MASTER NEGA TIVE . 91-80116-16 MICROFILMED 1992 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code ~ concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: LIVIUS, TITUS TITLE: I .IVY, BOOKS XXI. AND XXII. PLACE: LONDON DA TE : 1902 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BTBLTOGRAPHTC MICROFORM TARGET Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record Restrictions on Use: »< 87LR IF02 D87L76 154 D87IJI IF02 Lib. 21-22. 1902. Livius, Titus. Livy, books XXI. and XXII. Hannibal's first canpaign in Italy, ed. with introduction, notes, appendices... by W. W. Capes. London, Macmil- lan, 1902. Iv, 327 p. ftont., maps (part fold) (Macmil- lan's school class books) Copy in Barnard. Copy in Classics. 1902. ( I I^M SIZE: 3^ 'rifr\ _ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA (UA)^ IB IIB DATE FILMED: feA?/^/ INITIALS.. PUBLl TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO:„_J_k. FILMED BY: RESEARChTubLICATIONS. TNC WOODBRIDGE. CT r Association for Information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue. Suite 1100 Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 12 3 4 5 8 10 11 11 1 [|'|'l''|' H'l''l'l''pf'7l''|'r^ iiiiiiiiiiiii Inches 1 1.0 Im 2.8 1.4 73 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.6 I.I 1.25 12 13 14 15 mm iiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiil TTT MflNUFfiCTURED TO RUM STONOPRDS BY APPLIED IMAGE, INC. 1*_ O <^ I 1 $^ ■ h 1 r i. 1 . Cointnlria (Hnttietssftp rkfi LIBRARIES LI V Y BOOKS XXL AND XXIT. HANNIBAL'S FIRST CAMPAIGN IN ITALY. EDITED WITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES, APPENDICES, AND MAPS, BY THE Rev. W. W. CAPES, FELLOW OF HERTFORD COLLEGE, AND READSE IN ANCIENT HISTORY, OXFORD. Hontfon MACMTLLAN AND CO, Limited MEW York: the macmillan companx 1902 [2 he Right of Tramlation is reierved.] Printed by C, J, CLA K, at the University Press, Camh-idge, August 1878. Heprinted 1879, 1880, 1881, 1883, 1884, 1887, 1889. 1892, 190a PREFACE The text of Livy which is here adopted is a reprint of Madvig's, whose Emendationes Liviance discuss most of the important variations from the common text. To that work therefore reference is made when Madvig's authority or arguments are mentioned in the notes. In matters of Latinity the commentary of Fabri, as enlarged by Heerwagen, has been found most useful, especially the illustrations drawn from Latin authors. Weissenbom's notes for German schools are quoted only (as W) when they contain information which is not to be found in earlier commentators. In questions of etymology most stress is laid upon the views of Corssen in his Aussprache, Vocalismm, u. Betonung der Lateinischen Sprcuih^ ▼1 PREFACE. For the subjects treated specially in the Intro- ductions and Appendices the chief authorities are in each case mentioned ; others have often been referred to, but it has not been thought desirable to crowd the notes with names. Brahshott, Augmt^ 1878. \ LIVY, BOOKS XXL AND xxn :i| CONTENTS. PA«K Inteoduotion I. The Early History of Carthage and the Antecedents of the Second Panic War . . ix Intboduotion II. The Authorities for the History of the Second Punic War xxxii Ihtboducjtion in. On the Language and Style of Livy xlv Intboduotion IV. The Text and Orthography of Livy . 1 Chbonolooical Summary M LiYu Liber XXI. 1 LiVii Liber XXII. 72 Notes ^^^ Appendix L On the Koute of Hannibal ... 807 Appendix II. Excursus on the Eoman Beligion in Bela- tion to the Prodigies in Livy XXI. 62 and XXIL 10 316 Appendix HI. On the Character of C. Flaminius . 320 Index Nominum ex Looorum 323 \ Page 154, tf 156. ft 176, tt 186, >t 191, ti 211, i» 226. It 237, •t 243, „ 246, „ 251, „ Jit} J, ,1 ^u, It 285, ADDENDA. line 4 from the end, after 'comttia' add Cic. Mur. 18. 88, tanta illu camitiU religio e»t ut adiiuc semper omen valuerU prarogativum. line 34, after *gcod will' odd or, *hi8 likeneas to his father was bat the least influence', <&o., i. e. was only the least among many influences. line 27, after ' Greek ' add (opt. with Sm), and after * Latin * add cf. use of crediderim, ausim. line 4 from the end, add a note ad Muttnam, o4= to the neighbourhood of, cf. above § 3 Mutinam con- fugerint, I e. inside ot Ime 24, /or 'Nor could S.' read «S. could not* and after &c. add * and H. was ' &c. line 7 from the end, add note § 4 indignitag. perhaps * a sense of the heinousness *. line 14, after * endurance' add cf. Tac. Hist. ii. 4. e, quantum illu roboris ducrimiiia et labor, tantum his vigaris addiderat Integra quies. * c oo line 6, after Urade* add cf. Cic. Bosc. Am. § »», quastum nosset nuUum, fructum autem eum solum quern labore peperisset. . ., .. line 31. add noU cohihtntsm^ cohtbendi causa, an imitation of a Greek idiom, cf. use of circumspectane 23 10 line 8 from end, add after accepta and the more probable rtfcep««( = withdrawn). ^ ^„ ^ , ^,. line 5 from end, add Verg. Mn. 1. 33, tanta molu eratf Ac. , » line 22, add after videam cf. use of -wtfuopoM. line 12, for 'was not* read 'would probably not have been*. , , , line 11 from end, add note dwnum = * only when or * not till*. The thanks of the editor are due to S. Bloxsidge, Esq., for suggestions on these and other points. INTKODUCTION. I. THE EARLY HISTORY OF CARTHAGE AND THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR*. In the earliest times of which history can take ac- count we find the traces of an active trade in the Mediterranean waters which was mainly in the hands of the Phoenician merchants. The enterprising race which peopled the narrow strip of Canaan hemmed in between the mountains and the sea, soon found out its vocation in the carrying trade of the prehistoric world. Its colonists pushed their way along the coast of Asia Minor, and through the isles of the iEgean, planting their factories on every favoured spot, and opening up the mineral wealth or purple fisheries of the countries on their way ; their inter- change of national products gave the first stimulus to the energy of many a backward race, while their mer- chant navy pi-obably supplied the wants of the great land • Compare especially Polybius, Book i.; Heeren, Cartha- ginians; Movers, Phamizier; Lenormant, Manuel d*Histoire Ancienne, C. L. ^ X fNTnonrcTiON, /. power of Egypt, bringing together the scattered ele- ments of tin and copper to be combined by the in- dustrial arts of the early age of bronze. The course of these Phoenician adventurers was directed almost wholly by the interests of trade, but on the Northern coast of Africa their colonies assumed another cha- racter. There were indeed some early settlements from Sidon on the shore, as at Hippo and at Cambe, but these were probably of little note, till larger streams of immigrants appeared, who, unlike the rest, betook themselves to the interior, and lived an agri- cultural life. Tliere is reason to believe that they were Canaanites from the inland, dis|)ossessed perhaps by Israel under Joshua from the country on the North of Palestine, and guided fjom the ports of Sidon to their new homes by pilots already familiar with the country. Here they may have found some kindred races, peoples of the Hittite stock, who had spread from Egypt in the period known as that of the in- vasion of the Shepherd dynasties. The new comers mingled with the native Libyans, and from their union in the course of ages grew the numerous popu- lations found in later times in Zeugitana and Byza- cene, and known as a mixed race by the name of Liby-phcenicians. When Sidon fell before a sudden onset of the Philistines in B.c. 1209, Tyre stepped into her place, as the chief power of the Phoenician league, which took up henceforth a more decided policy in the far West. INTRODUCTION, I. XI In the neighbourhood of the iEgean the Carian pirates and the Ionian traders were as enterprising as themselves, and one after another their factories had to be deserted, or fell into their rivals' hands, but in the West they came only into contact with less civilised races, who had no navy on theii- seas, and felt little jealousy of the modest settlements upon their coasts. First they planted the important town of Utica, and coasting thence they pushed across to Gades, where, attracted by the mines and other wealth of Southern Spain— the Tarsis of traditional fancy— they made a chain of factories and forts along the shores up to and even beyond the Pyrenees, not forgetting to gain a foothold upon the neighbouring islands, and Sardinia above all. But rapid as was the progress of these colonies, they were all of them eclipsed by the brilliant fortunes of a younger sister. Some noble refugees from Tyre, flying under the guidance of Elissar, Vergil's Dido, settled on the almost desei-ted site of the old Sidonian Cambe, near the centre of the gi-eat basin formed by the gulf of Tunis. There they resolved to make a home, and built themselves a stronghold which they called *a new city,' Kirjath-Had^schath, known to the Latins as Carthago (b.c. 872). The energy, and wealth, and powerful connections of the emigrants secured for the new settlement a rapid start in social pro- gress ; its happy site between the rich com lands of the Bagradas, and the splendid anchorage of its 62 nJIkJl I INTRODUCTION. I natural karboui-s, seemed to mark out for it a career of supremacy in trade; while there were many pos- iible allies and friends in the kindred communities upon the neighbouring coasts, or in the Liby-pha3- nicians of the main land. With such consciousness of growing strength they could not long maintain the huDible attitude towards the native races, which is typified in the tradition of the tribute paid for the ground on which the city had been built Forced therefore before long into collision with the Libyan peoples, they forsook the old Phcenician i^licy which shrank from territoiial conquests, save on islands or projecting headlands; step by step they pushed their way into the interior, annexing wide tracts of cultivated soil, and driving back the Nomad tribes into their deserts. Other causes also tended to force them into a career of imperial ambition. When Tyre was ruined by Nabuchodorossor, her colonies in the far West, in Sicily, Sardinia, Africa, and Siiain, were thrown unprepared upon their own resources. The native races rose against them, the jealous Greeks seized the moment of their rivals' weakness, and there was nothing for it but to look round for timely aid or perish. They turned in their despair to Carthage, their vigorous and wealthy sister : she in her turn took up the legacy bequeathed by Tyre, and found a colonial empire ready made. But she had to fight hard to maintain it. War-navies were needed to INTRODUCTION. I. xui keep her hold upon the distant islands : Liby-phoe- nicians were drilled and armed and sent as colonists to secure the mines of Southern Spain, endangered by the native tribes. Their old enemies, the Greeks, meanwhile were making steady progress. Much of the coast line of Sicily was in their hands, Phocsean colonies were planted on the shores of Gaul, as at Massilia, and on the North-East of Spain, and nearer home in Africa, the prosperous Gyrene was soon to trouble them with rivalry and war; Carthage accepted the defiance, and engaged as in a duel that must be fought out to the bitter end. After a hard- fought struggle she checked the advance of the Phocsean colonists, destroyed one after another of their towns, and swept their navies from the sea, even forcing humbled Massilia to submit to see a Punic factory rise within sight of its port, some trace of which was fouiid a few years since in a tariff of the sacrifices to be used in BaaPs temple, as sanctioned by the magistrates of Carthage. With Cyrene she disputed merely the paramount lordship over the Libyan races, but after long hostilities they found that in that wide continent there was room enough for a separate career for each, and agreed upon a frontier line, to which tradition gave 'the name of the altars of the Philseni, from a romantic legend of the self-devotion of the arbitrators sent from Carthage. But on the other hand the Greeks of Sicily stood XIV INTRODUCTION. I, resolutely at bay; time after time great arniamenta from Cai-thage landed in the island, enough as it might seem to sweep away all before them, and many of the old cities were rained in the course of the long straggle, but Syracuse, weakened as she was, was able to the last to make head against her ancient enemy, driving her back sometimes to a little corner of the North- West, once even carrying the war to the very doors of Carthage, and at last only dropping it when Rome was there to take it up with greater might Meanwhile the power of Carthage was growing to the fulness of its stature. Though unable to con- quer Sicily entirely, she had tightened her grasp upon the islands near it Sardinia was wholly hers, and she raled it with such skill and wise economy that after three centuries of tenure she left large pai-te of it a fair and fraitful gaiden, to become afterwards, in the hands of other masters, waste and wild. The Balearic isles formed convenient stepping stones across the sea to Spain, whose coasting trade she now possessed without a rival. Along the con- tinent of Africa she stretched her arms, making or strengthening on the fringe of Mauretania a long line of forts, known as the MetagonitsB ; her surplus population was drafted off in numerous colonies, which spread the civilized arts of peace in the interior, and drove further back the clouds of Nomad savagely. At home she opened up the i-esources of her fertile INTRODUCTION, l. XV country, making husbandry and irrigation matters of scientific study, so that even the Roman senate in a later age thought her books on agriculture worthy of translation. Abroad, she guided the streams of trade to every quarter, now opening up relations with the heart of Africa by means of caravans, now turning to account in Spain the old Phoenician skill in mining, now with daring enterprise exploring regions hitherto unknown. Of two such attempts especially we have some detailed accoiuits. One called the Periplus of Hanno was a long coasting voyage along the South- West of Africa to about the 8th degree of latitude, conducted by the order of the State with a fleet of 60 vessels. On his return the admiral drew up a report officially, which was consigned to the archives in the temple of Baal, and part of it is still extant in a Greek translation. We may still perhaps distin- guish in his narrative the crocodiles of Senegal, the sweet-scented forests of Cape Verde, the lofty moun- tains of Sierra Leone, and the fantastic forms of the Gorillas, so called from a faulty reading of a passage in the Periplus. The second enterprise under Himilco was directed along the coast of Portugal and Gaul, and thence across to the Cassiterides or Scilly Isles, at which Phcenician adventure in olden times had stopped in its quest for tin, but from which the Cartha- ginians pushed on to the neighbouring shores of Cornwall and of Ireland. "I XVI INTRODUCTION. I. It is time perhaps to tiim from such romantic tales of early navigation to inquire what was tlie nature of the first relations between this Queen of Western Trade and Rome. The earliest historic datum is furnished by the treaty in Polybius (iii. 22), which was concluded in the year after the expulsion of the Tarquins (b.c 509), and the archaic tei*ms of which in the original Latin were scai-cely intelligible in the days of the historian. The Carthaginians on their side pledged themselves not to disturb any of the sub- jects or allies of Rome, not to hold any fortress or attack a town in Latium, while Rome covenanted for herself and her allies not to sail or trade in Africa beyond the headland to the West of Carthage. Sicily was to be a neutral ground for commerce, in which both were to enjoy like rights. The treaty points to the increasing enterprise of the Italian traders which stirred so soon the jealousy of Carthage, and to the corsairs of the latter power whose visits were dreaded even then in the Tyrrhe- nian watei-s, as when they combined with the Etrus- cans to crush the Phocaeans of Alalia. A century afterwards a second treaty (b.c. 347) opened the markets of Rome and Carthage to each other, but the foraier was not to trade in Libya or Sardinia, the latter was to spare the subject-soil of Rome from piracy and damage. Cai*thage spoke in this case in the name of Utica and of the free lyrian peoples. This treaty closed to Roman traders many INTRODUCTION, I. xvii of the poi-ts which the former had left open, and there- fore marked the jealous policy of Carthage, which hoped to monopolize the sources of her wealth. A third treaty in the time of Pyrrhus (b.c. 279) provided for an alliance of an offensive and defensive nature in which Carthage was to lend its fleet, but maintained the restrictions on free trade. So far it has been seen that Sicily was regarded as commer- cially a neutral ground between the powers, but it was soon to be their battle field. The long struggle for the possession of the island had greatly weakened Syracuse and mined most of the Greek cities. One of the few that were still left standing, Messana, was seized by a lawless band of Campanian soldiers turned freebooters, who followed a course that had been popular of late at Rhegium and elsewhere. There they were soon attacked by Hiero, who, first as general, then as king, had lately trained to order the turbulent populace of Syracuse, and revived the dignity of the Sicilian Greeks. Hard pressed by the besiegers the Mamer- tini, *men of Mars,' as the free lances called themselves, could only baffle Hiero by turning to Carthage or to Rome, and rival parties in the city made overtures to each. The former was first upon the scene, and her soldiers in the citadel. But Rome who had sternly punished a like act of Campanian treachery at Rhe- gium, and was besides in league with Hiero the avenger, could not turn her back on the temptation of gaining a footing on the soil of Sicily, with a safe *N XVlll INTRODUCTION, L \\\ passage in the straits. She enrolled the Maiuertines as her allies, and sent a general to the rescue, who by dexterous use of wiles and force ousted the Cartha- ginians from Messaiia. So began the first Punic war (rc. 264), the first act in a long tragedy of bloodshed. The steady infantry of the Romans swept before it the motley gatherings of mercenaries brought against them in the field, and Hiero, who had little to hope except a choice of masters, changed sides after a cam- paign or two, and joined the stronger, whose success he dreaded least. But the war in Sicily could not be decided by hard fighting on the open field. A period of alow sieges followed, and Rome's success was more than balanced by the fleets of privateers which ravaged the coasts of Italy and ruined all its trade, while Carthage was mistress of the seas. Then Rome de- cided to create a navy. She could not raise at once skilled sailoi-s to manoeuvre with precision, and more than one great fleet was lost by the rashness or inex- peiience of her captains : but she could so build as to enable them to grapple and board each ship that came alongside, and to decide the battle by sheer weight of discipline and numbers. Her navy so constructed swept the seas, and landed her legions under Regulus almost within sight of Carthage, but the rash con6- dence of general and senate while dictating haughty terms of peace kept the weakened army long inactive, to be crushed at length by overpowering numbers. The well-aimed blow failed utterly, and fresh disasters INTRODUCTION I. XIX followed, as fleet after fleet was wrecked by storms, or sunk, or taken by the enemy, till Rome sullenly withdrew from her adventurous policy upon the sea, and confined herself to drawing closer the besieging lines round Drepane and Lilybseum, and the little corner of the North- West of Sicily in which the Car- thaginians lay entrenched. But now her fortune seemed to fail her even there, for a commander of genius confronted her. Hamilcar Barca (Barak, lightning) drilled his crowd of fighting-men into an army worthy of its leader; trained them in a war of outposts to withstand the onset of the legions; found natural strongholds first at Ercte then at Eryx, where safe within his lines he could defy attack, so long as the approach by sea was in his grasp. So years passed away and victory seemed no nearer, while the tmde of Italy was ruined and the treasury was exhausted. But the spirit of the citizens rose higher as the star of Rome's fortunes seemed to sink. Wealthy volunteers came forward with the ofier of a fleet, built and equipped at their expense, to make one more bold stroke for possession of the seas. Rome was once more a naval power. The Carthaginians, unprepared for energy so great, had neglected to keep up their navy; the convoys and the transports hastily despatch- ed with the supplies for the Sicilian forts, scantily equipped and badly handled, made a poor show of resistance to the admiral Lutatius, whose victory off" ml INTRODUCTION. L iEgusa ciushed for the present all the naval power of Carthage (b.c. 241). The blow was quite decisive. Hamilcar with all his biilliant genius could not hold his highland fortress without access to tlie sea, and the door had been abruptly closed. At home there were no ships in the ai-senals to send him, there was no army except his, there were no levies to meet the legions who might land within sight of Carthage. They had suffered probably far less than their enemy, to whom the war had caused a fearful loss of men and money: but they were in no heroic mood, and Hamilcar was forced to offer submission in their name. The terms of peace were moderate enough. Sicily had to be surrendered, and a war-contribution to be paid, which was raised from 2000 to 3200 talents, when commissioners were sent from Rome to supersede Lutatius and to conclude a definitive treaty. Carthage was left a sovereign power, though bound as was Rome itself by the condition, that neither should deal separately with the dependent allies of the other. It may be well to gather up some of the lessons of the war. It had been proved first that Carthage was no match for Rome in calm and pertinacious vigour. Her resolution was thrown into the shade by the energy with which Rome first created a war navy, and struggled on while fleet after fleet peiished by untoward fate, and hostile privateera swept her coasts of merchant shipping. Phoenician enterprise was overmatched on its own element; first it failed in INTRODUCTION /. XXI power of speedy adaptation to the new conditions of the times; next it neglected to \)\\t forth all its strength to keep the advantage it had gained. For Carthage was essentially a trading power, as such it hankered after a policy of peace, and only fitfully encouraged its dreams of imperial ambition. Secondly, there was a difference in the position of the general in chief of the two states. The com- mander of the legions was a statesman or a party leader transferred suddenly into the camp : like every Roman, he had had a soldier's training, but when his wealth, or birth, or civil services, or powerful connections had raised him to the highest rank of consul, he had yet to prove his fitness for supreme command. He might leave his mark on history in one short campaign, but the brave rank and file had often cause to rue his inexperience or rash ambition. The single year of office was far too short for a good general, and too long for a bad one. At Carthage the profession of a soldier was often special and life-long. The able man, once found, continued long in office, and could carry out a policy of patient genius like that of Hamilcar, though unlucky blunderers pro- voked sometimes a burst of fury, and were crucified as a warning to the rest. But this was balanced by a difference still more marked. The armies of Rome were at once citizens and soldiers, were drilled and trained from early years, called out on active service to fight for their HlHtt' m%i- Ml I INTRO DUCTTON. L homes and fatherland. Carthage relied upon her wealth to buy the raw material of her armies. Her people were too busy at their work of agriculture, industry, or commerce, to be spared for the soldier's unproductive trade ; but there was no lack of markets in ruder and less civilized countries where men might be had for money's worth. Their recruiting officers went far afield, and the motley host thus gathered to their bannei-s must have presented a stmnge spectacle indeed, as Heeren pictures to our fancy. "Hordes of half-naked Gauls were ranged next to companies of white-clothed Iberians, and savage Ligurians next to the far-travelled Nasamones and Lotophagi; Cartha- ginians and Liby-phcenicians formed the centi-e, the former of whom were a sort of separate corps, dignified by the title of the sacred legion; while innumerable troops of Numidian horsemen, taken from all the tribes of the desert, swarmed around upon unsaddled horses, and formed the wings; the van was composed of Balearic slingers, and a line of colossal elephants, with their Ethiopian guides, formed as it were a chain of moving fortresses before the whole army." Multitudinous gatherings like these took time to raise, still more to hold well in hand and turn to good account; pestilence often hovered in their train, and they were commonly soon shattered by the onset of steady infantry like that of Rome. There was yet another danger in their use, which was now to be brought home to them in an appalling shape. INTRODUCTION, I, XXIU The war once over, it remained to pay the arrears and to disband the army. But the funds were long in coming, and the men shipped cautiously in small de- tachments were allowed to meet once more in Africa, to fan each other's discontent, invent wild stories of the plans hatched for their destruction, and break out at last in open mutiny. So began the disastrous Mercenary war. The hardy veterans found daring leaders who swept the oj^en country with their arms and carried all before them for a time. Nor was that the only danger to the state. The subject populations all around had little love for the proud city who had been so imperious a mistress. Except a favoured few who had preserved their independence as Phoenician colonies upon the coast, the rest had been governed with a rod of iron, and taxed oppressively in men and money to support the imperial policy of Carthage. In the background rolled the threatening clouds of Nomads, who had never ceased to hate her for her stern repression of their licence. Among all these a smouldering fire of disafiection burnt, which was now to burst into a flame. On every side they made common cause with the insurgent army, and raised the banner of revolt. So Cai-thage stood upon the very brink of ruin. Be- sides the enemies thus leagued against her, she sufiered from the spirit of faction which crippled her policy and checked her arms. Her foremost leaders, Hamil- car and Hanno, wasted in their mutual jealousy the XXIV INTRODUCTION L strength which should have been turned against the common enemy : each was singly tried a while, and each failed in turn to close the war, till no course was left but to plead with them in their country's name, to drop their rivalries in the sense of overwhelming danger. That done the prospect brightened, and the tenible insurrection was trampled out at last. But friends and enemies alike had learnt two lessons from the war. 1. It had revenled the chronic danger of all mer- cenary troops, whonded to the chief departments of the Civil Service, and their long tenure of their office commonly secured a stable and coherent system of administration. At the head of the whole Republic stood suffetes (sclioplietim in Hebrew) wlio were called by the Greek writers kings. These were appointed by election from the chief families of state, and were probably two in number, as Polybius compares them with the Roman consuls, though Cicero {de Repuhlica ii. 23) specially contrasts them with the magistrates who were annually changed, and implies therefore a longer term of power. The Roman consuls, up to the Punic wai-s at least, were commanders of the legions, but Carthage kept distinct the civil and the military power. The general came next in order to the suffes, and in his election regard was also had to rank and wealth. The nomination rested with the council {yepovaU), but the sanction of the senate and the people was required. On the whole it was an aristocracy of wealth and talent. The governing families were careful to ob- serve the constitutional forms. They asked, or bought, the votes of the electors; they referred grave ques- tions to the j)opular assembly; by colonial grants c2 xxvm INTRODUCTION. I. they consulted the material interests of the jworer clajjsea, at the same time respecting their pride of self-respect even while ruling in their name. Of the i)eopIe itself we know not much, but we may do their memory a wrong if we repeat without misgiving the comments of the Greeks or Komans. It is idle to say they were effeminate because they mostly did not care to fight themselves in foreign wars. The PhcBnicians, of whose race they came, were no soldiers, but they were no cowards. It needed counige and the spirit of adventure to make their way among wild races, to brave the dangers of the unknown waters, and be the pioneers of civi- lized progress. It is true that they had not, like the Romans, the barbaric pride which thought that war was noble, but industry was mean : they had little mind to fight for imperial interests which did not move them greatly, and were well content to see their rulers buy soldiei-s in a cheaper market It is i-ash to say they had no sense of honour, be- cause Aristotle tells us that offices of state were bought and sold. It may be true to own that in their race the political instincts were less strong than other motives, but we shall do well to remember that the French monarchy with all its talk of honour sold public offices by thousands, and if it be a question simply of bribery at elections, Englishmen had, till lately, little right to condemn others. Dynastic feuds, or quarrels among leading houses. INTRODUCTION I. XXIX have often proved a fatal weakness to ruling aris- tocracies. Carthage had suffered from it keenly in the Mei'cenary war, and she felt it even when the war was over. Of the two great party leadei-s Ha- milcjir and Hanno, the former was the most popular among the people, by virtue of his signal merits as a soldier, if not by the factious help of Hasdrubal. He was made general by their votes, to secure their hold on Southern Spain, and he was glad to go, for he breathed more freely in tlie camp than in the city, and had far-reaching projects to secure. Ko better scene of action could easily be found than Spain. The mines which had tempted Phoenician enterprise in early days were unexhausted still, and might give him the command of untold wealth. The native tribes might be won by fair words or show of force, and their homes would then be recruiting grounds for 1 lardy soldiers. The scene was far enough away to be out of sight of jealous rivals, and conquests made upon it were no immediate defiance of Rome's power. If such were his aims, they were successful. He pushed on with slow and patient stejis till the South of Spain was in his hands; he organized a powerful army which was disciplined by constant warfare and maintained with little hulp from home, while he kept up almost royal state, not forgetting to find funds for his partisans at Cartilage, the so- called Barcine faction. When death abruptly closed the career of his am- XXX INTRODUCTION. I. bition, Hasdrubal, Ms son-in-law, wtis ready to step into bis place and carry on Lis work with equal skill, and when he too was hurried off by an assassin's knife, the army felt such sense of strength and personal will as to choose a general for itself, asking the state only to approve its choice. Hannibal, with all his father's bitterness of hate, and more than his father's genius, was ready to carry on the sti-uggle against Ronie. His army, composite as was its structure, was welded into a mighty thunderbolt of war ; secure of its loyalty, and relying on his party organized at home, he might hope to overrule the scruples uf warier statesmen or opponents. Rome meanwhile looked on quietly at fii-st at the progress of the Punic arms in Spain, but with gi-owing uneasiness as time went on. At last she forced on Hasdrubal a treaty to respect the line of the Hiberus as the boundiuy of the influence of the two great empires, but showed scant respect for it herself when she accepted an ally in Saguntum, which lay across the river. Slie would perhaps have pushed mattei-s to extremes at once, had not her attention been dis- tracted by the war with the Cisali)ine Gauls. That enemy wtis conquered, but not crushed ; the colonies of Placentia and Cremona, whose walls wei-e being built to OA erawe them, were soon to provoke another outbui-st, and they were ready to welcome any an- tagonist of Rome. Now that she was misti-ess of the 6eaS| there couKl be no better iMiae of oi)erations for INTRODUCTION. L XXXI a war against her than the country of these Gauls, who were of race akin to the Spanish Celts who fought for Hannibal. The way indeed by land was long and rough, and Punic armies had seldom faced the legions except to be defeated, but Hannibal relied on his own genius, and was impatient to begin the struggle anew. He flung defiance in the teeth of Rome by striking down Saguntum her ally, and then in early spring puslied rapidly along the road which was at last to lead him through the Ali)s to Italy, where for fifteen years he was to upend all the unparalleled resources of his military skill in the vain efFoi*t to destroy the |)ower of RouK*. INTRODUCTION. II. THE AUTHORITIES FOR THE HISTORY OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR> Thb authorities for the history of tlie Second Punic war consist not only of the third decade of Livy (book XXI— xxx), but of the third book of Pol^-bius, together with fragments of some later books, of the war of Hannibal by Appian, of some passages of Dion Cassius, preserved or summarized by Zonaras, and also of a long and tedious poem by Silius Italicus. Of these the history of Polybius ia much the earliest in date. Its author, though a Greek, lived long at Rome in intimate relations with the circle of the Scipios, and other ruling families, whose memories of the great struggle were likely to be fresh and vivid; he travelled, as lie tells us, to ' On this subject compare Nissen, Kritische Untersueh- ungen Uher die Qtiellen des Livim. Bottcher, Kfit Unt. in Jakrb. Clmi. Phil. Sitppl. 1864. Nitzsch, Uhein. Mm. 1868. INTRODUCTION. II. XXXIU gain a special knowledge of the scenes of the cam- paigns, and he possessed, in a high degree, many of the qualifications for the work of an historian. It is important therefore to compare his narrative with that of Livy. Upon careful scrutiny it may be seen that in many passages of the two writers there is very close resemblance in the language used, more especially in dealing with the first part of the war. The agree- ment is too minute and circumstantial to be ascribed to chance, or to faithful rendering only of the facts. At first therefore it was thought, as by Lachmann .and by others, that the later author Livy must have copied freely from Polybius, though without acknow- ledging his debts, or even mentioning him by name until the end (xxx. 45. 4). We can lay little stress indeed M\^n this silence, for ancient writers had no scruples in using the materials which they found ready to their hands; they borrowed often largely from each other, and had no delicacy of feeling about such debts of honour. But there is good reason for believing that the view just stated is not an adequate explanation of the facts. 1. Even in the passages where Livy seems at first sight to copy Polybius most closely, we may find commonly some incidents, some names of persons or of things, some notices of causes or effects, which form distinct additions to the story of the earlier writer, and which point to some other literary source, XXX IV INTRODUCTION. IL as they would not come within the range of Livy's own thought or observation. 2. It is 8tiU more noteworthy that in one place (xxii. 24. 4) we find surpiise expressed at a couise of action on the part of Hannibal which is suf- ficiently explained in the corresponding i)a8sage of Polybius, 3. At other times we find that Livy gives details without apparent misgivings or defence, although Polybius had already protested or complained of them as silly absurdities and exaggemted tales. Ex- auuples of this kind may be found in x.\i. 22 and 36. 4. It would seem natural to urge that Livy might have had several authorities befoi-e him, and have seen reasons for preferiing ii^st oii^ and tlien another, as he worked up their materials into the coui'se of his own narrative. But before accepting this conclusion, it may be well to turn to tlie fourth and fifth decades of his work, where by general con- sent it is admitted that he followed Polybius most closely in all matters which i-elated to Greece or to the East. We may study with advantage his method of pi"ocedure in such cases. Careful obsei-vatiou seems to show that in all these he uses Polybius without acknowledgment, translating and abiidgiug lengthy passages, without collating other soui'ces at the time, or changing to any gi'eat extent the order and method of the naiTative, though he often makes mistakes aud altei-atioiiM from ignorance, or haste, or patriotic INTROD UCTION. IL XXXV pride. The classical historians of later date, we know, followed the same course, and still more cer- tainly, the chroniclers of the middle ages. For the most part it would seem that they were quite content in each part of their work with following one au- thority alone, and that they transcribed fj-eely from it for a time, with little effort to balance or coirect from other soui-ces, till at length another was taken in its place, to be used for a while with equal free- dom. But in the thii-d decade of Livy the elements of the mosaic are much smaller than in the fourth or fifth ; the passages are shorter where the agreement with Polybius is most marked, and yet in them the variations are often too minute and numerous to be consistent with such a method of procedure as that which hiis been stated. If Livy had had the pages of Polybius before him, he would probably have fol- lowed him more closely, as the ditferences are often not improvements. 5. The rciisons given, as well as others which aiise from a detailed comparison between the two, j)oint to a common use of the same sources, rather than to a direct borrowing of the one historian from the other. But they must have dealt with these in different fashion, Livy keeping close to the early naiTative in its fuller form, while the edition which Polybius gives is a summary and corrected one. It remains then to ascei-taiu, if i)oasible, the nature of * these common sources. mr-mrxVl INTRODUCTION, IL 6. The passages of the two writers in wliich the features of resemblance are most marked, ai-e those in which Hannibal is throughout the moving spirit of the scenes, and the fortunes of his soldiers are described in most detail. They deal with the march of the invading anny, with the fields of battle, and the vicissitudes of the campaigns. The touches here are often very delicate and minute, and the narrative is that of an eye- witness, or of one whoso information could be drawn from Carthaginian sources. One such especially is known to us by name, the Greek Silenus, who is said to have served from fii-st to last in Hannibal's campaigns (Corn. Nepos, Harm, 13) and to have written with gi-eat care the history of his wai-8 (Cic. de Divin. i. 24), and as such is quoted as an authority by livy (xxvi. 49. 3). Con- temporary evidence of so high an order, which is referred to by writei-s of two centuries later, could harilly fail to be consulted by a painstaking author like Polybius, and his silence on the subject goes for little, as it was not the practice of those times to mention earlier authorities excei>t when the data were specially conflicting. Silenus was certainly con- sulted by the Roman writers on the Punic wars, and there is good reason for believing that part of Livy's narrative takes from this source much of its coloui and contents. But it does not therefore fol- t low tliat Silenus was dii-ectly used by Livy, as the INTRODUCTION. II, XXX vu materials collected by him may have been worked up by other hands into something like the form in which we have them in their Latin dress. In dealing with this question we may do best to consider first the other parts of Livy^s stoiy, where Rome itself is the centre of the scene, and tlie information must have come from Roman sources. What were the authorities which could be consulted here, and in what way do they seem to have been used 1 It is needful perhaps here to enter into more details. 7. In early ages it had been the practice to x^ut out an official register of the names of the magis- trates elected, with some sort of scanty calendar of general news. The priests were in Rome, as often elsewhere, the earliest chroniclers, and the meagre notices which the chief Pontiff {Pontifex summus) posted on a whitened board, grew lengthier as time went on, and the practice of registration became more complete. The materials thus collected year by year were the groundwork of a national chronicle, which was kept in the Archives of the Pontiffs, and formed at the period of the last revision a series of some eighty books. In form it was a sort of diary on which were noted the results of the elections, and the chief events of national importance. In the in- terests of the priesthood it was natural to find room for all the matters which especially concerned them ; the august ceremonials of the state religion: the eclipses of the sun and moon : the fasts and feasts XXXVIll mTRODUCTJON. 1 1. and days of evil omen to be noted on the calendar : the prodigies and freaks of nature which in stirring times excited the fancy of a superstitious people— these were set down witli an exceeding fulness of detail— as facts which deserved careful study in tlie present^ and were likely to be of interest to after generations. 8. The early writers in their history of the past freely used the outlines whicli were thus ready to their hand, and adopted a like order in the narrative of tlieir own times. Here and tijere indeed com- plaints were made of such meagre chronicles of petty and disjointed facts, and it was urged tliat there could be no national order or historical per- spective in a continuous diary where no attempt was made to trace the connection between causes and effects, but the memory was overloaded with ill-di- gested food. A narrative so written, said Sempro- nius Asellio, can hardly rise above the dignity of nursery tales (Aul. Gell. v. 18). But still from first to la»t the prevailing practice with the historians of Rome was to set down year by year the order of events, mentioning first the results of the elections, the division of the Provinces and Legions, the pro- digies which stirred the public mind, the starting of the Generals for the scenes of war, and the doings of the armies on the field of battle. In these i-e- spects the difference between the earlier and later writers consisted chiefly in the qualities of style and INTRODUCTION. !L XXXIX literary treatment, for which the first chroniclers cared little, but which seemed of paramount imi>or- tance as the taste for rhetoric increased. Thus Cicero speaks contemptuously of the meagre and graceless annals, rough hewn, as he implies, by pren- tice hands which had as yet no experience or skill of literary craft {De Oral. ii. 12). The earlier chroniclers, he adds, seem to have chiefly aimed at brevity, and to have told their story simply, without a thought of grace or diction (non exornatores sed narratores). Of those included in this sweeping criticism the first recorded were contem- I)onirie8 of the First Punic war. Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimentus both bore a part in the great struggle, and are referred to as authorities by Livy, as men who helped to make history as well as write it. Of those who followed somt* like M. Porcius Cato and L. Calpurnius Piso took a high rank in the world of politics, but are included in Cicero's sweeping censure as historians without a style. The first who aimed at dignity of language was Caelius Antipater, who lived in the period of the Gracchi, a century later than the first chroniclers just mentioned. There was little elegance indeed, adds Cicero {de leg. i. 2), in the rough vigour of his style, but at least we may see in him the first beginning of something like literary care (paulo inflavit veliemervtius hahuitque vires agres- tes tile quidem atque horridas^ sine nitore ac pcdcestra : sed tanien luinwn&re reliquos potuitf ut accv/ratitis scri- INTRODUCTION. 11. herent). In later times indeed the caprice of fashion fondly recurred to the old models of archaic diction, and the accomplished Emperor Hadrian, who set up for a literary critic, avowed his preference of Cselius Antipater to Sallust (Spartian. Ilctdr. 16). His wri- tings were evidently in good repute at the end of the Republic, for Brutus took the trouble to compress them into shorter form, and Cicero asks Atticus to send him the Epitome of which he had just heard (Epitomen Bruti Ccdianorum^ Cic. ad Ait. xiii. 8). His history of the Punic war was singled out for special mention (in proeniio belli Funici, Cic. Or. 69), and in this we are told that he followed Silenus very closely (Cic. de divin. i. 24). In the third decade Livy mentions him more often than any other writer, and in terms which show that his evidence ranked very high, and should be weighed in any conflict of authorities. There is reason to believe that he was uften used when not explicitly relerred to. The dream of Hannibal at Onusa, as found in Livy xxi. 22. 5, agrees with the description, somewhat more fully given, in a fragment of Caelius which Cicero has pre- served for us (de divm. i. 24), and which as we are told was first drawn from Silenus. So too of the omens before the disaster at Lake Trasimene (Liv. XXII. 3), which Cicero (de div. i. 35) quotes to like efiect from Cielius, as also in the account of the earth- quake which passed unnoticed by the combatants in the same battle. There are a few words quoted from INTRODUCTION. II. xli him by Priscian (xiii. 06), antequam liarca perie- rat, alii rei causa in Africam missiis est, which seem to point to the recall of Hannibal to Africa after some years of stay in Carthage, to which he had retm-ned in early life, — a residence required to reconcile the ex- pressions used by Livy, though he has neglected expli- citly to state it. There are also verbal similarities which point in the same direction, as in the passage of Ca4ius preserved by A. Gellius (x. 24. 6), si vis mihi equUatum dare, et ipse cum cetero eocercitu irie sequi, die quinti Rornce in Capitolium curabo tibi cena sit coda, compared with that of Livy xxii. 51. 2 : as also another which we find in Priscian in. 607, dextimos in dextris, scuta jubet habere, to which we may trace a likeness in Livy xxii. 50. 11. It is not unlikely therefore that a writer in good repute like Caelius, whose style had more force and colour in it than the bare and rugged annalists' of earlier days, should have been freely used by Livy with little effort to himt up his authorities, or to compare the various sources fused into the current narrative. Occasional discre- pancies noted by the former were probably reported also by the hitter, who sometimes exercised his judg- ment on them, but did not always, as we may suppose, carry the criticism further, or look for fresh evidence U) decide the question. The manual effort of collating many authoi-s, of unfolding the long rolls in which their histories were written, and poring over their arcliaic style, was stire to be distasteful to a man of C. L. d zlii INTRODUCTION, Ih Livy's tastes ; the critical standard of the age did not require such labour at his hands; the reading public had not such severe historic canons, and much pre- ferred a piece of fine writing to proof of antiquarian research, and Livy naturally enough catered for the literary appetites which he found around him. The work which he had set himself to do seemed great enough, and left him little leisure to sift and to com- pare; the history of seven centuries stretched out before him, and he hurried on to rear his noble monument fco the memory of the Great Republic. In this way may be probably explained both the features of agreement and of difference between Poly- bius and Livy, by supposing that some of the same sources may be traced in both, from which the former drew directly, while the latter used them as he found them worked up already in the narrative of one who was almost a contemporary of the Greek writer. The theory itself is worthy of acceptance, even if we do not lay much stress upon the evidence which seems to |ioint to Silenus as the common authority of both alike, and to Caelius as the compiler of the Roman version of the story. It is chiefly in the earlier books tliat the probability of this is strongest ; later in the decade other influences seem to have come prominently forward, among which may be mentioned memoirs current in the Scipionic circle, native traditions or chronicles of Africa, such as those consulted by Kintr Juba, and works of a h.ter and diffuser style Hke thoJ^ of Yalerius Antia& INTRODUCTION, 11. xliii From what has been already said it will be seen that some at least of the qualifications of an historian will not be found in any high degree in Livy. He draws his narrative too readily at second hand from earlier writers, and fills in the meagre outlines with rhetorical details, which are often the common-places of the schools, more than the results of independent study. He is too little on his guard against the patriotic bias of the Roman chroniclers, and the party spirit of patrician informants, and so treats unfairly both the statesmanship of Flaminius and the policy of Cai-thage. There was monumental evidence ready to his hand on every side in the inscriptions to be found in every place of national resort, but there are scanty signs to show that he recognized their value. A few weeks of travel would hove given him a personal knowledge of the scenes of the campaigns, which combined with his undoubted powers of description, would have left few questions still unsettled in connection with the battle- fields and movements of the armies. The archives of the Priestly Colleges, whose formularies he sometimes copied, would have told him much about the character- istic features of the old religion, which he leaves almost unexplained, as if it were still unaltered in his own day a His language tends often to confuse the customs of Italy with those of other races. Thus he ascribes to Cai-thage the distinctive name of the Jupiter of Rome, as well as those of the political and military systems of her rival. The lengthy speeches iusei*ted by him in d2 xliv INTRODUCTION, II . the narrative are convenient vehicles for his theories of political causation, but have often little semblance of reality ; while the annalistic form, suggested as it was by the yearly change of consuls, fatigues the memory and disturbs the judgment in tracing the natural connection of events. But these defects be- long in a great measure to tlie literary standards of his age and country, and we should not fail to re- cognize tlie merits which are pecidiarly his own, his high moral tone and honesty of purpose, the eloquence and pathos of his speeches, tlie vivid powera of por- traiture, and the varied beauties of his style, which have given his history so high a place among the works of classical antiquity. , INTRODUCTION. III. ON THE LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF LIVY \ In order to illustrate the peculiarities of Livy's style, a list is now given of those forms of expression which, though for the most part found elsewhere, recur more often in his pages than in those of earlier writei'S such as Cicero and Caesar. Substantive. Concrete for collective, e.g. equeSy pedes, Pcenus ; abstract for concr. : in sing, levis armalura, remigium ; plur. servitia, dignitales, robora Icgionujti. Large number of verbals in us : trajectus, saltatus, effectus ; and in tor: concUoTj ostentator; the same used adjectively, domitor ille exercitus. Adjectives used substantively : in sing. ace. or abl. neut. : in medium^ in publico, in immensum alti- tudinisy in majus verOy in muUum diei, per Europcc plerumqu£f hoc tantum licentice ; plur. neut.: per aversa urbis, per patentia ruinisj per cetera pacaiaj icedio prcesentium ; plur. masc. less frequent : potiortSj ' Compare NagelsLacli, Lat. Stilistik. Kuhnast, Liv. Syntax. Fabri, Liv. xxi. xxii. jclvi INTRODUCTION. 11 L dodi, mortaleSy cum expedUis mUitum; forms in osus frequent : proceUosits, facinorosus ; and in htrndus : amtionabunduSf terUabundua ; predicative adj. used adverbially : repens nmdiatur cladeSj con/erti pugna- bant. Pkonoun. Alius = o oAXos : alia a^des, alhia eocer- cUus; alter for aUender xxi. 8. 7 ; nvMus for nemo ; quicunque, qualiscmnque, qiuinluscunqite, &c., without a verb. Adverb instead of attributive adj. : omnibus circa solo mquMis, postero ac deinceps aliquot diebus ; use of cetefnim for sed, f&rme for fefrty juocta for j)ariter, adhuc for past time ; widey ib% inde for persons ; adniodum with numerals ; large number of forms in m, e. g. ccesimf genera>lim. Verb. Affection for frequentatives, often in sense of simple verb : frequent recurrence of vadere, currere, traliere ; form of peif. pass, with fui and pluperf. with fueram; forem in place of essem;- use of pres. and perf. subj. in Or, oblique, to give vivid colour to description. Preposition. Common use of drca^ not only for space, but for time and mode. In Construction Frequent forms of (rxnfia Kara trvv€a-iv: pa/rs magna... nantes, millia...eosdern,, R. legion€a...tUtif civitas...oriundij Senaius populusque voluit, GcUlia...iis xxi 20. 1, equestre prodium...qua parte copiwrum 41. 4, acriba pontificis...quo8 vocanl 57. 3 ; in pregnant sense : blandiente/n ut ducere^ IN TROD UCTWN. III. xlvii tur^ vn orbem pugnanteSy in prcelium rediit ; irregulari- ties in the use of pronouns : remisso id quod erepturi eranty id de quo ambigebatur...evetdus belli... victoriam deditj quod quidam auctores 8U7it, quibus si videretur denuntiarent ; quicquid used adverbially = yi^ longius ; interrog. within a final sentence : quid ub a vobis sperent; or participial : quid credentes; suus referring to an oblique case of a subordinate -sentence. Genitive. Of possession extensively used : plebs Ha/nnibalis eratj alterius totus eocercitus erat, didonis fac&rSy H. annorum novem erat. Of object with relar tive adj. like improviduSy nimiuSy ceger; or without, ancipUis certaminis v^lctoria, moris sui ca^^mine. Ablative. Large use of instrumental, modal and local abl. without prepos., but Livy constantly has prepos. with abl. for motion from a town ; frequency of comparatio c&mpendiariaf as spe celeriuSy solito magis. Dative. In predicative sense : caput ItalicBy auctor rebeUionis Sa/rdiSy quibusdam volevitihus erat bellwn. Accusative. With adj. or partic. pass. : cetera teretiy soUicittis omniay paratus omnia, ictus femur, longam induicB vestem, assueti devia ; omission of object with verbs used absolutely : trans mitterey movere, super are, jungerey incolere, fallerey &c. Adjective. Expressing the object of subst. with which it agrees : dictator ia invidia, consvlaria impedi- vierUa ; with infin.: dignu^y obstinatuSy dubhcs. Indicative. In hypothetical construction, fames qiiam pestilentia gravior erat ni. %l VI n JNTROlWarJON. III. Subjunctive. With ut after caw^a, cum eo, pro eo, ab eo. Gerundive. Fi'equentlj used in abl. abs. or instni- mental abl. : qtuerendis pedetentium vadis evasere ; in- sertion of ipse, quwque in abl. gerund, pbi-ases. Cf. note on xxi. 45. 9. Participle. Substantival use of past part. pass. : for an abstract subst., as Sicilia amissa, ex dictatorio impe^'io concusso ; for a concrete subst., as Hdentis gpeciem, streperUium pavores; as object to the verb, id male cammissum ignavia in bonum vertit ; as subject to the verb, diu non perlilatum dictatorem tenuit; absolute use in nom : habitarUes LUybad ; absolute use in abl. : ineaydorato, edicto, auspicato ; hypotheti- callj : invida si aequo dlmicarelur campo ; future part. to expi-css intention, or assumption : ita transmismrus si ; omission of participle, cursus per urbem, pw/na ad TreUam, rudis ad aries ; asyndeton in use of part. : puUa plebs annaia profecta; in comparative and su- I>erl. forms: conjunctius, conspectior ; Greek idiom with /alio: fe/ellere instructi ; large number of de- ponent part, in passive sense : pactuSj emenms ; neuter verbs impersonally in part. pass. : concursum est, tur muUuatum, Pleonasm. Gf frequent occurrence : legati retro domum unde venerant redieTrunt, novus rursus de integro labor ^ ante prceoccupare. Brachylooy. Quo ad conveniendum diem ediocerat, adfidem promissorum obsides accipere, rwutros pugnam INTRODUCTION. 111. xlix incijdmtes timor tenuit; carried to an awkward ex- treme in in eos versa peditum acies.-.haud dubium fecit quin... XXL 34. 37, cf. 52. 1, 55. 8, and xxii. 18. 7. Ellipse. Tantum ne, m^odo ne, at enim, retinere oonati sunt ni summovissenL Chiasmus is a marked feature of his style : animus ad pugnam ad fugam spes, in urbem Romani Poeni in contra. • Anaphora. Hie vobis terminum.../ortuna dedit: hie dignam mercedem e. s. dabit ; often combined with iteratioy as totiens petita foedera totiens rupta. Paronomasia. Ilospitem non Imtem, hostis 2^0 liospUe, Inversion in order of familiar expressions : pro parte virili, belli domique, node dieque, inferos super- osque. Anastrophe of Preposition. Capuam propius, Faisulas inter Arretiumque. In general we may notice the gi-owing tendency to copy Greek forms of expression, which the want of the ai-ticle as also of the participle of the substantive verb often render less natural in Latin. INTRODUCTION. IV. li INTRODUCTION. IV. TH« TEXT AND ORTHOGRAPHY OB^ LIVY'. The oldest MS. of the third decfide of Liw is that which ifi preserved in the National Library at Paris, under the name of che Codex Puteanus (P), datiii;,' [irolmbly from the beginning of the eighth century. Ill the earlier edition (1860) of the Emendatioiies Limarue, Madvig came to the conclusion that this was the source of all the extant MSS., which he believed to differ from it only in the various errors due to the carelessnes-s of later copyists. But the researcht^ of Mommsen and Studemund have thrown light on the influence of another Codex called Spi- rensis (S), from which a number of readings were noted down long ago by Beatus Rhenanus, Init which lias since disappeared with the exception of a single leaf discovered a few years back (C. Halm in Act. * CompfiTe Mudvlg, Emendationeg Liviana; Mommsen aud Studemuiiil, Anahcta Liviana; Brambach, NeugeHaltung d. Lot. Orthogmphk ; Corssen, Aussprache d. Lat. Sprache. Monac. 1869). This, or its unknown original, is not entirel} represented by any extant MS.; it seems to have come to light at a later time than P, and all of the copies made from it, or derived indirectly from it, show distinct traces of the influence of P, which was referred to probably in obscure or doubtful passages, so that readings from P are found in the margin, or the text even, of the MSS. that can best be traced to S. Further enquiry may possibly succeed in distin- guishing still further the two families of MSS. That of P is admitted to be the earliest and best; it abounds however in obvious errors and omissions, which various editors have gradually corrected. It would be quite hopeless to adhere even to the best MS. authority, and bold as some of the suggestions of Madvig may appear, we must remember that the text has been thrown into its present shape by many critics who have been forced to go to work with equal freedom. Wc may take one specimen as given by him to prove in his own words ' quantum vhique aordium et rohiginis detergendum siV It is the be- ginning of B. XXII, as it appears in P. Jam vero adpetebatqtie Hannibal ex hibemis metuit et neque eo qui iam ante conatus transcendere Appenninum in- tolerandis frigoribus et cum ingenti periculo m^oratus ac metu. GalliSj quos prcedce populationumque con- sciverat spes, postquam pro eo, ut ipsi ex alieno agro rap&reiU acgerentque, suas terras sedem belli esse //rw lii INTRODUCTION. IV. miiqite ulriitsque partis eocerdtuum hibemis viderent^ verterunt retro Hannibalem odia. So faulty a MS. can be little trusted in nice questions of orthography, and Madvig accordingly has not attempted to re- produce the forms of Tii\7^'s age, or to give us the spelling of the historian himself, but has fallen back uiK)n the orthography of Quintilian's age, which was fixed by the authority of critics and giammarians, and which is known to have differed in material points from that of Livy's time, when it was still shifting and unsettled. It may be convenient how- ever t^ formulate some of the chief points of dif- ference between the spelling most in vogue at the end of the Republic, and that of a century later, though with the caution that we cannot tell exactly when the change in each case took place, or how far personal taste may have modified the genei-al fashion. O. V. vo was at first usual, as in servoSy volmis. The change to vu took a century to effect, from Augustus to Vespasian, cf. Quintilian i. 7. § 26. 0. E. The change from vortex to vertex Ijegan •-ith Scipio Africanus, but some forms advorsus, con trovorsia^ roster lasted till the Empire, when there was doubt between fcenoriSf fomeris, i quid fortiter ae strenue agendum esset, neque milite« alio duee plus 5 confidere aut audei-e. Plurimum audaci» ad pericula capessenda, plurimum consilii inter ipsa pericula erat. Nullo labore aut corpus fatigari aut animu« vinci po- 6 terat. Caloris ac frigoiis [jatientia par ; cibi potion- isque deaiderio naturali, noii voluptate modus tiuitus; vigilianim somniqtie nee «lie nee nocte discriminata 7 tenqiom; id, quoil gerendis rebub superesset, quieti datum ; ea m^que molli strato neque »ilentio accersita ; niulti saepe militari sagulo oi)ertum bumi iacentem inter custodias stationesque militum consi)exerunt. 8 VestituH nibil inter sequales excellens ; arma atque equi couspieiebantur. Equitum peditumque idem longe primus erat; princeps in proelium ibat, ultimus con- 9 serto proBlio excedebat. Has tantas viri virtutes in- gentia vitia sequabant, inbumana crudelitas, perfidia plus quam Punica, nibil veri, nibil sancti, nullus deum ro metus, nullum ius iurandum, nulla religio. Cum bac indole virtutum atque vitiorum triennio sub Hasdru- bale imperatore meruit, nulla re, quae agenda viden- daque magno futuro duci esset, praetermissa. 6 Ceterum, ex quo die dux est declaratus, velut Italia „,.,^ ei provincia decreta bellumque Romanum With a view to ^ ^ i^ii'thaoiil! mandatum esset, nibil prolatandum ratus, ne 86 quoque, ut j>atrem Hamilcarem, war ' reduces the Oloi LIBER XXL 5 deinde HaHdrubalem, cunctantem casus aliquis opi)ri- mei-et, Sas^untinis inferre bellum statuit. Quibus op- 3 pugnandis quia baud dubie Romaua arma movebantur, in Olcadum prius fines (ultra Hiberum ea gens in parte magis quam in dicione Cartliaginiensium erat) induxit exercitum, ut non petisse Saguntinos, sed rerum serie, finitimis domitis gentibus, iungendoque tractus ad id bellum videri posset. Cartalam, urbem 4 opulontam, caput gentis eius, expugnat diripitque; quo metu perculsje minores civitates stipendio imposito imi)erium accepere. Victor exercitus opulentusque praida Carthaginem Novam in biberna est deductus. Ibi large partiendo pr^dam stipendioque prseterito s cum fide exsolvendo cunctis civium socioriunque animis iij sefirmatis, vere primo in Yaccajoa promotum belluDi. Hermandica et Arbocala, eonim urbes, vi ^^^^ ^^^^ ^,_^^^^. 6 captse; Arbocala et virtute et multitudine oppidanorum diu defensa. Ab Hermandica profugi ex- 7 sulibus Olcadum, priore sestate domitte gentis, quum se iunxissent, concitant Carpetanos, adortique Han- 8 nibalem regressum ex Vaccajis baud procul Tago flu- mine, agmen grave prseda turbavere. Hannibal prcelio abstinuit, castrisque super ripam positis, quum prima quies silentiumque ab bostibus fuit, amnem vado tra- iecit, valloque ita producto, ut locum ad transgredien- dum hostes baberent, invadere eos transeuntes statuit. Equitibus prsecepit, ut, quum ingressos aquam vide- »o rent, adorirentur impeditum agmen ; in ripa elepbantos (quadraginU autem erant) disponit. Cavpetanorum 11 cum appeudicibus Olcadum Vaccajorum- and mishcs the i A _ ^ resistance of the que centum millia fuere, iuvicta acies, si Carpetani. aequo dimicaretur carapo. Itaque et ingenio feroces et la e LIVIl niultituiHne fifti et, quod metu cessisse cretlt;bant hos- teni, id morari victoriam rati, quod interesset aniDis, clamore sublato passim sine ullius imperio, qua cuique 13 proximum est, in amnem ruunt. Et ex parte altera ripiB vis in gens equitum in flumen immissa, niedio- que alveo haudquaquam pari certamine concursum, 14 quippe ubi pedes instabilis ac vix vado fidens vel ab inermi equite, equo temere acto, perverti posset, eques corpore armiHque liber, equo vel per medios gurgites 15 stjibili, coniinus eminusque rem gereret. Pars magna flumine absumpta; quidam verticoso amni delati in 16 hostea ab elephantis obtriti sunt. Postremi, quibus regressus in suam ripam tutior fuit, ex varia trepi- datione quuoi in unum colligerpntur, priusquam a tanto pavore reciperent animos, Hannibal agniine quadrato amnem ingressus fugani ex rij)a fecit, vastatisque agris, intra paucos dies Carpetanos quoque in deditionem ac- 17 cepit ; et iam omnia trans Hiberum pi-aeter Saguntinos Carthaginiensium erant. 6 Cum Saguntinis bellum nondum erat, ceterum iam «- ♦ ™.f «^«^ belli causa. Certaniina cum finitimis sere- 2 sen Ts* emoy9''to bantur, maxinic Tui*detanis. Quibus qu urn iiome adesset idem, qui litis erat sator, nee cer- tiimen iuris, sed vim quasri appareret, leg-ati a Sagun- tinis Romam missi auxilium ad bellum iam baud 3 dubie imminens orantes. Consules tunc llomae erant P. Cornelius Scipio et Ti. Sempronius Longus. Qui quum, legatis in senatum introductis, de re publica rettnlissent, placiiissetqne rnitti legatos in Hispaniam 4 ad res sociorum insijiciendas, quibus si videretur digna causa, ©t Hannibali denuntiarent, iit ab Saguntinis, sociis populi Romani, abstineret, et Cartliaginem in UBER XXL 7 AtVicam traiicereut ac sociorum populi Komani queri- monias deferrent, bac legatione decreta ^^^tj.foro^ 5 necdum missa, omnium spe celerius Sa- ^^^^^J^t^. guntum oppugnari allatum est. Tunc re- lies of Home 6 lata de integro res ad senatum ; et alii provincias con- sulibus Hispaniam atque Africam decernentes terra manque rem gerendam censebant, alii totum in His- paniam Hannibal emque intendebant bellum ; erant, 7 qui non temere movendam rem tantam exspectandos- que ex Hispania legatos censerent. H^c sententia, 8 qu» tutissima videbatur, vicit, legatique eo maturius missi, P. Valerius Flaccus et Q. Baebius Tampbilus, Saguntum ad Hannibalem atque inde Cartbagmem, si non absisteretur bello, ad duccm ipsum in poenam foederis rupti deposcendum. Dum ea Romani parant consul tantque, iam Sagun- 7 turn summa vi oppugnabatur. Civitas ea ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ g^. ^ longe opulentissima ultra Hiberum fuit, «untum is begun sita° passus mille ferme a mari. Oriundi a Zacyntlio insula dicuntur, mixtique etiam ab Ardea Rutulorum quidam generis ; ceterum in tantas brevi creverant 3 opes seu maritimis seu terrestribus fructibus sen mul- titudinis incremento seu disciplinse sanctitate, qua fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Hannibal infesto exercitu ingressus fines, pervastatis 4 passim agris, urbem tripertito aggreditur. Angulus 5 muri erat in planiorem patentioremque, quam cetera circa, vallem vergens ; advei-sus eum vineas agere in- stituit, per quas aries moenibus admoveri posset. Sed 6 ut locus procul muro satis sequus agendis vineis fuit, ita baudquaquam prospere, postquam ad effectum operis ventum est, cceptis succedebat. Et turns m- 7 8 /// V I J gens imminehat, et niurus, ut in suspccto loco, supi-a cetene modum altitudinis emunitus eiat, et inventus delecta, ubi plurimum periculi ac timoris ostendebatur, 8 ibi vi maiore obsistebant. Ac prime missilibus sum- movere hostem nee quicquam satis tutum munientibus paii ; deinde iam non pro moenibus modo atquc turri tela micare, sed ad erum})enduiij etiani in stationos 9 0]'>eraque bostium animus erat; quibus tuniultuariis cei-taminibus baud ferme plures Saguntini cadebant lo quam Pani. Ut vero Hannibal ipse, duni niurum incautius siibit, adversum femur tragiila graviter ictus cecidit, tanta circa fuga ac trepidatio fuit, ut jion multum abesset, quin opera ac vineae deserorentur. 8 Obsidio deinde per paucos dies magis quam oppugnatio fuit, dum viibius ducis curaretur; per quod temjius ut quies certaminum erat, ita ab apparatu operum ac t munitionum nibil cessatum. Itaque acrius de integro niMi pnsiied for- coortum cst bcllum, pluribusque partibus ward vigorouslj. •„ - • .-% ., , ' vix accipientibus quibusdam oi)era locis, 3 \TneaB coeptae agi admoverique aries. Abundabat mul- titudine hominum Poenus; (ad centum quinquaginta 4 millia habuisse in annis satis creditur ;) oppidani ad omnia tuenda atque obeunda multifariam dLstineii 5 ccEpti sunt ; non sufficiebant itaque. Iam feriebantur arietibus muri quassatajque niultaj pai-tes erant ; una continenti[)U8 ruinis nudaverat urbem ; tres deinceps turres, quantumque inter eas muri erat, cum fmgore 6 ingenti prociderunt. Captum oppidum ea ruina cre- diderant Poeni, qua, velut si pariter utrosque murus 7 trocuraum est. Nibil tumultuaria; pugna; simile erat, quales in oi)pugna- tionibus urbium per occasionem paitis alterius con- y\ t 4 s 4. LIBER XXI. 9 sen soloiit, sed iuserans altitudine, agcbatur, hortator aderat. Quae quiim admota, catapultis baliistisque s per omnia tabulata dispositis, muros defensoribus nudasset, turn Hannibal occasionem ratus, quingentos ferme Afros cum dolabris ad subruendum ab imo murum mittit ; nee erat difficile opus, quod cajuienta non calce durata erant, sed interlita luto, structui-ae 9 anti(juaB genere. Itaque latius, quam qua csederetur, niebat, perque patentia ruinis agmina armatorum in lo urbem vadebant. Locum quoque editum capiunt, coUatisque eo catapultis baliistisque, ut castellum in ipsa urbe velut arccm iiiniiiiientt;ui habereut, uiuro LIBER XXL 13 h circumdant ; et Saguntini murum interiorem ab non- dum capta parte urbis ducunt. Utriiique sumnia vi u et muniunt et pugnant ; sed interiora tuendo mino- rem in dies urbem Saguntini faciunt. Simul cn^scit la inopia omnium longa obsidione et minuitur exspec- tatio extemae opis, quum tam procul Romani, unica spes, circa omnia hostium essent. Paulisper tamen 13 affectos animos recreavit repentina profectio Hanni- balis in Oretanos Carpetanosque, qui duo though iiaiuuhai .is called away populi, dilectus acerbitate consternati, re- by niovements a- ^ ^ . . mouK the Spanish tontis conciuisitoribus, metum defectioms tribes. quum prajbuissent, oppres-si celeritate Hannibali.s omi- seriiiit mota arma. Nee Sagunti oppugnatio segiiior 12 erat, Maharbale Hiniilconis filio (eum prtefecerat Han- nibal) ita impigre rein ageute. ut ducem abesse nee cives nee hostes sentirent. Is et prcelia aliquot se- 2 cunda fecit et tribus arietibus aliquantum muri dis- cussit, strdtaque onniia recentibus ruinis advenienti Hannibal i ostendit. Itaque ad ipsam arcem extemplo 3 ductus exercitus, atroxque prcelium cum multorum utrinque caede initum et pars arcis capta est. Tentata deinde per duos est exigua pacis spes, 4 Alconem Saguntinum et Alorcum His- j^j^q privately pnnum. Alco insciis Saguntinis, precibus, *^^^*« ^°' p^^' ali(iuid moturum ratus, quum ad Hannibalem noctu transisset, postquam nihil laerimae move- but is afraid to * * . report the terms bant condicionesque tristes ut ab irato ofiianuibai; victore ferebantur, transfuga ex oratore factus apud hostem mansit, moriturum affirmans, qui sub con- dicionibus iia de pace ageret, Postulabatur autem, 5 rodderent res Turdetanis, ti-aditoque omni auro atque aigento egressi urbe cum singulis vestimentis ibi habi- V \ 14 LIYH 6 Urent, ubi Poenus iussisset. Has paeis leges almueiito Alcone accepturos Saguntinos, Alorcus, viiici iiniraos, ubi alia vincaiitur, affirmans, se pacis eius iiiteqirt;teiii fore pollicetur; emt autem turn miles Hannibalis, 7 ceterum publico Saguntinis amicus atque liospes. Ti-a- dito palam telo custodibus bostium, transgressus mu- nimenta ad pnetorem Saguntinum (et ipse ita iubebat) s est deductus. Quo quum extemplo concursus omnia generis bominum esset factus, summota cetera multi- tudine, senatus Aloreo datus est, cuius talis oratio 13 fuit. •* Si civis vester Alco, sicut ad pacem peten- dam ad Hannibalem venit, ita pacis condiciones ab Dut Alorcus iirt'fs Haiuiibale ad vos rettulisset, supeivacar submiasioa- neum boc milii fuisset it^r, quo nee s orator Hamiibalis nee ti-iinsfuga ad vos veni ; sed quum ille aut vestm aut sua culpa manserit apud hostem (sua, si metum simulavit, vestra, si periculum eat apud vos vera referent ibus), ego, ne ignoraretis, esse aliquas et salutis et pacis vobis condiciones, pro vetusto bospitio, quod mibi vobiscum est, ad vos veni. 3 Vestra autem causa me nee ullius alterius loqui, quae loquor apud vos, vel ea fides sit, quod neque, dum 4 vestm viribus restitistis, neque, dum auxilia ab Ro- inanis spemstis, pacis unquam apud vos mentionem feci Postquam nee ab Romanis vobis ulla est spes nee vestra vos iam aut arma aut moenia satis do- fendunt, pacem affero ad vos magis necessariam quam 5 tequam. Cuius ita aliqua spes est, si eam, quemad- modum ut victor fert Hannibal, sic vos ut victi au- dietis, et non id, quod amittitur, in damno, quum omnia victoris sint, sed, quicquid relinquitur, pro munere 6 habituri estis. Urbem vobis, quam ex magna parte LTBER XXI. 15 ► dirutam, captam fere totani habet, adimit, agros relin- quit, locum assignaturus, in quo novum oppiduin ffidificetis. Aurum et argentum omne, publicum pri- vatumque, ad se iubet deferri ; corpora vestra, con- 7 iiigum ac liberorum vestrorum servat inviolata, si inermes cum binis vestimentis velitis ab Sagunto ex- ire. Haec victor hostis imperat ; base, quanquam sunt s gravia atque acerba, fortuna vestra vobis suadet. Equi- dem baud despero, quum omnium potesttis ei facta sit, aliquid ex bis rebus remissurum ; sed vel bsec patienda 9 censeo potins, quam trucidari corpora vestra, rapi traliique ante ora vestra coniuges ac liberos belli iure sinatis." Ad baec audieuda quum cii'cumfusa paulatim mul- 14 titudine perniixtum senatui esset populi ^^^ capture of concilium, repente primores, secessione ^'^"g""*'*'"- facta, priusquam responsum daretur, argeutum aurum- que omne ex publico privatoque in forum collatum in ignem ad id raptim factum coniicientes, eodem plerique semet ipsi prsecipitaveinint. Quum ex eo pavor ac , trepidatio totam urbem pervasisset, alius insuper tu- multus ex arce auditur. Tunis diu quassata proci- derat, perque ruinam eius cobors Poenorum impetu facto quum signum imperatori dedisset, nudatam star tionibus custodiisque solitis bostium esse urbem, non 3 cunctandum in tali occasione ratus Hannibal, totis viribus aggressus urbem momento cepit, signo dato, ut omnes puberes interficerentur. Quod imperium cru- dele, ceterum prope necessarium cognitum ipso eventu est ; cui enim parci potuit ex iis, qui aut inclusi cum 4 coniugibus ac liberis domes super se ipsos concremave- runt aut armati nullum ante finem pugnae quam moii- 16 LIYU 15 entes feceruiit? Captum oppiduin est cum ingenti prseda. Quauquam plenique ab doiniiiis de induatiiM corrupta erant, etin ciedibus vix ulluiii disciimen a^tatis » ira fecerat, et captivi railitum prajda fuerant, tameii et ex pretio reruni venditarum aliquantuiii pecuniae re- dactum esse constat et multani luetiosam supellectilem vcstemque missam Carthaginem. 3 Octavo mense, quam Cttptum oppuguari, captum ... SasuDtum quidam scripsere; indeCartha- PiscTi'itniil state- o ^ r ' uH'uts a^ tt, the giiiem Novam in hiberna Hamiibaleiii diUe "f the eviifits o dtj8i!niHjd. concessisse; quijito deinde mense, quam ab Cartbagine profectus sit, in Italiam pervenisse. 4 Quas si ita sunt, fieri uon potuit, ut P. Cornelius, Ti. Sempmnius conaiiles fuerint, ad t|Uos et prineipio ot»- [lugnationis legati .Saguntini missi sint et qui in sue magistratu cum Haiinibale, alter ad Ticinum amnom, 5 ambo aliquanto post ad Ti-ebiam, pugnaverint. Aut omnia breviora aliquanto fuere, aut Saguntum prin- cipio anni, quo P. Cornelius, Ti. Semprouius consules 6 fiierunt, non cteptum oppugnari est, sed captum. Nam excessisse i)iigna ad Trebiam in annum Cn. Servilii et C. Flaminii non potest, quia C. Flaminius Arimini consulatum iniit, ereatui a Ti. Sempronio consule, qui post pugnam ad Trebiam ad creandos consul es Komani qiium venisset, comitiis perfectis ad exercitum in lii- bema rediit. 16 Sub idem fei-e tempus (Jt legati, qui redierant ab Car- indi^nrntion and tkagiuc, Romam rettuleruut, omniahostilia •lann lit Rohmi. ^^^^ ^j. gj^gunti excidium uuntiatnni est; a tantusque siraul mieror patres misericordiaque sociorum peremptorum indigne et pudor non lati auxilii et ira in Caithaginiensea metusque de sum ma renim cepit, LIBER XXL 17 velut si iam ad portas hostis esset, ut tot uno tempore motibus animi turbati trepidarent magis quam consu- lerent: nam neque hostem acriorem belli cosioremque 3 secum congressum, nee rem Romanam tarn desidem unquam fuisse atque imbellem. Sardos Corsosque et 4 Histros atque Illyrios lacessisse magis quam exercuisse Romana arma, et cum Gallis tumultuatum verius quam belligeratum ; Poenum hostem veteranum, triiim 5 et viginti aimoruni militia durissima inter Hispanas geutes semper victorem, duci acerrimo assuetum, re- centem ab excidio opulentissimae urbis, Iliberum trans- ire; trahere secum tot excitos Hispanorum populos; conciturum avidas semper armorum Gallicas gentes; 6 cum orbe terrarum bellum gerendum in Italia ac pro moenibus Romanis esse. Nominat^e iam antea consulibus provincise erant; 17 tum sortiri iussi. Cornel io Hispania, Sem- Levies and pre„a. pronio Africa cum Sicilia evenit. Sex in ^ar""' ^°'' '"^^ , eum annum decretas legiones et socium, quantum ipsis videretur, et classis, quanta parari posset. Quattuor 3 et viginti peditum Romanorum millia scripta et mille octingenti equites, sociorum quadraginta millia pedi- tum, quattuor millia et quadringenti equites; naves ducentse viginti quinqueremes, celoces viginti de- ducti. Latum inde ad populum, vellent iuberent 4 populo Cartbaginiensi bellum indici ; eiusque belli causa supplicatio per urbem habita atque adorati dii, ut bene ac feliciter eveniret, quod bellum populus Romanus iussisset. Inter consules ita copia divisae : 5 Sempronio datse legiones dua (ea quaterna millia erant peditum et treceni equites) et sociorum sedecim millia peditum, equites mOle octingenti; naves longa? centum C. L. 2 18 LIVH II 6 8cxagintn, celoccs duodcciin. Cum his terrostrihus maritimisquo copiis Ti. Sempronius uiissus iii Siciliaiii, ito in Africiim transmissurus, m ad arcenduni Italia 7 Fcenum consul alter satis essct. Conielio minus copiarum datum, quia L. Manlius piwtor et ii)se cum s liaud invalido pi-ajsidio in Galliam mittebatur; navium maxime Conielio numerus deminutus; sexaginta quin- quercmes ilatic (neque enim mari venturum aut ea parte belli dimicatuium liosteni credebant) et dua5 Romniine legioncs cum suo iusto equitatu et quattuor- decim niilliljus sociorum pcditum, equitibus mille sex- 9 ccntis. Buas legiones Romanas et decern millia socio- i-um peditum, millc equites socios, sexcentos Romanes Gallia provincia eodeni verea in Puiiicum bellum Imbuit. 18 HiR ita comparatis, ut omnia iusta ante bellum Aacrnndcniimssj fic^rent, legatos maiorcs natu, Q. Fabium, imtwitiioiitcfiect, M. Livium, L. ^milium, C. Licinium, Q. Biebium, in Africam mittunt ad jiercontandos Car- thaginienses, publicone consilio Hannibal Sagimtum » oppugnasset, et, si, id quod facturi videbantur, fateren- tur ac defenderent ])ublico consilio factum, ut indicc- 3 rent populo Cartliaginiensi bellum. Romani postquam Cartliaginem venenint, quum senatus datus esset et Q. Fabius nihil ultra quam unum, quod mandatum erat, percontatus esscst, turn ex Carthaginien.sibus unus: 4 "Praeceps vestra, Romani, et prior legatio fuit, quum JIannibalcm tanquam suo consilio Saguntum oppug- nantem dcposcebatis ; ceterum Iutc legatio verbis adhuc 5 lenior est, re asperior. Tunc enim Hannibal et insi- mulabatur ot deposcebatur; nunc ab nobis et confcssio €ulp:c oxprimitur et ut a confessis res extemplo rcpe- fi tuntur. Ego auteni non, privato publicone consilio LTBER XXJ, 19 Saguntum oppugnatum tjit, quairenduiu c(;]is(^am, sed utrum iure an iniuria; nostra enim haec quses^fcio atquo 7 animadversio in civem nostrum est, quid nostro aut suo fecerit arbitrio ; vobiscum una disceptatio est, licueritne per fcedus fieri. Itaquo quoniam discerni 8 placet, quid publico consilio, quid sua sponte impera- tores fisciant, nobis vobiscum fcedus est a C. Lutatio oonsule ictum, in quo quum caveretur utrorumque sociis, nihil de Saguntinis (necdum enim erant socii vestri) cautum est. At enim eo foBdere. quod cum 9 Hasdrubale ictum est, Saguntini excipiuntur. Adver- sus quod ego nihil dicturus sum, nisi quod a vobis didici. Vos enim, quod C. Lutatius consul primo xo nobiscum fcedus icit, quia neque auctoritate patrum nee populi iussu ictum erat, negastis vos eo teueri; itaque aliud de integro fosdus publico consilio ictum est. Si vos non tenent fccdera vestra nisi ex auctori- n tate aut iussu vestro icta, ne nos quideni Hasdrubalis foedus, quod nobis insciis icit, obligare potuit. Proinde 12 omittite Sagunti atque Hiberi mentionem facere, et, quod diu parturit animus vester, aliquando pariat." Turn Romanus, sinu ex toga facto, "Hie" inquit 13 "vobis bellum et pacom portamus ; utnim placet, sumite." Sub banc vocem baud minus ferociter, daret, utrum vellet, succlamatum est ; et and war is de- m quum is iterum, sinu effuso, bellum dare ^^^^ dixisset, accipere se omnes responderunt et, qui bus acciperent animis, iisdem se gesturos. Haec directa percontatio ac denuntiatio belli magis 19 ex dignitate populi Romani visa est quam it was idle then tr. J /' J . ' 1 • T , discuss tlie terms oe itederum lure verbis disceptare, quum of tho old treaties, ante, turn maxime Sagunto excisa. Nam si verboruni ^ 2—2 20 L1VII LIBER XXJ. 21 I disceptationis res esaet, quid foedus Hasdrubalis cum Lutatii i.riore foedere, quod mutatum est, comparan- 3 dum erat, quum in Lutatii foedere d^eite additum csset, ita id ratuni fore, si populus ceiisuisse< in Hii-s- drubalia fccdeie nee exceptum tale quicquam fuerit, ^ tot annomm silentio ita vivo eo comprobatum sit feelli erectam invenerunt, satis constante fama, iam Hibeium Poenos transioisisse. 21 Hannibal Sagunto capto Carthaginem Novani m hiberna concesserat, ibique aiiditis, qiw Romaj qu^quo iianuibai winters Carthagine acU decreUiciue foreiit, seque :J,raf *Td; non ducem solum, sed etiam causam esse , LCoifurruX belli, partitis diveiiditisque reliquiis prae- a-e iiibil ultra differendum ratus, Hispani generis 3 inilitea convocat -Credo ego vos" inquit, "socii, et ipsos ceruere, pacatis omuibus Hispaniie populis, aut finiendam nobis militiam exercitusque dimitteiidos 4 esse aut in alias terras transferendum bellum : ita enim to gentes non pacis solum, sed etiam victoria bonis florebunt, si ex aliis geotibus pra3dam et gloiiam quae- 5 remus. Itaque quum longinqua a domo instet militia incertumque sit, quando domos vestraa et quae cuique ibi cara sunt, visuri sitis, si quis vestrum suos invisere 6 viilt, commeatum do. Primo vere edico adsitis, ut diis bene invantibus bellum ingentis gloriae prad^que 7 futurum incipiamus." Omnibus fere visendi domos oblata ulti-o potestas grata erat, et iam desiderantibus suos et lougius in futurum providentibus desiderium. s Per totum tempus hiemis quies inter labores aut iam exhaustos aut mox exliauriendos renovavit corpora animosque ad omnia de integro patienda; vere pmno ad edictum convenere. 9 Hannibal quum recensuisset onmium gentium While musturinK auxiUa, Gades profectus Herculi vota ex- JLttXX solvit, novisque 8e obligat votis, si cetem ,„ lletot'o/AfrSr prospera evenissent. Indepartiens curas simul in inferendum atque arcendum bellum, iie, duni ipse teiTCstri per Hispaiiiam Galliasque itinere [ABER XXL 23 aud Spain, Itiiliam peterut, nuda apertaque Romaui.s Africa ab Sicilia esset, valido priesidio firmare earn statuit; pro u eo supplementum ipse ex Africa maxime iacukitoruin, leviuni armis, petiib, ut Afri in Hispaiiia, Hispani in Africa, melior procul ab donio futurus uter(iue miles, velut mutuis pigneribus obligati, stipendia facerent. Tredecim millia octingentos quinquaginta pedites cte- u tratus misit in Africarn et funditores Baliares octin- gentos septuaginta, equites mixtos ex multis gentibus mille ducentos. Has copias partini Carthagini [uuisi- ii dio esse, pariini distribui per Afrieam iubet. Simul con- quisitoribusincivitates missis, quattuur millia conscrip- ta delectie iuventutis, presidium eosdeni et obsides, duci Carthaginem iubet. Neque Hispaniam negligeudam 22 ratus, atque id eo miims, quod Laud ig- narus erat, ciicumitam ab Romanis earn legatis ad sollicitandos principum auimos, Hasdrubali a fratri, viro impigro, earn provinciam destinat, lirmat- que earn Africis maxinie prajsidiis, peditum Afronini undecim millibus octingentis quinquaginta, Lignribus trecentis, Baliaribus quingmtis. Ad huic peditinn 3 auxilia additi equites Libyphcenices, niixtum Piinicum Afria genua, quadringenti quinqucKjluta et Nuuiidie Maurique accolaj Oceani ad mille octingenti et [jarva Ilergetum manus ex Hispania, ducenti equites, et, ne quod terrestris deesset auxilii genus, elephant! viginti unus. Classis praeterea data ad tuendam maritimam 4 Oram, quia, qua parte belli vicerant, ea tum quoque rem gesturos Romanos credi poterat, quinquaginta quinqueremea, quadriremes duse, triremes quinque; sed aptae instructseque reniigio triginta et duai quinquero- mcs enint et trii*emes quinque. n Lini 5 Ab Gadibiis Carthaginem axl hiberna exercitns ., rediit ; atque inde profectiis praeter Oniisam His vision on the i^^uixi/, «w»i r i waj from Gadea. ur^m ad Hibcrum mantima ora ducit. 6 Ibi fama est in quiete visum ab eo iuvenem divina specie, qui se ab love diceret ducem in Italiam T^an- nibali missum ; proinde sequeretur neque usquam a se ydeflecteret oculos. Pavidum primo, nusquam circum- spicientem aut resiiicientem, secutum ; deinde cura ingenii bumani quuni, quidnam id esset, quod lespi- oere vetitus esset, agitaret anirao, temperare oculis ne- 8 quivisse; turn vidisse post sase serpentem iiiim mag- nitudine cum ingenti arborum ac virgultorum strage 9 ferri, ac post insequi cum fragore caili nimbum. Turn, qu» moles ea quidve prodigii esset, quaerentem audisse, vastitatem Italiae esse; pergeret porro ire nee ultm iiiquireret sineretque fata in occulto esse. 23 Hoc visu Isetus trii>ertito Hiberum copias traiecit, pni'-missis, qni Gallorum aniinos, qua tra- ducendusext'icituserat, donis conciliarent Alpiumque traiisitus s])ecularentur. Nonaginta millia peditum, duodecim millia equitum Hil)erum traduxit. a subduingtiiespiin- Ilergetes inde Bargusiosque et Ausetauos ish^tribcs ou hia ^^ L^^etauiam, quffi subiecta Pyrenseis montibus est, subt^git, oiwque huic omni pnefecit Han- nonem, ut fauces, quae Hispanias Galliis iungunt, in 3 potestate essent. Decern millia peditum Hannoni ad prasidium obtinendse regionis data et mille equites. 4 Postquam per Pyremeum 8altum traduci exercitus est cceptus, rumorque per barbaros manavit certior de bello Romano, tria millia inde Carpetanorum peditum iter avei-terunt. Constabat, uon tarn bello motos quam longinquitate vise inexsuperabilique Alpium transitu. LIBER XXL 25 He crosses the Uibenia, Hannibal, quia revocare aut vi retinere eos anceps 5 erat, ne ceteroinim etiam feroces animi and sending home ' . . , . unwilling contin- iriitarentur, supra septem millia nomi- gents, 6 num domos remisit, quos et ipsos gravari militia sense- rat, Carpetanos quoque ab se dimissos simulans. Inde, ne 24 mora atque otium animos sollicitaret,cum reliquis copiis Pyrenseum transgreditur et ad oppidum ^^^^^^ t^g p^rg. Iliberri castra locat. Galli quanquam "'^®^' » Italia? bellum inferri audiebant, tamen, quia vi subactos trans Pyrenseum Hispanos fama erat praesidiaque valida imposita, metu servitutis ad arma constemati Kusci- nonem aliquot populi conveniunt. Quod ubi Hanni- 3 bali nuntiatum est, moram magis quam bellum metu- ens, oratores ad regulos eorum misit, colloqui semet ipsum cum iis velle; [et] vel illi propius Iliberrim accederent, vel se Ruscinonem processurum, ut ex pro- pinquo congressus facilior esset; nam et accepturuni 4 eos in castra sua se laetum nee cunctanter and explains away . . the fears of Gallic se ipsum ad eos venturum ; hospitem enim tribes, se Galliae, non hostera advenisse, nee stricturum ante gladium, si per Gallos liceat, quam in Italiam venisset. Et per nuntios quidem haec ; ut vero reguli Gallorum 5 castris ad Iliberrim extemplo metis hand gravanter ad Poenum venerunt, capti donis cum bona pace exerci- tum per fines sues praeter Ruscinonem oppidum trans- miserunt. In Italiam interim nihil ultra, quam Hiberum 25 transisse Hannibalem, a Massiliensium _,, ^ ., „. , ' The outbreak m legatis Romam perlatum erat, quum, per- ^^Ij^d by^'the inde ac si Alpes iam transisset, Boii solli- piaSiaScre- ^ citatis Insubribus d(^fecerunt, nee tam ob '"""*" veteres in populum Romanum iras, quam quod nuper 26 LlVll LIBER XXL '11 circa Piulum Placcntiam CreEionariique colonias in 3 agi-um Gallicuni deductas a^gre patiebantur. Itaqiie arniiB repente arreptis, in eum ipsum agrum irnpetu facto, taiitum terroris ac tumultua fecerunt, ut non agrestia modo inultitudo, sed ipsi triumviri Koniani, qui ad agrum venerant aasignandum, diffisi Pliicentiaa iiioiiiibus Mutinam coiifugerint, C. Lutatiua, C. Ser- 4 villus, M. Aiinius. Lutatii uomen huucl dubiuui est; pro Ainiio Servilioque M'. Acilium et 0. Hereii- nium liabent cjuidam auiiaks, alii P. Curnelium Asi- s nam et C. Papiriuoi Ma.souem. Id quoqu(i diibium est, legati ad expostulaiiduin misai ad Boios violati sint, an in triumviros agrum metantes iiii|>etus sit 6 factus. Mutinifi quum obaiderentur et geiis ad oppug- nandarum urbium artes rudis, pigeniuia tiadem ad militaiia opera, segnis intactis assideret uiuria, aimu- 1 lari cceptum do pace agi ; avocatique ab Gallorum priucipibua legati ad eollotiuiuiii nou contra ius modo gentium, aed violata etiam, quai data in id tempus erat, fide comprehenduntur, negantibua Gallia, nisi s obsidea aibi reddcrentiir, eos dimiaauros. Quum liaic do legatia luintiata essent et Mutina praisidiumque in periculo eaaet, L. Maolius pnetor ira accoiisus etfusum 9 agmeii ad Mutinam ducit. Silvai tunc circa viam eraut, plerisquo incultis. Ibi incxpiorato [»rofectua in insidias prajcipitat, multaque cum ca'ile auorum aigio ,o in apertos campos emerait. Ibi castra communita et, quia Gallia ad tentanda ea defuit apes, reiecti aunt militum animi, quanquam ad quirigentoa cecidiaae satis n constabat. Iter deinde de integro cceptum, iiec, dum per paten tia loca ducebatur agmeu, apparuit lioatis; la ubi rursua aiivaj iutratse, turn postremos adorti cum I magna tropidatione ac pavore omnium aeptirigentos milites occideruut, sex signa ademere. Finis et Gailis 13 territandi et pavendi tuit Romariis, ut e saltu iuvio atque impedito evaaere. Inde apertis locis facile tu- tantes agmen Romani Tannetum, vicum propinquum Pado, contendere. Ibi se munimento ad tempus com- 14 meatibusque fluminis et Brixianoinim etiam Gallorum auxilio advereus crescentem in dies multitudinem hostium tutabantur. Qui tu^ultus repens postquam 26 eat Rornam perlatus, et Punicum iusuper Gallico bel- lum auctum patres acceperunt, C. Atilium prietorem 2 cum una legione Romana et quinque milibus sociorum, dilectu novo a consule conscriptis, auxilium ferre Man- lio iubent; qui sine uUo certamine (absccsserant enim metu hostes) Tannetum pervenit. Et P. Cornelius, in locum eius, quic niissa cum 3 praetore erat, scripta legione nova, profec- Sym!'£^ tus ab urbe sexaginta longis navibus u!"ciS u.e Hd*: prajter oram Etruriai Ligurumque et mde bui, Salyum montes pervenit Masailiam, et ad proximum 4 ostium Rhodani (pluribus enim divisua amnis in mare decurrit) castni locat, vixdum satis credent Hauniba- lem auperasse Pyrenaios montes. Qucm ut de Rho- s dani quoque transitu agitare animadvertit, incertus, quonam ei loco occurreret, necdum satis refectis ab iactatione maritima militibus, trecentos interim delec- t08 equites ducibua Massiliensibus et auxiliaribus Gailis ad exploranda omnia visendosque ex tuto hostes pi-ae- mittit Hannibal, ceteris metu aut pretio pacatis, iam 6 in Volcarum pervenerat agrum, gentis validae. Colunt autem circa utramque ripam Rhodani; sed difiiai, cite- riore agro arceri Pcenum posae, ut flume;i pro muni- >>■■■., T J..;.. X/F// /;7^^7i^ XXT. 29 1i mento haberent, omnibus ferme suis trans Rboflanum traiectis ulteriorera ripam amnis arniis obtinebant. 7 Ceteros accolas flumiuis Hannibal et eorum ipsoruni, quos sedes suae tenuerant, siraul pellicit donis ad naves andiqne contrahendas fabiicandasque, simul et ipsi traiici exercitum levarique quam primum regionem 3 Muara tanta bominum urgente turba cupiebant. Itaque ingens coacta vis navium est lintriunique teniere ad vicinalein usum |>:in»tnnjini ; novasque alias priniiim 9 Galii inchoantes cavabant ex singulis arboribus, deinde et ipsi milites, simul copia materiie, siniul facilitate opens inducti, alveoa informes, nihil, dummodo innare aquae et capere onera possent, curantes, raptini, quibua 27 who fortes tiie se suaque transvelierent, facicbant. Tarn- DMsane of tlif .- .. ,. i . •• Rhone \n «i»ite ..f qu© ouinibus satis compamtis ad ti-aii- tho (»[)positiou of . _ - the imtiyea, ciendum, teiTebant ex adverse hostos, a onineni ripara equites virique obtinentes. Quos ut averteret, Hannonem Bomilcaris filium vigilia prima noctis cum parte copiarum, maxime Hispanis, adverse 1 fiuniine ire iter unius diei iubet et, ubi primum pos- sit, quam occultisiiime traiecto amni, circumducere agmen, ut, quum opus facto sit, adoriatur ab tergo 4 hostem. Ad id dati duce» Galli edocent, inde millia quinque et viginti ferme supra parvse insulaj circum- fusmn amnem latiore, ubi dividebatur, eoque minus 5 alto alveo transitum ostendere. Ibi raptim csesa ma- teria ratesque fabricatae, in quibus equi virique et alia onera traiicereutur. Hispani sine ulla mole, in utrea vestimentis coniectis, ipsi caetiis superpositis incuban- 6 tes flumen tranavere. Et alius exercitus ratibus innctis traiectus, castris prope flumen positis, nocturne itinere atque 0{)eris labore fessus quiete unius diei reficitur, intento duce ad consilium opportune exse- quendum. Postero die profecti ex loco edito fume 7 significant, transisse, et baud procul abesse; quod ubi accepit Hannibal, ne tempori deesset, dat signum ad traiiciendum. lam paratas aptatasque babebat pedes d lintres, eques fere propter equos naves. Navium agmen ad excipiendum adversi impetum fluminis parte superiore transmittens tranquillitatem infra traiicienti- bus lintribus prsebebat ; equorum pars magna nan tes 9 loris a puppibus trahebantur, prseter eos, quos instra- tos frenatowque, ut extemplo egresso in ripam equiti Usui essent, imposuerant in naves. Galli occursant in 28 ripa cum variis ululatibus cnntuque moris sui, qua- tientes scuta super capita vibrantesque dextris tela, quanquam et ex advei*so terrebat tanta vis navium 2 cum ingenti sono fluminis et clamore vario nautarum militumque, et qui nitebantur perrumpere impetum fluminis et qui ex altera ripa traiicientes suos horta- bantur. lam satis paventes adverse tumultu terril)ilior 3 ab tergo adortus clamor, castris ab Hannone captis. Mox et ipse aderat, ancepsqiie terror circumstabat, et e iiavibus tauta vi armatoi'um in terram evadente et ab torgo improvisa preniente acie. Galli postquam 4 utroque vim facere conati pellebantur, qua jratere visum maxime iter, perrumpunt, trepidique in vices passim suos difl'ugiunt. Hannibal, ceteris copiis per otium traiectis, spernens iam Gallicos tumultus castra lecat. Elepbantorum traiiciendorum varia consilia fuisse 5 credo ; certe variat memoria actae rei. and of the difr r^ . , X* J • 1 1- A- *^"^*y , °^ getting (^uidam consreffatis ad ripam elepnantis the elephants a- f, . . , cross, which is tradunt ferocissimum ex iis imtatum ab variously descrih- ed III our autbon- rectore sue, quum refugientem in aquam t»es. pmpimriii'f'" ii*™'!' 30 LJVJ7 LTBER XXL 31 I I [ii!uit<;iiij sequeretur, traxisse gregem, iit qiiemque ti- Dientem altitudinein destituerit va^um, imi>ctii ipso 6 fluiiiiiiis ill alteram lipam mpiente. Ceterum iiiagis constat, ratibiis traiectos; id lit tutius consilium ante 7 rem foret, ita acta re ad fidem pronius est. Ratem imam ducentos longam pedes, quinquagiuta latiim a terra in amnem porrexerunt, quam, ne secunda aqua deferretur, pluribus validis retinaculis parte superiore ripae religatam pontia in raodum humo iniecta constra- venint, ut beluae audacter velut per solum ingrederen- 8 tur. Altera ratis ajque lata, longa pedes centum, ad tniiiciendum flumen apta, liuic copulata est; turn ele- plumti per stabilem ratera tanquam viam, pi-segredien- tibus feminis, acti ubi in minorem applicatam trans- 9 gressi sunt, extemplo resolutis, quibus leviter annexii erat, vinculis, ab actuariis aliquot iiavibua ad alteram ripam pertrahitur; ita primis expusitis, alii deinde 10 repetiti ac traiecti sunt Nihil sane trepidabant, donee contbienti velut ponte agerentur; primus erat pavor, 11 quuni, soluta ab ceteris rate, in altum raperentur. Ibi urgentes inter se, cedentibus extremis ab aqua, trejji- dationis aliquantum edebant, donee quietem ipse timor 12 circumspectantibus aquam fecisset Excidere etiam saevientes quidam in flumen; sed pondere ipso stabiles, deiectis rectoribus, quaerendis pedetentim vadis in terram evasere. 29 Dum eleplmnti tmiiciuntur, interim Hannibal Nu- .., „ midas equites quingentos ad castra Ro- Mcanwlule there * -i o isasharpencoun- mana misemt spcculatum, ubi et quautae tcr between »omc * tt • i copiaj essent et quid pararent. IIuic alse cquitum missi, ut ante dictum est, ab OBtio Khodani trecenti Roinanorum equitea occurrunt. - oivnlry sent out to reconnoitre on olthiir Rids. Prtjelium utrocius {juani pro nuniero j)Ugnantium (vli- tur; nam pi-aeter multa vubiora ca3dcs etiam prope par 3 utrinque fuit, fugaque et pavor Numidarum Romanis iam admodum fessis victoriam dedit. Victores ad centum sexaginta, nee omnes Romani, sed pars Gal- lorura, vioti amplius ducenti ceciderunt. Hoc prin- 4 cipium simul omen que belli ut summae rerum prospe- ru 1 eventura, ita baud sane incruentam ancipitisque certaminis victoriam Romanis portendit. Ut re ita gesta ad utrumque ducem sni redierunt, 5 nee Scipioni stare sententia poterat, nisi ut ex consi- liis coeptisque liostis et ipse conatus caperet, et Hanni- 6 l)alem inccrtum, utrum captum in Italiam intenderet it<^r an cum eo, qui primus se obtulisset Rom anus cxercitus, manus consereret, avertit a praesenti certa- ininc Boiorum legatorum regulique Magali adventus, qui se duces itiuerum, socios periculi fore affirmantes, integro bello, nusqiiam ante libatis viribus Italiam aggrediendam censent. Multitudo timebat quidem 7 hostem, nondura oblittei-ata memoria superioris belli, sed magis iter immensum Alpesque, rem fama utiqne inexpei-tis horrendam, metuebat. Itaque Hnnnibai rosoivcs ^^ Hannibal, postquam ipsi sententia stetit Kcipio in°iiirrea"n . T. T . 1 Heencouraijesliis pergere ire atque Italiam petere, advocata army, contione, varie militum versat animos castigando ad- Jiortandoque : Mirari se, quinam pectora semper im- 2 pavida repens terror invaserit. Per tot annos vincen- tcK cos stipendia facere neque ante Hispania excessisse, quam omnes gentesque et terras, quas duo diversa maiia amplectantur, Carthaginiensium essent. Indig- 3 nalos deinde, quod, quicumque Saguntum obsedissent, volut ob noxam sil)! dcdi posiularet populus Romanus, $2 Lirii LIBER XXI. 33 * I i I if Hibenun traiecisse ad delendum nomen Komanorum « liberaudumque orbem terramm. Turn nemiiii visum id longiiDi, quum ab occasu soils ad exortus intende- 5 rent iter; nunc, posfcquam nmlto maiorem i.artem iti- neris emensam ceraant, Pyrenffium saltum inter fero- cissimas gentes superatum, Rbodaoum, tantum amnem, tot millibus Gallorum prohibentibus, domita etiam ipsius fluminis vi, traiectum, in conspectu Alpes ha- 6 beant, quanim altenim latus Italise sit, in ipsis portis bostium fatigatos subsistere, quid Alpes aliud esse 7 credentes quam moutium altitudines 1 Fingerent altiores Pjreniei iugis; nuUas profecto terras caelum contingere nee inexsuperabiles humano generi esse. Alpes quidem liabitari, coli, gignere atque alere ani- 8 mantes ; pervias fauces esse exercitibu.s. Eos ipsos, quos ceniant, legates non pinnis sublime elatos Alpes transgressos. Ne maiorcs quidem eorum indigenas. Bed advenas Italiae cultores has ipsas Alpes ingentibus ssepe agminibus cum liberis ac coniugibus, migrantium 9 mode, tuto transmisisse. Militi quidem armato, nihil secum praeter uistrumenta belli portanti, quid invium aut inexsuperabile esse? Saguntum ut caperetur, quid per octo menses periculi, quid laboris exhanstum essel lo Romam, caput orbis terramm, petentibus quicquam adeo asperum atque arduum videri, quod inceptum „ moretur 1 Cepisse quondam Gallos ea, quse adiri posse Pcenufl desperet; proinde aut cederent animo atque virtnte genti per eos dies toties ab se victce, aut itineris finem sperent campum interiacentem Tiberi ac moeni- bus Romanis. 31 His adhortatioiiibus incitatos corpora curai*e atque t ad iter se pararc iubet. Postero die profectus adversa npa Rhodani mediterranea Galliaj petit, non quia rectior ad Alpes via esset, sed, quantum a ' ^ and marches up man recessisset, minus obvium fore Ro- S'^® ^^^^"e to tue Insula, where he maiium credens, cum quo, i)riusquam in JjHj* P'^ft in a ^ Italiam ventum foret, non erat in animo "*^ Aiiobroges. manus conserere. Quartis castris ad Insulam pervenit. 4 Ibi Isara Rhodanusque amues diversis ex Alpibus de- currentes, agri aliquantum amplexi confluunt in uuum; mediis campis Insulae nomen inditum. Incolunt prope s AUobroges, gens iam inde nulla Gallica gente opibus aut fama inferior. Tum discors erat. Regni certamine 6 ambigehant fratres; maior et qui prius imperitarat, Bmncus nomine, minore ab fratre et coetu iuniorum, qui iure minus vi plus poterat, pellebatur. Huius 7 seditionis peropportuna disceptatio quum ad Hanni- balem reiecta esset, arbiter regni factus, quod ea sena- tus principumque sententia fuerat, imperium maiori restituit. Ob id meritum commeatu copiaque rerum s omnium, maxime vestis, est adiutus, quam infames frigoribus Alpes i>ra?paran cogebant. Sedatis Hannibal 9 certaminibus Allobroguni quum iam Alpes peteret, non^ recta regione iter instituit, sed ad la3vam in Tri- castinos flexit ; inde per extremam oram Vocontiorum agri tendit in Tricorios, baud usquam im- He then turns to pedita via, priusquam ad Druentiam flu- 'riicorirttis men pervenit. Is et ipse Alpinus amnis Ikl "^'" '''''''" ,, longe omnium Galliae fluminum difficillinms transitu est;^ nam, quum aqu^ vim vehat ingentem, non tamen navium patiens est, quia nullis coercitus ripis, pluribus « smiul neque iisdem alveis fluens, nova semper vada uovosque gurgites (et ob eadem pediti (|uoque incerta via est), ad Jioc saxa glareosa volvens, nihil stabHe nee M LI VII I la tutum iugiedicnti pi«bet ; et tuin forte imbribus auc- tus ingentem transgredientibus tumultum fecit, quum super cetera trepidatione ipsi sua atque incertis clamor- ibus turbarentur. 32 P. Cornelius consul triduo fere ix>st, quam Hanni- bal a ripa Rhodani movit, quadrate agmiue lii||ilo instead of ' n i- • Crmina Haiini- ad castra hostium venerat, nullam dinii- l sends most of i • i hia army to Spain ^andi morani facturus J ceterum ubi de- ■ under his brother ' cnxm and re- g^j^ muninicnta nec facile se tiintum turns to the North "^'•'~* "*•*"»•*•« of itaijr. pi-segressos assecuturum videt, ad mare ac naves rediit, tutius faciliusque ita descendenti ab Al- 3 pibus Hannibali occursurus. Ne ttimen nuda auxiliis Bomanis Hispania esset, quam provinciam sortitus ei-at, On. Scipionem fratrem cum maxima jmi-te co- 4 piarum adversus Hasdrubalem misit, iion ad tuendos tantummodo veteres socios conciliandosque uovos, sed 5 ©tiam ad pelleudum Hispania Hasdrubalem. Ipse cum admoduin exiguis copiis Geimam repetit eo, qui circa Padum erat exercitus, Italiam dcfensurus. 6 Hannibal ab Druentia campestri maxime itinei-e ad „ „ „ Allies cum bona pace iucolentium ea loca 7 ^ beset with dan- Gallorum ijeiTcnit. Turn, quanquam fama ' ger in the passage ^ » i i thetosUie'Lmu? P^'^^^, qua inoci-ta in mains vero ferri taineers solcnt, iJi-jBCepta res emt, tamen ex pi-o- pinquo visa montium altitudo nivesque cailo prope im- mixtsB, tecta informia imposita rupibus, pecora iumen- taque toriida frigore, homines intonsi et inculti, ani- mjdia inanimaque omnia ngentia gelu, cetem visu 8 quam dictu fcediora, terrorem renovarunt. Erigentibus in primos agmen clivos apparuerunt imminentes tu- mulos insideiltes moutani, qui, si valles occultioi^ insedisseut, cooiti ad pugnam rcpente ingentem fugam LIBJ^It XXI. 35 stragemque dedissent. Hannibal consistere sign a ius- 9 sit; Gallisque ad visenda loca praemissis, postquam comperit, ti*ansitum ea non esse, castra Khobar their way inter confragosa omui t praeniptaque, quam *^"* ^p*^" ^^'^ extentissima potest valle, locat. Turn per eosdem Gallos, it baud sane multum lingua moribusque abhorrentes,quum se immiscuissent colk»quiis montanorum, edoctus, in- terdiu tantum obaideri saltum, nocte in sua quemque dilabi tecta, luce prima subiit tumulos, ut ex aperto atque interdiu vim pei* angustias facturus. Die deinde n simulando aliud, quam quod parabatur, consumpto, quum eodem, quo conBtiterant, loco castra communis- sent, ubi primum degressos tumulis montanos laxa- 12 tasque sensit custodiatB, pluribus ignibus quam pro numero manentium in speciem factis impedimentisque cum equite relictis et maxima parte peditum, ipse cum 13 expeditis, acerrimo quo»Que viro, raptim angustias evadit iisque ipsis tumulis, quos hostes tenuerant, con- sedit. Prima deinde luce castra mota et agmen reli- 33 quum incedere coepit. lam montani signo dato ex a castellis ad stationem solitam conveniebant, quum re- pente conspiciunt alios, arce occupata sua, super caput imminentes, alios via transire bostes. XJtraque simul 3 obiecta res oculis animisque immobiles parumper eos defixit; deinde, ut trepidationem in augustiis suoque ipsum tumultu misceri agmen videre, equis maxime const-ematis, quicquid adiecissent ipsi terroris, satis ad 4 pemiciem fore rati, transversis rupibus per iuxta invia ac devia assueti decurrunt. Tum vero simul ab hosti- 5 bus, simul ab iniquitate locorum Poeni oppuguabantur, plusque inter ipsos, sibi quoque tendente, ut periculo prius evaderet, quam cum hostibus certaminis erat. 3G LIVII I 6 Equi luaxiiue iufestuiii agaien fackbaut, qui ctclamori- bus diesonis, quos neraom etiam i-epercuss^que valles augebant, territi trepidabant, et icti forte aut vulne- rati adeo consteniabautiir, ut 8tn»gera ingeutem simiil 7 hominuin ac sarcinanim omnis generis facerent ; rniil- tosque turba, qiiiim piiucipites deruptajque utrinque aiiffustiaj essent, in imiiiensuin altitudiiiis deiecit, quo&- dam et aimatoa ; sed ruinaj maxime modo iumenta 8 cum oneribuB devolvebantur. Quae quanquam fceda visu erant, stetit parumixn- tanien Hannibal ac suos 9 continuit, ne tumultuni ac trepi< lationem augeret ; de- inde, postquam interrumpi agmen vidit [.ericuluinque esse, ne exutum inipedimentis exercitum nequicquam incohimem traduxisset, decurrit ex superiore loco et, quuni impetu ipso fudisset liosttim, suis quoque tumul- 10 turn auxit. Sed is tumultua momento temporis, post- quam libenitfi itinera fuga montanorum erant, sedatur, nee iMjr otium modo, sed [jrope silentio mox omnes 11 traducti. Castellum inde, quod caput eius regionis erat, viculosque circumiectos capit, et captivo ciho ac pecoribus per triduum exercitum aluit; et, quia nee montanis primo perculsis nee loco magiio opere impe- diebantur, aliquantum eo triduo vise confecit. 34 Perventum inde ad frequentem cultoribus alium, ut inter montanos, populum. Ibi non bello apei-to, sed suis artibus, fraude et . insidiis, est prope circumventus. Magno natu prin- cipes castellorum oratores ad Pcenum veniunt, alienia malis, utili exemplo, doctos memorantes amicitiam 3 malle quam vim experiri Foenorum : itaque obedienter imperata facturos : commeatum itinerisque duces et 4 ad fidem promissonim obsides acciperet. Hannibal LTBER XXJ. .S7 or ambuioulea. nee temer^ credendum nee a.spernandum ratus, ne re- pudiati aperte liostes fierent, benigne quurn respon- disset, obsidibus, quos dabant, acceptis et commeatu, quem in viam ipsi detulerant, usus, nequaquam ut inter pacatos composito agmine duces eorum sequitur. Primum agmen elephanti et equites erant ; ipse post 5 cum robore peditum circumspectans sollicitus omnia incedebat. Ubi in angustioreni viam et parte altera 6 subiectam iugo insuper imminenti ventum est, undique ex insidiis barbari, a fronte, ab tergo coorti, cominus, erainus petunt, saxa ingentia in agmen devolvunt. Maxima ab tergo vis hominum urgebat. In eos versa 7 peditum acies baud dubium fecit, quin, nisi firma|a ex- trema agminis fuissent, ingeiis in eo saltu accipienda chides fuerit. Tunc quoque ad extremum periculi ac g prope pemiciem ventum est ; nam, dum cunctatur Hannibal deraittere agmen in angustias, quia non, ut il)se equitibus prsesidio erat, ita peditibus quicquam ab tergo auxilii reliquerat, occursantes per obliqua mon- 9 tani, intorrupto medio agmine, viam iusedere, noxque una Hannibali sine equitibus atque impedimentis acta est. Postero die, iam segnius intercursantibus bar- 35 baris, iunctje copise, saltusque hand sine clade, maiore tamen iumentorum quam hominum pernicie, supera- tus. Inde montani pauciores iam et latrocinii magis quam belli more concursabant, modo in primum, modo a in novissimum agmen, utcunque aut locus opportuni- tatem daret aut progressi morative aliquam occasionem fecissent. Elephanti sicut per artas prsecipitesgwe vias 3 magna mora agebantur, ita tutum ab hostibus, quacun- que incc^derent, quia insuetis adeundi propius metus erat, ^agnien pi-aibebant. 38 LIYII ^ Nono die in iugum Alpium perventum est per in- ,, .. ^. *, via pleraque et errores, quos aut ducen- reach the top of n^ia. fraus aut, ubi fidcs 118 DOD csset, te- thu pass iuid are ' encouraged by the ^gj.e iiiltsB valles a coniectaiitibus iter thougiit that Italy 5 ia in ^e*. faciebant. Biduum in iugo stativa habita, fessiaque labore ac pugnando quies data militibus ; iu- mentaque aliquot, qiiie prolapsa in nipibus erant, se- eqtiendo vestigia agminis in castra pervenere. Fessis tsedio tot malorum nivis etiam casus, occidente iam 7 sidere Vergiliarum, ingentem terrorem adiecit. Per omnia nive oppleta quum, signis prima luce motis, seg- niter agmen incederet, pigritiaque et desperatio in 8 omnium vultu emineret, prregressus signa Hannibal in promuntorio quodam, unde longe ac late prospectus erat, consistere iussis militibus Italiam ostentat sub- 9 iectosque Alpinis montibusCircumpadanos campos, mce- niaque eos tum transcendere non Italiaj modo, sed etiam urbis Romanae; cetera plana, proclivia fore; uno aut summum altero proelio arcem et caput Italise in manu lo ac potestate habituros. Procedere inde agmen ccepit, iam nihil ne bostibus quidem prseter parva furta per occasionem tentantibus. Ceterum iter multo, quam in ascensu fuerat (ut pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut « brevioraj ita aiTectiora sunt), difficilius fuit ; omnifi isenim ferme via prseceps, angusta, lubrica erat, ut ne- qne sustinere se a lapsMj possent nee, qui paulum titu- bassent, hserere affixi v^igio suo, aliique super alios et iumenta et homines succiderent. 36 Ventura deinde ad multo angustiorem rupem atque The descent is ^** rcctis saxjH, ut ffigre expeditus miles mudi 8tej2>^r^|ajvi tentabuiidus nianibusque retinens virgulta *f'***®'' ac stirpes circa eminentes demittere sese LTBEE XXT. 39 posset. Natnra locus iam ante pneceps recenti lapsu a ten-ae in pedum mille admodum altitudinem abi-uptus erat. Ibi quum velut ad fiuem vise equites especially where 3 . Ml- the track had been constitisseiit, iiuranti Hannibali, qua) res carried away by ' * a landslip and moraretur af^mcn, nuntiatur, rupem in- masses of fce were ° ' ' ^ c()vered with fresh viam esse. Digressus deinde ipse ad lo- ^now. cum visendum. Hand dubia res visa, qnin per invia 4 circa nee trita antea, quam vis longo ambitu, circum- duceret agmen. Ea vero via insuperabilis fuit ; nam 5 quum super vetevem nivem intactam nova modicse alti- tudinis esset, molli nee prjealtse facile pedes ingredien- tium insistebant j ut vero tot hominum iumentorumque 6 incessu dilapsa est, per nudam infra glaciem fluentem- que tabem liquescentis nivis ingrediebantur. Tsetra 7 ibi luctatio erat, [ut a] lubrica glacie non recipiente vestigium et in prono citius pedes fallente, ut, seu manibus in assurgendo seu genu se adiiivissent, ipsis adminiculis prolapsis itenim coiruerent; nee stirj)es circa radicesve, ad quas pede aut nianu quisquam eniti posset, erant ; ita in levi tantum glacie tabidaque uive volutabantur. Iumenta secabant interdum etiam in- 8 fimam ingi*edientia nivem, et prolapsa iactandis gravius in connitendo ungulis penitus perfringebant, ut ple- raque velut pedica capta haererent in dura et alte con- creta glacie. Tandem, nequicquam iumentis atque 37 hominibus fatigatis, castra in iugo posita, ^ . . , ° o a' » A road is cleared aegerrime ad id ipsum loco purgato; tan- ugeoTvin^Said tum nivis fodiendum atque egerendum ^^^' fuit. Inde ad rupem muniendam, per quam unam via 2 esse poterat, milites ducti, quum caedendum esset sax- um, arboribus circa immanibus deiectis detruncatisque stniem ingentem lignorum faciunt, eamque, quum et 40 LIVIl LIBER XXL 41 vis venti apta facicndo igni coorta esset, siiccendimt, 3 ardentiaque saxa infuso aceto i)iitrefaciunt. Ita tor- ridam incendio rupem ferro pandunt molliuntqiie an- fractibus modicisclivos, ut non iumenta solum, sed ele- 4 phanti etiam deduci possent. Quatriduum circa rupem oonsumptiini, iumentis prope fame absumptis ; nuda ^ ^, . enim fere cacumina sunt et, si quid est and they reach ' ^ 5 thi'feadintoti!I2 P^buli, obruunt iiives. Inferiora valles plains. apricos^w« etiam coiles habent rivosquo 6 et prope silvas et iam humauo cultu digniora loca. Ibi iumenta in pabulum missa et qiiies muniendo fessis hominibus data. Triduo inde ad planum descensum, iam et locis mollioribua et accolaiiim ingeniis. 38 Hoc maxime modo in Italiam perventum est, quinto mense a Carthagine Nova, ut quidam auctores sunt, The numbers of ^^^^^ <^ecimo die Alpibus superatis. , iiannibai'a army Qumi^ag copiaj tiansgresso in Italiam Han- nibali fuerint, nequaquam inter auctores constat. Qui plmimum, centum millia peditum, viginti equitum fuisse scribunt ; qui minimum, viginti millia peditum, 3 sex equitum. L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum se ab Hannibale scribit, maxime me auctor moveret, nisi confunderet numenim Gallis Liguribusque adtlitis ; 4 cum his octoginta millia peditum, decem equitum ad- ducta; (in Italia magis affluxisse veri simile est, et 5 ita quidam auctores sunt;) ex ipso autem audisse Han- nibale, postquam Rhodanum transient, triginta sex millia hominum ingentemque numerum equonim et aliorum iumentorum amisisse. Taurini Semigalli prox-. 6 ^^ ^^^ . , ima gens erat in Italiam degresso. Id ""^JmattersofliS? ^1^*"™ inter omnes constet, eo magis mi- ror ambigi, (juauam Alpes transient, et arn pute vulgo credere, Poenino (atque inde nomen ei iugo Al- pium inditum) transgressum, Caelium per Cremonis iu- 7 gum dicere transisse; qui ambo saltus eum non in Taurines, sed per alios montanos ad Libuos Gallos de- duxissent. Nee veri simile est, ea turn ad Galliam 8 patuisse itinera ; utique, quae ad Poeninum ferunt, ob- ssepta gentibus Semigermanis fuissent. Neque bercule 9 montibus his, si quem foi-te id movet, ab transitu Poenorum uUo Seduni Veragri, incolse iugi eius, nomen ferunt inditum, sed ab eo, quem in summo sacratum vertice Poeninum montani appellant. Peroppoi-tune ad principia rerum Taurinis, proximae 39 genti, advei-sus Insubres motum bellum Hannibal rests to erat. Sed armare exercitum Hannibal, ""ecruit his army, ut parti alteri aiixilio esset, in reficiendo maxime sen- tientem contracta ante mala, non poterat ; otium enim" 2 ex labore, copia ex inopia, cultus ex illuvie tabeque squalida et prope efferata corpora varie movebat. Ea 3 P. Comelio consuli causa fuit, quum Pisas navibus veiiisset, exercitu a Manlio Atilioque accepto tirone et in novis ignominiis trepido, ad Padum festinandi, ut cum hoste noudum refecto manus consereret. Sed quum a Placentiam consul venit, iam ex stativis movemt Hannibal Taurinoi-umque unam Tuurini,aniimove8 .1 , , • • • 1 , • to meet Scipio, urbem, caput gentis eius, quia v olentes in amicitiam non veniebant, vi expugnarat : et iunxisset 5 sibi non metu solum, sed etiam voluntate Gallos accolas Padi, ni eos circumspectantes defectionis tempus subito adventu consul oppressisset. Et Hannibal movit ex 6 Taurinis, incertos, quae pars sequenda esset, Gallos prae- sentem secuturos esse ratus. Iam prope in conspectu 7 erant exercitus convenerantque duces sicuti inter se 42 LTVn LIBER XXL 43 snomluin satis noti, ita iam imbntiis iiterque quadam admiratione alterius. Nam Haimibalis et apud Ro- manos iam ante Sagimti excidium celeberrimum no- men erat, et Scipionera Hannibal eo ipso, quod ad- versiis se dux potissimum lectus esset, prsestantem 9 vinim credebat; et auxerant inter se opinionem, Scipio, quod, relictus in Gallia, obvius fuerat in Italiam trans- gresso Hannibali, Hannibal et conatu tam audaci traii- '** who had crossed c»endanim Alpium et effectu. Occupavit camped "bj? tTe *»"iGn Scipio Padum traiicere, et ad Ti- Ticiuua. ciuum amnem motis castris, priusquam educeret in aciem, adhortandorum militum causa talem orationem est exorsus. 40 "Si eum exercitum, milites, educerem in aciem, quern in Gallia mecum habiii, supersedis- Scipio encourages • . -. • i • « . . Ilia soldiers by sem loqui apud vos ; quid enim adhortan ' dwelling on their superiority to the referret aut eos equites, qui equitatum hos- Carthagininns ^ * i w'»o l>a*i i^^^^ tium ad Rhodanum flu men egregie vicis- to fight in Gaul ^ ^ sent, aut eas legiones, cum quibiis fugi- entem hunc ipsnm liostem secutus confessionem ce- dentis ac detrectantis certamen pro victoiia habuil 3 Nunc quia ille exercitus, Hispanise provincije scriptus, ibi cum fratre On. Scipione meis auspiciis rem gerit, ubi eum gerere senatus populusque Romanus voluit, .ego, ut consulem ducem adversus Hannibalem ac Pcnos haberetis, ipse me huic voluntario certamini obtuli, novo imperatori apud novos milites pauca verba J facieuda sunt. Ne genus belli neve hostem ignoretis, cum iis est vobis, mUites, pugnandiun, quos terra man- que priore bello vicistis, a quibus stipendium per viginti annoB exegistis, a quibus capta belli p^mia Siciliam 6 ac Sardiniam habetis. Erit igitur in hoc certamine is vobis illisque animus, qui victoribus et victis esse so- let Nee nunc illi, quia audent, sed quia necesse est, 7 pugnaturi sunt ; nisi creditis, qui exercitu incolumi pugnam detrectavere, eos, duabus partibus peditum equitumque in transitu Alpium amissis, [quum plures paine perierint quam supersint,] plus spei nactos esse. At enim pauci quidem sunt, sed vigentes * • I t and were worn out anmns corporibusque, quorum robora ac by iiardships in , . . „ . . T^„ the Alps, Vires vix sustmere vis una possit. Ef- 9 figies immo, umbrae hominum, fame, frigore, illuvie, squalore enecti, contusi ac debilitati inter saxa ru- pesque ; ad hoc pi-aeusti artus, nive rigentes nervi, membra torrida gelu, quassata fmctaque arma, claudi ac debiles equi. Cum hoc equite, cum hoc pedite pug- 10 naturi estis ; reliquias extremas hostium, non hostem habebitis ; ac nihil magis vereor quam ne, quum vos pugnaveritis, Alpesvicisse Hannibalem videantur. Sed " ita forsitan decuit, cum foederum rnptore duce ac populo deos ipsos sine ulla humana ope committere ac profli- gare bellum, nos, qui secundum deos violati sumus, commissum ac profligatum conficere. Non vereor, ne 41 quis me haec vestH adhortandi causa magnifice loqui existimet, ipsum aliter animo affectum esse. Licuit 2 in Hispaniam, provinciam meam, quo iam profectus eram, cum exercitu ire meo, ubi et fratrem consilii participem ac periculi socium haberem et Hasdruba- lem potius quam Hannibalem hostem gt minorem baud dubie molem belli ; tamen, quum praeterveherer navi- 3 bus Gallise Oram, ad famam huius hostis in terram egressus, pi-aemisso equitatu, ad Rhodanum movi castra. Equestri proelio, qua parte copiarum conserendi ma- 4 num fortuna data est, hostem fudi; peditum agmen, %*■ Livn qiiCKl in modiim fugientium raptim agebatur, (luia as- eequi terra non poteram, regressiis ad naves, quanta maxima potui celeritate, tanto maris terranimque cir- cuitu, in radicibua prop© Alpium huic timendo hosti 5 obviiis fui. Utrum, quum declinaiem certanien, iui- provisus incidisse videor an occurrere in vestigiis eius, 6 lacessere ac trahere ad decernendum 1 Expeiiri iuvat, utnim alios rei)eiite Carthaginicnsus per hSmbirlue^d'rr vigiiiti annos terra ediderit, an iidem aint, tiiepMca ^^^j ^ iEgates pugnaveruiit iusulas et qnos ab Eryce duodeviceuis denariis sestimatos em:- 7 sistis, et utnim Hannibal hie sit aemulus itinerum Her- cnlis, ut ipse ferfc, an vectigalis stipend iariusque et gsei-vus populi Romani a patre relictus. Quern nifii Sagnutinum scelus agitaret, lespiceret profecto, si uoii patnam victam, domum certe patreiiique et fadera Hamilcaris scripta iiianu, qui iussus ab consule nostro praeaidium deduxit ab Eryce, qui graves impositas victis Carthaginiensibus leges fremens mserensque ac- cepit, qui decedere Sicilia, qui stipendium populo Ro- lo mano dare pactus est. Itaque vos ego, milites, nou eo st>luni animo, quo adversus alios hostes soletis, pug- nare velim, sed cum indignatione quadam atque ira, velut si servos videatis vestros arma repente contra ,t vos ferentes. Licuit ad Erycem clauses ultimo sup- plicio bumanorum, fame intei-ticere ; licuit victricem cliissem in Atiicam traiicere atque intra paucos dies sine ullo cei-tamine Carthagineui delere ; wliicb they had . ,„ broken so thank- yeniam dedimus precantibus, emismuis ■* lesaly by their un- '^ • .• r • provoked attack. ^^ obsidionc, pacem cuui victis tecimus, tutelsB deinde nostiie duximus, quum Afiico bello ur- ,3gerentur. Pro bis imi)ertitis furiosum iuvenem se- LTBKR XXI. 45 quentes oppugnatum patriam nostium veniunt. Atque utinam pro decore tantum hoc vobis et non pro salute esset certamen ! Non de possessione Siciliae ac Sar- 14 dini8B, de quibus quondam agebatur, sed pro Italia vobis est pugnandum. Nee est alius ab tergo exer- 15 citus, qui, nisi nos vincimus, hosti obsistat, nee Alpes alisB sunt, quas dum superant, comparari nova pos- sint praesidia; hie est obstandum, milites, velut si ante Romana moenia pugnemus. Unusquisque se non 16 corpus suum, sed coniugem ac liberos parvos armi. protegere putet; uec domesticas solum agitet curas, sed identidem hoc animo reputet, nostras nunc intueri manus senatum populumque Romanum : qualis nostra 17 vis vii'tusque fuerit, talem deinde fortunam illius urbis ac Romani imperii fore." Haec apud Romanos consul. Hannibal rebus prius 42 quam verbis adhortandos milites ratus, circumdato ad spectaculum exercitu, captivos montanos vinctos in medio statuit, amiisque Gal- S^'^'captilS licis ante pedes eorum proiectis, interro- bit' for'u?e''priS gare interpretem iussit, ecquis, si vinculis ° ^^^ ^"^ levaretur armaque et equum victor acciperet, decertare ferro vellet. Quum ad unum omnes ferrum pugnam- , que poscerent et deiecta in id sors esset, se quisque eum optabat, quem for tuna in id certamen legeret, 3 et, ut cuiusque sors exciderat, alacer, inter gratulantes gaudio exsultans, cum sui moris tripudiis arma raptim capiebat. Ubi vero dimicarent, is habitus animorum 4 non inter eiusdem modo condicionis homines erat, sed etiam inter spectantes vulgo, ut non vincentium magis quam bene morientium fortuna laudaretur. Quum sic aliquot spectatis paribus affectos dimi- 43 46 LIYII sisset, contione inde advocata ite apud eos locutus , « Si, quern aniauim in alienae sortis exemplo paulo aiite habuistis, euiidem mox in sestimanda fortuna vestra habueritis, vicimus, milites ', neque SlV'tar'tiTel; enim spectaculum modo illud, sed quae- SfJty SrS vk! dam veluti imago vestrse condicionis erat. 3 *'*'^' Ac nescio, an maioi-a vincula maioresque necessitates vobis quam captivis vestris foi-tuna cir-, 4 cumdederit. Dextra laevaque duo maria claudunt, nullara ne ad efFugium quidem navem habentes ; circa Padus amnis, maior [Padus] ac violentior Rhodano, ab tergo Alpes urgent, vix integrls vobis ac vigentibus 5 ti-ansitae. Hie vincendum aut moriendum, milites, est ubi primum bosti occuiTistis. Et eadem foi-tuna, quae necessitatem pugnandi imposuit, prsemia vobis ea vie- toribus proponit, quibus arapliora homines ne ab diis 6 quidem immortalibus optare solent. Si Siciliam tan- turn ac Sardiniam parentibus nostris ereptas nostra virtut© recuperaturi essemus, satis tarn en ampla pre- tia essent; quicquid Romani tot triumphis partum congestumque possident, id omne vestrum cum ipsis 7 dominis futumm est ; iu banc tam opimam mercedem, 8 agite dum, diis bene iuvantibus aiina capite. Satis adhnc in va^Jtis Lusitani^ Celtiberiaeque montibus pecom consectando nullum emolumentum tot laborura 9 l^ericulorumque vestrorum vidistis ; tempus est lam opulenta vos ac ditia stip^dia faxjere et magna operffi pretia mereri, tantum itineris per tot montes flumina- .o que et tot ai-matas gentes emensos. Hie vobis termi- num labomm fortuna dedit ; hie dignam ^SjajSL"" nieix^edememeritisstipendiisdabit. Nee, « LIBEM XXI. 47 quam magni nominis bellum est, tam difficilem ex- istimaritis victoriam fore ; sa3i)e et contemptus hostis cruentum certamen edidit et incliti popuii regesque perlevi momento victi sunt. Nam dempto hoc uno n fulgore nominis Romani, quid est, cur illi vobis comparandi sint 1 XJt viginti annorum militiam ves- 13 tram cum ilia virtute, cum ilia fortuna ^^ ^,,^^1^ ^ taceam, ab Herculis columnis, ab Oceano SfiYgeLmi 3 terminisque ultimis terrarum per tot fero- *** '^®"^' cissimos Hispania3 et Galliae populos vincentes hue pervenistis ; pugnabitis cum exercitu tirone, hac ipsa 14 aestate caeso, victo, circumsesso a Gallis, ignoto adhuc duci suo ignorautique ducem. An me in prsetorio 15 patris, clarissimi imperatoris, prope natum, certe educ- tum, doniitorem Hispanise Galliaeque, victorem eundem non Alpiuarum modo gentium, sed ipsarum, quod multo maius est, Alpium, cum semestri hoc conferam duce, desertore exercitus sui 1 cui si quis demptis 16 signis Poenos Romauosque hodie ostendat, ignoratu- runi certum habeo, utrius exercitus sit consul. Non 17 ego illud parvj ffistimo, milites, quod nemo est vestruni, cuius non ante oculos ipse saepe militare aliquod edi- derim facinus, cui non idem ego virtutis spectator ac testis notata temporibus locisque refeiTe sua possim decora. Cum laudatis a me millies donatisque, alum- 18 nus i)rius omnium vestrimi quam imperator, procedam in aciem adversus iguotos inter se iguorantesque. Quocunque circumtuli oculos, plena omnia video ani- 44 morum ac roboris, veteranum peditem, genei-osissi- marum gentium equites frenatos infrenatosque, vos a socios fidelissimos fortissimosque, vos, Carthaginiensojs, quum pro patria, turn ob iram iustissimam puguatui-os. 48 LIVTI 3 Inferiiniis bellum infestisque signis descendimua in Italiam, tanto aiulaciiis fortiiisque pugnaturi quara hostis, quanto maior sjtes, maior est ani- , S?fhrmeS,r73 mus iiifereiitis vim quam arcentis. ' Ac- •hirp-itwroiigi. ceiidit pTOterea et stimulat animos dolor, iniuria, indignitas. Ad suppliciura depoposceniut me ducem piimum, deinde vos omnes, qui Saguntum op- pugiiassetis ; deditos ultimis miciatibus affecturi fae- 5 Hint. Crudelissima ac superbissima gens sua omnia suique arbitrii facit ; cum quibus bellum, cum quibus pacem habeamus, se modum imponere aiquum censet Circmscribit includitque no., terminis montium flumi- numque, quos non excedamus, neque eos, quos stiituit, 6 terminos observat. Ne transieris Hiberum ; ne quid rei tibi sit cum Saguntinis. At non ad Hibenim est 7 Saguntum. Nusquam te vestigio moveris. Panim e»t, quod veterrimas provincias meas, Siciliam ac Sardiniam, adimis 1 Ktiam in Hispanias et, d inde- cessero, in A fricam transcendes ? Transcendes autem 1 Transcendisse dico. Duos consules liuius anni, unuiu in Africam, altenmi in Hispaniam miserunt. Nihil usquam nobis relictum est, nisi quod armis vindica- 8 rimua lUis timidis et ignavis esse licet, qui respec- tum habent, quos sua terra, suus ager per tuta ac pacata itinera fugientes accipient: vobis necesse est fortibus viiis esse et, omnibus inter victoriam mor- temve certa desperatione abrnptis, aut vincere aut, si fortuna dubitabit, in proelio potius quara in fuga mor- 9tem oppetere. Si hoc bene fixum omnibus [destina- tum] in animo est, iterum dicam, vicistis; nullum contemptu mm-tis telum ad vincendum homini ab dls immortalibus acrius datum est" fJBER XXL 49 His adhortationibns quum utrinque ad certamen 45 accensi militum animi essent, Romani TheRomansmove ponte Ticinum iungunt, tutandique pon- Jeirfr^tl^^ lianni' tis causa castellum insuper imponunt ; ***** Pcenus, hostibus opere occupatis, Maharbalem cum a ala Numidarum, equitibus quingentis, ad depopu- landos sociorum populi Romani agros mittit ; Gallis 3 parci quam maxime iubet, principumque animos ad defectionem soUicitari. Ponte perfecto traductus Ro- manus exercitus in agrum Insubrium quinque millia passuum ab Ictumulis consedit. Ibi Hannibal castra 4 liabebat ; revocatoque propere Maharbale atque equi- tibus, quum instare certamen cerneret, nihil un- quam satis dictum praemonitumque ad . 1 in who prepares for cohortandos milites ratus, vocatis ad con- ubS^faipJomTsesof tionem certa prsemia pronuntiat, in quo- •^o^ntJ to lua men- rum spem pugnarent : agrum sese daturum esse 5 in Italia, Africa, Hispania, ubi quisque vellet im- munem ipsi, qui accepisset, liberisque; qui pecu- niam quam agrum maluisset, ei se argento satis- facturum ; qui sociorum cives Carthaginienses fieri 6 vellent, potestatem facturum ; qui domos redire mal- lent, daturum se operam, ne cuius suorum popularium mutatam secum fortimam esse vellent. Servis quoquc 7 dominos prosecutis libertatem proponit, binaque pro iis mancipia dominis se redditurum. Eaque ut rata s scirent fore, agnum laBva manu, dextera silicem reti- pens, si falleret, lovem ceterosque precatus decs, ita Be mactarent, quemadmodum ipse agnum mactasset, secundum precationem caput pecudis saxo elisit. Turn 9 vero omnes, velut diis auctoribus in spem suam quis- que acceptis, id mora*, quod nondum pugnarent, ad C. L. 4 50 LTVH potienda sperata rati, prcelium uno animo et voce iina poscunt. 46 A pud Komanos haiulquaquam tanta alacritas erat, Tive Romans dis- supcr Cetera receiitibus etiam territos couraged by the * ,. .. ^ , . . , , 2 oinem prodigiis ] nam et lupus intraverat castra laniatisque obviis ipse intactus evaserat, et examen 3 apum in arbor© prsetorio imminente consederat Qui- bus procuratis, Scipio cum equitatu iaculatoribusque expeditis profectus ad castra hostium ex propinquo copias^g, quantse et cuius generis essent, speculandas, obvius fit Hannibali et ipsi cum equitibus ad ex- 4 ploranda circa loca progresso. Neutri alteros prime cernebant ; densior deinde incessu tot hominum equo- fumque oriens pulvis sigiium propinquantium hostium fuit Consistit utnimque agmen, et ad proBlium sese 5 expediebant Scipio iaculatores et Gallos equites in fronte locat, Romanes socioramque quod roboris fuit, in subsidiis. Hannibal fi-enatos equites in me- 6 dium accipit, comua Numidis firmat Vixdum clamore aublato, iaculatores fugerunt inter subsidia ad secun- dam aciem. Inde equitum certamen erat aliquamdiu anceps ; dein quia turbabant equos pedites intermixti, multis labentibus ex ©quia aut desilientibus, ubi suos premi circumventos vidissent, iam magna ex parte ad pedes pngna venerat, donee Numidae, qui in comibus erant, circumvecti paulum ab tergo se ostenderunt. J Is pavor perculit Romanes, auxitque pavorem con- sulia vulnus periculumque, intercursu turn primu'u 8 are worsted in a pubescentis filii propulsatum. Hie erat to wi^h "iSpro 11 iuvenis, penes quern perfecti huiusce belli wounded, j^^^ ^^ Africanus ob egregiam victoriam yde Hannibale Pasnisque appellatus. Fuga tamen LI BEE XXL 51 jeiiiisa iaculatorum maxiine fuit, quos primos Nnmidre |invaserunt ; alius confertus equitatus consulem in medium acceptum, non armis niodo, sed etiam cor- poribus suis protegens, in castra nusquam trepide ueque effuse cedendo reduxit. Servati consulis decus ^° Caelius ad servum natione Ligurem delegat ; malim equidem de filio verum esse, quod et plures tradidore anctores et fama obtinuit. Hoc primum cum Hannibale proelium fuit ; quo 47 facile apparuit, [et] equitatu meliorem Fffinum esse, et ob id campos patentes, quales sunt j^n^ retire towards inter Padum Alpesque, bello gerendo Pi^centia, Romanis aptos non esse. Itaque proxima nocte, iussis a militibus vasa silentio colligere, castra ab Ticino mota festinatumque ad Padum est, ut ratibus, qui bus iunx- erat flunien, nondum resolutis sine Uimultu atque insectatione hostis copias traiiceret. Prius Placen- 3 tiam pervenere, quam satis sciret Hannibal ab Ticino I»rofectos ; tamen ad sexcentos moratorum in citeiiore ripa Padi, segniter ratem solventes, cepit. Transire pontem non potuit, ut extrema resoluta erant, tota rate in secundam aquam labente. Caelius auctor est, 4 Magonem cum equitatu et Hispanis peditibus flumen extemplo tranasse, ipsum Hannibalem per superiora Padi vada exercitum traduxisse, elepLantis in ordinem ad sustinendum impetum fluminis oppositis. Ea pe- s ritis amnis eius vix lidem fecerint ; nam neque equites armis equisque salvis tantam vim fluminis superasse veri simile est, ut iam Hispanos omnes inflati tra- vexerint utres, et multorum dierum circuitu Padi vada petenda fuerunt, qua exercitus gravis impedi- mentia traduci posset. Potiores apud me auctores 6 4—2 02 LTYIJ LIBEE XXf. 53 mint, qui bidiio vix locum rate iungendo flumini iii- ventum tradunt ; ea cum Magone equitea Hispanoruiji f expeditos prremissos. Dum Hannibal, circa flumejri legationibus Gallorum audicndia moratus, traiicit gnu vios peditum agmen, interim Mago equitesque ab transitu flu minis diei unius itinere Placentiam ad ^ followed by Han- ^^^^ contendunt. Hannibal paucis post "'***'* diebus sex millia a Placentia castra com- munivit, et postero die in conspectu hostium acie di- recta potestatem pugnje fecit. 48 Insequenti nocte caedes in castris Roman is, tumultu tamen quam re maior, ab auxiliaribus Gall is facta est. ' who seeure. by Ad duo millia peditum et ducenti equites, treachery Ih^ ma* ....i i , . •!,• i tt na/iiies at Oas- vigilibus ad portas trucidatis, ad Hanin- lionmos strenirth- balem trausfugiunt ; quos Poenus benigno *n their carait on ... theTretiia. allocutus et spe ingcntium dononim ac- censos in civitates quemque suas ad soUicitandos popu- 3 larium animos dimisit. Scipio csedem earn signum defecfcionis omnium Galloram esse ratus, contactosque eo scelere velut iniecta rabie ad anna ituros, quan- ♦ quam gravis adhuc vulnere erat, tamen quarta vigilia noctis insequenti 8 tacito agmine profectus, ad Trebiam fluvium iam in loca altiora collesque impeditiores equiti 5 castra movet. Minus quam ad Ticinum fefellit; mis- sisque Hannibal primum Numidis, deinde omni equi- tatu, turbasset utique novissimum agmen, ni aviditate prsedae in vacua Romana castra Numidse devertissent. 6 Ibi dum perscrutantes loca omnia castrorum nullo satis digno morae pretio tempus terunt, emissus hostis est de manibus; et quum iam transgresses Trebiam Bomanos metantesque castra conspexissent, paucos 7 moratonim occiderunt citra flumen interceptos. Scipio, 1 I nee vexationem vulneris in via iactati ultra patien-s et coUegam (iam enim et revocatum ex Sicilia audierat) ratus exspectandura, locum qui prope flumen tutissimus stativis est visus, delectum communiit. Nee procul 8 inde Hannibal quum consedisset, quantum victoria equestri elatus, tantum anxius inopia, quae per hostium agros euntem, nusquam prseparatis commeatibus, maior in dies excipiebat, ad Clastidium vicum, quo magnum finimenti numerum congesserant Romani, mittit Ibi 9 quum vim pararent, spes facta proditionis; nee sane raagno pretio, nummis aureis quadringentis, Dasio Brundisino praefecto praesidii corrupto, traditur Han- nibali Clastidium. Id liorreum fuit Pojnis sedentibus ad Trebiam. In captivos ex tradito praesidio, ut fama lo clementiae in principio rerum colligeretur, uiliil saevi- tum est Quum ad Trebiam terrestre constitisset bellimi, in- 49 terim cii-ca Siciliam insulasque iiuminen- ^gauwiuie a Pu- tes et a Sempronio consule et ante ad- sweepThecSwtof ventum eius terra marique res gestae. ^^^^ Viginti quinqueremes cum mille armatis ad depopu- 2 landam oram Italiae a Carthaginiensibus missas ; novem Liparas, octo ad insulam Vulcani tenuerunt, tres in fretum avertit aestus. Ad eas dbnspectas a Messana 3 duodecim naves ab Hierone rege Syracusanorum missae, qui tum forte Messauae erat consulem Romanum op- periens, nullo repugnante captas naves Messanam in portum deduxeriint. Cognitum ex captivis, praeter 4 viginti naves, cuius ipsi classis essent, in Italiam mis- sas, quinque et triginta alias quinqueremes Siciliam petere ad soUicitandos veteres socios ; Lilybaei occu- pandi praecipuam curam esse ; credere, eadem tern- s 54 LIVII pestate, qua ipsi disiecti forent, earn quoqiie clasBem 6 ad jEgates insiilas deiectam. Hsec, sicut audita erant, rex M. ^milio prsetori, cuius Sicilia provincia erat, perscribit, monetque, ut Lilybaeum firmo teneret pne- 7 sidio. Extemplo et a pnetore circa civitates missi legati tribunique, qui suos ad curam custodiae inten- 8 derent, et ante omnia Lilybaeum tfneri apparatu belli, edicto proposito, ut socii navalea decern dierum cocta cibaria ad naves deferrent, ut, ubi signum datum esset, ne quid moram conscendendi faceret, perque omnem Oram, qui ex speculis prospicerent adventantem hostium 9 classem, missis. Itaque, quanquam de industria moiati cursum navium erant Carthaginiensis, ut ante lucem accederent Lilybaium, prsesensum tamen est, quia et luna pemox erat et sublatis armamentis veniebant. 10 Extemplo signum datum e speculis et in oppido ad arma conclamatum est et in naves conscensum ; i)ars militum in muds portarumque stationibus, pai-s in na- 11 vibus erant. Et Cartbaginienses, quia rem fore baud cum imparatis cemebant, usque ad lucem portu se ab- stinuerunt, demendis araiamentis eo tempore aptan- 12 daque ad pugnam classe absumpto. Ubi illuxit, re- cepere classem in altum, ut spatium pugnsB esset exituraque liberum e portu naves hostium haberent. 13 Kec Romani detrectavere pugnam, et memoria circa ea ipsa loca gestarum rerum freti et militum multitu- 50 dine ac virtute. Ubi in altum evecti sunt, Romanus i. muted off uiy- conserere pugnam et ex propinquo vires ^ bnum. conferre velle ; contra eludere Poenus et arte, non vi rem gerere, naviumque quam virorum aut I armorum malle certamen facere. Nam ut sociis na- valibus affatini instruutam classem, ita inopem milite LIBER XXI. m habebant, et, sicubi conserta navis esset, haudquaquam par numems armatorum ex ea pugnabat. Quod ubi 4 animadveraum est, et Romanis multitudo sua auxit animum et i)aucitas illis minuit. Extemplo septem s naves Punicse circumventae ; fugam ceterie ceperunt. Mille et septingenti fuere in navibus captis milites nautseque, in bis tres nobiles Carthaginiensium. Classis e Romana incolumis, una tan turn perforata navi, sed ea quoque ipsa reduce, in portum rediit. Secundum banc pugnarn, nondum gnaris eius, qui ^ Messanae erant, Ti. Sempronius consul The consul Scm- . . pronius receives Messanam venit. Ei fretum intranti pledges of loyai help from kmg rex Hiero classem instructam orna- Hiero, tamque obviam duxit, transgressusque ex regia in g prsetoriam naveni, gratulatus sospitem cum exercitu et navibus advenisse, precatusque prosperum ac felicem in Sicilian! transitum, statum deinde insulse et Car- 9 thaginiensium conata cxposuit, pollicitusque est, quo animo priore bello populum Romanum iuvenis adiu- visset, eo senem adiuturum ; f rumen tum vestiraentaque 10 sese legionibus consulis sociisque navalibus gratis prae- bitumm ; grande periculum Lilybseo maritimisque civi- tatibus esse, et quibusdam volentibus novas res fore. Ob haec consuli nihil cunctandum visum, quin Lily- n baeum classe peteret. Et rex regiaque classis una pro- fectl Navigantes inde, pugnatum ad Lilybaeum fusas- que et captas hostium naves, accepere. A Lilybaeo 51 consul, Hierone cum classe regia dimisso relictoque praBtore ad tuendam Siciliae oram, ipse in insulam Meli- tA.P, qua3 a Carthaginiensibus tenebatur, traiecit. Ad- » venienti Hamilcar Gisgonis filius, praefectus praesidii, cum paulo minus duobus millibus militum oppidumque 5e LIVll cum insula traditur. Inde post paucos dies reditum Lilyb^uni, captivique et a consule et a praetore, prseter 3 insignes nobilitate viros, sub corona venierunt. Post- quam ab ea parte satis tutam Siciliam censebat consul, ad insulas Vulcani, quia fama erat stare ibi Punicam classem, traiecit ; nee quisquam hostium cii-ca eas in- 4 aulas inventus ; nam forte transmisei-ant ad vastandani Italia orara, depopulatoque Viboniensi but is recalled m , i-* haste to the seat of agro, urbem etiam ten*ebant Kepetenti ^ war in Italy wliile & » * t^he^'^crSaSa 'of Siciliam consuli escensio hostium in agrum Carthage. VibouicDsem facta nuntiatur, litterseque ab senatu de transitu in Italiam Hannibalis, et ut primo quoque tempore collegae ferret aux ilium, missai etmduntur. Multis simul anxius curis exercitum ex- templo in naves impositum Ariminum mari supero misit, Sex. Pomponio legato cum viginti quinque longis navibus Viboniensem agmm maritimamque 7 oram Italiie tuendam attribuit M. ^milio piwtori quinquaginta navium classem explevit. Ipse, com- [lositis Siciliie rebus, decern navibus onim Italias legens Ariminum pervenit. Inde cum exercitu suo profectus ad Trebiam flumen collegae coniungitur. 52 lam am bo consules et quicquid Romanarum virium erat, Hannibali oppositum, aut illis copiis defendi He|oin3Scii>ioon posse Romauum imperium aut spem nul- 2 urgent*' to check lam aliam esse, satis declarabat. Tamen the ravages of t i. ^ • t r i Hannibal. cousul alter, equcstri prcelio uno et vul- nere suo fminutus, triilii rem malebat ; recentis animi alter eoque ferocior nullam dilationem patiebatur. 3 Quod inter Ti-ebiam Pad unique agri est, Galli turn incolebant, in duorum prsepotentium i)opuloi*um cer- tamine per ambiguum favorem baud dubie gi-atiam LIBER XXL 57 victorifl spectantes. Id Romani, modo ne quid move- 4 rent, aequo satis, Poenus periniquo animo ferebat, ab Gallis accitura se venisse ad liberandos eos dictitans. Ob earn iram, simul ut prseda militem aleret, duo millia s peditum et mille equites, Numidas plerosque, mixtos qtiosdam et Gallos, populari omnem deinceps agrum usque ad Padi ripas iussit. Egentes ope Galli, quum 6 ad id dubios servassent animos, coacti ab auctoribus iniuriae ad vin dices futures declinant, legatisque ad consules missis, auxilium Romanorum terrae ob nimiam cultorum fidem in Romanes laboranti orant. Cornelio 7 nee causa nee tempus agendas rei placebat, suspectaque ei gens erat quum ob infida miilta facinora, tum, ut alia vetustate obsolevissent, ob recentem Boiorum perfidiam; Sempronius contra continendis in fide sociis 8 maximum vinculum esse primos, qui eguissent ope, defenses censebat. Collega cuuctante, equitatum suum, 9 mille peditum iaculatoribus ferme admixtis, ad defen- dendum Gallicum agi'um trans Trebiam mittit. Sparsos lo et incompositos, ad boc graves praeda plerosque quum ino[»inato invasissent, ingentem terrorem caidemque ac fugam usque ad castra stationesque hostium fecere ; unde multitudine effusa pulsi rursus subsidio suorum projlium restituere. Varia inde pugna sequentes ce- u c^^*que quum ad extremum aequassent certamen, maior tamen hostium cmdes, penes Romanes fama vic- toriae fuit Ceterum nemini omnium maior iustiorque 53 quam ipsi consuli videri ; gaudio efferri, ^^^^.^^^^^ ^y a qua parte copiarum alter consul victus S^,^ro^er- foret, ea se vicisse : restitutes ac refectos ^nJI of * ws'lSi- » militibus animos, uec quemquam esse ^^'^^^ pi-aiter collegam, qui dilatam dimicationem vellet; 58 LI VII LIBER XXI. 59 eiim, animo magis quam corpore segruui, memoria 3 Yulneris acieni ac tela horrere. Sed non esse cum wgro senescendum. Quid enim ultra differri aut teri tempiisl quem tertium consulem, quern alium exer- 4 citum exspectari 1 Castra Carthaginiensium in Italia ao prope in conspectu urbis esse. Non Siciliam ac Sardinian!, victia ademptas, nee cis Hiberum His- paniam peti, sed solo patrio terraque, in qua geniti sforent, pelli Romanos. "Quantum ingemiscant" in- quit "patres nostri, circa moenia Carthaginis bellare soliti, ai videant nos, progeniem suam, duos consules consularesque exercitus, in media Italia paventes intra castra, Poenuni, quod inter Alpes Appenninumque 6 agri sit, su« dicionis fecisse 1" Hsec assidens SBgro coUegse, haec in piietorio prope contionabundus agere. Stimulabat et teuipus propinquum comitiorum, ne in uovos consules bellum differi etur, et occasio in se ununi 7 vertendae gloriae, dum leger collega erat Itaque, ne- quicquam dissentiente Cornelio, parari ad propinquum certamen niilites iubet. Hannibal quum, quid optimum foret liosti, cemeret, and aiiowi him- vix ullam spem habebat, temere atque ?nto a general en- improvide quicquam consules acturos ; 8 nibai. quum alterius ingenium, fama prius, cle- inde i-e cognitum, percitum ac ferox sciret esse, fe- rociusque factum prospero cum prsedatoribus suis cer- tamine crederet, adesse gerend^ rei foitunam baud 9 diffidebat Cuius ne quod praetermitteret tem[)us, sol- licitus intentusque erat, dum tiro hostium miles esset, dum meliorem ex ducibus inutilem vulnus faceret, dum TO Galloi-um animi vigerent, quorum ingentem multitu- dinem sciebat segnius secuturam, quanto longius ab domo traherentur. Quum ob hjec taliaque speraret " propinquum certamen et facere, si cessaretur, cuperet, speculatoresque Galli, ad ea exploranda, quae vellet, tutiores, quia in utrisque castris militabant, paratos pugnae esse Romanos rettulissent, locum insidiis cir- cumspectare Pa3nus coepit. Erat in medio rivus prae- 54 altis utrinque clausus ripis et circa obsitus ^ho had prepared ])alustribus herbis et quibus inculta ferme ^" ambush vestiuntur, virgultis vepribusque. Quem ubi equites quoque tegendo satis latebrosum locum circumvectus ipse oculis perlustravit, "Hie erit locus" Magonifratri ? ait, "quem teneas. Delige centenos viros ex omni pedite atque equite, cum quibus ad me vigilia prima venias ; nunc coi-pora curare tempus est." Ita prae- 3 torium missum. Mox cum delectis Majro aderat. "Ro- bora virorum cerno" inquit Hannibal; "sed uti numero etiam, non animis modo valeatis, singulis vobis novenos ex turmis manipulisque vestri similes eligite. Mago locum monstrabit, quem insideatis; hostem caecum ad has belli artes habetis." Ita ciim 4 mille equitibus Magone, mille peditibus dimisso, Han- nibal prima luce Numidas equites transgresses Trebiam flumen obcquitare iubet hostium portis iaculandoque in stationes elicere ad pugnam hostem, iniecto deinde certamine, codendo sensim citra flumen pertrahere. Haec mandata Numidis ; ceteris ducibus ^„^ ^^p^ ^^ g^,. s peditum equitumque praeceptum, ut pran- ^^ers under cover, dere omnes inherent, armatos deinde instratisque equis signum exspectare. Sempronius ad tumultum Numidarum primum 6 omnem equitatum, ferox ea parte virium, deinde sex millia peditum, postremo omnes copias, a destinato 60 LIVII 7 iam ante consilio avidus certamiiiis, eduxit Erat forte brum» tempus et nivalis dies in locis Alpibus while the iionmnii Appcnninoque interiectis, propinquitate S.«wonenTJ2ii ctiam fluminum ac pallidum praegelidis. 8 8kirmSi"ers,° Ad hoc raptim eductis hominibus at- que equis, non capto ante cibo, non ope ulla ad ar- cendum frigus adhibita, nihil caloris inerat* et quic- quid aurse fluminis appropinquabant, afflabat acrior 9 frigoris vis. Ut vero refugientes Numidas insequen- tes aquam ingressi sunt (et erat pectoribus tenus aucta noctumo imbri), turn utique egressis rigere omnibus corpora, ut vix armorum tenendonun po- tentia essent, et simul lassitudine et, procedente iam 65 die, fame etiam deficere. Hannibalis interim miles, ignibus ante tentoria factis oleoque per manipulos, ut mollirent artus, misso et cibo per otium capto, ubi transgresses flumen hostes niintiatum est, alacer ani- mis corporibusque arma capit atque in aciem procedit. a Baliares locat ante signa ac levem armaturam, octo ferme millia hominum, dein graviorem aimis peditem, quod virium, quod roboris erat; in coruibus circum- fudit decem millia equitum, et ab coinibus in utram- 3 que partem divisos elepliantes statuit Consul effuse sequentes equites, quum ab resistentibus subite Nu- midis incauti exciperentur, signo receptui dato revo- 4 cates circumdedit peditibus. Duodeviginti millia Ro- mana erant, socium nominis Latini viginti, auxilia prffiterea Cenomanorum; ea sola in fide manserat 5 Gallica gens. lis copiis concursum est. Prcelium a Baliaiibus ortum est; quibus quum maiore robore legiones obsisterent, diducta propere in comua levis armatura est, quae res effecit, ut equitatus Romanus LIBER XX /. 61 extemplo urgeretur. Nam quum vix iam per se re- 6 sisterent decem millibus equitum quattuor millia et fessi integris plerisque, obruti sunt insuper velut nube iaculonim a Baliaribus coniecta. Ad hoc elephanti 7 eminentes ab extremis comibiis, equis maxime non visu modo, sed odore insolito territis, fiigam late facie- bant. Pedestris pugaa par animis magis quam viribiis 8 eiut, quas recentes Pcenus, paulo ante curatis corpo- ribus, in prcelium attulerat ; contra ieiima fessaque corpora Romanis et rigentia gelu torpe- tni exhausted hy bant. Restitissent tamen animis, si cum JnKttacice/^on pedite solum foret pugnatum ; sed et "^^^ ^^^^ 9 Baliares, pulso equite, iaculabantur in latera, et ele- phanti iam in mediam peditum aciem sese tulerant, et Mago Numidaeque, simul latebras eonmi improvida praBterlata acies est, exorti ab tergo ingentem tumul- tum ac terrorem fecere. Tamen in tot circumstanti- *o bus malis mansit aliquamdiu immota acies, maxime pi-aeter spem omnium ad versus elephantos. Eos ve- " lites ad id ipsum locati verutis coniectis et avertere et iusecuti aversos sub caudis, qua maxime molli cute vulnera accipiunt, fodiebant. Trepidantesque et prope 56 iam in suos consternates e media acie in extremam ad sinistrum comu adversus Gallos auxiliares agi iussit Hannibal. Ibi extemplo baud dubiam fecere fngam novusquc additus terror Romanis, ut fusa auxilia sua viderunt. Itaque quum iam in orbem ? pugnarent decem millia ferme hominum, they were routed I . , . _ . with great quum alia evadere nequissent, media slaughter. Afronim acie, qua Gallicis auxiliis firmata erat, cum mgenti caede hostium perrupere, et, quum neque in 3 castra reditus esset fluraine interclusis neque prae 62 LIVII LIBEM XXL 63 imbri satis decemere possent, qua suis opem ferrent, 4 Placentiam recto itinere perrexere. Plures deinde in omnes partes emptiones factae ; et qui flumeii petiere, aut gurgitibus absumpti sunt aut inter cunctationem 5 ingrediendi ab hostibus oppressi ; qui passim per agros fuga sparsi erant, vestigia cedentis sequentes agminis Placentiam contendere ; aliis timor liostium audaciam ingrediendi flumen fecit, transgressique in castra per- evenenint Imber nive mixtus et intoleranda vis frigoris et homines multos et iumenta et elephantos 7 prope omnes absumpsit. Finis insequendi hostis Pojnis flumen Trebia fuit, et ita torpentes gelu in castra rediere, ut vix laetitiam victoriae sentirent. 8 Itaque nocte insequenti, quum prsesidium castrorum et quod reliquum sauciorum ex magna i)arte militum erat, ratibua Trebiam traiicereut, aut nihil sensere 9 obstrepente pluvia aut, quia iam moveri nequibant prsB lassitudine ac vulneribus, sentire sese dissimu- The survivors larunt, quietisque Poenis tacito agmino made their way f -^ -r»i to Fiacentia, ab Scipione cousule exercitus Placen- tiam est perductus, inde Pado traiectus Cremo- nam, ne duorum exercituum hibernis una colonia premeretur. 57 Romam tantus terror ex hac clade perlatus est, ut iam ad urbem Romanam crederent infestis sig- nis hostem venturum, nee quicquam spei aut auxilii Sempronius to cssc, quo a portis mcenibusque vim ar- Rome to hold the . i j m* • • j.„ election*. Cerent: lino consule ad licmum victo, alteram ex Sicilia revocatum; duobus consulibus, duo- bus consukribus exercitibus victis, quos alios duces, 3 quas alias legiones esse, quae arcessantur 1 Ita territis Sempronius consul advenit, ingenti periculo per ef- fuses passim ad praedandum hostium equites audacia magis quam consilio aut spe fallendi resistendive, si nou falleret, transgressus. Id quod unum maxime in 4 prsesentia desiderabatur, comitiis consularibus habitis, in hiberna rediit. Creati consules Cn. Servilius et C. Flaminius. Ceterum ne hiberna quidem Romanis quieta erant, 5 vagantibus j)assim Kumidis equitibus et, ut quaeque iis impeditiora erant, Celtiberis Lusitanis- iiannibai scoured que. Omnes igitur uudique clausi com- hiscavaS-y? **** meatus erant, nisi quos Pado naves subveherent. Em- 6 porium prope Placentiam fuit et opere magno mu- nitum et valido firmatum praesidio. Eius castelli expugnandi spe cum equitibus ac levi armatura pro- foetus Hannibal, quum plurimum in , . „ . ^ *■ was beaten off celaiido incepto ad effectum spei habu- from Emporium, isset, nocte adortus non fefellit vigiles. Tantus re- 7 pente clamor est sublatus, ut Placentise quoque audi- retur. Itaque sub lucem cum equitatu consul aderat, iussis quadrate agmiue legionibus sequi. Equestre 8 interim proelium commissum, in quo, quia saucius Hannibal pugna excessit, pavore hostibus iniecto, de- fensum egregie praesidium est. Pauconim inde diemm 9 quiete sumpta et vixdum satis percurato vulnere, ad Victumvias oppugnandas ire pergit. Id emporium 10 Romanis Gallico bello fuerat ; munitum but forced vic- inde locum frequentaverant accolse mixti dJ^1fte*r Sing undique ex finitimis populis, et turn ter- habuL^ "' '"" ror populationum eo plerosque ex agris compulerat. Huius generis multitude, fama impigre defensi ad n Placentiam praesidii accensa, armis arreptis obviain HannibaU procedit. Magis agmina quam acies in la 64 LJVII LIBER XXI. 65 I via concurrenint, et qunm ex altera pai-te nihil pra- ter inconditam turbam esset, in altera et dux railiti et duci miles fidens, ad triginta quinque millia homi- 13 niim a paiicis fiisa. Postero die deditione facta pre- sidium intra mcenia accepei-e; iussique arma tradere quum dicto paruissent, signum repente victoribus i4datur, ut tamquam vi captam urbem diriperent, ne- que ulla, quie in tali re memorabilis scribentibus videri solet, pi-getermissa clades est ; adeo omnia libi- dinis cmdelitatisque et inhumanae superbiae editum in miseros exemplum est. Hse fuere hibernse expe- ditiones Hannibalis. 58 Hand longi inde tempom, dum intolerabilia fti 2 He tried to cross gora crant, quies militi data est, et ad the Apennines into . i 1 • • • r „4..,„ « Etruria, but was pnoia ac dubia sigua veris protectus ex stress of weather, hibemis in Etmriani ducit, eam quoque gentem, siciit Gallos Ligiiresque, aut vi aut volun- 3 tate adiuncturus. Transeuntem Appenninum adoo atrox adorta tempestas est, ut Alpium prope fedi- tatem superaverit. Vento mixtus imber quum fer- retur in ipsa ora, primo, quia aut arma ouiit- tenda erant aut contra eniteutes vertice intorti 4 affligebantur, constitere ; dein quum iam spiritum includeret nee reciprocare animam sineret, aversi a 5 vento parumper consedere. Turn vero ingenti sono caelum strepere et inter horrendos fragores micare 6igne8; capti auribus et oculis metu omnes torpcre; tandem effuso imbre, quum eo magis accensa vis venti esset, ipso illo, quo deprensi erant, loco castm ponere 7 necessarium visum est. Id vero laboris velut de in- tegro initium fuit ; nam nee explicare quicquam nee atatuere poterant nee, quod statutum esset, manebat, omnia perscindente vento et rapiente. Et mox aqua 8 levata vento quum super gelida montiura iuga concreta esset, tan turn nivosae grandinis deiecit, ut omnibus omissis procumberent homines, tegiuinibus suis magis obruti quam tecti ; tantaque vis frigoris insecuta est, 9 ut ex ilia miserabili hoininum iumentoi-umque strage quum se quisque extollere ac levare vellet, diu nequi- let, quia torpentibus rigore nervis, vix flectere artus poterant. Deinde, ut tandem agitando sese movere 10 ac recipere animos et raris locis ignis fieri est cceptus, ad alienam opem quisque inops tendere. Biduum eo n loco velut obsessi mansere ; multi homines, multa iuoienta, elephanti quoque ex iis, qui proelio ad Tre- biam facto superfueraut, sei)tem absumpti. Degressus A|)pennino retro ad Placentiam castra 59 luovit, et ad tlecem millia progressus Returning to consedit. Postero die duodecim millia ZThtA an S"' J-, . . , , cisive encountei peditum, quinque equitum adversus hos- with Sempromus, tem ducit ; uec Sempronius consul (iam enim re- a dierat ab Roma) detrectavit certamen, Atque eo die tria millia passuuni inter bina castra fuere ; pos- 3 tero die ingentibus auimis, vario eventu pugnatum est. Primo concursu adeo res Romana superior fuit, ut uon acie vincerent solum, sed pulsos hostes in castra persecpierentur, mox castra quoque oppugnarent. Han- 4 nibal, paucis propugnatoribus in vallo portisque posi- tis, ceteros confertos in media castra recepit, inten- tosque signum ad erumpendum exspectare iubet. Iam 5 nona ferme diei hora erat, quum Romanus, nequic- quam fatigato milite, postquam nulla spes erat potiundi castris, signum receptui dedit. Quod ubi Hannibal 6 accepit laxatamque pugnam et recessum a castris vidit, C. L. 5 66 LJVII LIBER XXL 67 extemplo eqiiitibus dextra laevaque emis«is in bostem, 7 ipse cum peditum robore mediis castm erupit. Pugna raro magis uUa** aiit utri usque partis pemicie clarior fuisset, si extendi earn dies in longum spatium sivisset; & nox acceusum ingentibus animis proelium diremit. Ita- que acrior concursus ftiit quani cjedes, et, sicut Kjquata fenne pugna erat, ita clade pari discessum est. Ab neutra parte sexcentis plus peditibus et dimidium eius 9 equitum cecidit ; sed maior Bomanis quam pro nu- mero iactura fuit, quia equestris oi-dinis aliquot et tri- buni militum quinque et prsefecti sociorum tres sunt lo interfecti. Secundum earn pugnam Hannibal in Li- after which both gures, Sempronius Lucam concessit. Ve- sidea retired to . . . ^. ^^ ., i- • • winter quarteni. uieuti in Ligures Hannibali per insi- dias intercept! duo quaestores Bomani, C. Fulvius et L. Lucretius, cum duobus tribunis militum et quin- que equestris ordinis, senatonim ferme liberis, quo magis ratam fore cum iis pacem societatemque ere- deret, traduntur. 00 Bum bffic in Italia geruntur, Cn. Cornelius Scipio cii sdpio mean- ^^ Hispaniam cum classe et exercitu mis- • ^TtZs'by s"s, quum ab ostio Bhodaui profectus Ml policy. Pyrenaeosque montes circumvectus Em- 3 poriis appulisset classem, exposito ibi exercitu, orsus a L.etams omnem oram usque ad Hiberum flumen par- tim renovandis societatibus, partim novis instituendis 4 Bomanse dicionis fecit Inde conciliata olementise fiuna non ad maritimos modo populos, sed in mediter- raneis quoque ac moutanis ad ferociores iam gentes valuit; nee pax modo apud eos, sed societas etiani armorum parta est, validoeque aliquot auxilioruni co- s hortes ex u& conscriptse sunt. Uannouis cis Hiberum proviucifi crat ; eum reliquerat Hannibal ad regionis eius praesidium. Itaque, priusquam alienarentur om- nia, obviam eundum ratus, castris in conspectu hoa- tium positis, in aciem eduxit. Nee Bomano differen- 6 dum certamen visimi, quippe qui sciret, cum Hannone et Hasdrubale sibi dimicandum esse, malletque ad- versus singulos separatim quam adversus duos simul rem gerere. Nee magni certaminis ea dimicatio fuit. 7 Sex millia hostium caesa, duo capta cum and defeated Han pi-sesidio castrorum; nam et castra ex- no in drawn battle, pugnata sunt, atque ipse dux cum aliquot principibus capiuntur, et Cissis, propinquum castris oppidum, ex- pugnatur. Ceterum praeda oppidi parvi pretii rerum s fuit, supellex barbarica ac vilium mancipiorum ; castra y militem ditavere, non eius modo exercitus, qui victus erat, sed et eius, qui cum Hannibale in Italia milita- bat, omnibus fere caris rebus, ne gravia impedimenta ferentibus essent, citra Pyrenaeum relictis. Priusquam certa huius cladis fama accideret, trans- 61 gressus Hiberum Hasdrubal cum octo Hasdrubai comes millibus peditum, mille equitum, tanquam retires^again aftw ad primiun adventum Bomanorum occur- strSers? surus, postquam perditas res ad Cisaim amissaque castra accepit, iter ad mare convertit. Haud pro- « cul Tarracone classicos milites navalesque socios va- gos jjalantesque per agros, quod ferme fit, ut secundae res negligentiam creent, equite passim dimisso cum magna caede, maiore fuga ad naves compellit j nee diu- 3 tius circa ea loca morari ausus, ne ab Scipione oppri- meretur, trans Hiberum sese recepit. Et Scipio raptim 4 ad famam novorum hostium agmiue acto, quum in paucos prffifectos navium animadvertisset, praesidio 5—2 Livn LTBEJi XXT. 69 I Tarracoiie riioclico relicto, Eraporias cum classe rediit 5 Vixdum digresso eo, Hasdi-ubal aderat, et Ilergctnni ^ *!, l>opulo, qui obsides Scipioni dederat, ad and rousinj? the ^ * ' * * ' iiorgetestorcvoit, defectioncm iinpulso, cum eorum ipsorum iuventute agros fidelium Romanis socionim vastat. 6 Excito deinde Scii)ione hibeniis, toto cis Hibeinim mr- suH cedit agix). Scipio relictam ab auctore detectioni.s Ilergetum gentem quum infesto exercitu invasissetj compulsis omnibus Atanagrum, urbem, quae caput eius 7 populi erat, cii'cumseditj intraque dies paucos, pluribus quam ante obsidibus imperatis, Tlergetes pecunia etiam 8 multatoa in ius dicionemque recepit. Inde in Auseta- but Scipio reduces no8 prope Hibenim, socios et ipsos Pceno- them to iubmis- j*. . v i flioii as well as iiim proccdit, atque urbe eorum ob- thc Ausetani and „....- LaetanL sessa, Lseetauos auxihum tinitimis ferentes nocte, baud procul iam urbe, quum intrare vellent, 9 excepit insidiis. Cfiesa ad duodecim millia ; exuti prope omnes armis domos passim palantes per agros diffugere ; nee obsesaos alia uUa res quam iniqua op- 10 pugnantibus hiems tutabatur. Triginta dies obsidio fuit, per quos raro unquam nix minus quattuor pedes alta iacuit, adeoque pluteos ac vineas Roraanonim operuerat, ut ea sola, ignibus aliquoties coniectis ab 11 lioste, etiam tutamentum fiierit. Postremo quum Amusicus princeps eorum ad Hasdrubalem profugisset, viginti argenti talentis pacti deduntur. Tarmconeni in hibema reditum est. 62 Romse aut circa urbem multa ea hieme prodigia At Rome the nu- facta aut, quod evenire solet motis semel merous portents . ... . . ,. ,. , called for ceremo- in religioncm animis, multa nuntiata niei ri* unusiuU _ ... a Miamoity. et temere credita sunt, in quis, mge- nuum infantem semestrem in foro olitorio trium- phum clamasse, et in foro boario bovem in tertiam j contigiiationom sua sponte escendisse atque inde tu- multu habitatorum territum sese deiecisse, et navium speciem de cselo affulsisse, et sedem Spei, quae est in 4 foro olitorio, fulmine ictam, et Lanuvii hastam se com- movisse et corvum in aedem lunonis devolasse atque in ipso pulvinari consedisse, et in agro Araiternino 5 miiltis locis hominum specie procul Candida veste visos uec cum uUo congresses, et in Piceno lapidibus plu- visse, et Caere sortes extenuatas, et in Gallia lupum vigili gladium ex vagina raptum abstulisse. Ob cetera 6 prodigia libros adire decemviri iussi : quod autem lapi- dibus pluvisset in Piceno, novendiale sacrum edictum et subinde aliis procurandis prope tota ci vitas operata fuit. Nam primum omnium urbs lustrata est bostiae- 7 que maiores, quibus editum est, diis caesae, et donum s ex auri pondo quadraginta Lanuvium lunoni portatum est et signum aeneum matron ae lunoni in Aventino dedicaverunt, et lectisternium Caere, ubi sortes attenu- atJfi ei-ant, imperatum, et supplicatio Fortunae in Al- gido ; Romae quoque et lectisternium iuventuti et 9 supplicatio ad aedem Herculis nominatim, deinde uni- ver«o populo circa omnia pulvinaria indicta, et Genio maiores hostiae caesae quinque, et C. Atilius Serranus 10 prietor vota suscipere iussus, si in decem anuos res publica eodem stetisset statu. Haic procurata votaque n ex libris Sibyllinis magna ex parte levaverant religione animos. Consulum designatorum alter Flaminius, cui eae 53 legiones,ciuaePlaconti8e hibernabant, sorte piaminius the *=* ' consul dosiKnate evenerant, edictum et litteras ad consu- who was ijecuiiar- ' ly obnoxious to lem misit, ut is exercitus idibus Martiis the patricians. 70 LTVTl LTBER XXT. 71 I I 9 Arimini adesaet in oastris. Hie in provincia con siilatum inire consilium erat memori vetenim ccr- taminum cum patribus, quae tribunus plebis et qu® 3 postea consul prius de consuktu, qui abrogabatur, deiu de triumpho habuerat, invisus etiam patribus ob no- vam legem, quam Q. Claudius tribunus plebis advei-so senatuatqueunopatrumadiuvante C.Flaminio tulerat, ne quis senator, cuive senator pater fuisset, maritimam navem, quae plus quam trecentarum amphorarum esset, 4 haberet. Id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris vec- tandos ; quaestus omnis patribus indeconis visus. Res per summam contentionem acta invidiam apud nobili- tatem suasori legis Flaminio, favorem apud plebem 5 left R.)me before alterumque inde consulatum pcDerit Ob lie ftirimUly enter- f i . ^k, "iUepoSeii*^ ^^^ ^^^^' auspiciis ementieudis Utin- irigues. arumque feriarum mora et consularibus aliis imjiedimentis retenturos se in urbe simulato 6itinere piivatus clam in provinciara abiit. Ea res ubi palam facta est, novam insuper iram infestis iam ante patribus movit : non cum senatu mode, sed iam cum diis immortalibus C. Flaminiuni bellum gerere. 7 Consulem ante inauspicato factum revocantibus ex ipsa acie diis atque liominibus non paruisse; nunc con- scientia spretonim et Cai)itolium et .solleninem voto- 8 rum nuncupationem fugisse, ne die initi magistratus lovis optirai maximi templum adiret, ne senatum in- visus ipse et sibi uni iuvisum videret consuleretque, ne Latinas indiceret lovique Latiari sollemne sacrum 9 in monte faceret, ne auspicato profectus in Capitolium ad vota nuncupanda, paludatus inde cum lictoribus in provinciam iret. Lixaj modo sine iusignibus, sine Ectoribus profectum clam, fiirtim, iiaud aliter quam si exilii causa solum vortisset. Magis pro maiestate vi- lo delicet imperii Arimini quam Komae magistratum ini- tunim et in deversorio hospitali quam apud penatc-s suos praetextam sumpturum. Revocan- The indignant se- " dum universi retrahendumque censuerunt ^^ but^'iithSit et cogendum omnibus prius praesentem in deos bominesque fungi officiis, quam ad exercitum et in provinciam iret. In earn legationem (legates " enim mitti placuit) Q. Terentius et M. Antistius pro- fecti nihilo magis eum moverunt, quam priore consu- latu litterae moverant ab senatu missse. Paucos post 13 dies magistratum iniit, immolantique ei vitulus iam ictus e manibus sacrificantium sese quum proripuisset, multos circumstantes cruore respersit ; fuga procul m etiam maior apud ignaros, quid trepidaretur, et con- cursatio fuit. Id a plerisque in omen magni terroris acccptum. Legionibus inde duabus a Sempronio prions 15 aniii consule, duabus a C. Atilio praetore acceptis, in Eti-uriam per Appennini tramites exercitus duci est coeptus. 72 LtVIl LIBER XXII. Iam ver appetebat ; itaqiie Hannibal ex hibei iiis mo- Haniiibai moved ^^^'j ®*' nequicquam ante conatus trans- ti-rouarterswi.ere cenderc Appennmum intolerandis fri^or- lie had been ha- -l a ... ® mss«i bv plots of iDus et cum mgenti periculo moratus ac a metu. Cralh, qiios praedae i>opiilationuni- que conciverat spes, postquam i)ro eo, ut ipsi ex alieno agro raperent agerentque, suas terras sedem belli esse premique utriusque partis exercitiuim hibernis videre, 3 verteriint retro in Hannibalem ab Romanis odia; peti' tusque siepe principum insidiis, i|>sorum inter se fraude, eadem levitate, qua conseuserant, consensum indican- tium, servatus erat, et mutando nunc vestem, nunc tegun.enta capitis, errore etiam sese ab insidiis num- 4 ierat Ceterum hie quoque ei tiuior causa fuit matu- rius movendi ex hibernis. Per idem tempus Cn. Servilius consul Romfe idibus 'mL^^:^?;! ^^'"'^"^ magistratum iniit. Ibi quum ^iS'S'^^of "^^ ^® P"*"***^ rettulisset, redintegrata in Fiatmiiiua. (J. Flaminium invidia est : duos se con- sules creasse, unum habere; quod enim illi iustum 6 imperium, quod auspicium esse ? Magistratus id a domo, publicis privatisque [)enatibus, Latinis feriis actis, sacrificio in monte pei-fecto, votis rite in Capi- 7 tolio nuncuj)atia, secum ferre ; nee privjitum auspicia LJBER XXII. 73 sequi, nee sine auapiciis profectum in extemo ea solo nova atque integra concipere posse. Augebant metum 8 prodigia ex pluribus simul locis nuntiata; in Sicilia militibus aliquot spicula, in Sardinia autem in muio circumeunti vigilias equiti scipionem, and by the repeat- quem manu tenuerat, arsisse, et litora ^^^po'^ents crebris ignibus fiilsisse, et scuta duo sanguine sudasse, 9 et milites quosdam ictos fulminibus, et solis orbem minui visum, et Pneneste ardentes lapides caelo ceci- disse, et Arpis parmas in cajlo visas pugnantemque cum luna soleni, et Capenae duas interdiu luuas ortas, 10 et aquas Caeretes sanguine mixtas fiuxisse foutemque ipsuin Herculis cruentis manasse respersum maculis, et Antii metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas ceci- disse, et Faleriis caelum findi velut magno hiatu visum, n (|ujique patuerit, ingens lumen effulsis.se ; sortes sua sponte attenuatas, unamque excidisse ita scrip tam : " Mavors telum suum concutit," et per idem tempus 12 Roniae signum Martis Appia via ac simulacra luporum sudasse, et Capua3 specieni caeli ardentis fuisse lunaeque inter imbrem cadentis. Inde minoribus etiam dictu ,3 prodigiis fides habita : capras lanatas quibusdani factas, et gallinam in marem, gallum in femi- wiiich were met ,. TT* • . ■ bv groat religious iiaiM sese vertisse. His, sicut erant nun- functions. 14 tiata, expositis auctoribusque in curiam introduc- tis, cousul de religione patres consuluit. Decretum, 15 ut ea prodigia partim maioribus hostiis, partim lac- tentibus procui-arentur, et uti supplicatio per triduum ad omnia puhinaria haberetur ; cetera, quum decem- ,6 v^iri libros inspexissent, ut ita fierent, quemadmodum cordi esse divis e carminibus profarentur. Decemvi- 17 roium monitu decretum est. Tori primum donura fnl- 74 LfVH men aiireiim poiido qiiinquaginta fieret, et Tiinoni Minervffique ex argento dona darentur, et lunoni reginse in Aventino liinonique Sospitae Lauuvii ma- ioribus hostiis sacrificaretur, matronaeque pecimia col- 18 lata, quantum conferre cuique commodum esset, donum lunoni reginse in Aventinum ferrent, lectiaterniumque fieret, et ut libertinie et ipsse, unde Feronise donum daretur, pecuniara pro facultatibus suis confeiTent. 19 HsBC ubi facta, decemviri Ardeje in foro niaioribus hos- tiis sacrificarunt. Postremo Decembri iam mense ad ledem Saturni Rom«e immolatum est, lectistemiuraque imperatum ([et] eum lectum senatores atraverunt) et 20 convivium publicum, ac per urbem Stitumalia diem ac noctem clamata, populusque eum diem festum habere ac servare in perpetuum iussus. 2 Dum consul placandis Roniae dis habendoque di- iiannibai makes lectu dat opcram, Hannibal profectus liis way with Kreat _ ., . . . -rai • • ...^ ^^„ difficulty throiiKh ex hibcmis, quia mm l^laminium con- the marshes of the , . . . • e x Anio, sulem Arretium pervemsse tama erat, a quum aliud longius, ceterum commodius ostende- retur iter, propiorem viam per paludem petit, quo fluvius Amus per eos dies solito magis inundaverat. 3 Hispanos et Afros (id omne veterani erat robur exer- citua) admixtis ipsorum impedimentis, necubi con- sistere coactis necessaria ad usus deessent, primos ire iussit; sequi Gallos, ut id agminis medium esset; no- 4 vissimos ire equites ; Magonem inde cum expeditis Fumidis cogere agmen, maxime Galloa, si tsedio laboris longaequo vise, ut est mollis ad talia gens, dilaberentur 5 aut subsisterent, cohibentem. Primi, qua modo pr«- irent duces, per praealtas fluvii ac profundus voragines, bausti psBne limo imraergentosque se, tamen signa se- LTBKR XXTL 75 quebantur. Galli neque sustinere se prolapsi neq\ie 6 assurgere ex voraginibus poterant, nee aut corpora aiiimia aut animos spe sustinebant, alii fessa sBgre 7 trahentes membra, alii, ubi semel victis tsedio animis procubuissent, inter iumenta et ipsa iacentia passim morientes; maximeque omnium vigilise conficiebant per quatriduum iam et tres noctes toleratse. Quum, 8 omnia obtinentibus aquis, nDiil, ubi in sicco fessa sternerent corpora, inveniri posset, cumulatis in aqua sarcinis insuper incumbebant, aut iumentorum itinere 9 fx)to prostratorum passim acervi tantum, quod exstaret aqua, quserentibus ad quietem parvi temporis neces- sarium cubile dabant. Ipse Hannibal seger oculis ex to verna primum intemperie variante calores frigoraque, olephanto, qui unus superfuerat, quo altius ab aqua exstaret, vectus, vigiliis tamen et nocturno humore u palustrique cajlo gravante caput, et quia medendi nee locus nee tempus erat, altero oculo capitur. Multis hominibus iumentisque fcede amissis quum 3 tandem de paludibus emersisset, ubi pri- and after great , ., , . , loss of men and mum in sicco potuit, castra locat, cer- beasts tumque per pisemissos exploratores habuit, exerci- tum Romanum circa Arretii moenia esse. Consulis 3 deinde consilia atque animum et situm regionum itineraque et cornas ad commeatus expe- , . „ ^ I I marched south- diendos et cetera, quae cognosse in rem SnUis^aSr him erat, surama omnia cum cura inquirendo ^'°™ Arretium, exsequebatur. Regio erat in primis Italiae fertilis, 3 Etrusci campi, qui Faesulas inter Arretiumque iacent, frumenti ac pecoris et omnium copia rerum opulenti ; consul ferox ab consulatu priore et non modo legum 4 aut patrum maiestatis, sed ne deoruni quidem satis 76 Ljvn metuens; hanc insitam ingenio eius temeritatem for- kuna prospero civilibua bellicisque rebus successii alue 5 rat Itaqiie Hatis apparebat, nee deos nee homines consulentem ferociter omnia ac praepropere actunin. ; 6 quoque pronior esset in vitia sua, agitare eiim atque irritare Pcenus parat, et Iseva relicto hoste Ftusulas petens, medio Etrariae agro prsedatum profectus, qiian- tam maximam vastitatem potest, csedibiis incendiisciuo 7 consnli procul ostendit. Flaminius, qui ne quieto qui- dem boste ipse quieturus erat, turn vero, postquam res sociorum ante oculoa prope suos ferri agique vidit, suum id dedecns ratus, per iiiediam iam Italiam vagari who disreganiing P«i^^ a^"« obsistente nullo ad ipsa 8 prudent counsels xiomana mcenia ire oppugnanda, ceteris omnibus in consilio salutaria magis qnam si)ecios:i suadentibus: collegam exspectandum, ut coniunciis exercitibus, communi animo consilioque rem gertieiit, 9 interim equitatu auxiliisque levium armorum ab eflusa pnedandi licentia hostem coliibendum, initus se ex con- silio proripuit, signumque nimul itineris pugnseque 10 qunm jYtopoauiaset, " Immo Arretii ante mcenia sedea- mus" inquit; " hie enim patria et pcnates sunt. Han- nibal emissus e manibua perpopuletur Italiam vastan- doque et urendo omnia ad Eomana mcenia perveniat, nee ante nos hinc moverimus, quam, sicut olim Civ millum ab Veiis, C. Flaminium ab Arretio patres acci- 1, verint." Hsec simul increpans quum ocius signa convelli iuberet et ipse in equum insiluisset, equus repente corruit consulemque lapsum super caput effudit. ,» , , ^, Territis omnibus, qui circa erant, velut " and nnfaTounible ' * «*•««»• fcedo omine incipiendse rei, insuper nun- tiatur, aignum omni vi moliente signifero convelli ne- LTBER XXJL 77 quire. Convcrsus ad nuntium "Nura littora»s quoque" 13 inquit **ab senatu affers, quifi me rem gerere vetent 1 Abi, nuntia, effodiant signum, si ad convellenduni manus i)r8e metu obtorpuerunt." Incedere ^^^^^^^ -^ ,,ot h inde agmen coepit, primoribus, superquain quod dissenserant ab consilio, territis etiam duplici prodigio, milite in vulgus Iseto ferocia ducis, quum spem magis ipsam quam causam spei intueretur. Hannibal, quod agri est inter Cortonam urbem 4 Tnisumennumque lacum, omni clade belli and fails into ti.e ^ trap laid for linn [)ervastjit, quo magis iium hosti ad vm- between^^^ Lake dicaudas sociorum iniurias acuat ; et iam the mountains. 3 pervenerant ad loca nata insidiis, ubi maxime montes Cortouenses Tnusuniennus subit. Via tantum in- terest perangusta, velut ad id ipsuni de industria relicto spatio ; deinde paulo latior patescit campus ; inde colles insurgunt. Ibi castra in aperto locat, 3 ubi ipse cum Afris modo Hispanisque consideret ; Baliares ceteraraque leveni armaturam post montes circumducit ; equites ad ipsas fauces saltus, tumulis apte tegentibus, locat, ut, ubi intrassent Romani, ob- iecto equitatu clausa onmia lacu ac montibus essent. Flaminius quuui pridie solis occasu ad lacum per- 4 venisset, inexplorato postero die vixdum His army sur- ' • rounded on all satis carta luce angustiis sui^eratis, post- sides, and taken o ^ ' * uniiwares, is uiise- quam in patentiorem campum pandi ag- »a''>y destroyed, men coepit, id tantum hostium, quod ex adverse erat, coiispexit ; ab tergo ac super caput deceptse insidiae. Poenus ubi, id quod petierat, clausum lacu 5 ac montibus et circumfusum suis copiis habuit hos- tem, signum omnibus dat simul invadendi. Qui 6 ubi. quacuique proximum fuit, decucurrerunt, eo magis 78 LIVIJ Koniaiiis subita atque impi-ovisa res fiiit, quod orta ex lacu nebula campo quam montibus densior sederat, agminaque hostium ex pluribus coUibus ipsa inter se 7 satis conspecta eoque magis pariter decucurrerant. Ro- mauus clamore prius undique orto, quam satis cerneret, se circumventum esse sensit, et ante in frontem latera- que pugnari coeptum est, quam satis instrueretur acios 5 aut expediri arma stringique gladii possent. Consul, perculsis omnibus, ipse satis, ut in re trepida, impavi- dus turbatos oi-dines, vertente se quoque ad dissonos clanioies, instruit, ut tempus locusque patitur, et qua- cunque adire audirique potest, adhortatur ac stare ac 2 pugnare iubet : nee enim inde votis aut imploratione deum, sed vi ac virtute evadenduni esse ; per medias acies ferro viam fieri et, quo timoris minus sit, eo 3 mmus ferme periculi esse. Ceterum prae strepitu ac tumultu nee consilium nee im])erium accij)i poterat, tantumque abemt, ut sua signa atque ordines et locum noscerent, ut vix ad anna capienda aptandaque pugiite competeret animus, opprimerenturque quidam onerati magis iis quam tecti. Et erat in tanta caligine maior 4 usus aurium quam ocnlorum. Ad gemitus vulnera- torum ictusque corponim aut armomm et mixtos stre- l>entium paventiumqiie clamores circumferebant ora 5 oculosque. Alii fugientes pugnantium globo illati luerebant; alios redeuntes in pugnam avertebat fugien- 6 tium agmen. Deinde, ubi in omnes partes nequicquam impetus capti, et ab lateribus montes ac lacus, a fronte et ab tergo hostium acies claudebat, apparuitque, nul- 1am nisi in dextera ferroque salutis spem esse, turn sibi quiaque dux adbortatorque factus ad rem gerendam 7 et nova de integi-o exorta pugna est, non Dla ordinata LIBER XXII. 79 per jirincipes liastatosque ac triarios, nee ut pro signis aiitcsignani, post signa alia pugnaret acies, nee ut in sua legione miles aut coliorte aut nianipulo esset ; fors 8 conglobabat et animus suus cuique ante aut post pug- nandi ordinem dabat, tantusque fuit ardor animorum, adeo intentus pugnse [animus], ut eum motum terrse, qui niultai-um urbium Italise magnas partes prostravit avertitque cursu rapidos amnes, mare flumiuibus in- vexit, montes lapsu ingenti proruit, nemo pugnantium senserit. Trea ferme horas pugnatum est et ubique atrociter; 6 cu'ca consulem tamen acrior infestiorqiie The consul iiim- T-i i 1 • self falls lighting pugna est. lium et robora vu'oruin seque- bravely to the last, a bantur, et ipse, quacunque in parte premi ac laborare sensemt suos, impigre ferebat opem, insignemque armis et hostes sum ma vi petebant et tuebantur cives, donee 3 Insuber eques (Ducario nomeu erat) facie quoque nos- citans consulem, "J^n" inquit "Incest" popularibus suis, " qui legiones nostras cecidit agrosque et urbem est depopulatus ; iam ego banc victimam nianibus pcr- emptorum foede civium dabo." Subditisque calcaribus 4 equo per confertissimam hostium turbam impetum facit, obtruncatoque prius armigero, qui se infesto venienti obviam obiecerat, consulem lancea transfixit; spoliare cupientem triarii obiectis scutis arcuere. Magnse partis 5 fuga inde primum coepit; et iam nee lacus ,, '=' * r ^ the rest are cut nec montes pavori obstabant ; per omnia down or dispersed, arta prseruptaque velut cseci evadunt, armaque et viri super alium alii prsecipitantur. Pars magna, ubi locus 6 fugse deest, per prima vada paludis in aquam pro- gi'essi, quoad capitibus humeris^ite exstare possunt, sese • imniorguntj fuere, quos inconsultus pavor nando etiam 80 UVTT 7 capessere t'ugam impulerit ; quae ubi immensa ac sine H[>e erat, aut deticientibus animis bauriebanturgurgiti- bua aut neqiiicquam fessi vada retro aegerrime repete- bant, atque ibi ab iugressis aqiiam hostiuni equitibus t passim triicidabantnr. Sex millia ferme primi agminis, per ad versos liostes eruptione impigre facta, ignari omnium, quae post se agerentur, ex saltu evasere, et quuni in tumulo qiiodam coiistitissent, clamorem modu ac sonum armoruiii aiidientes, quae fortuna pugnaj asset, y neque scire nee jierspicere pra? caligine poterant. In- clinata denique re, quum incalescente sole dispulsa nebula apeniisset diem, turn liquida iam luce montes campique perditas res stratamqiie ostendere fcede Ro- io manam aciem. Itaque ne in conspectos procul iinmit- teretur e<|ues, sublatis niptim signis, quam citatissimo '« poterant agmine, sese abripuerunt. Postero die, quum super cettjra extrema fames etiam instaret, lidem dante Maharbale, (lui cum omnibus cqueatribus copiis noctc la consecutus erat, si arma tradidissent, abire cum sin- gulis vestimentis passurum, sese dediderunt ; quae Pu- nica religione servata fides ab Hannibale est, a^ue in vincula omnes coniecti. 7 Haic est nobilis ad Trasumennum pugna atque inter imucas memorata populi Romani clades. Quindecim millia Romanorum in acie cajsa ; decern millia sparsa fuga jier omnem Etruriam diversis itineribus urbeni 3 petiere ; duo millia quingenti hostiura in acie, multi postea [utrinque] ex vulneribus periere. Multiplex csedes utrinque facta traditur abaliis; ego pi-aeterquam 4 quod nihil auctum ex vano velim, quo nimis inclinant ferme scribentium animi, Fabium, aequalem tempori 5 bus liuiusce belli, i)otis8imum auetorem liabui. Hanni- LTBER XXIL 81 bal, captivorum qui Latini norainis essent, sine pi*etio dimissis, Romanis in vincula datis, segregata ex hostium coacervatorum cumulis corpora suorum quum sepeliri iussisset, Flaminii quoque corpus funeris causa magna cum cui-a inquisitum non invenit. Romae ad primum nuutium cladis eius cum ingenti 6 terrore ac tumultu concui-sus in forum The tidings kii ,. , p L -Kir I Rome with grief popull est tactUS. Matroilie vagae per and consternation 7 vias, quae repens clades allata quaeve fortuna exercitus esset, obvios percontantur ; et quum frequentis con- tionis modo turba in comitium et curiam versa magis- tratus vocaret, tandem baud multo ante solis occasum M. Pomponius praetor '* Pugna" inquit "magnavictis sumus." Et quanquam nihil certius ex eo auditum est, tamen alius ab alio impleti rumoribus domos re- ferunt, consulem cum magna parte copiarum caesum j 9 superesse paucos aut fuga passim [)er Etruriam sparsos aut captos ab hoste. Quot casus exercitus victi fuerant, 10 tot in curas dispertiti animi eorum erant, quorum pro- pinqui sub C. Flaminio consule meruerant, ignoran- tium, quae cuiusque suorum fortuna esset; nee quisquam satis certum habet, quid aut speret aut timeat. Postero u ac deinceps aliquot diebus ad portas maior prope mu- lierum quam virorum multitude stetit, aut suorum aliquem aut nuntios de iis opperiens; circumfunde- banturque obviis sciscitantes, neque avelli, utique ab notis, priusquam ordine omnia inquisissent, poteiunt. Inde varies vultus digredientium ab nuntiis cerneres, la ut cuique laeta aut tristia nuntiabantur, gratulantesque aut consolantes redeuntibus domos circumfusos. Femi- narum prsecipue et gaudia insignia erant et luctus. IJnam in ipsa porta sospiti filio repente oblatam in 13 C. L. 6 82 ij I V I J complexu eias exspiriisse feruut ; alteram, cui moi-s filii falso nuntiata erat, msestam sedeiitein domi, ad primum conspectum redeiiiitiH filii gaudio niiiiio ex- 14 auimafcam. Senatuui prae tores jier dies aliquot ab orto usque ad occidenteDi soleni in cuiia retinent, coiisul- tantes, quonam duce aufc quibus copiis resisti victoribus Poenis posset g Priusquara satis certii consilia tissent, repens alia and are followed nuiitiatur clade^s, quattuor niillia equitum further lo"^*' " cum C. Ceiitenio propraitore missa ad col- legam ab Servilio consule in Umbria, quo post piig- nam ad Tnisumenniuu aiulitam averteraut iter, ab 2 Haimibale circum veiita. Eius rei fama varie homines affecit. Pais, occnpatis maiore aegritudine anirais, leveiii ex coraparatiooe |>rioruni diicere receu tern equitum iac- 3 turam ; pjirs non id, quod acciderat, per se 8Bstiiiiaro, s(»d, ut in affecto coqjore quamvis levis causa magis 4 quam in valido gmvior sentiretur, ita turn a'gi-aj et affectaj civitati quodcunque adversi incideret, non reruiii magnitudine, sed viribus extenuatis, quae nihil, quod 5 aggravaret, pati possent, lestimandum esse. Itaque „ , ad remedium iam diu neque desideratum Q. Fablua Maxi- ^ mus is appointed ng^ adhibitum, dictatorem dicendum, civi- dictator to meet tiie criai*. j^^^ confugit ; et quia et consul aberat, a quo uuo dici posse videbatur, nee per occupatam armis Punicis Italiam facile erat aut nuntivim aut litteras mitti, nee dictatorem populo rwm consulto senatns 6 creare poterat, quod nunquam ante earn diem factum erat, dictatorem iiopulus creavit Q. Fabium Maximum 7 ot magistrum equitum M. Minucium Rufum ; hisque negotium ab senatu datum, ut muros turresque uibis firmarent et prsesidia disponerent, quibus locis vide- LIBER XX 11. 83 retur, pontesque resciuderent fluminum : pro iirbe ac penatibus dimicandum esse, quando Italiam tueri ne- cjuisseiit. Hannibal recto itinere [)er Umbriam usque ad Spo- 9 letium venit Inde, quum porpopulato j^^^^^^^, ^^^^^ ^ 2 agro urbem oppugnare adortus esset, cum S!?,oSra"av•^^^^ magna cajde suoiiim repulsus, coniectans ne?ghbouri.oo(/!'is ex uiiius colonisB baud maadmce minime f**^ '^^ ''"'=^"* prospere tentjxtte viribus, quanta moles RomansB urbis esset, in agrum Ficeuiun avertit iter, non copia solum 3 omnis generis frugum abundantem, sed refertum praeda, quam effuse avidi atque egentes rapiebant. Ibi per 4- (lies idiquot stativa habita, refectusque miles hiberiiis itiueribus ac palustri via proelioque magis ad eventum sccuiido quam levi aut facili affectus. Ubi satis quietis 5 datum praeda ac populationibus magis quam otio aut requie gaudentibus, profectus Prsetutianum Hadrian- umqtte agrum, Marsos inde Marrucinosque et Peligiios devastat circaque Arpos et Luceriam proximam Apulise rt!gionem. Cn. Servilius consul, levibus while the consul ^ _!•• r^ 11- /• ,• . -1 Servilius retires to proeliis cum Gains lactis et uno oppido Rome, ignobili expugnato, postquam de collegae exercitusque caede audivit. iam mcenibus patriae metuens, ne abesset in discrimine extreme, ad urbem iter intendit. Q. Fabius Maximus dictator iterum, quo die magis- 7 tratum iniit, vocato senatu, ab diis orsus, Fabius begins with quum edocuisset patres, plus negligentia refigionT"^***° cairimoniarum auspiciorumg'wg qiLam temeiitate atque inscitia peccatum a C. Flaminio consule esse, quaeque piacula irse deum essent ipsos deos consulendos esse, pervicit, ut, quod non ferme decemitur, nisi quum 8 taetra prodigia nuntiata sunt, decemviri libros Sibyl- 6—2 84 LTvrr LIBER XXJ7. 85 lO 9 linoH adire iiiberentur. Qui, inspectis fatalihiis libiis, iiM the sibvuine rettulemnt patribus, quod eius belli causa booki consulted votum Marti foret, id non rite factum de integro atque am pi i us faciundum esse, et lovi Iwdos magiios et aades Veneri Erjcinae ac Menti vo- vendas em% et supi»licationeiii lectisterniumque ha- bendum, et ver sacrum vovendum, si bellatum pros- pere esset resque publica in eodem, quo ante bellum II fuisset, statu permansisset. Seiiatue, quoniam Fabium belli cura occupatura esset, M. -^milium praetorem ex coUegii poutificum sententia, omnia ea ut mature fiant, 10 curare iubet. His senatus consul tis perfectis, L. Cor- nelius Lentulus pontifex maximus, consulente collegium pi«tOTe, omnium primum populum consulendum de vei*e sacro censet: iniussu populi voveri non posse. 'and a. vT ,«,«„« Rogatus in haec verba populus : "Velitis comeit **of' tile iubeatisne hsec sic fieri ? Si res pul)lica *^*''*' populi Roniani Quiritium ad quinquen- niunj |)roxiiiium, niout velim voveamque, salva servata erit hisce duellis, quod duellum populo Romano cum Cartbaginiensi est, quseque duella cum Gal lis sunt, 3 qui cis Alpes sunt, turn donum duit populus Romanus Quiritium, quod ver attulerit ex suillo, ovillo, caprino, bovillo grege, quaeque profana enint, lovi fieri, ex qua 4 die senatus populusque iusserit. Qui faciet, quando volet quaque lege volet, facito ; quo modo faxit, probe s factum esto. Si id moritur, quod fieri oportebit, pro- fanum esto, neque scelus esto. Si quis rumpet occi- detve insciens, ne fraus esto. Si quis clepsit, ne populo 6 soelus esto, neve cui cleptum erit. Si atro die faxit insciens, probe foctum esto. Si nocte sive luce, si jervufi sive liber laxit, probe factum esto. Si antidea, ac senatus populusque iusserit fieri, faxitur, eo populus solutus liber esto." Eiusdem rei causa ludi magni 7 voti aeris trecentis triginta tribus millibus trecentis triginta trihiis triente, praeterea bubus lovi trecentis, multis aliis divis bubus albis atque ceteris hostiis. Vo- 8 tis rite nuncupatis, supplicatio edicta ; , „ ^ ' ^* ' and other soleuin supplicatumque iere cum coniugibus ac "'f^inances. liberis noii urbana multitudo tantum, sed agrestium etiam, quos in aliqua sua foi*tuna publica quoque con- tingebat cura. Turn lectisternium per triduum ha- 9 bitum, dicemviris .sacroruni curantibus. Sex pulvi- naria in conspectu fuennit, lovi ac lunoni unum, alterum Neptuno ac Miner vae, tertium Marti ac Ve- neri, quartum Apollini ac Dianse, quintura Vulcano ac Vestae, sextum Mercurio et Cereri. Tum sedcs votae. Veneri Erycinae aedem Q. Fabius Maximus dictator 10 vovit, quia ita ex fatalibus libris edituni erat, ut is voveret, cuius maximum imperiuni in civitate esset ; Menti aedem T. Otacilius praetor vovit. Ita rebus divinis peractis, tum de bello reque [de] 11 publica dictator rettulit, quibus quotque ho then proceeds legiouibus victori hosti obviam eundum 'o'evy troops esse patres censerent. Decretum, ut ab Cn. Servilio 2 consule exercitum acciperet ; scriberet praeterea ex civibus sociisque, quantum equitum ac peditum vide- retur ; cetera omnia ageret faceretque, ut e re publica duceret. Fabius duas legiones se adiecturum ad Ser- 3 vilianum exercitum dixit. lis per magistrum equitum scriptis Tibur diem ad conveuiendum ^ , . , '- and to give in- edixit Edictoque proposito, ut, quibus JSr^foik'nli? ^ oppida castellaque immunita essent, uti '^e seat of war, comniigiareut in loca tuta, ex agris quoque demi- 8C Ljrij LIBER XXI L 87 fl grarent omnes regiouis cius, qua itunis Hannihal esset, tectis prius incensis ac fi'ugibus corruptis, ne cuius 5 rei copia CFset, ipse via Flaminia profectus obviaiii consuli exercituque, quum ad Tiberiin circa Ocriculuni prospexisset agmen consulemque cum equitibus ad se progiedientem, viatorem misit, qui consuli nuntiaret, 6 ut sine lictoriljus ad dictatorem veniret. Qui quum dicto paruisset, coiigressusque eorum ingctitem speciem dictatursB apud cives sociosque vetustate iam prope oblitos eius imperii fecisset, litterse ab urbe allatae sunt, naves onerarias commeatum ab Ostia in His- [laniam ad exercitum portantes a classe Punica circa 7 portum Cosanum capias esse. Itaque extemplo consul nod to despatch ^^tiam proficisci iussus, navibusque, quae £tTol"iIard^thi ^ urbem Romanam aut Oi'tiae essent, coasts. coiupletis milite ac navalibus sociis, per- 8 sequi faostium classem ac litora Italiae tutaii. Magna vis liominum conscripta Romae erat; libertini etiam, qui bus liberi essent et setas militaris, in verba iura- 9 verant. Ex hoc urbano exercitu, qui minores quinque et triginta annis erant, in naves impositi, alii, ut urbi pnesidercnt, .^licti. 12 Dictator, exercitu consul is accepto a Fulvio Flacco He then marched Icgato, per agrum Sabinum Tibur, quo ifan^bal'i ™y ^^iem ad conveniendum edixerat novis 2 **■ ***** militibuM, venit Inde Prseneste ac trans- versis limitibus in viam Latinam est egressus, unde, itineribus summa cum cui-a exploratis, ad Losteni ducit, nullo loco, nisi quantum necessitas cogei-et, foitunaj 3 se commissums. Quo prinunn die baud procul Arpis in conspectu hostium posuit castra, nulla mora iacta, quin PoBuus educeret in aciem copiamque pugnandi faceret. Sed ubi quieta omnia apud hostes nee castra 4 ullo tumultu mota videt, increpans quidem, victos tandem [quos] Martios animos Romanis, debellatiim- que et concessum propalam de virtute ac gloria esse, in castra rediit ; ceteruni tacita cura animum incessit, 5 quod cum duce haudquaquam Flaminii Semproniique simili futura sibi res esset ac tum demum edocti malis Romani parem Hannibali ducem qusesissent. Et pru- 6 dentiam quidem novi dictatoris extemplo timuit ; con- stantiam hauddum expertus, agitare ac ten tare ani- mum movendo crebro castra populando- j.^^p.^^ .^ ^^^, que in oculis eius agros sociorum coepit, ]^^^^^ \\^7t et modo citato agmine ex conspectu abi- |e?epting "* "ny ^ 1 . 1 1 ■ T a :.« ,^: offer of battle. bat, modo repente m aliquo flexu viae, si excij)ere degressum in sequum posset, occultus subsis- tebat. Fabius per loca alta agmen ducebat, medico 8 ab hoste intervallo, ut neque omitteret eum neque congrederetur. Castris, nisi quantum usus necessarii cogerent, tenebatur miles ; pabulum et ligna nee pauci petebant nee passim ; equitum levisque armaturse sta- 9 tic, composita instructaque in subitos tumultus, et suo militi tuta omnia et infesta effusis hostium popula- toribus prsebebat; neque universo perioulo summa rerum committebatur, et parva momenta levium cer- lo taminum ex tuto captorum, finitimo receptu, assue- faciebant territum pristinis cladibus militem minus iam tandem aut virtutis aut fortunse psenitere suse. Sed « non Hannibalem magis infestum tam sanis consiliis habebat quam magistrum equitum, qui nihil aliud, quam quod impar erat imperio, morse ad rem publi- cani prsecipitandam habebat, ferox rapidusque con- siliis ac lingua immodicus. Primo inter paucos, dein 12 88 LTVII propalam in vulgus pro cunctatore segnem, pro cauto timidiim affingens vicina virtutibus vitia, compellabat, premendoque superiorem, quae pessima ars nimis pros- peris multorum successibus crevit, sese extollebat. 13 Hannibal ex Hirpinis in Samnium transit, Bene- Haaiiibai crossed ventamim depopulatUF agrum, Telesiam lSidtheifceriH.pe ui'^em capit, irritat etiam de industria Capua muv^* in- ducem, si forte accensum tot indignitati- tooampania, y^^^ ^ cladibus 80ciorum detrahere ad • aequum certamen possit Inter multitudinem socionim Italici generis, qui ad Trasumennuni capti ab Han- nibale dimissique fuerant, tres Campani equites erant, multis iam turn illecti donis promissisque Hannibalis 3 ad conciliandos popularium auimos. Hi nuntiantes, si in Campaniam exercitum admovisset, Capuse i>o- tiendie copiani fore, quum res maior quani auctores esset, dubium Hannibalem alternisque fidentem ac diffidentem tamen, ut Campanos ex Samnio peteret, 4 moverunt Monitos etiam atque etiam, ut promissa rebus affirmarent, iussosque cum pluribus et aliquibus sprincipum redire ad se dimisit. Ipse imperat duci, butwasKuidedbj- "* ^^ ^^ agrum Casinatem ducat, edoctus SuS'''ii,suad*'of a peiitis regionum, si eum saltum occu- ^^*^"*"' passet, exitum Romano ad opem feren- 6 dam sociis interclusurum ; sed Punicum abhorrens ab Latinorum nominum pronunticUione os, Caailinum pro Casino dux ut acciperet, fecit, aversusque ab suo iti- nere per Allifanum Callifanumque et Calenum agrum 7 in carapum Stellatem descendit. Ubi quum montibus fluminibusque clausam regionem circumspexisset, voca- 8 turn ducem percontatur, ubi terrarum esset. Quum is Casilini eo die mansurum eum dixisset, turn demum LIBEE XXI J. 89 cognitus est error, et Casinum longe inde alia regione esse ; virgisque caeso duce et act reliquorum terrorem 9 ill crucem sublato, castris communitis, Maharbalem cum equitibus in agrum Falernum praedatum dimisit. Usque ad aquas Sinuessanas populatio ea pervenit. 10 Iiigentem cladem, fugam tamen terroremque latius Numidae fecerunt; nee tamen is terror, quum omnia n bello flagrarent, fide socios dimovit, videlicet quia iusto et moderato regebantur imperio nee abnuebant, quod unum vinculum fidei est, melioribus parere. Ut vero, postquam ad Vulturnum flumen castra 14 sunt posita, exurebatur amcenissimus Ita- „. His ravages of the lise ager vilkeque passim incendiis fuma- "^'' »*^'«r, f^ier- ^ i IT nus excited the bant, per iuga Massici mentis Fabio du- San^^'^soWierl cente, tum prope de integro seditio accen- fhe^Hor^,*Minu.^ sa; quieverant enim per paucos dies, ""'' 2 quia, quum celerius solito ductum agmen esset, festi- nari ad proliibendam populationibus Campaniam cre- diderant. Ut vero in extrema iuga Massici mentis 3 ventum, et hostes sub oculis erant Falerni agri colo- norumque Sinuessae tecta urentes, nee ulla erat mentio pugnse, "Spectatum hue" inquit Minucius, '' ut ad 4 rem fruendam oculis, sociorum caedes et incendia ve- nimus % nee, si nullius alterius nos, ne civium quidem liorum pudet, quos Sinuessam colonos patres nostri miserunt, ut ab Samnite hoste tuta haec ora esset, 5 quam nunc non vicinus Samnis urit, sed Pcenus ad- vena, ab extremis orl)is terrarum terminis nostra cunc- tatioue et socordia iam hue progressus ? Tantum, pro, 6 degeneramus a patribus nostris, ut, prseter quam Oram ilU Punicas vagari classes dedecus esse imperii sui duxerint, eam nunc plenani hostium N'umidarunique w Lfvn LIBER XXI J. 91 ln)^^ fS 7 ac Mauronim km fiictam videamus % Qui modo Sa- guntum oppugnari indignando iion homines tantum, sed foedera et deos ciebamus, scandentem moenia Ro 8 mansD colonise Hannibalem lenti spectamus. Fuiims ex incendiis villarum agrorumque in oculos atqne ora venit; strepiint aiiies clamoribus plorantium sociorum, snepius nostrani quam deonim invocantium opem ; i hie pecorum modo per sestivos saltus deviasque call 9 exercitnm ducimiis. couditi nubibus ailvisque. Si hoc modo peragrando cacumina saltusque M. Furius re- cipere a Gallis urV»em voluisset, quo hie novus Camil- lus, nobis dictator utiicus in rebus affectis quseaitus, ,oItaliam ab Hannibale reeupemre parat, Gallorum Roma esset, quaoi vereor ne, sic cunctantibus nobis, Hannibali ac Pcenis toties servaverint maiores nostri. II Sed vir ac vere Romanus, quo die dietatorem eum ex auctoritate jiatrum iussuqiie populi dictum Veios allatum est, quuni esset satis altum laniculuni, ubi sedens prospeetaret hostem, descendit in sequum atquc illo ipso die media in urbe, qua nunc busta Gallicii sunt, et i)Ostero die citra Gabios cecidit Gallorum ,2 legiones. Quid ? post multos annos quum ad Furculas Caudinas ab 8amnite hoste sub iuguiu missi sumus, utrum tandem L. Papiriua Cursor iuga Samnii pei- lustrando an Luceriani premondo obsidendoque ft laeessendo victorem hostem depulsum ab Rouiaius 13 eervicibus iugum sujierbo Samniti imposuit] Modo C. Lutatio quae alia res quam celeritas victoriam dedit, quod postero die, quaro hostem vidit, elassem gi-avem commeatibus, im[)edit;im suomet ipsam instrumento ,4 atque apparatu, oppressit ? Stultitia est sedendo nut votis debellari credere posse. Anna capias oportet et desceudas in aequum et vir cum viro congrediaris. Audendo atque agendo res Romana crevit, non his segnibus consiliis, quae timidi cauta vocant." Hajc 15 velut contionanti Minucio circurafuudebatur tribu- norum equitumque Romanorura multitude, et ad aures quoque militum dicta ferocia evolvebantur ; ac si militaris suffragii res esset, liaud dubie ferebant, Minueium Fabio duci praelaturos. Fabius paiiter in suos hand minus quam in hostes 15 intentus, prius ab illis invictum animuin pabius guards the prsestat. Quanquam probe scit, non in JfamfibUcani'Ss Lris n.odo suis, sed iam etia;. Rom. ^T^t^^^ infamem suam cunctationem esse, obstinatus tamen tenore eodem consiliorum ajstatis reliquum extraxit, lit Hannibal destitutus ab spe suiiima ope petiti cer- 2 taminis iam hibeniis locum circumspectaret, quia ea regio praesentis erat copiae, non perpetuae, arbusta vineaeque et consita omnia magis amoenis quam ne- cessariis fructibus. Haec per exploi-atores relata Fa- 3 bio. Quum satis sciret, per easdem angustias, quibus intraverat Falernum agrum, rediturum, Calliculam montem et Oasilinum occupat modicis praesidiis, quae 4 iirbs Vulturno flumine dirempta Falernum a Cam- pano agro di vidit ; ipse iugis iisdem exercitum re- ducit, misso exploratinn cum quadringentis equitibus sociorum L. Hostilio Mancino. Qui, ex turba iuve- 5 num audientium saepe ferociter contio- ^^^ j^ggg ^^^^ ^f nantem magistrum equitum, progressus iasimSs'^^f^iian^ primo exploratoris modo, ut ex tuto spe- '^"""' cularetur hostem, ubi vagos passim [)er vicos Ninnidas mdit et per occasionem etiani paucos occidit, extemplo 6 occupatus certamine est animus, excideruntque prae- 92 LIVII LIBER XXIJ. 93 I II cepta dictatoris, qui, quantum tuto posset, progressum prius recipere sese iusserat, quam in conspectum hos- 7 tium veniret. Numidae alii atque alii occursantes refugientesque ad castra prope ipsa cum fatigatione 8 equoram atque hominum pertraxere. Inde Carthalo penea quern summa equestris imperii eni.t, concitatis equis invectus, quum prius, quam ad coniectum teli vouiret, avertisset hostes, quinque ferme millia conti- 9 nenti cursu secutus est fugientes. Mancinus post- quam nee hostem desistere sequi nee spem vidit effu- giendi esse, cohortatus suos in proelium rediit, oimii «o parte virium impar. Itaque ipse et dclecti eqniturn circumventi occiduntur ; ceteri effuso [rursus] cursu Cales primuni, inde prope inviis callibus ad dictiitorem perfugerunt. " Eg forte die Minucius se coniunxerat Fabio, missus He sends to hold ad iirmauduui pi-ajsidio sal turn, qui super the iittss above Tarracina, Tarracinam in artas coactus fauces ini- niinet mari, ne ab Sinuessa Pcenua Appiae liniite per- 12 venire in agrum Romanum posset. Coniunctia exer citibus dictator ac magister equitum castra in viaui deferunt, qua Hannibal ducturus erat; duo inde millia 16 hostes aberant Postero die Poeni, quod viae inter 2 bina castra erat, agmine complevere. Quum Roman! sub ipso constitissent vallo, baud dubie aequiore loco, and occupies the successit tamen Pcenus cum expeditis mountain road . uirough which the cqiutibusQue ad lacessendum hosteiii. enemy means ***/>,.. P«»». Carptim Poeni et procuraando recipieu- 3 doque sese pugnavei-e ; restitit suo loco Roniana acies ; lenta pugna et ex dictatoris magis quam Hannibal is fuit voluntate. Ducenti ab Romanis, octingenti hos- tiuDi cecidere. Inclusus inde videri Hannibal, via ad Casilinum 4 obsessa, quum Ca[)ua et Samnium et tantum ab tergo (iivitum sociorum Romanis commeatus subveberet, Pcenus inter Fomiiana saxa ac Literni arenas stag- naque et per horridas silvas hibernaturus esset ; nee 5 Hannibalem fe fell it, suis se artibus peti. Itaque quum per Casilinum evadere non posset i^eteu- „ * . Hannibal outwits (11(1 uc iiioiites et iuffuni Calliculae super- *''^ 'Romans by a ^ ° ^ stnita|,'em and aiidum essftt, necubi Romanus inclusum pass«'J "'e defiles, vallibus agmen aggrederetur, ludibrium oculorum spe- 6 cie ten-ibile ad frustrandum hostem commentus, prin- cipio noctis furtim succedere ad iiiontes statuit. Fallacis eousilii talis apparatus fuit. Faces undique ex agris 7 collectae fascesque virgaruiii atque aridi sarmenti piseli- gantur cornibus boum, quos domitos indomitosque inultos inter ceteram agrestem praedam agebat. Ad s duo iiiillia ferme boum effecta, Ilasdrubalique negotium datum, ut nocte id armentum accensis coi-iiibus ad niontes ageret, 11 1 ax i me, si posset, super saltus ab hoste insessos. Priinis tenebris silentio mota castra ; 17 boves aliquanto ante signa acti. Ubi ad radices mon- 2 tium viasque angustas ventum est, signum extemplo (latur, ut accensis cornibus arnienta in adversos con- citentur montes ; et metus ipse relucentis flammae ex capite calorque iam ad vivum ad imaque cornuum ad- veniens velut stimulatos furore agebat boves. Quo 3 repente discursu, baud secus quam silvis montibusque accensis, omnia circa virgulta visa ardere, capitumque irrita quassatio excitans flammam hominum passim discurrentium speciem prsebebat. Qui ad transitum 4 saltus insidendum locati erant, ubi in summis monti- bus ac super se quosdam ignes conspexere, circum- 94 /./ vn • ventoa ae esse rati praesidio excessere. Qua miniine ileiLsiJij micabant flammie, veluttutissiinum iter jutentes aumma montiura iuga, taineii in quosdam boves palatos 5 a suiH gregibus iiiciderunt. Et primo quum procul cemerent, veluti flainiiuis spirantium miraculo attoniti 6 constiterunt ; deinde ut liuiuaiia apparuit fraus, turn vero insidias rati esse, cum maiore tumultu concitant se ill fugam. Levi quoque armaturae hostium incur- rere ; ceterum nox avjuato tiinore neutros pugnani in- 7 cipientes ad lucem tenuit. Interea toto agmine Han- nibal tiaducto per saltuni, et quibusdarn in ipso saltu hostium (ippressis, in agro Allifano pcsuit castra. 18 Hunc tumultum sensit Fabius : ceterum et insidias esse ratus et ab noctui-no utitrue ahhoi- iK-iiiK especially fens certamiue, suos muni mentis tenuit. iiKtuntalns. the Luce prima sub iugo moutis pra'liiini fuit, quo interciusiim ab suis levem armaturam facile (etenim nuniero aliquantura prsestabant) Romani su- penissent, nisi Hispanururn cohoi*s ad id ipsum rtMuissa 3 ab Hannibale supervenisset. Ea assuetior montibus et ad concursandum inter saxa rupesque aptior ac levior quum vcloeitate corporum, turn annorum Labitu, cam- jjestrem hostem, gi-avem arrais statariumque, pugnae 4 genere facile elusit. Ita haudquaquam pari certamine digressi, Hispani fere omnes incolumes, Romani ali- quot suis amissis in castra contenderunt. 5 Fabius quoque movit castra, traiisgressusque saltuni itoth armies uiove super Allifas loco alto ac munito consedit. thruueh Saumi- ,^1 o. • t-* j_ 6 um into Apulia, lum i>er Samnium Komam se petere simulans Hannibal usque in Pelignos populabundus rediit ; Fabius medius inter hostium agmen uibemque Komam iugis ducebat, nee absistens nee congrediens. LTBER XX I L 95 Ex Felignis Foenus flexit iter, retroque Apuliam re- 7 petens Gereonium pervenit, urbem metu, quia collapsa minis imrs moenium erat, ab suis desertam ; dictator 8 in Larinate agro castra communiit. Inde andintheabsen.^ sacrorum causa Romam revocatus, non Ss^s^Mt in'com- imperio modo, sed consilio etiam ac prope ^^ precibus agens cum magistro equitum, ut plus consilio 9 quam fortunse confidat et se potius duceni quam Sem- l)r(jnium Flaminiumque imitetur : ne nihil actum cen- seret extracta prope a^state per ludificationem hostis; medicos quoque plus interdum quiete quam movendo jit(iue agendo proHcere; baud parvam rem esae ab toties 10 victore hostt3 vinci desisse et ab continuis cladibus re- Kpirasso, — liaic nequicquamprsemouito magistro equitum Eomani est profectus. Principio ajstatis, qua hsec gerebantur, in Hispania 19 quoque terra marique coeptum bellum est. a Carth.agini.an , r 1 1 1 i . fleet is surprised Hasdrubal ad eum navium numerum, by the Romans in a the moutli of the quern a fratre instructum paratumque ac- Hiberus ceperat, decem adiecit ; quadraginta navium classem 3 Himilconi tradit, atque ita Carthagine profectus naves l)rope terram, exercitum in litore ducebat, paratus confligere, quacunque parte copiarum hostis occurrisset. Cn. Scipio postquam movisse ex hibemis hostem audi- 4 vit, primo idem consilii fuit; deinde minus terra propter ingciiitem famam novorum auxiliorum concurrere ausus, (lelecto milite ad naves imposito, quinque et triginta navium classe ire obviam hosti pergit. Altero ab Tar- 5 racone die ad stationem decem millia passuum dis- tantem ab ostio Hiberi amnis pervenit. Inde duae Massiliensium speculatoriae prsemisssB rettulere, classem Punicam stare in ostio fluminis castraque in ripa posita. 96 LIVTJ 6 Ttaque iit improvidos incautosque universe simul etluso terrore opprimeret, sublatis aiicoris ad hostem vadit. Multas et locis altis positas tiiiTes Hispania habet, quibus et speculis et propugnaculis adversus latrones 7 utuntur. Inde primo conspectis hostium navibus, datum signum Hasdrubali est, tumultusque piius in ten-a et castris quam ad mare et ad naves est ortiis, nondum aut pulsu remorum strepituque alio nautico 8 exaudito aut aperientibus classem promuntoriis, quum repente eques alius super aliuni ab Hasdrubale missus vagos ill litore quietosque iu tentoriis suis, nihil minus quam hostem aut prceliuin eo die exspectuntes, cou- Bcendere naves propere atque arma capere iubet : classem 9 Bomanam iam baud procul portu esse. Haec equites dimissi passim imperabant ; mox Hasdrubal ipse cum omni exercitu aderat, varioque omnia tumultu stre- punt, luentibus in naves simul remigibus miiitibusque, fugientium mag is e terra quam in pugnam euntiuui 10 modo. Vixdum omnes conscenderant, quum alii reso- lutis oris in ancoras evehuntur, alii, ne quid teneat, ancoralia incidunt ; raptimque omnia ac pi-sepropere agendo, militum apparatu nautica ministeria impedi- untur, trepidatioiie nautarum capere et aptare arma 11 miles prohibetur. Et iam Romanus non appropin- quabat modo, sed direxerat etiam in pugnam naves. Itaque non ab hoste et proelio magis Poeni quam suomet ipai tumultu turbati, tentata verius pugna quam inita, la in fugam averterunt classem, et quum adversi amnis OS lato agmini et tam multis simul venientibus baud sane inti-abile esset, in litus passim naves egerunt, atque alii vadis, alii sicco litore excepti, partim armati, par- tim inermes ad instructam per litus aciem suonim per- < rjBEii xxn. 07 fuf'cre; dure tamuii primo concursu captae erantPunicae naves, quattuor suppressse. Romani, quanquam terra 20 hostium erat aimatamque aciem toto prae- and wholly cap- tured or dostroy- tontam [in] litore cernebant, baud cunc- ed. lauter insecuti tiepidam hostium classem naves omnes, (|Uie non aut periVegerant i)roras litoii illisas aut 2 carinas fixerant vadis, religatas puppibus in altum ex- traxere; ad quinque et viginti naves e quadraginta cepere. Neque id pulchenimum eius victorise fuit, sed quod 3 una levi pugna toto eius orse mari potiti The Roman fleet ^ ^ . sweeps the coast erant. Itaque ad Onusam classe profecti ; and ishmds. 4 escensio ab navibus in terram facta. Quum urbem vi 5 cepissent captamque diripuissent, Carthaginem inde petunt, atque oq^nem agrum circa depopulati postremo tecta quoque iniuncta muro portisque incenderunt. Inde iam praeda gravis ad Longimticam pervenit classis, 6 ubi vis magna sparti erat, ad rem nauticam congesta ab Hasdrubale, Quod satis in usum fuit, sublato, ceterum omne incensum est. Nee continentis modo 7 prielecta est ora, sed in Ebusum insulam transmissum. Ibi urbe, quae cai)ut insulae est, biduum nequicquam s suuimo labore oppugnata, ubi in spem irritam frustra teri tempus animadversum est, ad populationem agri 9 versi, direptis aliquot incensisque vicis, maiore quam ex continenti praeda parta quum in naves se recepissent, ex Baliaribus insulis legati pacem petentes ad Scipi- onem venerunt. Inde flexa retro classis reditumque 10 in citeriora provinciae, quo omnium populorum, qui Hiberum accolunt, multorum et ultimae Hispaniaj legati concurrerunt ; sed qui vera dicionis imperiique n Romani facti sint obsidibus datis, populi amplius fueiunt Ill 98 LTYTJ LTBEU XXTI. 09 I i i w la centum viginti. Igitur ten'estribus quoque copiis satis fidens Eomanus usque ad saltum Castulonensem est progressus ; Hasdrubal in Lusitauiam ac propius Ocea- Bum concessit. 21 Quiotum inde fore videbatur reliquum aestatis tem- 3 pus, fiiissetque per l^tjenum hostem ; sed praet^rquam Tiie iierfetes arc ^V^^ ipsonim Hlspanorum inquieta avi- irSrbar**whSe ng*"t?m™H^ I'cgulus fuerat, postquam Romaiii ab saltu recessere ad maritimam oram, concitis popularibus in agrum pacatum socioruni Romauorum 4 ad jiopulandum venemni Adveraus eos tribuni mi- iituni cum expeditis auxiliis a Scipione missi levi certamine, ut tumultuariani manuni^ fudere omnes, occisis quibusdani captisque magnaque parte armis ex- s uta. Hie tanien tumultus cedentem ad Oceanuin Hasdrubalem cis Hiberum ad socios tutandos retraxit. 6 Castra Punica in agro Ilergavonensium, castra Ro- iiiana ad Novam classem erant, quum fama repens 7 alio avertit belluiu. Celtiberi, qui piincipes rcgionis suae legatos miseranl obsidesque dederant Romanis, nuntio misso a Scipione exciti arma capiunt proviii- ciamque Carthaginiensium valido exercitu invadunt. 8 Tria oppida vi expugnant ; iude cum ipso Hasdnibale duobus prceliis egregie pugnant ; ad quindecim millia hostium occidenint, quattuor millia cum multis mili- taribus signis capiunt. 22 Hoc statu rerum in Hispania P. Scipio in provin- i». sdpio as pro- ciam venit, prorogate post consulatum ctinsul joins his ... . . , brother in Spain, impeno ab senatu missus, cum triguita longis navibus et octo millibus militum raaguoquo corameatu advecto. Ea classis ingens agmine onerariar a rum procul visa cum magna laetitia civium sociorum- que i>ortum Tarraconis ex alto tenuit Ibi milite 3 exposito, profectus Scipio fratri se coniungit, ac deinde comiiiuui animo consilioque gerebant bellum. Occu- 4 patis igitur Carthaginiensibus Celtiberico bello, baud cunctanter Hiberum transgrediuntur, nee uUo viso hoste, Saguntum pergunt ire, quod ibi obsides totius Hispanite traditos ab Haunibale faraa erat modico in arce custodiri praesidio. Id unum pignus inclinatos ad 5 Romanara societatem omnium Hispanise populorum animos morabatur, ne sanguine liberum suorum culpa defectionis lueretur. £0 vinculo Hispaniam vir unus 6 sollerti magis quam fideli consilio ex solvit. Abelux erat Sagunti nobilis Ilispanus, fidus ante j^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^f Pu3nis ; turn, qualia plerumque sunt bar- is,n,osaafe4''safSa- barorum ingenia, cum fortuna mutaverat S^IJ'tile Romans ^ . . f ' who set them free. fidem. Ceterum transtugam sine magnae 7 rei proditione venientem ad hostes nihil aliud quam unum vile atque infiime corpus esse i-atus, id agebat, ut quam maximum emolumentum novis sociis esset Circumspectis igitur omnibus, quas fortuna potestatis s eius poterat facere, oljsidibus potissimum tradendis animum adiecit, eam unam rem maxime ratus con- ciliaturam Romanis principum Hispania3 amicitiam. Sed quum iniussu Bostaris praefecti satis sciret nihil 9 obsidum custodes facturos esse, Bostarem ipsum arte aggreditur. Casti-a extra urbem in ipso litore habebat 10 Bostar, ut aditum ea parte intercluderet Romanis. Ibi eum in secretum abductum, velut ignorantem, monet, quo statu sit res : metum continuisse ad eam diem ,1 Hispanorum animos, quia procul Romani abessent ; 7-2 100 fjvri LIBER XXIl. U)l nimc cis Hiberum castra Romaim esse, arccnii tutam perfugiuinque nnvas volentilms res ; itaque, quos me- tus non teneat, beneficio ©t gratia devinciendos esse. 12 Miranti Bostari ptTcontantique, quoduam id subitum 13 tantse rei donuni jwsset esse, **Obsides" iiiquit "in civitates reniitte. Id et privatim parentibus, quorum maximum momentum in civitatibus est suis, et pub- T4 lice ijopulis gi'atum erit. Vult sibi quisque credi, et habita fides ipsam plerumque obligat fidem. Miuis- teiium restituendorum domos obsiduui mihimet de- posco ipse, ut opera quoque impensa consilium adiu- vem meum et rei suapte natura grata?, quantam in- J5 super gmtiam possim, adiiciam." Homini non ad ce- tera Punica ingeiiia callido ut pei-suasit, nocte clau) progi-essuH jid hostium stationes, conventis quibusdam auxiliaribus Hisi)aiiis et ab his ad Scipionem perduc- 16 tus, quid afferret expromit, et fide accepta dataque ac loco et tempore constituto ad obsides tradendos, Sa- guntum ledit. Diem insequentem absumpsit cum »7 Bostare mandatis ad rem agendam accipiendis. Di missus, quum se nocte iturum, ut custodias hostium falleret, constituisset, ad conipositam cuin iis lionim excitatis custodibus puerorum profectus, veluti ignarus 18 in i»ra}paratas sua traude iusidias ducit. In castra Romana perducti ; cetera omnia de reddendis obsidi- bus, sicut cum Bostare constitutum erat, acta per eundum ordinem, quo si Carthaginiensium nomine 19 sic ageretur. Maior aliquanto Komanorum gratia fuit in re pari, quam quanta futura Carthaginiensium fuerat Ilios enim graves superbos^'we in rebus se- cundis expertos fortuna et timor mitigasse videri po- »o t(;rat ; Komanus primo adventu, incognitua ante, ab V I re clemeuti liberalique iuitium fecerat, et Abelux, vir prudens, hand frustra videbatur socios mutasse. Ita- 21 que ingenti consensu defectionem omnes spectire ; armaque extemplo mota forent, ni hiems, qujx3 Ro- manes quoque et Carthaginienses concedere in tecta coegit intervenisset. Haec in Hispania [quoque] secunda aistate Punici 23 belli gesta, quum in Italia paulum inter- y^^^^^^ ^^^^ ,,j^ valli cladibus Romanis soUei-s cunctatio {;^'^J ^^^rU *'ily Fabii fecisset ; quae ut Hannibalem non fie""ramom 'for ^ mediocri sollicitiini cura habebat, tandem ""^'^" prisoners. um militise magistrum delegisse Romanos ceruenteiii, qui belluin ratione, non fortuna gereret, ita contempta 3 cnit inter cives armatos jMiriter togatosque, utique l»ostquam absente eo temeritate magistri equituni Iseto verius dixerim quam prospero eventu pugnatuin fue- rat. Accesserant duio res ad augendaui invidiam die- 4 tatoris, una fraude ac dolo Hannibalis, quod, quum a perfugis ei monstratus ager dictatoris esset, omnibus circa solo sequatis ab uno eo ferrum ignemque et vim omnem hostium abstiiieri iussit, ut occulti alicuius 5 l»acti ea merces videri posset, altera ipsius facto, |)rimo tbraitan dubio, quia non exspectata in co senatus auctoritas est, ad extremum hand ambigue in maximam laudem verso. In permutandis captivis, quod sic pri- 6 mo Punico bello factum erat, convenerat inter duces Romanum Poenumque, ut, quae pars plus reciperet quam daret, argenti pondo bina et selibras in militem priestaret. Ducentis quadraginta septem quuiii plures 7 Romanus quam Pcienus recepisset argentumque pro eis debitum, saepe iactata in senatu re, quouiam non con- 8 suluisset patres, tardius erogaretur, iiiviolatum ab 102 Livn hosto agruiii, misso Romam Quiuto filio, vendidit, fidemque puWicam iinpeiidio privato exsolvit. 9 Hannibal pro Gereonii mcenibus, cuius urbis capta? „. , atque incensae ab se in usum horreoruiu Mumcius puns ^ ... some ajivaiitaKe pauca reliqucrat tecta, in stativia erat over Hannibal a ^ 10 dia^'Jd'forfS' ^^^^ frumentatum duas exercitus partes »«*'• mittebat; cum tertia ipse expedita in statione erat, simul castris praesidio et circumspectans, 24 necunde impetus in frumentatores fieret. Romaims tunc exercitus in agro Larinati erat; prseerat Miiiii- cius magister equitum, profecto, sicut ante dictum est, a ad urbein dictatore. Ceterum castia, quae in monte alto ac tuto loco posita luerant, iam in planum defe- runtur ; agitabanturque pro ingenio ducis consilia cu- lidiora, ut imi)etu.s aut in frumentatores palatos aut in 3 castra relicta cum levi pi*a3sidio fieret. Nee Hanni- balem fefellit, cum duce mutatam esse belli rationeni 4 et ferocius cpiMm consultius rem hostes gestures ; ipse autem quod miiiime qnis crederet, quum hostis pro pius esset, tertiam partem luilitum frumentatum, dun- 5 bus in castris retentis, dimisit ; dein castra ipsa pro pins hostem movit, duo ferine a Gei-eonio millia, in tumulum hosti conspectum, ut intentum sciret esse 6 ad frumentatores, si qua vis fieret, tutiindos. Pro- pior inde ei atque ipsis imminens Romanorum castris tumulus apparuit \ ad quern capiendum si luce palam iretur, quia hand dubie hostis breviore via i)rieven- 7 turns erat, nocte clam missi Numidae cepemnt. Quns tenentes locum contempta paucitate Komani postero 8 die quum deiecissent, ipsi eo transferunt castra. [Turn ut] itaque exiguum spatii vallum a vallo aberat, et id ipsum totum prope compleverat Romana acies, Simul LIBER XXII. 103 et per aversa a castris Hannibal is equitatus cum levi armatura emissus in frumentatores late caedem fugam- que hostium palatorum fecit Nee acie certare Han- 9 nibal ausus, quia tanta pars exercitus aberat et iam ea paucitate vix castra, si oppugnarentur, tutari po- tcrat ; iamque ai-tibus Fabii sedendo et cunctando 10 bellum gerebat, receperatque suos in priora castra, quae pro Gereonii mcenibus erant. lusta quoque acie n et coUatis signis dimicatum, quidam auctores sunt; primo concursu Poenum usque ad castra fusum ; inde eruptione facta repente versum terrorem in Romanos ; Numerii Decimii Samnitis deinde interventu proelium restitutum. Hunc priucipem genere ac divitiis non 12 Boviani modo, uncle erat, sed toto Samnio, iussu dic- tatoris octo millia peditum et equites quingentos du- centem in castra, ab tcrgo quum apparuisset Hanni- bali, speciem parti utrique praebuisse novi praesidii cum Q. Fabio ab Roma venientis. Hannibalem, in- 13 sidiarum quoque aliquid timentem, recepisse suos ; Roman urn insecutum adiuvante Samnite duo castella eo die expugnasse. Sex millia hostium caesa, quinque 14 adraodum Romanorum ; tamen in tam pari prope clade vanam famam egregiae victoriae cum vanioribus litteris magistri equitum Romam perlatam. De his rebus persajpe et in senatu et in contione 26 actum est. Quum, laeta civitate, dictator j^.^ partisans at ^ unus nihil nee famae nee litteris crederet 5i°™s8°Td^dJ! et, ut vera omnia essent, secunda se magis ^^^^^ Fabms. quam ad versa timere diceret, tum M. Metilius tribunus 3 plebis id enimt?ero ferendum esse negat, non praesentem 4 solum dictatorem obstitisse rei bene gerenda;, sed ab- sentem etiam gestte obstare, et in dueendo bello sedulo 101 LI V/I LIBER XXII. 105 tern pus terere, quo diutius in niagistratu sit solu.s(jut' 5 et. Komse et in exercitu imperium habeat. Quippe consilium alterum in acie cecidisse, alterum specie classis PunicsB pereequendae procul ab Italia ablega- 6 turn ; duos praetores Sicilia atque Sardinia occupatos, quarum neutra hoc tempore prov^incia praetore egeat ; M. Minucium magistrum equitum, ne liostem videret, ne quid rei bellicje gereret, prope in custodia habituin. 7 Itaque hercule non Samnium modo, quo iani tanquani tranH Hibenini agro Poeiiis concessum sit, sed Cani- panum Caleiiumque et Faleriium agrum pervastatos esse, sedente Casilini dictators et legionibus populi 8 Romani agrum suum tutante. Exercitu m cupientem pugnare et magistium equitum clauses prope intra vallum retentos ; tanquam hostibus ca])tivis arniii 9 adempta. Tandem, ut abscesserit inde dictator, iit obsidione liberatos, extra vallum egressos fudisse ac 10 fugasse hostes. Quas ob res, si antiquus animus plcbei . un. 11. 1 » Romauae esset, audaciter se laturuni fuisse A Dill 19 DroiiKlit ' oVaie?eUn"power ^® abrogando Q. Fabii imperio ; nunc withi'abms, modicam rogationem promulgaturuni de 11 iequando magistri equitum et dictatoris iure. Nee tamen ne ita quidem prius mittendum ad exercjtuin Q. Fabiura, quam consulem in locum C. Flaminii suflfecisset. •• Dictator contionibus se abstinuit in actione iniuime lK)pulari. Ne in senatu quidem satis nsquis auribus audiebatur [tunc], quum hostem verbis cxtolleret V>ien- 13 niique clades jur temeritatem atque inscientiam ducuni acceptas refenet et magistro equitum, quod contra die tuni suum pugnasset, rationem diceret reddendam asse. •4 Si penes se summa inqjerii cousiliique sit, pro[)odiem I ffTccturum, ut sciant homines, bono iniijeratore baud inagni fortunam momunti esse, mentem i-ationemque dominaii, et in tempore et sine ignominia servasse 15 exercitum, quam multa millia liostium occidisse, ma- iorem gloriam esse. Huius generis orationibus frustra 16 liabitis, et consule creato M. Atilio Regulo, ne praesens de iure imperii dimicai-et, pridie quam rogationis fe- reiidse dies adesset, nocte ad exercitum abiit. Luce 17 orta quum plebis concilium esset, magis tacita invidia dictatoris favorque magistri equitum animos versabat, quam satis audebant homines ad suadendum, quod vulgo placebat, prodire, et favore superante auctoritas tamen rogationi deerat. Unus inventus est suasor legis 18 CTerentiusVan-o, qui priore anno praetor ^.^.i^,, is passed fuerat, loco non humili solum, sed etiani of^V'ToSru^ sordidoortus. Patremlanium fuisse ferunt, ^*^™' ,g ipsum institorem mercis, filioque hoc ipso in servilia eius artis ministeria usum. Is iuvenis, ut primum ex 26 eo genere quaestus pecunia a patre relicta animos ad spem liberalioris fortunae fecit, togaque et fonim plar 2 cuere, proclamando pro sordidis hominibus causisque adversus rem et famam bonorum primum in notitiam [>opuli, deiiide ad honores pervenit, quaesturaque et 3 duabus aedilitatibus, plebeia et curuli, postremo et prajtura perfuuctus, iam ad consulatus spem quum attolleret animos, hand pai*um callide auram favoris 4 popularis ex dictatoris invidia petiit scitique plebis unus gratiam tulit. Omncs eam rogationem, quique Romae quique in 5 exercitu emnt, aequi atque iiiiqui, pi-aeter ipsum dicta- toreni in contumeliam eius latam acceperunt. Ipse, g qua gravitate animi criminantes se ad multitudinem 106 LI VI I inimicos tulerat, eadeiii et populi in se sa^yientis iniu 7 riam tulit ; acceptisque in ipso itinere litteris senatus de aequato imperio, satis fidens, haudquaquani cum im- peril lure artem impemndi sequatam, cum invicto a 27 civibus hostibuaque animo ad exercitum rediit. Mi- Tiucius vero quum iam ante vix tolerabilis fuisset se- -t Minucius wishes cundis rebus ac favore vulgi, turn uticiue to exert his newly . . ' * aciiuirud power imuiodice immouesteque non Hannibale 3 magia victo ab se quam Q. Fabio gloriari. Ilium in rebus asperis unicum ducem ac pareui quaesitum Han- nibali, maiorem minori, dictatorem magistro eqxiituni, quod nulla memoria habeat annalium, iussu populi lequatum in eadem civitate, in qua magistri equitum virgas ac wcures dictatoris tremere atque horreie soliti 4 siut ; tautum suani felicittitem virtutemque enituisse. Ergo secuturum se fortunani suam, si dictator in cunc- tatione ac segnitie deorum hominumque iudicio dam- 5 nata perstaret. Itaque quo die piimum congressus est cum Q. Fabio, statuendum omnium primum ait esse, <> quemadmodiini imperio %quato utantur : se optimum ducere, aut diebus altemis aut, si maiora interval l;i placerent, partitis temporibus alterius summuui iiis 7 imperiumque esse, ut par hosti non solum consilio, sed viribus etiam esset, si (juani occasioneni rci gerendw 8 habuisset. Q. Fabio haudquaquam id placere : onniia foi-tunam eam habitura, quamcunque temeritas collog:e habuisset; sibi communicatum cum illo, non adeiiij^ 9 turn imperium esse ; itaque se nunquam volenteui parte, qua posset, rerum consilio gerendaruni cessu- rum, nee se temjiora aut dies imperii cum eo, exer- citum divisurum, suisque consiliis, (juoniam omnia non »o liceret, quae posset, servaturum. Ita obtinuit, ut Jegi- LIBhlt JLA.Il. 107 ones, sicut consulibus mos esset, inter se ^^^ ^^^^, ^^,^, dividerent. Prima et quarta Minucio, J,77X''n''!I secunda et tertia Fabio evenerunt. Item ^^P^'-ate ca'^p. ^^ equites pari numero sociumque et Latini noniinis aux- ilia di vise runt. Castris quoque se separari magister equitum \oluit. Duplex inde Hannibali gaudium fuit ; neque enim 28 (luicquam eorum, quae apml hostes agerentur, eum follebat et peifugis multa indicantibus et He fails into a snare prepared for per suos explorantem : nam et liberam him by Hannibal 2 Minucii temeritatera se suo modo captaturum, et sol- lertiae Fabii dimidium virium decessisse. Tumulus 3 erat inter castra Minucii et Poenorum, quem qui occu- j)asset, baud dubie iniquiorem erat hosti locum factnrus. Eum non tarn capere sine certamine volebat Hannibal, 4 quanquaui id opei-ae pretium erat, quam causam cer- tarainis cum Minucio, quem procursurum ad obsis- tendum stitis sciebat, contraherc. Ager omnis medius 5 erat i)rima specie inutilis insidiatori, quia non modo silvestre quicquam, sed ne vepribns quidem vestitum habebat, re ipsa natus tegendis insidiis, eo magis quod 6 in nuda valle nulla talis fraus timori poterat ; et erant in anfractibus cavae rupes, ut quaedam earum ducenos armatos possent capere. In has latebras, quot quem- 7 que locum apte insidere poterant, quinque millia con- duntur peditum equitumque. Necubi tamen aut motus 8 alicuius temere egressi aut fulgor armorum fraudem in valle tarn aperta detegeret, missis paucis prima luce ad capiendum, quem ante diximus, tumulum avertit oculos hostium. Primo statini conspectu contempta paucitas, g ac sibi quisque deposcere pellendos inde hostes ac locum capiendum; dux ipse inter stolidissimos ferocissi mosque 108 Livn 10 ad anna vocat et vaiiis luiius iiicrepat hosteiu. rrin- cipio levem annatuniin [diinittit], deinde coiiferto ag mine mittit equites ; iK»streuio, quum hostibiis qiioque subsidia initti videret, instructis legionibus procedit. 11 Et Hannibal laborantibus suis alia atque alia incres- cente certamine mittens auxilia peditum equitiiinque iam iustam explevemt aciem, ac totis utriiique viribus t3 cei-tatiir. Prima levis armatura Romanonim, praeoc- cupatum ex inferior© loco succedens tumulum, pnlsu detrusaque terrorem in succedentem iiitulit cquitein 13 et ad sigiia legionum refugit. Peditum acies inter per- culsos impavida sola erat videbaturqiie, si iusta ac directa pugna esset, haudquaqnam impar futura ; tiui- tum animorum fecerat prospere ante paucos dies res ,4 gesta ; sed exorti repente insidiatores eum tumultimi terroremque in latera utrinqtie ab tergoqne incursantes fecerunt, ut neque animus ad pugnam neque ad fiigani 29 siMJS cuiquara superesset. Turn Fabius, piirao clamorc jmventium audito, dein conspecta procul turbata acie, " Ita est " inqnit ; *' iion celerius, quam timui, depreii- 2 dit fortuna tcnieritatem. Fabio ajquatus imperio Han- nibaleni et virtute et fortuna superiorem videt. Sed aliud iurgandi succeusendique tempus erit; nunc signji extm vallum proferte ; victoriam hosti extorqueamus, 3 confessionem erroris civibus." Iam magna ex parte and I. only saved ^^"^ ^^^^ ^^"8 circumspcctailtibus fugaill, couV*of tSeJons Fabiana se acies repente velut caelo de- 4 of PaWiw. missa ad auxilium ostendit. Itaque pri- usquam ad coniectum teli venin^t aut manuin consere- ret> et suos a fuga effiisa et ab nimis feroci pugna J hostes continuit. Qui solutis ordinibus vage dissipati erant, undique confugerunt ad integram aciem ; qui LTBEn XX TL 109 plures simul t^rga dederant, convoi'si in hostem vol- ventesque orbem nunc sensim referre pedem, nunc con"lobati restare. Ac iam prope una acies facta ei-at 6 victi atque integri exercitus, inferebantque signa in hostem, quum Poenus receptui cecinit, palam ferente Hamiibale, ab se Minucium, se ab Fabio victum. Ita per variam fortunam diei maiore parte exacta, 7 quum in castra reditum esset, Minucius, xiiis humbles the .,.,., ., c^ 1) • 'j. piide of Minucius oonvocatis militilms, " fesepe ego inquit who makes ample g amends for his " audivi, milites, eum primum esse virum, presumption. qui ipse consular, quid in rem sit, secundum eum, qui bene monenti obediat ; qui nee ipse consulere nee idteri parere sciat, eum extremi ingenii esse. Nobis 9 quoniam prima animi ingeniique negata sors est, se- cundam ac mediam teneamus et, dum imperare dis- cimus, parere prudenti in auimum inducamus. Castra 10 cum Fabio iungamus. Ad prajtorium eius signa quum tulerimus, ubi ego eum parentem appellavero, quod beneficio eiUs erga nos ac niaiestate eius dignum est, vos, milites, eos, quorum vos modo arma ac dextera3 n texerunt, patronos salutabitis, et, si nihil aliud, gi-a- torum certe nobis animorum gloriam dies hie dederit" Signo dato conclamatur inde, ut colligantur vasa. Pro- 30 fecti et agmine incedentes ad dictatoris castra in ad- mirationem et ipsum et omnes, qui circa erant, con- verterunt. Ut constituta sunt ante tribunal signa, 2 progressus ante alios magister equitum, quum patrem Fabium appellasset, circumfusosquo militum eius to turn agmen patronos consalutasset, "Parentibus" inquit 3 "meis, dictator, quibus te modo nomine, quod fando possum, sequavi, vitam tantum debeo, tibi quum meam salutem, turn omnium horum. Itaque plebeiscitum, 4 110 Ljvn LIBER XXII. Ill quo onemtus su/m magis quam lionoratus, primus anti- quo abrogoque et, quocl tibi mihiqiie [quod] exercitibus- que his tuis, aervato ac conservatori, sit felix, sulj imi>erium auspiciumque tuum redeo et signa liiec le 5 gionesque restituo. Tn, quseso, placatus me magis- terium equitum, hos ordines suos quemque tenere 6 iubeaa" Turn dextrse interiunctae militesque, con- tione dimissa, ab notis ignotisque benigne atque hos- pitaliter invitati, Isctusque dias ex aduiodum tristi 7 paulo ante ac proi>e exsecrabili factus. Roma\ ut e«t perlata fama rei gestae, deiu litteris nou magis ipsoruui imperatorum quam vulgo militum ex utroque exercitu affirmata, pro se quisque Maximum laudibus ad cieliiai 8 feire. Par gloria apud Hannibalem hostesqiie Poenos erat ; ac turn demum seutire, cum Romanis atque in 9 Italia bellum esse ; nam biennio ante adeo et duces Romanos et milites spreverant, ut vix cum eadem gente bellum esse crederent, cuius terribilem famani lo a patribus accepissent. Hannibalem quoque ex acie redeuntem dixisse ferunt, tandem earn nubem, qii:<' sedere in iugis montium solita sit, cum procella ini- brem dedisse. SI Dum haec geruntur in Italia, Cn. Servilius Gemi- ServiiiuB iiuidB on uus consul cum classe cent'u/m viyinti na- the coast of Africa . . ^ r. i- • . i-* • for plunder, but ia vium circumvectus Sardinise et Corsicio driven back with i . -,., . . . loM. Oram, et obsidibus utnnque acceptis, in a Africam transmisit, et piiusquam in continentoia escensionem faceret, Menige insula vastata et ab iii- colentibus Cercinam, ne et ipsorum ureretur diripere- turque ager, decern tiilentis argenti acceptis, ad litora 3 Africae accessit copiasque exposuit. Inde ad jwpu- laudum agium ducti milites navalesque socii iuxta effusi, ac si in insulis cultorum egentibus praedarentur. Itaque in insidias temere illati, quum a frequentibus 4 plantes, ab locorum gnaris iguari circumvenirentur, cum multa caede ac foeda fuga retro ad naves com- pulsi sunt. Ad mille hominum, cum iis Sempronio s Blseso quaestore amisso, classis ab litoribus hostium plenis trepide soluta in Siciliam cursum tenuit, tradi- 6 taque Lilybaei T. Otacilio praetori, ut ab legato eius R Sura Romam reduceretur. Ipse per ^.^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ , Siciliam pedibus profectus freto in Ita- ^^"^ "gSons"'* 2f liam traiecit, litteris Q. Fabii accitus et ^*^'"^' ipse et coUega eius M. Atilius, ut exercitus ab se, ex- acto iam prope semestri imperio, acciperent. Omnium prope annales Fabiura dictatorem adver- 8 sus Hannibalem rem gessisse tradunt; ^ ,. ,. . , who is cnlltHi dic- Cffilius etiam eum primum a populo crea- tator in the annals turn dictatorem scribit. Sed et Caeliiim not have been re- q J, ., . 1. /^ o. gularlyappointcd. ^ et ceteros fugit, uni consuli Cn. Ser- vilio, qui turn procul in Gallia provincia aberat, ins fuisse dicendi dictatoris ; quam moram quia exsi)ec- lo taie territa iam clade civitas non poterat, eo decursum esse, ut a populo crearetur, qui pro dictatore esset; res inde gestas gloriamque insignem ducis et augentes n titulum imaginis posteros, ut, qui pro dictatore fuisset dictator crederetur, facile obtinuisse. Consules Atilius Fabiano, Geminus Servilius Mi- 32 nuciano exercitu accepto, bibemaculis The Romans mature communitis, qtuxl reliqxmm au- ar^^GereoJium tumni erat, Fabii artibus cum summa battle? ^^^^ ^ inter se Concordia bellum gesserunt. Frumentatum 2 exeunti Hannibali diversis locis opportuni aderant, caipentes agmen palatosque excipientes ; in casum uni- 112 Livn versae diinicationis, quam omnibus artibus petobat 3 hostiK, non veniebant, coque iuopisB est redactus Han. nibal, ut, nisi cum tugse specie abeundum ei fuisset, Galliam rejietitui-us fuerit, nulla relicta spe ideiuH exercitus in eis loci», si insequentes cousules eisdwn artibus iMjllum gererent. ^ Quum ad Gereonium iam hieme irapediente con- NeapoHs sends stitisset bcUum , Neapolitani lefjati Roinam gifts aud promiiies . ofioyaiheip. veiiere. Ab lis quadraginta pateiie an- rejB magni ponderis in curiam illataj atque ita verUi 5 facta, ut dicerent, scire sese, populi liomani aerariuiii bello exhauriri, et, quum iuxta pro urbibus agrisqiK sociorum ac pro capite atque arce Italise, urbe Roniaua, 6 atque imperio geratur, aequura censuisse Neapolitauos, quod auri sibi quum ad templorum ornatum, turn jul subsidium fortunse a maioribus relictum foret, eo iii- 7 vare populum Romanum. Si quam opem in sese cie- derent, eodem studio fiiisse oblaturos. Gratuui sil)i patrea Bomanos populumque facturum, si omnes res 8 Neapolitanorum suas duxissent, diguosque iudicaveriut, ab quibus douum auimo ac voluntate eoruni, qui li- bentes darent, quam re maius anipliusque accipeient. 9 Legatis gnitise actiB pro munificentia curaque ; patera, quie ponderis minimi fuit, accopta. 33 Per eosdem dies 8}>eculator Carthaginiensis, qui itome k not too P®** ^iei^^iiii™ fefellerat, Roinii; deprensus * KmSIb wi^'uTSiii* p»"«cisisque manibus dimiiisus, et strvi JmriL^^h«'"'kinS quiuque et viginti in cmcem acti, quod ?ibTili*mid*Xl in campo Martio coniui-assent; indici the L^uiiiuii. i a i-v x j. • • • • i.- :ii;» data libertas et aens gravis viginti millw. 3 Legati et ad Philip[)um Macedonum regem missi ad depoacendum Bemetrium Pharium, qui bello victus LIBER XXIL 113 ad euiij fugisset, et alii in Ligures ad expostulandum, 4 quod Poeuum opibus auxiliisque suis iuvissent, simul ad visendum ex propinquo, quae in Boiis atque Insubri- bus gererentur. Ad Pineum quoque reguni in Tlljrios 5 legati missi ad stipend ium, cuius dies exierat, poscen- dum aut, si diem proferri vellet, obsides accipiendos. xVdeo, etsi bellum ingens in cervicibus erat, nullius; 6 usquam terrarum rei cura Romanos, ne louginquse quidem, effugiebat. In religionem etiam venit, aidem 7 Concordise, quam per seditionem militarem biennio ante L. Manlius praetor in Gallia vovisset, locatam ad id terapus non esse. Itaque duumviri ad earn rem s creati a M. ^milio [>raetore urbano, C. Pupius et Offiso Quinctius Flamininus, aedem in arce faciendam locaverunt. Ab eodem praetore ex senatus consulto litters ad y cousules missae, ut, si iis videretur, alter The consuls can eorum ad consules creandos Romam ve- dictions aSdii! . -.^i • T . . tator is appointed, uiret; se m earn diem, quam lussissent, .md afterwards iu- comitia edicturum. Ad haec a consuli- purpS. ^'^ '^ ,„ bus rescriptum, sine detrimento rei publicje abscedi non posse ab hoste ; itaque per interregem comitia habenda esse potius, quam consul alter a bello avocarc- tur. Patribus rectius visum est, dictatorein a consule 1 . dici comitiorum habendorurn causa. D ictus L. Vetu- rius Philo M'. Pomponium Mathonem magistrum equitum dixit. lis vitio creatis iussisque die quarto 12 decinio se magistratu abdicare, ad interregnum res rediit Consulibus prorogatum in annum imperium. 34 Interreges proditi sunt a patribus C. Claudius App. filius Cento, inde P. Cornelius Asina. In eius inter- regno comitia babita niagno certamine patrum ac C. L. 8 114 £il V I t t plcbis. C. Terentio Varroni, qiieiii siii generis liuiui nem, plebi insectatione principum populariimsque artibiis conciliatum, ab Q. Fabii oj)ibiis et dictjituiio imperio coucusso aliena invidia splendentem, vulgiis extrahere ad consiilatiim nitebatur, patrcs Humma ope obstabant, ne se insectando sibi aiqiiari assuescerent 3 homines. Q. Biiebins Herenniiis tribunus i)lebis, cog- DiBcontent among natiis C. Tereiitii, criminando non sena- the lower ordtrs - i .• i j* is fostered by u.e tuin iiiodo, sed etiaiii augurcs, quod dic- tribune Ilercn- .... , ... i% nius, tatorem i)roliibuissent comitia perhcerc, per invidiam eorum favorem candidato suo coucilia- 4 bat : Ab hominibus nobilibus, per multos annos belluiii qiiaerentibus, Hannibalem in Italiam adductum ; ab iisdem, quum debellari possit, fmude bellum tralii. 5 Qmim cjuattuor legioiiibus uiiivei-sis piignari posse apparuisset co, quod M. Minucius absente Fabio pros 6 peie pugnasset, duas legiones, liosti ad csedem obiecttis, deiiide ex ipsa caede ereptas, ut pater patrouusqiu- appellaretur, qui prius vincere prohibuisset Romanos 7 quam vincL Consules deinde Fabianis artibus, quuin debellare possent, bellum traxisse. Id fuedus inter omues nobiles ictuni, nee fmem ante belli habituros, quam consulem vere plebeium, id est, liominem novum 8 feciijsent ; nam plebeios nobiles iam eisdem initiates ease sacris et contemnere [)lebem, ex quo conteumi a 9 [mtribus desierint, coepisse. Cui non apparere, id actum et quaesitum esse, ut interregnum iniretur, ut 10 in patnim potestate comitia e«sent1 Id consules ambos ad exercitum momndo qmesisse; id postea, quia iuvitis lis dictator esset d ictus coniitioruni causa, ex- pugnatum esse, ut vitiosus dictator per augurcs fieret fi Habere igitur interregnum eos; consulatum ununi LiBEii xxn. 115 certc plebis Itomanaj esse ; populiim liberum habi- turum ac daturum ei, qui mature vincere quam diu imperare malit. Quum his orationibus accensa plebs esset, tribus 35 [.atriciis petentibus, P. Cornelio Me- ^ ^ ^ and C. Tcrontms renda, L. Manlio Vulsone, M. ^milio « elected consul; Lei)ido, duobus nobilibus iam familiarum plebei, 0. z Atilio Serrano et Q. ^lio Paeto, quorum alter ponti- fex, alter augur erat, C. Terentius consul unus creatur, ut in manu oius essent comitia rogando collegse. Turn 3 (jxperta nobilitas, parum fuisse virium in competitori- bus eius, L. ^milium Paulum, qui cum M. Livio consul fucrat et damnatione collefjse et ,. ^ , ^ e> afterwards L. M- sua prope ambustus evaserat, infestum """^^s i^'iu'us- plebei, diu ac multum recusantem ad petitionem com- l>ellit. Is proximo comitiali die. concedentibus om- 4 nibus, qui cum Varrone certaverant, par magis in adversandum quam collega datur consul i. Inde i)ne- torum comitia habita. Creati M'. Pomponius Matlio s et P. Furius Phllus; Pliilo Romaj iuri dicundo urbana soi-s, Pomponio inter cives Romanos et peregrinos evenit ; additi duo prstores, M. Claudius Marcellus 6 iu Sicilian!, L. Postumius Albinus in Galliam. Omnes 7 abseutes creati sunt, nee cuiquam eorum, prseter Te- rentiiuii consulem, mandatus honos, quem non iam antea gessisset, praeteritis aliquot fortibus ac strenuis ' vu'is, quia in tali tempore nulli novus magistratus videbatur mandandus. Exercitus quoque nmltiplicati sunt j quantae auteni 86 copiaB peditum equitumque addit© sint, , 1 ■* ' Larger armies are aoeo et numero et ffenere coiiiarum va- f*'* **" 1°°' "' *'"« ° ^ lii'I>e of bnnjrinjj naut auctores, ut vix quicquam satis t'»«^ war to a dose, 8—2 116 /// til a cerium affirmare ausu8 sim. I)t3ceiij iiiillia iiovoniiu milituiii alii scripta in su[>plenientum, alii novas quat- 3 tuor legiones, iit octo legionibus rem gererent; nimiero qiKKjUij peditum equitumque legiones aiictus, inillihus pedituiii et centenis e(|uitibus in singulas adiectis, ut quina niillia peditum, treceni equites essent, socii duplicem numerum equitum darent, peditis sequarcul, 4 septem et octoginta millia aimatoruiu et ducentos in cafiitiis Romauis/wwe, quuni pugnatum ad Caiinas est, 5 quidam auctores sunt. lUud haudquaquam discrepat, maiore conatu atque impetu rem actam quam prioribus aunis, quia spem, posse viuci hostem, dictator pne- buerat 6 Ceterum priusquam signa ab urbe novae legiones and the Sibynine movereiit, decemviri libros adire atque books again cou* . • i i suited mspiccre lussi propter territos viilgo ho- 7 mines novis prodigiis. Nam et Romae in Aventino et Axicm nuiitiatum emt sub idem tempus lapidibus pluvisse, et niulto cruore signa in Sabinis sudasse ei 8 aquas fonte calido gelidas manasse ; id qiiidem etiani, quod saepius acciderat, magis terrebat ; et in via I'or- uicata, quae ad campum erat, aliquot homines de cajlo tacti oxanimatique fuerant. Ea prodigia ex libris 5 procurata. Legati a Paesto pateras aureas Romam attulerunt lis, sicut Neapolitanis, gratiae actae, aurum non acceptum. 37 Per eosdem dies ab Hierone classis Ostia cum , King uiero sends luagno commeatu accessit Legati in se- iarge supplies of -xi.^' x- ^ i a corn aiiti a force natuui uitroducti nuntiarunt, caedem t. of arclivrs atid siiugers. Flaminii consulis exercitusque allatatu adeo aegre tulisse regem Hieronem, ut nulla sua pro- j pria reguique aui clade moved magis }X)tuerit Ita- LIBER A'T/7. 117 que, quamquam probe sciat, maguitudinem popidi Romani admirabiliorem prope adversis rebus quam secuiulis esse, tamen se omnia, quibus a bonis fideli 4 busque sociis bella iuvari soleant, misisse; quae ne accipere abnuant, magno opere se patres conscriptos orare. lam omnium primum oniinis causa Victoriam 5 auream pondo ducentuui ac viginti afferre sese. Ac- ciperent earn tenerentque et haberent propriani et [)eii)etuam. Advexisse etiam trecenta niillia modiuni 6 trltici, ducenta liordei, ne com meatus deessent, et quantum praeterea opus esset, quo iussissent, subvec- turos. Milite atque equite scire nisi Romano La- 7 tini(iue nominis non uti populum Romanum ; levium amionim auxilia etiam externa vidisse in castris Ronianis. Itaque misisse millo sagittariorum ac fun- s ditorum, aptam manum adversus Baliares ac Mauros puguacesque alias missili telo gentes. Ad ea dona 9 consilium quoque addebant, ut prator, cui provincia Sicilia evenisset, classem in Africam traiiceret, ut et hostes in teri-a sua bellum haberent, minusque laxa- menli daretur iis ad auxilia Hannibali summittenda. Ab senatn ita responsum regi est, virum bonum egre- 10 giumque socium Hieronem esse atque uno tenore, ex quo in amicitiam populi Romani venerit, fidem co- luisse ac rem Romanam omni tempore ac loco munifico adiuvisse. Id perinde, ac deberet, gratum popiilo Romano esse. Aurum et a civitatibus quibusdam n allatum, gratia rei accepta, non accepisse populum Romanum ; Victoriam omenque accipere, sedemque ei .2 se divai dare dicare Capitolium, templum Fovis optimi niaximi. In ea arce urbis Ronianae sacratam volentem ])ropitiamque, firmain ac stabilom fore populo Romano. 118 UVT7 UBER XX FT. 119 I I 13 FimJitores sagittariique et friimcntnra traditum con- siilibua Quinqueremes ad cenhim viginti naviiim classem, quae cum T. Otacilio proprsetore in Sicilia erat, quinque et viginti additaj, permissumque est, ut, si e re publica censeret esse, in Africam traiiceret. 38 Dilectu perfecto consules paueos morati dies, diuii a ab sociis ac nomine Latino venirent milites. Tuni, The i«vie« ara quod nunquam an tea factum erat, iuie raked with un- . . 1 , m • 'I'l 1 .. usual soieiimitiea. luiiinilo ab tribunis militum adacti mi- slites; nam ad earn diem nihil praeter sacramentuin fuerat, iussu coiisuluni con ventures neque iniussu abituros, et ubi ad decuriandum aut centurianduni convenissent, sua voluntate ipsi inter sese decuiiati 4 equites, centuriati pedites coniurabant, sese fugaa atque formidinis ergo non abituros neque ex ordine reces- suros nisi teli siiniendi aut [>etendi [et] ant hostis feri- 5 endi aut civis servandi causa. Id ex voluntario inter ipsos fcedere ad tribunos ac legitimam iuris iuramli adactionem translatum. 6 Contiones, priusquam ab urbe signa moverentur, ^ consulis Varronis multaj ac feroces fuere, The parting words of varrn are full denuutiantis, bellum arcessitum in Ita- of boaatful arro- ' «»***=<*• Ham ab nobilibus mansurumque in vissce- 7 ribus rei publica?, si phi res Fabios imperatores haberet, 8 se, quo die hostem vidisset, perfecturum. Collegae eius rent mood ceretur, contio fuit, verier quam gratior populo, qua nihil inclementer in Varronem dictum 9 nisi id mode, mirari se, [qued ne] qui dux, priusquam aut suum aut hestium exercitum, locorum situiii, naturam; region is nosset, iam nunc togatus in lubo 10 sciret, quie sibi agenda armato forent, et diem qnoquo prasdicero posset, qua cum lioste signis collatis osset diiuicaturus ; se, qiue cousilia magis res dent liomini- n bus quani homines rebus, ea ante tern pus immatura non pnficei>turum ; optare, ut, qnaj caute ac consul te "esta essenb, satis prospeie evenircnt; temeritatem, 12 prieterquam quod stulta sit, infeliceni etiam ad id lo- corum fuisse. Et sua sponte a}iparebat tiita celeribus 13 consiliis praepositnrum, et, quo id constantius perse- veraret, Q. Fabius Maximus sic eum proficiscenteni ailocutus fortur. "Si aut collegam, id qued mallem, tui similem, 39 L. ^mili, haberes aut tu collegaj tui ^^^^ ,.^^^^^ ^^ ^,,^ esses similis, super vacanea esset oratie ofTabius^toTe mea; nam et duo boni consules, etiam '^»"^»""3' ^ me indicente, omnia e re publica Udeque vestra face- retis et mali nee mea verba auribus vestris nee consilia animis acciperetis. Nunc et collegam tuum et te 3 talem virum intuenti mihi tecum omnis oratio est, quern video nequiequam et virum boniun et civem fore, si, altei-a parte claudente re publica, malis con- siliis idem ac bonis iuris et potestatis erit. Erras 4 enim, L. Paule, si tibi minus certaminis cum C. Te- rentio quam cum Hannibale futurum censes; nescio an infestior hie adversarius quam ille hostis maneat te. Cum illo in acie tantum, cum hoc omnibus locis ac 5 temporibus certaturus es; adversus Hannibalem le- gionesque eius tuis equitibus ac peditibus pugnandum tibi erit, Varro dux tuis militibus te est oppugnaturus. Ominis etiam tibi causa absit C. Flaminii memoria. 6 Tamen ille consul demum et in provincia et ad exerci- tum coepit furore ; hie, priusquam peteret consulatum, delude in petendo consulatu, nunc quoque consul. 120 LTV7I LIBER XXTT, 121 7 priiisquani castm videat aiit liostem, insanit. Et qui tantas iam nunc procellaa prcelia atque acies iactando inter togatos ciet, quid inter armatani iuventutem censes facturum et ubi extemplo res verba sequitur ? 8 Atqui si hie, quod facturum se denuntiat, extemplo pugnaverit, aut ego rem militarem, belli hoc genus, hostem hunc ignoro, aut nobilior alius Tnisumenno 9 locus nostris cladibus erit. Nee gloriandi tempus ad- versua unum est, et ego contemnendo potius quam a,.,«,tendo gloriam modnm excesserim ; sed ita res se habet : una ratio belli gerendi adversus Hannibaleni loest, qua ego gessi. Nee eventus modo hoc docet (stultorum iste magister est), sed eadem ratio, qua- fuit futunique, donee res esedera manebunt, immuta- ti bills est. In Itiilia bellum gerimus, in sede ac solo nostro ; omnia circa plena civium ac sociorum sunt ; armis, viris, equis, commeatibus iuvant iuvabuntqiie : ,2 id iam fidei documentum in adversis rebus nostris dederunt; melioi'cs, pnidentiores, constantiores nos 13 tempus diesque facit. Hannibal contra in aliena, in hostili est terra inter omnia inimica infestaque, procul ab domo, ab patria; neque illi terra neque mari est pax ; nullae eum urbes accipiunt, nulla moenia ; nihil 14 usquam sui videt, in diem rapto vivit ; partem vix tertiam exercitus eius habet, quern Hiberum amnem traiecit ; plures fame quam ferro absumpti ; nee his 15 paucis iam victus Huppeditat. Bubitas ergo, quin se- dendo supemturi simus eum. qui senescat in dies, nou commeatus, non supplementum, non pecuniam habeati i6 Quamdiu pro Gereotiii, castelli Apuliae inopis, tan- 17 quam pro Carthaginis mcenibus sedet 1 Sed ne ad- \'ersii8 te quidem de me gloiiabor. Cn. Servilius at^^"*^*^'''*^' ^ equitum intolerabilem fuisse ; quid consuli adversus collegam seditiosum ac temerarium virium atque auc- toritatis fore 1 Se populare incendium priore consulatu 3 semustum effugisse ; optare, ut omnia prospere eveni- rent; sed si quid adversi caderet, hostium se telis potius quam suffragiis iratorum civium caput obiec- turum. Ab hoc sermone i)rofectum Paulum tmdunt, pro- 4 122 Livri LIBER XX TL 123 * Bequentibus primoribus patrum ; plebcium cousuleni sua plebes prosecutti, turba conspectior, quum dignitus 3 n.u.n.bui hopes to ^leesset. Ut in castm veueruut, perinixt., toT"enemrtS' ^^^^'« ©xei'citu ac vetere, castris bifarium gagi;"»«ut, factis, ut uuva minora esseut piopius Hajinibaleni, in veteiibus inaior pai-s et omne robiir 6 virium esset, consulum anni prioiis M. Atilium, a3ta- tem excusanteui, Romam misenmt, Gemiuuni 8ei'- viliura in miiioribus castris legioni Komanae et sociuui 7 peditum equitumquo duobus millibus piieficiunt. Hau- nibal quanquam i>arte dimidia auctas liostium copias cornebat, tameu adveutu consulum raii-e gaudere. 8 Non solum enim nihil ex mptis in diem commeatibus supembat, sed ue unde mperet quidem, quicquam i-eliqni erat, omni uiulique frumento postquam ager 9 parum tutus erat, in urbes munitas convecto, ut vix decern dierum, quod compertum postea est, fi-unu'iituin superesset, Hispanorumque ob inopiam ti-ansitio parata fuerit, si maturitas tempomm exspecUita foi-et. 41 Ceterum temeritati consulis ac pnepropero ingenio especially after ^^^-^riam etiam fortuua dedit, quod in pro- aSme !ll^'Les"h! ^i^eudis praedatoribus tumultuario prcelio akiriimhing. ^^ procursu magis militum quam ex pia- imi-ato aut iussu imperatorum orto haudquaquani par a Poenis dimicatio fuit. Ad mille et septingcnti civsi, uou plus centum Rouianorum sociorumque occisis. Ceterum victoribus eflfuse sequentibus metu insidiaruiii obstitit Paulus consul, cuius eo die (nam alternis im- 3 peritabant) imperium erat, Varrone indignante ac vociferante, emissum bostem e manibus debcllariquc, 4 ni cessatum foret, jjotuisse. Hannibal id dainnuiu haud segerrime pati ; quin potius credere, velut iniy- catam temeritatem ferocioris cousulis ac novorum maxime militum esse. Et omnia ei hostium haud s secus qnam sua nota erant : dissi miles discordesque iinperitjire, duas prope partes tironum militum in ex- ei-citu esse. Itaque locum et tempus insidiis aptum 6 se habere ratus, nocte proxima, nihil prae- ,i^ ^^^,^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^ ter anna ferente secum milite, castra "^®'"' plena omnis fortunse publicse privatseque reliiiquit, transque proximos montes Ijeva pedites instructos 7 condit, dextra equites, impedimenta per convallem mediam traducit, ut diripiendis velut desei-tis fuga 8 dominorum castris occupatum impeditumque hostem opprimeret. Crebri relicti in castris ignes, ut fides 9 fieret, dum ij)se longius spatium fuga prjBciperet, falsa imagine castrorum, sicut Fabium priore anno frus- ti-atus esset, tenere in locis consules voluisse. Ubi 42 illuxit, aubductae primo stationes, deinde propius ade- untibus insolitum silentiuui admirationem fecit lam 2 satis comperta solitudine in castris, concursus fit ad pratoria consulum nuntiantium fugam hostium adeo trepidam, ut tabernaculis stantibus castra reliquerint, quoque fuga obscurior esset, crebros etiam relictos ignes. Clamor inde ortus, ut signa proferri inherent 3 (lucerentque ad persequendos hostes ac protinus castiu diripienda. Et consul alter velut unus .^^ ^,,5^,, ti,ey turbae militaris erat; Paulus etiam at- Sf^lJ ^uK'S 1 .. • 1 J Paulus. que etiam dicere providendum pi-aecaven- duuique esse ; postremo, quum aliter ueque seditionem ueque ducem seditionis sustinere posset, Marium Sta- tilium prsefectum cum turma Lucana exploratum mittit. Qui ubi adequitavit portis, subsistere exti-a 5 munimenta ceteris iussis, ipse cum duobus equitibns 124 LTVJ1 vallum intravit, speculatusqno omnia cxim cura re 6 nuntiat, insidias iirofecto esse ; i-jfiies in parte castro rum, qiisB vergat ad hostem, relictos ; tabernacula apert» et omnia cam in promptu lelicta ; argentiim quibusdam locis temere per vias velw^ obiectuni ad 7 praedam vidisse. Quae ad deterrendos a cupiditate animos nuntiata eraiit, ea accendenint, et clarnore orto a militibus, ni signum detiir, sine ducibus ituros, liaud- quaqnam dux defuit ; nam extemplo Varro sigmim 8 dedit proficiscendl Paulus, quum ei sua sponte cunc- tanti pulli (pioqne auspicio non addixisseiit, niintiari 9 iara efferenti porta signa collegae iussit. Quod (jimn- quam Varro aegre est passiis, Flaminii tamen rcceiis casus Claudiique consulis primo Punico bello meiuo- 10 rata navalis c lades religionera animo incussit. Di prope ipsi eo die magis distulere quam prohibuerc imminentem pestem Romanis ; nam forte ita evenit, ut, quum referri signa in castm iubenti consul i militos 11 non pai-erent, servi duo, Formiani unus, alter Sidicini equitis, qui Servilio atque Atilio consulibus inter pabulatores excei>ti a Numidis fuerant, profugerent eo die ad dominos ; deductique ad consul es nuntiant, omnem exercitum Hannibalis trans proximos montes la sedere in insidiis. Horum oi)portunus adventus con- sules imperii potentes fecit, quum ambitio altering' suam luimura apud eos prava indulgeiitia inaiestateiii solvisset 43 Hannibal postquam motos magis inconsulte Ro- want of supplies manos quam ad ultimum temere evectos forces liiiu to re- ... tintoCkQuie. vidit, nequicquam detecta fraude in cas- t tra rediit. Ibi plures dies [»ropter inopiam frumenti manere nequit, novaque consilia in dies non apud LIBER XXII. 125 uiilites solum mixtos ex colluvione umuiuiu gentium, sed etiam apud ducem ipsum oriebantur. Nam quum 3 initio fremitus, dcinde aperta vociferatio fiiisset ex- noscentium stipendium debitum querentiumque an- nonam primo, postremo famem, et merceuarios milites, luaxime Hisjjani generis, de transitione ce})isse con- silium fama esset, ipse etiam interdum Hannibal de 4 fuga in Galliam dicitur agitasse, ita ut, relicto peditatu omni, cum equitibus se proriperet. Quum haec con- 5 silia atque hie habitus animorum esset in castris, movcre inde statuit in calidiora atque eo maturiora messibus Apulise loca, simul ut, quo longius ab hoste recessisset, transfugia impeditiora levibus ingeniis es- scnt. Profectus est nocte ignibus similiter factis ta- 6 beiuaculisque paucis in speciem relictis, ut insidiarura par priori metus contineret Romanos. Sed per eun- 7 ilem Lucanum Statilium omnibus ultra castra transque montes ex[)loratis, quum relatum esset, visum procul hoHtium agmen, tum de insequendo eo consilia agitari cQjpta. Quum utriusque consulis eadem, quae ante 8 semper, fuisset sententia, ceterum Varroni fere omnes, Paulo nemo jji-yeter Servilium, prions anni consulem, assentiretur, maioris partis sententia ad nobilitandas 9 clade Romaua Caniias ui-gente fato profecti sunt. Pro- 10 pe eum vicum Hannibal castra posuerat aversa a Vul- turno vento, qui campis toriidis siccitate nubes pulveiis vehit. Id quum ipsis castris percommodum fuit, tum n salutare pi-secipue futurum erat, quum aciem dii-igerent, ipsi aversi, terga tantum afflante vento, in occaecatum pnlvere offuso hostem pugnaturi. Consules, satis exploratis itineiibus, sequentes 44 Pa>uum, ut ventum ad Cannas est et in conspectu 126 LI VI I LIBER XXIL 127 PcBiium habebant, biiia castra comniuiiiunt, eodeui wiiithor tiie iio- ^^^T^^ inteivallo, quo ad Gereoniuni. sicut mans follow Iiim, „^i.« _ •• i- . . » .. , ' tiimijfh with di- ante, copiis divisis. Aufidus amiiis, iitris- viQccl counsolfl. que castris affluens, aditum aquatorihus ex sua cuiusque oi)|)ortmiitate Laud sine certamine jdabatj ex minoribus tanien castris, quae posita trans Autidum erant, liberius aquabaiitur Komani, quia ripa 4 ulterior nullum habebat hostium presidium. Hanni- bal spem nanctus, locis natis ad equestrem pugnani, qua parte virium invictua emt, facturos copiani pug- nandi consules, dirigit aciem lacessitque Nuniidarum 5 procursatione hostea Inde ruraus sollicitari seditionc militari ac discordia consulum Romana castra, quuni Paulus Semproniique et Flaminii temeritatem Vano- ni, Varro Paulo speciosum timidis ac segnibus ducibus 6 exemplura Fabium obiiceret, testareturque deos liomi- nesque hie, nullam penes se culpam esse, quod Hanui- bal iam velw^ usu cepisset Italiam; se constrictuni a coUega teneri; femim atque arma iratis et pugnarc 7cupientibus adimi militibus; ille, si quid proiectls ac proditis ad inconsultam atque improvidam pugnani legionibus accideret, se omois culpai exsorteni, onini.s eventus participem fore diceret ; videret, ut, quibus lingua tarn prompta ac temeraria, seque in j)ugna vigerent manus. 45 Dum altercationibus inagis quam cousiliis tenipus ibheJSJLi!?^ ^''^*^^^**» Hannibal ex acie, quam ad mul- '^"^•^ turn diei tenuerat instructam, quum in . castra ceteras reciperet copias, Numidas ad invadendos ex minoribus castris Romanorum aquatores trans flu- 3 men mittit, Quam inconditam turbam quum vixdum in ripam egressi clamore ac tumultu fuffasseut. in siati(»neni quoque pro vallo locatani atque i[)sa,s prope portas ovecti sunt. Id vero adeo indignum visum, ab 4 tuniultuario auxilio iam etiam castra Romana terreri, lit ea mode una causa, ne extemplo transirent fiumen tliri<'erentque aciem, tenuerit Komanog, quod summa imperii eo die penes Paulum fuerit. Itaque postero 5 die Varro, cui sors eius diei imperii erat, ^^^ vano insists nihil consulto collega signum i)roposuit «- "ff«"ng battle instnictasque copias fluiiieu traduxit, sequente Paulo, quia magis non probare quam non adiuvare consilium poterat. Transgressi flumen eas quoque, quas in cas- 6 tris minoribus habuerant, copias suis adiungunt atque ita instruunt aciem : in dextro cornu (id erat flumini propius) Ronuinos equites locant, deinde pedites ; la3- 7 vum cornu extremi equites socionim, inti-a pedites, ad medium iuncti legionibus Romanis, tenuerunt; iacu- latores cum ceteris levium armorum auxiliis prima acies facta. Consules cornua tenuere, Terentius la3vum, s iEmilins dextrum; Gemino Servilio media pugna tuenda data. Hannibal luce prima, Baliaribus levique alia arma- 46 tura praemissa, transgressus flumen, ut ^^^ ^1,1^,^ iianni- quosque traduxerat, ita in acie locabat, ''a' »s p'^p^^^'^ Gallos Hispanosque equites prope ripam Uevo in cornu a ad versus Romanum equitatum ; dextrum cornu Numi- 3 dis equitibus datura, media acie peditibus firmata, ita ut Afrorum utraque cornua essent, interponerentur his medii Galli atque Hispani. Afros Romanam magna 4 ex parte crederes aciem; ita armati crant armis et ad Trebiam, ceterum magna ex parte ad Trasumennum captis. Gallis Hispanisque scuta eiusdem formse fere 5 erant, dispares ac dissimiles gladii, Gallis prailongi ac 19ft LI VII LIBER XX J L 129 sine niucroiiibus, Hispano, puoctim uiagis quam casim ttssueto petere hostem, brevitate liaVjiles et cum mucrc*- nibus. Ante alios habitus gentium harum qiium niag- 6nitudiutj corporum, turn specie tembilis erat: Galli super umbilicuDi erant nudi; Hispani linteis prsetextis purpura tunicis, candore niiro fulgentibus, constiterant. Humerus omnium jieditum, qui turn steterunt in acie, 7 niillium fuit quadraginta, decern equitum. Duces comibus praeerant sinistro Hasdrubal, dextro Maliai bal \ mediam aciem Hannibal ipse cum fratro Magoue 8 tenuit Sol seu de industria ita locatis, seu quod forte ita stetere, peropportune utrique parti obliquiis erat, Romania in meridiem, Pcenis in septentrioneni 9 versis ; ventua (Vultumum regionia incolaj vocant) adversuB Romania coortus raulto pulvere in ipaa oni volvendo prospectum ademit. 47 Clamore sublato, procursum ah auxiliis et pugiia Tiic RomaiM are Icvibua primum annin commissa : deindc outmaiiuiuvred at . rt 1 1 -tt • ciiimaj, equitum Cfallorum Hispanoruni^ue luivuni coniu cum dextro Romano concurrit, minime equestiis 3 more pugnae ; frontibua enim adversis concuiTenduin erat, quia, nullo circa ad evagandum relicto spatio, 3 Mnc amnis hinc peditum aciea claudebant. In dii-ectum utrinque nitentes, stantibus ac confertis postremo turbii equis, vii- virum amplexus detrahebat equo. Pedestrc magna iam ex parte certamen factum erat; acrius tameu quam diutius pugnatum est, pulsique Romani equitcs 4 terga vertunt Sub equestris finem certaminia coortii est peditum pugna, primo et viribus et animis par, 5 dam constabant ordinea Gallis Hispanisque; tandem Ilomani, diu ac saepe connisi, obliqua fronte acieque densa impulere hostium cuneum nimis tenuem eoque paruni validum, a cetera prominentem acie. Impulsis 6 deinde ac trepide referentibus pedem institere ac tenore uno per prseceps pavore fugientium agmen iu mediam primum aciem illati, postremo nullo resistente ad sub- sidia Afrorum pervenerunt, qui utrinque reductis alia 7 constiterant, media, qua Galli Hispanique steterant, aliquantum prominente acie. Qui cuneus ut pulsus 8 sequavit frontem primum, dein cedendo etiam sinum in medio dedit, Afri circa iam cornua fecerant, irrueu- tibusque incaute in medium Romanis circumdedere alas; mox cornua extendendo clausere et ab tergo hostea Hinc Romani, defuncti iiequicquam prcelio 9 uno, omissis Gallis Hispanisque, quorum terga ceci- dei-ant, adversus Afros integram pugnam ineunt, non 10 tantum eo iniquam, quod inclusi adversus circumfusos, sed etiam quod fessi cum recentibus ac vegetis pug- nabunt. Iam et sinistro cornu Romano, ubi socioruni equites 48 adversus Numidas steterant, consertum proelium erat, segne primo et a Punica coeptum fraude. Quingenti 2 ferme Numidse, praiter sol ita arma telaque gladios oc- cultos sub loricis habentes, specie transfugarum quum ab suis parmas post terga habentes adequitassent, re- 3 pente ex equis desiliunt, parmisque et iaculis ante pedes hostium proiectis, in mediam aciem accepti duc- tique ad ultimos considere ab tergo iubentur. Ac dum proelium ab omni parte conseritur, quieti manserunt; postquam omnium animos oculosque occupaverat cer- 4 tamen, tum arreptis scutis, quae passim inter acervos caesorum corponim strata erant, aversam adoriuntur Romanam aciem, tergaque ferientesac poplites csedentes sti-agem ingentem ac maiorem aliquanto pavorem 4ic 130 LIVII LIBER XXII. 131 i| s tumultum fecerunt. Quiim alibi tenor ac fuga, alibi pertinax in mala iam spe prcBlium esset, Hasdrubal, qui ea parte prseerat, subductos ex media acie Numidas, quia segnis eomm cum adversis pugna erat, ad per- 6 »equendo8 passim fugientea mittit, Hispanos et Gallos equitea Afris prope iam fessis caede magis quam pugua adiungiL 49 Parte altera puguai Paulus, quanquam primo statim a and completely proelio fuuda graviter ictus fiierat, tamen lll^fflAtifiCl Willi lilts «_-w joasofpauiusiuid et occui'rit saepe cum confertis Hamiibali nearly all the army. et aliquot locis proeUum restituit, prote- 3 gentibus eum equitibus Komanis, omissis postremo equis, quia coosulem et ad regendum equum vires defi- ciebant Tum renuntianti cuidam, iussisse consulem ad pedes descendere equites, dixisse Hannibalem fe- 4 1-unt : •' Quam mallem, vinctos mihi traderet." Equi- tum pedesti-e prcelium, quale iam liaud dubia hostium victoria, fuit, quum victi mori in vestigio mallent quam fiigere, victores morantibus victoriam irati trucidarent, s quos pellere noii poteraut. Pepulerunt tamen iam paucos superantes et labore ac vulneribus fessos. Inde dissipati omnes sunt, equosque ad fugam, qui poteraut, 6 repetebant Cn. Lentulus tribunus militum quum praeterveheus equo sedentem in saxo ciniore oppletum 7 consulem vidisset, " L. iEmili " inquit, " quern unum insontem culpse cladis hodiernie dei respicere debent, cape hunc equum, dum et tibi virium aliquid superest 8 et comes ego te tollere possum ac protegere. Ne funes- tam banc pugnam morte consulis feceris; etiam sine 9 hoc lacrimarum satis luctusque est" Ad ea consul : "Tu qnidem, Cn. Cornell, macte virtute esto; sed cave, irnfitra miserando exiguuiu tempus e manibus hostium evadendi absumas. Abi, nuntia publice patribus, ur- lo bem Romanam muniant ac, priusquam hostis victor advenit, praesidiis firment ; privatim Q. Fabio, L. iEmilium praeceptorum eius memorem et vixisse adhuc et mori Me in hac strage militum meorum patere ex- 1 1 spirare, ne aut reus iterum e consulatu sim aut accu- sator collegse existam, ut alieno crimine innoceutiam meam protegam." Hsec eos agentes prius turba fu- is gientium civium, deinde hostes oppressere ; consulem ignorantes, quis esset, obruere telis, Lentulum inter tumultum abripuit equus. Tum undique effuse fugi- 13 unt. Sep tern millia hominum in minora castra, decern in maiora, duo fetme in vicum ipsum Cannas peifu- gerunt, qui extemplo a Cartlialone atque equitibus, nullo munimento tegente vicum, circumventi sunt. Consul alter, seu forte seu consilio nuUi fugientium 14 insertus agmini, cum quinquaginta fere equitibus Ve- nusiam perfugit. Quadraginta quinque millia quin- 15 genti pedites, duo millia septingenti equites, tet tanta prope civium sociorumque pars, csesi dicuntur ; in his ambo consulum quaestores, L. Atilius et L. Furius Bibaeulus, et undetriginta tribuni militum, consulares 16 quidam praetoriique et sedilicii (inter eos Cn. Servilium Geminum et M. Minucium numerant, qui magister equitum priore anno, aliquot annis ante consul fuerat), 17 octoginta praeterea aut senatores aut qui eos magis- tratus gessissent, unde in senatum legi deberent, quum sua voluutate milites in legionibus facti essent. Capta x8 eo proelio tria millia peditum et equites mille et quin- genti dicuntur. Haec est pugna GannensiSy Aliensi cladi nobilitate 50 par, ceterum ut illis, quje post pugnam accidere, levior, a 9—2 132 LJVIT LIBER XXIL 133 quia ab hoste est cessatum, sic strage exercitus gravior 3 foediorque. Fuga namque ad Aliam sicut urbem pro- didit, ita exercitura servavit ; ad Cannas fugientem consulem vix quinquaginta secuti sunt, alterius mori- entk prope totus exercitus fuit. 4 Binis in castris quuni multitudb seraiermis sine Rom© of tiie sur- ducibus csset, uuutlum, qui in maiorilms vivors make their ^ . ^ , ,. , . , way to canushim. erant, mittunt, dum proBlio, demde ex lajtitia epulis fatigatos quios noctuma hostes premeret, ut ad se transirent : uuo aginine Canusium abituius 5 esse. Eiiui sententiain alii totam a«>j)ernari; cur enim illos, qui ae arcessant, ii)S08 non venire, quuni aMjue coniungi possent? quia videlicet plmia hostiiim omnia in medio essent, et aliorum quam sua corpora tan to 6 periculo mallent ohiicere. Aliis non tarn sententii displicere quam animus deesse. P. Sempronius Tudi tanus tribunus militum "Capiergo mavultis" inosset, Romam veniret. Territi etiam super tantas a clades quum ceteris prodigiis, turn quod duie Vestales eo anno, Opimia atque Floronia, stupri compertse ot altera sub terra, uti mos est, ad portani Collinam necata fuerat, altera sibimet ipsa mortem consciverat; L. 3 Cantilius scriba pontificis, quos nunc minores pontifices appellant, qui cum Floronia stuprum fecerat, a pontifice maximo eo usque virgis in comitio csesus erat, ut inter verbei-a exspiraret. Hoc nefas quum inter tot, ut fit, 4 clades in prodigium versum esset, decemviri libios adire iussi sunt, et Q. Fabius Pictor Delphos ad oracu- 5 Ium missus est sciscitatum, quibus precibus suppliciis- que decs possent placare, et quaenam futura finis tantis cladibus foret. Interim ex fatalibus libris sacrificia 6 aliquot extraordinaria facta, inter qua? Gallus et Galla, Grsecus et Grseca in foro boario sub terram vivi de- missi sunt in locum saxo consseptum, iain ante hostiis humanis, minime Romano sacro, imbutum. 140 UVTT LTBEU XXTT. 141 1 Placatia satin, iit rebantur, deis M. Claudius Mar- M Claudius Mar- ccllus ab Ostia milic et quingentos militos, uumd Lf'cinmi- *l^*os in classeiu scriptos habebat, Romam, 8 ""• ut urbi pi-aesidio essent, mittit ; ipse, legiono classica (ea legio tc^rtia erat) cum tribunis mili- tum Teanum Sidicinum pnemissa, classe tradita P. Furio Philo collegae, paucos post dies Canusiuni nuignis 9 itineribus contendit. Inde dictator ex auctoritnte pa- trum dictus M. luniiis et T. Sempronius mai^^istei- equi- tum, dilectu edicto, iuniores ab annis sen- a dictator roisei ' * fresh levies, in- tendecim et quosdam pitetextatos scri- cludiuK in tliem ^ ^ * even slaves. bunt ; quattuoi" ex his legiones et mille 10 equitea effecti. Item ad socios Latinumque nomen ad milites ex formula accipitndos mittuiit. Arma, tela, alia parari iubent et Vetera spolia hostium detraliiint 11 templis porticibusque. Et aliam foi-mam novi dilectiis inopia liberoruni capitum ac necessitas dedit; octo iiiil- lia iuvenum validoram ex servitiis, prius sciscitaiites singulos, vellentne militare, empta publice arma\'erunt I a Hie miles magis placuit, quum pretio uiinore rt'dimendi captivos copia fieret. 58 Namque Hannibal secundum tam prosperam ad Hannibal offers Cannas pugnam victoris magis quam bel- temis of ninsom , .• • . ^ a to the prisoners lum gcrentis uitentus curis, quum, cap- tivis productis segregatisque, socios, sicut ante ad Tro biam Trasumennumque lacum, benigne allocutus sine pretio dimisisset, Romanes quoque vocatos, quod nun- 3 quam alias antea, satis miti sermone alloquitur : uon internecivum sibi esse cum Romania bellum ; de dig- nitate atque impeiio certare. Et patres virtu ti Ko- maujB cesaisse et se id anniti, ut suae in vicem siiuul « felicitati et virtu ti cedatur. Itaque redimendi se cajv tivis copirtui facere; pretium fore in capita equiti quin- genos quadrigatos nummos, trecenos pediti, servo cen- tenos. Quanquam aliquantum adiiciebatiu- equitibus 5 ad id pretium, quo pe})igerant dedeiites se, Iseti tamen quamcunque condicionem paciscendi ucceperunt. Pla- 6 cuit suflfragio ipsorum decem duligi, qui J^'jfjf J^^^go^JJ Romam ad senatum irent, nee pi gnus funds, aliud fidei, quam ut iurarent se redituros, acceptum. Missus cum his Carthalo, nol)ilis Carthagiuit^nsis, qui, ^ si forte ad pacem inclinaret animus, condiciones ferret. Quum egressi castris essent, unus ex iis, minime Ro- 8 numi ingenii homo, veluti aliquid oblitus, iuris iuraudi sokendi causa quum in castra redisset, ante noctem comites assequitur. Ubi Romam venire eos nuntiatum 9 est, Carthaloni obviam lictor missus, qui dictatoris verbis nuntiaret, ut ante noctem excederet finibus Ro- manis. Legatis captivorum senatus ab ^^^ ^^^ ^,,^,„ ^ ^^ TiT lunius pleads with dictatore datus est, quorum princeps JVl. ^i.^ 8[.nate for lunius " Patres conscripti " inquit, " nemo "'""^ nostrum ignorat, nuUi unquam civitati viliores fuisse captivos quam nostrse ; ceterum, nisi nobis plus iusto 2 nostra placet causa, non alii unquam minus negligendi vobis quam nos in hostium potestatem venerunt. Non 3 enim in acie per timorem arma tradidimus, sed, quum prope ad noctem superstantes cumulis csesorum cor- porum proelium extraxissemus, in castra recipimus nos; diei reliquum ac noctem insequentem, fessi labore ac 4 vulneribus, vallum sumus tutati : postero die, quum 5 circumsessi ab exercitu victore aqua arceremur, nee uUa iam per confertos hostes erumpendi spes esset, nee esse nefas duceremus, quinquaginta millibus hominum ex acie nostra trucidatis, aliquem ex Cannensi pugna 142 LIVII 6 Bomanum luilitem restare, tunc demum pacti sumus pretium, quo redempti dimitteremur, arma in quibus 7 nihil iam aiixilii erat, hosti tradidimus. Maiores quo- qiie accepei-amiis se a Gallia auro redemisse, et patres vestros, asperrimos illos ad condiciones pacis, legates tamen captivoriim ledimendorum gratia Tarentum 3 misisse. Atqui et ad Aliam cum Gallis et ad Herar cleam cum Pyrrlio utraque non tam clade infamis quam pavore et fuga pugua fuit. Cannenses campos acervi Romaiiorum cori>orum tegunt, nee supersumus pugnae, nisi in quibus tiucidandis et fen-um et \ares 9 hofitem defi'ceinint. Sunt etiam de nostris quidam, qui ne in acie quidem fiierunt, sed piiesidio castiis relicti, quum ca.stra tradereutur, in j)otestatem hostiuui ve- to nenint Hand equidem ullius civis et commilitonis fortunae aut condicioni invideo, nee premendo alium me extulisse velim : ne illi quidem, nisi pemicitatis pedum et cui*8us aliquod prsemium est, qui plerique inermes ex acie fugientes non prius quam Venusiie aut Canusii const itemnt, se nobis merito praetulerint glori- atique sint, in se plus quam in nobismet prsesidii rei 11 publico esse. Sed et illis bonis ac fortibus militibus utemini et nobis etiam promptioribus pro patiia, quod beneficio vestro redempti atque in patriam restituti 12 fuerimus. Dilectum ex omni setate et fortuna habetisj octo millia servorum audio armari. Non minor nu- merus noster est, nee maiore pretio redimi possumus, quam ii emuntur ; nam si conferam nos cum illis, iniu- 13 riam nomini Romano faciam. lllud etiam in tali con- silio animadvei-tendum vobis censeam, patres conscripti, si iam duiiores esse velitis, quod nullo nostro merito M ^ciafcis, cui nos hosti relicturi sitis. Pyrrho videlicet, LIBER XXIL 143 qui hospitum numero captivos habuit? An barbaro ac Pceno, qui utrum avarior an crudelior sit, vix exis- timari potest] Si videatis catenas, squalorem, defor- 15 mitatem civium vestrorum, non minus profecto vos ea species moveat, quam si ex altera parte cernatis stratas Caiinensibus campis legiones vestras. Intueri potestis 16 sollicitudinem et lacrimas in vestibulo curiae stantium cognatorum nostrorum exspectantiumque responsum vestrum. Quum ii pro nobis proque iis, qui absunt, ita suspensi ac soUiciti sint, quern cense tis animum ip- sorum esse, quorum in discrimine vita libertasque est? Si, mediusfidius, ipse in nos mitis Hannibal, contra na- 17 turani suam esse velit, nihil tamen uobis vita opus esse censeamus, quum indigni ut redimeremur [a] vobis visi simus. Rediere Romam quondam remissi a Pjrrho 18 sine pretio capti ; sed rediere cum legatis, primoribus civitatis, ad redimendos sese missis. Redeam ego in patriam trecentis nummis non sestimatus civis 1 Suum quisque hahet animum, patres conscripti. Scio, in dis- 19 crimiue esse vitam corpusque meum ; magis me famse pe- riculum movet, ne a vobis damnati ac repulsi abeamus; neque enim vos pretio pepercisse homines credent." XJbi is finem fecit, extemplo ab ea turba, quae in 60 comitio erat, clamor flebilis est sublatus, manusque ad curiam tendebant orantes, ut sibi liberos, fratres, cognatos redderent. Feminas quoque metus ac neces- 3 sitas in foro turbae virorum immiscuerat. Senatus sum- motis arbitris consuli coeptus. Ibi quum sententiis 3 variaretur, et alii redimendos de publico, alii nuUam publice impensam faciendam nee prohibendos ex pri- vate redimi ; si quibus argentum in praesentia deesset, 4 dandam ex aerario pecuniam mutuam praedibusque ac 144 LIVll LIBER XX I L Ub 5 prsediis cavendum populo censerent, turn T. Manliius nut T. Maniius Torquatus, priscae ac nimis diirse, ut D]f'ri«» Torquatus pro- • i . '^ . . ' ^^^ P^US- tests against ran- que videbatur, seventatis, interroffatns soming men who . . -^fotn/ua 6 had so tamely seiitentiam ita locntus fertur: Si tantnn. surrendered wlien vcvtiuuui- ^'';"ourof'"the "'''*^^ l>08ttilassent legati pro iis, qui in camp. hostium potestate sunt, ut redimerentur sine ullius insectatione eorum brevi sententiam pere- 7 gissern ; quid euini aliud quam admonendi essetis, ut morem traditum a patribus necessario ad rem mili- tarem exeraplo servaretis? Nunc autem, quuin prope gloriati sint, quod se hostibus dediderint, prjeferrique m non captia modo in acie ab hostibus, sed etiam iis, qui Venusiam Canusiumque pervenerunt, atque ipsi C. Terentio consult aequum censuerint, nihil vos eorum, I)atres conscripti, quae illic acta sunt, iguorare patiar. 8 Atque utinam haec, quae apud vos acturus sum, Canusii apud ipsum exercitura agerem, optimum testem ign.i- viae cuiusque et virtutis, aut unus hie saltem adesset P. Sempronius, quern si isti ducem secuti essent, milites hodie in castris Romania, non captivi in hostium pote.s- 9 tate essent. Sed quum, fessis pugnando hostibus, turn victoria Isetis et ipsis plerisque regressis in castra sua, noctem ad erumpendum liberam habuissent, et septem millia armatorum hominum erumpere etiam per con- fertos hostes possent, neque per se ipsi id facere conati 10 sunt neque alium sequi voluerunt. Nocte prope tota P. Sempronius Tuditanus non destitit monere, adlior- tari eos, dum paucifcis hostium circa castra, dum quies ac silentium esset, dum nox inceptum tegere posset, sc ducem sequerentur: ante lucem pervenire in tuta loca, 11 in sociorum urbes posse. Si, ut avorum memoria P. Decius tribunus militum in Samnio, si, ut nobis adoles- centibus priore Punico bello Calpumius Flamma tre- centis voluntariis, quum ad tumulum eos capiendum situm inter medios duceret hostes, dixit 'Moriamur, milites, et morte nostra eripiamus ex obsidione circum- ventas legiones,* si hoc P. Sempronius diceret, nee « viros equidem nee Romanes vos ducerem, si nemo tantae virtutis exstitisset comes. . Viam non ad gloriam 13 magis quam ad salutem ferentem denionstrat ; reduces in patriam ad parentes, ad coniuges ac liberos facit. Ut servemini, deest vobis animus : quid, si moriendum 14 pro patria esset, faceretis 1 Quinquaginta millia ci\ ium sociorumque circa vos eo ipso die caesa iacent. Si tot exempla virtutis non movent, nihil unquam movebit ; si tanta clades vilem vitam non fecit, nulla faciet. Liberi atque iucolumes desiderate patriam ; immo desi- 15 derate, dum patria est, dum cives eius estis ! sero nunc desideratis, deminuti capite, abalienato iure civium, servi Carthaginiensium facti. Pretio redituri estis eo, 16 unde ignavia ac nequitia abistis ? P.Sempronium civem vestrum non audistis arma capere ac sequi se iubentem; Hannibalem post paulo audistis castra prodi et arma tradi iubentem. Quan^-wam ego ignaviam istorum ac- 17 cuso, quum scelus possim accusare. Non modo enim sequi recusarunt bene monentem, sed obsistere ac re- tinere conati sunt, ni strictis gladiis viri fortissimi inertes summovissent. Prius, inquani, P. Sempronio per civium agmen quam per hostium fuit erumpendum. Hos cives patria desideret, quorum si ceteri similes is fuissent, neminem hodie ex iis, qui ad Cannas pug- naverunt, civem haberet? Ex millibus septem arma- 19 torum sexcenti exstiterunt, qui erumpere auderent, qui in patriam liberi atque armati redirent, neque his sex- C. L. 10 146 LIYII LIBER XXII. 147 ao centis hostes obstitere; quam tutum iter diiarum prope legionum agmini futurum censetis fuissel Haberetia hodie viginti millia annatorum Canusii fortia, fidelia, patres conscripti. Nunc autem quemadmodum hi boni fidelesque (nam ^fortes' ne ipsi qiiidem dixerint) cives ji esse po88unt 1 Nisi quia credere potest, aut favisse enimpentibus, qui, ne erumpereut, obsistere conati sunt, aut non invidore eos quum incoluinitati, tuiii glorisB illorum per vii-tutem partse, quum sibi timorem ignaviamque servitutis ignominiosae causam esse sciant. «a Maluerunt in tentoriis latentes simul lucem atque hos- tem exspectare, quum silentio noctis erumpeudi oc- casio esset. At ad eruiupendum e castris defuit animus, 23 ad tutanda fortiter castra animum habuerunt; dies noc- tesque aliquot obsessi vallum armis, se ipsi tutati vallo sunt \ tandem ultima ausi passique, quum omnia sub- sidia vitffi deessent affectisque fame viribua arma iam sustinere nequirent, necessitatibus magis liumanisquam 24 armis victi sunt Orto sole bostis ad vallum accessit; ante secundam horam, nullam fortunam certaminis ex- 25 perti, tradidenint arma ac se ipsos. H«bc vobis istorum per biduum militia fuit. Quum in acie stare ac pug- nare decuerat, turn in castra refugerunt ; quum pro vallo pugnandum erat, castm tradiderunt, neque in »6 acie neque in castris utiles. Et vos redimam % Quum erumjiere « castris oportet, cunctamini ac manetis; quum manere tt castra tutari armis necesse est, et cas- t7 tra et arma et vos ipsos traditis hosti. Ego non magis istos redimendos, patres conscripti, censeo, quam illos dedendos Hannibali, qui per medios hostes e castris eruperunt ac per sum mam viitutem se patriffi resti- tuenuit," Postquam Manlius dixit, quanquara patnim quo- 61 que plerosque captivi coguatione attinge- ^he senate re- bant, prseter exemplum civitatis minime [Kr^amo.rof the in captivos iam inde antiquitus indulgen- *^^*'^*'^' tis, pecuniae quoque summa homines movit, quia nee a serarimn exhaurire, magna iam summa erogata in ser- vos ad militiam emendos armandosque, nee Hanniba- lem, maxinie huiusce rei, ut fama erat, egentem, locu- pletari volebant. Quum triste responsum, non redimi 3 captivos, redditum esset, novusque super veterem luc- fcus tot iactura civium adiectus esset, cum magnis fletibus questibus^i*6 legatos ad portam prosecuti sunt. Uuus ex iis domum abiit, quod fallaci reditu in castra 4 iure iurando se exsolvisset. Quod ubi innotuit rela- tumque ad senatum est, omnes censuerunt comprehen- dendum et custodibus publico datis deducendum ad Hannibalem esse. Est et alia de captivis fama: decern primes venisse; s de eis quum dubitatum in senatu esset, but the details of * the story are van- adniittereutur in urbem necne, ita admis- ousiy described. SOS esse, ne tamen iis senatus daretur ; morantibus 6 delude longius omnium spe, alios tres insuper legatos venisse, L. Scribonium et C. Calpurnium et L. Man- lium \ turn demum ab cognato Scribonii tribune plebis 7 de redimendis captivis relatum esse, nee censuisse redimendos senatum ; et novos legatos tres ad Hanni- balem revertisse, decem veteres remansisse, quod per 8 cauaam recognoscendi nomina captivorum ad Hanni- balem ex itinere regressi religione sese exsolvissent ; de iis dedendis magna contentione actum in senatu esse, victosque paucis sententiis, qui dedendos censu- eriut; ceterum proximis censoribus adeo omnibus notis 9 10—2 148 LIVII LIBER XXII. ignominiisque confectos esse, ut quidam eorum mortem sibi ipsi extemplo consciverint, ceteri non foro solum omni deinde vita, sed prope luce ac publico caruerint loMirari magis, adeo discrepare inter auctores, quam, quid veri sit, discemere queaa Quanto autem maior ea clades superioribus clatli- ^ „ ^ bus fuerit, vel ea res indicio e««, qmd Th« Romaiu hear ^ ' ^ thei?I°Uos*oTS fi^^ soaorum, qu» ad earn diem firma SSS^Sf "SJktag steterat, turn labare coepit, nulla profecto **•■**• alia de re quam quod desperaverant de „ imperio. Defecere autem ad Pcenos hi populi: Atellani, Calatini, Hirpini, Apulorum pars, Samnites praeter Pentros, Bruttii omnes, Lucani, praeter hos Uzentiiii, et Graecorum omnis ferme ora, Tarentini, Metapontini, 3 Crotonienses Lociique, et Cisalpini omnes GallL Nee tamen eae clades defectionesque sociorum moverunt, ut pads usquam mentio apud Romanos fieret, neque ante consulis Romam adventum nee postquam is rediit 4 renovavitque memoriam accept® cladis ; quo in tem- pore ipso adeo magno animo civitas fuit, ut consul! varro on iiis re- ex tanta clade, cuius ipse causa maxima wiS wSSieifet fidsset, redeunti et obviam itum frequen- foi not despaiiiDg ter ab omnibus ordinibus sit et gratiifi of the commoo , _ „„+ . wealth. act®, quod de re publica non desperasset, 5 qui n Carthaginiensium ductor fuisset, nihil recusan- dum supplicii foret. 19 NOTES. BOOK XXL p 1 c. I. § 1. In parte operis. Livy's work in nearly 150 books covered the whole history of Republican Rome ; books XXI.— XXI. dealt ^vith the Second Punic War. smnma totlU8 = T^$ t\t\% atiMm mmniai totim omne. Cic. Qu. fr. iii. 5. 5, in omni summa. Summa is often used substantively in Livy, and with a genitive as summa rerum, imperii, spei, rei bellica, ret publica. Cf. Vita summa brevis, Hor. Carm. i. 4. 16, and hodiema summit iv. 7. 17. rerum scrlptores. For the historians who wrote specially on this war see the Introduction on the Authorities, but cf . also the begmning of Thucydides, who calls the Peloponnesian War fiiyap T€ Kal d^LoKoyurarov tuv Trpoy€'Y€vr}fi^b)v. imquam, though properly used in negative sentences, is employed at times with si to increase the indefinitenese of the statement, and even absolutely when the indefiniteness is to be made still more emphatic. Cf. use of quisquam Seneca de tranquil. 11, cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest. Hamiibale. The name meant in Punic 'favour of Baal,' Schroder Phoen. Sprache p. 87. The 2nd a was long in En- nius and in the speech of the earlier Romans (Aul. Gell. ly. 7) as in Hasdrubal, Hamilcar, but became shortened in fam^iar use, just as the aspirate which had at first the Punic sound of eft, was softened, and often dropped completely, as in the Greek, 'kwl^a%. Corssen Aussprache der Lat. Spr. i. 99. § 2. vliium ant roborls, ' resources or endurance.' Polyb. II. 24 estimates the armies which Rome could raise with the im NOTES, XXI. c. I. g 2—4. Italian contingenta m 700,000 foot and 70,000 liorse. He asks the question i. 64 why in later days of empire she could no longer put such forces on the field. Inter mm, Md. Heerwagen notes that the alliteration was in such cases less displeasing to Koman than to modern ears, cl Cic. opt. gen. or. 2. 6, nee generihut inter iue sed facultati bm difertfii. conserebant is formed on the analogy otpugnam or maniM eonserere. The reading conferebant found in some MSS. is approved by Kuj>erti and by Madrig as a more natiuai expression. ©xpertaa prlmo Punlco, i.e. each of the combatants had learnt its rival's skill by the experience of the first war. Yet the naval skill of Carthage was comparatively little used in the 2nd war, probably because the Barcine party had neglected the fleet. But Hamilcar had given proof of a genius like that of Hannibal in his power of welding into unity a motley host of various nationalities. propiuB p. ... q. vtcerunt. Borne, though victorious, was brought to the brink of ruin by the early successes of Han- nibal. Muretus notes that Sihus Italicus in the corresponding passage writes propiusqtte fuere penclo | queis mperare datum. Livy elsewhere often uses the ace. as xxii. 40. 5, propim Han- nibalem, iv. 17. 3, propim Jidem, xxiii. 12. 4, quo propius spem. vicerunt here used absolutely, cf. xxiii. 13. 4, quam {pacem) quum vincimm, dat nemo. § 3. ultro inferrent a. 'should presume to attack.' Cf. 1. 6. 2, ultra accmantes; of the robbers who accused Bomulus of theft. inperbe, in threatening war and taking Sardinia ; nvare in raising the war indemnity by 1200 talents. Polyb. iii. 10. eredermit does not properly balance inferrent, as it rather repeats than justifies the idea of the word indignantibm, and the subj. is due to a looseness of style as in Cic. Phil. ii. 4, at etiam literas, quas mc nbi misisse diceret, recitavit liomo. Imperltatum. Livy has a special affection for frequenta- tive forms, and often uses this one. § 4. Fama eat. Polyb. in. 11 says that H. himself told this story to Antiochiis in later days. Cf. Livy, xxxv. 19. annorum novom. The gen. of the quality is here imme- diately connected with a proper name as in in. 27. 1, L. Tarquinium patricia gentu ; xxii. GO. 5, Torqiiatiis prisca «•- veritatis. Fabri. NOTES. XXI. c. I. § 4— c. ii. § 1 151 blaadlentem, used in pregnant sense with ut coaxmgly entreating.' Blandus is connected by Bopp and Curtius with ^Xxo« and MAt, mto passing into bla, cf. the like change m the formation of /SXIrretv, Ppords. Hamllcaxl, a name meaning ' friend of Melcart.' Schroder, p. 87. altaii:>n8, a word used almost exclusively in the plural, though of a single altar {ara). p Q 8 5 amisss, 'the loss of Sicily and S.' Cf. 16. 2, pudf; mnkiti auxUii, and xxii. 34. 2, ex dictatoHo impeno I^IZ^ It is a form not used by Cicero, but very common in Tkcitus, as Ann. i. 8, Occisvs Camr aliis pessivmm, aliu pukherrimnm facinw visum. Sardinia said by Polybius to be prjffos tv fieyidei koX to\v- a.ep..l^ Kal ToU yev^^^aac S.a0 Wa. It seem« nejer to have recovered its prosperity after its change of masters. On this and the foUowing points referred to see the Introduction. nam et Siclliam ' for he felt that S.' For the ace. in con- nei^with anpebant Fabri compares i. 46. 6, '^^dehaturferox Tullia, nihil materia in viro...esse. His successes seemed to iustify unwillingness to accept the terms of peace, yet Polyb. 1 62 says that fiamUcar felt the need of submission and con- ducted the negotiations. desperatione r. It is common with Latin ™ter8 to add rerum where no equivalent is wanted in Englisn, tnus, exitut, motm, inopia, ignoratio rerum. inter motum Aft. These are weak words for the for- midable war of mercenaries which nearly rumed Carthage. ^ ■tipendlo, the indemnity, cf. 3. 3. StipenMum f eems to be put for stipCpendirm {sUps), m.e pauper ioi P^^'J^\ J^ vocem. But sub galli cantum, sub yesperum, f^LTll^Te tempus are less definite, and may be ' just before. The Passage in Verg. Georg. ii. 211, usque sub extremum bruma mtra^tabiLis 152 NOTES. XXI. c. 11. §§ 1—3. imhrem is decisive for 'just before.' The mercenary wa- "winch foUowed closely on the treaty with liome." lasted three years and four months, Pol. i. 88. The five years of Livy probably cover the warlike movements against the Numi dians mentioned by Diodorus. novem annla, from 236 to 227 b.o. Note the change to the abl. after quinque annos. In Hispanla. The Phoenicians had in remote ages planted colonies on the coast of Spain, which fell in time nnder the mfluence of Cartilage. The wealth of the mines tempted lier to push her way further inland, but no great progress had been made till Hamilcar annexed much of the South, and changed the umperial policy of Carthage. The vast revenues of the mmes and the hardy material for soldiers were the chief ob- jects in view ; like Crosar, he went to conquer a province and organize an army for future nses. It is curious to contrast the speedy conquests made by these generals with the slow progress of Bome m finally subduing Spain. In a later age the Arabs, of Semitic race possibly akin to that of Carthage, possessed themselves of Southern Spain, and attained to a high degree of power and culture, in the Moorish kingdoms of Cordova and Granada. 1 2. qua. Weissenborn and Fabri adopt the qui of the MSS. but it is a less probable reading. ductu. The modal abl. of one of the verbal forms in the 4th decl. which are of frequent use in Livy. It is here em- ployed to vary the H. duce of the line before. I 3. Mors H. He died in war with the Spanish tribes. Pol. II. 1. peropportima. Cf. vi, 1. 5, mors adeo opportuna ut volun- tariam magna pars crederct, diatulerunt. For the use of this word Fabri compares XLiii. 1. 12, metua de consule atquc ezercitu distulit munienda Aquileice curam. Hasdmbal means • help of Baal,' Schrdder, p. 100. flore »tetl8. Scandalous gossip probably circulated among the partisans of Hanno, the rival faction to that of the Barca family, so styled from the personal name, meaning lightninc. of the great Hamilcar. ebb, conciliatus, for this use cf. xxii. 34. 2, hominem plebi in- sectatione principum coiicUiatum. NOTES. XXI. c. II. ^ 4—6. 153 § 4. plus quam modlcsB. Fabius Pictor (ap. Polyb. iii. 8) stated that Hasdmbal returned to Carthage from Spain, with the design of making himself despot, but being opposed by the a^t$iis iv KtJK\(f} OTftarhi \ iK^dvra iras iiavrdpET dfwdvres fiXi-jrctv \ rbv o^k It' 6vTa fwrr' 'Ax*^^^'* irdXti'. credere... intuert The historic infinitives here give vigour and liveliness to the passage. P. 4. lineamenta. Linea is connected with littera, lino, from a root sli = smear, found in our slime, Corssen i. 383. IMkter In se ... 'His father's memory was but little needed to gain the popular good will,* or, 'his' likeness to his father was but the least influence,' drc, i.e. was only the least among many influences. For use of momentum cf. i. 47. 4, ipsa regio semine orta nullum momentum in dando adiniendoque regno faceret. From the early meaning of the ' weight which turned the scale,' movimentum, came secondary meanings, as in the parallel cases of gravis, seHus, both of which first denoted physical weight, and then moral. §S. dlecemeres, a use of the imperf. subj., fi-equent in Livy, where the pluperf. would seem more natural to us, as n. 43. 9, crederex victos. The earlier part of this description seems too enthusiastic to have come from a Boman annalist ; NOTES. XXT. c. IV. §§3—0. 157 nrobably it may be traced to Philinus, who wrote in the Punio interest. Here again Livy seems to have combmed two dis- Lt accounts, for the latter part is purely Koman. It has heen thought that SaUust's description of Catilme suggested Bome of the language here used, but the resemblance is not very close. The early part of it is repeated by Livy xxvi. 41. 25, of the young Scipio Africanus. § 4. praflcere is used absolutely, a common feature of Livy's style. fortlter ac strenue, epithets frequently combined. Fabri Quotes Cic. Phil. ii. 32, si minus fortem, attamen strenuiim. Strenuus is probably connected with arepebs, ffrprivq^, stenUs, Starr, Curtius 193. 5 7 Id, i. e. tempons. The use of superesse with the dative of the 'gerundive is unusual. * Leisure from active work. cufltodias, sentinels on guard on the ramparts of the camp. sUUones, * outposts ' or pickets at outlying points. 6 9 Polvb. IX 24 says that the Romans thought cruelty the special vice of H., but that his namesake, Monomachus was the real author of much that was complained of. In any lase the sufferings imposed on Italy by so desperate and long a 8?;uggle, the r^uis^ions for the troops, and the outrages of camp followers, must have associated the naine of H. m popular memor^ with deeds of terrible oppression. Polyb. Sds the charge of avarice as best supported by the evidence of the C^hagi^ans themselves, and of Masinissa, who knew him well perfidia ..Punlca. Cf. xxii. 6. 12. Punica religione servata fides ab Hannibale est. On this P^P^l^^ «^^*^?^f *' f .f ^.^'•' Carm iv. 4. 45, dixitque tandem perjidus Hannibal, and 43, impto \ZtZa P«rirum Imultu | fana. As to the Punic character. of. Cic. de leg. agr., Carthaginienses frauduUntx et rr^riU^^'^ wmgeneresednatura loci, i^^ p-opter partus suc^.muU^J^ vanis mercatorum et advenarum sermombus, f ^ ««"f .*""* >/,7"f ^ studio, a^aus vocabantu. ^^ -e ^.^^^^^^^^^^^ rhrchtfe^^^T^irtr^aL^^^^^ wanting in good faith, and the foreign pohcy of the Ronaan Senate^as too often a course of ^?f.-rt'vHrpraL^ egotism, for the religious reverence for which ^.^^y}^'^^''-''^^ ft3ni^ highly was Uttle shown in international dealings. nlMl.. The Latin writers have recourse to nihil with the 158 NOTFS. XXI. c. IV. § 9~^. V. § 3. mrSS. XXL c. V. §§ 4—12. 159 partitive genitive, or to mdlm, to express ideas for which no abstract negatives existed, such as 'irreverence.' ♦ irreliLnon^ ' See Nagelsbacli, Stilistik, p. 61. ' "reiifeious. reUglo is the sense of the unseen world as a bindiim nr constraining force (whether from religare, as in Lucretiu? rehgtmummdw exsolvere, or from reUgere, as Cicero N D u. 28). It is wider than deum nietus, which refers only to if'ilf PI- <^^ij« P^^i«i^«ie^i- Fabri quotes as a limitation of this Pbny, Nat. H. xvi. 40, cui (templo) pepercit reliaioZ tnductus Hannibal. But it is needless to discuss seriouslv the extreme language of national antipathy. ^ § 10. meralt, used properly with stipendia, then ahso. lutely = ' served.* agenda..., 'which one who hoped to be some dav a ffroat Jieneral could do for himself or learn from others.' c. V. § 1. provlnda decreta. A metaphor taken from the lioman usage by which special departments were assigned to the consuls and prtetor. Cf. 17. 1. ■ 1^ ^' i"m ^ pa$, 4>pd(ra(a. publice S. • Recognized by the State of Saguntom as,' &c. § 8. senatus datus. • Audience was given in the senate to.' This sense suits most of the passages in which the phrase is used in Livy, but in some it can only refer to a special meeting convened for the pui-pose, as in xxvi. 21. 1, where the prretor calls the senate together to discuss the claims of an applicant for a triumph. So too of the corres- ponding expressions, mii, 7. 11, senatum extemplo postulate where the demand is for a special meeting. c. iiii. § 1. veni. The subj. vmiuem of the MSS. here seems out of place in reference to the definite hoc iter, and Madvig reads veni. sed, thinking that this was written veni ««t, then changed to venisset, and afterwards as a mistake in the person to veTmsem. § 2. pro. * In the name of,' * out of regard for.' § 3. loqul, qam loqnor. A sort of repetition constants occurring in Latin writers. Fabri compares Quintil. il. 3. 80, aceedit et e£ illajigura gratia, qua rwmina dixi mutatis casihm repeti * non minm cederet quam cessit.* T«l ea fides sit. * Evidence may be found in the fact that.' NOTES. XXI. c. XIII. § 4— c. XIV. § 3. 171 § 4. Postquam... est. 'Now that there is.' A rare se- quence of tense, as the est is not the historical present. It should be postquam eo ventum est ut. Heerwagen compares 30. 6, postquam multo majorem partem itineris emensam cemant. § 5. Cuius Ita. ' Some slight hope of which is left pro- vided that you accept its terms as conquered men, seeing that H. dictates them as a conqueror, and do not think of what you forfeit as a loss, but of what you are allowed to keep as a free gift, seeing that all you have is at your conqueror's mercy.' The change of mood from the audiatis of the MSS. which most editors retain, to habituri estis, can hardly be explained on any principle, so Madvig reads audietis after Gronovius. P. 15 § 6* captam habet. A strong form of the perfect for a completed act, as fessum militem habebat, 11. 3. § 7. binlB. Why this instead of singulis, 12. 5, we do not know, and Lipsius therefore suggested privis as privis tunicis donati, vii. 37. 2. § 8. Equidem. The e seems to be an intensifying particle HS in edepol {c. dcm. Pollux), equirine, ecastor, edius Fidius, another form of medius Fidius. Corssen, ii. 857. § 9. patlenda...slnatls. Note the change of construction, patiamini being understood in patienda. traddarl. Derived by Corssen from truncum cadere, as if shortened from truci-cidare like stipendium for stipi-pendium, II. 681. c. XIV. § 1. paulatlm. Like raptim, confcstim, this adverb seems to be an accusative form of an abstract substantive otherwise lost. Corssen ii. 532 explains paulus, or paullus the older form, as a diminutive paurulus from a root pauro, pre- served in iradpos, like misellus, tenellus, &c. for muerulus, teneruhis. So the name Paulus means 'the httle man' as Crassus ' the fat man.' argentum aurumque onme. Livy seems in this chapter to combine two accounts of the event, one of which emphasized the tragic despair of the S., while another reported ingens prada and captivi. Polybius iii. 17 after a very short ac- count of the siege dwells on the booty gained. Like stories of the self-destruction of the inhabitants were told in the case of other Spanish towns in later times. Cf. xxviii. 23, Juv. xv. 93. Compare also the sieges of Numantia and Zaragoza. § 3. memento. More frequently with temporis, or hovis, not absolutely, as here and in iii. 63. 1, xxiv. 22. 9. crudele. Requires fuit to balance cognitum est, but Livy often omits in like cases. 172 NOTES. XXI. c. xiv. § 4— a xvi. § 1. § 4. niinum ante flnem. The long delay and lieavy losses o! the siege may well have disgusted Hannibal with operations which gave so little scope for his genius for strategy. We find therefore that in Italy he rarely persevered in the siege of any of the fortresses by which he passed in his campaigns. He marched too rapidly through hostile country to carry with him the heavy materials of a siege train. P 16 c. XV. § 2. supeUectUem. We may explain supelUx as a contracted form of superlectu.<, though we read Laheo ait originem fuisse supellectilis quod olim his qui in legionibvs proficisccrentur locari solerent qum sub pellibus xuui forent. Dig. 33. 10. 7. 1. § 3. Octavo mense. Rome had therefore ample time to send tiie needful succour to Saguntum, and by her long delay she not only deserted an ally, but brought invasion upon Italy. Octavo... quam. The po8t is here omitted before quam, as in IV. 47. 5, die octavo quam creatus erat, and other places. ceeptTun. Note the omission of sit after this word, and of este after cap turn. quldam scripsere, as Polyb. iii. 17. § 4 fieri non p. The chronological difficulty existed only in the authorities which Livy foUowed. The account of Poly- bitts is clear and consistent, agreeing only with L. m the ei^t months for the siege, and the tive for the march to Italy. He makes the Roman envoys reach H. at Carthago Nova before the siege begins, and throws back the embassy of Saguntum to the year before the consulship of Scipio and Sempronius. § 5. ccBptum. Weissenborn remarks that Livy forgets that the consuls entered office on the 16th of March, and that the army which took Sag. could not then be returmng in hibema. § 6. exceaalsse. ' The battle on the T. cannot have falleii so late.' As for the phrase Fabri compares xxx. 26. 1, imc- quentia excedunt in eum annum quo. iragna ad TroMam. So xxii. 7. 1, ad Trasumennum pugrn, 64. 11, clades ad Mgate$ imulas. C. FlamlnluB Ar. Cf. 63. 1. creatua a T. S. The magisft-ate presi(Ung at the elections nmst he of like or higher rank, i. e. dictator, consul, or mter- rex. He was said creare, that is, to declare the candidate elected, though the phrase populu» ereat is also used. 0. XVI. § 1. Bub Idem tempus, 'about the same time.' CI. a. 1.* NOTES. XXL c. XVI. §S 1—6. 173 qtd redlerant. The delay of the envoys seems unreason- able according to Livy's dates, still more so if we accept those of Polybius. § 2. pudor non latl aux., 'shame at the neglect to send,* ct on 1. 5. summa r., 'the safety of the state,* cf. xxii. 12. 10, and note on 1. 1. P. 17, § 3. nam neque hostem, thrown into the ace. of the oblique narration, giving the reason of metus. Cf. ' nam et Siciliam,^ i. 5. §4. Sardos. These hostilities took place just after the 1st, and before the 2ud Punic war. Sardinia, which Rome had wrested from Cai-thage at the end of the 1st Punic war, rebelled shortly afterwards and made common cause with the Corsicans, whose indignation had been roused by the refusal of the Roman government to recognize the treaty of peace just concluded without its sanction, nor would they accept the person of M. Claudius Glicia, the author of the obnoxious treaty. The unhealthy climate stayed awhile the progress of the Roman arms, but both islands were finally subdued by Sp. Carvihus, B.C. 234. The lUyrians, b. c. 230, under the queen-regent Teuta pro- voked hostilities by their piracies on Italian traders and mur- der of the R. envoys, but they were speedily defeated, as were also the Histrians who followed their example. tumultuatum. These passive forms of neuter verbs are especially frequent in historical writers, e.g. discursum, pro- cunumy consensum, desperatum^ introitum, transcensum. The term is justified by the old phrase often used of Gallicus tumul- tus which Cicero thus explains, tumultum majores nostri Itali- cum quod erat domesticus tumultus, Gallicum quod erat Italia finitimus, prceterea nullum tumultum nominahant. Phil. 8. 1. But the alarm at Rome as described by Polybius, ii. 24, and the care with which the muster-rolls of the ItaUan contingents were reviewed, show how real the danger was then thought to be, though the great victory at Telamon soon put an end to it. As to form of the sentence cf. ii. 26. 1, tumultus fuit verim quam bellum. § 5. trluxn et vlg. includes the whole period between the two Punic wars, 241—218 B.C., though the conquest of Spain was not begun so early. § 6. heUum in Italia. Pol. iii. 15 states that the Ro- mans did not expect to wage war in Italy but in Spain, and 174 NOTES. XXT. c. xvi. § 6— c. xvii. § 3. there is no reason to suppose that the plans of Hannibal could have been foreseen. 0. xvn. § 1. The term provincia is strictly used only in con- nexion with the imperium of a Roman magistrate, that is with military and judicial functions. For this reason, as for others, we must reject the derivation from provident i a which is often given for it, together with that from proventiu of Niebuhr, and accept the old derivation horn provincere ('to be the mightiest') of Festus, though his words vinciam dicehant continentem,... provincia quod eas pop. Rom. provicit seem wrongly to restrict the use of the term to land beyond the seas, and to pomt to the conquest rather than the rule. The Annalists employed it early for the limits of each consul's sphere of military action. Thus Livy ii. 40. 14, Aquilio Uernici provincia evemt ; for some such division of functions must have been needful from the first, though not constitutionally binding. As the senate's influence increased, it claimed more right to define the work of the executive from year to year, or nominare provincias, or in less appropriate terms decemere (c. 6. (>) ; but the several departments were decided by lot (sortin) or by agreement {com- parare inter »e provincial,... extra sortem concedente collega). The principle of division was extended to the prrotorship when two forms of jurisdiction were distinguished, and with the conquest of Sicily a precedent was set for the new system of departments locally distinct from the executive centrahzed at Rome. Each of these provinces in the latter sense was ruled by a governor invested with an imperium which covered miU- tary and judicial functions. § 2. lOdum, quantum 1. ▼. Such discretionary power was not commonly vested in the consuls, unless by special commission as in this case. The poUcy of Rome was to throw more and more of the military burdens upon the allies, wlio had been gradually brought closer to R, and severed from each other by distinct ties of relationship to the central city. Note the contracted form of the gen. plur. which is fre- quently used in this word as in deum, modium, jugerum, de- nanum. Cf. Cic. Omt. 157, aliai ita loquor ut concessum est, ut hoe vel 'pro deum' dico vel 'pro deoriim\ alioit ut necesse est, eum ' trium virum' nm virorum, cum 'sestertium nummum mm nummorum, quod in his comuetudo varia rum est. ipdfl, i e. consulibus. I 8. lerfiitat enrolled. The verbal copula is omitted throughout the chapter. celooM=/cA7|Tej or light gaUeys, commonly feminine. A krge fleet was ready in consequence of recent operations in Dlyria. NOTES. XXI. c. XVII. §§ 3—9. 175 deduct!. The fuller form is given xli. 9. 1, naves si de- dueere ex navalibus vellet. Gr. KaOiXKCiv. § 4. Latum. ' The question was brought before the com- mons (i. e. the Com. Centuriata to which all questions of war were constitutionally referred) whether it was their will and pleasure.' populus is used of the general assembly of the whole people, as distinct from the plebs ; the asyndeton is especially common in technical phrases like these terms for the resolution on which the vote was taken. supplicatio. V. Excursus on Roman religion. bellum is here inserted in the relative sentence, though the subject of the principal clause. Cf. Hor. Sat. i. 4. 2, alii quorum comcedia prisca virorum est. § 5. quatema mlllia. Polyb. ii. 24 gives the full strength of the legion as 5200 foot with 300 horse attached. naves longa = ^af/)d Tr\o7a of Polyb. These were triremes or quiuqueremes, or rostrata as distinct from the oneraria which carried only the supplies. P. 18, § 6. Semproniiis...ita...si. Polyb. iii. 41 speaks of the preparations of S. in Sicily, and of his confidence of taking Carthage as it were by a coup de main. transmlssurus. The future participle implies the com- mission given conditionally. Livy uses this participle with more shades of meaning than earlier writers, not merely to imply a future act, a determination or destiny, but hypothetical statements such as vi. 38. 10, haud sine pmlore fractum priore anno in se imperium repetiturum. Cf. Niigelsbach, Stil. 314. § 7. et ipse. This combination is very rare in Cicero, who used et for etiam sparingly. §8. cum suo lusto, 'with their proper complement of,* i. e. 300 in each, yet suo seems enough by itself, as Cic. Ver. v. 51, Si suum numerum naves haberent. Usener suggests that jrnto may have sHpped in from the beginning of the next chap- ter. § 9. Duas legiones. This sentence explains the haud in- valido presidio of § 7, W. Polyb. in. 40 impHes that only one legion was sent. eodem versa. The reading, if genuine, is harsh ; vena must be taken to agree with millia or be understood absolutely of all the forces specified. eodem is further explained by in Pun. bellum, i. e. the pro- vince had forces sent with the same object (or in tlie same 176 FOTES. XXI. c. xvii. § 9— c. xviii. § 10. ^. *• «\ ♦« moAt t>ifi cominff war with Carthage. But as i ^r^lt^teflTZi mainly to keep the Gauls in S.««k The old reading is eodem anno, which has little MS check. ^^«.f ^"^ "^^^^^^^^ as if some word had dropped out, authority, f J. 7" j^^^^f that Livy meant that the forces with Hannibal [verm habmt), iL iviii U omnia iusta. So ix. 8. 5, tk-c vrim ingredi 0. xviii. S) A- ""*" nerfecta erunt. It was charao. ^f jLtofrr>L^it '«« the spe'cial duty of the/.tm(., ^TtKeTthem il^t it might be ^ pium jw>tumq,u bellum. n„ the usJof the term j«.t«»cf. .. 4. 4 adju,ti cursum am,m; X °,v 14 4 j^ « m«- «B opposed to voluntecr^^^m -ma o. S iegionarieB compared with those of the skmn.sherB. mlttunt ad perc....nt tad. Note the "^T «« f «°"t,^X „d tout. On de'r.vation of P^rcmtor^^^^^ 5^2; >^'^ ^-^ " times spelt percunctar from a mistaken analogy. Corssen, i. .. g 2. publico OOMUIO, -with the sanoUon of the state,' cf. 9. 6pul>licafraui. « I tt-cp.... 'The language of yonr earlier embassy was p„!mptoreno';>gh...but your present oltunatum &o. "^ .a^uo ..o far; (at >- W^^'d^^S^rsolmT^^^^ aml^ftRBv to Carthage, but had said notnmg oi »" ^ i' HemSd as the sS^rinder of H. beiore the siege of S. P19S6. cenBeam. The use of the subj iu courtesy or iron^y- "'here, is more common in Greek (opt. with a.) than Latin ; cf. use of eretUderim, oiutm. 17. nnadlscept. ' With you there is one question only for debate. ' S8 quoniam...placet....iiol>li...tjt. In the apodosis there is ai eUipse of *we iy,' 'answer,' as frequently in Livy. C. LuUUo. The consul who drew up the terms of peace at the end of the Ist Funic war. qumn caveretnr. 'Though the interests of alHes on both sides were stipulated for.' 19. Atenlm. Only used in the speeches as yeply to a supposed objection 'but l^t,"::ira:S\or^^^^^^^ 80 ted enim, verum entm, immo enim, ana somewm another particle as quid enim, id enim, 1 10. Idt, the old preterite of ictum, of ve^ rare use T^ MSS. read^ca. possibly as W. suggests, for fecit. The form NOTES. XXI. c. XVIII. § 10— c. xix, § 3. 177 fadm ictiim or ferire is to be explained perhaps from the ancient custom of slaughtering an animal (porcus) as an im- pressive symbol. auctorltate patrum. This phrase is here used in its most general sense as the sanction of the senate, as the great govern- ing power in the state. But it has also more specific senses. (1) In early times possibly the patrician members of the senate had the right of veto on any popular vote of the comitia; their sanction or patrum auctoritas was expressed by the formula patres auctores fiunt. Their action was gradually confined to questions of procedure and ceremonial usage, and by the Pub- lilian law 338 b.c, their assent was required before the result of the voting was known, 1. 17. 9, in incertum comitiorum even- turn patres auctores Jiuut, viii. 12. 16, ante initum suffragium. (2) The action of the senate was subject to the veto of the tribunes, but in such case of interference, the resolution come to, though it could not technically rank as a senatwi comul- tum, was protocoUed, and quoted as a patrum auctoritas^ as the old sense of the term patres became fainter. Cf. Momm- sen, Eomische Forschungen, 233 — 249. § 12. quod diu p. Cf. Cic. Phil. ii. utinam aliquando dolor populi Romani pariat, quod jam diu parturit. § 13. sinu facto. This kind of symbolic act was of fre- quent occurrence in the ceremonial usage of Koman law and diplomacy, as in the contracts of marriage and sale. Compare its use also by the Hebrew Prophets. Sinus, a fold in the dress which might serve as a pocket. § 14, iterum 'in reply,' not qualifying sinu effuso, but the whole sentence. c. XIX. § 1. ante...Sagunto. We should naturally expect post Saguntum excisam to balance the ante. The feminine participle seems used per synesim of urbem understood with Sa- guntum as Mela ii. 6. 92 S.fide inclitam and an Inscr. C. I. L. ii. 3836, ob restitutam Saguntum. The feminine form Saguntus is only known in later writers Juv. xv. 114, Florus i. 22. Discep- tare varies the form of the phrase for disceptatio, which would correspond to percontatio. § 2. Nam si. There is here an eUipse 'though the Eomans had arguments to urge, for &c.' Fabri. P. 20. quid. 'To what purpose,' ' in what respect.* § 3. dlserte addltimi. 'It had been expressly provided that it was to be binding only subject to the approval of the commons.' Polyb. iii. 22 inserts a full account of the various treaties between Borne and Carthage, as copied by him from C.L. 178 NOTES. XXL c. XIX. §§ 3—9. old dociimentg at Rome, the very language of wlueh had be- come obsolete, and as such they were probably distasteful to Livy who had little love for monumental evidence, and seldom consults it. For diserte Cicero uses dilucide, aperte, plane, definite, nominatim, v. Nagelsbach, p. 235. lta...6l, as 17. 6 and 19. 4 *on condition that.' cenauiaaet, a word not commonly used of the commons. Fabri quotes xxxi. 7. H, quae patres censuerunt vosjubete. tot annorum... i.e. 8 or 9 years. S 5 receptos In fldem, i.e. where the honour of the state was pledged to them. It may be convenient to quote from Nagelsbach p. 165 the analysis of the different shades of mea,i- in^oijidei. It seems to pass hrough an ^^t^^f' ^«^f;,vf^ passive sense, both as (1) a state of mmd, and (2) a quality of things. m a. ♦ trust' cf. ca penth amnis vixfidemfecerinUJXiAl. 5. I,, 'trustworthiness.' duhia Jidei videbatur,i. 5^. b. c. 'Qieddt: fides nuntiantibusf uit J in. ^B. 6. (2) a. 'guarantee, vestra causa me...loqui vel ea fides sit, p. 'certainty.' plus farruB Jmbiturum qiinmfidei,n. W.ii. y. 'pledged troth.' receptos in fide m. taatum ne. An elliptical expression in which ^e pay sup- ply^uwm cemeret from above, or 'on the understandmg tbat Fab?Uuotes Ovid Rem. 711 nee solum faciem. mores q^mu. confer et artes, tantum judicio ne tmi^ obsit amor. Cf. 52. 4 modo ne quid moverent. 6 fi ut adirent et. . . The USS. have ut repeated, in which casi the second ut would explain the object of the visit (M), but it is awkward in form, and Madvig's correction is piobably right. § 7 Bargusll. Perh. to be identified with the Bergistani of xxxiv. 21. 6. aula tadehat. This cannot refer to the Bargusn,^ i^J livedCl^ north to be subject to Caxthage. The clause must refer to the trans Hibenim pop. W. § 8. Volclani. The exact position of this people is nn- known. i • • I 9. Qua verecundla. ' What a modest request tins r^ posuLei. in appos. with vereeundia like ^-"^/^ ;/^^'j^'t it sedendo aut votis debelUiri credere po^^^e^J^^^^ Saguntini after fecerunt msfcoad of bagunttno» wnicu JVOTA'S. XXL c. XIX. § 9-c. xx. § 6. 179 editors prefer. In 17. 4 bellum the subject of the chief clause is inserted in the relative sentence, but it is much bolder to turn the object of the verb into a nominative attracted to the relative. Madvig regards tlie word as a gloss which has sUppod into the text from the margin. § 10. documentum, 'warning.' Cf. v. 51. 7, tantum pana- rum dedimus ut terrarum orhi documento essemus, and Praf 7 omnis exempli documenta. ' P. 21, c. XX. § 1. gentis. The early commentators noticed that some tribal name had probably dropped out, as venerunt implies a definite subject, and in ceteris conciliis, of S 7 im- plies a defimte locality. Dion Cassius says Nap^u^prjaiois 'P. ttl^A ^'^''^^"J' suggested Ruscinone for in his, Heusinger rrr.VvT7^''^T '''^'^'\' ^^'*^^ usage; cf. Cffislr, lieh. tjall. V. 54, Armatum concilium indicit. Hoc more Gal lorum est imtium belli, quo lege communi omncs puberes armati conventre coguntur. «^'co u/zuatt ♦u ^T?' "^"^^ ^' ^^- ^®^^' ^^ elsewhere, Livy impUes that the Romans were fully aware of Hannibal's intended march. llJ^laZ'^Zf ::!"''' P^^^-^*-- ^^-v that they had not adjIctLXr faS." '''"^^•' ^^ - P^* -tead of another v.hL\^^!i'^^' '^^f^^*: *^"other form of stultus, from v^hich it was commonly distinguished in sense as 'rude' boorish. e.g. stolidum genus uEacidarum | Bellipotentes milt magis quamsapientipotentes, and also sues stolidi m Ennius Cors^en derives from star, cf. crrepe6s, steHlis, stare, still, u. censere. This is an awkward pleonasm if it is explanatory of postulatio 'request which proposed that' &c., like the Greek XuhJk'uifsUi^^^^^^^ i'cr^^' '''' ^'^"^^^^^' ^''"^ ^^- avertere is most common, though the reading of the MSS. 18 advertere, which W. adopts. aJ} ti ^^ P®^' ^^^^""^ ^^ *^e R. colonies in Cisalpine centia. '"''''' resentment at Cremona and Pla- ^ ^Btlpendlum. Here the ordinary taxes or tribute, not as race^**^* ^'^^' "^^ ''*^®' indignities' practised by a dominant 12—2 1 . 180 NOTES. XXI. a xx. § 7--c. xxi. § 11. 8 7 Massillam. Home had long since formed alliance with this colony of the Phocajans, whose ^i«^«g P«™ .^^Jj* old excited the jealousy of her neighbours on the mainland, and of heTphc Jcian rivals in the trade of those waters. Her Xnce with Rome brought advantage to both sides, and was long honourably maintained. 6 8. InqulBita cum cura ac ftde is the subject and cogmia the predicate of the sentence ; the relative is omitted with the former, as often by Livy. ^ pneoccupatos lam ante. This pleonasm is m Livy s style. Cf. XLii. 47. 2, la omnia oppomna ^oca vra^occupa^antejh^^^ «oi«mnf XXXVI. 17. 12, $atu undique provisum, anteque pracau- TumT^Z.m^us pr^cipere, x. 41. 5, ex ante pr^parato cuiU8...est must be taken parenthetically as a remark of the writer. Otherwise it should be in the sub]., as part of an orat. obliq. , ^ . . *i,- *^ 8 9 Haud Ita. Fabri observes that Livy prefers this to the non ita, used exclusively by Cicero. p 22 transmisisae. The verb is often used absolutely of the crossing of the sea, and here of a river. Cf. 17. 6. 51 4 Wxi 5 1 aeaue non ducem. This sentence is made to c. XXI. I 1. "^^^^ " , Carthage included the demand follow auditis, as ttie news irom v»itii»b ^^ , ^q i „^- causa for his surrender, hence causam belli. Cf. i. 13. 1, nos cama 8 3. »ocU, the term applied in Boman usage to the ItaUan races, la here employed of the conquered dependents of Carthage. . , . „,;«!, pacatis. ' Reduced to submission/ m the sense m which max liomana was spoken of. § 8. ad edictum. i.e. diem or hcum. Cf. diem edicere ad eonveniendum. § 9. gentium. The Spanish tribes. ixllmin Gftdes was an early colony of the Phoenicians, whiK'-.alKo'the hands Jf Carthage ;^«er the^ -f- r# Txrra Here was a famous shnne of the Mercuies, or tllS^i WW fTbld wanderings -/-f ^^^^^^^ gpirit of the Phoenician traders Liie the ^ag^- Bt^^aven hml the name meant • a fence.' Cf. Avien. 0. M. 267, Puni c^m lingua cmseptum locum Gaddir vocabat. § 10. parttena curas. Cf. xxii. 7. 10, tot in euros dispertxtt eorvm animi erant. ^ P aq 8 11 ah SlcUla. *From the side of Sicily.' S«e tto^iiUns oTsemproniuB. 17. 6. On the form of the NOTES. XXI. c. XXI. § 11— c. xxii. § 2. 181 phrase cf. xxviii. 6. 9, oppidum ab terra munitum, viii. 17. 7, escensionem a Patto fa^iientem. mutula plgnerlbus. This has been ever the military policy of empires doubtful of the loyalty of their various nation- alities. Pignus connected with pangere, pacit, pacisci,pax, Btlpendia facere for mereri. Stipend! a passed from the sense of 'pay' to that of 'service,' somewhat as 'campaign* was transferred from the • open field * to • serrice in the field.' § 12. CflBtratos. Nearly equivalent to the irikraarai of Greek writers. The ccetra was a leathern buckler used by the Spaniards. Verg. Mn. xii. 732, lavas ccetra tegit. fundltores. The Roman funda was probably borrowed from Greece with the name itself {ipb6vri), thus against these Baharic sUngers they used Sicilian xxii. 37. 3, and after- wards Achaean xxxviii. 29. 4. They seem to have been most useful in sieges, and the glandes which they hurled are now found on the scenes of memorable sieges. They are leaden globes pointed, and sometimes inscribed with contemptuous words. C. I. L. I. p. 188. Baliares. Polyb. m. 33 says the islands and the inha- bitants received their name from their skill as slingers. Died. V. 17, BaXXta/>ct5 dir6 tov ^dWeiv rats e enough to rout them utterly.' tranaversis ruplbus. The MSS. commonly read pervem$ ntpihm jiuta invia, &c. This is rejected by Madvig on the ground that perversa rupes is obscure, and inrhi decurrne aii unusual construction. He thinks tliat per has slipped out of its place, and dislodged the trans of transvenis. Some eilitors read dhrrns after a late MS. § 5. ■lmul...iiimaL 'Were hard pressed not men ly owing to the onset of the enemy, but also to the roughness of the ground.* Ab is unusual with a modal abl. like iniquitut: especially in Livy. ■iW quoque tendent©. 'As each man struggled selfishly to get sooner out of danger.' For the constr. of sibi compare Cic. in Verr. ii. 8. 22, Veneri absolvit, sibi condemnat, Tac. Ann. I. 65, sibi quisque properus. evaderet. Note the different constr. with this verb hen and in 32. 13. P. 36, §6. Infestum. 'Endangered.' Cf. ii. 11. 1, infes' ium Momanum agmen reddidit. repercuflwe. • Ke-echoing. ' Properly an epithet of da- mores, not of valles, § 7. turba. *The crowding.' in Immensiun altitudinla. This use of the neut. sing, with a genitive is less common than the neut. plur., except in later writers, but Livy has, x. 32. 6, multum diei, v. 37. 6, immensum loci, vii. a 5, serum diei, xlv. 9. 2, plerumqve Europcr. deiecit. Constr. prjpgn. • caused to fall.' NOTJiJS. XXI. c. XXXIII. § 7— c. xxxiv. § 7. 199 maxlme modo is a favourite phrase with our author. Cf. 38. 1, hoc maxime modo, xxxv. 34. 10, itineHs maxivie modo. § 8. 8U0S contlnult. * Kept his men from going to the rescue.' § 9. Interrumpl. ' A break in the line.' exutum. ' If the baggage-train were lost.' Used prolepti- cally. 8 11 ci^ is supplied without MS. authority, but cap- thm is often used with inanimate objects, as with arma, navigia, pecunia, solum, by Livy, and with vestis by Vergil, and it cannot here make sense without a subst. c. XXXIV. § 1. ft-equentem. * Densely peopled.' Cf. xxxi. 23 5 frequentia cedificiis loca, and xxxv. 1. 6, acies frequens armaiis. More commonly the abl. is omitted, as forum fre- quem. populum = canton, or district. Ut, qualifies frequentem, which should naturally come nearer to it. Cf. xxxii. 33. 9, Alexander, ut inter Jt:tolos,facundu8. suis artibus. Also used of Hannibal, xxii. 16. 5. ^ 2. oratores venlunt. The account of Polybius in. 52 is more graphic in its details of the garlands and olm branches which they bore, tovto ydp cx^bbv irdai roh pap^d- pots ffvv6r]fia . II. 18, of the sphere, ea flgura... qua. ..habere... potest nihil inchum angnUs, nihil anfractibus, nihil eminens, nihil lacuno- sum, §4. prope fame abs. They might have been quite starved according to Livy's account. Polyb. makes the horses get over after one day's delay, the other three being spent in mak- ing a broader path for the elephants. 8i quid est... 'All the herbage, such as it is ..' Cf. Cic. in Cffic. 15, ipse Allieuus ex ea facultate, si quam habet, all- quantum detracturus est. Cf. Lucr. ii. 16, hoc cevi quodcum qur. 204 NOTES. XXI. c. XXXVII. §4 — c. xxxviii. §6. This might easily be the case so late iu obruimt nlvea. the season. § 5. aprlcosque etlam. The MSS. have aprkos (jiumlam, but the asyndeton is harsTi. W. reads aprkosque quosdam, which is ugly and unusual. et prope sllTa8 = an'i almost forests. Madv. inserts the ct m rivos p. s, seems to him unnatural. § 6. locis moUior. This is an abl. absol, and thccompar. stands for a partic. c. XXXVIII. § 1. qulnto mense a. Cf. xxn. 19. 5, altera ah Tarracone die, an elliptical expression ; the 5th month only is qualified by the 'iit quidum,' the I5th day is accepted by Livy, as by Polyb. But it is not easy to make their detailed state- ments agree with this number, as both reckon 9 days to the ascent, 2 at the top, 4 by the landslip, and 3 in the descent. Probably however Polybins meant the last 3 to be counted as part of the 4 just mentioned, in which the cavalry reached the lower valleys while the road was beiuK widened for the ele- phants, and then we should get only 15 for the whole. There is no hint of this however in Livy, who is hopelessly incoiisist- €11 1. § 2. qui minimum, e.g. Polybius m. 5(1, on the authority of the tablet at Ljicinium, We may note that with the excep- tion of a few Ligurians there were no mercenaries in this army, only Spaniards and Libyans, not like the motley aggregates of earlier days. § 3. Clnclus, v. Introduction on the authorities. maxima... * Would be a most weighty authority.' § 4. adducta. -l]: ought with him throu^;li the Alps,' most unhkely when there was a promise of more faithful allies on the other side, who had more to gain from the Punic cause. magis, take with veri simile; adducta and audisse after icribit, to be undeistooJ after additit* auctores sunt, so xxui 10. 15, quod quidam auctorea sunt, u. 58. 1, Piso auctor est, xxx. 3. 0, ita pars major auctores sunt. § 5. Taurlnl Semigalll This is a very bold correction by Madvig of the corrupt readings of the MSS. : Taurinimegalli, Taurinis quie Gallia:, Taurinisne Oallis, d'C, on the ground that Strabo connects the Taurini with the Ligures, and yet dis- tinguishes them as if tliey were lialf Celts. The conjecture of W. Taurini Gallia seems preferable. NOTES. XXI. c. XXXVIII. SS 5—7. 205 degresso (Hannibali), cf. i. 8. 4, locus qui nunc saptus de- scendtJitihua inter duos lucos est. § 0. Id quum, &c. This is difficult, for Polyb. asserts that H. descended among the Insubres, as indeed it was likely that he would do, since they and their allies had invited him to cross into Italy. It may be that Livy only meant that the annalists all spoke of his attack on the Taurini as his first movement in Italy, and as the Taurini were, strictly speak- ing, a Ligurian not a Gallic tribe (Strabo iv. 6), possibly the passage, whose reading is so doubtful, brought out the close neighbourhood of the hostile T. to the friendly Insubres. ambig^, quanam. No official account was likely to reach Rome from the time when H. disappeared from Scipio's sight, till he was heard of near the Po. The Alps were till long after a terra incognita, and few like Polybius cared to travel so far to gather up the local traditions. P. 41. credere, the transition from the passive amhigi to an active is marked, but not unusual in Juivy. In orat. directa he would naturally say vulgo crcdunt {s^homines). Pcenino. This was the pass of the Great St Bernard. Its name is thought to be derived from the Celtic deity Penn {Zeuss, die Deutschen, p. 5). Jupiter Pmiinus was worshipped on the summit, and the name has been found on 30 ex voto tablets which have been discovered near the top. It was also called 3Iom Jovis, which survives in the names Mont-Joux, Plan-de-Joux which are still localized on the height. It was by this pass that Livy, v. 35, brought the Boii and Lingones into Italy in the 5th century b.c. The fanciful derivation of the name referred to in the text was an argument likely to be urged in early times. Cremonls lug. It is tempting to identify this with the Cramont, between la Thuile and Entrfeves, beside the little St Bernard, but the attempt rests on grounds of etymology as insecure as the case just specified. It is probable that only one route was then known across the Alpes Graias, that of which Strabo speaks, iv. 67, * the road from the Salassi parts into two branches, the one rough and inaccessible for beasts of biurden over the Poeninus, the other more westerly through the Cintrones.' § 7. per alios. Madvig's conjecture for fer saltus mont. which is obviously corrupt. Lipsius and others whom W. follows read per Salas.- pedit matris cineres opertos | fallere. 214 NOTES. XXL c. xlv. § 8— c. xlvi. §3. loTem, named by Livy with characteristic carelessness for the Baal of Carthage. mactassel Connected by Curtius, 293, with maceUum, fiaxcupa, fiaxv- Cf. Lucr. v. 1339, bovea Lucie ferro male macta, and the fragment of Nrevius restored by Miiller, Festus p. 397, nullum peim mticit hominem quamde mare faevum. The MSS. have et before secundum prec. Madvig rejects this on the ground that the omission of eat after precutin would be indefensible, as in the reading pracipitatus, 2'>. S. § 9. velut dlia auct. * As if each were assured that tlie gods sanctioned his hopes.* The quisque is not merely used distributively with the collective rati, but is made an intepral part of the abl. aba. in which it is introduced as a subject. Livy does this elsewhere with quisque as xxxii. 24. 4, relictb iuis quisque statiofiibm in... locum concurrerunt^ and with ipse as IV. 44. 10, causa ipse pro se dicta damnatur, xxxviii. 47. 7, causam apud vo» accusantibus mei* ipse legatis dieo, and with plerique^ as xxxiii. 9. 11, deinde omissis plerique arj/i/s capessunt fupam. He docs the like in constructions with a gerund as xxv. 23. 11, astimando ipse secum. ii. 38. 0, inxti- gando suoi quisque populos effecere. ix. 29. 8, gerendo solus censuram obtinuit. xlii. 53. 3, ad pecuniam pro factdtatihas qiiaque suis pollicendum. On this peculiarity of Livy's styk see Madvijj Kleine Philol. Sclir. p. 367. id mona, quod. Cf. 5. 12, id morari quod. P. 50, c. XLVI. § 1. terrltos p. The portents, as seen of old, commonly reflected the prevailing temper whether san- guine or foreboding. Cf. what Bagehot says of such forms (if superstition as a source of national weakness. "In historical times, as we know, the panic terror at eclipses has been the ruin of the armies which have felt it ; or has made them delay to do something necessary, or rush to do something destruc- tive A rehgion full of omens is a military misfortune. " Physics and Politics, p. 132. § 2. exam en, for exagimen^ as ala for axilla, mala for maxilla. § 3. procuratls. The technical term for the religions ceremonies adopted to propitiate the powers whose displeasure had been shown by natural signs. obvliu fit. Polyb. who gives the clearest account of these operations describes Scipio as crossing first over the Po (probably near Placentia), and then across the Ticinus (pro- bably near Pavia) over tlie bridge specially built for him, iii. NOTES. XXI. c. XLVI. §§3—10. 215 65 He then, c. 05, describes the two armies marching along the river (which was doubtless the Po), along the bank which faced the Alps (i. e. the left), the liomans having the river on their left, the Carthaginians on the right. The account of Livy, though less definite, can be har- monized with this. Some have supposed the river of Polyb. along which both armies marched to be the Ticinus, but the Komans could only have bad this on their left if they had tirst marched up one bank, crossed it higher up, and then marched down the other bank— a most improbable manoeuvre. It is strange however that no notice should be taken of the other rivers in the way of the two armies. § 4. expediebant, constr. ad synesim, the plural referring to the soldiers of the agmcn. § 5. soclommq. r. ' The regular cavalry of the allies,* like oiir • heavy dragoons.' Cf. 34. 5, cum rohore peditum. m subsidiis, ' in reserve,' but not used in the technical sense of the triarii who formed properly the reserves. frenatos. Cf. 44. 2. §6. labentlbus, 'falling from their horses' or 'thrown,' probably from the horses taking fright at the skirmishers. § 7. Intercursu, a word peculiar to Livy. Cf. ii. 29. 7, XXX. 11. 9. pubescentis, in his 17th year, according to Polyb. 10. 3. §8. Afrlcanus. Cf. Livy xxx. 45. 7, primus certe hie imperator nomine victa a se gentis est nohilitatus. Hor. Carm. IV. 8. 18, Ejus qui domita nomen ab Africa \ Lucratus rcdiit, and early traditions ascribed a like origin to names such as Gono- lanus, but they may have been derived from the origo of the //('».?, or from later relations of patrocinium. P 51 §9 alius, used almost as ceteri 'the remaining force'' wh'ich was cavalry. Cf. ii. 17. 6, principes securi per- cussi, sub corona venierunt coloni alii. xxiv. 44. 8, Et aha ludibria oculorum credita pro veris. § 10. mallm eq. Livy prefers to attribute the credit to the son, not as being best attested, but as most creditable to Afrlcanus. Polyb. refers to the evidence of C. Lalius the friend of Scipio. et fama. We may take fama in the abl. as a modal, which is however hazardous, or if we understand fama as the nom., as is much more in accordance with Livy's usage, we may 216 A'OT£S. XXI. c. XLvi. § 10 — c. xlvii. S 8 ■nppose a break in the construction, or ciijm supplied from qmd, i.e. 'as to which the report holds its ground' Cf I. 4. 5, tenet fama lupam cursum Jlexisse, . P- ^^.": § 2. vasa sUentlo colL So xxvii. 47. 8, extinctiB tqmbus vtgtlia |>nwa dato ngno lU taciti vam collinerent The signal was not in such cases given, as usually, by "the sound uf a trumpet. X, *^"^ *^ ^' ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ explicitly notice the crossinrr the licmus, but that is implied in the withdrawal to tlie ratm over the Po, and in the advantage of falling back upon x^iacentia* §3. Prliia...quam...8Clret H. Polyb. explains the delay of H. as due to a belief that the Bomau infantry would attack him. ®,®^ m?***" ™**'^' ^^^y^' makes H. march up to the bridge on the Ticinus (tm roO wpiSrrov Torafiov) and capture tlie G(HI who were left behind to break the brid-,'e by taking up the planks (aaviSfs) which stretched from pier to pier. H. then retires eit javaurta wapd Thv woTafwv, that is higher up the Po to find a suitable spot for crossing. Livy clearly implies Ihat H. crossed the Ticinus, and found the 600 engaged iu loosing the bridge of boats over the Po, which floated down the stream (tit iecundam aqitum) when its end was untied. la ciUadore rlpa. 'The left bank,' Hannibal's position bemg the main idea. § 6- Ea perltis. The scruples of Livy seem well founded, and all probability is against such a mode of crossing. Poly- bms does not notice it. idem fecerlnt 'Inspire confidence.' Cf. i. 16. 8, facta jlde immortalUatiM, CiBsar Bell. Gall. vi. U. 2, ut...Voluseinu... fidem mmfaceret ademe Ctmarem, ut iam. 'Even allowing that.' Cf. Hor. Epod. i. 21, non ut adsit attxili | latura pirn prasentibm, P. 52, § 8. sex mllUa a Placentia. Nothing is here said of Mther army crossing the Trebia on its way to Placentia, aikl the language of both Livy and Polybius is general enough for any position in the neighbourhood. Niebuhr and others have assumed that Scipio retreated to the east of Trebia, and that Hannibal following him thither cut him off from his com- munications with Rome. Tliis view seems quite untenable for tlie following reasons : (1) We hear afterwards of Scipio crossing the Trebia and takmg np his position on hilly ground near it. If this new NOTES. XXI. c. XLVII. § 8— c. xlviii. § 8. 217 position had been on the left bank, he would have been isolated from his aUies the Cenomani to the North, from the Road to Rome on the East, and from Placentia, which was his natural base, and a fortified town with a garrison of 6000 colonists. (2) The union between Sempronius and himself would have been endangered, yet we hear of no conflict as if H. stood between the two armies. (3) The Trebia was between H. and Scipio, and the attempt made to gain possession of Clastidium which lay ou the West naturally though not necessarily points to H. being also to the West. It would seem therefore on the whole most probable that Scipio's camp was at first to the West of the Trebia, and that he crossed at last to get nearer his base and put the river between himself and H. It is doubtful however whether Livy intended this, and had he been careful of geography he might have expressed himself more clearly. The language of Polybius is also vague, inpl ttoKlv IlXa- Ktvrlav, but may point to the conclusion adopted, which is opposed however to the view of Niebuhr, Arnold, Liddell and Weissenbom, but has been adopted by Mommseu. c. XLVIII. § 3. sl^um defectionls. Scipio therefore fell back nearer to the road to Rome and to Ariminum, without quite giving up his communications with Placentia. But he removed as far as possible from the country of the Gauls. contactos. 'Tainted, implicated.' This word is often used by Livy in derivative senses as contactos rabie, societate belli^ violatione templi, regia pneda, fanebribus diris and then ex- tended to things, as unlucky days, and auspicia. adhuc. Here and often by Livy used for etiam turn, strictly it should mean ' up to now.' Cicero seldom uses it except of the present. § 6. citra, as 47. 3, ' ou their side ' of the agent, not the writer. P. 53, § 7. lactatl, 'irritated,' so we read of jactationem cicatricis, xxix. 32. 12, and vulueris, xxx. 19. 5. Some MSS. have jactanti agreeing with via, with which less probable reading cf.jactatio maritima, 26. 5. ratus exspectandum. It would have been a etrange way of waiting for reinforcements to allow the enemy to occupy the road by which they must come. See above, on 47. 8. § 8. anziUB Inopia. This is not very likely as many of the Gauls behind were friends and the country was very rich. 218 MOTES. XXL e. xlvih. § 8~c. xlix. § 1. Polyb. II. 15 in anotlicr pnrt of his history dwells in emplmtic terms on the fertility of Cisalpine Gaul, which evidently surprised bim by its contrast to the poor and exhausted soil of Greece. The innkeeper, he says, does not care to enter the details of his guest's food, but boards him for the whole day for half an at. ^ exciplebat. For this secondary sense of. v. 42. 3, nee tran- quiUior nox diem tarn /cede actum excepit. Clastidlum was the scene of the victory of M. Claudius Marcellus over the Gallic chief Virdumarus in the late \Mir (Pol. II. 34), and a play of Naevius was called after its name. It was a principal station on the road between Genua and Cremona, though afterwards only a vicus dependent on Pla- centia. On its site at Castegpio, an inscription has been found in which a guild of cobblers of Placentia who were livinj? at Clastidium were made trustees of a sum to be spent iu honour of the dead rosa et aiimranUu) et epulis perpetue co- lendam, auinerus, often used for quantity. Cf. Cic. Phil. ii. 27. 66, maximus vini numerm, § 9. nummls aureis. There was as yet no gold coinage in Italy, Spain, or Africa. Mommsen, R. Miinzwesen, C71. For Spain and Italy there is only negative evidence, for Rome Pliny 33. 8. 47 tells us that gold was coined 61 years (or (')2 in most MSS.) after silver, and that was begun b.c. 267, Liv. Epit. 15. Livy therefore as usual adopts the terms of a later age. prsBfecto. This term is always used to refer to the delegate of a higher oflScial, whether civil or military : not to the elect of an assembly. It was one of frequent use under the empire, and passed into modern language as prifet. Id hoireiun. Convenient enough if H. was on the W. of the Trebia: less so if all the supplies had to cross the river. § 10. ssBTitum. A bold example of the pass, form of neut. verbs, which Livy often uses. 0. XLIX. §1. constitlsset. * Was at a standstiU. ' Immliieiites. 'Clos« to.' Cf. xli. 1. 2, imminct mari locus. !>• •t ante adventum. 'As well as before.' These woids are inserted as an afterthought, without reference to the inttrim, which they are not consistent with. NOTES, XXI. c. XLIX. g§ 2—8. •219 8 2 novem L. ' 9 reached L.' It seems better to under- Rtand some verb such as attigerunt, rather than assume a clif- LJ^nt construction in two clauses with tenuerunt {cur sum) ^lih and without ad, though both constructions axe free y used by n a« T 1 3 XXII 22. 2. Strabo, iv. 2. 10. speaks of the seven lKu islanS of which the greatest was Lipara. The ^Tmay be used for the town as W. suggests, or be used for the islands generally. Cf. v. lH. -. msulam Vulc. Its name was Thermessa, Jju udv Up^u 'uI^taT^Ka\ovs Xoyxourtray the boding fears, and the readiness to listen to such stones ; elsewhere he speaks of the negligentia qua nihil deal of historians, mserta hke lists centuries later. §2. foro oUtorlo. The herb market was between the Capitoline hill and the Tiber ; the temi-le of Spes jus" b7 yond the porta Cannentalis was twice burnt down and restored! trtTunpmim clam. The common cry was lo triumphe, pro- bably here referred to. Cf. xxiv. 10. 4. in/antem in utcro mains Latmized form of Bpiafi^os. *u m* u^' ^ ^' I }^^^o. Between the Circus Maximus and tue liber, one of the most crowded thoroughfares in Home. § 4. Lanuvli. Amlternlno... Only those portents were re- garded as of state concern, the scene of which was ager li,,- manm The spaces specitied in this chapter, and xxii. l ranked by this time as lioman territory. in aedem lunonls, i.e. of Juno Sospita xxii. 1. 17, who^e ^eat temple is often mentioned, and was restored as late as the Antouines. § 6. hominum specie. A modal abl. with visos, though in sense it forms the subject, and visas is the predicate. We feel in sentences like these the want of a Latin partic. like the Greek dirres to define the subject. Cf. iii. 57. 9, non juniores modo sed etiam (oi) emeritis stipendiis (elites). C»r«, now Cervetri {C^}^^^^) went in solemn procession to the temple of Jupiter Latians on the Alban mount. This was kept up for ages, and more days were added to commemorate the reconcihation of Plebs and Patres. The consuls were expected to offer the sacrifices, and one of their first duties was concipere fer. Lat., or to fix a time for the great festival. consularibus Impedim. 'Hindrances thrown in the con- sul's way,' like dictatoria invidia, xxii. 26. 4. § 7. Inauspicato. It was held to be the duty of the general on the day of his baVing Rome for the wars to go up to the Cupitol to take the auspices at daybreak. After the votorum nuncupatio he put on the short purple paludamentum (other- wise sagum or chlamys), and was escorted by his friends be- yond the gates. Ad bellum cum exit imperator ac lictores 238 NOTES. XXI. c. Lxiri. 5iS 7 —14 mutarunt Vistem et siffna incinuerunt paludatm dicitnr pro Jicisci, Varro, 1. 1. 7. 37. cons. Bpretorum (sc. Deorum a. horn.). The readinf^ of Groiioviiis for camcientias pr(rtornm of MSS. ° votonun nunc. One of the first ceremonies on the day of taking office {die initi mag.) was to go to the Capitol with kinsmen and friends, to sit upon the curule chair, and thank Jupiter opt. max. for the mercies of the past year, ofiferiii^ the victims promised by the out-going consuls, and vowin^ others for the year to follow {vot. nuncupatio). They then presided over a meeting of the senate on the Capitol, treating chiefly de solemni religione. Polyb. says nothing of this con'^ duct of Flamiuius, nor does Appian. It reads like an after- thought, coloured by patrician prejudices, to account for the disaster which followed. § 9. clam furtim. A pleonasm, like forte temere, and other repetitions used by Livy. P. 71. exUU causa. Our word 'exile' calls up different associations. At Rome a citizen could give up the rights and duties of citizenship and take up his residence in an allied community wliich had the relation of howoXiTiia with Rome like the Latin states. This privilege, called exiliam, might he used even during prosecution for political offences, and the accused might thus anticipate the issue of his trial. § 10. Romas mag. Inlt. Though irregular, this was not invalid, Augustus, careful as he was of constitutional forms, ^id not observe the rule. Sueton. 2C, nee omnes {comulatm) Eoma aed quartum comulatum in Asia, quintum insula Samo octatmm et nonitm Tarracone iniit. ' § 12. nlhllo magls... The constitution gave the senate uo power to dictate to the consuls, though the executive ofHcials rarely ventured to set at nought the authority of so august a body. Flaminius was anticipating the poHcy of the Gracchi m trying to humble the senate, and depend on popular sup- port. moverunt...moverant The Latin ear seems to have liked Buch repetitions o! the same word, as they frequently -occur. § 18. Immolantl el, &c. A frequent omen of ill-luck. Lf. a like case of J. Caasar, Sueton. 59. licet immolanti aufii- ffissethostiaprofectiom'm...nondistulerit. §14. In omen aoc. For the use of the preposition, cf. ^ic. ad Att. XV. 11, henejicium accepisse in contumeliam. NOTES. XXI. c. Lxiii. § 15. 239 R 15 a Sempronio. He had wintered at Luca, c. 59. The ledons'had probably remained at Placentia, and were then n obedience to the edict, § 1, marched to Ariminum, to be immediately led through a little frequented pass of the Apen- "iies («ram/«..) into Etruria. Had they been with Sempronius at Luca it would have been a strangely roundabout course. But the' whole is confused. Livy seems to have forgotten that Sempronius was not at Placentia. C Atilius was at Tannetum, 26. 2, and at Rome, 62. 10. He may have gone to the Fo to take command of Scipio's legions. Appian, i. 8. 3, represents Servilius in command on th'e To. exercitus is not the proper subject to wliich the abl. abs. acceptiH refers. Probably the sentence points to a close, bke exeicitum dticere cap it. 240 NOTES. XXII. c. I. ^ 2- 5. N'OTES. XXII. c. T. S§ 5—10. 241 * It BOOK XXIL c. I. § '2. pro eo, nt... A clumsy equivalent for tlie Greek oVti Tov...ip€iv koI dyuv. Hence used meta- phorically in. 37. 6, ferre agere plehem plebisque res. § 3. Ipsorum Inter se. ' Was saved by their mutual treachery, as they disclosed their conspiracy, Arc.' On tliis use of inter se, cf. xxi. 39. 9, auxerant inter se opinionem. tegiimenta cap. Polyb. gives a more minute account of the false wigs which lie wore to disguise his age and features. Hannibal may have remembered the death of his brother-in- law Hasdrubal, xxi. 2. 5, or have wished to explore the temper of his army. errore. ' Uncertainty.' Cf. i. 24. 2, nominum error, n. 21. 5, error es temporum. § 5. quod llli iU8tum Imperlum. This probably refers especially to the neglect of Flaminius to apply in person for the lex curiata, commonly called de imperio, by which the people as represented by the curies, or then: lictors, bound themselves to obey the already elected magistrate. It was something like the oath of obedience {sacramentum) which the soldiers took to their general, or the form of 'doing homage ' in later days. It conferred no new powers, but was thought constitutionally necessary, especially for military duties, holding the Comitia Centuriata, or for judicial func tions. Cic. de leg. agr. ii. 12. 30, consuli, si legem curiatam non habet, attingere rem militarem non licet. It does not seem as if any other than the head of the executive concerned could bring forward the lex curiata, though in that case Camillus must have dispensed with it when Eome was oc- cupied by the Gauls, like Flaminius in the present case. In later days it seems to have been argued that a law of Sulla allowed the consuls to dispense with the fonnahty in certain cases, Cic. ad fara. i. 9. 26, legem curiatam comuli ferri opus esse necesse non esse : se quoniam ex senatus consulto provin- ciam haheret, lege Cornelia imperlum habiturum. § 6. Id. i.e. auspicium, or sanction of heaven. The idea was that the will of the Gods should be consulted in every important detail of national life, and that it was declared by signs, ex calo, ex avibus, ex tripudiis, ex animalibus, or ex diris. P. 73 § 7- extemo solo. For national auspices the place of observation, or templum, must be on national soil. conclpere. On this use cf. v. 17- 2, Latinas sacrumque in monte Albano non rite concepisse, hence the ferice con- ceptivfp. Of the prodigies mentioned here, and in xxi. 62, many were entirely the creations of a morbid imagination, others were only distorted versions of natural phenomena misunderstood, as in the fall of meteoric stones, or in red water tinged by the soil through which it flowed. Some were monstrosities of nature, as in the cases of strange births. Some like thunder- storms, with the accompaniments of danger, were only noted when men's minds were ill at rest. § 8. scipionem. Connected with ffK-fjirTpou. It is curious to note the contrast between the derivations of the Greek names, with their associations of 'honour,' 'glory,' 'demus,' &o., and the humbler origin of the Roman family names, such as Scipio (stick), Kaeso (the hard hitter), Fabius (bean), Len- tulus (pulse), Naso (nose), Piso (pea), Cicero (vetch). In reference to the Scipiades belli fulmen used by Lucretius and Vergil, as also to the phrase duo fulrnina applied by Cicero (pro Balbo, 34), to the two Cn. and P. who met a disastrous end in Spain, Mr Munro observes, ' When we think of Scipio, scapus, shaft, ffKLirujv, ffKTJTTTpov, and then aKijirTo^, (tk^ittoj, we might be tempted to think that the Scipios loved to refer their name to it rather than to the more homely staff.' (Note on Lucr. III. 1034). § 10. Interdlu. Plautus has the form interdius, as he has dius for diu in qiuim dius vivo. Corssen i. 290 connects interdius and diumus, like dies hodiemus with the Sanscr. divas, and regards interdiu, not as an ablative, but as a neuter accusative form, the s having dropped off, in this respect Uke postea, antea, interea, all of which he regards as ace. forms. Cf. II. 455. Caretea. Cf. Drakenb. Utrumque Ccerites et Cceretcs apud ipsttm Livium legitur. 0. L. 16 Ii' I 242 NOTES. XXII. c. i. § 11— c. ii. § 1. § 11. Mayors. The Italian Mars was the god of Sprinir, which began in the month of March, and with it the hopes of husbandly. His name connected with mannor^ mare, Maro, Marim, is thought to mean ' bright/ and the 12 Salii witli their orb- shaped ancilia to represent the months and raoous. Only secondarily was this Mars connected with War, as in npring^ time the men mustered in the Campus Martins and sallied out on tlieir campaigns, but under Hellenic influence the attributes of ApT^s were transferred to Mars. Mavors se» ms to be a distinct name, more warlike in its sense, and Corsseii connects the first syllable with fidx'} fidxoupa magmentum, and the second with vortere, Vortumnus^ &c., i. 410. § 12. slgnum Haxtis. The temple of Mars was, with the Clivns Martis, on the Appian way, just outside the Porta S. Sebastiano. The sacred spears of Mars were kept however in the Begia. ■ P. 74, § 18. FeronlSB. The ades or Imciw FeronitB, in Agro Capenate, near Mount Soracte, is often spoken of by Livy, and was distinct from the temple of Ferouia, which Horace passed on his way to Tarracina. It was famous for its great fair (i. 30, 4, mercatu frequenti, and slaves when freed took the cap of liberty at its altars. Servius ap. Verg. Mn. vii. 800, vm. 5('.4. Dionysius iii. 32 says the Greeks translate*! the name by di'dr}- , exercitu. Fabri compares vii. 2. 6, Fescetinino versu similein, IV. 12. 8, quod mu menstruo miperesset. ox hibemls. In Liguria, xxi. 59. 10. The movements of the Boman troops since the battle of the Trebia are not clear. Some legions had wintered at Plaoentia, others with Sonipronius at Luca, though we are not told why H. allowed them to divide their forces unmolested. The former division was ordered by Flaminius to meet at Arimiuum, and he is also said to have taken the command at the same place, inde, xxi. 0:1 15, of the iorce of Sempronius which had wintered at Luca, and with both to have marched into Etruria to cover Arretium. Bnt when the campaign opens On. Servilius is posted near Arimi- num, XXII. 9, and is not in time to join his colleague before the battle of Trasimeue. NOTES. XXII. c. II. §§ 1—8. 243 Arretium. A position of great importance as commanding the valley of the Amo and the passes of the Apennines, and thus covering Bome from attack on either side. But the scouts should have ascertained the route of H. in time for Servilius to have marched to join his colleague, and then the K. lines should have been extended from Cortona to Clusium. § 2. aliud longluB. Several other routes were possible and longer, but most of the passes across the Western moun- tains converged on Luna (the gulf of Spezzia), or on Luca, both of which had been probably fortified and garrisoned by Sempronius, and behind them on the coast road to Rome lay the strongly intrenched town of Pisae. H. seems therefore to have chosen the shorter pass by Pistoria and the valley of the Aruo, by what was afterwards the Via Cassia from Florentia to Arretium. The easier course by the JEmilian and Flamiiiian ways was avoided from the proximity of. the Roman armies, or from the wish to relieve at once the country of ^the Gauls. Possibly tiie marshes of the Amo were then more widely ex- tended,' or the inundations of the Arno greater, as the time spent seems strangely long; but the fall in the valley is very slight, and the inundations caused by the overflow of the Arno and its tributaries are still formidable. § 3. admixtis Imped. H. was not concerned usually, says Pulyb. iii. 79, about his baggage, except in so far as the commissariate of the army was concerned. He made war support war. necubi, lor ne-cubi (as in uhi-cuhi^ ali-cuhi, uun-cuhiy si- cuhi) like necunde in 23. 10, for ne-cunde. The cu is from the pronominal root ka=quo. In other words j/rc^=woM, as in nee opinatua, negletjere, negotium {itec- otiinn). § 4. mollis ad talla. Cf. note on xxi. 25. 6. cohl\)Bii.iem=cohibendi cmisa, an imitation of a Greek idiom, cf. use of circumspectans 23. 10. § 5. qua mode. 'Wherever '...to the luodo answers the tanwn, implying their readiness to go anywhere, if only the guides would lead the way. Cf. xxvii. 11. 10, pro se quisque miles, qui mode a£8equi...poterat. profuudas. * Almost bottomless,' because they found only mud below. Immergentesque. ' Taking to swimming. * P. 75, § 8- in Bicco. For this local use of abl. neut. abs. cf. in aperto, in arto, in summo, in Hemicn, ex propinqvo^ which with others are used by Livy. Tlie insertion of aut seems necessary to distinguish two distinct classes. (Madvig.) 16—2 244 NOTES, XXII. c. ii. § 9— c. iii. § 7. § 9. lantmn, quod. * Furnished a bare resting-place for those who sooght only some dry spot above the water.' § 10. prlxnum. The apodosis comes in et quia, § 11. alt. oculo. qimlU facies et quali digiia tahella j quum Gatula ducem fortaaret belltia Imcum. Juv. x. 157. c. m. § 1. drca Arretll moenia. This position was excel- lently chosen to watch the movements of Hannibal whose easiest road to Rome lay through Umbria by the Via Flaminia, which had been made a few years before by C. Flaminius. If com- munications were kept up between the two consuls at Arretium and Ariminum they might hope to combine the forces when the route of the invaders was discovered. Precisely the same ar- rangements had been made to cover Rome in the Gallic war of 226 B.C. But like the Gauls, H. took a Western pass, and marched by the Roman forces at Arretium, which tlieu fol- lowed in pursuit, and were routed before the other army could arrive upon the scene. §2. In rem. * To his purpose.* Cf. 29. 8. § 3. Inter. Fabri remarks that it is in Tacitus that we find most examples of this position of inter between its twj oaBOS. § 4. non modo legiim... Livy reproduces here without misgiving the patrician prejudices of his authorities, and Polyb.. aUen as he was, does the same, enlarging upon the duty of the general to ascertain the bias of his rival, as H. did in this case. P. 76. metuens has the constr. of an adj. not of a partic. So metuem fnturiy Hor., tnetuem virgm, Juv. 1 6. l«9va is here inexplicable. If H. moved towards FiBsulffl, he must have had the R. at Arretium on his right. Hence it would be better to read o Fasulis petens medios Etr. agro$ (W.). But it is quite possible that it was a blunder of Livy himself, and not of hie editors. Hannibal was moving southwards, and swept round the Trasimene lake to entrap Flaminius, who was marching after him. I 7. Flaminius, qui... It is hazardous to impute misstate- ments to ancient writers in cases where we have no other evidence at hand, but it seems most probable that this part of the history is disfigured by the aristocratic prejudices of the Annalists who threw the blame of the disaster of Lake Trasimene on the rashness of Flaminius. Yet b© must have heard some days before of the march of Hannibal, and sent NOTES. XXTI. c. III. § 7^0. iv. § 1. 245 news to his colleague who was hurrying up to bar the way to Rome Had he wished to force a battle sooner, he could cer- tyLuilv* have done so iu the valley of the Arno. When H. marched towards Rome, he could hardly fail to follow, as the course of Servilius naturally lay through Umbria, ajid he was not strong enough to face the invader single-handed on the Flaminian way. The distance between Arretium and the Lake Trasimene is not great, and Flaminius may i^erhaps have moved first towards Clusium to strengthen the defences on the Via Cassia, and then pushed eastward in the track of H to keep his communications open with his colleague. He naturally hoped to effect a speedy junction, and to crush H. with their united forces, as the Gauls had been iu like case defeated a few years before at Telamon. No fault in strategy can be proved up to the eve of the battle, when he allowed himself to be ensnared. Cf. Append, on the Character of Flaminius. § 8. ceteris. The officers of the staf! assembled in the council of war. § 9. slgnum. This was given with the tuba for the march. pugnaque only implies that the signal to march was taken as a determination to fight. The actual sign in the latter case was a red flag on the frmtorium. § 10. Camillum ah Veils. Cf. v. 4G. Rome was then in the hands of the Gauls. § 11. eflfudit. • Threw.' So x. 11. 1, equo e.ffusm. § 12. Bignum is the general term, including the vexillum^ or small flag with a cross pole, as well as the image or insigne carried on a staff. P. 77 § 13. Num litteras q. Referrmg not only to the legatio of'xxi. 63. 12, but to the experience of his former con- sulship. § 14. primorlbus. An unusual term for officers. Here probably it refers more to civil than military eminence. la vulgus. • Commonly. ' c. IV. § 1. Trasumennus. Connected by Corssen i. 246 with trans, terminus, T^pfiuv, as 'that on the other side.' Polyb. calls it Tap8. emptloiie 1. f. The further end of the pass was only beset by the slingera and hght-armed troops, 4. 3, and it was here easier for the head of the column to break out. callglne. Connected with callim (the old form of cUim. Fostus) KaXuFTw, superciliwrn^ eelare, occulto^ from root kal ' cover.' Corssen i. 460. § 9. Inclin&ta d. r. * When the battle was decided.' S 11. cetera extrema. Gf. confragosa omnia, xxi. 32. 9. § 12. Punlca reUjg. Cf. xxi. 4. 9. H. decided that Ma- liarbal had no authority to grant such terms, as the Romjuis had done in the case of Lutatius. Polyb. iii. 85. omnes. Polyb. tells us that the Italian allies were treated with marked courtesy, in the hope that they would revolt from Bome. Cf. 7. 5. c. VII. § 1. memorata. Probably in the sense of memora- bilu, as XXIII. 44. ^^pugiuz memorabilis inter paucas, i.e. 'memor- able as few have been.* Cf. note on 4. 6. § 2. Qulndedm mllUa... The local names of Ossaia [ossa] and Sanguinetto have been thought to point to traditions of this slaughter, but they are most likely of later origin, and if derived from incidents of battle, date from the middle ages. § 3. Multiplex. 'Many times as large.' So often in Livy. § 4. auctum ex vano. • Idle exaggeration.' The suggestion of Madvig makes better sense than the reading of the MSS. hoMtium ex v., which is not a natural expression, nor applicable to the evidence of earlier writers. For ex vano cf. xxvii. 26. 1, nee spem nee metum ex vano habet. So xxi. 32. 10, ex aperto, V. 33. 8, ex antiquo, i. 43. 10, ex publico. Fabium. See Introduction on the Authorities of the 2nd P. war. Livy need not have consulted Fabius at first hand. NOTES. XXIL c. vii. § 7— c. viii. g 3. 249 P. 81 § 7- repens qualifies allata, as in 8. 1 it does nun- tiatur. Cf. 12. 7, occultus subsistebat. frequentts contlonls. * A crowded assembly,' such as could be convened only by a magistrate who had the jus agere cum populo. comltium et c. i. e. they flocked to the Curia Hostilia where the senate was deUberating, caUing for a magistrate to come out to address them from the comitium, where the higlier officials usually harangued them. M. Pomponlus was Prator peregrimis, for M. .ffimilius was Prcetor Urb. Cf. 33. 8. It is strange that the latter did not come forward as he was present. Cf. § 14. §10. Quot casus, i.e. the alternatives just referred to. P 82 c. viii. § 1. quattuor mlllia eq. Polyb. iii. 86 de- scribes more fully the despatch of the cavaky under Centenius, while Servilius was on the march with the legions. H. Rearing of their approach sent Maharbal to attack them, and he first routed the body, and then after a hot pursuit captured the survivors. Probably the horses were exhausted by the forced march, and the light troops of the enemy had cut off their retreat by moving along the cross roads. Appian speaks of the disaster as happening els tt]v UXcKTTlvrjv XI/jmtjv, which like some others in Italy has since wholly disappeared, but several traces of the name, such as Val di Pistia, may be found in the pass from Camerino to Ancona, and an old inscription testifies to a town caUed Plestia. Cf. Nissen m Ehem. Mus. 1865, p. 224. The large force under Centenius points to an increase of the cavalry, probably to compete with that of Hannibal. C. Centenio proprsetore. The full title was legatus propra- tore, for the delegate of a consul was not caUed pro consule but p. p. Appian speaks of him as riva tQu irKpavup Idiurujv, and as sent from Bome. In Umbrla. i.e. on their way from Ariminum, where Ser- villus had been watching the Gauls. §3. causa. For this sense of 'malady' Fabii compares XXX. 44. 6, pravalida corpora ab extemis causis tuta videntur. magis gravlor. The repetition of the comparative is a pleonasm to be accounted for by the balance of levts and gravlor, as well as affecto and valido. I'll 260 NOTES, XXII. c. viii. S 4—6. § 4. extenuatis. A substantive, like * exhaustion,' is im- plied in this word to balance magnitudine. CI. xxi. 1. 6, Sid lia S. amusa. § 5. ad remediom. Of. note on 9. 7. dlctatorem die. The dictator was appointed probably jit fiiBt in times of urgent danger, when a general-iu-chief was needed who would not be controlled by the rivalry of a col- league, or the veto of a tribune. To this we may refer the limit of the six months' tenure of office, the early name of tmgister populi, or leader of the army (cf. Herzog,* populari,) with the subordinate magister equitum, and the fact that the appointment in times of civil struggle was regarded as a pro- clamation of state of siege, or martial law, though in later days dictators, no longer optimo jure^ were sub^ject to the veto of the tribune. The eomitia had commonly no power of election ; the senate by virtue of their general authority commonly decided on the step, but the appointment {dicere) formally rested with a consul, who by lot or arrangement with his colleague rose at the dead of night, within the boundaries of Boman ager, and named the temporary head of the exe- cutive. The latter name was probably, as Mommsen thinks, borrowed by analogy from the dictators of the Latin towns, who had succeeded to the position of the King. nee diet, populo (non consulto senatus). The Puteanus has populo only, otlier MSS. populm. An early critic changed this toprat&r, as inconsistent with what immediately follows. Madvig prefers to think tliat words have dropped out as in other places in this book, but the correction seems a bold oue. There can be little doubt however that he is right in rejecting prodictatorem, which some editors read on the ground that Livy adopts the view that Fabius was only predict. (31. 8), for (1) the form prodictatore would have been used, as tlie pnrase was too uncommon to become a substantive like proconsul, (2) the later passage looks like an after-tliought of criticism, quite consistent with a different view in this passage. It is probable that a prator must have presided at the Comitia, and declared the dictator elected, and J. Ciesar acted on this precedent in B. c. 48, though it was regarded as irregular. Cf. Cic. ad, Att. 9. 15. 3, volet comules n>get prator vel dlctatorem dicat, quorum neutrumjus at, sed ai Sulki potuit efficere ab interrege ut dicta- tor diceretur^ cur hie non posnit. Mommsen arbitrarily decides to strike this clause out of the text. Cf. C. I. L. i. p. 288. § 6. quod nuinquam. . . Kefors to the clause that follows. Q. FaMtim Maximum. Polyb. iii. 87 says that descendants of hig bouse ttill bore the cognomen 3ia rd.s ixebov rdfOpis im- NOTt]S. XXII. c. VIII. § 6— c. IX. § 5. 251 Twx'oj KoX Tpd^eii. But Perizonius suggested that this may only have meant that a later age connected the ei)ithet with this Fabius, though it had been homo by his ancestors, as Polybius must have known. Livy ix. 46. 7 accounts for the origin of the name by the statesmanship of one who quod tot victoriis 7wn pepererat, hac ordinum temperatione parerct. The Magister equitum was subordinate, both as magistrate and officer, to the dictator, who commonly appointed him, without any formal restriction on his choice. The office was anomalous, as there was no single commander of the cavalry, but a variety of prccfecti, and in historical days the vvagiffter equitum. served at the head of the legions under the dictator, or replaced him in his absence. But the name pro- bably points to the early days when the two consuls led the foot and horse alternately, and the chief change in appointing a magister populi was to make him tower above the colleague whom he himself nominated. P. 83, § 7. dlmlcandum esse. The infin. expresses the conviction which was the ground of the preceding measures. c. IX. § 1. Spoletlum. A Latin colony (b.c. 241, Veil. Puterc. I. 14) covering the Via Flaminia and Umbria, to which H. turned from the Trasimene lake. He is not likely to have thought of an attack on Rome itself, the population of which largely outnumbered his army, and Polybius says nothing of the attack upon Spoletium. § 2. cum magna csBde repulsus. One of the gates of Spoleto still bears the name of Porta di Anuibale, or Porta Fuga, in memory of this frallant resistance, and on it are the words Annihal Spoleto \ Magna siiorum ccede repuhsus \ imigni fuga porta nomen fecit. Tliese are of modern date, but in the Guildhall is a mutilated inscription, of which the following words remain. Populus signa vovit torihusque dedicavit quum Annibal L. CarsuUo... baud maxlmsB minime p. Most editors read haud nimis prospere, for the h, minime p. of the MSS. Madvig rejects this as a frigid litotes, and suggests that maxima had dropped out, after which ^minime prospere will follow well enough. moles. Referring not merely to the size of the city, but to the effort of taking it. Cf. xxi. 22. 9. Verg. Mn. 1. 33, tantcs molis erat, &c. § 4. affectus. Cf. 8. 3, affecto corpore, and xxi. 11. 13. § 6. Prsetutlanum Ha. South of Picenum, and near the Roman colony of Adria, from which the Porto d' Atri takes its name. It is said that Pratutia was corrupted in the middle vi 252 NOTES. XXII. a ix. §§5—11. ages into Aprutium, and tliat into Abmzzo, the later name of tho district. (Cramer'B Anc. It. i. 289.) The Marsi, and other tril)e8 mentioned, dwelt further South, and to the East of the Sabine territory; they belonged to the Osco-Sabtjllian population of Central Italy. Ami, in Apulia, was anciently named ATg3mpa, and con nected with traditions of Diomede and Argos, Verg. Mn. xi. 24S. Twelve miles to the W. was the K. colony of Luceria (B.C. 813), which was long an object of contention with the Samnites. § 6. ad nrbOTa... This march was probably begun as soon as he heard of H. in Etruria, and the 4000 horse under Ci;u- tenius was only the van of his army, but hiry had neglected to mention this at the right point of his narrative. § 7. dictator iterum. Yalerius Max., I. 1, says that Flaminius was his mag. equitum^ and this must refer to a former dictatorship. There had been several dictators of late years comitionim habendorum causa. The words of Livy, 8. 5, refer only to the dictator of earlier usage rei gerenda cavsa. ab dlls orsus. Matters of religion were tlie first discussed in the senate. Cf. Gell. xiv. 7, de rebm divim's prim (juam hiimanix ad i^enatum referendum esse, cffirlmonla is hardly to be derived from Ceere ('* the Deiplii of Italy"). Corssen i. 376 refers it to the root of sinccrus («Mra= sunder, or choose). The long ae is a difliculty in the way of Curtius' derivation from -kar, kri^ creare, and the inscriptions and best MSS. spell it ceoiaUy m Plautus, Terence, and occasionally in later poets as Ver^. A'.n. IX. 151, XII. 316. In Livy we find in old formularies defextt i. 254 NOTES. XXTT. c. x. §§6-10. 24. 9, /£m«i« Ti. 41. 6; so occuit xii. tab., rapsit Cic. Let?, n 9 22, wwrt, for conj. plusqu., Verg. Mn. xi. 118, extbixem /En' Z' 6f»6. ';7/««<'< Lucr. I. '.KS?, «urr«x« Hor. Sat. i. 9. 73, traM Mn. Y. 786. So also such forms as acdarassis Liv. i 18 7 hahemt Cic. Leg. ii. 8. 19, and many like forms in Plautu^' It seems probable that conj. and ii. fut. forms like faxim Jam are derived from an old perfect form in -n rather than from a reduphcated form in -t. faHtur is a still more curious form of 2nd. fut. passive for factum ent, hke jtmitur iot jmsum ent Cato B. R. 14, turhm. ntur for turbatm erit Cic, Leg m. 4. 11, mercassitur for mer- eatm ent Lex Agrar. C. 200. 71. Cf. Corsson, ii. 565, aatidea. an old form for antea, like poHidea for postea anhd beiDK the early form of ante. Of. the ablative fu.in^ murid, navalid, dictatored, Ac. found in early inscriptions as also med, ted, sed, red, found singly or in composition. P. 85, § 7. ludi ma^nl. This term was afterwards re- served for the extraordinary ludi in distinction to the reralar which were called ludi Romani. The sums were voted by tLt> senate, but as they were often inadequate, great expense was constantly incurred by the cediles on whom the arrangements fell, and at the end of the Bepublio the outlay was often rmnous. awls. This was probably the tes grave or lihral as, which had been successively reduced in weight to that of a trini^ in the Ist Punic war, and to the nucia in this year (Q. Fabh dictatore omcs uneiales facti, Pliny 33. 3. 45), but in laws and state concerns the old monetary system was for a long time retained, and the nummus sestertius was employed as its equi- valent in silver. Cf. Mommseu Muuzw. 292 and Weissenborn's note. trecenUa t. It was a lioman fancv that the odd num- bers found favour with the gods of the upper air, wliile the Manes or the powers of the lower world liked the even best Thus the fixed holidays, feria stativa:, were neaiiy aU on the odd days of the Calendar. § 10. Venerl Bryclnaa. This deity was probably the Phce- nif'ian Astarte, whose worship may be traced (under the name of Aphrodite) in many places where an earlier influence was adopted by the Greeks. Eryx, as we know, was one of the pomts of Sicily to which the Carthaginians clung most obstmately. Its traditions were in course of time worked into the legends of tlie Trojan war, its deity confnsed with tiie goddess mother of iEneas, whose wanderings are made NOTES. XXIL c. X. § 10.— c. xi. § 6. 255 by Vergfl to include a visit to the spot, v. 769, and Rome recognised an appeal based on this supposed connection. fatalibus. Prophetic of doom (fatum), i.e. Sibylline. Mentl. Fabri quotes Cic. Leg. 11. 8, colunto et olios, quos endo calo merita locaverunt...ast olla propter qua datur ho- mini adscensus in calum, Mentem, Virtutem, Pietatem, Fidem. Cf. Excursus. c. XI. § 2. e re publica. 'For the interest of the state.' § 3. IlB the dat. after edixit which also takes the ace. diem of the obj. Tibur is the local ace. after ad conveniendum edieere. Cf. 22. 1, quo diem ad conveniendum edixerat novis militibus and xxviii. 5. 8, concilium jEtolis Heracleam indicium. § 4. ut...uti. This repetition of ut when the conjunction does not follow closely on the principal verb is of frequent occurrence in Livy. Cf. v. 21. 9. castella. Any strong places in the country, such as there are traces of on so many of the hill-tops in Central Italy. Cf. the enumeration in the Lex Rubria xxi. quo oppidu municipio colonia prcefectura foro vico cnnciliabulo castcUo trrritoriove. P. 86 § 5. The Via Flaminia, which led through Etruria and UmlJria to Ariminum, is attributed by Strabo, v. 1. 1, to the Flaminius who was consul b.c. 197, but by Livy, Epit. xx., to his father who fell at Lake Trasimene, while the son con- structed the road from Ariminum to Bononia (xxxix. 4). exercltu. Cf. for this form of the dat. dilectu, 2. 1. Ocriculum. The first city of Umbria which submitted to Rome, Livy ix. 41. 14. viator was a general term for the attendant or apparitor of a Roman magistrate, and the form of the word probably re- ferred to the duty of travelling through the ager round Rome to summon the senators or others to public meetings. The lictor was a more specialized name is qui ex collcgio viatorum ojicium ligandi haberet lictor sit appellandus, Aul. Gell. 12. 13. 1. Only dictators, consuls, and praetors commonly were thus attended, and the fasces borne by these Uctors was a symbol of the jws vita necisque. § 6. Tetustate. Cf. 8. 5. It was 32 years since there had been a diet, rei gerenda. Oatia. Otherwise declined in the 2nd decl. Cf. 37. 1 and mitte Ostia Casar, Juv. viii. 171. p. Cosanum. Now the porto d' Ercole. It was a Roman colony, and one of the chief naval stations on the lower sea. ! 25C NOTES. XXII. o. xi. § 7— c. xii. § 4. § 7. ad nrbem B. Probably as W. snggests in the dock- yards or in course of building. § 8. Ubertliil. The slares of a Roman, when freed, were called his iifcerti, and passed into the class of lihertini. These were by Q. Fabius in 303 b.c. all enrolled in the 4 urhana trihus, where their votes counted for little, but in later days repeated efforts were made by the popular leaders to spread them over the rusticte tribm where they might own land. They could not serve regularly in the legions, for military service was regarded at Borne as the privilege and duty of the free lainl- owners, and it was not until the time of Marius that this senti- ment disappeared. qulbtu llberl. This condition recurs in other cases, as in the privilege allowed to Latini to migrate to Kome and become R. citizens if they left children behind them, and in usages of precedence among magistrates. aetaa mllltarls. i.e. commonly from the 17th to the 4Gth year of &i;e. § 9. urbane ex. Referring to the lower estimate of the urbana: tribm who formed what was called contemptuously forensis /actio. 0. XII. § 1. quo diem. Nearly all the MSS. read quodie, a mistake which probably pew out of a failure to see that quo follows conveniendum, as Tibur does in II. 4. § 2. Prssneste is explained by Corssen ii. 216, as beiug an old superlative form, as magister or minuter are comparatives like \a\lffTepos, thus Franeste = ' that which stands forth most prominently,' for pra cf. note below on pristinus. Festus says it was so named quia montihut pretfitat, and in fact it commands a splendid view of the neighbourhood of Rome. transversls lim. 'Cross-roads,' as in ii. 39 trarisvcrsis tra- mitibus and t. 16. 4 obliquis tramitibm in the same sense. It would seem as if trames {tram, meare) were nearly the same as transversm, while limes (for lic-mes, connected with Umm, X^X/^of, limen, a cross-beam for lintel) comes from the same root as obliqum. Corssen, i. 499. egresBUS. W. aptly remarks that the via were raised as causeways higher than the cross-roads. exploratls. Corssen connects plorare with pluere pluvia as *to make to flow' and hence explorare *to cause to flow out' or 'bring to light,' i. 361. P. 87, § 4. quoit appears in most MSS., but it is obviously corrupt, W. suggests aliquando, Heerwageu antiquu.s. It seem?^ better to strike it out. NOTES. XXII. c. XII. § 6— c. XTiT. g 1. 257 § 6. novl. This suggestion of Madvig for non vim com- mends itself as a very slight change with much better sense. hauddum. Vocabulum hauddum non apud ahum invent scriptorem nisi aliqvoties apiid TAvinm, i. e. septem locis. Stiirenberg ap. Fabri. It is formed like vlxdum, necdum also found in our author. § 7. si posset. *In the hope that he might,' 'to see if he would,' a sense in which Livy often uses si. excipere. As of the hunter latitantem fruticeto excipere nprum, Hor. Carm. iii. 12. 11, §9. static, 'pickets.' uuiverso. * Staked upon the hazard of a general engage- ment.' Cf. casum universa dimicationis 32. 2. §10. parva momenta...' petty skirmishes of little mo- ment which might be safely risked as there was shelter near at hand.' pristinis. This word like prisons comes from a longer form of the pri or prce wheace primiia, privus, &c. Corssen, i. 780. § 11. Sed non H....the subordinate phrase sanis consiliis would as NJigelsbach suggests be naturally the subject in trans- lation, 'his sound judgment found an adversary,' &c. nihil... morse. Cf. for this idiom xxi. 45. 9. P. 88, § 12. pro cunctatore. Cf. 39. 20. premendo. Cf. 59. 10, nee premendo alium me extuli^-fe velim. pessima ars. ' pernicious practice.' c. XIII. § 1. The Hirpini (called 'Iprti/ot in Strabo, though some Latin inscriptions and MSS. drop the aspirate) were a highland race in the east of Samniimi, whose name was said to be derived from the Samnite word hirpus — yfolt^ 9erv. Verg. iEn, XI. 785. Several of their towns revolted from Rome after the battle of Canna;, Liv. xxiii. 1, and 37, and owing to the obstinate wars of the Samnites in old times Hannibal may have looked here for most support. Beneventum. The old form of this was Maleventum Liv. IX. 27. 7, and the change was probably due to the super- stitious feeling which may be traced in the history of names like the Eumeuides, the Euxipe, and €u/) for nighty Com- pare also the custom of tlie Romans to call first a citizen of aus|»icious name in the centuries and tribes. C. L. 17 358 NOTES, XXIL c. xni. §§ 1—9. Talesi&m. This was a little north of Beneventum aud should probably be read in Pol. iii. 90 instead of Venusia, whioh was quite off the line of march. I 3. tm mat q. &. Note the compression of this phrase Hhe enterprise was greater than its authors,' i.e. Hoo critical to be undertaken on their authority alone:' it qualifies duhium. § 4. otiam atque etiam. Connected by Madvig with mo- niton^ tliougli the MSS. put the ut between. It is possible however to take them with promissa elliptically. Lucretius uses the phrase still more independently as i. 296 Quar<' t'tiam atque etiam sunt venti corpora ceeca. allquibus. Fabri remarks that aliquis is the more usual form of the nbl ia Livy, though this form is here well attested. § 5. Agrom Casluatem. This is the point at which the ma Latina issued from Latium into Campania, and the old name remains in the famous Benedictine cloister of the Monte Cassino. As the Appian Way was open to the Romans with the otlier roads Hannibal could not have barred their way to Capua except by forcing a battle. § 6. abhorrens. Cf. xxi. 32. 10. Caallinnm was on the Volturuus not far from Capua, and the Campus 8tellatis lay along the ri^^ht bank of the river to the sea. It was one of the last districts of the ager pnhlicus to be divided. Polyb. says nothing of this mistake of the guide, but makes H. move towards Campania in the hope of plunder in the rich Falernian plain, and of revolt among the towns; and there could be little meaning in a movement towards Casinum, if tlio plain of Capua was the real object of the march. Corssen ii. 355 connects both Casinum and CasiUnnm with casOf casuln as originally 'a place of huts' like the German termination 'hmuen as in Frankhausen. § 7. montlbUB. The Callioula and Massicus. tmnlnlbufl. The Savo and Voltumus. §8. mansTiruin. *re8t,"pa8s the night.' Cf. Hor. Cann. i. 1. 25, manet sub Jove frigido \ venator, bo also mansiones were * night quarters' for travellers or soldiers, before they became * mansions * in our sense. P. 89, § 9. The ager Falemm, which was famous for the best wine in Italy, lay to the North of the Campm Stdlatis^ between Sinuessa and Casilinum. mTES. XXTT. c. XIII. § 10_c. xiv. § 13. 259 § 10. aquas Sin. now called BagnL Cf. Tac. Ann. xii. 66, refovendis viribus mollitia cceli et salubritate aquarum Sinucs- gam pergit. § 11. iusto et mod. The grievances which led to the out- break of the Social War were hardly felt as yet, aud the statement of the text is fairly justified. c. XIV. § 1. prope seems to qualify, not seditio as Fabri thinks, but de integrOy as explained by quieverant which follows. § 2. celerius s. The real object was to hold the passes into Latium, and so to enclose Hannibal. §4. colonos. Sent in 297 b.c. when the Greek Sinope was changed to Sinuessa. Livy x. 21. 4. § 6. pro. This interjection is more frequently used with a vocative or accus., &apro sancte Jupiter, pro deum fidem, lUls Invlotum. ' A rest^lntion unshaken by the former.' § 2. ■ai]Uii& op«. Often used by Livy in the sense of the familiar summopere. arbUBta, &c. These nomin. are in appos. with regio, though we should expect a dependent clause explanatory of the prai. copim, § 4. Caallinum was strongly placed on both banks of the river (eo dividitur amni, Liv. xxiii. 17. 10). One part of it waf stoutly defended by the garrison after the battle of Cannie. dlrempta expresses strongly the separation of the two parts of the town. dlvldit. It would be more natural to say that the river parted the two diKtricts, not the town. Campanum is here used in its most restricte«l senHe of the neighbourhood of Capua, as distinct from the Falernm and Calenus ager. Cf. 25. 7. P. 92i § 8. ad coa. tell. As we say *a stone's throw.' So also 2^. 4. § 9. In proellum redilt * Turned and offered battle.' Used elsewhere in Livy in the same sense. § 10. Cales. Ktill within the great wine district. Pnelo dmmitam Caleno | fa hihen uvam, Hor. OJ. i, 20. 9. § U. saltum, q. s. T. The pass of Lautulre on the Appian road which ran along the coast was often mentioned iu th(« early campaigns of Borne as an important strategic point. A^^ the Latin road by Teanum and Venafrura lay open, it ia hard to see ihe im|>ortanoe of this step. NOTES. XXII. c. XV. § 11— c. xvii. § 4. 261 The ager R. was the district immediately round Rome, including also the lands of many of the towns of Latium which had received the full civitas. g 12. In viam. Through the range of Callicula. Cf. § 3. c. XVI. § 1. blna castxa. As in xxi. 59. 2 the distributive is used with the plural castra^ as the word bears a different sense iu the singular. § 2. »qulore probably refers to a plateau on higher ground, but the secondary sense of ' favourable,' as opposed to iniquus, is also suggested. P. 93, § 4' Inclusus. The account in Polybius contains no such plan of seizing all the outlets through which H. might have marched. It represents only an attempt to surprise him by an ambuscade as he was passing through the mountains. It speaks also of three passes through the Eastern highlands, besides the coast roads. It seems indeed most improbable that the Romans should have ventured to divide their forces, and attempt so bold a policy against an enemy whom they dared not meet in open country. Livy's description is ill suited to the actual scene, and to the formidable strength of the invader. via ad Cas. * As his way (southward) was intercepted by the garrison at Cas.' tant. SCO. A bold phrase for tot socii. Litemum was afterwards famous as the place of the volun- tary exile of Scipio Africanus. Its stagna were formed by the river Clanius uear its entry into the sea, now known as Lago di Patria. § 6. ludibrium oculorum. * An ocular delusion.' §7. quos ..multos. Not quorum, as there is no relation here of part to whole. Cf. i. 55. 3, sacella qua aliquot ibi a Tatio rege consecrata fuerant. c. XVII. § 3. repente. To be taken with disc, circa with virgulta, as omnem deinceps agrum xxi. 62. 5, and often else- where adverbs are used as adj. by L. visa is inserted by Madvig after Perizonius, on the ground that it would be absurd to say h. s. q.... accensis if the under- wood was actually on fire. § 4. Qui ad tranaitum. Polybius clearly describes the whole scene. 4000 men were placed in ambush at the outlet of a defile, while the main body were drawn up by Fabius on a hill commanding the approach. But at the sight of the 262 NOTES. XXII. a xvn. § 4~-c. xviu. §8. lights npon the monntain-sides the Bomans in the pass, thiuk- lug that the enemy was encapiug along the higher ground, left their station in piureuit, and the main body of H. passed through unmolested. Livy's account is vague in the extreme. P. 94. Qi» rnlnlme... *They made for the top of the mountain-ridges, thinking that their safest course lay in the direction where the lights were flashing least.' § 6. In ffugam. According to Polyb., after collision with the light troops of H., they remained upon the heights waiting for the dawn. armatimB incurrere. A rare constr. Livy commonly sajs incurrere in aliquid, neutros... This const, is awkwardly involved; though neutrots is governed by tenuit, the negative which it contains belongs properly to a distinct sentence which states a furthei result that neither side was ready to begin fighting. c. xviii. § 1. abhorrens. ' Shrinking.* § 2. Intercl. ab suls. * Cut off from the main body.' Livy uses suis freely, as § 7 and 17. 4, without reference to the principal subject of the sentence. § 3. aflsuetlor. We notice here the want of a Latin partic, like ovaa, the place of which might be supplied by utpote or quippc. campestrem. ' Lowlander.* ■tataxiom. Cf. iz. 19. 5, when speaking of the soldiers to the phalanx and the legion he says statarius uterque miles or- dines servam. § 5. super AUifas. To be taken with comcdit, not tram- greuus. Cf. 17. 7. § 6. Pellg:no8. This was a Sabine tribe N.E. of Lake Fuciuus, whose chief city, Cortiuium, was chosen as the seat of empire by the Italians in the Social War. Its country was too rugged to offer much plunder to H. P. 95, § 7. Oereonlum {castellum Apulia inopn, 39. 16) was 25 miles from Luceria (Pol. iii. 100), and selected by H. for liis winter quarters, 23. 9. § 8. sacrorum c. Plut. Fab. 178, tGjv Up4tav koKovvtojv iwl Tims Ovclas. So we read occasionally of special appointments of a dictator for ceremonial purposes, clavi Jigendi causa, J Ay. VII. 3, feriarum cama vii. 28, and ludorum causa xxvii. 33. NOTES. XXII. c. xviu. § 8— c. xix. § 8. 263 linperlo...con8ilio are less properly connected with agens than precibus, but the same construction is repeated xxiv. 32. 5. s 9 It might perhaps be better to put a comma after hostis and to assume an ellipse of 'he should remember' before medicos, Cf. Cic. Tusc. i. 17. 41, horum igitur aliquid animus est, ne tam vegeta mens aut in corde cerebrovcjaceat. quiete. ' By doing nothing.' Cf. xxi. 10. 3, nee unquam quietura Romana foedera. 8 10 li»c n. pram. These words sum up the foregoing advice of Fabius, and Unk together the earlier clauses with the final profectus. c. XIX. § 3. Carthag. Nova C. or Cartagena. naves. The reading of Madvig makes the construct, simpler than the navibus of the MSS., which is awkward if taken with pro/., and would require ducebat to bear the mean- ing 'had the. ..marched.' Polyb. has rats /h^p vaval irapa ttjp Xhoov ivoiciTO Tbv Tr\ovv, rots 5^ ire^ois ttjv iropdav irapa rbv alyiaXbv, III. 95. Navibu^ probably grew out of navis {naves), as in XXI. 43. 4 habentibus from habentis. § 4. idem consUii, i.e. conjUgcre as above. Ingentem... Taken by hypallagc with /., not with auxi- liorum. § 6. MassUiensium. Polyb. notes the general zealousness of Massiha in the Koman cause throughout the war. speculatoriae. Non sunt triremes scd naves minores sine rostris ut constat ex Liv. xxxvi. 42, Drakenb. ap. Fabri. P. 96 § G. universe terrore. * General panic' eflfuso. Livy more often uses ofusus with terror. Cf. xxvni. 29. 7. § 7. nondum...aperlentibU8. A bold constr., in which the negative sense is transferred from the verb to the adverb = 'still hiding.' Cf. also xxu. 6. 9, quum...dispulsa nebula ape- ruisset diem. There is nothing in Polyb. to answer to this rhetorical description of the confusion, though the accounts otherwise agree. §8. dassem esse... follows a verb 'announce,' understood injttftet. mhn minus quam.exspect. A very favourite phrase of Livy which often occurs. 264 NOTES. XXII. a xix. § 10— a xx. § 10. §10. resolutis o.... •Unfasten the cal)IoR (whicb l)onnd the stern of the ship to the shore), and drift towards the anchors ' (which were let down from the prow facing the sea by aneoralia). The MSS. read evehereniur, which is ill balanced by incidunt. W. reads evicti tenentur, which lias httle to recommend it, but is suggested by the teneat which follows. P. 97, c. XX. The [in] probably, as Madvig suggests, was a copyist's error which grew out of the m in pretentam. § 2. quae non aut... The one set was not seaworthy, the otlier had ran aground and could not be towed away. § 4. Onusam. V. xxi. 22. 5. § 5. Inluncta m. 'Which abutted on the walls.' In forti- fied towns a clear space was commonly left. For use of iniuncUr cf. ?. 7. 1, quum vinea: tantum non iam iniitncttc manihm essent. § 6. Longruntlca must have been near Nova C, according,' tu a passage from Fliiiy 19. 2. 30, astimare quanto git in mn {spartum}...navium armamentis machinii tedijieationum ad lummmeg mm qua ttujfficiant minus tnginta millia passuum in latitudinem a litore Carthaginis nova: minusque C in longitiidi. nem esse reperientui'. spartt Sp. esparto. A natural gras« which Pliny calls (uncus proprie aridi son...hinc strata ruaticis eorum, hinc ignes facesque, hinc calceamina, et pastorum vestes. It was es- pecially used for cordage on Hhipboard, in sicco prcrferunt e cannabi funes. Hence the name Spartarius Campus for the neighbourhood of Carthago Nova. § 7. praelecta est era. The MSS. reading is certainly cor- rapt, proiectan oras or periectas. W. corrects it to pncvecta est Oram (classis), but the change to the neut. pass, trans. missum ia much more awkward after a verb like pravccta used actively, and therefore Madvig's reading is to be prefened. Ebuiram. The largest of the Pityusae islands which lie between the Baleares and the coast of Spain, now Iviza. Ibu- nim = • pine islands,' Schroder, p. 99. § 9. Baliaribus. Cf. xxi. 21. 12. § 10. provlnda. Spain was not yet regarded as a pro- vincia, though steps had been taken in that direction by the commission given to Scipio, but'as W. remarks Livy is think- ing of the later distinction of Ilisp. citerior ct ulterior. NOTES. XXll. c. XX. § 10— c. xxii. i^ 1. 265 accolunt, a correction of the incolunt of the MSS. which seems too bold with Hiberum, yet Fabri compares Polyb. iii. 42, ro^ KaroiKovyras rbv Trora/xov and Eurip. Phoen. 126, Aep- vaia 8' olxei ud/JiaO^ 'Ivirofxidcov dva^. § 11. popull. As in Gaul tribal names appear chiefly in Spain in early times, and the towns known are few. The pei- manence of these tribal names in Gaul is shown by their out- Uving the Koman designations of the towns, and lasting on in so many of the present names. P. 98 § 12. Castulonensem. This was afterwards the boundary between Tanacouensis and Boetica. Its city Castulo, now Cazlona, which Livy calls urhcm validam ac nobilevi, gained its importance from its silver mines, and was so Car- thaginian in its sympathies that Hannibal took from it a wife, XXIV. 41. 6. Castulo in PhoBnician = • god's bow,' Schroder, p. 127. c. XXI. § 1. fulsset per. *So far as.' 'If the C. only had beeu concerned.' Cf. Cic. Fin. ii. 28, consequatur summas voluptaies non nwdo parvo sed per me nihilo. § 2. praterquara... The Sp. were stirred to war not only by their natural restlessness but by the influence of their chieftains. MandoniOB was the brother-in-law of Indibilis, Liv. xxvi. 49. 9. nergetum. Cf. xxi. 22. 3, reduced by Cn. Scipio xxi. 61, bcuce antca. 4. trlbuni. W. follows the MSS. in the reading tribunm, in which case missi would be a constr. ad syncsim, agi'eeing with the ])lural of trih. cum. aux. Cf. note on xxi. 60. 7. § 5. els Hito. 'To his own side of,' from the point of view of agent not writer. § 6. nergavonensium. Two of the best MSS. read Lergnv. According to Ukert ii. 1, p. 418, some coins have Dercavonia. It is otherwise unknown. Novam cl. Supposed to be a local name, possibly to be identified with Ad Novas mentioned in the Itinerar. Anton, between Ilerda and Tarraco. c. xxu. § 1. prorogato. The tenure of ofhce was strictly hmited to fixed periods at Rome, and it was contrary to con- stitutional usage to extend it in ordinary cases. But in the yeai 326 b.c. Q. Publilius Philo the consul was allowed by a vote of the commons ut pro consule rem gererct quoad debel- NOTES. XXII. c. XXII. §§ 1—7. latum cum Grcccis euet, Liv. viii. 23. 7. But to mark the dis- tinctive character of this prorogatio in this and other cases the official was always spoken of not as magistraiug but pro magi$. Imtit, and for a long time a vote of the people as well as a resolution of the senate was needed. It was at first resorted to only in the case of imperium militia;, or the highest command away from Borne, and never to the imp. domi, in which a prafectus iuri dicundo or an interrex stepped into the place of an absent or deceased official. It was, however, sparingly adopted in case of lower oflSces at Kome. With the institution of provincia the prorogation became a regular procedure, and a proconsul or proprietor was appointed for each, but towards the end of the Bepublic an interval of at least 5 years was required between the oflBce of consul and proconsul, praetor and pro- prietor. P. 99, § 2. portum T. Hiibner remarks that Strabo calls T. dXlfifvot in. 4. 7, and that it is still one of the worst roads on the Spanish coast, though Eratosthenes spoke of a vavffrae- fAov there. Yet 8 years later C. Claudius Nero sailed direct from Puteoli to Tarraco, xxvi. 17. 2, though the troops more commonly disembarked at Empcflri® and marched to T., until the fall of Carthago Nova changed the centre of operations. § 4. nee uUo vlso, for et nullo, as the negative belongs not to the main sentence, but to the secondary clause. This con- fusion is of frequent occurrence in Livy, cf. vii. 9. 1, quum... exercitum diixitfsaU neque inventis in agro hostibus Ferentimm ,..cepii8ent. txudltoa, i.e. to the governor of the garrison. They were left there, says Poly bins, because of the strength of the place and the supposed fidelity of the guard, iii. 98. I 6. Uberum. The contrttcted form of this gen. plur. is ▼eiy nsnal in Livy m in duum and «ocium. § 7, imum, * a single,' as § 8, earn unam rem 'that single exploit.* Id ai^ebat, 'his object was.' emoliunentum. The abstract for the concrete, as semiiKi discordiarum tribuni in. VJ. 6, uno equo per urbem veriim tri- umphum vehi xxvin. 9. 8, ludibrium verius quam comes i. 66. 9. The object of Abelux was not merely that the * gain might be as great as possible' taking emolumentum as the iubject, but that he might 'himself profit his new allies.' For this the natural construction would be emolumento esset, thongh in Cic. de tin. ii. 18 tlic best MSS. have cuius mors tibi itnolumsfUum futura sit. NOTES. XXII. c. xxn. § 9-c. xxni. § 5. 267 §9. BoatarlB. The meaning of the name is 'servant of Astarte.* Schroder, p. 93. P 100 ^ 12 subitum is used for the resnlts of donum, 'what gift there could be which would speedily work such marvels.' s 13. momentum, a change of Madvig for 'nomen' Tepu- tation ' which is however quite a natural reading though less forcible. Cf. xxv. 39. 16, apud omnes magnum nomen Marcn ducis est. 8 15 ad cetera, 'up to the level of.'...Fabri compares ad sic (ut 'comparatioiiem significet) poni non solctmsiin signifi- canda dissimilitudine et differentia. Madvig, Cic. Fm. iii. lb. § 16. fide accepta d. Like the Greek Se^idv dovvai Kal 8 18 per eundem ordinem is an unusual expression in Livy who prefers the abl. Polyb. tells us that Abelux himself took the hostages to their homes, and there is therefore some sUght probability in the suggested reading of Heerwagon, per eundem eodem ordijie, awkward as it reads and minficum as Madvig calls it. § 19. Illos. As Fabri remarks, the Carthaginians though the last mentioned are the more remote object in the mind of the writer, and hence illos. P. 101 § 21. spectare, 'prepare for,' but xxiii. 6. 4, plebes ad dcfectionem spectare. c. XXIII. § 1. quoque, though not expunged in the text, seems out of place, but it may be explained to refer to a more general comparison in the writer's mind between the war m Spain and Italy. § 3. Ita balances the ut in 3. 2. armatOB...togat08que. Fabri quotes Cic. in Pis. 30, Nondixi hanc togam...sed quod pacis utique est imtgne et otii toga, contra autem arma tumultus atque belli, poetarum nwre locutus. utique. This clause anticipates the contents of c. 24. § 4, a«er diet. Cf. in like case the action of Pericles who made over to the state his lands which he thought might be spared on personal grounds by the enemy. Thuc. ii. 13. § 5. quia non exsp. He had not waited for the sanction of the senate, which was regarded as constitutionally needful m all financial questions. 268 XOTES. XXII. c. xxiii. §6- C. XXIV. § 10. NOTES. XX n. c XXIV. S 1 1 — a XXV. S3. 269 is I § 6. pondo blna et sellbras, cf. xxi. 62. 8, and Varro dr Liiig. Lat. IV. 40, Se valet dimldium ut in sclibra, semodio. § 7. UB]M iaetata, 'after frequent debate.' I 8. quoniam, dc, explains the following tar dim er, erogaretur. The technical term for a vote of the sapplies. P. 102, § 10. prasldio. A participle like futurm is here needed to balance circurmpectans, necundo, cf. note on 2. 3. c. XXIV. § 4. quod, minlme... Polybiiis explains more fully the policy of H. who was anxious to' winter at Gereoniinn. and to gather in supplies from all the country round before the Komans could interfere. This accounts for the larpo numbers {dxuu exercitus parte* 23. 10) sent out to forage. He recalled indeed part of them at first, when the two camps were pitched 80 near each other, but ventured at last to send thera out again, as he was anxious to gain large resei-ves of fodder for the horses, in which his strength lay. The scene and the details are much better described by the Greek writer. § 5. conspectum. See note on 4. 6. § 6. Ffoprlor. To be taken with Eomanorum castra, un- derstood in what follows, ei with apparuit. § 7. paudtate, i. e. 2000 Polyb. § 8. [Turn ut]. If these are expunged, the rest makes good sense. W. reads tvm utiqve, which is harsh, though it may be supported by turn utique immodice of 27. 2. P. 103. per aversa a castrls... Madvig's conection fi)r per av. castra e ca«tris of the M8S. W. suggests per a, c. tw conspiei pouet e cmtris H., but all this is already implied in the text, which is much simpler, and aversa castra is an unnatural expression for the • side of the camp which was remote from,' and those who issued from the camp would not go per castra. The phrases per aversa urbis^ v. 29. 1, or averxin coUihus, xxvii. 41. 6, do not seem to justify the use of aversa castra in this sense. § 9. This section has been rearranged by Madvig, as the MSS. seem here, as often in this book, to have lost some words out of their text. § 10. receperat suos. Polyb. mentions that Hasdruhul had covered the retreat of many of the foragers to the camp at Gereonium, to which H. afterwards retii^ed. 8 11. lusta acie ac coll. sig. Common expressions for a regular engagement, as distinct from skirmishes. 8 12 Bovlanum was the chief town of the Samnites Pentri 'ix. 31. 4, so important in early times that the Bomans made 'repeated attempts to secure it as a step towards the conquest of Samnium. iussu diet. The details of the levies had been left to the diqcretion of the dictator. The regular dilrctm was resorted to for the legions. The socii were required to furnish contm- cents of a certain strength under their native officers, over wiiom Roman prcefecti were commonly appomted. aulngentos. The MSS. have et equites adducnitem without a numeral. This may have grown out of equites D ducmtem. Alschefski nad wilh, supposing that et was a mistake for the sign CO. S14. vanam, though not in the MSS., seems needed to explain the vanioribus which follows. For this use of the word Heei wagen compares Verg. iEn. ii. 79, Nee st mt.wuwi Fortuna Simoiwin \ linxit, vanum etiam niendacemqiie improha c. XXV. § 1. contione. Referring to the speech of the tribune below. § 2. ut. ' Assuming that.' S 3 trlb. plebls. The trihnnes of an earlier age had been the spokesmen and leaders of the plebs in its civil struggles Willi the privileged order of the pntres, and in their speeches, as reported in the annalists, it was a common topic of com- phiint that their rulers engaged in constant wars to distract tlie attention of the people from their grievances at home. The legal inequalities had been long swept away, but tne tribumte lasted on, though it had lost its original value and importance. The trilinnes still headed the opposition against the senatorian government, which they rudely shook in the period of the Gracchi, and helped in a later age to overthrow. It is a feature of Livy's rhetorical style to introduce their harangues into his toxt. The same names and argument recur in different periods. enlmvero. The MSS. have only enim, which is used in other places of Livy, as vii. 32. 13, elliptically, to reply to siip- posed objections, hut not, according to Madvig, to express in- dignation, as enivivero is employed Cic. Verr. i. 26, Hic turn alius ex alia parte : enimvero fercndum hoc non est. 270 NOTES, XXTI. c. XXV. ^5-17. P. 104, § 5. specie classla .. Gf. 11. 7. 1 6. duos praBtores. Cf. 31. for T. Otaeilim, and xxm. 21. 4 for A. Cornelius Mammula. § 7. Campanum... Cf. 15. 4. §9. iit...ut. * As soon as*... 'as if.' The repetition in a different sense is awkward. § 10. abrogando. A Roman magistrate conld not be constitutionally deposed except by a legislative act, or vote of the comitia. Early tradition cited such a case at the begin- ning of the repvibiiOt Brutug...colleg(B suo imperium abrogavit Cio. Brut. 14. 63, but in the best days of Borne there was scarcely any example known, for C. Flaminius would probably not have been deposed, as Livy xxi. 63. 2 implies, but declared illegally elected, vitio creatus. Cinna was deposed, but only by a vote of the senate according to Appian, and he regarded the act as null and void. But though there was no regular precedent of a consul, we hear of abrogation in the case of pro-consuls (Liv. Epit. 67} and tribunes as in the famous case of M. Octavius, 132 b.o. § 12. In actlone...populart ' In a course of action which would have found little favour with the people,' i.e. in opposinp the bin of the tribune. The MSS. commonly read popular is agreeing with dictator, in the sense ♦ as he would have cou- oiliated them little by his bearing towards them.* Actio is often used by Livy of the resolution proposed to the assembly, or the speech in support of it. Cf. ii. 66. 3, huic actioni gra- tissima plebi quum mmma vi resisterent patres, and m. 1. H, tribuniciia se iactare actionibus. Here it is used more gein'- rally for * political action.* § 18. acoeptas refeiret. • Set them down to the account of,* literally *to the credit side.* So v. 22. 2, nee duci...ncc ienatui, sed Lieinii §pid!ari nuigktrum equitant ac virgas et ucai-ea expcdiri iussit. NOTES. XXIL c. xxvii. § 3— c. xxviii. § 9. 273 Fabius fidem militum imploram lacerantibus vestem lictoribus ad triarios tumuUumjam in contioncm miscentes sese recepit. § 8. haudquaquam placere. Polybius makes Fabius suggest both alternatives, and Minucius accept the division of forces. coUega. The term is here extended to the relation be- tween Fabius and Minucius who had now a par potestas, and were therefore on the footing of the colleagues in the consul- ship. The collegium was a distinctively Roman conception as apphed to a board of magistrates, who could each act with the undivided power of the whole office, without being bound by the votes of the majority. It stood also for the relation between the members, by which they were connected {con, ligare) as Liv. x. 22. 2, nihil concordi collegio fimiius. § 9. consUlo. Usetl adverbially. 'Neglect the duty of seemg that affairs were rationally conducted.' exercitum. With ellipse of scd or tantum. P. 107, § 10. sicut... esset. Though expressing a matter of fact, the verb in the subjunctive is included in a dependent clause. c. XXVIII. § 1. et indicantibus et...explorantem. The combination of an abl. abs. and a participle is awkward, but occurs elsewhere in Livy. Hecfrwagen compares xli. 19. 2, victores circumsidunt urbem...aut metu dedituria se hostihus aut vi expugnaturi. jj 2. Uberam. Uncontrolled by a superior. et...et. Oratio obi, as the thought of H. accounting for his joy. sollertlffi. Conn, with the Oscan sollus-totus, and sollicitus soUstimus. § ;>. quern qui... • the occupation of which would put '... § 4. causam cert, contr. An extension of a common phrase like artes belli conserebant, xxi. 1. 2. procursurum. Madvig supposes that in an early MS. an e slipped m by error, and per ocurmrum was gradually changed into per occnrsurum and semper occurmrum, which stand in all the later MSS. § 7. quot quemque... The insertion of this before the main clause is awkwai'd in constr., though it represents first ine details of the action before the whole result is summed up. §9. deposcere peUendos. 'Beg for the task of dis- lodging.' C L, 18 274 NOTMIS. XXII. c. xxviii. § U— c. xxix. §11. P. 108. et vanls minis. The earlier M8S. Lave et vanh animfs et nimis, vvliicli Madvig explains as a repetition of the uiiBtakc iiimis for minis, and a later attempt to give a sense to the first word. § 12. tnccedenteiii. Madvig remarks that subsequentcm would be a more natural expression, as it would give more Tariety after succedem, but there is no MS. authority for it. § IS. directa. 'Face to face,' as distinct from an am- buscade. Fabri compares xxxv. 4. 7, postquam apertai! esse in*idia$ et recto ac iasto pralio...dimicatidum vidcnnit. § 14. animus ad pugnam ..ad fugam spes. An example of Chiasmus, aa in the next line, clamore audita, ...conspectu... acie. c. XXIX. § 1. non celerlus. As Duker explains, mtix cde- Titer nee tamen celerlus quam timueram... § 6. Integram a. • The unbroken line of the reserves.' P. 109. pliirts slmul. * In a body.' volventes orbem. Cf. note on Liv. xxi. 56. 2. § 6. Pcenus. Used generally of the army, not of its leader mentioned in the next clause. palam ferent©. Often used by L. for ' professing.' Cf. XXIV. 32. I, Imud vani qtiidavi homines palam ferre. § 8. eum prlmum esse .. This refers to a gnomic senteuci' in Hesiod l/ry. k. rtfj^ 293, often quoted, as by Arist. Etli. i.^ 4. 7, ovroi nh iravdpiffTot 6s airrbs wdina voria-Q \ iffOXbs 5' a J KdKeivos fi$ €v ilwovTi wldTfTai I ds d4 K€ fiTiT ai'ros voi-Q firjT diWov aKoijuff I CI* Ovfif^ ^dWyjrat, 6 5* aiV (xxpm^>^ dvi^p. eztreml. ' The meanest.' § 10. cum F. For cum Fabii castrii. § 11. patronos. Because they were indebted to them for their safety, as the libeitus owed his freedom to his jja- tronus, or as conquered people recognized like relation to the generals who had subdued, but spared them. Cf. Cic. de Oil. I. 11. 36, ut ii qui civitates aut naiiones devictas hello in fidcui recepissent, eorumpatroni essent more maiorum. For a siiuilai incident cf. iii. 29. 2, where the dictator Cincinnatus saved the army of the consul L. Minuciu8...^( proficiscentem patrounm NOTES. XXII. c. XXIX. § U— c. xxx. § 7. 275 galutaverit. Patrunm seems to be another form of pater, as mitrona of mater. c. xxx. § 1. In admlr.... convert., 'arrested the wondering attention.' § 2. circ. mllitum elus, - such of the soldiers of F. as were grouped about them.* § 3. quo fando possum, • as far as mj poor words allow.' § 4. plebelscltum. Cf. note on 26. 4, Plebei is the archaic genitive of plebs or plebU. P. 110. oneratus...lionoratus. Fabri compares Varr. L. L. V. 73, onus est honos qui sustinet rempublicam, Ovid Her. IX. 31, non honor est sed onus. This play upon the form of the words contrasted or annominatio is of frequent occurrence in many writers as in Cic. Phil. iii. § 22, ex orators orator. Ov. Fasti II. 805, nee prece nee pretio. Cf. Zumpt ad Verr. p. 661. QuintiL ix. § 65. antlquo, used technically for voting against a new bill (lit. 'prefer the old*), while abrogare = * repeal an old law.' ausplclum. The auspices were taken only in the name of the superior officer. Cf. note on xxi. 40. 3. §5. placatus...&c. The precedents of old Roman dis- cipline would have warranted more ignominious treatment, as when L. Minucius the consul who was delivered from blockade at Corbio was addressed by the dictator L. Quinctius carebis parte prada miles... ct tu L. Mimici...legatus his legionibus pracris, Liv. iii. 29. 1. tendere, for 'encamp,' i.e. tentorla habere, cf. Vcrg. ^n. ii. 29, hie saws tendcbat Achilles. § 6. exsecrabill, as W. remarks, like a dies ater of the Calendar. § 7. laudibus ad caelum ferre. Cf. Ennius ap. Cic. de Senect. 4, Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem, | non hie ponebat rumores ante salutem. \ ergo phtsqu£ magisque viri nunc ghria claret. Hence the notable honour that was paid him, which few could ever earn. Hanc coronam gramineam S, P. Q. R. Fabio Maximo dedit bello P. secundo quod urbem R. obsi' dione hostium libcrasset, A. Gell. v. 6. 18—2 276 NOTES. XXII. c. xxx. § 10-c. xxxi. § 11. § 10. earn nubem. The figure is probably copied from Homer II. 5. 622, vt€a ffKideura \ Tyot^aiv Xi-yu- pyai 5ia<, and therefore of tlie ius imaginum. This nobility was repre- sented by the senate which consisted of ex officials, and the privileges which it held de facto were clung to more tenaciously than tlie de iun claim of the older patriciate. P. 114, § 2. concusso, part, for subst., 'his attack upou.' Cf. XXI. 1. 5, Siciiia S. amis,s(e. § 3. auirures. Cf. on ritio creatis, 3H. 12. § 4. adductum. tralil. The or. obi. following a verb understood in criminando. § 5. uniTersls, 'if united,* cf. xxi. 3.3. the use of exit turn, pngnarl, 'the war could be carried on' or 'could fight with good effect,' by supplying jnoitpere from the next line. I 6. pater patronusque. Cf. 29. 10. and compare tlie phrase pattT ^atmfu* of the fetialu. §7. fadus, 'compact.* horn. noTum, used distinctively henceforward of thefewwlio rose to a level with the privileged cii*cle of nobility by gaininj,^ the consulship, but contemptuously applied like parvenu. The absence of such a term in English marks the distinctive feature of an aristocracy which has been always recniited freely from lower social strata. §8. el8dem...Bacris. This probably is a metaphor taken from the pledges of a secret society, as if the aristocratic cIiibB had bountl themselves like those in old days in Greece by the oath T(f 5if}fi(t> KOKovovs (aofj-ai. It might with less likeliiiood be taken in the sense that the prominent plebcjiau fiunilies had ideutitied themselves with the patrician by intermarriage and prejudices, whereas stress had been laid by the opponents of such intercourse (legalized by the Canuleian law) on the religious divisions of the two orders, which had distinct familv nacra. NOTES. XXIT. c. xxxiv. § 9— c. xxxv. § 4. 281 s Q ut In patrum pot. As the interrex was named by the «./r.r*and he conducted the elections, they would have more fXence over them than if a magistrate elected by the people presided. 8 10 expugnatum, ' carried their point by force,' as if it were a violence done to the constitution. P 115 Ml. certe, 'an undoubte>e. Cf. Juv. viii. y-, quam fulmine iusto \ et Capita et Numitor rucnnt damnante senatn. S 4 comitlaU die. The comit. d. were probably at first thcsaiiie as the dies fasti, on which it was /a8 cuvi populo agere, as distinct from tlie dies nefasti, on which for various religious reasons no business could l)e done Afterwai'ds the fasti were restricted to a snndler number of days wlien judicial but not legislative business might be transiictetl, while botb were allowed on the Comitiales. 282 NOTES. XXII. a xxxv. § 4 -c. xxxvi. §5. par nmsrifl la advers. 'matched rather as a rival tliun , colleague • par referring to the par potestas of the eonsuirbv which either couJtl thwart the otlier. ' ^ § 5. Millo, to be taken with tvenit. Ronwe qiiolifiea not nrbana, in distinction to the department urwhidrfoli,) "^ ^*'"' °^ '^'^'^ pnetorshipa in contrast to the peregrlnos. Out of this juiisdiction over aliens CTaduallv grew more liberal principles and methods of procedure free fi n,;, many of the technicalities of the old lloman law, and out these a system of e(]uity was developed. I 6. addiU. not as a new principle, for that liad been al- ready introduced in b.c. 227, Liv. Epit. xx. uf V\ ^f*' culquam. Of the four Pr^tors all but M. Pomp. Matho liad been consul before, so marked was the wish to secure tried officials. c. xxxYi. § I. quantae olnt... variant. 'In statinc the numbers.. .give such various accounts.' The dependence of Hint on vanant is obscured by the addition et num. et gen. P. 116, § ^. alii, num. to some verb like ferunt to be un- derstood in variant. § 3. leg. aucUs. ' The complements of the legions raised by. mUlibua pedltum et centenis. For this use of milUa for nntnda millia,ci. xxxvii. 45. 7, dabitU...millia talentumper duo- ili'cim annos. So xxix. 15. 4, $tipendium praterea iU coloniU in miUia arts aases sintfiilos imperari. treceni eq. Yet xxi. 17. 3, the cavalrv of six le«,'ions amounted to 18()0, or 300 in eueli. Lij>8ius therefore inferred that the number sli-Mild here be cccc after the addition. There IS no MS. authority for the chanKe. however, whicJi is not borne out by Polybius or subsequent estimates of nuiuber. dupUcem num. eq. Pol. in. 107 say.s rpiwXdaioy as a general rule on critical occasions. § 4. septem et oct. 8 x 5000 + 8 x 5000 + 8 x 300 + 8 x GOO « 87, 200. § 5. spem... dictator. Polybius tells us that the Eomaua, hearing that their army was embarrassed by the loss of its suppHes which Hannibal had taken, gave tJie consuls instruc- tions to force a poneral engaKement. He omits all the details of the election of Varro and the w.u nin'^s of Fabius. KOTI'JS. XXJI. c. xxxvi. g 6^c. xxxvii. § 10. 283 R 0. decemviri. Cf. note on xxi. 62. G. 8 7 signa Cf. signa Lanuvii ad JimonU Soxpitce crnore vuniarerc xxiii. 31. 15,'i.e. the statues or busts of the Gods. Budaase. The correction of Madvig in a corrupt passage where the common MS. reading is ccsdis, for which Cadns and Carites have been suggested. § 8. id quidem, i. e. the repetition made it more fearful. via fornicata. This vaulted way was probably a line of porticos extending to the cmnpii.^ M. which no longer existed m Livy's days (erat). Probably it is the same as that mentioned iu XXXV. 10. 10, porticuni...a porta FontinaU ad Martin aram, (pia ill Camptim iter esset, perduxenmt, cf. Nardini Iloiua Ant. III. 111. 8 9. Pfflsto. Posidonia, an old colony of Sybaris, was a Greek town conquered by the Lucanians, and afterwards colonized by the Romans under the name of Piestum. The famous temples still to be seen on the deserted site date from the times of the (ireek culture, the loss of which long afterwards the inhabi tants annually deplored. c. XXXVII. § 2. sua propria. Heerwa,i,'en illustrates the use of sinuf (as distinct from alicnii^) with proprim in contrast to communis by xxxiii. 2. 1, orsus a imijonim suoniin suisqne et conimitnibus in onineni Grceciain et propriis in liaolorum ycntem meritiss. P 117 § 4. se refers to Hiero, sese in § 5 to legati. The envoys speak first in their master's name, then in their own. § 5. ducentum. The gen. plur. contracted form as modium ; the MS. reading wavers between cc and ccc. §7. used. auxilia. Cf. note on xxi. GO. 4. §8. mllle. Silius Italicus says. -Id^Zirferat ter mille viros in Marte sagittcc | expertos viii. 615. Yet the ter is not likely to have slipped out, Livy would have written tna milha. fundltorum. Cf. note on xxi. 21. 12. pugnaces telo. pugnax is more often used absolutely, but sometimes with an abl. Of. Hor.Carm. iv.G. 8, trenienda caspide pugmix. i 10. uno tenore, 'even to.nour.' 'unswervingly.' Cf. 47. G. Milite. Equivalent to pedite, for wliich it is often il 284 NOTES. XXIL c. xxxvii. §12— c. xxxvni. §9. § 12. dare dicare. A usual pleonasm in ceremonial formuliB likft that in the neit line. P. 118, c. Mxviii. § 2. quod nunquam. In earlier days the soldiers had taken the oath of obedience {sacrament um) singlv and had also pledged themselves voluntarily to their comrades in the same decnria (of horse) or centuria (of foot) to be tnie to each other. This pledge Mommsen believes to be a tra- ditional custom of old Italy, and to be indicated in passages of Livy IX. 39. 3, x. 38. 2 where milites sacrati are spoken of This was now made obligatory. § 3. lussu abitoros. These words are probably, as Drakeuborch suggests, a marginal comment on iure iuramlo wliioh has slipiKJd into the text. They seem needless in tliis context. ad decnrlanditm. The MSS. have decuriatum and centnri- atum, which are not known to occur elsewhere in this sense as substantives. Some propose to omit the ad, and regard them as supines, which would however be used in a passive sense. In favour of the common reading it may be urged that Livy has an ©special fondness for verbals of the 4th decl. though centu- riatus occurs only as the place of a centu rio. There wore 60 eenturiis in the legion, and 30 decuria of the horse attache.I to it. § 4. ergo (l/)7v), archaic for cama, occurs chiefly in legal phrases. § 6. arcessltmn In It. This is probably a rhetorical use of the charge which in early days of tlie struggles between the two orders was so often urged by the tribunes against tlie patrician rulers. Polybius ignores all these details of conflict (.f opinion at Rome. § 8. verier quam gratior. For this repetition of the com- parative, cf. Cic. pro Milone, non timeo ne lihmtim hac in ilium evomere videar quam veriiu. On the other hand the secoii.i is onutted where it seems most needed in i. 25. 14, eo tnajore cum gaudio, quo prope (for propius) metum res fuerat. So Tac. Agr. 4, vehementius quam caute. §9. quod ne. Valla proposed quomodo for this reading of the best MS., but qui would follow awkwardly and it seems better to omit it. Cf. xxi. 36. 3, miranti qua res, %gJ?^^^^' ^ **'"'* suggestion of Muretus for locatus of MSS. Cf. note on 23. 3 and iii. 10. 10, nisi dum in inteqro n$ »itt 4um dtmi dum togati sint, caveanl. NOTES. XXII. c. XXXVIII. § 11— c. xxxix. § 9. 285 P 119 § l-l- res.-.liominlbus.... Cf. Hor. Ep. 1. 1. 19, Et mihi'res, non vie rehus suhjungere conor. s 12 id locorum. In a temporal sense. Cf . ix. 45. 1, nunc quando'vana verba ad id locoinim fuerint, rebus standum esse. §13. Et sua... Fabri and W. retain the id of the MSS. instead of the correction of Gronovius. Id perseveraret. A less usual construction than with in and the abl. but used by Cicero, Quint. 24, ncque te irsum id, quod suscepisses, perseverare. c XXXIX. § 2. indicente. A correction of Gronovius for the 'in'dinentes of MSS., like the nan me indicente hac fiunt Terence Adelph. iii. 4. G2, and Cic. de fin. ii. 3 indu^ente te of some MSS. Though the act. part, is not found elsewhere in Livy, the passive indictus is less rare. Cf. v. 15. 6. S3, claudente. This is supported by the use of Sal- lust Hist. 111. 25, 7ieqiie enim ignorantia claudit res, and possibly of Cic. Tusc. v. 8, etiainsi ex aliqua parte clmideret, thou«4i the form of the word has been objected to by Bentley and other critics, as claudicara is more usual. The MS. read- ings vary. idem...luris. Varro as consul had equal right and autho- rity with his colleague. § 5. Cum illo. Madvig returns to the older reading of the verbs in the indie, instead of making them depend gram- matically on 7iescio an : they really explain the use of vijestior ami are epexegetic. The authority of the best MSS. is rather ill favoiu: of the indie. § G. Omlnis causa abslt. Like the modern Turk the ancient lloman apologized for the use of unlucky words, or tried to undo their effects by others of happier sound. demums»*only when' or *not till.' furere...insanlt. Doderlein ap. Fabri compares Cic. Tusc^ III. 5. 11, furorem esse rati mentis ad omnia cacitatem. Quod qnum majus esse videatur quam insania^ tanien ejusmodi est, ut furor in sapientem cadcre possit, non possit insania. P. 120, § 7. procellas to be taken with ciet, prodia with jactando. §8. aut...aut. Here, as in some other places, these are equivalent to * I am... if not,' or ' If I am not.' § 9. adYorsus unum has been suspected as obscure' and cold. It might be taken to be a contrast between the speaker 286 NOTIJ^S. XXI 1. c. xxxix. t^ 9-~c. xl. § l •nd Miuucius or Varro, but the words advermtx te of § 17 de. cid© in favour of ' in your presence alone,' i. e. Paulus. Bodum •zcesserim. *I should prefer to have gone too far.' § 10. sed eadem ratio. W. remarks that two seiitenceB ore really implied in this, one sed ratio in contrast to j,ec evefitm, and a second explanatory of the policy in question. f 11. armls, vlrls. The asyndeton is prominent here ami in the next .sentence. § 12. Id fldel d. Id = * such a/ for which Fabri compares 1. 34. 10, earn alitem en regione call venisse. § 13. in diem rapto. ' On the plunder of the day,' cf. 40. 8 raptis in dii m commeatibus. * § 15. qui senescat. ' Wliose ftreuRth decays,' in dies * from day to day/ dih^tinct from in diem • for a single day.' § IC. sedet supposed by early commentators to have slippetl out from likeness to following scd. P. 121, § 17. Atlllus without prmrwmen, as 32. 1. § 18. consul. B...pv iOiafxQv iiiTaX(iy.^ivHv ttju dpxriv toOs uTrdrous. This was in accordance with the early custom, afterwards dropped, that m civil juris- diction each should have supreme authority by turns and that as a symbol of this the fasces should be borne by the lictors before one only at a time. Cf. Cic. de Eep. ii. 31. 55 (PophcolaJ instituit primus, vt singulis consulibns altcrnis rnensibm lic- toresprairent. So Livy in. 33. 6, co die penes prccfectum juru fasces duodecim erant. J. Caesar re-introduced the old for- mality. Cf. Suet. C»s. 20, antiquum retulit morem, ut quo memc fasces non habcret, accemus ante cum iret, lictores pone sequerentur. § 4. Inescatam. Esca is derived from the root -ed ledere, esum), like posca from po- (drink), pascua from ^ja- (feed), fascinus horn fa- (speak, or recite charms), Corssen ii. 267. P 123 § 7. mediam is a correction of Madvig for the common reading medium agmen which is awkward m agree- ment with impedimenta, especially as there was no otlier 1] I J r! 288 NOTES. XXil. c. xli. § 9-a xui. § 12. agmen, the army being beliind the biUs. The best MS. has medium anmem. § 9. As W. remarks, only faUa imagine is referred to in the iicut F. as all the other circumstances were different. c. XLii. § 2. prsetorla. Each consnl had his own presto- Hum when the two consular armies were combined. § 3. imu8 t. mil. • Any common soldier.* § 4. Statilius was himself a Lucauian, cf. 43. 7, though officera of the aUied contingents were often Komans. prafectum. A title specially used for a cavahy officer, prafectus turma. P. 124, § 8. pulll, referring to the aunpicia ex tripudiis. The puUi were kept in every camp, and fed before the battle ; if any food fell from their mouths to tlie ground it was a favourable sign {tripudium mlutimum). This could easily be arranged by the pullanus, who could starve the chickens to make them feed greedily. Cf. Cic. de Div. ii. 35. 73, imlum tn eayea et enecta fame si in of am pultis invadit^ et si aliquid ex ejus ore cecidit, hoc tu auspicium...putas, ausplclo has been variously explained as an lustrum, abl. or as = tn awtpicio, as ludis ' at the games,* is used il 36. 1 and comitiis Cic. Phil. ii. 32, but the latter explanation seems too bold. addlcere is the technical term for • sanction ' of magistrates as well as of auspicia. Cf. i. 36. 3, nisi aves addixissent. The supreme right of taking the mispicia (spectio) belonged to Varro who held the imperium for the day, and Paulus had only the auspicia minora. In later times the higher magis- trate could forbid a lower to note any signs at a time when he wished to act himself {ne quis magistratus minor de cmlo ser- vasse velit), and there could be no such collision as in the present case by what was called obnuntiatio or report of unlucky omens to stop proceedings. § 9. Claudll cona. clades. The defeat of P. Claudius Pulcher m b.c. 248 of! Drepanum. Cf. Liv. Epit. xix. jitms mergi puUis qui cibari nolebant. S 12. impezll potentes. * Kegained their authority,' as IS? 1. 13. 8 met potens. NOTES. XXII. c. XLiii. § 1— c. XLiv. § 3. 289 c. XLIII. § 1. magls Inconsulte... 'Had rather started imprudently than allowed their rashness to carry them to extreme lengths.' P. 125, § 3. annonam. Here, as often, for ' scarcity of food.' Cf. II. 51. 3, super bellum annona premente. § 5. In caUdlora. That is, from the colder highlands about Gereonium to the milder plains near the coast further south. Pol. III. 107 represents his break-up from his winter- quarters as taking place before the consuls left Rome. § 9. maiorls partis, i.e. of the council of war consisting of the legati, tribuni, pnefecti. Cannas. Polyb. calls it Canna, and represents the town itself as destroyed in the year before, but the citadel and Roman magazines as falling into Hannibal's hands shortly before the lust elections. urgente fato. A favourite phrase with Livy, v. 22. 5 and 3G. 4. § 10. Vultumo. Gorssen derives this name for wind and river from the root of vultur, convellere, vulnus, ii. 157. W. quotes Aul. Gell. ii. 22. 10, eum (Vulturnum) plerique Grcec'i quod inter notum et eurum sit ei/pdvorou appellant. Now known as the Sirocco. Hannibal's camp therefore faced north-west slccitate. Cf. Hor. Carm. in. 30. 11, Daunus agrestium \ regnavit populorum. P. 126, c. XLIV. § 1. quo ad Qer. C. 40. 5. § 2. Aufldus. Polyb. speaks of this river as being the only one which flows through the mountain barrier of the Apennines. It does not however rise on the western slope as he thought. Horace, who was born upon its banks, celebrates its force and noise, qua violens obstrepit Aujidus, Carm. m. 30. 10. Corssen connects the name with Ufens, uber, ovdap, from the root ud/i = fruitful, i. 151. ex sua cuiusque opp. 'As their respective positions al- lowed.' § 3. ex mlnorlbus. Pol. iii. 110 says that two-thirds of the axmy were on one side, and one-third on the other side of the river to the east, about 10 stadia distant from each other, and rather more from the enemy. ulterior. That is opposite to the smaller camp. C. L. 19 qua pauper aqu^ 3'i 290 NOTES. XXn. c. xliv. § 4— c. xlv. § 7. § 4. lacessit. According to Polyb. he had attacked the Bomaua oo tlie march, but liia cavalry had been after a time beaten off by the infantry. § 5. exemplum Fablum. For this apposition cf. viii. 35. 7, in oculis exemplum erat Q. Fabim M. Valerio legato. § 6. usu ceplsset. W. remarks that by the 12 tables 2 years' uncontested possession gave a title to property, and that H. has been that time in Italy. So i. 46. 1, Serrius quunqnam iam 1M11 haml duhie regnum possederat. 86 constrlctum. • His hands were tied.' c. XLV. § 1. ad multum dlel. 'Up to late in the day,' m 62. 1. Cf. note on xxi. 33. 7. § 2. trans flumen. Hannibal's camp was on the same side of the river as the greater Roman camp, and opposite to it, but further to the left was the smaller, v. 44. 3. Polybius had explained this more definitely, as also the freedom enjoyed by the latter from attack when drawing water. P. 127, § 4. auxilio. The Numidians were to Carthage what the foreign contingents, mixilia, were to Rome. § 5. Bors Imp. The alternation of command was regular from day to day, but son implies the chance of the battle falling on that day. niMi consulto. For this use of nihil as a simple negative of. IV. 33. 5, ea species nihil terruit equoi^ iv. 9. 9, nihil Romaua plebU similis. So nonnihil and quid/iuam. glgnam, i e. pugna. According to Plutarch x*'"*!"' K6KKim § 7. pedltes, i.e. sociorum. Polyb., who agrees closely with Livy, adds here a detail of importance, that the infantry was drawn up in much greater depth of ranks than usual. Both writers state that the Roman line faced southwards, cf. 46. 8, and imply that the Roman army wss drawn up before the Carthagiuiaua crossed, but neither says definitely whether the battle was on the right or left bank. But it would have been absurd for the Romans to make their Ime of battle face to the south, with their right resting on the river, if the enemy was still on the opposite bank, or behind them, as he would have been, assuming that he was encamped on the left bank. The battle no doubt took place on the left bank, and the Roman lines were probably drawn across the chord of the arc formed by the river opposite Canme. This agrees also with what i& implied as to the position of the Carthaginian camp, NOTES. XXTT. c. xlv. § 7— c. ilvii. § 6. 291 arersa a Vulturno, 43. 10, i.e. on the right bank, with its chief outlets facing the enemy and the north. § 8. media pugna t. Equivalent to the media acies tuenda of in. 70. 2. c. xLvi. § 1. ut quosque... Polyb. says that he crossed in two places; the passage means that the various bodies took up their places in line where they crossed. § 3. utraque comua. Referring only to tlie infantry, not to the whole line of battle. §4. et...ceterum... ' partly,'...' but especially.' So xxi. 18.4. § 5. dispares ac diss. ' Differing in use and shape.' P. 128, § 9. ventua. Cf. 43. 11. As W. remarks, Livy and Polyb. ignore the story told by Zonaras (after Dion Cassius) that Hannibal had the ground behind ploughed up to hicrease the dust. Frontinus tells the like of Marius. Strateg. ii. in- commodum aliud subjecit, ita ordinata suorum acie, ut adverso sole et vento et pulvere barbarorum occuparetur acies. Appian Bell. Hann. 17 reckons up four devices of H. which helped to gain the victory, the securing the wind at his back, the treachery of the deserters, simulated flight, and ambuscades. c. XLvii. § 2. nullo relicto spatlo. As the Romans were much weaker in cavalry, it is probable that the arrangements on the battle-field had this specially in view. § 3. nitentee has no regular construction, as the vir which is in apposition with it takes a sing, detrahebat. Fabri com- pares XXV. 19. 6, consules...diversi, Fulvius in agruni Cumanum, Claudius in Lucanos abit. § 4. par, dum. This reading is due to a very acute fiaggestion of Madvig, in place of the animis parum constabant of the best MSS. which like the pares of other MSS. gives little meaning. constabant. 'Were unbroken.' § 5. dlu. Polyb. says iwl ppaxO. acie densa. As above explained, the Roman ranks were much deeper than usual. Polyb. iii. 113. P. 129. a cetera prominentem. Polyb. explains this niuch more clearly before his description of the battle, when he says that Hannibal drew up some of the Celts and Iberians 19—2 292 NOTESt. XXTT. c. xlvii. § 5—0. xlviii. ^ 5. in front of hie line firivotidis womv t6 KJ^prufjui, wishing to keep the Africans in reserve for a while, wpoKivSeOffat 8e toTs "Jfirji.m KoX KcXrots. § 6. TObBidia, i. e. not ' the reserves ' in the ordinary sense, as they constituted the main line, though they were kept back for a time, i€Sp€lat rd^iv, Pol. § 7. reductlB alii. As compared with the ranks of Celts, &c. on whose retiring the line was again level, * aquavit frontem,* § 8. cornua f. * Overlapped.' § 10. fesal CTiin rec. This would imply, as W. remarks, that all three lines of hmtati, principes, triarii had been already brought into action, recentibus ac vegetls. Recens applies to tlie strength, vegetm to the spiriU of the troops. Diiderleiu. c. XLVIII. § 1. soclorum eq. These were more numerous than the Boman cavahry. Cf. 36. 3. §4. teicm ao popUtea. €1 Hor. Carm. in. 2. 15, mc pixrcit imbelltB iuventce \ poplitibm timidoque tergo. Fopkx is connected by Corssen ii. 209 with pellere, pulex, vdWeiv. P. 130, § 5. aUbl... alibi, i. e. on the right... in the centre. Hasdnibal was in command on the left wing, and Liv>' has not explicitly stated anything about hun since the Roman cavalry was routed. Folybius says that he galloped to support the Numidians on the right, and sent them to pursue the allied cavalry, who gave way at his approach, while he himself charged the Romans in the centre. Livy has omitted some details, or they have dropped out of his text. •a parte praeerat probably means that Hasdrubal, as the highest in command, gave general orders to the whole cavalry when he arrived on the right wing. This is impHed m Polybius. ■ubductos ex media ado N. They were posted on the right, but may have wheeled round on the centre, when tlie cavalry of tlie allies retired before the charge of Hasdrubal. But the words are awkward and there may be some disturbance of the text. On the whole we must own that if Livy wrote this chapter as we find it, he had no clear idea of the battle or failed to convey it to his readers. Polybius is entirely ex- pUcit. NOTES. XXII. c. XLVIII. § 5— c. xlix. § 14. 293 segnla. Pol. says ixiya fiiv oCt iirolovv oid^v o6t' ^iradov dia, rrjj' ISiorvra TTjs fj-dxv^- They were not used to fight at such close quarters. c. xLix. § 1. Parte altera. Polyb. says that Paulus after tlie rout of his cavalry on the left wing rode up to the centre. Tliis is implied but not expressed in Livy's occurrit...Han- nibali. § 2. equitibus B. Probably his body-guard, or 'prcetoriam * in later language. § 3. renuntiantl. Much more usual than the denuntianti of most MSS. Quam mallem.^ More definitely expressed in Plutarch TOiiTo txaXKov ijldov\6fxr]u, rj d deSefiivovs irapiXa^ov. The Latin version only implies that the dismounting must lead to their being taken, and that Hannibal wished that the inevitable end were come. § i. quale iam. ' Such as might be expected seeing that the enemies' victory was certain.' For the elliptical use of quale cf. III. 62. 6, prmlium fuit quale inter Jidentes sibimet ambo cxercitm, i. e. tale quale esse debuit. mori in vestiglo. • Die where they stood.* Cf. xxi. 35. 12. § 5. Pepulenint. • But at length they drove off the shat- tered remnant,' nuperare for superesse, as 40. 8. § 6. pratervehens. * As he was riding by.' More com- monlynsed in the passive, but the want of a pres. passive participle may explain the former. § 9. macte virtute. This phrase is often used by Livy and even vii. 36. 4 with a plural, and ii. 12. 14 after a ve'rb,fM6erm nuKtc virtute esse. Priscian v. de figuris says nuicte, id est, magis aucte ; antiqui Uimcn et mactus dicebant. Cuitius p. 148 connects it with fxaKap, fiaKpos, fiijKos. P. 131, § 11. e consulatu, i. e. a charge that grew out of hiB acts as Consul. § 13. castra. Nothing is said of their crossing the river, wiucli flowed between the camp, but that is an omission which 18 to be met equally in every description of the scene. § 14. Venusiam. A Roman colony on the borders of Apuha where Horace was born. Cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 1. 34 : Seqmr hunc Lnranvs an Appulits anceps, I warn Venmi- nm arat finem sub utrumquc colonus. i 294 NOTES. XXll. c. lux. § 15— c. l. § 6. f 15. Quadraglnta. Pol. says about 70,000 in all. tamta is scarcely possible without anything to balauce it. Oronovius suggested aqua and Madvig rata. The socn were in greater numbers on the field, and more of them may have fallen. 8 16 coniulareB q. i.e. of the tnbuni mi7itum, whose rank is included in the different orders of consular offices. Ser- Tilius was tribune, but also commander of the centre as le- ffatm, S 17 magistratus . unde In senatum. The rule was deter- mined by the Lex Ovinia qua sanctum est ut cemores ex omnx ordim optimum quemque iurati in senatum Ugerent. rheordina in question were doubtless the different orders of the mugis- tracies, commonly thought to be curule offices only. But these would not have been numerous enough to fall up the vacimcies that would occur, and the Ovinian law was passed by !i tribune, and probably extended the right to the plebeian magistracies Cf. WiUems Stoat, p. 188. Accordingly the dictator entrusted with the kctio senatus in xiiii. 23 put on the hst farst those who had lately held curule office, then exiediles. extribunes aud «iqnjB.-itor«, and alter them distinguished soldiers. mm TOluntate. As volunteers, though free from military service after holding office. c. L. § 1. Allensl cladl. The battle of the AUa, 390 b.c which was commemorated by a dies ater m tlie calendar, left Borne at the mercy of the Gauls, who occupied all but the Capitol P. 132, § 3. Figa ad AUam. Cf. xm. 15. 6, pugna ad Trebiam. morlentis fnlt. • Shared the fate of.' Cf. xxiii. 14. 7, pleU novarum rerum atque Hannihalis tota esse, and xxi. 11. 1. Most of the MSS. have jugit. Gronovius proposed altenm mortem prope totm exercitm luit, referring to quem umm imontem eladis 49. 7. §4 qui In mal. Another reason for believing the larger- camp to be on the right bank, as W. remarks, since the siir fivors would make theur way thence more easily to Canusium. mittunt, i. e. to the smaller camp. § 5. cur...non venire. For the coustr. cf. xxi. 30. 9. militi... quid invium . . . eue. § G. »8tlmarl cap. ' Have a price set upou your heads.' ^OTES. XXII. c. L. § 6— c. LI. § 4. 295 dvls an Latinus. Cf. the different treatment described in 7.5. Latinus eocius. Livy more commonly distinguishes the socii or Italians generally from the Latins, as socios I jLti- numque nomen, 57. 10, or uses socii alone if no precise state- ment is needed. W. suggests that the two terms may be used by asyndeton like patres conscripti, but it is very unUkely, as there is no frequent usage to account for it. § 7. elves. Less usual for • fellow-citizens,' as xxi. 13. 1, si eivis vester Alco. Mark the rapid change from mavultis to tu and estig. § 9. quamvls qualifies confcrtos, § 10. H»c ubl... An hexameter and a half have here slipped into the prose text. The vigorous rhetoric of the passage partly accounts for the oversight. Cf. note on xxi. 9.3. P. 133, § 11. translatlB in d. This seems to be borrowed from Caelius according to a fragment preserved in Priscian, III. 22, Ca;lius in primo historiarum * dcxtimos in dextris scuta jubet habere. ' ad sexcentos. Yet often we have the nom. with ad in the sense oifere as above, 41. 2 and 54. 1. c. LI. § 1. beUo. ' As if the war itself, not the battle alone, were ended. ' (W.) This is probably too farfetched, as bellum is used elsewhere in L. for pugna ^ cf . xxi. 8. 2. § 2. According to Aul. Gell. x. 24 and Macrobiua i. 4, the same story occurred both in Cato and Cselius in nearly the same form. Die quinto Roma: in Capitolium curabo tibi eena sit cocta. It was probably taken by Livy directly from CsBlius. § 3. nimis tota. Cf. 40. 1. quam ut earn... Possibly to avoid the awkwardness of quam qiiam. Cf. ix. 9. 8, somnio Icetiore quam quod mentes eorum capessere possent. temporla opna esse. For this constr. cf. xxiii. 21. 5, quanti argenti opus fuit. The commoner constructions are with abl. as duce opus est, muturato opus est, or nom. as non dux opus est, or inf. as quid opus est dicere. § 4. Non omnia, &c. For the sentiment cf. Eurip. Khesun 105, aXX' ov yhp avros vavr Mffraadai ftpOTciv iri« ™k J; ^^^JJ f^' "*™ ' ^^^"^ ' «"^PtJc«"y implies the reason J^JeTMet "^^ ^'^^ instead of the usual combination § 21. favlsse. The MSS. read fuisse ut, which is evi- dently comipt. W. corrects it to fuisge mui which sounds ill and IS somewhat weak, while Madvig's suggestion is spuited and balances invidere in the next line. § 24. ante secundam h., i.e. after sunrise. § 25. H»c vobls. * This, mark you, ' Ac. Cf. Hor. Epist. I. d. 15, qmd mihi Celsm agitf It is called by grammarians the dativus ethicus. §26. Et V08. Most MSS. have quos, which probably grew out of the abbreviation for et and uos. et is inserted by Madvig to avoid an awkward asyndeton whicli sounds ill after amet. ac manetis. NOTES. XXIL c. LX. § 26— c. lxi. § 13. 305 P. 147, c. LXI. § 5. decern primes, like the 3^/fa roin ivi- ^aveaTarovs of Polybius — those of highest social status chosen as the representatives. Ita admlssoB. . .ne t. * Admitted on the understanding that,' (frc, an ellipse not unfrequent in the case of ita...ne in Livy as VII. 31. 1, Cf. the use of tantum ne ...reciperentur. xxi. 19.5. § 7. novos legates. * The last comers.' So- novi milites •recruits.' § 8. vlctosque paucls sent. ' Outvoted by a small ma- jority.' § 9. proxiinis censoribus. Not ' by ' but • in the time of,* as consule Manlio. notls ignoxninilsque. The censors could expel members from the Senate, or strike off the roll of the knights {equum adimere), or remove from a country tribe to a city tribe {tribu movere), or disfranchise altogether {(srarium facere). These powers of moral censure grew out of the large authority vested in them for taking the census of the population. At such times the nota of their disapproval was affixed to the name upon the roU. P. 148. omnl delnde vita. 'For the rest of his life.' An adjectival use of the adverb, which is frequent in our author. caruerlnt. 'Abstained from.' Cf. Cic. Mil. 7. 18, caruit foropostea PompeiuSy caruit senatu^ caruit publico. § 11. Defecere. A summary account is here given of the defections of the following years. Central Italy remained for the most part constant to Rome, except her old rivals of Samnium, while the alien peoples fell away. Atellani. Known chiefly in connection with the fabula Atellano! of which L. speaks vii. 2. 10 in his sketch of the early comedy of Italy. § 12. Uzentlni. Represented by Ugento to the north- west of the lapygian promontory. § 13. Romam adventum. Verbal substantives implying motion are often accompanied by an accusative without a preposition, so reditu^, legatio, introitm, concursatio as in examples collected by Fabri. I C. L. 20 306 NOTES. XXII. c. Lxi. §§ 14, 15. §14. coiifliill...gratl» acta. Frontinus Str. iv. 6. 6 says that Varro refused the offer of the Senate to make him dictator, on the ground that the office should fall on a more fortunate man. But he often served afterwards in posts of trust or honour, a fact which discredits the accounts of his antecedents as given in Livy. 1 16. niMl recusandum suppl. Carthage is said to have degraded or even crucified her commanders who were unfor- tunate. CI Polyb. I. 11, Diod. xx. 10. APPENDIX I. ON THE ROUTE OF HANNIBAL. Thb passage of Hannibal across the Alps was even in Livy's days a controverted question, as we may gather from his words (XXI. 38. 6) 'ambigi quanam Alpes transient.' It is still matter of dispute, and endless varieties of route have been proposed, most of wliich however are hopelessly at variance with the language of the ancient writers, or with the nature of the ground, as since explored. More or less definite state- ments on the subject are found in the following authorities. 1. Polybius was born during the war, and after some time spent in public Ufe in Greece, was taken as one of the Achaan hostages to Kome. He lived there in the society of distin- guished men, whose fathers might have taken part in the great struggle ; he sought, as he tells us, information from contemporary witnesses, and travelled himself among the Alps to gather further knowledge in the scenes of the events. He was eminently accurate and truthful as a writer, and his authority is undoubtedly first-rate. His account is found iii. 35 — 60. 2. We have the narrative of Livy (xxi. 23—38), who wrote two centuries after the second Punic war began. His work was on too large a scale to admit of very special studies for the period before us ; he makes no claim to personal knowledge of the localities in question ; his descriptions of topography are often vague and indistinct ; and on all grounds his evidence on these points must rank far lower than that of the Greek writer. 3. There is a passage bearing on this subject in the life of Hannibal by Cornelius Nepos, the contemporary and friend of Cicero. Ad ecu (Alpes) posteaquam venit qtue Italiam ab Gallia sejungunt, quas nevw unquam cum exercitu ante eum prater Herculem Graium transient, quo facto is hodie saltus Graim appeUatur, Alpicos conantes prohibere transitum con- cidit. 20—2 1 308 APPENDIX L ROUTE OF HANNIBAL. 309 The valae of this passage turns upon the meaning of u talius. It might refer solely to the pass of Hercules, but as the writer must have known the traditions of the Gallic hordes who crossed the Alps, it is more probable that he is specially referring to the Graian chain, as that over which both Hercules and Hannibal had passed. 4. Some lines of Varro, the learned writer on antiquities at the close of the Kepublic, are quoted for us by Servius in his eommentary on Vergil x. 13: quas [Alpes) quinque viis Varro dicit tramiri jtosne : una qua estjuxta mare per Ligures: altera qua Hannibal transiit : tertia qua Pompeius ad His- panieme bellum pro/ectm est : quarta qua Hasdrubal de Gallia in Italiam venit : quinta qucB quondam a Gracis pouessa ««f, qum exinde Alpe$ Graia appellantur. 5. Strabo, who wrote under Tiberius, cites Polybius as men- tioning four passages across the Alps : Wrra/oas^ vvep^daeis oro/icffct fioyov ' 8iA AtyOuv fxiv, rriv iyyurra t'''« from the mountains through be tr"be"f the r"'-*^ "".k whom he first came into hostile c^ntait ^h^LlT"!,""'. ''•* admits that there was no sure IvTdenTe be^re* Hm "^d ttrS^ v^M F™™ .f^ .™ "".""' "»"«■• «as a guide of little u^n thfXne ti^he7if d f^"^" """"» ^'^^«" ^^ '"^^ ^an ffoferZint i. 1 ^•'"', *",' *'"^"'y °° ">« ^Tfcmu,, the Sr The rrtr^l!," T^'°l' I'el" of the Carthaginian Wn to ther?„7„^?"''t «'l'!'=l'.l'e passed was quite un. n^<^ ^ S^f I . °,° '^'worthy information could be for- two centuries later was hardiv likplv tn L ««' ♦ ^ i ^AtAi'la Tf «To« 1. "w "»ruiy iiKciy to 06 accurate m such t^r-thelTsio\°rhT^^^^^^^ '^:,\r.t\:^fi-^'' vauey, tHough Polybius teUs us that he recruited first his ROUTE OF HANNIBAL. 313 soldiers* strength among the friendly Gauls, and then at their request made war upon the tribe whose town bequeathed its name, if not its site, to the Turin of modern times. It was commonly forgotten that he had been invited to the Po by the discontented Gauls, of whom the Insubres were the foremost dan, and that their guides would naturally lead him first to their own cantons, before they urged him to attack their neighbours. To sum up then, it seems most probable, nay almost certain that the route adopted by the Eoman wiiter was that from the Drfime to the Durance, and across the Mont Genfevre, the Alpes Cottia of the Roman Empire. It is also probable, though less evident, that Polybius believed the army to have made a longer circuit by the Khone and the Tarentaise, across the Graian Alps, or what is now the Little St Bernard. If the two historians really are at issue, there is little doubt whose au- thority should stand the higher, as the earlier had higher qualities as an historian, and had made more special studies on this subject. General probabilities also are in favour of the easier, the lower, the better known, and the more favourably placed of the two passes. If any however prefer to think that the two accounts can be forced into agreement,— and most critics hitherto have assumed that this is possible— then it should be remembered that definite data in the form of proper names occur only in the account of Livy, and the problem must be to reconcile the earlier conditions in Polybius with the outlet through the Mont Genfevre. With the narrative of Livy we may probably connect the account of Varro above quoted, which distinguishes the route of Hannibal from that across the Graian Alps, and which may be due to reasoning from like data. He carries Pompeius by a different road to Spain, as does Sallust also in the fragment (Hist. iii. 3) where he puts into that general's mouth the words Per Alpes iter, aliud atque Hannibal, nobis opportunius patefeci. But the statements in these cases are too vague to be critically handled. It only remains now to deal with a third route— that over the Mont Cenis— which has found learned champions to ad- vocate its claims. It should be stated at the outset that it is not certainly referred to by any ancient author, and there is no good evidence that it was known or used before the eighth century of our era when Pepin marched across it ; but this is not of course conclusive, for Hannibal may have been guided over a pass that was else scarcely known, and Latin writers say too little of the Alps to enable us to reason sm-ely from their silence in this case. But it is important to observe that the natural construction of our authors fails to suit the theory, at least in the form in which it is presented by its chief sup- porters, M. Larauza, Dr Ukert uud Mr Ellis. These writers. APPENDIX L ROUTE OF HANNIBAL. 315 though differing in details, agree in the main features of the route, which they assume to have passed along the Southern hmk of the IsSre, across the Drac and the Komanche, and up the Val de Gresivaudan, at some point of which the beginning o! the mountain ground is reckoned which extends over the heights that part the valleys of the Arc and of the Doria. They agree also in the attempt to reconcile the statements of both the ancient authors, by correcting them pretty freely where they see the need. In this we may note especially the following points. 1. It is supposed that Polybius mistook the Is^re for the Rhone, though he travelled himself over the ground, and stated that the army kept near the latter river till they began to cUmb the heights. 2. The Allohrogen, who are recorded as the native tribes with which the invaders came into collision in their way up to the Alps, are commonly assigned to the North of the Is^re, which was afterwards the insula Allohroguvi. The theory be- fore us transfers them without the slightest evidence, to the southern bank, assuming that they had no definite borders, or that the name itself was quite a vague one, loosely used for GalUc tribes, and possibly still lingering hi the Allevard near St Jean de Maurienne. 3. The march along the Is6re inverts the description of Polybius. In the earher stages the Carthaginians must have moved over rugged countiy ill suited for their horse, and ex- posed to native onsets, while the easier ground comes liightr up in the Val de Gresivaudan, and no definite point can be agreed on to suit the measurement of distance given. 4. The passage of the Komanche would have been formiil- ahl© in the face of the Gauls, who are described as repelled only by the cavaliy or by the succour of a friendly chieftain. 5. The Dmemia of Livy must be explained to be the Drac. which the track in question crossed, while it lay far away from the Durance, for which Druentia is the undoubted name m ancient tunes, known as it was as the line of communication across the Alps with Spain. 6. The character of the Mont Cenis itself has been com- pared minutely with the narrative before us, and with some forcing of the text it has been shown that the measurements of time and distance may possibly be verified. We need not gtay to discuss these attempts. It is not difficult to find some features of resemblance in almost every pass to the scenes ana incidents described upon the march, and if they were *l^J^^uiy data we might well despair of any definite conclusion. White rooks can be found also near the road, such as that de la Barmette in one account, or the rock of Baune according to another, and there are dangerous spots in the descent where the road might easily be swept away, and old snow Ue long unmelted. 7. One argument mdeed has been insisted on, that here alone could a point of view be found upon the summit, com- manding an extensive prospect of the Itahan plain, such as that which Hannibal is said to have had before him, when he tried to revive the drooping courage of his soldiers. The spot in question is not however on the road itself, but on a ridge which was little likely to have tempted the weary men to need- less efforts through the snow for the sake of a fine view. Nor was the actual prospect of importance for the general's appeal. The phrase of Polybius on which stress has been laid (ivapyeia) more probably refers to the moral weight of evidence that Italy was within easy reach, than to any actual picture stretched out before the eyes. The language of Livy is too definite indeed to be mistaken, in promontorio quodam, uhi longe ac late prospectiis erat, comistere jussis militlbm Italiam ostentat....xxi. 35. 7. But we must remember that Livy had little knowledge of the Alps ; that he may easily have given a different colouring to the account of the general's address which he found in the old annalists ; and that he was thinking more of rhetorical effect than of strict accuracy of local statements. The three passes hitherto described are veiy far from being all of those whose rival claims have been supported. Almost every height which could possibly be crossed, and some indeed that are quite impassable for any but practised mountaineers, have been at some time advocated as the pass of Hannibal. Some routes have been disposed of by a fuller knowledge of the rugged country which lies between the Drac, the Komanche, and the Durance, and which until lately was almost unex- plored, and ill described upon the maps. Some hopelessly conflict with the main data of the ancient authors, and the books or pamphlets ^vritten in their defence are ordy monu- ments of misplaced ingenuity and learning. None of these seems now to call for serious discussion. It should be stated in conclusion that the claims of the Little St Bernard, or the Graian Alps, to be the pass intended by Polybius were recognized by General Melville in 1775, whose view was expanded by M. de Luc in 1818. Messrs Cramer and Wickham in the Dissertation of 1820 supported the same theory, and Mr Law in his masterly work upon the subject seems to have proved decisively that the evidence points to that conclusion, while Livy*s pass must be the Mont Gendvre. Niebuhr and Mommsen have accepted the authority of Poly- bius in favour of the Graian Alps. $u APPENDIX IL APPENDIX IL EXCURSUS ON THE ROMAN RELIGION IN REI^TION TO THE PRODIGIES IN LIVY XXL 62 AND XXIL 10*. We must turn to the Antiquarians of Rome, rather than to the historians or the poets, if we would learn the charac- teristic features of the old Italian Worship, for in later days they were so overlaid by the exotic growth of Greek religion that it was not easy to recognize their earlier forms. The Latin husbandman was deeply impressed by the sense of his dependence on the powers of earth and sky: at every turn his path was crossed by some supernatural being on whose influence, whether kindly or malign, his weal or woe was subject. He analysed by cool reflection all the processes of daily life from the cradle to the grave, and for every incident within the family or social circle, for every detail of husbandry he found some guardian Power which he worshipped as di- vine. The names, harsh and uncouth as they may seem to us, carried their meaning on their face, and expressed the limits of the powers assigned; they were at first probably but Attributes of the One Great Unknown; the Jupiter or Divns pater, who moved in mysterious ways through Nature. The deities of Italy were never dressed up in human shapes by fancy, and artless hymns were the only forms of poetry which grew out of thek worship. But the ritual needed for it was laborious and complex; all the details as gathered in the course of ages by tradition had to be punctiliously observed, else prayers and offerings were deemed null and void. In the family the house-father taught his children ; in larger f roups the brotherhoods [sLdalicia) passed on from hand to and the saving knowledge, while for the State priestly guilds (collegia), which never could die out, kept in their custody the sacred lore, which like the fire upon the city's hearth, burnt always with a steady flame. Of these, the College of the Pontiffs was even in the earliest age of Rome the supreme guardian of the State Religion. It scarcely dealt with the spiritual life of the family and smaller social groups ; it left to others the purely ministerial functions of the priest ; its duty was to guard, to harmonize, and to interpret the Public Code 1 Compara Bouch6-L«derai, La PonHfea de VAncimne Rome; Preller. BOmi^u Mythologi*. ROMAN RELIGION. 317 of Sacred Law. It knew the time-honoured methods by which each Power Divine must be approached ; it alone had access to the ancient formularies of prayer, and all the nice rules of sacrificial usage. None but the Pontiffs could be trusted to draw up the Calendar from year to year, and deter- mine all the questions of casuistry which were suggested by its fasts and feasts. For the worship of the Romans was full of Pharisaic scruples. The slightest deviation from old usage might vitiate a long round of ceremonial forms, and the whole service must begin afresh, or the jealous Power might withhold its favour. In Cato's work on Agriculture we find the author not content with rules of close economy and skilful farming; he must also add a sort of Liturgy or Common Prayer-Book for the use of the labourers upon the farm, and the rubrics, extracted as they doubtless were from the text-books of the Pontiffs, help to show us how labori- ously painstaking was the temper of Roman worship. But with all its scrupulous care it could not but go wrong at times, the Sacred College therefore was called on to provide a remedial machinery to soothe the anger of the offended Powers. Was it a case merely of some ceremonial neglect? the mistake observed might be corrected, the faulty service be repeated {iTistaurare)^ the compensation made for the offence, and the expiation {piaculum) was held to be com- pleted. This was indeed no absolution for a guilty conscience, for the forms prescribed dealt only with the outer act, and gave no promises of peace to minds diseased. Often however no human eye had noted what was wrong, and it was left then for the gods to give their warnings through unearthly signs {prodigia). If the signs were given on private ground it rested with the owner of the land to set his house in order ; but if the place was public ground, then the portent was a matter for the State {publicum prodigium), who must accept the cliarge [suscipere), and take the needful steps through her oflficials {procurare prod.) to satisfy the gods and set the public mind at rest. Here again was a wide field opened for the action of the Pontiffs. Others might shudder only in their ignorant panic, but they must learn to recognize the voice which spoke in portents, must turn over their old books and profit by the inductions of the past, must be ready, if they only could, to provide the state with their Authorized Version of God's Word to man. For this purpose, after due scrutiny of evidence, and rejection of the ill-attested {quia sin- guli auctores erant Livy v. 15. 1), the prodigies were chronicled with care from year to year in the priestly records, from which Livy drew so largely for his history. To isolate them from each other might mislead the student, rather they must be regarded as the scattered phrases of the message sent from 318 APPENDIX //.. heaven, and skilled interpreters must piece them aU together ret some recurring portents were met always with hke forms Of ceremonial (proctirafio). A'ahoweV"<^'7t^n7s1;iaredToTa iday, from the days of old king Tullus (mansit nine days' holi munme ut quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur, fena ver nov^dies agerentur Livy i. 31. 3). If a bull was heard to spfak open air (Phny viii. 70). m memory of the time perhaps when &^foTsSe. """"^ ""^^ '"^^ '° «"-"- - '-"l- When the scene of the portent was a shrine, or anv clue was given to the Power which sent the warning the College knew what offerings were Ukely to find favour, prescribed in iome cases the Ao^ticir major.,, the fuU-grown animals, con° fused m later days w th the beasts of larger size, whUeTn other cases they could tell that tender sucklings (ho^^tice lacteM^es) woM find most favour on the altars Costly gifts could seldom come amiss, as tokens of the votaries' submission, so weigbty offerings of gold or sUver plate were stored up m the temple treasuries, or the choicest works of axt in marble or in bronze were called in to represent the obiects of popular gratitude or fear. In default of any special clue to the nature of the offence, or of the offended power, it might at least be well to have recourse to the ancient usage of /«*• tration, to clear away the stains of possible pollution. The l9uovetaunha)i the priestly tram moved round the city walls (amburviuvi) or round the fields (ambarvalia), sprinkling the ilT.nn i f7P« "Po^i^.the bounds, and going^^through the long round of the traditional prayer, some passages of which m^ti^^Ul) ^'^ ^^"''^ ^^ country friends [De Re Ji the experience of the Pontifices was at fault, other advisers were cal ed in. The hamspices especially were skilled in the Etruscan love of divination. They knew the language of the hghtning. they could read strange characters scored upon the slaughtered victims, and to them therefore were referred tiie questions of the mysterious portents in the sky. or m animals of monstrous birth. If the prodigies were fearful {tatra) and took the form of pestilence, or earthquake, or the like, and the need seemed very urgent, a newer fashion sometimes superseded the old machmeiy of the State ReUgion. The Sibylline books had made their way to Rome, if we may trust tradition, as early as the period of the Tarquins Borne to Rome by a wave of Hellenic influence which passed from the coast of Asia Minor along the Greek cities of Campania, th© prophetic utterances gained a sanction from ROMAN RELIGION 319 the State, and a College of Interpreters to unfold or to apply their meaning {decemviri sacris faciundis). The frugal Senate was chary indeed of such appeals, for experience had proved that the Sibyll sold her advice dearly, and never spared the public purse. Now she recommended a costly deputation to beg some foreign deity to consent to house himself in Rome ; some- times a new temple must be built to lodge more worthily a recent visitor from Olympus ; sometimes stately ceremonies might be enough if they were only of the newest fashion, but in each case we may note that some forward steps were taken in naturalizing the Greek Pantheon on Italian soil. So one after another the familiar forms of Greek mythology were recognized in the religion of the State, sometimes thinly disguised in Latin dress, more often with names and attributes almost unchanged, while the arrival of each upon the scene was marked by some enduring festival or shrine. To the same source may also be assigned the imposing ceremonies which were for the most part of foreign growth. The lectisternium, first heard of in the year 399 b, c, fLivy V. 13. 6,) but often repeated later, agreed with some features of old Latin usage, but was specially connected with the characteristic forms of the Apollo-worship [Theoxenia). All was made ready for a costly banquet, and on each couch {pulvinaria) were laid the symbols of the deities to be ap- peased, while the viands from' the feast, or offerings from the altars, were laid in solemn state before them. With these were commonly connected supplicationes, a form of General Litany or Processional Service, in which young and old, citizens and country folks, moved in long lines through all the streets to offer prayers in every temple where the pulvinaria were laid out to view. These in their details, as also in the occa- sions when we hear of them, remind us of the solemn Paaans by which Apollo was approached in times of thanksgiving or intercession. The SibylUne books did not fail also to en- courage the system of vows [vota) which Roman usage had long sanctioned. Often in the crisis of the battle, or some time of urgent risk, magistrates had promised temples or costly offerings to their guardian powers, if only the tide of danger would be rolled away. And so when prodigies were rife, and panic spread, the advisers of the State appealed to the efficacy of solemn vows. One such may seem to call for special mention, as recorded in archaic language by the his- torian of the 2nd Punic war. It had been an old Italian custom to promise to the gods in times of crisis the produce of the coming spring {ver sa- crum), and the custom may have dated from the days^ of human sacrifice. For among the earliest stories of tribal movements in Central Italy, we read that in days of famine 320 APPENDIX III. TOch a vet sacrum had been vowed among the Sabine hiUs and that when the young of that spring reached man's estate they were sent forth in search of some new homes, and that gnided on their several paths by animals sacred to the Italian Mars, they made their way into Samnium and Picenum and to other lands, where they accepted henceforth as their national symbols, the buU in Samnium, the woodpecker {picw\ m Ijcenujn, and the wolf for the HirpinU whose forefathers had been led by it to their new homes. In the case above re- ferred to the senate gave its sanction to the vow, but the Chief Pontiff was aware that ancient usage required the consent of the whole people, and a bill was drawn up by his instructions to be submitted to the vote in the comitia. It was drawn up with scrupulous care that no little flaw, or unforeseen neglect might vitiate the people's form of intercession, and indeed it was expressly stipulated that no sacrifice should lose its value l! offered unwittingly upon a day of evil omen (si atro die font tfuctem). APPENDIX III. ON THE CHARACTER OF C. FLAMINIUS. It is commonly believed that the memory of Flaminius has suffered grievous wrong from the hatred of the nobles of his day, which is reflected even in the narrative of Livy, and it may therefore be convenient to put together the little that is definitely told us o! his life and doings. He came of a plebeian lamily, which had won as yet no curule honours, and he showed as tribune that he had the interests of the poorer citizens at heart. As a partial remedy for the economic evils of his times he proposed in an agrarian bill— the first after the Licinian laws— to divide among the needy much of the state domain available in Cisalpine Gaul (b.c. 231). The nobles in the senate stoutly opposed the measure, which was carried through the comitia in spite of their resistance. The sanction of the senate was not technically needed to give a pUbiscitum force of law, and the egotism of the govern- ing classes may have justified this bold innovation of Flami- nius, but it was a violent blow against the representative power in the state, and as such was noted by Polybius (ii. 21) as the first ominous sign of constitutional decline. The aristocracy submitted with ill grace, and hampered him in his work ol colonial distribution with ineffectual delays. Shortly after- CHARACTER OF C, FLAMINIUS. 321 wards the government of Sicily fell to his lot as Prietor, and there is reason to believe that he endeared himself to the provincials by clean-handed justice (Livy xxxiii. 42). His pro- motion to the consulship did not follow till 222, when he endeavoure4 to crush the Cisalpine Gauls, already defeated at L. Telamou, by invading the country of the Imuhres. In the only account of the campaign which we possess (Polyb. ii. 32) he appears to have been wanting in good faith towards the Gauls, and by the neglect of the common rules of strategy to have risked probable disaster, from which he was saved only by the steady valour of the legionaries and the forethought of the military tribunes. Before the campaign was over he was summoned by the senate to resign his ofiico, on the ground of some technical flaw in his election, but he would not open the despatch tiQ the victory was won, and on his return persisted in entering Rome in forms of triumph, despite the refusal of the senate. The resentment of the nobles was intense, and they forced a dictator to resign, who had been bold enough to name Flaminius as his Master of the Horse. But it is to the credit of tlie latter, that in his censorship of 219 he did not stoop to any petty jealousies of rival parties, only linking the memories of that high office with the Circus, and the great Highway which bore his name in after ages. But it was partly due to his support that the bill of Claudius was passed, which forbade the Senatorian families to own mer- chant vessels, a law which rested no doubt in part on the aristocratic prejudice cf old societies, but aimed also at pro- tecting the provincials from sinister action on the part of Roman governors in the interest of Roman traders. If bis generalship really was so questionable in the Gallic war, it is strange that he should have been re-elected to the consulship after the disaster of the Trebia. There are reasons too for doubting the account of Livy which makes him leave Rome and enter office at Ariminum in contempt of all customary scruples, though military needs might well excuse neglect of purely formal duties. But Poly- bius is quite silent on the subject, though his informants had no love for Flaminius, and a legal measure, called probably Lex Flaminia minus solvendi, seems to point to the presence of the consul in the capital, although the evidence is not con- clusive. The financial policy which it suggests accords indeed with his other measures in favour of the poorer classes, at the expense also of the wealthier. The position of Flaminius at Arretium seems to have been well chosen for defence, and his plans were probably suggested by the campaign against the Gauls in 224. He must have heard of Hannibal's advance, and have shown no wish to \ft MS* h\ 322 APPENDIX HI. force an action, but after sending to Ms colleague at Ariminuiii to hasten to the defence of Rome, be was forced to move south- ward to effect a junction, and to keep tbe enemy meantime iu Tiew. His one fatal error lay in tbe unguarded entry into the defile of Trasimeiie, where his warier rival closed the trap upon him. /Vristocratic writers may have gladly taken him as a scapegoat, imagining the neglect of sacred forms as a partial cause of the disaster, and exaggerating the rashness and in- capacity of the champion of the commons, just as moderu critics may have dwelt too fondly on his fancied virtues be- cause the nobles of bis own day bated and maligned him. INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCOHUM. N.B. I. II. re-present books XXI. and XXII. of the Latin text. Abelux, II. 22. 6 Acilius, M'., I. 25. 4 Agates insulffi, i. 10. 7, 41. 6, 49. 6, II. 56. 7 ^mlKus, M., 1. 49. 6, 51. 7, ii. 9.11 Africanus, P. Scipio, i. 46. 8, II. 53. 2 Albinus, L. Postumius, ii. 35.6 Alco, I. 12. 4 Algidus, 1. 62. 8 Alia, II. 50. 3, 59. 8 Alimentus, L. Cincius, i. 38. 3 Allifffi, II. 13. 6, 17. 1, 18. 5 Allobroges, i. 31. 4 Alorcus, I. 12. 4 Alpes, 1. 30 Amiteminus ager, i. 62. 5 Amusicus, i. 61. 11 Annius, M., i. 25. 3 Antistius, M., i. 63. 12 Antium, ii. 1. 10 Appenninus, i. 53. 6, 58. 3, 63. 16 Appia Via, ii. 1. 12 Apulia, II. 9. 5 Arbocala, i. 5. 6 Ardea, i. 7. 2, ii. 1. 19 Aricia, ii. 36. 7 Ariminum, i. 15. 6, 51. 6, 63. 1 Arnus, ii. 2. 2 Arpi, II. 1. 9, 9. 5, 12. 3 Arretium, ii. 2. 1, 3. 3 Asina, P. Cornelius, i. 25. 4, II. 34. 1 Atanagrum, i. 61. 6 Atellani, ii. 61. 11 Atilius, C, I. 26. 2, 39. 3, 62. 10 L., II. 49. 15 Anfidus, II. 44. 2 Ausetani, i. 23. 2, 61. 8 Baliares, i. 21. 11, 55. 2, ii. 20.9 Bargusii, i. 23. 2 Beneventanus ager, ii. 13. 1 Bibaculus, L. Furius, ii. 49. 15 Bibulus, L. Pubhcius, ii. 53. 2 Boii, I. 25. 2 Bomilcar, i. 27. 2 Bostar, ii. 22. 9 Bovianum, ii. 24. 12 Braiicus, i. 31. 6 Brixiani, i. 25. 14 Brnttii, ii. 61. 12 Busa, II. 52. 7 Caelius Antipater, i. 38. 7, 46. 10, 47. 4, II. 31. 8 Calatini, ii. 61. 11 Cales, II. 15. 10 Callicula, ii. 15. 3 Callifanus ager, ii. 13. 6 Calpnrnius, C, ii. 61. 6 324 INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM. INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM, 325 Camillas, M. Furins, ii. 3. 10, Campania, ii. 13. 3 Cannae, ii. 43. 9, 49. 13 Cannsium, ii. 50, 4, 62. 7 Capena, ii. 1. 10 Capua, ii. 1. 12, 13. 3 Carpetani, i. 6. 11, 11. 13, 32. 4 Carthago Nova, i. 5. 4, 21. 1 Cartlialo, ii. 15. 8, 49. 13, 58.7 Casiliniim, ii. 13. 6, 15. 3 Casinum, ii. KJ. G Castulonensie saltuB, ii. 20. 12 CaudinsB furcute, ii. 14. 12 Celtiberi, i. 67. 5 Celtiberia, i. 43. 8 Cenomanni, i. 55. 4 Centenius, C, ii. 8. 1 Cento, C. Claudins, ii. 34. 1 Cercina, ii. 31. 2 Cissis, I. 60. 7 Clastidium, i. 48. 8 Claudius, Q., i. 63. 3 Corsi, I. 16. 4 Corsica, ii. 31. 1 Cortona, ii. 4. 1 Cosanus portus, ii. 11. 6 Cremona, i. 25. 2, 56. 9 Cremonis iugnm, i. 38. 7 Crotonienaes, ii. 61. 12 Cursor, L. Papirius, ii. 14. 12 Basins, i. 48. 9 Decins, P., ii. 60. 11 Delphi, II. 57. 5 Demetrius Pharius, ii. 33. 3 Druentia, i. 31. 9 Ducarius, ii. 6. 3 Ebusus, II. 20. 7 Emporiae, i. 60. 2 Emporium, i. 57. 6 Eiyx, 1. 10. 7, 41. 6 Etruria, i. 26. 3 Fabius, Pictor, ii. 7. 1 Q., I. 18. 1 Maximus, ii. 8. 6—, 38. 13 II. 53. 1 FaesulaB, ii. 3. 3 Palerii, ii. 1. 11 Falernus ager, ii. 13. 9 Feronia, ii. 1. 18 Flaccus, P.Valerius, i. 6.8 — Fulvius, II. 12. 1 Flaminia, Via, ii. 11. 15 Flaminiiius, Caeso Quinctius, II. 33. 8 Flaminius, C, 1. 15. 6, 57. !. 63. 1— II. 7. 5 Flamma, M. Calpurnius, ii. 60. 11 Floronia, ii. 57. 2 Formiae, ii. 16. 4 Fulvins, C, I. 59. 10 Gabii, ii. 14. 11 Gades, i. 21. 9. 22. 5 Gain, I. 23. 1 Gallica busta, ii. 14. 11 Geminus, Cn. Servilius, i. 15. 6, 57. 4, II. 1. 4, 31. 1, 40. 6 Genua, i. 32. 5 Gereonium, ii. 18. 7, 23.9 Hadrianus agcr, ii. 9. 5 Hamilcar, i. 1. 4, 10. 8, 41. 8 Gisgonis fil. i. 51. 2 Hanno, i. 3. 3, 10. 2 Bomilcaris fil. i. 27. 2 —^ I. 60. 5 Hasdrubal, i. 2. 3 I. 22. 2, 32. 4, 41. 2, 60. 6, II. 19. 1, 46. 7 Heraclea, ii. 59. 8 Herennius, C. , i. 25. 4 Q. Baebius, n. 34. Hennandica, i. 5. 6 Hicro, I. 49. 3, 50. 7, u. 37. 1 Himilco, i. 12. 1, ii. 19. 3 Hirpini, ii. 13. 1, 61. 11 Histri, I. 16. 4 Hostilia curia, ii. 55. 1 lotumuli, I. 45. 3 Ilergavonenses, ii. 21. 6 Ilergetes, i. 22. 3, 23. 2, 61. 5, II. 21. 2 Iliberri, i. '24. 1 niyrii, i. 16. 4, ii. 33. 5 Indibilis, ii. 21. 2 Insubres, i. 25. 2, 39. 1, 45. 3 Insula Allobrogum, i. 31. 4 Isara, i. 31. 4. lunius M., II. 57. 9 __ II. 59. 1 Lacetania, i. 23. 2 Laeetani, i. 60. 3, 61. 8 Lanuvium, i. 62. 4 Larinum, ii. IS. 8, 24. 1 Latiaiis lupiter, i. 63. 8 Latina Via, ii. 12. 2 Lentulus, Cn. Corn., ii. 49. 6 L. Corn., ii. 10. 1 Lepidus, M. .^milius, ii. 35. 1 Libui, I. 38. 7 Libyphoenices, i. 22. 3 Licinius, C, i. 18. 1 Ligures, i. 22. 2, 26. 3, 38. 3 LilybfiBum, i. 49. 4, ii. 31. 6 Liparte, i. 49. 2 Liternum, ii. 16. 4 LiviuB, M., I. 18. 1 Locri, II. 61. 12 Longuntica, ii. 20. 6 Longus. V. Ti. Sempronius Luca, I. 59. 10 Lucani, ii. 61. 12 Luceria, ii. 9. 5 Lucretius, L., i. 59. 10 Lusitani, i. 57. 5 Lnsitania, i. 43. 8 Lutatius, C, 1. 18. 8, ii. 14. 13 _ I. 25. 3 Magalus, i. 29. G Mago, I. 47. 4, 54. 2, 56. 9, ii. 46. 7 Maharbal, i. 12. 1, 45. 2, ii. 13. 9, 46. 7, 51. 1 Mancinus, L. Hostilius, ii. 15. 4 Mandonius, u. 21. 2 ManHus, L., i. 17. 7, 25. 8, 39. 3, II. 33. 7 Marcellus, ]\I. Claudius, ii. 35. 6, 57. 1 Marius Statilius, ii. 42. 4, 43. 7 MaiTuciiii, it. 9. 5 Marsi, ii. 9. 5 Maso, C. Papirius, i. 25. 4 Masfiicus mons, ii. 14. 1 Massilia, i. 20. 8, 25. 1, 26. 3 Matho, M'. Pomponius, ii. 33. 11, 35. 6, 55. 1 Mauri, I. 22. 3 Melita, i. 51. 1 Menige, ii. 31. 2 Merenda, P. Cornelius, ii. 35. 1 Messana, i. 49. 3 Metapoutum, ii. 61. 12 Metellus, L. Caecilius, ii. 53. 5 Metilius, ii. 25. 3 Minucius, M., ii. 8. 6, 14. 4, 24. 1, 49. 16 Mutina, i. 25. 6 Neapolitani, ii. 32. 4 Nova Classis, ii. 20. 6 Numerius Decimius, ii. 24. 11 Numidee, i. 22. 3, 29. 1 Ocriculum, n. 11. 6 Olcades, i. 5. 2 Onusa, I. 22. 5, ii. 20. 3 Opimia, ii. 57. 2 Oretani, 1. 10. 13 Ostia, II. 11. 5, 37. 1, 57. 7 Otacilius, T., ii. 10. 10. 31. 6, 56.6 326 INDEX WMmUAf ET LOCORUM. INDEX NOMINUM ET LOG DRUM. 327 Padus, I. 25. 13, 39. 3, 47. 2 PaBstum, II. :-JG. 9 Pffitns, Q. iElius, ir. 35. 2 Papirius Cursor, ii. 14. 12 Pauhis, L. -Emilias, i. 18. 1, II. 35. 3, 38. 8, 45. 5, 49. 1 Peligni, ii. 9. 6, 18. C Pentri, ii. 61. 11 Philippua Mac, ii. 33. 3 Pliilo, L. Vetnnus, ii. 33. 11 Philus, P. Furiii3, II. 53. 4 Picenus ager, i. 62. 5, ii. 9. 2 Pictor, Q. Fabius, ii. 57. 5 Pineus, ii. 35. 5 PisaB, I. 39. 3 Placentia, i. 25. 2, 39. 4, 56. 5, 57. 11 PoBninus mona, i. 38. 9 Pomponiua, M., ii. 7. 8 ~~— ~— — — S6X., I. 51. 6 Praeneste, ii. 1. 9, 12. 2 PraBtutiantis ager, ii. 9. 5 Pulcher, Ap. Claudius, ii. 42. 9 II. 53. 2 Pupiiis, C, II. 33. 8 Pyrenaei, i. 23. 2, 26. 4 Pyrrhus, ii. 59. 8 Begnltis, M. Atilius, ii. 25. 16. 31.7 Rhodanus, i. 26. 4, 40. % Rusoino, I. 24. 3 Rutuli, I. 7. 2 Sabimis ager, ii. 12. 1 Sagnntnm, i. 5 — 15 Salinator, M. Livius, ii. 35. 8 Samnites, ii. 61. 11 Samnimn, ii. 13. 1 Sardi, i. 16. 4 Sardinia, i. 1. 5. 40, 5 Scipio, P. Cornelius, i. 6. 3, 17. 1, 26. 3, 32. 1, 46. 5. 52. 7. II. 22. 1 — African us, I. 46. 8. II. 63. 2 Scipio, Cn., i. 32. 3, ;}9. 10, 40. 3, 60. 1 ScriboniuR, L., ii. 61. 6 Seduni, i. 38. 9 Sempronius Blaasns, n. 31. 5 T., II. 57. 9 Ti., I. 6. 3, 17. 1, 49. 1, 50. 7, 52. 8, 69. 2 Serranus, C. Atilius, ii. 35. 2 Serviliiis, C, i. 25. 3 V. Geminus Sicilia, i. 1. 6, 40. 5 Sidicinus, ii. 42. 11 Sinuessa, ii. 14. 4 Spoletium, ii. 9. 1 Stellatis campus, ii. 13. 6 Sura, P., II. 31. 6 Tagns, I. 6. 8 Tamphilus, Q. Baebius, i. 6. 8. 18.1 Tannetum, i. 25. 13 Tarentum, ii. 69. 7 Tarracina, ii. 15. 11 Tarraco, i. 61. 2, ii. 19. 5 Taurini, i. 38. 5 Teanum, ii. 57. 8 Telcsia, ii. 13. 1 Terentius, Q., i. 63. 11 Tiberis, i. 80. 11, ii. 11. 6 Tibur, II. 11. 3 Ticinus, i. 15. 4, 39. 10, 46. 1 Torquatus, T. Manlius, ii. (50. 6 Trasumeiinus, ii. 4. 1 Trebia, i. 15. 4, 48. 4, 62. 3 Tricastini, i. 31. 9 Tricorii, i. 31. 9 Tuditanus, P. Sempronius, ii. 60. 6, 60. 8 Turdetani. i. 6. 1, 12. 5 Umbria, n. 8. 1 Uzentum, n. 61. 12 Varro, C. Terentius, ii. 25. 18, 34. 2, 41. 3, 45. 5 Veii, II. 3. 10 Venusia, ii. 49. 14, 54. 1 Veragri, i. 38. 9 Vergiliie, i. 35. Viboniensis ager, i. 51. 1 VictumvicB, i. 57. 9 Vooontii, i. 31. 9 Volcffi, I. 26. Volciaui, i. 19. 8 Vulcani ins., i. 49. 2 Vulso, L. Maulius, ii. 35. 1 Vulturnus fl., ii. 14. 1 ventus, II. 43. 10, 46.9 Zacyntbus, i. 7. 2 Vaccaei, i. 5. 6 Cambrilige: PKINTEI) BY J. A c. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVEHSITY PItESS. > COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES Thia book is due on the date Indicated below, or at the expiration of a definite period after the date of borrowing, as provided by the library rules or by special arrangement with tJie Librarian in charge. r* • DATE •ORItOWCO OATI OUC OATC BOflROWCO DATE DUE %% ca« Ui4*) 100M I COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES S7LR 0686673 IFOZ I u a: GO •-«« ""^:i>.. 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