uuDi] magma] Some MSS. 
 and Hav, A. omit ' quam.' 
 
 in viccin] The cavalry of the Rcmi 
 and Lingones was sent in turns, a» 
 the next chapier explams. 
 
i22 
 
 C. JULII CAESARTS 
 
 12. Quod quum quotidie fieret, ac jam consuetudine 
 diligeiitia minueretur, quod plerumque accidit diutur- 
 nitate, Bellovaci delecta nianu peditum cogiiitis station- 
 ibus quotidiaiiis equitum nostroruni silvestnbus locis 
 insidias disponimt, eodemque equites postero die mittunt 
 qui prinium elicerent nostros insidiis, deiiide circumventos 
 aggrederentur. Cujus mali sors incidit Reinis, quibus 
 ilTe dies fungendi limneris obvenerat.^ Namque ii quum 
 repents hostium equites animadvertissent ac numero 
 superiores paueitatem contempsissent, cupidius insecuti 
 a peditibus uudique sunt circumdati ; quo f^icto pertur- 
 bati celerius quam consuetudo fert equestris proelii se 
 receperunt, amisso Vertiseo, principe civitatis, praefecto 
 equitum, qui quum vix equo propter aetatem posset uti, 
 tamen consuetudine Gallorum neque aetatis excusatione 
 in suscipienda praefectura usus erat, neque dimicari sme 
 se voluerat. Inflantur atque incitantur hoslium ammi 
 Becundo proelio, principe et praefecto Kemorum niter- 
 fecto, nostrique detrimento admonentur diligeutius explo- 
 ratis locis stationes disponere ac moderatius cedeutem 
 
 iusequi hostem. . 
 
 13. Non intermittuntur interim quotidiana proelia ni 
 eonspectu utrorumque castrorum, quae ad vada trans- 
 itusque fiebant paludis. Qua contentioue Germani, quos 
 propterea Caesar transduxerat lihenum ut equitibus m- 
 terpositi proeliarentur, quum constantius universi paludem 
 transissent, paucisque resistentibus intert'ectis pertinacius 
 reliquam multitudinem esseut insecuti, perterriti non 
 solum ii qui aut comminus opprimebantur aut eminus 
 vulnerabantur, sed etiam qui longius subsidiari cousue- 
 
 LIBER VIII. 
 
 133 
 
 12. eodemque] Or ' ea.lemqiie,' 
 *by the same way,' as some iM8S. 
 have it. Tluse two wonls are some- 
 times confounded. — ' insidiis :' *' vulg. 
 ante Oud etGiani, in iwsn/ws,'' i^^^-, 
 which sccnis to he the tnie reading. 
 lu c. 16, there is " elicere nosiros in 
 locum iniquum," If we take the 
 reading ' insidiis,' we must explain 
 it as an ahhitive -, and it means 'to 
 uraw on our men by feints,' or sham 
 attacks. 
 
 InJiatUur] There is also a reading 
 
 ' inflammantur.' — 'admonentur . . . 
 disponere :' this is not the usuiil 
 Latin construction, which requires 
 'ut' or 'quo' and the subjunctive 
 
 (viii. 5li). 
 
 13. intermittuntur] ' intermittunt,' 
 Kraner. — * interpositi :' see i. 48. 
 
 limijius subddiari] 'Subsidiari* 
 seems to mean ' to bring subsidium, 
 or relief,' or to be 'in suhsidio.' 
 But 'loDgius' IS obscure. I'erliaus it 
 means wliat Ileiv.og suggests, ' those 
 who had for pome lime been accus- 
 
 ^erant turpiter refugerunt, nee prius finem fugae fece- 
 runt, saepe amissis superioribus locis, quam se aut iu 
 castra suorum reciperent, aut nonnulli pudore coacti 
 longius profugerent. Quorum periculo sic omnes copiae 
 suut perturbatae ut vix judicari posset, utrum secundis 
 parvulis rebus insolentiores an adversis mediocribus timi- 
 diores essent. 
 
 14. Compluribus diebus iisdem in eastrfs consumptis 
 quum propms accessisse legiones et C. Trebonium W 
 turn cognovissent, duces liellovacorum veriti similem 
 obsessionemAlesiaenoctu dimittunt eos quos aut aetate 
 aut viribus inferiores aut inermes habebant, unaque reli- 
 qua impedimenta. Quorum perturbatum et confusum 
 dum explicant agmen, magna enim multitudo carrorum 
 etiam expeditos sequi Gallos consuevit, oppressi luce 
 copiis armatorum vias pro suis instruunt castris, ne prius 
 Komani persequi se inciperent quam longius agmen impe- 
 dimentorum suorum processisset. At Caesar neque re- 
 sistentes aggrediundos[, neque cedentes] tauto collis 
 ascensu [iacessendos] judicabat, neque non usque eo 
 
 tomed to act as a reserve,' men wlio 
 had seen some service, and been ac- 
 customed to stand their ground. 
 Kraner explains it thus, 'in weiterer 
 Kntfcrnung,' 'at some distance.'— 
 'saepe amissis' perhaps means hav- 
 ing been drive?i from "several liighcr 
 positions, which, if tliey had fought 
 well, they ought to have kept. — ' pu- 
 dore oacti :' a few MSS. have ' pa- 
 vorc ' in place of * pudore.' I am not 
 quite sure what the author means. 
 But who can intcipu-t with certainty 
 such a writer.?^ Perhaps the sense of 
 shame made tliem flee beyond tlie 
 camp: they were ashnmed to sIk.w 
 tlieir faces in it. TJiere is a readin^r 
 ' nonnullo.' * 
 
 14. simi/em . . A'esiae] *Alesi:ie' 
 is the genitive. Compare iii. 14, 
 " non absimili forma . . falcium," 
 
 oppressi luce] ' Surprised by day- 
 light.' I dont know if this par- 
 ticular expression occurs, but ' op- 
 priniere' in this sense is common. 
 I should not have discovered any 
 
 thing to find fault with here. On 
 the contrary the expression seems 
 to nie well chosen. But I iran- 
 soribe one of Hei-zog's notes, to show 
 that he has a different opinion, and 
 as a specimen of his style of note- 
 making: "More frequently mj\ 
 somniis opprimit. Curt. vii. 11. 17; 
 iv. 13. lb". It is: 'inopinantes et 
 imparatos invadere,' our: 'to sur- 
 prise' ('uberraschen'). We con- 
 sider the exi)ression ' luce opprimi ' 
 as artificial and unnatural. Beautv, 
 good taste, sound judgment itself, 
 are most shown in style in the c^oice 
 of the predicates. Quinctilian tells 
 us this X. 1. 9."—.' copiis armatorum 
 ciistrorum vias instruunt :' the read- 
 ing of some MSS. Morus says that 
 he can't understand it. Herzog in- 
 ter})rets ' castrorum vias ' to be the 
 'ways to the camp.' Kraner omits 
 'vias' and writes 'copi as' for 'copiis.' 
 neque . . .judicuhul] The tixt is 
 very uncertain ; and the whole sen- 
 tence is so ill expressed that it w 
 
 Ff 
 
i31 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER YIII. 
 
 435 
 
 legioncs admoveiidas ut discedere ex eo loco sine periculo 
 barbari militibus iiistantibus non possent. Ita quuin 
 paliide impedita a castris castra dividereutur, quae trans- 
 eundi difficiiltaa celeritatem insequendi tardare posset, 
 atque id jugum, quod trans paludem paene ad hostiuin 
 castra pertiueret, mediocri valle a castris eorum inter- 
 cisum aniuuitn adverteret, pontibus palude constrata 
 legiones transducit celeriterque in summam planitiein 
 jugi pervenit, quae declivi fastigio duobus ab lateribus 
 numiebatur. Ibi legionibus instructis ad ultimum jugum 
 pervenit, aciemque eo loco constituit uude tormento 
 mi^sa tela in hostium cuneos conjici possent. 
 
 15. Barbari confisi loci natura quura dimicare non 
 recusarent, si forte Romani subire collem conarentur, 
 paullatinique copias distributas dimittere non auderent 
 ne dispersi perturbarentur, in acie permanserunt. Quo- 
 rum pertinacia cognita Caesar viginti cohortibus in- 
 structis castrisque eo loco metatis muuiri jubet castra. 
 Absolutis operibus legiones pro vallo instructas coUocat ; 
 
 hard to translate. ' Caesar thought 
 that he ought neither to attack theui, 
 !f tliey kept their ground, nor if they 
 retreated, when he had so stee;) an 
 ascent in his front, nor ought he to 
 bring his legions not near enough 
 for the enemy to be unable to leave 
 their ground without danger, if our 
 soldiers j)ressetl them hard.' But 
 this is very confused, and I believe 
 that the words which I have inclosed 
 thus [ J ought to be omitted ; and 
 Kraner has omitted them. It then 
 means : ' that he ought not to attack 
 them, if tliey kept their ground, with 
 60 steep an ascent in his front.' 
 
 ad uIiiiuuih] He advanced along 
 the flat top of the 'jugum' to its ex- 
 tremity, where a depression separated 
 it from the hill on which the enemy 
 was. He was on a ridge sloping 
 down on the right and left, and so 
 he was protected on these two sides. 
 From the extremity of the ridge he 
 could annoy the enemy with his mi- 
 litary engines. The descent at the 
 extremity of the ' jugum ' appears to 
 be rapid. These iudica ions might 
 
 assist in discovering the place. 
 
 15. paulliitiiiKjiw] The Galli did 
 not send off their troops in small 
 divisions, lest being scattered they 
 should be thrown into confusion. 
 
 viifiiiti . . . instructis] Twenty co- 
 horts placed ready to fight, while the 
 rest were making the camp; as in i. 
 49. — ' frenatis equis :' 'with their 
 horses saddled and bridled,' ready 
 for action. 
 
 nutatis] The word has a passive 
 sense, as in Livy xliv. c. 37. 
 
 castra] Here wc have an instance 
 of the Romans making a camp on a 
 hei'djt. Caesar intended to pass the 
 night there, and accordmg to Roman 
 system he would make a camp. Such 
 camps on high grounds are found in 
 England, on the South Downs for 
 instance. They were probably some- 
 times occupied for a long time, as 
 places to keep a look out from. Here 
 we know why this camp was placed 
 on a height. This camp, if it re- 
 mains, and the 'jugum,' with the 
 depression and the opposite hill, 
 would indicate the site pretty clearly. 
 
 equites frenatis equis in stationibus disponit. Bellovaci 
 quum Romanos ad insequendum paratos viderent, neque 
 pernoctare sine periculo aut diutius permanere sine 
 cibariis eodem loco possent, tale consilium sui recipiendi 
 inieruiit. Fasces, uti consederant, stramentorum ac vir- 
 gultorum, quorum summa erat in castris copia, per 
 mauus inter se traditos ante aciem collocaverunt, extre- 
 nioque tempore diei signo pronunciato uno tempore in- 
 cenderunt. Ita continens flam ma copias onnies repente 
 a conspectu texit Romauorum. Quod ubi accidit, bar- 
 bari vehementissimo cursu refugerunt. 
 
 16. Caesar, etsi discessum hostium auimum advertere 
 non poterat incendiis oppositis, tamen id consilium quum 
 fugae caussa iuitum suspicaretur, legiones promovet, 
 turmas mittit ad insequendum : ipse veritus iusidias, nJ 
 forte in eodem loco subsisteret hostis atque elicere nos- 
 tros in locum couaretur iniquum, tardius procedit. 
 Equites quum intrare fumum et flammam densissimam 
 tunerent, ac, si qui cupidius intraverant, vix suorum ipsi 
 priores partes animura advertereut equorum. insidias 
 veriti liberam facultatem sui recipiendi Bellovacis dede- 
 runt. Ita fuga timoris simul calliditatisque plena sine 
 uUo detnmento milia non amplius x progressi hostes 
 loco munitissimo castra posueruut. Inde quum saepe in 
 itisidns equites peditesque disponerent, magna detrimenta 
 Romanis in pabulationibus inferebant. 
 
 17. Quod quum crebrius accideret, ex captivo quodam 
 comperit Caesar Correum, Bellovacorum ducem, fortissi- 
 morum milia yi peditum delegisse, equitesque ex omni 
 numero mille, quos in insidiis eo loco collocaret, quem in 
 
 nefftie — aut] 'Sic omncs codd.' 
 Elb. See vii. 64. For 'sine cibariis' 
 Kraner has 'sine periculo.' which 
 words he omits after 'pernoctare.' 
 
 uti conseilerant, ^c] 'Ubi con- 
 sederant,' Klb., which, he savs, is the 
 reading of the best MSS. 'Most of 
 the M8S. have * ut consueverant.' 
 The MSS., or many of them, have 
 'consederant, namque in acie se- 
 dere Ciallos consiiesse supcrioribus 
 commentariis dcclaratum est.' but I 
 see no meaning in this ; nor has any 
 
 if 
 
 thing of the kind been said in the 
 ' superiores commentarii.' Yet if we 
 follow the iM SS., we must keep them. 
 The text without them is this: 
 ' bundles, just as they had encamped, 
 of straw and sticks, 'of which there 
 was a great abundance in the army,' 
 &c. 
 
 16. fumum] ' Summum jugum,' 
 Kianer. 
 
 partes animum advcrterent] Elb. 
 omits 'animum,' and also Ucnng. 
 
 17. collocaret] ' Coulocarat,' Elb. 
 
436 
 
 C. JULII CAESARTS 
 
 locum propter copiara frumenti ac pabuli Eonianos pabu- 
 latum missuros suspicaretur. Quo cognito consilio Cae- 
 sar legiones plures quam solebat educit ; equitatumque 
 qua cousuetudine pabulatoribus mittere praesidio con- 
 suerat praemittit. Huic interpouit auxilia levis arma- 
 turae: ipse cum legionibus quara potest maxime adpro- 
 pinquat. 
 
 18. Hostes in insidiia dispositi, quum sibi delegissent 
 campum ad rem gerendam non amplius pateiitem in 
 omnea partes passibus mille, silvis undique impeditissimia 
 aut altissimo fiumiue munitum, velut indagine hunc in- 
 sidiis circumdederunt. Explorato hostium consilio 
 nostri ad proeliandum animo atque armis parati, quum 
 subsequentibus legionibus nullam dimicationem recusa- 
 rent, turmatim in eum locum devenerunt. Quorum 
 adventu quum sibi Correus oblatam occasionem rei ge- 
 rendae existimaret, primum cum paucis se ostendit atque 
 in proximas turmas impetum fecit. Nostri constauter 
 incursum sustinent insidiatorum, neque plures iu unum 
 locum couveniuat, quod plerumque equestribus proeliis 
 quum propter aliquem timorem accidit, tum multitudine 
 ipsorum detrimentum accipitur. 
 
 There is authority for both. — ' sole- 
 bat :' there is a reading ' soleret/ 
 and 1 believe that the subjunctive 
 can stand here. 
 
 qiia — consuerat] Davis and Clarke 
 conjecture, and the conjecture has 
 sou)e authority for it, 'cquitatum 
 quein sua consuetudine pab. mitt. 
 pracsi<iioconsueverat.' This is the way 
 that Caesar would write. Oudendorp, 
 Klb., and otliers have* ' ])raesidia,' 
 for which there is little authority; 
 and it is a bad reading. ' Qua con- 
 suetudine,' I think, may be right. 
 
 IH. indagim'\ This is a hunting 
 term. Virgil (Aen. iv. 121), 
 
 " Dum trepidant alac saltusque in- 
 dagine cingunt." 
 
 An'indago' is a circuit made by 
 nets and men, to stop up all ways 
 and drive the beasts into a narrow 
 compass where they may be killed. 
 This [dace wag on a very deep 
 
 river, but the author does not give 
 the name. This campaign seems to 
 have been carried ou in the country 
 of the Bellovaci (c. 7), as we might 
 suppose -, for the I3ellovaci, a warlike 
 people, would not quit their country, 
 but their allies would come to them. 
 If this was so, the ground lies be- 
 tween the Somme, the Oise, and the 
 Seine. The Somme is beyond the 
 territory of the Bellovaci ; at least 
 the parts where the Somme is a deep 
 river belong to the Ambiani. The 
 Bellocassi or Velocassis are between 
 the Bellovaci and the Seine. The 
 IsaraorOise lies between the Bello- 
 vaci and the Suessioncs, and this 
 may be the river that is spoken of. 
 The Bellovaci were tlireatening to 
 invade the tiriitory of the ISuessi- 
 oncs, but it is not sUited that they 
 did so. We collect that Caesar's 
 approach prevented them. 
 
 LIBEK VIII. 
 
 437 
 
 19. Quum dispositis turmis in vicem rari proeliaren- 
 tur, neque ab lateribus circumveniri suos paterentur, 
 erumpunt ceteri Correo proeliante ex silvis. Fit magna 
 conteutione diversum proelium. Quod quum diutius 
 pari Marte iniretur, pauUatim ex silvis instructa multi- 
 tudo procedit peditum quae nostros cogit cedere equites ; 
 quibus celeriter subveniunt levis armaturae pedites, quos 
 ante legiones missos docui, turmisque nostrorum inter- 
 positi coustanter proeliantur. Pugnatur aliquamdiu pari 
 contentioue : deinde, ut ratio postulabat proelii, qui sus- 
 tinuerant primos impetus insidiarum, hoc ipso fiunt supe- 
 riores quod nullum ab insidiantibus imprudentes accepe- 
 rant detrimentum. Accedunt propius interim legiones, 
 crebrique eodem tempore et nostris et hostibus nuncii 
 adt'eruntur imperatorem instructis copiis adesse. Qua re 
 cognita praesidio cohortium confisi nostri acerrime proe- 
 liantur, ne, si tardius rem gessissent, victoriae gloriam 
 communicasse cum legionibus viderentur. Hostes conci- 
 dunt animia atque itineribus diversis fugam quaerunt. 
 Nequidquam ; nam quibus difficultatibus locorum Eo- 
 manos claudere voluerant, iis ipai tenebantur. Victi tamen 
 perculsique, majore parte amissa, quo fors tulerat con- 
 sternati profugiunt, partim silvis petitis, partim flumine, 
 qui tamen in fuga a nostris acriter insequentibus contici- 
 untur,- quum interim nulla calamitate victus Correus ex- 
 cedere proelio silvasque petere aut invitantibus nostris 
 ad deditionem potuit adduci, quin fortissime proeliando 
 
 19. erwnpunt'\ Morus misunder- 
 Btood this. He supjmsed the 'ce- 
 teri ' to be the Ronuuis. Correus 
 was not in the wood : he was in 
 advance fighting with a few about 
 him. Then the rest break out of 
 the wood to help him. Some of the 
 editors understood it ' praeliantc ex 
 silvis,' which is contrary to the 
 fact. 
 
 diversuni] They were fighting in 
 different parts. Sec B. G. ii. 22, 
 "diversis legionihus." 
 
 praesidio coIioriiuni\ He means 
 the ' legiones.' 
 
 Nequidmuiin'\ Heie he is at it 
 again. ' I* rustra ' twice before; now 
 
 ' nequidquam.' A more stupid de- 
 scription cannot be conceived. 
 
 (^uo fors tulerutj Omitted bj' 
 Kraner. 
 
 (/uum inlerim — co'jicere] Morus 
 can't believe that the author wrote 
 thus, ' for the language is not intri- 
 cate, but confused.' 'I'hat is my 
 reason for thinking that he did write 
 thus. He always writes so when he 
 gets into a long sentence, which he 
 knows no more how to manage than 
 a description of a battle. ' Quin ' 
 must be connected with 'nulla cala- 
 Djitate.' The whole thing is as bad 
 as it can be. 
 
438 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 complurcsque vulnerando cogeret [elatos] iracundia vie- 
 tores in se tela conjicere, 
 
 20. Tali modo re gesta recentibus proelii vestigiis iu- 
 gressus Caesar, quum vietoa tanta calamitate existimaret 
 hostes nuncio accepto locum castroruin relicturos, quae 
 uou longius ab ea caede abesse plus minus octo milibua 
 dicebantur, tametsi flumine inipeditum trausitum videbat, 
 tamen exercitu transducto progreditur. At Bellovaci 
 reliquaeque civitates repente ex fuga paucia atque hia 
 vulneratia receptis, qui ailvarum beneticio caaum evitave- 
 raut, omnibua adversis, cognita calamitate, interfeeto 
 Correo, amisso equitatu et fortissimia peditibus, quum 
 adventare Komanoa existimarent, concilio repente cantu 
 tubarum convocato conclamant, legati obsidesque ad 
 Caesarem mittantur. 
 
 2L. Hoc omnibus probato consilio Commius Atrebaa 
 ad eoa profugit Germanos a quibus ad id bellum auxilia 
 mutuatus erat. Ceteri e vestigio mittunt ad Caesarem 
 legatos petuntque, Ut ea poena sit contentus hostium, 
 quam si sine dimicatione inlerre integris posset, pro sua 
 dementia atque humanitate numquam profecto esset illa- 
 turus; aillictas opea equestri proelio Bellovacorum esse; 
 delectorum peditum multa milia interisse ; vix refugisse 
 nuncios caedia ; tamen magnum, ut in tanta calamitate, 
 Bellovacos eo proelio commodum esse consecutos, quod 
 Correus, auctor belli, concitator multitudinis, esset inter- 
 fectus ; numquam enim senatum tantum in ciyitate ilio 
 vivo quantum imperitam plebem potuisse. 
 
 22. Haec orantibus legatis commemorat Caesar, Eodem 
 
 20. vestigiis] He folloM-ed up on 
 t^e track of the cnoniy, which in 
 Livy is ' instare vestigiis.' See c. 9. 
 Liv. xxvii. c. 12. 
 
 j)lu,s 7niiais] This means 'about,' 
 ' more or less.' 
 
 Bellovaci] A letter of Caelius to 
 Cicero (Ad Div. viii. 1) alludes to 
 this war with the Bellovaci, and 
 speaks of the rumours about Caesar's 
 difficult position : '' ipsiim apud Bel- 
 lovacos circunisederi interclusum ab 
 reli(]uo cxon itu." 
 
 cuH(.luniun(\ The common read- 
 
 ing before Oudendorp and Giani 
 was ' conclamant ut;' " sed 18 codd. 
 Havn. A.et cd. Inc. omitt. ^*^" Elb. 
 It is indifferent whether we have 
 ' ut ' or not. 
 
 21. c vestujio'] See iv. 5, note i 
 
 'inttgris:' if they ive'-e untouched, 
 entire, not harmed: see v:ii. 30, note. 
 
 c<>7icitat(tr] This word is wanting 
 in some JMSS. Others nave ' con- 
 ciliator ' or 'consiliator.' ' Conci- 
 tiitor' corresponds to ' concitare' in 
 till- nrxt chapter. It occurs iu c. 
 
 oii. 
 
 LIBEE YIII. 
 
 439 
 
 tempore superiore anno Bellovacos ceterasque Galliae 
 civitates suscepisse bellum ; pertinacissime bos ex omni- 
 bus in sententia permansisse, neque ad sanitatem reli- 
 quorum deditione esse perductos ; scire atque intelligere 
 se causam peccati faciilime mortuis delegari : neminem 
 vero tantum pollere ut, invitis principibus, resistente 
 senatu, omnibus bonis repugnantibus, infirma mauu 
 plebis bellum concitare et gerere posset : sed tamen se 
 contentum fore ea poena quam sibi ipsi contraxissent. 
 
 23. Nocte insequenti legati responsa ad suos referunt, 
 obsides conficiunt. Concurrunt reliquarum civitatum 
 legati, quae Bellovacorum speculabantur eventum. Ob- 
 sides dant, imperata faciunt, excepto Commio, quern 
 timor prohibebat cujusquam fidei suam committere salu- 
 tera. Nam superiore anno T. Labienus, Caesare in 
 Gallia citeriore jus dicente, quum Commium comperisset 
 sollicitare civitates et conjurationem contra Caesarem 
 
 22. superiore aw«o] See vii. 75. 
 
 deleyari] This is a Roman legal 
 term, which Ulpian (Dig. 46. 2. 11) 
 explains : "■ delegare est vice sua 
 alium reum dare creditori vel cui 
 jusserit." It is ' delegatio ' when a 
 debtor gives to his creditor, who of 
 course must consent, another person 
 as a debtor in his place. In other 
 words, he jjays his creditor by giving 
 liim a right to accept an equivalent 
 from another person ; or even to 
 name a person who shall receive 
 payment from this other, instead of 
 receiving it himself. Hence the 
 word is used generally to transfer to 
 another any thing for him to do or en- 
 dure, as in Livy x. 19, " eo rem ad- 
 ductam ut omnis rei bene aut secus 
 gestae in Etruria decus dederusque 
 ad L. Volumnium sit delegatuui." 
 It is then clear what is meant : 
 ' that it was a very easy thing to lay 
 the blame on the dead,' who could 
 not speak for themselves. 
 
 omnibus bonis] ' All the good 
 j)eoj»le.' So Cicero often writes. 
 Cicero's ' good people ' are those who 
 lire of the same mind as himself, and 
 also rich, and respectable. Caesar's 
 
 * good people * are those who were 
 obedient to him, not people of the 
 common sort, for they have never 
 been reckoned as anybody, but the 
 noble and the rich, tmitors to their 
 own country and friends to Caesar, 
 because they hoped to get something 
 from him. 
 
 23. obsides conficiunt] 'Conficere' 
 has many meanings. Here it means 
 to make up the number, as in B. G. 
 ii. 4, Terence (Phorm. i. 1,4) has 
 a like use in reference to a sum of 
 money : 
 
 (( 
 
 id ut conficerem ; confeci." 
 
 superiore anno] Caesar was in 
 Gallia Citerior in the early part of 
 B.C. 52 (Lib. vii. 1), "ad conventus 
 agendos proficiscitur," ' to hold his 
 courts.' 'Jus dicere' is the same 
 thing, for there was no ' juris dictio ' 
 without a ' conventus.' Caesar, ac- 
 cording to his fashion, has said no- 
 thing of this affair. It had nothing 
 to do with his campaigns. Labienus 
 was wintering on the borders of the 
 'J'reviri probably (vi. 44), when he 
 made this attempt to murder Comm. 
 
4*10 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 facere, inSdelitatem ejus sine ulla porfidia judieavit com- 
 primi posse. Quern quia non arbitrabatur vocatum in 
 castra veiiturum, ue tentando cautiorem faceret, C. Volu 
 seiium Quadratum misit qui euin per simulationem collo- 
 quii curaret interficiejidum. Ad earn rem delectos [ido- 
 iieos] ei tradit ceuturiones. Quum in colic quium ventum 
 esset et, ut convenerat, manurn Commii Volusenus 
 arripuisset, centurio vel ut insueta re permotus vel cele- 
 riter a t'amiliaribus prohibitus Commii conficere hominem 
 uon potuit ; graviter tameu primo ictu g^idio [caput] 
 percuysit. Quum utrimque gladii destricti essent, uon 
 tarn pugnandi quam diffugiendi fuit utrorumque consi- 
 lium ; nostroruui, quod mortifero vuluere Commium cre- 
 debant aftectum ; Gallorum, quod insidiis cognitis plura 
 quam videbant extimescebant. Quo facto statuisse Com- 
 niius dicebatur numquam in conspectum cujusquam 
 Homani venire. 
 
 24. Bellicosissimis gentibus devictis Caesar quum vi- 
 deret nuUam jam esse civitatem quae bellum pararet quo 
 sibi resisteret, sed nonnullos ex oppidis demigrare, ex 
 agris dittugere ad praesens imperitnn evitandum, plurea 
 in partes exercitum dimittere constituit. M. Antonium 
 quaestorem cum legione xi sibi conjungit ; C. Fahium 
 Icgatum cum cohortibus xxv mittit in diversissimam 
 Galliae partem, quod ibi quasdam civitates in armis esse 
 
 [idoneos] ei] These words are 
 omitted in some pood M8S. One 
 M8. ouiits only ' idoneos,' and an- 
 other only ' ei. 
 
 cetiiu/io— potuit] There are manv 
 variations in the INISS. liere. Chirk'e 
 proposed to read it as it stands in 
 the text, wliich is the reading of the 
 MS. Eliens., with this ditFerence 
 only, that the MS. has ' velut in- 
 bueta,' &e. Clarke did not correct 
 the text in this way, thon<jii he says 
 in his note that he has no doubt that 
 Ilirtins wrote the j)assage so. Ober- 
 lin has followed Clarke's note, and 
 I have also. Elberling has the pas- 
 sacfe thus : ' adripuisset, et centurio, 
 ▼e!ut insueta re permotus, vellct 
 Couimium couticcrc, cderitcr a fa- 
 
 mil iaribus prohibitus non potuit,* 
 See. The text as it stands in Elber- 
 ling seems not to be right, for it 
 means, ' the centurion, as if he were 
 greatly excited by the stranrreness of 
 the circumstances, attempted to kill 
 Comm.' But the soldier failed, 
 either because assassination was a 
 thing that he was not accustomed to, 
 or because Comm's men prevented 
 him from doing it completely. 
 
 [caput]] This word is doubtful. 
 
 It is omitted in some good MSS. 
 
 •percussit:' there is a variation 
 • vulneravit' in the same MSS. 
 
 24. leyione xi] ' legione duodeci- 
 ma,' Kraner. — ' in diversissimam,' 
 into tlie south where Rebilus waswitli 
 a iinglc legion according to vii. 00. 
 
 LIBER VTTL 
 
 441 
 
 nudiebat, neque C. Caninium liebilum, logatum, qui [in] 
 illis regionibus praeerat, satis firmas duas legiones habere 
 existimabat. T. Labienum ad se evocat, legionemque xir, 
 quae cum eo fuerat in hibernis, in Togatam Galliam' 
 mittit ad colonias civium liomanorum tuendas, ne quod 
 simile incoramodum accideret decursione barbarorum ac 
 superiore aestate Tergestinis accidisset, qui repeutino 
 latrocinio atque impetu eorum erant oppressi. Ipse ad 
 vastandos depopulandosque fines Ambiorigis proficiscitur, 
 quem perterritum ac fugientem quum redigi posse in 
 suam potestatem desperasset, proximum suae dignitatis 
 esse ducebat adeo fines ejus vastare civibus, aedificiis, 
 pecore, ut odio suorum Ambiorix, si quos fortuna fecisset 
 reliquos, nullum reditum propter tantas calamitates ha- 
 beret in civitatem. 
 
 25. Quum in omnes partes fiiiium Ambiorigis aut 
 legiones aut auxilia dimisisset, atque omnia caedibus, 
 
 C. Cumntum] He was among the 
 Ruteni (vii. 90); and he served at 
 the siege of Alesia (vii, 83). He 
 followed Caesar's fortunes after the 
 Gallic war. He had the honour of 
 being consul for a single day, the 
 last day of the year B.C. 4.5; which 
 furnished Cicero with matter for 
 8on)e jokes (Cicero, Ad Div. vii. 30; 
 Plutarch, Caesar, 58). 
 
 legionemque xii] ' Legion em au- 
 tem XV,' Kraner. See c. 54, note 
 on XV. 
 
 7of/atam] This is Gallia Citcrior 
 (c. 23), as Caesar calls it, except 
 when he includes it in the general 
 term Italia. This Gallia south of the 
 Alps contained many colonics, and 
 the people south of the Po were now 
 Roman citizens (Introd. p. 23). As 
 the 'toga' is the characteristic Ro- 
 man dress, Gallia T.pgata is Roman- 
 ized Gallia, as oj)pesed to Gallia 
 where the ' toga ' was not so com- 
 mon. So ' togati ' sometimes means 
 Roman citizens. 
 
 simile — ac] This may be com- 
 pared with ' parem . . . atque' (i. 
 28) — 'accidisset:' ' acciderat,' Kra- 
 ner. 
 
 Tergestinis] Tergeste is Trieste, on 
 
 the east side of the head of the Gulf 
 of Venice. According to Mela (ii. 4) 
 it was the boundary of lUyricum on 
 the Italian side. It belonged to Is- 
 tria. It is not said that Tergeste 
 was at this time a Roman colony, 
 but it was under Roman protection. 
 It was a "colonia' when Pliny wrote 
 (N. H. iii. 18) and a large commer- 
 cial place. According to C. T. Zumpt 
 Tergtste was made a ' colonia ' about 
 B.C. 50. 
 
 projimum su(ie] Most of the 
 MSS. have the genitive; others have 
 'suite dignitati,' the usual expres- 
 sion. — ' vastare civibus,' &c. : to de- 
 prive of citizens, cattle, and build- 
 ings. Kraner quotes Virgil, Aen. 
 viii. 7, 
 
 '* undique cogunt 
 
 Auxilia et latos vastant cultoribus 
 
 agios. 
 
 In the next chapter we have 'vas- 
 tare' with an ablative in the usual 
 form, to devastate by doing some- 
 thing. It is not e:isy to understand 
 how it concerned Caesar's dignity to 
 follow up this wretched man. It was 
 the desire of vengeance. 
 
442 
 
 C. JULII CAESARIS 
 
 incendiis, rapiiiis vastasset, magno numero hominum in- 
 terfecto aut capto, Labienum cum duabus legionibus in 
 Treviros mittit, quorum civitas, propter Germaniae vici- 
 nitatem quotidianis exercitata bellia, cultu et feritate non 
 niultum a Germanis differebat, neque imperata umquam 
 nisi exercitu coacta fiiciebat. 
 
 26. Interim C. Caniiiius legatus, qiium magnam mul- 
 titudinem convenisse hostium in finea Pictouum litteria 
 nunciisque Duratii cognosceret, qui perpetuo in amicitia 
 Komanorum permanserat, quum para quaedam civitatia 
 ejua defeciaset, ad oppiduin Lemonum coutendit. Quo 
 quum adventaret, atque ex captivia certiua cognosceret 
 multia hominum milibua a Dumuaco, duce Andium, Du- 
 ratium clauaum Lemoiii oppugnari, neque infirmas le- 
 gionea hostibus committere auderet, castra munito loco 
 poauit. Dumnacua quum adpropinquare Caninium cog- 
 novisset, copiis omuibua ad legionea conversia caatra 
 Komanorum oppugnare instituit. Quum complures diea 
 in oppugnatione consumpsiaset et magno suorum detri- 
 mento nullam partem munitionum convellere potuisset, 
 rursus ad obaidendum Lemonum redit. 
 
 27. Eodem tempore C. Eabius legatus complures 
 civitatea in fidem recipit, obaidibua lirmat, litteriaque 
 C. Caninii Kebili fit certior quae in Pietonibus gerantur. 
 Quibua rebus cognitis proficiscitur ad auxilium Duratio 
 ferendum. At Dumnacua, adventu Fabii cognito, despe- 
 rata salute si eodem tempore coactus esaet et Komanorum 
 externum suatinere hoatem et respicere ac timere oppi- 
 danos, repente eo ex loco cum copiia recedit; nee ae aatia 
 tutum fore arbitratur, nisi flumeu Ligerim, quod erat 
 
 LIBER VIIL 
 
 443 
 
 25. cultu] Sec i. 1, note. 
 
 26. Lemonuiu] Lemonum or Li- 
 monum, for the n.ame is written 
 both ways, was afterwards calKd 
 Pictavi. It is now Poitiere on the 
 Clain, a branch of the Vienne, which 
 falls into the Loire. Lemonum 
 seems to have been the chief place 
 of the Pictones or Pictavi. — ' Le- 
 moni oppugnari:' none of the MSS. 
 Bcem to have 'licmoni.' but tlicy 
 Lave ' Lcmoucm/ aad other varie- 
 
 ties. 
 
 hodihtis committere] ' To fight with 
 the enemy ;' but ' hostibus is the 
 diitive, as we see from Livy x. 1(5, 
 " JSamnitium ixcrcitum nusquam so 
 praelio commilten cm." Accordingly 
 the text literally means, ' he did not 
 venture to trust his weak legions to 
 the enemy ;' he did not venture to 
 risk a battle. See c. 38. 
 
 27. lioiiainoruml ' Romanuin,' 
 Kruuei. 
 
 ponte propter magnitudinem trauseundum, copias trans- 
 duxisset. Fabius, etsi rondum in conspectum venerat 
 hostibus, neque se cum Caninio conjunxerat, tamen doc- 
 tua ab iia qui locorum noverant naturam potissimum 
 credidit hostes perterritos eum locum quem petebat pe- 
 tituroa. Itaque cum copiia ad eundem pontem contendit, 
 equitatumque tantum procedere ante agmen imperat le- 
 gionum quantum quum processisset sine defatigatione 
 equorum in eadem se reciperet castra. Consequuutur 
 equitea nostri, ut erat praeceptum, invaduntque Dumnaci 
 agmen, et fugientea perterritosque sub sarcinis in itinere 
 aggressi magna praeda multia interfectia potiuntur. Ita 
 re bene gesta se recipiunt in castra. 
 
 28. Insequenti nocte Fabius equites praemittit sic 
 paratos ut confligerent atque omne agmen morarentur, 
 dum consequeretur ipse. Cujus praeceptis ut res gere- 
 retur, Q. Atius Varus, praefectus equitum, singularis et 
 animi et prudentiae vir, suos hortatur, agmenque hostium 
 consecatus turmas partim idoneis locia diaponit, partim 
 equitum proelium committit. Consistit audacius equi- 
 tatus hostium succedentibus sibi peditibus, qui toto 
 agmine subsistentes equitibus suis contra nostros ferunt 
 auxilium. Fit proelium acri certamine : namque nostri 
 contemptis pridie superatis hostibus, quum subsequi le- 
 giones meminissent, et pudore cedendi et cupiditate per 
 se conficiendi proelii fortissime contra pedites proelia- 
 
 hostihus] There are readings ' hos- 
 tis ' and ' hostium ;' and in c. 29 
 there is 'in conspectum hostium 
 veniunt.' 
 
 pontevi] This was some bridge 
 over the Loire, for which the enemy 
 was making; for Fabius directed his 
 march towards ' the same bridge,' 
 having conjectured, thought it most 
 likely ('potissimum credidit'), from 
 the position of the bridge, what would 
 be the line of their retreat. We 
 can only guess the point of the river 
 which Dunmacus was trying to reach. 
 It might be at Tours. 
 
 e({uitatumque] 'equitatuque,' Kra- 
 ner; which is the dative. The 
 po».U and later writers, as Krancr 
 
 remarks, used an infinitive with ' ira- 
 perare,' ' suadere,' ' concedere.' 
 
 28. Varus] The reading ' Q. Ati- 
 us Varus' is very doubtful. The 
 MSS. are said to have ' Citatius,' 
 ' Titatius,' and ' Titacius.' But aa 
 ' Q. Varus,' at least, seems to be 
 right, this Varus may he the Varus 
 who is mentioned in the Civil war 
 (iii. 37). 
 
 partim equitmn] ' parte equitum,' 
 Kraner. — ' consistit :' * confligit,* 
 Kraner. 
 
 .^ufjsistentes] Or ' subsistentibue,* 
 to agree with 'equitibus,' as some 
 MSS. have it. — ' ut pridie cogno- 
 vei.-int:' 'as they had experienced 
 the day before.' See c. 27. 
 
 / 
 
414 
 
 C. JULII CAESxVEIS 
 
 baiitur ; hostesque nihil ampliua copiarum accessurum 
 credeutes, ut pridie cognoveraut, deleiidi equitatus uostri 
 nacti occaaionem videbantur. 
 
 29. Quuin aliquamdiu summa conteiitione dimicaretur, 
 Dumnacus iiistruit aciem quae suis esset equitibus ia 
 Mcem pracsidio. Turn repente confertae legiones in con- 
 spectum hostium veniunt. Quibus visis perculsae barba- 
 rorum turmae, perterritae acies hostium, perturbato impe- 
 dimentoruni agiiiiue magno clamore discursuque passim 
 fugae se mandant. At uostri equites, qui paullo ante 
 cum resisteutibus fortissime conflixerant, laetitia victo- 
 nae ehiti, magno undique clamore sublato, cedentibus 
 circumtusi, quantum equorum vires ad persequendum 
 dextraeque ad caedendum valent, tantum eo proelio in- 
 terficiunt. Itaque amplius milibus xii [aut] armatorum, 
 aut eorum qui timore arma projecerant interiectia, omnia 
 multitudo eapitur impedimentorum. 
 
 30. Qua ex fuga quum constaret Drappeten Senonem, 
 (qui, ut pnmum defecerat Gallia, collectis uudique per- 
 ditis honnnibus, servia ad libertatem vocatis, exsulibua 
 omnmm civitatum adscitia, receptis latrouibus, nnpedi- 
 nienta et commeatus Komanorum iuterceperat) non am- 
 plius hominum ii milibus ex fuga collectis Provinciam 
 petere, unaque consilium cum eo Lucterium Cadurcum 
 cepisse, quern auperiore comtnentario prima defectione 
 b-alhae facere in Provinciam iinpetum voluisse cognitum 
 est, Caninius legatus cum legionibus ii ad eos perse- 
 quendos contendit, ne de detrimento aut timore Pro- 
 vinciae magua infamia perditorum iiominum latrociuiia 
 caperetur, 
 
 31. C. Fabius cum reliquo exercitu in Carnutes cete- 
 rasque proficiscitur civitates, quarum eo proelio quod cum 
 JJumnaco lecerat copias esse accisas seiebat ; non enim 
 dubitabat quin recenti calamitate submissiores essent 
 luturae, dato vero spatio ac tempore eodem instante 
 
 30 ,uj>eriore commentario] See are many variations here, and one of 
 
 omitted i; some MSS"%S ^' '' ^1""' ' ""''''"^^ ^^'^'^ ^^^^^^^^^ ' ^> " 
 omitted m some MbS. Drappes is the context is in favour of ' accisas •' 
 
 not mentioned ,n the seventh book. and the word is used in th.s seit e 
 
 Jed ;::a^^ in' the' ^^ '^r'' '''' ^''''- ' ' ^ ''' '' I-tinoi^m e'i 
 icrcu ^TLHuy in Uie battle. There punter uccisae copiae smt.*' 
 
 LIBER VIII. 
 
 445 
 
 Dumnaco possent concitari. Qua in re summa felicitas 
 celeritasque in recipiendis civitatibus Fabium consequitur. 
 Nam Carnutes, qui saepe vexati numquam pacis fecerant 
 mentionem, datis obsidibus veniunt in deditionem ; cete- 
 raeque civitates, positae in ultimis Galliae finibus, Oceano 
 conjunctae, quae Armoricae appellantur, auctoritate ad- 
 ductae Carnutum, adventu Fabii legion amque imperata 
 sine mora faciunt. Dumnacus suis finibus expulsus, 
 errans latitansque solus extremas Galliae regiones petere 
 est coactus. 
 
 32. At Drappes unaque Lucterius, quum legiones Ca- 
 niniumque adesse cognoscerent, nee se sine certa pernicie 
 persequente exercitu putarent Provinciae fines intrare 
 posse, nee jam liberam vagandi latrociniorumque facien- 
 dorum facultatem haberent, consistunt in agris Cadurco- 
 rum. Ibi quum Lucterius apud suos cives quondam 
 iutegris rebus multum potuisset, semperque auctor no- 
 vorum consiliorum magnam apud barbaros auctoritatem 
 liaberet, oppidum Uxellodunum, quod iu clientela fuerat 
 
 numquam pacis] In vi. 4 they 
 submit. Pernaps the writer means 
 that they h.id not submitted since 
 the affair of Alesia, for thev sent a 
 force there against Caesar (vii. 75). 
 — ' Armoricae :' see vii. Ih^ note. 
 
 32, lilieram\ 'libere,' Kraner. 
 Some good M8S. have 'latrocinan- 
 dique facultatem.' — ' integris rebus :* 
 * when they were free and indepen- 
 dent.' 
 
 l/jrellodunum] All that we learn 
 from tlie autlior, as to the site of 
 Uxellodunum, is that it was in the 
 country of the Cadurci, and there- 
 fore between tlie Dordogue and the 
 Garonne. It stood on an eminence, 
 the sides of which were very abrupt 
 (c. 32). The position is more parti- 
 cularly described in c. 40. A valley 
 or depression almost surrounded the 
 place, and in this valley there was a 
 river. The town stood on high 
 ground, which is nearly surrounded 
 by a stream, like Besanqnn (B. G. i. 
 38), and the descent from the place 
 lo the river was very rapid. The 
 width of the part on the land side, 
 
 ■where the river did not flow, was 
 only 300 feet, and this must have 
 been the part by which the approach 
 to the town was easiest. Under the 
 wall which crossed this part was a 
 spring. The place is described clearly, 
 and one would suppose that the sjwt 
 could be determined by any careful 
 observer. D'Anville observes that 
 Uxellodunum has been fixed by some 
 at Cadenac, or Capdenac, on the bor- 
 ders of Rouergue, and by others at 
 Luzets, which is aUo on the Oit or 
 the Lot, the ancient Oltis. Lot. as 
 D'Anville observes, is Olt with tlie 
 article prefixed. As to Cadenac, he 
 observes that it has been known by 
 the name of Capdenacum for five or 
 six hundred years, and we do not 
 know that it has had any other name. 
 At Luzets, which is below Cahors, 
 the Olt makes a great bend, but the 
 ground does not correspond to the 
 description of the site of Uxellodu- 
 num. He s.-us that the place " which 
 combines the greatest number of 
 suffrages is Puech d'Isolu," wh'ch is 
 on a river wliich joins the Dordoyju. 
 
410 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 ejus, natura loci egregie miinitum, occupat suis et Drap- 
 petia copiis, oppidauosque sibi conjuugit. 
 
 33. Quo quum contestim C. Caniiiius venisset, animad- 
 verteretque omnes oppidi partes pracruptissimis saxis 
 esse munitas, quo defendeute nuUo tamen armatis as- 
 ceudere esset difficile, magna autem impedimenta oppi- 
 danorum videret, quae si clandestina fuga subtrahere 
 conarentur, effugere uon modo equitatum, sed ne legiones 
 quidem possent, tripertito cohortibus divisis trina excel- 
 sissimo loco castra fecit, a quibus paullatim, quantum 
 copiae patiebantur, vallum iu oppidi circuitum duccre 
 mstituit. 
 
 34. Quod quum animum adverterent oppidani, miser- 
 rnuaque Alesiae niemoria solliciti similem casum obses- 
 
 \ 
 
 This river, called tlie Tourmente, 
 rises a short distance al)Ove Turenne, 
 and joins the Dordogne after pass- 
 ing Puech d'Issolu. Turenne is a 
 little north of 45 n. lat. 
 
 Walckenaer (Geog. des Gaules, 
 i. p. 353) affirms that the plan of 
 Puech d'lssolu or Puy d'Issolu, as 
 ne calls it, made by M. Cornuau at 
 the request of Turgot, does not an- 
 swer the description of Ilirtius, for 
 the river only washes one of the four 
 sides of this hill ; and he adds, that 
 nothing appears easier than to turn 
 it towards the west on the north side 
 of the hill, and to prevent its conti- 
 nuing its course to the south. The 
 Tourmente is a small river, and 
 Walckenaer says that this does not 
 correspond to the ancient texts, which 
 give us the idea of a much more con- 
 siderahle river. But Iliitius says 
 nothing of the nian:nitude of the 
 river; and Orosius (vi. II), who 
 says that it was not small, is no au- 
 thority. Walckenaer also observes 
 that the po>ition of Capdenac only 
 corresponds very imperfectly to the 
 description of Hirtius. There is a 
 plan of Capdenac in Gavlus, Anti- 
 quites, tom. v. pi. 100, p. 280. M. 
 Champollion dc Figcac is the last 
 writer, as far as I know, on the sub- 
 K-ct. (Nouve!les Rechcrches sur 
 iJAelloduuum, 1820.) According to 
 
 Walckenaer, for T have not seen the 
 work, "he relics chiefly on the text 
 of Orosius, who says that the town 
 was surrounded by a pretty large 
 river, ' non |)aivo flumine,'' words 
 which M. Champollion translates in 
 a way not very exact, in my opinion, 
 by saving that this town was sur- 
 rounded by a great river." If this is 
 a sample of M. Champollion de Fi- 
 geac's criticism, it does not give us a 
 favourable opinion of his work; but 
 Capdenac may be the site of Uxel- 
 lodunum, and only have got a bad 
 defender in the French writer. See 
 c. 40. 
 
 33. impedimenta] These were 
 their moveables of all kinds (see vii. 
 55), which it was impossible for them 
 to carry off, if they attempted to leave 
 the town.—' trina . . castra :* he be- 
 gan as Caesai- did at Alcsia with 
 making three camps, after doing 
 which he could safely commence the 
 construction i.f his lines round tlie 
 town ('in oppidi circuitum'). Ihe 
 camps were on the highest or very 
 high pround. They were separated 
 from Uxcllodunum by the river, for 
 it flowed at the vcr}- base of the 
 heights on which the town was. In 
 the next cJuipter 'castclla' are men- 
 tioned, as in vii. ()9. 
 
 7iofi modo — sed ne — quidem} See 
 ii. 17, note, and iii. 4. 
 
 LTBER VITT. 
 
 417 
 
 sionis vererentur, maximeque ex omnibus Lucterius, qui 
 t'ortunae ill i us periculum fecerat, moneret frumenti ratio- 
 nem esse habendam, constituunt omnium consensu, parte 
 ibi relicta copiarum, ipsi cum expeditis ad importandum 
 tVumentum proficisci. Eo consilio probato, proxima nocte, 
 duobus milibus armatorum relictis, reliquos ex oppido 
 Drappes et Lucterius educunt. Hi paucos dies morati ex 
 finibus Cadurcorum, qui partim re fruraentaria sublevare 
 eos cupiebant, partim prohibere quo minus sumerent non 
 poterant, magnum numerum frumenti comparant; non- 
 iiumquam autem expeditionibus nocturnis castella nostro- 
 rum adoriuntur. Quam ob caussam C. Caninius tot(» 
 oppido munitiones circumdare contatur, ne aut opua 
 etFectum tueri non possit, aut plurimis locis infirma dis- 
 ponat praesidia. 
 
 35. Magna copia frumenti comparata considunt 
 Drappes et Lucterius non longius ab oppido x milibus, 
 unde paullatim frumentum in oppidum supportarent. 
 Ipsi inter se provincias partiuntur ; Drappes castris 
 praeeidio cum parte copiarum restiiit ; Lucterius agmen 
 jumentorum ad oppidum adducit. Dispositis ibi praesi- 
 diis, bora noctis circiter x, silvestribua angustisque itine- 
 ribus fi-umentum importare in oppidum instituit. Quorum 
 Btrepitum vigiles castrorum quum sensissent, explora- 
 toresque missi quae agerentur renunciassent, Caninius 
 celeriter cum cohortibus armatis ex proximis castellis in 
 frumentarios sub ipsam lucem impetum facit. Ii re- 
 pentiiio malo perterriti diffugiunt ad sua praesidia ; quae 
 nostri ut viderunt, acrius contra armatos incitati neminem 
 ex eo numero vivum capi patiuntur. Effugit inde cum 
 panels Lucterius, nee se recipit in castra. 
 
 36. Ee bene gesta Caninius ex captivis comperit 
 partem copiarum cum Drappete esse in castris a milibus 
 
 34. foriunae iUius] He had been 
 present at the siege of Alesia. 
 
 co?itatur] Or ' cunctatur.' All the 
 MSS. seem to have 'conatur,' which 
 contradicts what follows. ' Contatur' 
 is Oudcndorp's emendation. Some 
 editions have ' moratur.' — 'pluri- 
 Hiis :' "pluiihus,' Hav. A,, which is 
 
 the common word. 
 
 35. proviiicias] The functions, 
 duties, what was to be done. So in 
 Livy (ix, 31), " Consules inter se 
 provincias partiti: Junio Samnites. 
 Acmilio novum bellum Etruriasorie 
 obvenit." 
 
 sub — lucem] See ii. 33, note. 
 
4i8 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER VIII. 
 
 449 
 
 non amplius XII. Qua re ex compliiribus cognita, quiim 
 inlelligeret fiigato duce altero perterritos reliquos facile 
 opprimi posse, magnae felicitatis esse arbitrabatur nemi- 
 nem ex caede refugisae in caatra qui de accepta calami- 
 tate Duncium Drappeti perferret. Sed in experiundo 
 quum periculum nullum videret, equitatum omneni Ger- 
 inanosque peditea summae velocitatis homines ad castra 
 hostium praemittit : ipse legionem unam in trina castra 
 diatribuit, alteram secum expeditam ducit. Quum pro- 
 pius hostes accessisaet, ab exploratoribus quos praemi- 
 serat cognoscit caatra eorum, ut barbarorum tert consue- 
 tudo, relictis locis superioribus ad ripas fluminis esse de- 
 missa; at Germanos equitesque imprudentibus omnibus 
 de ini proviso advolasse et proelium commisiase. Qua re 
 cognita legionem armatam instructamque adducit. Ita 
 repente omnibus ex partibus siguo dato loca superiora 
 capiuntur. Quod ubi accidit, Germani equitesque siguia 
 legionis viais vehementissime proeliantur : confeatim co- 
 hortes undique impetum taciunt, omnibusque aut inter- 
 fectis aut captis magna praeda potiuntur. Capitur ipse 
 eo proelio Drappes. 
 
 37. Caninius felicissime re gesta sine ullo paene 
 militis vulnere ad obsidendos oppidanos revertitur ; ex- 
 terncque hoste deleto, cujus timore augere praesidia 
 et munitione oppidanos circumdare prohibitus erat, opera 
 
 3n. felicilatis] The author ex- 
 plains his meaning. But Davis would 
 alter the word to ' infelicitatis,' and 
 Clarke approves of the alteration, 
 tliough he does not adopt it in his 
 text. He says that Hirtius means 
 to say that it was unlucky that no one 
 escaped from the slaughter to tell 
 Drappes what had happened. I won- 
 der Clarke did not see that Caninius 
 might liave remedied tliis mischief 
 by sendin.,' Drappes news of what 
 had happened, MUller's explanation 
 is right : Caninius thought it a 
 piece of great good luck for nohody 
 to have escaped from the slaughter 
 to the camp of Drappes. The writer 
 does not say that news of the slaugh- 
 ter had not been carried to Drappes, 
 
 for Caninius could not know whe- 
 ther it was so or not. He means 
 that it would be a very lucky thing, 
 if no one iiad escaped, which was 
 hardly probable, ' but still (' sed . . . 
 quum,' &c.), as he saw no danger in 
 making the experiment ' of attack- 
 ing Drappes, he ditl do so. There 
 is a reading ' perterreri reliquos fa- 
 cile et opprimi posse,' which is per- 
 haps better. 
 
 ut harbarortim'\ It was the cus- 
 tom of the Romans, as Kraner ob- 
 serves, to choose high ground for 
 their camps. There are examples of 
 this in niany parts of Britain. 
 
 37. augere^ Some editions have 
 'an tea augere;' and some MSS. have 
 'antea dividere.' which Kniner lias. 
 
 undique imperat administrari. Venit eodem cum suis 
 copiis postero die C. Fabius, partemque oppidi sumit ad 
 ODsidendum. 
 
 38 Caesar interim M. Antonium quaestorem cum co- 
 hortibus XV in Bellovacis reliquit, ne qua rursus novorum 
 consdiorum ad capiendum bellum facultas daretur- ipse 
 reliquas civitates adit, obsides plures imperat, timentes 
 omnium animos consolatione sanat. Quum in Carnutes 
 venisset, quorum [consilio] in civitate superiore com- 
 mentario Caesar exposuit initium belli esse ortum quod 
 praecipue eos propter conscientiam facti timere animum 
 advertebat, quo celerius civitatem metu liberaret prin- 
 cipem sceleris lUius et concitatorem belli, Gutruatum ad 
 supphcium deposcit : qui, etsi ne civibus quidem suis' se 
 committebat, tamen celeriter omnium cura quaesitus in 
 castra perducitur. Cogitur in ejus supplicium Caesar 
 contra naturam suam maximo militum concursu, qui ei 
 omnia pericula et detrimenta belli [a Gutruato] accepta 
 reterebant, adeo ut verberibus exanimatum corpus securi 
 leriretur. ^ 
 
 38. [constVto]] A great number of 
 MSS. omit this word. It seems that 
 either 'consilio' or 'in civitate' 
 ought to be omitted ' Caesar expo- 
 suit.' See vii. 3 — ' Gutruatum :' 
 tkere are considerable variations in 
 the MSS. It is possible that this 
 may be the Cotuatus mentioned in 
 vii. 3. He had the same fate as 
 Acco (vi. 44), who was also flogged 
 to death ; and Caesar tells that story 
 without any apology. Here the au- 
 thor makes an apology for him, 
 which, if it is true, is discreditable 
 to Caesar. He says that he was 
 driven to j)unish the man by the cla- 
 mour of his soldiers. 
 
 ei — accepta referehant] This is a 
 Roman book-keeping phrase, which 
 means to make an entry of a recei|>t 
 from a person. The side of 'accep- 
 tum ' conUiins all that a man receives 
 in any way ; and the side of ' expen- 
 6um ' contains all that he pavs in any 
 way. (Cic, Verr. ii. 1, c. 36.) The 
 person from whom the money is 
 
 entered as received is expressed in 
 the dative ; and also the person to 
 whom money is entered as paid. 
 The phrase was also used, as it is 
 here, in a metaphorical sense, and 
 ' acceptum referre,' or ' acceptum 
 ferre,' with a dative, means to im- 
 pute to a man the good or evil that we 
 nave received from him. Cicero has 
 (Philipp. ii. 5), "ut esset nemo qui 
 non mihi vitara suam, liberos, for- 
 tunas . . . referret acceptam ;" and in 
 c. 22, " omnia denique quae postea 
 vidimus uni accepta referemus An- 
 tonio." In order to make this pas- 
 sage consistent with Latin usage we 
 must reject ' ei,' and omit ' a' hefore 
 ' Gutruato.' Cicero indeed remarks 
 (Orat. c. 47), " una piaepositio est 
 ahs eaque nunc tantum in accept! 
 tabulis manet, et ne iis quidem om- 
 nium : in reliquo sermone mutata 
 est." Cicero means that in his time 
 ahs was only used in compound 
 words, except 'in accept! talniHs.' 
 L.VcliusLongus (p. 2224) observes, 
 
 c^ g 
 
i50 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 39. Ibi crebris litteris Caninii fit certior quae de 
 Drappete et Lucterio gesta esseut, quoque in consilio 
 permanerent oppidaiii. Quorum etsi paucitatem con- 
 temnebat, tamen pertinaciam magna poena esse affici- 
 endam judicabat, ne uui versa Gallia non defuisse vires 
 sibi ad resisteudum Komania sed constantiam putaret ; 
 neve hoc exemplo ceterae civitates locorum opportunitate 
 fretae se vindicarent in libertatem ; quum omnibus Gallis 
 notum sciret reliquam esse unam aestatem suae pro- 
 vinciae, quam si sustinere potuissent, nullum ultra peri- 
 culum vererentur. Itaque Q. Calenum legatum cum 
 legionibus duabus relinquit, qui justis itineribus [se] sub- 
 sequeretur ; ipse cum omni equitatu quam potest celer- 
 rime ad Caninium contendit. 
 
 40. Quum contra exspectationem omnium Caesar Ux- 
 
 LIBEE VIII. 
 
 451 
 
 " quoticns acceptam pccuniam refere- 
 bant, non dicebunt a Longo, sed abs 
 Longo : et ait (Cicero) religionem 
 banc scribendi apud paucissimos re- 
 niansisse saeculo suo." (Note in tbc 
 edition of tbe Orator, by F. Goeller.) 
 The Romans then said eitlier 'alicui 
 acceptum refene,' or 'abs aliquo ac- 
 ceptinu referre.' In this passage a 
 few MSS. have * ei,' and all are said 
 to have 'a Ciutruuto.' It is impos- 
 sible to know wiiat the author wrote. 
 If we omit 'a Gutruato/ we know 
 that the text is Latin. But it is 
 possible that the author may have 
 written both ' ei ' and 'a Gutruato,' 
 and that lie intends ' ei ' for Caesar. 
 El borling perhaps takes it so. But 
 then the author has confused a com- 
 mon mode of expression, and nuidc 
 something else of it. Kraner omits 
 • ei,' and has ' Gutruato' only. 
 39. aestatem] Caesar's tcim would 
 
 expire at the end of B.C. 49. There 
 
 were therefore two summers more, 
 
 but he reckons the last as notliing. 
 
 There would be the preparation for 
 
 leaving. 
 
 (luain — sustinere] Kraner says that 
 
 this means if 'they could maintain 
 
 this summer's war.' 
 
 Q. Calenum] Q. Fufius Calcnus 
 
 wa^ tribunus plebis in iJ.c. Gl. lie 
 
 was now one of Caesar's legati and 
 he afterwards served under Caesar 
 in Spain. He was consul in B.C. 
 47. Cicero often sneaks of him with 
 contempt. But he was Cicero's 
 enemy. 
 
 40. Walckcnaer says of the posi- 
 tion of Capdenar: "The Lot, where 
 it surrounds Capdcnac, is 100 metres 
 (above 300 feet wide), and it is im- 
 possible to conceive how archers 
 placed on one of the banks of this 
 river could have prevcntid the be- 
 sieged from going to get water on the 
 other side. Besides the town was 
 entirely surrounded by the works of 
 the Romans, and the river was be- 
 tween their camp and the walls of 
 the town ; and tliere is on every s^ide 
 2(i0 metres (above b'OOfiet) between 
 the platform of Capdeiiac and the 
 nearest bank of the river. The works 
 of the Romans which blockaded the 
 town would llien have been at the 
 distance of 300 metres, which is im- 
 possible, and would have deprived 
 them of all means of attacking it. 
 Again Caesar thought of diverting 
 the river to deprive the besieged of 
 water, and he only gave up this idea 
 on account of the deptji of the valley 
 and the depression of the bed of the 
 stream. Would he have expressed 
 
 ellodunum venisset oppidumque operibus clausum animum 
 adverteret, neque ab oppugnatione recedi videret ulla con- 
 ditione posse, magna autem copia frumenti abundare op- 
 pidanos ex perfugis cognosset, aqua prohibere hostem 
 tentare coepit. Flumen infimam vallem dividebat, quae 
 totum paene montem cingebat, in quo positum erat prae- 
 ruptiim undique oppidum Uxellodunum. Hoc liumen 
 averti loci natura prohibebat, sic enim in imis radicibus 
 montis ferebatur ut nuilam in partem depressis fossis de- 
 rivari posset. Erat autem oppidanis difficilis et praerup- 
 tus eo descensus, ut prohibentibus nostris sine vulueribus 
 ac periculo vitae neque adire flumen neque arduo se reci- 
 pere possent asceusu. Qua difficultate eorum cognita 
 Caesar, sagittariis funditoribusque dispositis, tormentis 
 etiani quibusdam locis contra facillimos descensus col- 
 locatis, aqua flumiuis prohibebat oppidanos, quorum 
 omnifl postea multitudo aquatorum unum in locum con- 
 veniebat. 
 
 41. Sub ipsum enim oppidi murum magnus foiis aquae 
 prorumpebat ab ea parte, quae fere pedum ccc intervallo 
 flummis circuitu vacabat. Hoc fonte prohiberi posse op- 
 pidanos quum optarent reliqui, Caesar unus videret, e 
 regione ejus vineas agere adversus montem, et aggeres 
 instruere coepit magno cum labore et continua dunica- 
 tioue. Oppidani enim loco superiore decurrentes [emi- 
 
 himself in this way if this liver 
 which surrounded the town had been 
 so considerable a river as the Lot ? 
 Such are the objections that might 
 be urged against Capdenac " (vol, i, 
 p. 350). 
 
 Not one of these oljections is very 
 
 weighty. As to Caetar expressing 
 
 himself so, the answer is, it is not 
 
 Caesar. Further, it is not said that 
 
 Caesar thought of diverting the river. 
 
 He saw that it could not be done. 
 
 Also, the Romans had no intention to 
 
 attack the place. Their plan was to 
 
 take it by cutting off the supply of 
 
 water. As to the width of the river, it 
 
 was very possible to pobt archers and 
 
 f'lingers in the river on rafts, or in 
 
 boats, and so diminish the distance, if 
 
 G 
 
 the 100 metres was too much for an 
 archer or slinger of those days; foj 
 it is not said that the archers! slin?- 
 crs, or ' tormenta' were on the banks 
 of the river. Capdenac mav be tiie 
 place, if this is all that can 'be said 
 against it. 
 
 a(/2iatorum] There is better autlio- 
 rity for this reading than for 'aqua- 
 tum,' Frontinus (Strateg. iii, 7) 
 enumerates this instance of cuttin<y 
 off water from the besieged, follow"^ 
 ing the text, except that he makes 
 more springs than one. 
 
 4]. Jitaimiis circuitu] *a flumi- 
 nis circuitu,' Havn, A. : but the 
 
 preposition is not necessary. 'cmi- 
 
 nus :' this is doubtful. 'a-mnt:' 
 
 'ab vineis agunt,' Elb., Kraner. 
 
452 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER YUl. 
 
 453 
 
 nus] sine periculo proeliabantur, multosque pertinaciter 
 succedentes vulnerabant, ut tamen non deterrerentur 
 milites nostri vineas proferre atque operibus locorum 
 vincere difficultates. Eodem tempore tectos cuniculos 
 aguut ad caput fontis, quod genus operis sine ullo peri- 
 culo et sine suspicione hostium facere licebat. Exstruitur 
 agger in altitudinem pedum viiii, collocatur in eo turris 
 X tabulatorum, non quidem quae moenibus adaequare- 
 tur, id enim nullis operibus effici poterat, sed quae supe- 
 raret fontis fastigium. Ex ea quum tela tormentis jace- 
 rentur ad fontis aditus ne sine periculo possent aquari 
 oppidani, non tantum pecora atque jumenta, sed etiam 
 magna hominum multitude siti consumebatur. 
 
 42. Quo malo perterriti oppidani cupas sevo, pice, 
 scindulis complent : eas ardentes in opera provolvunt. 
 Eodem tempore acerrime proeliantur, ut ab incendio 
 restinguendo dimicatione et periculo deterreant Romanos. 
 Magna repente in ipsis operibus flamma exsistit. Quae- 
 cumque enim per locum praecipitem missa erant, ea 
 vineis et aggere suppressa comprehendebant id ipsum 
 quod morabatur. Milites contra nostri, quamquam peri- 
 culoso genere proelii loeoque iniquo premebantur, tamen 
 omnia paratissimo sustiuebant animo : res enim gere- 
 batur et excelso loco et in conspectu exercitus nostri, 
 magnusque utrimque clamor oriebatur. Ita quam quis- 
 que poterat maxime insignis, quo notior testatiorque 
 virtus ejus esset, telis hostium flammaeque se offerebat. 
 
 pedum Villi] ' pedum scxaginta,' 
 Kraner. Orosiiis (vi. 11) has "ex- 
 struitur agger et turris pedum Lx 
 cujus vertex adaequare fontis locum 
 p08?et." He must have calculated 
 the height of the 'turris' from the 
 
 iiumbir of 'tabulata' or stories 
 
 ' moenihus aequaret,' Kraner. — 'fas- 
 tigium :' the ' turris ' was raised high 
 enough to be on a level witli the 
 place where the spring was. The 
 gi-ound rose up to the base of the 
 Avail, and it was necessary to make 
 the tower high enough to command 
 the spring. — ' ne sine:' ' nee sine,' 
 K rancr. 
 
 4'J. cupas] ' Cupae' or ' cuppae' are 
 
 wooden casks or barrels for wine, or 
 to stow wheat in for ship carriage. 
 Tliev are mentioned by Caesar (B.C. 
 ii. II) as used for military purposes. 
 — ' scindulae,' which is peihaps a 
 better form than ' scandulae,' are 
 small pieces of wood, shingles, such 
 as the Romans tiled roofs with, as is 
 done now in some countries. 
 
 suppressa] The context explains 
 the word. The barnls of blazing 
 fat, pitch, and wood were stopped by 
 the 'vineae' and 'agger,' and set 
 them on fire. 
 
 Jta quam ^c] * Ita quisque, ut 
 ei*at maxime msignis,' Kraner. 
 
 43. Caesar quum complures suos vulnerari videret, ex 
 omnibus oppidi partibus cohortes montem ascendere, et 
 simuktione moenium occupandorum clamorem undique 
 jubet tollere. Quo facto perterriti oppidani, quum quid 
 agerotur in locis reliquis essent ignari, [suspeusi] revo- 
 cant ab impugnandis operibus armatos murisque dis- 
 ponunt. Ita nostri fine proelii facto celeriter opera 
 flamma comprehensa partim restinguunt, partim inter- 
 scindunt. Quum pertinaciter resisterent oppidani, et 
 jam magna parte stiorum siti amissa in seutentia per- 
 mauerent, ad postremum cuniculis venae fontis intercisae 
 sunt atque aversae. Quo facto exliaustus repente peren- 
 nis exaruit fons tantamque attulit oppidanis salutis des- 
 perationem, ut id non hominum consilio, sed Deorum 
 voluntate factum putarent. Itaque necessitate coacti se 
 tradiderunt. 
 
 44. Caesar quum suam lenitatem cognitam omnibus 
 sciret, neque vereretur ne quid crudelitate naturae vide- 
 retur asperius fecisse, neque exitum consiliorum suorum 
 animadverteret, si tali ratione diversis in locis plures re- 
 bellare consilia inissent, exemplo supplicii deterrendoa 
 reliquos existimavit. Itaque omnibus qui arma tulerau 
 manus praecidit; vitam concessit, quo testatior esset 
 poena improborum. Drappes, quem captum esse a Caninio 
 docui, sive indignatione et dolore vinculorum, sive timore 
 
 43. ignari ^c] Some good MSS. 
 have only ' ignari,' *nd some have 
 only ' suspensi.' ' Suspensi ' means 
 'in doubt, uncertainty,' and is a 
 word in common use. It cannot 
 well be connected with ' revocant.' 
 ' Suspensi ' may lie the genuine word 
 and ' ignari' the interpretation of it, 
 which has got into the text. Even 
 Hirtius would hardly write ' ignari, 
 suspensi.' 
 
 venae] The Romans used ' vena' 
 to express the vessels in which the 
 blood flows ; and they also applied 
 the word, as we do, to signify vems 
 of metals in the earth, and the sub- 
 terranean passages through which 
 water flows. 
 
 44. exitum] Caesar could not see 
 
 what would be the end or result of 
 his plans, if these rebellions should 
 break out in diflferent places : the 
 conquest of Gallia would be inse- 
 cure. The apology for this atrocious 
 act of cruelty is worthy of the au- 
 thor. Caesar would hardly have 
 written so. If Caesar cut off both 
 hands, these poor wretches would 
 not have a chance of remaining a 
 living example of his clemency very 
 long, for who would take care of 
 them.'' Caesar showed himself as 
 true a barbarian as V^rcingetorix 
 (vii. 4). Lucterius was betrayed by 
 a Gaul. It is not said what became 
 
 of him, but we may guess. ' rebel- 
 
 lare:' omitted by kraner. 'indig- 
 natione :' ' iudignitate,' some MSS, 
 
i54 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 gravioris supplicii, paiicis diebus se cibo abstinuit atquo 
 ita interiit. Eodem tempore Lucterius, quern profugisse 
 ex proelio seripsi, quum in potestatem veuisset Epasnacti 
 Arverni, (crebro enim mutandis locis multorum fidei se 
 committebat, quod nusquam diutius sine periculo com- 
 moraturus videbatur, quum sibi conscius esset quam 
 inimicum deberet Caesarem habere,) hunc Epasnactus 
 Arveruus, amicissimus Populi Romaui, sine dubitatione 
 uLa vinctum ad Caesarem deduxit. 
 
 45. Labienus interim in Treviris equestre proelium 
 secundum fecit ; compluribusque Treviris interlectis et 
 Germanis, qui nulli adversus Eomanos auxilia denega- 
 bant, principes eorum vivos in suam redegit potestatem ; 
 atque in his Surum Aeduum, qui et virtutis et generis 
 summam nobilitatem habebat, solusque ex Aeduis ad id 
 tempus permanserat in armis. 
 
 46. Ea re cognita Caesar quum in omnibus Galliae 
 partibus bene res gestas videret, judicaretqae superiori- 
 bus aestivis Galliam devictam et subactam esse, Aquita- 
 niam numquam ipse adisset, sed per P. Crassum quadam 
 ex parte devicisset, cum ii legiouibus in eam partem est 
 prot'ectus, ut ibi extremum tempus consumeret aestivo- 
 rum ; quam rem, sieut cetera, celeriter feliciterque con- 
 fecit, namque omnes Aquitaniae civitates legates ad eum 
 miserunt obsidesque ei dederunt. Quibus rebus gestis 
 ipse cum equitum praesidio Narbonem profectus est, ex- 
 ercitum per legates in hiberna deduxit : quatuor legiones 
 in Belgio collocavit cum M. Antonio et C. Trebonio et 
 P. Vatinio [et Q. Tullio] legatis : duas in Aeduos misit 
 
 se ciho^ There is authority for 
 omitting 'se.' 
 
 45. qui nulli] Most of the MSS. 
 are said to have 'qui nullis.' Her/og 
 takes 'qui nulli' to uiean ' not one 
 of whom,' and I suppose that he is 
 right. 
 
 46. ffesias] ' gcri,' Kraner. — ' aes- 
 tivis :' he uses this word to 6i<,'nify 
 campaigns, as Cicero docs (Ad Div. 
 iii. 9), 'aestivis confcctis ;' and 
 Livy. See c. 6. 
 
 J^. Crassum] See iii. 20. 
 Narbunem] Some good MSS. 
 
 have ' Narbonam.' Oudendorp con- 
 jectures that we should read ' Nar- 
 bona.' The ablative (iii. 20) is 
 ' JSarbone;' but there are variations 
 there. The jdace mav have been 
 called both Narbo and Psarbona. See 
 Cioero, Phil. ii. 30, and the Var. Lect. 
 J'. ruti7no] lie has not been 
 mentioned before in the Gallic war. 
 He was the man mIio proposed the 
 ' ropatio,' which gave to Caesur Gallia 
 Cisalpina and lllvricum for five 
 years (Introd. p. io) ; and Cicero, 
 In Vatin. c. 13. 
 
 LIBER Till. 
 
 455 
 
 quorum in omni Gallia summara esse auctoritatem scie 
 bat: duas in Turonis ad fines Carnutum posuit, quae 
 omnem regionem conjunctam Oceano continerent: duaa 
 reliquas in Lemovicum fines non longe ab Arvernis, ne 
 qua pars Galliae vacua ab exercitu esset. Ipse paucos 
 dies in Provincia moratus, quum celeriter omnes con- 
 ventus percucurrisset, publicas controversias cognovisset, 
 bene mcritis praemia tribuisset, (cognoscendi enim maxi- 
 mam facultatem habuerat, quali quisque animo in rem pub- 
 licam fuisset totius Galliae defectione, quam sustinuerat 
 tidelitate atque auxiliis Provinciae illius,) his rebus con- 
 fectis ad legiones in Belgium se recipit hibernatque 
 Nemetocennae. 
 
 47. Ibi cognoscit Commium Atrebatem proelio cum 
 equitatu suo contendiase. Nam quum Antonius in 
 hiberna venisset civitasque Atrebatuni in ojfficio maneret, 
 Commius, qui post illam vulnerationem quam supra com- 
 memoravi semper ad omnes motus paratus suis civibus 
 esse consuesset, ne consilia belli quaerentibus auctor 
 armorum duxque deesset, parente Eomanis civitate, cum 
 suis cquitibus se suosque latrociniis alebat, infestisque 
 itineribus commeatus complures qui comportabantur in 
 hiberna llomanorum intercipiebat. 
 
 48. Erat attributus Antonio praefectus equitum 
 C. Yolusenus Quadratus, qui cum eo hiemaret. Hunc 
 Antonius ad persequendum hostium cquitatum mittit. 
 Volusenus autem ad eam virtutem quae singularis in eo 
 
 Caesar has still ten legions. His 
 pl.icing four in Belgium, that is 
 among the Bcllovaci, shows that he 
 feared this warlike people. 
 
 in Aeduos misit] This may be 
 right, though there are other read- 
 ings which may be better, 1 mean 
 more in accordance with Caesar's 
 language. There is ' in Aeduos de- 
 duxit,' a form wliich occurs in B. G. 
 i. 54 ; and there is also ' in Aeduis 
 constituit.' — 'in Turonis . . in Lemo- 
 vicum fines :' ' in Turonis ' is the 
 ablative. We must perhaps supjdy 
 ' misit' with ' in Lemovicum fines.' 
 
 cofUroversias] ' Controversiae ' are 
 
 matters indisputewhichcan be settled 
 by a legal decision. Here the author 
 adds 'publicas,' which means disputes 
 between towns or communities. He 
 does not say what the disputes were 
 about, but such disputes might arise 
 about boundaries and other matters. 
 Nemetocetmae] See B. G. ii. 4. 
 
 47. commeiuorax'i] Three MSS. 
 have ' dcmonslravi,' wliich is Cae- 
 sar's expression. See c. 23. 
 
 ivfestisque itineribus] 'And making 
 the roads unsafe,' placing men on 
 the roads to intercept the supplies, 
 as the writer says that he did. 
 
 48. C. Volusciius] See iv. 2L 
 
45G 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 LIBER VIII. 
 
 457 
 
 erat magnum odium Commii adjungebat, quo libentius 
 id faceret quod imperabatur. Itaque dispositis insidiis 
 saepius ejus equites aggressus secunda proelia faciebat. 
 Novissime quuin vehenientius contenderetur, ac Voluse- 
 nus ipsius intercipiendi Commii cupiditate pertiuacius 
 cum cum paucis insecutus esset, ille autem fuga vehe- 
 menti Volusenum longius produxisset, repente omnium 
 suorum invocat fidem atque auxilium, ne sua vulnera 
 perfidia interposita paterentur inulta ; couversoque equo 
 se a ceteris incautius permittit in praefectum. Faciunt 
 idem omnes ejus equites, paucosque nostros convertunt 
 atque insequuntur. Commius incensum calcaribus equum 
 jungit equo Quadrati, lanceaque infesta medium femur 
 ejus magnis viribus trausjicit. Praefecto vulnerato non 
 dubitant nostri resistere et conversi hostem pellere. 
 Quod ubi accidit, complures liostium magno nostrorum 
 impetu perculsi vulnerantur et partim in luga proterun- 
 tur, partim intercipiuutur. Quod ubi malum dux equi 
 velocitate evitavit, graviter vulueratus praefectus ut vitae 
 periculum aditurus videretur refertur in castra. Com- 
 mius autem sive expiato suo dolore sive magna parte 
 amissa suorum legatos ad Antoniuiu mittit, scque et ibi 
 futurum ubi praescripserit et ea facturum quae impera- 
 verit obsidibus datis firmat. Unum illud orat ut timori 
 suo concedatur ne in conspectum veniat cujusquara Eo- 
 
 quo— faceret] "Which Morns ex- 
 plains "ut adeo tunto libentius." 
 ' Quo,' which is often used thus with 
 a subjunctive, means what we may ex- 
 press by ' so as to do with the greater 
 readiness what lie was ordered.' 
 
 Novissime] 'Last of all,' or 'at 
 last.' 
 
 repente omnium] * inimicus ho- 
 mini,' Kraner. 
 
 perfidia inlerpodta'] If this is 
 right, it means ' that they should not 
 leave his wounds unrevenged by 
 letting their perfidy interpose,' that 
 is between the wounds and tlie re- 
 venge for the wounds. Many MSS. 
 have ' per fidem interpositam*' which 
 Herzog has in his text, and exjtlains, 
 *he adjures them by tlie promise 
 
 that they had made him, not to let 
 his wounds be unrevenged.' But it 
 seems as if the author meant to 
 speak of the treachery by which 
 Comm had suffered his wounds. 
 Kraner has ' per fidem imj)o&ita.' 
 
 se — permittit] We must look here 
 to the original sense of ' mittere ;* 
 ' he sends himself,' or, as we say, 
 'lets himself be carried.' So Livy 
 (ix. 2'2| says, 'permisit equum.' 
 In c. 9 there is ' tela permitteret.' 
 
 nostros convcrtiwt] ' put to flight. 
 
 Quod ubi ^c] ' Quod malum . . 
 evitavit ac sic praelio secundo facto 
 graviter vulueratus praefectus' is 
 proposed by Oudendorp. Kraner 
 lias the same except that he writet 
 ' secundo graviter ab eo vulneratu*. 
 
 mani. Quam postulationem Antonius quum judicaret 
 ab justo nasci timore, veniam petenti dedit, obsides 
 accepit. 
 
 Scio Caesarem singulorum annorum singulos comment 
 tarios confecisse : quod ego non existimavi mibi eaae 
 faciendum, propterea quod insequens annus L. Paulb 
 C. Marcello Coss. nullas res Galiiae habet magno opero 
 gestas. 'Ne quis tamen ignoraret quibus in locis Caesar 
 exercitusque eo tempore fuisseut, pauca scribenda con- 
 jungendaque buic commentario statui. 
 
 49. Caesar in Belgio quum hiemaret, unum illud pro- 
 positum habebat contiuere in amicitia civitates, nulli 
 spem aut caussam dare armorum ; nihil enim minus 
 volebat quam sub decessum suum necessitatem sibi ali- 
 quam imponi belli gerendi, ne quum exercitum deduc- 
 turus esset bellum aliquod relinqueretur, quod omnis 
 Gallia libenter sine praesenti periculo susciperet. Itaque 
 honorifice civitates appellando, principes maximis prae- 
 miis afficiendo, nulla onera nova imponendo, defessam 
 tot adversis proeliis Galliam conditione parendi meliore 
 facile in pace continuit. 
 
 singulorum annorum] The author 
 tells us that Caesar wrote a Com- 
 mentarius on each year of his cam- 
 paign. Caesar seems then to have 
 divided the work as we now have it 
 in seven parts, the first of which con- 
 tains the campaign of the year B.C. 
 58, and the last or seventh the cam- 
 paign of B.C. 52. We may collect 
 the same conclusion from Caesar's 
 own expressions and the form of his 
 Commentarii. 
 
 muijno opere] Here these two 
 Words, which generally have a mere 
 adverbial signification of ' gieatly,' 
 must have their full mejining. 
 
 49. sub decessum suiim] " Cod. 
 Faemi, Ursini et Havn. A. sub de- 
 cessum suum," Elh. But Elb. pre- 
 fers ' sub decessu suo,' and Ki-ancr 
 
 has it too, and he explains * sub ' 
 with the ablative to mean ' the time 
 in or during Avhich any thing takes 
 place.' But I think that the author 
 means just before Caesar's depar- 
 ture, and if so the ' sub ' must have 
 the accusative. (See ii. 33, and the 
 note.) The reading ' discessu ' was 
 properly rejected by Claike, for ' de- 
 ccdere ' and 'decessus ' are the terms 
 used of a Roman governor quitting 
 his province. Clarke has in his 
 edition ' sub decessum suum.' ' Dis- 
 cedere ab hibernis,' as in v. 1, is 
 different. 
 
 onera — impo7ierido] ' onera injun- 
 gendo,' Kraner, omitting ' nova.' 
 
 in pace continuit] After beating 
 the Galli Caesar coaxed tl»em. Gal- 
 lia did not rise again in a mass aftei 
 
458 
 
 C. JUIJI CAESAETS 
 
 50. Ipse hibernis peractis contra consuetudinem in 
 Italiam quam maxim is itineribus est profectus, ut muni- 
 cipia et colonias appellaret, quibus M. Antonii quaestoris 
 sui commendaret saeerdotii petitionem. Conteudebat 
 
 the day of Alesia. The punishment 
 of the men of Uxellodununi showed 
 what mi''ht be expected from the 
 proconsul. Orosius (vi. 1*2) in 
 homely, but forcible languasie de- 
 scribes tlie condition of the country 
 after eight years' Mar. It was tamed, 
 humbled, exhausted. The conqueror 
 turned his back upon it for the in- 
 vasion of Italy, and (Jallia remained 
 quiet. No warlike nation was ever 
 so humiliated and trampled upon by 
 an invader ; none ever resisted with 
 more desperate coiirnge; but courage 
 is useless when a people are dis- 
 tracted and divided. Gallia had no 
 political organization which enabled 
 it to resist a man like Caesar. 
 
 Plutarch (Caesar, c. 15), in his 
 Style of exaggeration, says, " in some- 
 what less than ten years, during 
 which Caesar carried on his campaign 
 in Gaul, he took by storm above eitiljt 
 hundred cities, and sul)dued three 
 hundred nation?, and fouglit with 
 three millions of men at different 
 times, of whom he destroyed one 
 uiillion in battle and took as many 
 l)risoners." This is verv extrava- 
 gant; but a sober calculation will 
 still give a frightful result. The 
 sword destroyed hundieds of thou- 
 sands ; but who can count those who 
 perished of cold and hunger, old 
 men, women, and children ? Only 
 one man in modern times has been 
 guilty of such butchery. 
 
 50. centra coiisnetiitiinevi] He 
 went after the winter, contrary to 
 lus practice, which was to spend' the 
 winter in Italy: "' discedens ab hi- 
 bernis Caesar in Italiam, ut quo- 
 tannis facere cousuerat " (v. 1). 
 
 muiiicipia et colonius'\ 'Munici- 
 pia' in Caesar's time were Italian 
 towns which had received the Roman 
 citizenship by the Lex Julia B.C. 90. 
 ' Coloniae ' were ' coloniae Komanae,' 
 
 and 'coloniae Latinae,' which had 
 been settled in Italy by the Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 M. Antonii] This general of Cae- 
 sar was a candidate for a priestly 
 office (Cicero, Phil. ii. 2), which 
 offices, according to Roman fashion, 
 were not appropriated by a priestly 
 class. The proconsul of Gallia, 
 who slaughtered men by thou- 
 sands, put to death the senate of 
 the Veneti, and cut off the hands of 
 the defenders of Uxellodunum, was 
 a priest. Me was Pontifex Maximus, 
 the chief of relijrion at Rome, during 
 the time that he was fighting the 
 Galli ; the head of religion at Home, 
 and commander-in-chief in Gallia 
 at once. lie has had successors in 
 this double office. Pope Julius II., 
 Pontifex Maximus, a giey-headed 
 old man, led his trooj)s to attack 
 Mirandula in the midst of a severe 
 winter, and exposed himself to all 
 the dangers of war (a.d. 1510-11. 
 Roscoe, Life of Leo, c. 8). 
 
 The office which Antonius was 
 seeking was a place in the college of 
 Augurs, and at this time the place 
 was given by the votes of the people 
 in the ' comitia.' Tlie 'coloniae' 
 and 'municipia' in Gallia Cispadana 
 had votes, and Caesar was going to 
 canvass for Antonius. So when 
 Cicero was canvassing for his consul- 
 ship, he thought of taking a journey 
 into these parts to secure the votes 
 (Ad Att. i. 1). 
 
 comvieudaret] ' commendaverat,' 
 Kraner. — 'repulsa' signifies the re- 
 jection or failure of a candidate. — 
 \ convellere :' to pull a thing up from 
 its place, as a statue from its pedestal. 
 The author means to say, ' they de- 
 sired by procuring the rejection ot 
 Antdnius to unseat Caesar from his 
 popularity just as he was quitting his 
 province.' 
 
 LIBER YIII. 
 
 459 
 
 enim gratia quum libenter pro homine sibi conjunctis- 
 eimo, quern paullo ante praemiserat ad petitionem, turn 
 aeriter contra factionem et potentiam paucorum, qui 
 M. Antonii repulsa Caesaris decedentis convellere gra- 
 tiam cupiebant. Huuc etsi augurem prius factum quam 
 Italiam attingeret in itinere audierat, tamen non minus 
 justam sibi causam municipia et colonias adeuudi existi- 
 mavit, ut iis gratias ageret, quod frequentiam atque 
 officium suum Antonio praestitissent ; simulque se et 
 honorem suum in sequentis anni commendaret petitione, 
 propterea quod insolenter adversarii sui gloriarentur 
 L. Lentulum et C. Marcelium coss. creatos, qui omnem 
 honorem et dignitatem Caesaris exspoliarent ; ereptum 
 Ser. Galbae consulatum, quum is raulto plus gratia suf- 
 fragiisque valuisset, quod sibi conjunctus et familiaritate 
 et necessitudine legationis esset. 
 
 51. Exceptus est Caesaris adventus ab omnibus muni- 
 cipiis et coloniis incredibili honore atque amore ; turn 
 primum enim veniebat ab illo universae Galliae bello. 
 Nihil relinquebatur quod ad ornatum portarum, itine- 
 rum, locorum omnium, qua Caesar iturus erat, excogitari 
 
 honorem siiuni] It was now B.C. 
 50, and the consuls were L. Aemi- 
 lius Paulus and C. Claudius Mar- 
 cellus. The consuls for the follow- 
 ing year (b.c. 49) were elected, L. 
 Cornelius Lentulus and C. Claudius 
 Marcellus, enemies to Caesar. 
 
 in seqwntis anni] Caesar wished 
 to have the consulship for B.C. 48, 
 which would be the year after the 
 expiration of his ten years' govefn- 
 mcnt of Gallia, and the elections for 
 B c. 48 would take place in B.C. 49, 
 or the year after the year of which 
 the author is speaking. Kraner omits 
 'in' before 'sequentis,' and also 
 omits ' petitione.' 
 
 GaUnie] This is the man men- 
 tioned in B. G. iii. 1. One MS. has 
 ' Sergio Galbae,' but his name was 
 Servius SulpiciusGalba. SeeSchnei- 
 diM's note on B. G. iii. 1. Accord- 
 ing to this passage Galba failed in 
 the election of the year B c. 50, when 
 L. Tientulus and C. Marcellus were 
 
 elected. If Galba had more interest 
 and more votes, he ought to have 
 been elected ; but we must suppose 
 that the author means to say that 
 the two successful candidates got 
 their election by bribery, after the 
 fashion of the day. 
 
 51. Caesar was liked in his Cis- 
 alpine government ; and the people 
 were grateful because he had sub- 
 dued the Marlike nations north of 
 the Alps, for Cisalpine Gallia was 
 never safe against them till Caesar's 
 conquests. The subjugation of Gal- 
 lia was necessary for the security of 
 Italy. The whole course of Roman 
 history shows that there was no tran- 
 quillity for Italy till the Galli were 
 brought under Roman dominion. 
 This was Caesar's first visit to North 
 Italy after that great rising of the 
 CJalli, which ended in their defeat 
 at Alesia (' ab illo universae Galliae 
 hello'). 
 
460 
 
 C. JULII CAESAKIS 
 
 posset. Cum hberis omnis multitudo obviam procede- 
 bat; hostiae omnibus locis immolabautur ; tricliniis itratis 
 tora templaque occupabantur ut vel exspectatissimi tri- 
 umphi laetitia praecipi posset. Tanta erat magnificentia 
 apud opulentiores, cupiditas apud humiliores. 
 
 52. Quum omnes regioues Galliae Togatae Caesar per- 
 cucumsset, summa cum celeritate ad exercitum Nemeto- 
 cennam rednt ; legionibusque ex omnibus hibernis ad 
 tines Trevirorum evoeatis, eo profectus est ibique exer- 
 citum lustravit. T. Labienum Galliae Togatae praefecit 
 quo majore coramendatione conciliaretur ad consulatus 
 petitionem. Ipse tantum itinerum faciebat quantum satis 
 esse ad mutationem locorum propter salubritatem existi- 
 mabat. Ibi quamquam crebro audiebat Labienum ab in- 
 
 tricUniis stratis] ' Triclinium,' a 
 
 Greek word, is a sofa for three per- 
 sons. These ' triclinia ' in the temples 
 
 were not laid out for ordinary per- 
 sons. They were the couches with 
 
 the images of the gods on them, who 
 
 had a feast served up to them with 
 
 great solemnity. It was a ' lectister- 
 
 nium,' such as they had at Rome 
 
 sometimes. One is mentioned in 
 
 Livy (xxii. 10), which it is difficult 
 
 to read without laughing, though it 
 
 was a serious affair to the Romans, 
 
 some of them at least. On one 
 
 occasion (Livy xl. c. 59) tliere was 
 
 a terrible affair at a ' lectistemium.' 
 
 The gods on their sofas turned their 
 
 heads away. I Jut perhaps the earth- 
 quake, which happened at the time, 
 
 may explain it. 
 
 cupiditas] I think that Hcraog 
 explains this word right by referring 
 to the expression 'cupcre alicui,' 'to 
 wish one well.' 'Cupiditas* ex- 
 presses a great eagerness, and here 
 the great devotion to Caesar. All 
 this rejoicing was the anticipation of 
 a triumph ; for this is the meaning 
 of 'praecipi.' Several iMSS. have 
 'percipi,' which is a mistake. Cicero 
 often uses ' praecipere ' thus. 
 
 52. lustravit] The 'lustratio' 
 was a religious ceremony, and it 
 i^pears to have been performed here, 
 because Caesar's departure lor his 
 
 LIBER VIIL 
 
 4G1 
 
 province was drawing nigli, and the 
 war was over. The ceremony is 
 mentioned by Livy i. 44. It is not 
 said why all the legions were sum- 
 moned to the borders of the Treviri. 
 conciliaretur] The nominative to 
 'conciliaretur' is ' Gallia Togata.' 
 
 salultritatem] "Hence wo may 
 perceive the importance and neces- 
 sity of a strict obseivance of the 
 military exercises in an armv, since 
 the health of the camp and 'victory 
 m the field depend on them. If a 
 numerous army continues long in 
 one place in the summer or in the 
 autumn, the waters become corrupt 
 and the air infected, from whence 
 proceed malignant and fatal distera- 
 I)er8, which notliing but frequent 
 change of encampments can prevent " 
 (Vcgetius, 13. iii. p. 94, Clarke's 
 translation.) Tlie Romans well 
 knew the value of this change of 
 place, and Caesar was a man likely 
 to get tired of being in one spot with 
 nothing to do. It is hard to con- 
 ceive how he got through the sum- 
 mer ; but we may be sure that he 
 was busy about something, writing 
 at least, which he was fond of. 
 
 Labienum — sollicitari] Labienus 
 went over to Caesar's enemies in 
 the next year (Cic. Ad Div. xvL 
 IL), 
 
 imicis suis sollicitari, certiorque fiebat id agi paucorum 
 consiliis ut interposita Senatus auctoritate aliqua parte 
 exercitus spoliaretur, tamen neque de Labieno credidit 
 quidquam, neque contra Senatus auctoritatem ut aliquid 
 faceret potuit adduci ; judicabat enim liberis seutentiis 
 patrum conscriptorum causam suam facile obtineri. Nam 
 C. Curio, tribunus plebis, quum Caesaris causam digni- 
 tatemque defendendam suscepiaset, saepe erat Senatui 
 poUicitus, si quem timor armorum Caesaris laederet, [et,] 
 quoniam Pompeii dominatio atque arma non minimum 
 terrorem foro interrent, discederet uterque ab armis exer- 
 citusque dimitteret ; fore eo facto liberam et sui juris 
 civitatem. Neque hoc tantum pollicitis est, sed etiam 
 per se discessionem facere coepit ; quod ne fieret con- 
 
 id ofji — ut] This is a common 
 Latin formula, very usual in Cicero, 
 The 'id' is explained by the 'ut' 
 &c. ; and the meaning is, ' Caesar 
 was informed that a few men were 
 combining tor the purpose of de- 
 priving him of part of his army by 
 a Senatus auctoritas.' 
 
 C. Curio] C. Scribonius Curio 
 was an extra v.vgant fellow, and loaded 
 with debt. Caesar, it is said, bonglit 
 his services, for Caesar got rich in 
 liis Gallic wars. Curio had talent, 
 but no principle. Seven of Cicero's 
 letters to him are extant (Ad Div. 
 li. 1 -7). 
 
 poUicitus — discederef] * Pollici- 
 tus ' is used in its proper sense : * he 
 proposed to the senate that both 
 Caesar and Pompeius should give up 
 t-heir armies'.' But it is not usual 
 to use ' ut' and a subjunctive with 
 ' polliceri.' ' Fore,' &c., must be 
 exj)l:uned as a part of the substance 
 of Curio's speech : he affirmed that 
 if this were done, the state would be 
 free and its own master. ' Sui 
 juris' is a legal formula which ex- 
 presses the ronditicm of one who is 
 no longer under the 'patria potes- 
 tas.' " Nam quaedam j)ersonae sui 
 juris sunt, quaedam alieno juri sunt 
 Bul»iectae" ((Jains, i. 48*. .\ccoi-d- 
 ingly it can be used to signify gene- 
 
 rally those who a e their own mas- 
 ters, as we say ; 'ud as here, a state 
 which is free, tha* is not under fear of 
 some military de'nonstration. For- 
 cellini quotes o* e of the letters in 
 the collection Aa Brutum (i. 16), 
 for the expression " ut esset sui juris 
 ac mancipii res publica ;" but I doubt 
 if ' sui mancipii ' is a genuine ex- 
 pression. If it only occurs in these 
 spurious letters, we must reject it. 
 Elberling observes, "though none of 
 the commentators except Bentley 
 have found a difficulty here, the pas- 
 sage seems to me either corrupt or to 
 be labouring under a most harsh 
 construction. If I knew what ^ pol- 
 licitus'' could signify in this passage, 
 1 would read ''laederet, ut quoniaui 
 I\ . . dimitteret: fure^^'"' &c. This 
 is an odd sample of reasoning. One 
 would suppose that if he did not un 
 derstand " pollicitus,' he could not 
 venture to alter the other part. 
 
 douiivutio] The exercise of power 
 in an illegal way. At the trial of 
 Milo (B.C. 52) Pompeius filled the 
 Forum with soldiers. 
 
 disressiotieyn] This means a divi- 
 sion of the senate, for ' discessio ' is 
 the term used to express the mode 
 of voting by making a division of 
 the members. Curio tried to bring 
 it to a vote. Tiiis is explained by 
 
4G2 
 
 C. JULII CAESAEIS 
 
 Bules amicique Pompeii jiisserunt, atque ita rem mode- 
 rando discesserunt. 
 
 53. Magnum hoc testimonium Senatus erat universi 
 conveniensque superiori facto. Nam Marcellus proximo 
 anno, quum impugnaret Caesaris dignitatem, contra 
 legem Pompeii et Crassi rettulerat ante tern pus ad 
 Senatum de Caesaris provinciis, sententiisque dictis 
 discessionem faciente Marcello, qui sibi omnem digni- 
 tatem ex Caesaris invidia quaerebat, Senatus frequens in 
 
 the passages in Cicero (Ad Div. x. 
 12) and Pliny (Ep. viii. 14), referred 
 to by Herzog. 
 
 jusserunt] The construction of 
 ' jubcre ' with ' ne Ms unusual. ' In- 
 tenc^serunt ' has been proposed, but 
 it is not the proper word here. A 
 few MSS. have 'suascrunt.' The 
 rest of the sentence is unintelligible. 
 One MS. has 'remorando' in place 
 of ' rem nioderando.' The author 
 seems to mean that the senate in 
 some way put off the matter. Kra- 
 ner has 'jusserunt ; at reliqui tanien 
 omncs eo discesserunt.' The storv, as 
 told bv Plutarch (Ponipeius, c 58), is 
 that all the senators, except two-and- 
 twenty, voted for Curio's second 
 motion, which was tiiat both Pom- 
 peius and Caesar should resign their 
 command. Com p. Ajjpian, B. C. ii. 
 30. This was in B.C. 50, in the 
 consulship of C. Marcellus. 
 
 53. Magnum Jioc\ Tliis is ob- 
 scuie. But it must refer to what he 
 has said at the end of the preceding 
 chapter. That which was done wms 
 a great j)roof of the disposition of the 
 senate, and consistent with what had 
 been done the year before. 
 
 Afarcellus] M. Marcellus, consul 
 B c. 51, moved in the senate that 
 Caesar should be superseded before 
 his second five years were out, and 
 that he should not be allowed to be 
 a candidate for the consulship in his 
 absence, a thing that Caesar had set 
 his mind on (Sueton. Caesar, c. 28), 
 and permission to be a candidate in 
 liis absence had been given to Caesar 
 by a Lex enacted in B.C. 52. Ci- 
 oero at Caesar's request had used his 
 
 influence in petting this Lex passed. 
 (Ad Alt. vii. 1, 4. See also Ad 
 Div. vi. 6, 5, and Ad Att. viii. 3, 3.) 
 The motion of M. Marcellus was 
 to rescind the Lex which gave Cae- 
 sar his provinces for the second term 
 of five years. It is here calle i a 
 Lex of Pompeius and Crassus, be- 
 cause it was enacted in their second 
 consulship, but it is the Lex Trebo- 
 nia, B.C. 55 (v. 17, note). Pom- 
 peius made no opposition to the Lex, 
 though Cicero, as he tells us, advised 
 Pom])eiu8 not to consent to this 
 second term of five years (Phil. ii. c. 
 10). 
 
 Senalus frequens] All that is told 
 in this chapter is evidently an event 
 of the year B.C. 51, when M. Mar- 
 cellus and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus were 
 consuls. Nothing can be clearer. 
 Suetonius and Dion Cassius (40, c. 
 59) say the same. Yet Herzog says 
 that the ' discessio' or division men- 
 tioned in this chapter is that de- 
 scribed by Plutarch (Pompey, c. 58), 
 and referred to in the notes to the 
 preceding chapter. He adds, " both 
 accounts do not quite .igrce, as we 
 may see." It would be strange if 
 they did. And then he charges Plu- 
 tarch with not being quite exact 
 in his chronology. But if he is not 
 quite right, he is quite wrong. And 
 he is quite right in this instance. 
 Cicero (Ad Att. vii. 1) alludes to 
 these attempts of the Marcelli : "per 
 duos superiores Miircellorum consu- 
 latus, quum est actum de provincia 
 Caesaris." See Diem Cassius, 40, c. 
 59, b"2, and the letter of M. Caeliua 
 to Cicero, Ad Div. viii. 8, B.C. 51. 
 
 LI BEE YIII. 
 
 4(53 
 
 alia omnia transiit. Quibus non frangebantur animi 
 inimicorum Caesaris, sed admonebantur quo majores 
 pararent neeessitudines, quibus cogi posset Senatus id 
 probare quod ipsi constituissent. 
 
 54. Fit deinde S. C. ut ad bellum Parthicum legio una 
 a Cn. Pompeio, altera a C. Caesare mitteretur ; neque 
 obscure liae duae legiones uni Caesari detrahuntur. Nam 
 C]i. Pompeius legionem primam, quam ad Caesarem 
 miserat, confectam ex delectu provinciae Caesaris, earn 
 tatnquam ex suo numero dedit. Caesar tamen, quum de 
 voluntate adversariorum suorum se spoliari nemini du- 
 bium esset, Cn. Pompeio legionem remisit, et suo nomine 
 XV, quam in Gallia citeriore habuerat, ex S. C. jubet 
 tradi. In ejus locum xiii legionem in Italiam mittit 
 quae praesidia tueatur ex quibus praesidiis xv deduce- 
 batur. Ipse exercitui distribuit hiberna : C. Trebonium 
 cum Icgionibus quatuor in Belgio collocat ; C. Fabium 
 cum totidem in Aeduos deducit. Sic enim existimabat 
 tutissimam fore Galliam, si Belgae, quorum maxima vir- 
 tus, et Aedui, quorum auctoritas summa esset, exercitibus 
 coutinerentur. Ipse in Italiam profectus est. 
 
 55. Quo quum venisset, cognoscit per C. Marcellum 
 
 in alia omnial This is the form 
 of expressing that a motion was ne- 
 gatived, as in Cicero (Ad Div. x. 
 12), *' senatus ... in alia omnia 
 discessit." 
 
 54. helium Purtliicum] Bibulus, 
 the colleague of Caesar in the con- 
 sulship B.C. 5d, was conducting the 
 Parthian war (Dion Cassius, 40, c. 
 30) ; but the war ended according to 
 Dion Cassius in B.C. 51, in the con- 
 sulship of M. Claudius Marcellus 
 and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus; and this 
 Parthian war was only a pretext 
 (Dion Cassius, 40, c. Gb). TheS.C. 
 or Senatus consultum about these 
 two legions is also mentioned bv 
 Appian (Civil War, ii. 29). 
 
 ieqiiiuem primam] Sec B. G. vi. 
 ].»^>aesur sent back the legion which 
 lie had from Pompeius, and this was 
 to be considered as a legion givi-n up 
 by Pompeius for the Parthian war. 
 
 Caesar of course had to send one on 
 his own account. So he lost two 
 legions. 
 
 quum de — dubium esaet] Most 
 MSS. have 'quum de voluntate mi- 
 nime dubium esset adversariorum 
 suorum' (Oudendorp), which is 
 Kraner's reading. The reading in 
 the text is Oudendorp's, except that 
 he has ' exsjioliari.' 
 
 xvj There is some mist, ke here 
 or in c. 24, for it is the same legion. 
 Ciacconius would have it 'iv.' Caesar 
 had now eight legions left; and after 
 
 futting them in quarters among the 
 Jelgae and the Aedui. he went to 
 Italy at the end of b c. 50, where be 
 heard of the miserable trick that his 
 enemies had played him (c. bb). 
 See B. C. i. c. 4, and Cicero, Ad 
 Att. vii. 13 a. 
 
 bb. Oudendorp added ' conLendit* 
 on the authority of some MSS. I6 
 
4G4 C. JULII CAESARTS LIBER VTII. 
 
 consulem legiones duas ab se remissas, qune ex S. C. 
 deberent ad Parthicum belliim duci, Cii. Pompeio traditas 
 atque in Italia retentas esse. Hoc facto quamquam nulli 
 erat diibium quidnam contra Caesarem pararetur, tamen 
 Caesar omnia patienda esse statuit, quoad sibi spes aliqua 
 relinqueretur jure potius disceptandi quam belli gerendi. 
 [Contendit.] 
 
 is omitted in others. The object of 
 the author was to connect the history 
 wnth the beginning of the Civil war ; 
 and it is generally sni>posed that the 
 first chapter of the First book of the 
 Civil war has lost something at the 
 beginning ; which however may be 
 doubted. It does not seem Quite cer- 
 tain that any thing has been lost fiom 
 
 the end of this book. Morus supplies 
 what he supposes to be lost by the 
 following version of Appian (Civil 
 War, ii. 32) : " Per litcras contendit 
 ab Senatu, ut etiam Pompeius se 
 impcrio abdicaret, seqiie idem factu- 
 runi promi?it ; sin minus se nrquti 
 sibi ncque patriae defuturum." 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 A. D. ante diem, use of, 45 
 A priuio agmine, 383 
 Ab, use of, 38, 312, 400 
 
 — denoting position, 348 
 
 — with words which express dis- 
 tance, J 14, 250 
 
 — urbe, ad urbem, 45 
 Abditus, 398 
 
 Abesse with non and quin, 164 
 
 with the dative, 77 
 
 Abies, 231 
 
 Ablative Latin, use of, 58, 257, 259, 
 341,348,352,365,428 
 
 used to denote a perma- 
 nent condition, 159 
 
 used to express an interval 
 
 of time, 163 
 Abs, 449 
 
 Ac, use in Caesar of, 89 
 Acceptum referre, 449 
 Accidere with dative, 158 
 Accisae, copiae, 444 
 Acclivis, declivis, 124 
 Accuratius, 306 
 Acie, the genitive, 129 
 Acies, triplex, 63, 94, 105, 429 
 Actuariae naves, 217 
 Ad, meaning of, 39 
 
 — equivalent to apud, 154, 321 
 
 — said to be equivalent to circiter, 
 140 
 
 — aggerem, 171 
 -— esse, 71 
 
 — Idus, 46 
 
 — Oceanum versus, 316 
 Adaequare, 158, 297 
 Adcantuannus, 168 
 Addicere, 396 
 
 Adeo, 268 
 AdesBe, alicui, 379 
 
 Adhibere, 60 
 Aditus, 256 
 
 to the senate, 87 
 
 Adjudicare, 359 
 Admairetobria, 35 
 Admisso equo, 62 
 Admodum, 255 
 Aduatuca, Tongern, 315 
 
 note on, 410 
 
 Aduatuci, 29, 111, 135,245, 411 
 
 Adulas, Mons, St. Gothard, 20 
 
 Advcntus, meaning of, 261 
 
 Adversa nocte, 20/ 
 
 Adverso flumine, 377 
 
 Ad versus, 125 
 
 Aedui, 22, 27, 34, 74, 289 
 
 Aeduiis, Haeduus, Heduus, 41 
 
 Aequinoctium, 213, 241 
 
 Aestiva, 454 
 
 Aestivorum, tempus, 427 
 
 Aestuarium, 122 
 
 Aestus, 284 
 
 Aetuatae, 186 
 
 Affinitas, 109 
 
 Africus, wind, 224, 277 
 
 Agathe, Agde, 26 
 
 Agedincum, Agen<iicum, Sens, 108 
 
 Agere cum aliquo, 52 
 
 Agger, 136, 349, 404 
 
 Aggerem jacere, 119 
 
 Agmen. quadratum, 429 
 
 Alarii, 95 
 
 Alces, elks, 311 
 
 Alduasdubis, Alduadubis, Doubi>4, 
 
 7, 79 
 Alesia, Alise, 384, 385, 408 
 
 note on, 417 
 
 Aliqui and aliquis, 245 
 Alius, use of, 38, 47, 348 
 Allcgcrc, 299 
 
 Hh 
 
466 
 
 INDEX TO THE IS'OTES. 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 467 
 
 Allobroges, 11, 27, 28, 33 
 Alps, 1,8 
 
 passes of, 9 
 
 Alterae, a dative, 245 
 
 Altissimus . . . ut and a subjunctive, 
 44 
 
 Ambacti, 301 
 Anibarri, 22 
 
 • Aeduf, 50 
 
 Ainbiani, 111, 275 
 Ambibari, 394 
 Ambiliati, 156 
 Ambivareti, 392, 407. 408 
 Ambivariti, 185 
 Amentum, 263 
 Amfractus, 366 
 Amplius, use of, 431 
 
 with a genitive, 294 
 
 non amplius, use of, 79 
 
 Anartes, 309, 310 
 
 Ancalites, 238, 239 
 
 Anceps proelium, 66, 395 
 
 Andecavi, Angers, 14 
 
 Andes, Andecavi, Andegavi, 14, 141, 
 
 Augustus, 202 
 Animadvertere, in cnni, 59 
 Animi acquitas, 307 
 
 causa, 231 
 
 praesentia, 258 
 
 Animus, mens, 166 
 Annotinus, 225 
 Antipolis, Antibes, 26 
 Antiqiius, antiquissimus, mcaniutr 
 of, 91 ^ 
 
 Antoiiius, M., 401, 424, 449, 458 
 Apennines, 1, 9, 20 
 Apeitum, latus, 65, 369 
 
 ■ — litus, 226 
 
 Appetere, 317 
 
 Appian, 27, 28. 29, 52,. 356, 462, 
 463, 464 
 
 Appn.pinquare ad, 125 
 Aquae Sextiac, Air, 27, 31 
 Aquila, 131 
 Aquileia, 21, 23 
 Aquitani, 23, 24, 32 
 
 — skilled in mining, 168 
 
 Aquitania, 166 
 Arar, ISaone, 7, 50 
 Aiaris, Herault, 7 
 Arbiter, 218 
 Arcessero, 71 
 Arcessi, arccssiri, 228 
 Ardennes, 15 
 
 Arduenna, Ardennes, 312, 313 
 Aries, 138 
 Ariovistus, 34, 36, 77 
 
 camp of, 93 
 
 probable place ot his de- 
 feat, 97 
 
 — ■ wives of, 98 
 
 Armamenta, 217 
 Armare naves, 217 
 Armoricae civitates, 3, 26, 393 
 Artificia, 302 
 
 Anremi, Auvergne, 13, 22, 27, 28, 
 
 71, 74, 331 
 A tax, Aude, 7 
 Athesis, Adige, 21 
 Atiebates, 110 
 
 in Britain, 230 
 
 Attribucre, attributus, 335, 394 
 A til lis, A dour, 3, 12 
 Auctor, 164, 247 
 Aulcrci, 22, 141 
 
 Brannovices, 392 
 
 • Cenomani, 393 
 
 F2burones, 393 
 
 Eburovices, 163 
 
 Ausci, Auscii, Auch, 11, 169, 173 
 Aut^-aut^-aut, 298 
 Autricum, Chartres, 244 
 Auvergne, 13 
 Avaricum, Bourges, 339, 341 
 
 • — massacre at, 351 
 
 Aventicum, Avenclies, 51 
 Axona, Aisne, 15, 112 
 
 Baccnis, silva, 295 
 Balbus, L. Cornelius, 421 
 iialearic slingers, 114 
 Basilus, L. Minucius, 408 
 Batavorum insula, 185 
 Bclgae, 23, 25, 26, 29, 109, 230 
 
 in Britain, 25 
 
 Bilirium, 25, 230, 243 
 
 Bellocassi, 393 
 
 Bellovaci, 109, 377, 436 
 
 Belluni facere, 175 
 
 Bibracte, Autun, 63, 373, 424 
 
 Bibiax, 112, 113 
 
 B.broci, 238, 239 
 
 Bigerriones, 172 
 
 Bipartite, 65 
 
 Bituitus, 28 
 
 Bituiiges, 22, 57, 340 
 
 Cubi, Vivisci, 332 
 
 Bituriges, Vivisci, 24 
 
 Boia, 339 
 
 Boii, 22, 23, 43, 69, 394 
 
 east of the Rhine, 43 
 
 in Gallia, 335 
 
 in Italy, 22, 23 
 
 Boni, 439 
 
 Bononia, Bologna, 23 
 
 Bos, 310 
 
 Boulogne, Gesoiiacum, 275, 278, 
 
 282 
 Bi-annovices, Aulerci, 392 
 Bratuspantium, 110 
 Britanni had ships, 213 
 
 • used copper coin, 231 
 
 their marriages, 233 
 
 their personal appearance, 
 
 233 
 
 perhaps had no cavalry, 
 
 235 
 
 Britannia, 110, 198 
 
 and Gallia, lines of transit 
 
 between, 16 
 
 early trade between, and 
 
 Gallia, 230, 232 
 
 products of, 230, 231 
 
 climate of, 231 
 
 timber in, 231 
 
 dimensions of, 232 
 
 result of Caesar's invasion, 
 
 240 
 
 length of time Caesar was 
 
 in, during his second invasion, 
 241 
 
 Druids of, 300 
 
 Biuma, 232, 425 
 
 Brutus, D. Junius, 157, 335, 404 
 
 Burdigala, Bordeaux, 12 
 
 Cabcllio, Cavaillon, 26 
 CabilJonum, Chalon-sur-Saone, 363 
 Cadurci, 331 
 
 Eleutheri, 393 
 
 Caepio, Q. Servilius, 11, 30 
 
 Caeraesi, 25 
 
 Caesar, C. Julius, consul, 35 
 
 province as proconsul, 35 
 
 term of government in Gal- 
 lia, 35 
 
 legions. 111, 136, 287, 315, 
 
 326, 386, 407, 425, 455, 463 
 
 description of Helvetia is 
 
 exact. 40 
 
 Caesar's description of the Jura, 
 44 
 
 married L. Piso's daughter. 
 
 45 
 
 travelled quick, 45 
 
 — earthen wall along the 
 
 Rhone, 46, 101 
 
 raises two new legions, 
 
 49 
 
 55 
 
 has ships on the Saone, 
 
 only speaks of what eoncerns 
 
 his military operations, 55 
 
 uses interpreters in Gallia, 
 
 59 
 
 praetor, 61 
 
 Gallic horsemen emploA'ed 
 
 by, 49, 63 
 
 forced marches of, 79 
 
 careful about his supplies. 
 
 80 
 
 and M. Cicero, 81 
 
 passage over the Alps, 102 
 
 Bthneider''8 laborious exami- 
 nation of, 152 
 
 puts to death all the Senate 
 
 of the Veneti, 163 
 
 rapid movements, 183 
 
 bridges over the Rhine, 194, 
 
 294, 318 
 
 speaks only of what con 
 
 cerns tlie matter in hand, 205 
 
 gets materials for fitting out 
 
 ships from Spain, 217 
 
 activity, 218 
 
 wrote Commentarii, not a 
 
 history, 229 
 
 wrote as the events occurred, 
 
 229, 230, 254 
 
 prolongation of his govern- 
 
 ment in Gallia, 235 
 
 in Britain had guides, 236 
 
 his course in Britannia from 
 
 Deal to the Thames, 236, 282 
 course north of the Thames, 
 
 238 
 
 carries off a great number of 
 
 captives from Britain, 240 
 
 how long he was in Britan- 
 
 nia during his second invasion, 
 24L 
 
 does not mention names or 
 
 Hh2 
 
 things which do not concern the 
 main matter, 242, 244, 2}?. 
 makes kings, 244, 268 
 
 il 
 
4G8 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Caesar announces his approach hy 
 the burning of buihlinsis, 2b'4 
 
 British expeditions, 274 — 
 
 2»4 
 
 daughter Julia, 287 
 
 practice of summoning the 
 
 Gallic States, 288 
 
 impcrator, 293 
 
 seldom mentions the gods. 
 
 314 
 
 seldom makes what are called 
 
 reflections, 314 
 
 wished to extirpate the Ebu- 
 
 rones, 317 
 
 flogs a Gaul to death, 325; 
 
 another, 449 
 
 ranid movements and rapid 
 
 style, 3o7 
 
 employs German cavalry. 
 
 338, 383 
 
 mode of warf^xre against bar- 
 
 barians, 324 
 
 watches his works before 
 
 Avaricum all night, 348 
 
 description of the massacre 
 
 at Avaricum, 331 
 
 stratngcm for crossing the 
 
 Allicr, 3.")6 
 
 rarely mentions his losses. 
 
 371 
 
 account of his defeat at Ger- 
 
 govia, 371 
 
 • purchases horses m Spain and 
 
 Italv for the Gallic war, 373 
 
 how he fords the Loire, 375 
 
 trusted his own judgment. 
 
 375 
 
 description of Alesia is cor- 
 rect, 385 
 
 way of writing, 385 
 
 force at Alesia, 386 
 
 had Gallic and German ca- 
 
 valry, 386 
 
 sometimes made one Gallic 
 
 people subject to another, 394 
 
 gives us the speech of a 
 
 Gaul who was shut up in Alesia, 
 395 
 
 refuses to receive men, wo- 
 
 men, and cliihlren who are ex- 
 pelled from a besieged town, 398 
 sticks close to his subject, 
 
 'M)S 
 
 writes as if facts were fr^-sh 
 
 in his recollection, 405 
 
 Caesar gives each of his men a pri- 
 soner, 407 
 
 narrative tried by the local- 
 ities, 419 
 
 Commentarii probably writ- 
 
 ten during the Gallic war, 422 
 
 Eiactice to burn buildings 
 e invaded the territories of 
 the Galli, 425 
 
 omits to mention what does 
 
 not concern his campaigns, 439 
 cuts off the hands of the de- 
 
 fenders of Uxellodunum, 453 
 
 divided his work as we now 
 
 have it, 457 
 
 priest and general, 458 
 
 moves about from" place to 
 
 place for his health's sake, 460 
 L., 381 
 
 Caesaroniagus, Beauvais, 110 
 
 Cains, Gains. 99, 367, 461 
 
 Calenus. Q. FuHus, 450 
 
 Caleti, Pavs de Caux, 16, 111 
 
 Calones, 130. 322 
 
 Calvinus, C. Sextius, 27 
 
 Camp, Roman, on a hill top, 434 
 
 Camulogenus, 375 
 
 Caninius, C, 441 
 
 C'antJiI)ri, 172 
 
 Cantium, Kent, 16,231,280 
 
 Capere, loca, 169 
 
 montem, portus, 65 
 
 Capita, heads, souls, 69 
 
 of a river, 187 
 
 Captus, 181 
 
 Carantonus, Cliarente, 13 
 
 Carbasa, 159 
 
 Carbo, Cn. Papirius, 29 
 
 Carcaso, Carcassone, 167 
 
 Carnutes, 22, 141, 244, 289, 300 
 
 Cassi, 238, 239 
 
 Cassiterides, 16 
 
 Cassi us, L., defeated bv the Helvo 
 
 til, 46, 52 
 Cassivellauiius, 229 
 Castella, 386 
 Castra, 386 
 
 Roman, 112 
 
 Casu for casui, 323 
 Catilina. L. Sergius, 33 
 Causa, meaning of, 223, 256 
 Causa, in eadem, 181 
 Causam dicere, 42 
 
 obtinere, 359 
 
 Cavere, to give security, 288 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 469 
 
 Cavere, cavere inter se, 329 
 
 Celtae, 23, 24, 29 
 
 Celtic, a written language in Cao 
 
 sar's time, 300 
 Celfica, 24 
 Cenimagni, 238 
 Cenis, Mt., 9 
 Cenomani, 22 
 Censere, 76, 322 
 Centrones, 49 
 Certa res. 248 
 Cervi, 389 
 
 Cester, Chester, castra, 113 
 Centrones, 254 
 
 Cevenna, Cevcnnes, 5, 6, 332, 334 
 Chain cables used bv the Veneti, 
 
 159 
 Cicero, M., recommends his friends 
 
 to Caesar in Gallia. 81 
 M., corresponds with Caesar, 
 
 218 
 M., corresponds with Caesar 
 
 in Britain, 241 
 
 M., 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,59, 
 
 266, 281, 308, 326, 3,52, 555, 358, 
 359, 361, 364, 366, 376, 379, 380, 
 388, 390, 394, 395, 396, 401, 402, 
 407, 408, 409, 421, 422, 423, 429, 
 438, 441, 449, 454, 458, 460, 461, 
 462, 4';3 
 ■^ Q., 408 
 
 Q., in Britannia, 231, 241, 
 
 242 
 
 Cimbri, 28, 29, 30, 31, 397 
 Cingetorix, a Celtic name, 239 
 Cippus, 390 
 Circiter, use of, 67 202 
 Civitate donare, 92 
 Clientelae, 354 
 Clientes, 71 
 
 Clodius Pulcher, P., 828 
 Cocosates, 173 
 Cognatio, 306 
 Cognoscere, causam, 5^*^ 
 Coliors, praetoria, 84 
 
 nrima, 234 
 
 Coins, Gallic. 69 
 
 Collaudare. 219 
 
 Collocare, 58 
 
 Coloniae, 458 
 
 Comitia, proxima, 384 
 
 Comm, 199, 212, 240, 394, 431, 
 
 456 
 ■ attempt of the Romans to 
 
 assassinate him, 439 
 
 Com meatus, 148 
 Commissurae, 389 
 Comniittere, 183 
 
 hostibus, 442 
 
 Commodo, 76 
 Communicare, 253, 299 
 
 consilia, 288 
 
 Compendium, 364 
 Concertare, 290 
 
 Concilia, meetings of the Gallic 
 states, 288 
 
 of the Galli, 305 
 
 of the Galli summoned by 
 
 Caesai, 219 
 
 Concilium, 148 
 
 Concitator, 438 
 
 Conclamare, S3 
 
 Concrepare, armis, 345 
 
 Concursare, 93 
 
 Concursari, 265 
 
 Condate, Rennes, 15 
 
 Condonare, 60 
 
 Condrusi, Condroz, 25, 111 182, 
 
 315 
 Conducere, 353 
 Conferre, castra castris, 430 
 Con fi cere, 110 
 
 obsides, 439 
 
 Confirmare, 121 
 
 inter se, 288 
 
 Confluentes, Coblenz, 19, 191 
 Coiigredi, 290 
 Congressus, 80 
 Conjuraro, jurare, 328 
 Conscendere in naves, 224 
 Considius, P.. 61 
 Consilium, 148 
 
 deferre ad, 170 
 
 piofuo-ere, 350 
 
 Consternatus, 353 
 Constituere, use of, 117 
 Contabulare, 256, 346 
 Contendere, use of, 119 
 Continens, 209 
 Continenti impctu, 351 
 Continere, 80 
 Contineri, 243, 359 
 Contra atque, 189 
 Contrahere castra, 265, 362 
 Controversiae, 455 
 Controversias minuere, 278 
 Contumelia, meaning of, 159 
 Convictvs and conivnctvs con- 
 founded, 84 
 
 Convellere, 458 
 
470 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 471 
 
 Conventus agere, 100 
 
 Convertere sigua, 132 
 
 Convinci, 84 
 
 Copiam facere, alicui, 68 
 
 Copias cogcrc, 1 63 
 
 Copulae, 160 
 
 Coram, use of, 73 
 
 Corn to the Roman soldiers, allow- 
 ance of, 55 
 
 Corona, 38!) 
 
 veiidere sub, 163 
 
 Coronae, 430 
 
 Corus or Chorus, wind, 223, 277 
 
 Coss., 39 
 
 Cotta, L., 253 
 
 Crassus, M. Lirinius, 61, 97, 243 
 
 P., 97, 243, 454 
 
 Crates, 400 
 
 Cremona, 23 
 
 Crcscerc, per aliquom, 60 
 
 Cretan archers, 1 14 
 
 Critognatus in Alesia proposes to 
 eat those who were not good for 
 fighting, 395 
 
 Cultus, 38 
 
 Cuneatim, 351 
 
 Cuneus, 3*22 
 
 Cuniouli, 168, 345 
 
 aperti, 346 
 
 Cupae, 452 
 
 Cupcre with a dative, 58 
 
 Cupiditas, 460 
 
 Curio, C. kScribonius, 461 
 
 Curiosolites, 157 
 
 Curtius, 357, 430 
 
 Daci, 309, 310 
 
 Day and night, Roman, 51 
 
 civil, among the Romans began 
 
 at midnight, 303 
 
 De consilio, 332 
 
 De tertia vigilia, 51 
 
 Deal Caesar's landing place in Bri- 
 tain, 203 
 
 Decedere, discedeie, 90, 299, 457 
 
 Decessum, sub, 457 
 
 Decetia, Decise, 354 
 
 Declivis, acclivis, 124 
 
 Decumana porta, 130 
 
 Decurio, alae, turmae, d'^curiae, 
 63 
 
 Dediticius, 67 
 
 Deditio, dediticii, 67 
 
 Deducere, 217 
 Deesse, saluti, 250 
 Defendere, 430 
 
 bcllum, crimen, 89 
 
 Deferre, 205 
 
 and referre confounded. 
 
 170, 205 
 
 regnum, honores, 222 
 
 Deficeretur, use of, 425 
 Deinceps, 174 
 
 place of, 255 
 
 Dejcctus principatu, 380 
 Delecti, 394 
 Delectus, dilectus, 286 
 Delegare, 439 
 Delibratus, 390 
 Dcminucrc, 364 
 
 or diminuere, de jure 
 
 354 
 
 Depositum, deponcre, 379 
 
 Deprccator, 48 
 
 Derogare, 308 
 
 Descendtre, 302 
 
 Desiderari, 344 
 
 Desperare, use of, 158 
 
 Des|)eratus, 330 
 
 Destinare, 161, 345 
 
 Destringcre, distringere, 64 
 
 Devoti, 168 
 
 Diablintes, Diablintrcs, 156 
 
 Dicare, in clientelam, 297 
 
 Dianium, Denia, 26 
 
 Dicto audientes, 82 
 
 Diem dicerc, 271 
 
 ex die ducere, 55 
 
 Dies is feminine, in what cases, 45, 
 46 
 
 Dimensum, opus, 126 
 
 Dimittere, 29/ 
 
 Diodorus, 16, 298, 301, 305 
 
 Dion Cassius, 33, 34, 68, 85, 165, 
 174, 198, 205, 210, 236, 237, 249, 
 253, 261, 263, 276, 278, 279, 312, 
 329, 357, 373, 381, 383, 406, 462, 
 463 
 
 his way of writing 
 
 history, 398 
 
 Di rectus, dcrectus, 388 
 
 Dirigere acicm, 293 
 
 Dis, Father, 303 
 
 1 )isceptator, 359 
 
 Discessio, 461 
 
 Disparare, 351 
 
 Distance, how expressed, 60 
 
 Distinere, 359, 369 
 
 I 
 
 Diversus, 129, 392, 437 
 
 Divico, 29, 52 
 
 Divitiacus, 34, 58, 297 
 
 Divodurum, Metz, 19 
 
 Divona, Cahors, 331 
 
 Domicilium, 313 
 
 Dominatio, 461 
 
 Domitius, Cn., 27, 28 
 
 Dorsus, dorsum, 364 
 
 Dos, 303 
 
 Doubas, Alduasdubis, 79 
 
 Druentia, Durance, 9 
 
 Druides, 298. 2J*9. 300 
 
 Drumann, 291, 371 
 
 Dubis, Alduasdubis, Doubs, 7, 79 
 
 Dubitare with intinitive, and with 
 
 quin and subjunctive, 108 
 Ducere, to con>ider, 208 
 
 and deducere, 201 
 
 Ductum iri, 336 
 Dumnorix, a farmer of'taxcs, 60 
 Dun, meaning of, 109 
 Duranius, Dordogne, 12 
 Durocatalaunum, Chalons sur- 
 
 Marne, 15 
 Durocortorum, Reims, 325 
 
 E regione, 356 
 
 Earthworks, in what time they can 
 
 be made, 136 
 Eburones, 25, 182, 317, 324 
 Eburovices, 163 
 Egredi fines, 89 
 Ejusmodi ut, 157, 245 
 Elavcr, Allicr, 13, 14, 355, 356 
 Elusates, 173 
 
 Emolimentum, molimentum, 75 
 Emporiae, Ampurias, 26 
 English Channel, 217 
 Enim, use of, 224 
 Eo, 163 
 
 — equivalent to in eos, 86 
 Eodem and eadem confounded, 432 
 Eodera illo, 187 
 
 tempore — et, 78 
 
 Eporedorix, 360 
 
 another, 384 
 
 Equus, 180 
 
 Eratosthenes, 309 
 
 Essedum, essedarii, 203, 210, 211, 
 
 234 
 Essui, 242, 243. 410 
 Etei— tamen, 70, 207 251, 334 
 
 i 
 
 Eustathius, 274, 279 
 Eventum experiri, 149 
 Evocati, 361, 381 
 Evocatus, 352 
 Ex, use of, 214, 226 
 
 — essedis pugnae, 210 
 
 — itinere, 65, 113 
 
 — vinculis causam dicere, 41, 12 
 Exaudire, 321 
 
 i']xcitare, turres, 161, 346, 430 
 Excommunication used by th« 
 
 Druids, 299 
 Excubiae, excubi tores, 386 
 Exempla edere, 72 
 Exhaurire, 257 
 Exitus, 184 • 
 
 Expedire, 426 
 Expediri, arma, 342 
 Expeditae, legiones, 290 
 Expeditionem, mittere in, 227 
 Kxplicare, rem frume .tariam, 426 
 Explorare, 165 
 Exprimere, 346 
 
 vocem, 73 
 
 Exsertus, '369 
 Extraherc, 240 
 Exuere, armis, 150 
 
 Fabri, 228 
 Factiones, 296 
 
 parties, 71 
 
 Falces, 345 
 
 murales, 161 
 
 Familia, 42 
 
 Fasces, 397 
 
 Fastigatus, 115, 194 
 
 Fastigium. 385, 391, 404 
 
 Fclicitas, 448 
 
 Ferramenta, 257 
 
 Ferniriae, 345 
 
 Fert consuetude, 210 
 
 Fibulae, 196 
 
 Fide, esse in, 289^, 332 
 
 Fidcm facere, 187 
 
 Iiabcrc, alicui. 59, 32? 
 
 interponere, 253 
 
 recipere in, 121 
 
 sequi. 200 
 
 Fides, 91, 238 
 
 use of, 59 
 
 Fine, pectoris, 368 
 Fines, meaning of, 110 
 Firmissimus, 41 
 
472 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Fislucae^l94 
 
 Flaccus, C. Valerius, 92 
 
 M. Fulvius, 27 
 
 Florua, 333, 406 
 
 confounds Gergoviaand Ale- 
 
 sia, 384 
 Fonteius, M., 32, 33 
 Fors obtulit, 405 
 Fort rficluse, 40, 47 
 Fortuna, 314, 318, 324 
 Fortunae, meaning of, 158 
 Forum agere, 100 
 Fratemum nomen, 77 
 Fratres consank'uineique of the Ko 
 
 man people, 74 
 FrifjOra, 55 
 Frontinus, 451 
 Fructus, plural, 304 
 Frumentum, meaning of id 
 
 179 
 
 Fugitivi, 63 
 
 Gabali, 333 
 
 Gaesum, 149 
 
 Gains, Cains, 99, 367, 461 
 
 Galatae, 24 
 
 Galba, a Gallic king, 110 
 
 Servius, 146, 459 
 
 Galli, character of, 157, 166, 184, 
 301, 363 
 
 invasion of Italy by, 22 
 
 had farmers of the taxes, 57 
 
 had tolls, 57 
 
 with Roman names, 59, 92 
 
 learn Greek, 69 
 
 — — rich men seize sovereign power, 
 
 107 
 
 refugees in Britain, 120 
 
 the form of tiieir houses, 230 
 
 exiles, emigrants, men under 
 
 sentence, 270 
 
 ■ sufferings of the poor, 298 
 
 . heavily taxed, 21*8 
 
 . the priest administered the law, 
 
 299 
 
 had no lawyers, 299 
 
 — — used the Greek characters, 
 
 09, 300 
 *—— believed :n the soul's immor 
 
 tality, 301 
 •— — sacrificed human victims, 301 
 — — had rude figures of deities, 
 
 d02 
 
 Galli, their mode of reckoning timo. 
 303 
 
 — marriage settlements among 
 the, 303, 304 
 
 polygamists some of them, 
 
 304 
 
 — had not freedom of speech in 
 political matters, 305 
 
 — physical type of, 305 
 
 — their wanderings, 308 
 transmit news with great ra- 
 
 pidity, 330 
 
 — worked iron mines, 345 
 
 — the walls of their towns, 347 
 had wooden bridges over rivers. 
 
 355 
 
 send commissioners to the army 
 
 to watch the generals, 394 
 
 besieged by the Cimbri eat one 
 
 another, 397 
 
 Gallia, 107 
 
 area of Caesar's, 2 
 
 ' boundaries of, 2, 3, 4 
 
 used for Celtica, 70 
 
 Cisalpina, 20 
 
 Citcrior, 20, 23, 100 
 
 Narbonensis, 10, 11 
 
 Togata, 441 
 
 Transalpina, 1, 2, 11, 17, 
 
 22 
 
 Ulterior, 10 
 
 omnis, 37 
 
 state of, after Caesar's con- 
 quest, 4158 
 
 - conquest of, necessary for 
 
 Rome, 459 
 Gallic coins, 69, 360 
 
 deities, 302 
 
 Garites, 173 
 
 Garumna, Garonne, 12, 13 
 
 Garunini, 173 
 
 Genal.um, Orleans, 14, 142, 244, 330, 
 
 337, 426 
 Generatim, 343 
 Geneva, Geneva, 8, 10 
 Caesar's 
 
 rampart at, 46, 47 
 Genua, 45 
 
 earthen 
 
 Genitive, use of, 77 
 
 Genoa, 22 
 
 Gens, 306 
 
 Gerere and regcre confounded, 302 
 
 Gergovia, 13, 331, 365, 367 
 
 note on, 413 
 
 siege of, 358 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 473 
 
 Gergovia, of the Boii, a doubtful 
 name, 335 
 
 German cavalry in Caesar's service, 
 338 
 
 cavalry routed Gallic cavalry, 
 
 383,399 ^ 
 
 Germaui, 34, 178, 305 
 
 had slaves, 135 
 
 Germans in Gallia, 25 
 
 ■ . settle in Helvetia, 69 
 
 ■ seized by Caesar, 189, 190 
 
 in a half nomadic stite, 
 
 178 
 
 driven into the Rliine by 
 
 Caesar, 191 
 
 had no property in the 
 
 land. 306, 307 
 
 Gironde, 12 
 Glandes, 258 
 Graioceli, 9, 49 
 
 Greek characters used by the Hel- 
 vetii, 69 
 
 settlements in Gallia, 24, 26 
 
 Gris Nez, Cap, 16 
 
 Habere, use of, 163 
 Harpago, 400 
 Harudes, 78 
 Hand, 269 
 
 scio an, 269 
 
 Hedges in the country of the Nervii, 
 
 124 
 Heduus, Aeduus, Haeduus, 41 
 Helvetii, 10, 35,50,68, 186 
 
 ■ limits of the, 40 
 
 battle with, 105 
 
 Helvii, 32, 334, 393 
 
 Hercynia silva, 308, 309 
 
 Hi and ii confounded, 68,214 
 
 Hiberna, hibernacula, 142 
 
 Hie, adverb, 321 
 
 His — diebus, 93 
 
 — paucis diebus, 163 
 
 Hispania Citerior, 169 
 
 Hoc— quod, 73, 149, 208, 267 
 
 Homer, 39 
 
 Homo, use of, 272 
 
 Honoris causa, 121 
 
 Honos, 299 
 
 Horace, 373, 390 
 
 Horses bouglit in Spain and Italy 
 
 for the Gallic War, 373 
 Hospitium, 71 
 
 Hostium numero, in, meaning of, 
 
 Houses of the Galli, 230 
 Humanitas, 38 
 
 I, terminations in, 373 
 Iberes, 24 
 Ictis, 16 
 Id adeo, 269 
 Id agi — ut, 461 
 Identidem, 125 
 Id factum, 221 
 Ignominia, 342 
 Ii and hi confounded. 68, 2i4 
 Illyricum, 20, 35, 218 
 Immunis, 394 
 
 Impedimenta, 63, 123, 365, 373, 44f) 
 Impedimentis, sine, 123 
 Impeditus, 224 
 
 Impcrare with a dative and accusa- 
 sative, 45 
 
 suaderc, concedere, with 
 
 an infinitive, 443 
 Imperfect, use of, 112, 385 
 Imperium, 293 
 
 Impetrasse, de sua salute, 253 
 Impubcs, 305 
 In, use of, 245 
 
 — with ablative, 67, 74 
 
 — alia omnia transire, 463 
 
 — annos singulos, 240 
 
 — eo, 345 
 
 — eo peccare, 93 
 
 — f route, 115 
 Incommodum, 352 
 Indago, 436 
 
 Indicative and subjunctive, 68, 178 
 
 Indices, indicium, 41 
 
 Induere, inducere, 128 
 
 Induebant, se vallis, 390 
 
 Induere, se, 401 
 
 Incrmis, inermus, 83 
 
 Infcstis itineribus, 455 
 
 Infestus, inferre, 370 
 
 Infirmitas, 183 
 
 Injuriae with a genitive, 156 
 
 with two genitives, use 
 
 of, 71 
 
 Insigne, 62, 405 
 
 Insignia, 128 
 
 Insimulatus, proditioni«, 343 
 
 Instar, 124 
 
 Instituere, 294 
 
474 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTEft 
 
 Instituere, constituere, often con- 
 founded, 240 
 
 Instrumentum, meaning of, 249 
 
 Insuefacere, 203 
 
 Integer, 438 
 
 Integra res, 352 
 
 Integris rebus, 445 
 
 Inter, use of, 78 
 
 Interdicere, use of, .02 
 
 aqua atque igni, 325 
 
 Intermittere, 80 
 
 intermissus, 341 
 
 Intermissus, 347, 355 
 
 Interponere, 223 
 
 • causam, 86 
 
 decretum, 355 
 
 Interpretes, quotidian!, 59 
 
 Intolerantius, 370 
 
 Intra, 78 
 
 Intritus, 172 
 
 Inveterascere, 256 
 
 Iri, 336 
 
 Iron in the maritime parts of Bri- 
 tain, 231 
 
 in the neighbourhood of 
 
 Bo urges, 345 
 
 Is, use of, 80 
 
 — qui explained, 177 
 Isara, Isere, 9 
 
 Oise, 15 
 
 Iste, 395 
 Ita, 249 
 
 — with an adjective, 213 
 Italia, 142 
 
 Caesar's use of the word, 23, 
 
 100 
 
 Iter, magnu' ', justum, 79 
 — — munirt, 3/6 
 Itius, 219, 277, 278 
 
 Portus, 201 
 
 Wissant, 282, 283 
 
 Jactura, 297 
 Jam, emphatic, 50, 270 
 Jubere — ne, 462 
 Jugum, 211, 365 
 
 mittcre sub, 46 
 
 Juliomagus, Angers, 141 
 Jumenta, 180 
 Juniorcs, 328 
 Jura mountains, 6, 7, 39 
 
 . .. . . passes of, 44 
 
 Jura dare, rcddere, 296 
 
 Juris, sui, 461 
 Jus, 42, 354 
 
 — jus belli, 77 
 
 — dicerc, 307, 439 
 Justa funera, 304 
 Justitia, 245 
 Justinian, lust., 305 
 Justus, 347 
 
 Kymri, 26 
 
 Labienua. T., 49, 460 
 
 probably visited Britain, 
 
 214 
 his dangerous position on 
 
 the Seine, 377 
 
 attempts to murder Comm. 
 
 439 
 
 Laborare with and without ab, 336 
 Labris, ab, 312 
 Labrum, 388 
 Latere aperto, 65 
 Latobrigi, 43 
 Latus apertum, 369 
 Lavere, lavare, 179 
 Lawyers came from Rome, 299 
 L' Eel use. Fort, 46 
 Lectistemium, 460 
 Legati, Icgatomm jus, 154 
 Lcgatus, 81 
 
 e suis, 92 
 
 pro praetorc, 61 
 
 Leg! bus uti, suis, 91 
 
 Lcgio, 63 
 
 Legion, and Caesar's legions, 49 
 
 of Caesar, 2u0, 209, 225, 
 
 243, 286, 287, 315, 326, 386, 407, 
 
 425, 463 
 Lemannus, Lake of Geneva, 7, 8 
 LemonuMi, Linionum, Poitiers, 442 
 Lemoviccs, 331, 393 
 licntinus, Manlius, 33 
 Lesura Mons, La Lozere, 6, 333 
 Leuci, 84 
 Lex, 354 
 
 defined, 109 
 
 Ponipeia, 23 
 
 Trcbonia, Pompeia, 462 
 
 Lexovii, 156 
 
 Librilia, libralia, 400 
 
 Ligeris, Liger, Atiyttp, Loire, 13, 
 
 14, 153 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 475 
 
 Ligures, 22 
 
 Dt'ciates, 26 
 
 Oxvbii, 26 
 
 Lilium, 391 
 
 Lingones, 22, 66 
 
 Lingulae, 158 
 
 Lis, 218 
 
 Literae, dispitches, 215 
 
 publicae, 261 
 
 Literas publice mittere, 142 
 
 Literis, ex, 142 
 
 Livy, 21, 22, 25, 29, 30, 32, 34, 259, 
 269, 347, 349, 353, 381, 389, 396, 
 397, 400, 401 , 429, 430, 434, 438, 
 439, 442, 444, 447, 454, 456, 460 
 
 Loco, in loco, use of, 66 
 
 Locus, 135, 259 
 
 Longinus, L. Cassius, 30 
 
 Longurii, 196 
 
 Lorica, 389, 430 
 
 Loricae, 256 
 
 Luca, conference at, 153 
 
 Lucan, 298, 386 
 
 Lucretius, 395 
 
 Lucterius, 334 
 
 Lugdunum, Lyon, 7, 16 
 
 Lustratio, 460 
 
 Lutetia Parisionim, Paris, 15, 288, 
 376 
 
 Maceria, 385 
 Magetobriga, 35 
 Magistratus, communis, 307 
 Magno ope re, 457 
 Malacia, 162 
 Mali, 346 
 
 Mandata, mandare, 373 
 Mandatum, 75 
 Mandubii, 384 
 
 expelled from Alesia by 
 
 their countrymen, 398 
 Mandubratius, 238 
 Manibus, in, 126 
 Manlius, 30 
 Manilius Nepos, L., 32 
 
 , L.,166 
 
 Manipulus, 131, 322 
 Manus dare, 248 
 
 ferrea, 400 
 
 Marcellus, M., 462 
 Mare nostrum, meaning of, 217 
 Maritimae civitates, 141 
 Marius, C, 31 
 
 Marseille, Greeks of, 69 
 
 Marte aequo, 343 
 
 Massila, Marseille, and her coloniea, 
 
 24,26 
 Matara, 66 
 Materiari, 390 
 Matisco, Macon, 407 
 Matrimonium, collocare in, 58 
 Matrona, Marne, 6, 15 
 Max imam partem, 179 
 Maximus, Cn. Manlius, 30 
 Q. Fabius, 28, 90 
 
 Valerius, 204 
 
 Mediolanum, Evreux, 164 
 
 Milan, 22 
 
 Mediomatrici, 186 
 
 Mediterranean sea, 217 
 
 Medius with the genitive, 75 
 
 Meldi, 221 
 
 Melodunum, Melun, 376 
 
 Memoriam prodcre, 53 
 
 Menapii, 111, 122, 182, 186, 214 
 
 290 
 Mentes animosque, 80 
 Mercatores, 16, 38, 140, 148, HiZ 
 
 181, 198, 199, 225, 275, 320 
 Merere, mereri, 342 
 Merito, 53 
 
 ejus, 221 
 
 Mcssala, M.. 39 
 
 Metatus, 434 
 
 Metellus, Q., 32 
 
 Metiosedum, 378 
 
 Metiri, 55 
 
 Metuere with ut and ne, 262 
 
 Mille, millia, use of, 65, 67 
 
 Mining operations of the Galli, 346 
 
 Minus, used adverbially, 114 
 
 Modestia, 371 
 
 Modo after another word, 204 
 
 enclitic, 293, 383, 395 
 
 Molimentum, emolimentum, 75 
 Molle, htus, 226 
 
 Mollities, 344 
 Momentum, 403 
 
 leve, 361 
 
 Mona, island, 232 
 
 Monaco, 26 
 
 Mor, meaning of, 111 
 
 More majorum, 325 
 
 Morini, 111, 122,275 
 
 Mosa, Maas, 6, 17, 18, 19, 185, 186 
 
 Mosella, Mosula, Mosa, Moselle, 6, 
 
 18, 19, 191 
 Multo die, 62 
 
476 
 
 Municipia, 458 
 iMunire, iter, 376 
 Munitus, 358 
 Musculus, 403 
 Mutina, Modena, 23 
 
 Nam, use of, 224 
 Nannetes, Namnetes, 153, 156 
 Nantuates, II, J40", 186 
 Narbo, JSaibona, 454 
 
 Martius, Narbonne, 5, 10, 
 
 28, 167, 334 
 
 Natura, 292 
 Ne— aut, 392 
 ne, 339 
 
 — enclitic ofuitted, 33.0 
 
 non, 262 
 
 Negotiatoies, 330, 363 
 Nemetacum, Nemetocenna, 1 10, 445 
 Nemetes, 25, 309 
 
 Nemossos, 13 
 
 Neque sometimes not followed by 
 neque or nee, 379 
 
 Neque — aut, 380 
 
 Neque — vel, 161 
 
 Nervii, 25, 110, 122, 124, 134, 254 
 
 Nicaea, Nice, 26 
 
 Nihil negotii, 254 
 
 Nisi, use of, 232 
 
 Nisi quid, nisi si quid, 73 
 
 Nitiobriges, 333 
 
 Nobilitas, civitas, 39 
 
 Nomen, 134 
 
 Nomine, suo, 58 
 
 Nominatim, 167 
 
 Non modo, 124, 128, 149 
 
 modo — scd ne — quidcm, 446 
 
 Noreia, 44 
 Norici, 29 
 Noricum, 44 
 
 Noviodunum of the Aedui, Nevers, 
 13, 373 
 
 — " Biturigum, 338 
 
 Suessionura, 143 
 
 Noviomagus, Lisicux, 156 
 
 Novis rebus studere, 48 
 
 Nos'issimus, use of, 54 
 
 Noxa, 302 
 
 Nullus, nemo, placed emphatically, 
 
 46 
 Num, interrogative use of, 53 
 Numerals, Roman way of counting 
 with ordinal, 206 
 
 INDEX TO THE XOTES. 
 
 Numero, esse, 297 
 
 Numulae in Caesar's army, 114 
 
 Numus, 425 
 
 Obacrati, 42 . 
 
 Obsidio, 198 
 
 Obsiguatio, 81 
 
 Obtinere causam, 359 
 
 provinciam, 76 
 
 Obviam venire, 351 
 
 Occasio, 366 
 
 Occurrere, 341 
 
 Ocelum, Uxeau, 9, 49 
 
 Octodurus, Martignv, 8, 146, 147 
 
 Offemlere, 319 
 
 Officio, esse in, 220 
 
 Olbia, Euube, 26 
 
 Omissis pilis, 405 
 
 Omnibus and hominibusconfounded. 
 137 
 
 Oneiariae, 201, 213 
 
 Opeia, 350 
 
 Opimius, Q,, 27 
 
 Opinio, virtutis, 402 
 
 Opprcssi luce, 433 
 
 Opus, si quid, 86 
 
 Orator, 205 
 
 Orbis, Orbc, 7 
 
 Orbis factus, 214 
 
 Ordines, 82 
 
 Orgctorix, 35, 40, 66 
 
 Oriictur, orerettir, 267 
 
 Orosius, 30, 32, 207. 257, 312, 446, 
 
 452, 458 
 Osisuii, 156 
 Ovid, 363, 369, 389, 396 
 
 Pabulatores, 235 
 l*acati, 45 
 Padus, Po, 20, 21 
 Paemani, 25, 1 82 
 Paene, penes, 345 
 Pagi of the Ilelvetii, 68 
 Pagus, 51 
 
 Paludamcntum, 405 
 Par atquc, 69, 232 
 Par — qui, 225 
 Parentare, 342 
 Parisii, 288 
 Parma, 23 
 
 Pars with a verb in the imffular 
 260 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 477 
 
 Parthicum, bellum, 463 
 
 Participle, used to express a condi- 
 tion, 255 
 
 Partim, use of, 107 
 
 Panels diebus. 206 
 
 PauUatim, 388 
 
 Pecunia, publica, 373 
 
 Pecus, 341 
 
 Pedius, Q., 107 
 
 Pelles, 159, 174 
 
 Pellibus, sub, 174 
 
 Penitus, 295 
 
 Per, use of, 267 
 
 and i)ro confounded, 126 
 
 pro, and prae confounded, 172 
 
 aetatem, 122 
 
 causam, 335 
 
 manus, 349 
 
 manus tractus, 321 
 
 se licere, 86, 256 
 
 Peragere, concilium, convcntus, 
 290 
 
 Perfect, use of, 128 
 
 Perferre, 205 
 
 Permittere, se, 456 
 
 Persuasum habere, sibi, 148 
 
 Phalanx, 64 
 
 Pictones, Pictavi, 157, 442 
 
 Pietate, pro, 245 
 
 Pila, 64 
 
 muralia, 255 
 
 Pilum, 129, 379 
 
 Pinnae, 256 
 
 Pirustae, 218 
 
 Piso Aquitanus, 188 
 
 C, Calpurnius, 33 
 
 L. Calpurnius, 30 
 
 Caesar's father- 
 in-law, 45 
 
 Placentia, Pi^cenza, 23 
 
 Placere, 76, 340 
 
 Plancus, L. Munatius, 243 
 
 Plautus, 351 
 
 Plavis, Piave, 20 
 
 Pliny, 11,22,277,278,311,441 
 
 the younger, 462 
 
 Plumbum album, 231 
 
 Plural, use of, 214 
 
 Plus minus, 438 
 
 Plutarch, 31, 36, 64, 98, 190, 192, 
 261, 382, 384, 406, 441, 458, 462 
 
 Plutei, 349, 389 
 
 Poenae, 299 
 
 Polliceri, 54, 461 
 
 PoUio, Asinius, his unfavourable 
 
 opinion of Caesar's Commentarii, 
 423 
 Polyaenus, 351, 357 
 
 his apocryphal story aoout 
 
 the passage of the Thames, 237 
 
 Polvbius, 1, 20, 21, 24, 49, 55, 64, 
 
 49, 55, 429 
 Pompeius, Cn., 32, 286, 287, 333 
 Pomptinus, 34 
 Pons, Caesar's, over the Rhine, 194, 
 
 294, 318 
 Pontes, 430 
 Portoria, 57 
 
 Portus Itius, Wissant, 16 
 Posidonius, 17, 26, 295, 305, 309 
 Post diem quartum, 206 
 
 septimum, 316 
 
 Postulare, 8/ 
 
 a forensic term, 72 
 
 Praeconinus, L. Valerius, 166 
 Praeda, 407 
 
 Praeducere, 385 
 Praefecti, 80 
 
 fabrorum, 228 
 
 Pracmia, 172 
 Praesentia animi, 258 
 
 in, 54 
 
 Praeter quod, 43 
 
 Praetore, pro, 61 
 
 Praetoria cohors, 84 
 
 Preces, 314 
 
 Pretium impcnsum, 180 
 
 Prima luce, 61 
 
 Primipilus, 131 
 
 Primo adventu, 136 
 
 Primus pilus, 252 
 
 Primus, summus, with a noun, 61 
 
 Principatus, 41 
 
 Principes, 120 
 
 Prius quam, 98 
 
 Privatus, 178 
 
 Pro and per confounded, 126 
 
 cultu, 304 
 
 se quisque, 132 
 
 sano, 2'24 
 
 Procillus, C. Valerius, 92 
 Proclinata, res, 363 
 Prodere memoria, 230 
 
 memoriae, memoria, 310 
 
 mcmoriam, 53 
 
 Profiteri, 308 
 
 Prohibere, 238 
 
 Proinde, 382 
 
 Promontorium, promuntorium, 158 
 
 Pronoun, use of, 161 
 
478 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Propinquitas, 109 
 Prosequi, oratione, 111 
 Proventus, 352, 399 
 Providere, with dative and accusa- 
 tive, 225 
 Provincia, 10, 11,24,29 
 
 meaning of, 90 
 
 Provinciae, functions, duties, 447 
 Proximus, primus, 204 
 
 • with an accusative, 151 
 
 with 'a genitive, 441 
 
 Ptolemy, 277 
 
 Publicare, meaning of, 271 
 
 Publice, 54, 181,270 
 
 Publicum consilium, 268 
 
 Publicus, 178, 179 
 
 Pueri, 190 
 
 Pytheas, 26, 232, 309 
 
 Qua and unde, 358 
 
 Quae sunt, quae sint, 295 
 
 Quaestio, 28? 
 
 Quaestor, 96 
 
 Quaestores, 244 
 
 Quam followed by an adjective and 
 some form of posse, 216 
 
 Quare, 74 
 
 Quasi vero, 360 
 
 Qui, use of, 49, 106 
 
 referring to mens, 370 
 
 — supposed to be equivalent to 
 quuui, 221 
 
 with subjunctive, 112. 257, 389 
 
 with subjunctive and indica- 
 tive, 141,211,228 
 
 dedidisscnt, quum dedidisscnt. 
 
 121 
 
 fuisset, 314 
 
 si, translation of, 66 
 
 Quibus itineribus, noun repeated 
 
 with the relative, 44 
 
 paucis diebus, 169 
 
 Quid separated from its genitive, 396 
 
 with the genitive, 61 
 
 ergo, remark on punctuation, 
 
 396 
 '— sibi vellet cur, 89 
 
 sui consilii, 61 
 
 Qum, 219 
 
 with subjunctive, 42 
 
 Quiucunx, 391 
 
 Quinta castra, 3.57 
 
 Quo with a subjunctive, 456 
 
 Quod, use of, 76, 154, 361 
 with indicative and subjunc- 
 tive, 324 
 
 faciant, 179 
 
 si, qui si, 387 
 
 ubi, &c. explained, 170 
 
 Quoquoversus, 169 
 
 Quum in marking time, use of, 62 
 
 with the indicative, 83 
 
 primum, 154 
 
 Rarus, 366 
 
 Ratio, usus, 178 
 
 Ratione inita, 388 
 
 Rationem habere, with a genitivd, 
 
 246 
 Rauraci, 43, 186, 309, 394 
 Receptui cani, 367 
 Recipere, se, 320 
 Recitare, 264 
 Recta regione, 310 
 Recte, rectus, 399 
 Redigere in provinciam, 91 
 Rcdimere, conducere, 90 
 Red ire and re, 29(z 
 Reditio, domum, 43 
 Redones, Rennes, 15, 393 
 Refugees in Britain, Gallic, 120 
 Regcrc and gerere confounded, 302 
 Reichard, 376, 378 
 Reindeer, 310 
 Relative and noun, position of, 62 
 
 use of, 385 
 
 Rel ictus, various meanings of, 387 
 
 Relipo, reliciones, 320 
 
 Religiones, 222 
 
 Remi, 108, 289, 427 
 
 Remittere, 344 
 
 Removere, 204 
 
 Renones, 306 
 
 Renunciare, 355 
 
 Rcpentino, an adverb, 139 
 
 Repcntinus, 153 
 
 Reppulcrunt, 235 
 
 Repraesentare, 84 
 
 Rcpulsa, 458 
 
 Requirere. 380 
 
 Res. 364 
 
 meaning of, 158 
 
 often used by Caesar, 69 
 
 consilii, occasionis, 360 
 
 integra, 352 
 
 novae, 57 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 479 
 
 Res Publica, 75 
 
 Resciscere, 67 
 
 Rescribere, 87 
 
 Reservare, 407 
 
 Res id ere, 395 
 
 Residgre, 381 
 
 Revincire, 195 
 
 Revocare, 164 
 
 Rhenones, 306 
 
 Rhenus, Rhine, 17, 18, 185, 186 
 
 Rhine bridged by Caesar, 194, 294, 
 318 » . , 
 
 source, description of, 2, 17, 
 
 18 
 
 Rhoda, Rosas, 26 
 
 Rhodanus, Rhone, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 
 
 Rhodanusia, 26 
 
 Rhone below Geneva, 47 
 
 Richborough, 113, 227, 280 
 
 Ridiculus, 87 
 
 Rogare, 287 
 
 Rotomagus, Rouen, 15, 111 
 
 Rubicon, 20 
 
 Ruteni, 27, 28 
 
 Ruteni Provinciales, 332 
 
 S.P.R., 41 
 
 Sabinus, Q. Titurius, feat of arms 
 
 of, 176 
 Sabis, Sambre, 122 
 
 the battle on, 143 
 
 Sacramentum, 287 
 Sails made of skins, 159 
 Sallust, 31, 405,429 
 Saltus, 343 
 Salus, 335, 343 
 Salyes, 27 
 Samara, Somme, 16 
 Samarobriva, Amiens, 16, J 11 
 Sane ire, sanctus, 305 
 Santones, Santoni, 48, 331 
 Sarcina, 63 
 Sarcinae, 342 
 Sarcinis, sub, 123 
 Sai-unetes, 186 
 Sauconna, Saone, 50 
 Scaldis, Schelde, 17, 316 
 Scaurus, M. Aurelius, 30 
 Scindere vallum, 150 
 Scindulae, Scandulae, 452 
 Scorpio, 349 
 Scrobes, 391 
 Se — ^permittere, 456 
 
 Secreto, 71 
 
 Sectio, sectionem vendere, 140 
 Secundo flumine, 355 
 Secundum, use of, 74 
 
 flumen, 355 
 
 Stdes and aedes confounded, 309 
 
 Seduni, )1 
 
 Segni, 25, 182, 315 
 
 Segoiitiaci, 238 
 
 Segusiani, 11, 49, 380 
 
 Semnones, 178 
 
 Semper, 349 
 
 Sena Gallica, Sinigaglia, 22 
 
 Senatus of the Galli, 1 1 1 
 
 Senones, 22, 108, 288, 289 
 
 Sentire, aliter, 365 
 
 Separatus, 178 
 
 Septemtrioncs, 39 
 
 Sequana, Seine, 15, 16, 375 
 
 Sequani, 10, 34, 72, 79, 100, 186 
 
 Sertorius, Q., 30, 32, 169 
 
 Servile war, 83 
 
 Sesquipedalia, 194 
 
 Sesuvii, 141 
 
 Sextius, T., 286, 369 
 
 Si- at, 88, 248, 322 
 
 — fecisset, si impetraret, 76 
 
 — quid ille se velit, 75 
 
 — ; posset, 407 
 
 Sibi purgati, 67 
 Sibuzates, 173 
 
 Sic, meaning of, 249 
 Sigambri, Sicambri, 192, 197. 318 
 Signa, 131, 322 
 Significatione, ex, 338 
 Signum, 131 
 
 . dare, 127 
 
 Silanus, M. Junius, 29, 286 
 Simile, noun, 397 
 
 ac, 441 
 
 Similis with genitive, 433 
 Simul atque and ac, 205 
 
 simul, 189 
 
 Singularis, 334 
 
 Skins used in the army, 174 
 
 Soldier's monthly allowance. Roman, 
 55 
 
 Roman, what they car- 
 ried, 123 ^ 
 
 Soldurii, 168 
 
 Sortes, 95 
 
 Sotiates, Sontiates, 167 
 
 Spanish cavalry in the Gallic war, 
 244 
 
 Spatium, use of, 96 
 
480 
 
 Iin)EX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Sponte sua, 48 
 St. Bernard, pass of great, 8 
 Statione, in, ^09, 23-4 
 Stationes, 386 
 Stipendiarii, 335 
 
 stipendium, 77 
 
 Stipendium, octavum, 428 
 Stirps, 317 
 
 Stour, river in Kent, 227, 280 
 Strabo, 1, 5, 8, 12, lb", 17, 21, 24, 
 
 26, 28, 34, 44, 69, 124, 156, 159, 
 
 201, 217, 219, 222, 230, 233, 235, 
 
 239, 240, 274, 277, 298, 308, 312, 
 
 384, 393 
 Stricturae, 168 
 Structurae, 168 
 Studium, 59, 305 
 Sub with accusative and ablative, 
 
 457 
 
 lucem, 402 
 
 vespere, sub vesperum, 139 
 
 Subductiones, 217 
 
 Subesse, 65 
 
 Subitus, meaning of, 153 
 
 Subjunctive, use of, 52, 267, 432, 
 
 436 
 
 ■ ■ and indicative, 68, 295 
 
 with qui, 211 
 
 • with qui, in a general 
 
 sense, 179 
 Sublevare, use of, 83 
 Sublicae, 196 
 Subruere, 311 
 Subscriptio, 81 
 Subsidiari, 432 
 Subsistcre, 228 
 Subvectiones, 336 
 Subvehere, 55 
 Succedere with an accusative, 114 
 
 success lis, 127 
 
 Suessiones, 109, 427 
 
 Suetonius, 3(i, 199, 253, 279, 421, 
 
 423, 425, 462 
 Suevi,78, 177, 181,306 
 Suggestu, pro, 289 
 Sui colligendi facultas, 150 
 Sulla, L. Cornelius, the Dictator, 
 
 31,61 
 Sulpicius, P., 409 
 Summa oelli, summa rerum, 85 
 
 exercitus, 316 
 
 imperii. 1()3 
 
 use of, 70 
 
 Sumnii laboris, 180 
 Summovere, 204, 323 
 
 Summum bellum, 427 
 Sunt qui, 187 
 Suo sibi, 48 
 Supersedere, 115 
 Supplementum, 334 
 Supplicatio, 142 
 Supra banc memoriam, 304 
 Sus])ensu3, 453 
 Sword, Roman, 64, 65 
 
 Tacitus, 25, 95, 198, 232, 236, 255, 
 
 256, 302, 303, 305, 306, 309, 319, 
 
 400, 428 
 Taleae, 231, 392 
 Tamen confounded with tantum and 
 
 turn, 73 
 
 use of, 207, 358 
 
 etsi, not used by Caesar, 251 
 
 Tamesis, Tliames, 229, 236 
 Tametsi — tamen, etsi — tamen, 70 
 Tanarus, Tanaro, 20 
 Tarbelli, 172 
 Tarusates, 169 
 Tasgetius, 244 
 Taxation, Gallic, 57 
 Taxus, poison from, 314 
 Temperare, use of, 46 
 
 sibi, 74 
 
 Tendere, 320 
 
 Tenere cursum, 205 
 
 Terence, 370, 395, 439 
 
 Tergeste, Trieste, 21, 441 
 
 Testamenta, 81 
 
 Testudo facta, 113 
 
 Tcutates, Mercurius, 302 
 
 Teutones, 29, 30, l(i9 
 
 Thames forded by Caesar, 236, 237 
 
 Tliucvdides, 168 
 
 Tides', 158 
 
 on tbe French coast, 207 
 
 Tignum immittere, 195 
 
 Tigurini, 29, 51 
 
 Timber in Britain, 231 
 
 Timcre, use of, 82 
 
 Tin imported from Britannia into 
 
 Gallia, 16, 230 
 Togati, 441 
 ToTosa, Toulouse, 11 
 Tolosates, 11 
 Toils, river, 34 
 'J'ormentum, 116 
 Tota civitate, 361 
 Trabes, 19a 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 481 
 
 Trade between Gallia and Britannia. 
 
 16 
 Tradere, traditio, 361 
 Tragula, 66 
 Tniiistra, \.)9 
 Trebatius, 81 
 Trebonius, C, 235 
 Treven, Trcviri, 78 
 
 • Trier, 'I'reves, 19 
 
 19,25, 182, 187,291 
 
 Tribocci. 25, 187 
 Tril)ucre witli a dative, 52 
 Tribtini, of a legion, 8* 
 Tributuiii, 298 
 Tiiciinia, strata, 460 
 Triduum, triduo, 122 
 Trina hibirna. 267 
 Trinobantcs, Trinovantes, 2;i8 
 Tuba, 127 
 Tugenus Pagus, 68 
 Tulingi, 43 
 Tumuli. 303 
 Tumultuari, 378 
 Tiimultiis. servilis, 83 
 Turorics, Turoni, 1 41 
 Turres, 389 
 
 moved by wheels, 349 
 
 . with tabulata, 256 
 
 Ubii, 181.400 
 
 position of, l.O/ 
 
 and ubi confounded, 99, 294 
 
 Ulpian, 3(18, X90, 439 
 Ultro, 247, 270, 308, 396 
 
 pollireri, ultro citroque, 86 
 
 Unelli, 157 
 
 Unus. use of, 272 
 
 Urus, 311 
 
 Usu venire, 335 
 
 Ut after timere, &c., use of, 82 
 
 — use of, 258 
 
 — followed by neu, 3,92 
 Ut — collocavcrat, 384 
 
 — est captns, use of ut, 181,292 
 
 — qui, with a subjunctive, 250, 320 
 
 — sunt, &c., use of nt, 153 
 Utraeque, utraque, 98 
 Uxellodunum, 445, 450 
 
 Vacatio, militiae, 300 
 
 Vada. 159 
 
 Valwilia, Waal, 18, 185 
 
 Vallum, 136 
 
 , vail us, 389 
 
 Vangiones, 25 
 Varro, L. L , 54 
 
 de R. R., 3^5, 385 
 
 Varus, Q., 443 
 Vastare civibus, 441 
 Vatinius, P., 35, 454 
 Vectigalia, redimerc, 57 
 Vegetius 375, 400. 403, 460 
 Vel — vel, aut— aut, 59 
 Vt llauni, Vellavi, 393 
 Vt'llaunodunum, 336 
 Veliiocasses, 428 
 Velocasscs, 111, 393 
 Vena, 453 
 Veneti of Gallia, 152 
 
 ofltalv, 21, J55 
 
 Veragri, II, l47 
 Verbigenus, pagus, 67 
 Vercingetoiix follows the Roman 
 system of war, 340 
 
 SUI renders, 406 
 
 Vereri with dative. 226 
 
 timere, with ut, 82 
 
 with ut and ne, 262 
 
 Vergobretus, 34, 55 
 
 Voromandui, 111 
 
 Versa re, 260 
 
 Vcrulamium, St. Albans, 239 
 
 Verus, use of, 184 
 
 Verutum, 259 
 
 Ve^olltio, Besan<;on, 7, 79 
 
 Vestigio, in, e, UV,i, :U9, 438 
 
 Vesulus, Mons, Vise, 20 
 
 Vexilium, vexillarii, 319 
 
 vexilium proponere, 126 
 
 Vicinitates, 316 
 Videri, remark on. 383 
 
 sense of. 324 
 
 vereri, use of, 83 
 
 Vienna, Vienne, 335 
 Vigiliae, watches, 51 
 
 202 
 
 Vilaine. 14, 15 
 
 Vindicai-e, in aliquem, 163 
 
 Vineae, 376 
 
 Viniae, vineas agei-e. 119 
 
 Vir Tolosa, a man of Toulouse, JG6 
 
 Virgil,36.9, 381,436, 441 
 
 Vis jiimentnrum, magna, 320 
 
 Vitrmn, 2:« 
 
 Vix qua, 44 
 
 Vocates, 169 
 
 Vocem exprimere, 73 
 
 I i 
 
482 
 
 INDEX TO THE NOTES. 
 
 Voces, 164, 319 
 
 Vocontii, 27 
 
 Volcae Areconiici, '62, 380 
 
 Tcctosages, IJ, 30, 308 
 
 Volusenus, C, IS9, 455 
 Vosegus, Vogesus, Vosgcs, 6", Ul't 
 Vulgo, pussiiu, disviuguisljed, 81 
 
 Vultum fingeiv, 81 
 
 Walls of Gallic towns, 347 
 Winds, Horuan names of, 223 
 Wissaiit. Itius, note on, 285 
 NN'oids repeated, 44 
 
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