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A UTHOR : 
 
 MULLER 
 
 I 
 
 O. 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 HISTORY AND 
 ANTIQUITIES OF THE 
 
 PLA CE : 
 
 LONDON 
 
 DA TE : 
 
 1839 
 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES 
 PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT 
 
 Master Negative # 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROiFQRM TARCFT 
 
 Original Material as Filmed - Existing Dibliograpliic Record 
 
 Restrictions on Use: 
 
 184.3 
 [91 
 
 l 
 
 V""""" ' "■""■^ 
 
 Miiller, Plorl Otfriod, 1797-1840 • 
 
 Tho history and ontiquitioo of tho Doric race, 
 by C* 0. Lliillor... translated from tho Cornon by 
 Ilonry Tufnell... and Goorge Cornewall Lewis. •• 2nd 
 ed., rov..# London, Lliorray, 1839« 
 
 2 v« naps 22 cn# 
 
 20i523 
 
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THE 
 
 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OK THK 
 
 DORIC RACE, 
 
 -'••^ 
 
 J" 
 
 BV 
 
 Cf^OrMULLER, 
 
 
 PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GOT>IN«*m— 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY TUFNELL. ESQ. 
 
 AND 
 
 GEORGE CORNEWALL J.EWIS, ESQ., A. 
 
 STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH. 
 
 M. 
 
 SECOND EDITION, REVISED. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 MOCCCXXXIX. 
 
 / 
 
i* 
 
 <L 
 
 *'■ W " 
 
 EXTRACT 
 
 FROM 
 
 
 «/ 1 / 
 
 LONDON; 
 Piiuled by W. Clowes und So«», 
 Stamford-Street. 
 
 " 
 
 rn 
 
 FHE TRANSLATORS' PREFACE 
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 The History, of which an English transhition is 
 now offered to the public, forms the second and 
 third volumes of a work by Professor C. O. Miiller, 
 entitled, " Histories of Greek Tribes and Cities." 
 The first volume of this series was published sepa- 
 rately under the name of ** Orchomenos and the 
 Minyse ;" and contains a most learned examination 
 of the mythology and early history of Orchomenos 
 and other towns of Boeotia, and of the migrations 
 of the Minyse, together with other questions more 
 or less connected with these subjects. It is, in 
 every respect, a distinct and separate work from 
 the Dorians, comprised in the second and third vo- 
 lumes ; nor was it more incumbent on us toj pub- 
 lish a transhition of that first volume, because it is 
 often referred to in the subsequent volumes, than of 
 the many other admirable works on Grecian history, 
 equally referred to, which are inaccessible to persons 
 not acquainted with the German language. 
 
 
IV 
 
 TRANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 At a time when a large part of the present trans- 
 lation had been completed, the translators commu- 
 nicated by letter to Professor MuUer their intention 
 with regard to his work on the Dorians, and requested 
 him to read the manuscript of their translation before 
 it was printed, in case they should have anywhere 
 committed any errors, or failed to catch the import 
 of his words. To this request Mr. Miiller, though 
 not personally known by either of the translators, 
 not only acceded, but, with an unexpected, and in- 
 deed unhoped-for liberality, expressed his willingness 
 to contribute to our translation all the alterations and 
 additions which his reading had suggested since the 
 appearance of the original work. The manuscript 
 was accordingly transmitted, and carefully revised, 
 corrected, and enlarged by the author. Of the value 
 of these changes it would perhaps be improper that 
 we should speak in the terms which they seem to us 
 to deserve : of their number, however, as this can be 
 brought to a certain test, we will venture to assert, 
 that few books undergo so great changes after their 
 first publication ; and that the present work may be 
 in strictness considered, not only a translation, but a 
 new edition of the original. In making these changes, 
 it was also the author's wish to clear up ambiguities 
 or obscurity of meaning, either by a change in the 
 expression, or a fuller development of the thought ; 
 and we cannot help hoping, that even to a person 
 
 TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. r 
 
 acquainted with German, our translation will thus be 
 found in many places more explicit and satisfactory 
 than the original text. 
 
 Besides those alterations, which appear for the first 
 time in the following translation, the additions and 
 corrections published by the author in his " Intro- 
 duction to a scientific System of Mythology" have 
 been here incorporated ; and a Dissertation on the 
 early history of the Macedonian nation, published 
 separately by the author, some time after the appear- 
 ance of the Dorians, has been inserted in the Appendix. 
 Not only has the small map of Macedonia, ap- 
 pended to this Dissertation, been inserted in our 
 translation, in addition to the map of the Peloj)on- 
 nese, which was alone contained in the original work, 
 but also a map of northern Greece, which, together 
 with the explanatory article inserted in the Appendix, 
 is now for the first time given to the public. These 
 three maps together furnish a complete geographical 
 picture of ancient Greece, from the promontory of 
 Tsenarum to the north of Macedonia ; and we may 
 be allowed to say, that in accuracy and fulness of 
 detail, they rival, if not excel, all other maps of the 
 same regions". 
 
 * The map of Northern Greece was not received until that of 
 the Peloponnese had been engraved ; and being intended by the 
 author for circulation in Germany, as well as in England, the 
 names are given in Latin. This must serve as an apology for 
 this want of uniformity in the two maps. 
 
 
VI 
 
 TRANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 After the printing of the whole work (with the 
 exception of the Appendix) had been completed, the 
 sheets were sent to Mr. Miiller, by which means not 
 only the translation of the original, but also of the 
 manuscript additions, have received the approbation 
 of the author. Any discrepancies, therefore, which 
 may appear between the translation and the original 
 must be considered as sanctioned by the author. The 
 translators at the same time think it right to state, 
 in case Mr. Miiller should be exposed to any misre- 
 presentations in his own country, that in making 
 their translation they did not consider themselves 
 bound to follow the letter of the original, and have 
 sometimes indulged in a free paraphrase : while in 
 some places they suggested more considerable 
 changes, on account of the difference between the 
 opinions on many important subjects which gene- 
 rally prevail in England and Germany. 
 
 (1830.) 
 
 .- 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 The First Edition of the present Translation has 
 been revised by the Author ; and he has supplied 
 several corrections and additions, which have been 
 inserted in their proper places. 
 
 The accounts of the geography of Peloponnesus 
 and Northern Greece, which were inserted in the 
 Appendix to the First Edition of the Translation, 
 have been omitted in the present Edition. 
 
 April, 1839. 
 
 :> 
 
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. 
 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Af 
 
 V\ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 § 1 . Origin of the Dorians in the North of Greece. § 2. Northern 
 boundiary of Greece. § 3. The Macedonians. § 4. The Thes- 
 salians. § 5. Diffusion of the Illyrians in Western Greece. 
 § 6. The Phrygians. § 7. The Thracians. § 8. The Hellenes, 
 Achaeans, Minyans, lonians, and Dorians. § 9. The Hylleans. 
 § 10. Relation of the above nations to the Pelasgians. 
 § 11. Difference between the Pelasgic and Hellenic religions. 
 § 12. Early language of Greece, and its chief dialects .. Page 1 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE DORIC RACE, FROM TUE EARLIEST TIMES TO 
 THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. Earliest Settlement of the Dorians in Thessaly. §2. De- 
 scription of the Vale of Tempe. § 3. Of the Passes of Olym- 
 pus. § 4. And of Hestioeotis. 5. The Perrhsebians. § 6. 
 The Lapithse. § 7. Limits of the Territory in Thessaly occu- 
 pied by the Dorians. § 8. Contents of the Epic Poem iEgi- 
 mius. § 9. Doric Migration from Thessaly to Crete. § 1 0. 
 Relation of the Dorians to the Macedonians p. 19 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 § 1. Migration of the Dorians from Thessaly to the Valley of 
 CEta and Parnassus. § 2. District of (Eta. § 3. Limits of 
 Doris. § 4. The Dryopians. § 5. The Malians. § 6. The 
 ^"ianes p. 38 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 § 1. Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus represented as 
 the return of the descendants of Hercules. § 2. Improbability 
 of the common account. § 3. Sources of the common account. 
 
I 
 
 X CONTENTS. 
 
 § 4. Legends inconsistent with the common account. § 5. Com- 
 mon account. The Heraclidse fly from Trachis to Attica, and 
 are assisted by the Athenians against Eurystheus. § 6. Expe- 
 ditions of the Heraclidse into Peloponnesus. § 7. Junction of 
 the Heraclidse with the Dorians. § 8. The Heraclidse pass into 
 Peloponnesus by Rhium. § 9. Connexion of the Dorians with 
 the Locrians and ^tolians. § 10. Tisamenus and the Pelo- 
 ponnesians defeated by the Dorians. § 11. Partition of Pelo- 
 ponnesus. 12. Immediate consequences of the immigration of 
 the Dorians p. 50 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § I. Physical Structure of Greece and Peloponnesus. § 2. Phy- 
 sical Structure of Arcadia. § 3. Of Laconia. § 4. Of Argolis, 
 § 5. Of Achaia and Elis. § 6. Improvement of the Soil by 
 artificial means. § 7. Early Cultivation of the Soil by the Pe- 
 lasgians and Leleges. § 8. Numbers of the Doric Invaders. 
 § 9. Mode by which they conquered Peloponnesus p. 73 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 * § 1. Reduction of Argos by the Dorians. § 2. Of Sicyon. § 3. Of 
 Phlius and Cleonse. § 4. Of the Acte, Epidaurus, ^Egina, and 
 Troezen. § 5. Independence of Mycenae and Tiryns. § 6. An- 
 cient homage of the towns of the Acte to Argolis. §. 7. Territory 
 of the Dryopians in Argohs. § 8. Reduction of Corinth by the 
 Dorians. § 9. Ancient inhabitants of Corinth. § 10. Reduc- 
 tion of Megara by the Dorians. § 11. Reduction of Laconia 
 by the Dorians under Aristodemus. § 12. Resistance of 
 Amy else. Position of Sparta. § 13. Resistance of other 
 Laconian towns to the Dorians. § 14. Traditions respecting 
 Eurysthenes and Procles. §15. Reduction of Messenia by the 
 Dorians. § 16. Political state of Messenia. p. 87 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. Doric colonies of Argos, Epidaurus, and Troezen. § 2. Doric 
 league of Asia Minor. § 3. Mythical accounts of the coloniza- 
 tion of Halicarnassus, Rhodes, Cos, Nisyrus, Carpathos, and 
 Casos. § 4. Rhodian Colonies. § 5 and 6. Legends respect- 
 ing the foundation of Mallus, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, and 
 Phaselis. § 7 and 8. Colonies of Corinth. § 9 and 10. Colo- 
 nies of Megara. § 11 and 12. Colooies of Sparta. . . . p. 112 
 
 
 CONTENTS. jI 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 § 1. Sources of the ewly history of Peloponnesus. § 2. 
 Quoit of Iphitus, Registers of Victors at the Olympic and 
 Carnean Games, Registers at Sicyon and Argos. § 3. Regis- 
 ters of the Spartan Kings. § 4. Spartan Rhetras, Land- 
 marks. § 5. Lyric Poets, Oral Tradition, and Political Insti- 
 tutions. § 6. Mythical character of Lycurgus. § 7. Lycurgus 
 founder of the sacred armistice of Olympia. § 8. and 9. Mes- 
 senian wars : sources of the history of them. § 10. First Mes- 
 senian war. § 11. Second Messenian war. § 12. Influence 
 in Arcadia obtained by the Spartans. § 13. Limited ascend- 
 ancy of Argos in Argolis. § 14. Disputes between Argos and 
 Sparta. § 15. Pheidon of Argos. § 16. Further struggles 
 between Argos and Sparta p 143 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 y% 1. The Doric principles of government opposed to despotic (or 
 tyranmcal) power. § 2. Tyrants of Sicyon. § 3. Of Corinth. 
 § 4. Of Epidaurus and Megara overthrown by Sparta. 
 § 5. Other tyrants overthrown by Sparta. § 6. Expedition of 
 Cleomenes against Argos. § 7. Internal history of Argos. 
 § 8. Contests between Megara and Athens p. i>]q 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 § 1. Sparta the head of the Peloponnesian confederacy. Its 
 members and their order of precedence. § 2. Mode in which 
 the supremacy of Sparta was exercised. § 3. Congress of the 
 confederacy. § 4. Non-interference of the confederacy with 
 the internal aff'airs of the confederated States. § 5. Sparta the 
 head of the confederacy by general acknowledgment. § 6. Hel- 
 lenic league during the Peloponnesian war. § 7. Sparta with- 
 draws from the command of the Allied Army. § 8. Ionia 
 never completely liberated by Athens from the power of Persia. 
 § 9. War between Sparta and Arcadia. § 10. Revolt of the 
 Helots ; third Messenian war. § 1 1. Dissolution of the alliance 
 between Sparta and Athens. Battles of Tanagra and (Eno- 
 phyta. Five years' truce. Thirty years' truce. § 12. Origin 
 of the Peloponnesian war. § 13. Opposite principles of the 
 contendmg parties in the Peloponnesian war. § 14. Its influ- 
 ence upon Sparta ^yg 
 

 XU CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. Apollo and Artemis the principal deities of the Doric race. 
 § 2. Traces of the worship of Apollo in Tempe. § 3. Route 
 of the Theoria from Tempe to Delphi. § 4. Estahlishment of 
 the worship of Apollo at Delphi ; § 5. Crete ; § 6. And Delos. 
 § 7. Early history of Crissa. § 8. Doric population of Delphi. 
 § 9. Opposition to the worship of the Delphian Apollo, .p. 219 
 
 CHAP. IT. 
 
 § 1 . Propagation of the worship of Apollo from Crete. § 2. in 
 Lycia. § 3 and 4. in the Troad. § 5. in Thrace. § 6 and 7. 
 on the Coast of Asia Minor. § 8. at Troezen, Tsenarum, Me- 
 gara. §9. Thoricus. § 10. and Leucatas. § 11 and 12 in 
 Bceotia. § 13, 14, and 15. and in Attica p. 235 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 § 1 . Diffusion of the worship of Apollo in Peloponnesus hy the 
 Dorians. § 2. His Introduction by the Dorians at the Olympic 
 festival. § 3. Influence of the Delphian oracle of Apollo. 
 Subjects of the oracle. § 4. Migrations caused by the oracle. 
 § 5. Connexion of the temple of Delphi with the Amphictyons 
 of Thermopylae. § 6. Worship of Apollo in Asia Minor and 
 the islands. § 7. In Italy and Sicily, in Apollonia and 
 Cyrene P- 266 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § 1. Connexion of the fable of the Hyperboreans with the 
 worship of Apollo. § 2. Its connexion with the temples at 
 Delphi ; § 3. and Delos. § 4. Original locality of the Hy- 
 perboreans. § 5. Localities subsequently assigned by Poets 
 and Geographers. § 6. The Hyperboreans considered a sacred 
 people P- 284 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 § 1. The Apollo of Tempe, Delphi, Delos, Crete, Lycia, Troy, 
 Athens, and Peloponnesus, the same deity. § 2. Apollo 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 Nomius of Arcadia rightly distinguished from the preceding. 
 § 3. Apollo the father of iEsculapius likewise a distinct deity. 
 § 4 and 5. Apollo not originally an elementary deity, or god 
 of the sun. § 6. Origin of this idea. § 7. Rites of Apollo 
 unlike those of the elementary deities p. 294 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. Homer's conception of Apollo. § 2. Apollo as a punishing 
 deity. § 3. Apollo as a beneficent deity. § 4. Explanation 
 of the name Paean. § 5. Of the name Agyieus. § 6. Of the 
 name Apollo. §7. Of the name Phoebus. §8. Of the name 
 Lyceus. § 9. Religious Attributes of Apollo p. 303 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 § 1 . Zeus and Apollo originally the only two male deities of 
 the Dorians. § 2. Birth of Apollo. § 3. Sanctity of the 
 island of Delos. § 4. Pains of Latona. § 5. Spot of 
 Apollo's birth. § 6. Battle with the Python. § 7. Apollo 
 sings the Pythian strain. § 8. Bondage of Apollo. § 9. 
 Combat with Tityus. § 10. Apollo's assumption of the ora- 
 cular power p. 318 
 
 CHAP. vin. 
 
 § 1. Ritual worship of Apollo. Bloodless offerings. § 2. Ex- 
 piatory rites. § 3. Peace offerings. § 4. Festivals of Apollo. 
 § 5. Traces of a festival calendar. § 6. Expiations for homi- 
 cide. § 7. Rites of purification — use of the laurel therein. 
 § 8. Prophetic character of Apollo. § 9. His modes of 
 divination. § 10. Use of music in the worship of Apollo. 
 § 11. Apollo represented as playing on the cithara. 
 § 12. Contest of Apollo and Linus. Ancient plaintive 
 songs. § 13. Ancient hymns to Apollo. § 14. The psean 
 and hyporcheme. § 15. The Hyacinthian and Carnean fes- 
 tivals. § 16. Apollo as represented by the sculptors. 
 § 17. Ancient statues of Apollo. § 18. Apollo as repre- 
 sented by successive schools of sculptors. § 19. Political in- 
 fluence of the worship of Apolio. § 20. Its connexion with 
 the Pythagorean philosophy p. 330 
 
XIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 § 1. Worship of Artemis. § 2. The Artemis connected with 
 Apollo distinct from the other goddesses of that name. Her 
 attributes. § 3. The Arcadian Artemis. § 4. Fable of 
 Alpheus and Arethusa. The Peloponnesian Artemis. § 5. 
 The Attic Artemis. § 6. Artemis Orthia, or Iphigcnia. 
 § 7. Rites of the worship of Artemis Tauria. § 8. The 
 Artemis of Asia Minor. § 9. Her connexion with the 
 Amazons p. 371 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 § 1. On the worship of deities other than Apollo and Artemis 
 in Doric states. Worship of Zeus and Here. § 2. Of 
 Athene. § 3 and 4. Of Demeter. § 5. Of Poseidon. 
 § 6. Of Dionysus. § 7. Of Aphrodite, Hermes, He- 
 phaestus, Ares, and ^Esculapius. § 8. Of the Charites, 
 Eros, and the Dioscuri. § 9. General character of the 
 Doric religion p. 394 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 § 1. Legends respecting Hercules in the earliest settlements of 
 the Dorians. § 2. Servitude of Hercules. § 3. Legends re- 
 specting Hercules in the second settlements of the Dorians. 
 § 4. Legends respecting Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Phidippus. 
 § 5. Legend of Geryoneus. § 6. Legends respecting Hercules 
 in the neighbourhood of Thermopylae. § 7, 8, and 9. Boeotian 
 legends respecting Hercules. § 10. Attic legends respecting 
 Hercules p. 410 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 § 1. Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules. Adventures of 
 Hercules : his combats with wild beasts. § 2. His martial 
 exploits. § 3. His establishment of the Olympic games. 
 § 4. Complexity of the mythology of Hercules. § 5. Wor- 
 ship of Hercules carried from Sparta to Tarentum and 
 Croton. § 6. Coan fable of Hercules. § 7. Hercules and 
 Hylas. § 8. Identification of Hercules and Melcart. § 9. 
 Human character of Hercules. § 10. His joviality and love of 
 mirth p. 432 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 § 1 . Origin of the Dorians in the North of Greece. § 2. Northern 
 boundary of Greece. § 3. The Macedonians. § 4. The Thes- 
 salians. § 5. Diffusion of the Illyrians in Western Greece. 
 § 6. The Phrygians. § 7. The Thracians. § 8. The Hellenes, 
 Achaeans, Minyans, lonians, and Dorians. § 9. The Hylleans. 
 § 10. Relation of the above nations to the Pelasgians. 
 § 11. Difference between the Pelasgic and Hellenic religions. 
 § 12. Early language of Greece, and its chief dialects. 
 
 1. The Dorians derived their origin from those dis- 
 tricts in which the Grecian nation bordered to\\ ards 
 the north upon numerous and dissimilar races of bar- 
 barians. As to the tribes which dwelt beyond these 
 boundaries we are indeed* wholly destitute of informa- 
 |tion; nor is there the slightest trace of any memorial 
 or tradition that the Greeks originally came from those 
 quarters. On these frontiers, however, the events took 
 place which effected an entire alteration in the in- 
 ternal condition of the whole Grecian people, and here 
 were given many of those impulses, of which the 
 effects were so long and generally experienced. The 
 prevailing character of the events in question, was a 
 perpetual pressing foi-^^ard of the barbarous races, 
 particularly of the Illyrians, into more southern dis- 
 tricts; yet Greece, although harassed, confined, nay 
 even compelled to abandon part of her territory, never 
 attempted to make a united resistance to their en- 
 croachments. The cause of this negligence probably 
 was, that all her views being turned to the south, no 
 attention whatever was paid to the above quarters. 
 
 B 
 
 
2 IIVTRODUCTION. 
 
 2. To begin then by laying down a boundary line 
 (which may be afterwards modified for the sake of 
 greater accii;-acy), we shall suppose this to be the 
 mountain ridge, which stretches from Olympus to the 
 west as far as the Acroceraunian mountains (compre- 
 hending the Cambunian ridge and mount Lacmon), 
 
 , and in the middle comes in contact with the Pindus 
 chain, which stretches in a direction from north to 
 south. The western part of this chain separates the 
 furthest Grecian tribes from the great lUyrian nation, 
 which extended back as far as the Celts in the south 
 of Germany. Every clue respecting the connexion, 
 peculiarities, and original language of this people 
 must be interesting, and the dialects of the Albanians, ( 
 especially of those who inhabit the mountains Adhere 
 the original customs and language have been preserved 
 in greater purity, will afford materials for inquiry.* 
 For our present purpose it will be sufficient to state, 
 that they formed the northern boundary of the Grecian 
 nation, from w^hich they were distinguished both by 
 their language and customs. 
 
 3. In the fashion of wearing the mantle and dress- 
 ing the hair,*" and also in their dialect, the Mace- 
 donians bore a great resemblance to the lUyrians ; 
 whence it is evident that the Macedonians belonged to 
 the Illyrian nation.*' Notwithstanding which, there 
 can be no doubt that the Greeks were aboriginal*^ in- 
 
 * See particularly Pouque- 
 ville's list of Albanian words. 
 CompareThunmann's G^'schich- 
 te der Europaischen VOlker, p. 
 250. Concerning the Illyrians, 
 see App. 1, §27, 28. 
 
 'StraboVII. p. 327 A. 
 
 '^ Illyrian words in use among 
 the Macedonians : aava^ai (Si- 
 
 leni) in Macedonian, htvalai in 
 Illyrian ; ^pajutc, bread, in Mace- 
 donian, ^pafiiKEQ among the 
 .Athamanes. Orchomenos, p. 
 254. Compare Hesychius in 
 jjarapa. See the copious collec- 
 tion in Sturz de Dialecto Mace- 
 donica. 
 
 *^ As this expression is often 
 
 i 
 
 SEcx. 3. ON THE North r.r, 
 
 iHt. JNORTH OF GREECE. 3 
 
 habitants of this distrirt T'l, , • ' 
 -ost beautiful Z^,, .^^^^^r ''' ''"^^''''' ''' 
 h the Pelasgians, who, 2ZZ\rZ '^"'''''^ 
 possessed Creston abovl rl 1 m^ Herodotus, also 
 
 they had eo.ef?o;te,att'"H'' ^^'^ P'^^ 
 donian dialect was full of r I . """ '^' ^''^'^«- 
 
 that these had nTbeen int ? jf ''' ''''''^'- ^"d 
 
 (which was u:^:iz:::'^' i't^^' '-^'^y 
 
 ners) is evident fron. the f! t H 7 ^^''"'' "^ ""^°- 
 "-st sin,ple ideas which nt "'^"^"^"^ ^^ '^^ 
 
 from another) were Z ?^"''^' ^^""^ "^^^^ 
 
 the circumstance 1 ."'" " ^*^' " "'•^" ^ ^om 
 their Greek fori t. '' '""'^' '^'^ "''t appear in 
 
 a- native dLt™' 'tX m" 7''''' '^^^^''"^ ^^ 
 -cur grammatical forms thi ,7 " ' '"" 
 
 ^olic/ together with ™ „v i T '""""""'^ -^""^^ 
 '^ords : and what ne . -^ u"^'""' '"'"^ Thessalian" 
 words, whic i^f X^ ;-tm more decisive, several 
 
 We been preserved iriiiT " *'" ^'•^^'^• 
 •^oes not appear to be a ' p^^^ "«« ' T'"^ 
 "^ed in the folio ' "'^^ '*'*'' the 
 
 «ean o„e which; as fa^r as ou „ ? f ^q"f""y lost; il^fwa 
 
 knowledge extends, first dJel Z^t^^t'^T'"''" ^'^^''^y- 
 
 ' know r''^' ^'f""' «hi^-h we " p ^ .K ''"'"S'^ °^ " ""d 1 
 
 menos, p. 444. t g. ray,„^ i^^, ,^ j^ 
 
 Compare, for example ial ^ ■'' , ^"''""> »« '" Thesealv 
 ^"-/o kill, ii,o, rf.af/. 'wit err- ''''^''''' " Thessaifan 
 
 aspTation, a, ^ does i„ «eaA^ The' war^' """^'"" ' '^< *^- 
 "Z"^' "fpoir.c for d^pij *Po">' of comparison. 
 
 b2 
 
4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 "Doric dialect ; hence we do not give much credit to 
 the otherwise unsupported assertion of Herodotus, of 
 
 ^ an original identity of the Doric and Macednian 
 (Macedonian) nations. In other autliors Macednus is 
 called the son of Lycaon, from whom the Arcadians 
 were said to be descended ;"',or Macedon is the brother 
 of Magnes, or a son of ^Eolus, according to Hesiod 
 and Hellanicus," which are merely various attempts to 
 form a genealogical connexion between this semi- 
 barbarian race, and the rest of the Greek nation." 
 
 4. The Thessalians, as well as the Mace- 
 donians, were, as it appears, an lUyrian race, who 
 subdued a native Greek population ; but in this case 
 the body of the interlopers was smaller, while the 
 numbers and civilization of the aboriginal inhabitants 
 were considerable. Hence the Thessalians resembled 
 the Greeks more than any of the northern races with 
 which they were connected : hence their language in 
 particular was almost purely Grecian, and indeed bore 
 perhaps a greater affinity to the language of the ancient 
 epic poets than any other dialect.^ But the chief 
 peculiarities of this nation Avith \Ahich we are ac- 
 quainted were not of a Grecian character. Of this 
 their national dress,*^ which consisted in part of the 
 flat and broad-brimmed hat (xaixr/a) and the chlamys 
 (which last was common to both nations, but was un- 
 known to the Greeks of Homer*s time, and indeed 
 
 "" Apollodonis, III. 8, 1. " Concerning the Macedo- 
 
 " Ap. Constant. Porph. de nians, see Appendix I. 
 
 Themat. II. 2, p. 1453. Sturz p I allude here particularly to 
 
 Hellan. Fragm. p. 79. The the ending of the genitive case 
 
 passage of Hesiod is probably of the second declension in oiOy 
 
 from the *Ho7at, and there is no which the grammarians quote as 
 
 reason for supposing it spurious. Thessalian. 
 
 The second verse should be read, ^ See Appendix I . § 28. The 
 
 vu ^vw Mayyrjra UctKehoy -&' ancient Macedonian coins re- 
 tTTTnoxripuriv, 
 
 i 
 
 % 
 
 SECT. 4. ON THE NORTH OF GREECE 5 
 
 long aftenvards/ until adof.ted as the costume of the 
 equestrian order at Athens), is a sufficient example. 
 Ihe Ihessahans, moreover, were beyond a doubt tlie 
 1 farst to mtroduc* into Greece the use of cavalry. More 
 important distinctions however than that first alleged 
 are perhaps to be found in their impetuous and pas- 
 sionate character, and the low state of their intelligence 
 Ihe taste for the arts shown by tlie wealthy house of 
 the bcopadse proves no more that such was the dispo- 
 sition of the whole people, than the existence of the 
 same qualities in Archelaus argues their prevalence in 
 Macedonia. This is sufficient to distinguish them 
 from the race of the Greeks, so highly endowed by 
 nature. We are therefore induced to conjecture that 
 this nation, which a siiort time before the expedition of 
 the Heraclidae, migrated from Thesprotia, and indeed 
 irom tlie territory of Ephyra (Cichyrus) into the plain 
 of the Peneus, had originally come from Illyria. On 
 tlie other hand indeed, many points of similarity in the 
 customs of the Thessalians and Dorians might be 
 brought forward. Thus for example, the love for the 
 male sex (that usage peculiar to the Dorians) was also 
 common among the Illyrians, and the objects of affi;c- 
 tion were, as at Sparta, called itra, ;' the women also 
 as amongst the Dorians, were addressed by the title of 
 ladiei- {UtTTToivai), a title uncommon in Greece, and 
 expressive of the estimation in whicli they were held ' 
 A great freedom in the manners of the female sex was 
 
 present precisely the same dress ject in book IV. c. 2 8 4 
 
 as the Thessalmn. 'Compare Theocritus Xlf 
 
 seve^r^"" «'^™^''° "'P« ™ '4, with Alcman quo^eTin the 
 several grammar.ans, with Di- Scholia, and b, IV c. 4 8 6 
 
 M„T w n ^™™°"i"^ "> XX'./.^C. • Hesychius in iJJll \. 
 More will be found on this sub- book IV. c. 4, § 4. "^- ^^ 
 
 l< 
 
 ■;| 
 
 
6 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 nevertheless customary among the lUyrians, who in 
 this respect bore a nearer resemblance to the northern 
 nations."" Upon the whole, however, these migrations 
 from the north had the effect of disseminating among 
 the Greeks manners and institutions which were 
 entirely unknown to their ancestors, as represented 
 by Homer. 
 
 5. We will now proceed to inquire what was the 
 extent of territory gained by the lUyrians in the west 
 of Greece. Great part of Epirus had in early times 
 been inhabited by Pelasgians,'' to which race the in- 
 habitants of Dodona are likewise affirmed by the best 
 authorities to have belonged, as well as the whole 
 nation of Thesprotians ; ^ also the Chaonians at the 
 foot of the Acroceraunian mountains,^ and the Chones, 
 CEnotrians, and Peucetians on the opposite coast of 
 Italy, are said to have been of this race."" The ancient 
 buildings, institutions, and religious worship of the 
 Epirots, are also manifestly of Pelasgic origin. We 
 suppose always that the Pelasgians werd Greeks, 
 and spoke the Grecian language : an opinion in sup- 
 port of which we will on this occasion only adduce a 
 feAv arguments. It must then be borne in mind, that 
 all the races whose migrations took place at a late 
 period, such as the Achseans, lonians, Dorians, were 
 not (the last in particular) sufficiently powerful or 
 numerous to effect a complete change in the customs 
 
 " According to iElian, V. H. 
 III. 15, the women of Illyria 
 were present at banquets and 
 wine-parties ; Herod. V. 1 8, says 
 the contrary of the Macedonians. 
 
 ''Strabo, V. p. 221. 
 
 '' See particularly Stephan. 
 Byzant. in"E<pvpa. 
 
 ' Alexander Ephesius ap. Ste- 
 phan. Byz. in Xaovia. 
 
 " Niebuhr's Roman History, 
 vol. i. p. 46, ed. 2, English tr. 
 Hence many names were the 
 same in both countries ; as, e.g., 
 Pandosia (Justin, XII. 2), Ache- 
 ron, Achcrontia, &c. 
 
 SECT. 5. ON THE NORTH OF GREECK. 7 
 
 of a barbarous population ; '' that many districts, Ar- 
 cadia and Perrheebia, for instance, remained entirely 
 Pelasgic, without being inhabited by any nation not of 
 Grecian origin ; that the most ancient names, either 
 of Grecian places or mentioned in their traditions, 
 belonged indeed to a different era of the dialect, but 
 not to another language ; that finally, the great simi- 
 larity between the Latin and Greek can only be ex- 
 plained by supposing tlie Pelasgic language to have 
 formed the connecting link. Now the nations of 
 Epirus were almost reduced to a complete state of 
 barbarism by the operation of causes, which could only 
 liave had their origin in Illyria;^ and in the historic 
 age, the Ambracian bay was the boundary of Greece. 
 In later times, more than half of JEtolia ceased to I)e 
 Grecian, and without doubt adopted the manners and 
 language of the lUyrians ; '' from which point the 
 Athamanes, an Epirot and Illyrian nation, pressed 
 into the south of Thessaly." Migrations and preda- 
 tory expeditions, such as the Encheleans had under- 
 taken in the fabulous times, continued without in- 
 termission to repress and keep down the genuine 
 population of Greece. 
 
 ' Herodotus also says, that «^ Thus, e.g., the Amphilo- 
 the lonians and .Eolians had chians and Chaonians, accord- 
 formerly been Pelasgians, hav- ing to Thucyd. II. 68, 80. The 
 nig, as It were, swallowed up following ancient Greek forms 
 that nation ; he must however occur in the Epirot dialect • 
 assume that they changed their ydovTrog for ^ov7^oQ (Maittaire 
 jlanguage (^eri^adoy T,)y yXCjn- p. Hi), yy^^aKi^^ nosco, Orion 
 'miv), as th^ language of the p. 42, 17. " AanEtoQ Achilles, 
 Pelasg) who dwelt near Cres- Plut. Pyrrh. I. (a-f7ro^ai.)— 
 ton and Placia (which was The account in Strabo VII p 
 probably nothing more than an 327, of two languages beino- 
 ancient dialect) appeared to him spokeh in some districts, doubt- 
 barbarous, ^schylus (Suppl. less refers to the coexistence of 
 911) opposes tliem, as genuine Grecian and Illyrian dialects. 
 Greeks, to the K(\p(]aroi, or bar- •* Polyb. XVII. 5, 8. 
 barians. ' 0/7/iwi<?nov,p. 253. 
 
 1 « 
 
8 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 6. The Illyrians were in these ancient times also 
 bounded on the east by the Phrygians and Thracians, 
 as well as by the Pelasgians. The Phrygians were 
 at this time the immediate neighbours of the Mace- 
 donians in Lebsea, by whom they were called Brygians 
 (Bp6y£s, Bpuyoi, Bplysg) ;^ they dwelt at the foot of 
 the snowy Bermius, where the fabulous rose-gardens 
 of king Midas were situated, while walking in which 
 the wise Silenus was said to have been taken prisoner. 
 They also fought from this place (as the Telegonia of 
 Eugammon related)^ with the Thesprotians of Epirus. 
 At no great distance from hence were the Mygdonians, 
 the people nearest related to the Phrygians. Ac- 
 cording to Xanthus, this nation did not migrate to 
 Asia until after the Trojan war.^ But, in the first 
 place, the Cretan traditions begin with religious rites 
 and fables, which appear from the most ancient testi- 
 monies to have been derived from Phrygians of Asia ;* 
 and, secondly, the Armenians, who were beyond a doubt 
 of a kindred race to the Phrygians,*" were considered 
 as an aboriginal nation in their own territory.* It will 
 therefore be sufficient to recognise the same race of 
 
 ' According to Hesychius, 
 BpeKvg {BepEKvyTiog) is the same 
 word as Bpv^. Bruges was also 
 used by Ennius, and, as it ap- 
 pears, by Marcus Brutus (Plu- 
 tarch, Brut. 45). 
 
 * See the Chrestomathia of 
 Proclus. BrigeSy or Phryges, 
 in the region of Dyrrachium, 
 Appian, Bell. Civ. II., 39. 
 
 ^ Creuzer Fragment. Histor. 
 p. 171. Strabo XIV. p. 680. 
 Compare Conon in Photius I. 
 
 ' Concerning this point, see 
 Hoeck's History of Crete, vol. 
 I. p. 109, sqq. 
 
 ^ According to the opinion 
 of their colonists, Herod. VII. 
 73. Eudoxus ap. Steph. in 'Ap- 
 ^Evia. Compare Heeren De 
 Linguarum Asiaticarum in 
 Persarum Imperio Cognatione^ 
 Comment. Gotting. vol. XIII. 
 
 ' The Armenians frequently 
 occur in the ancient traditional 
 history of the oriental king- 
 doms; e.g, in Diod. II. i. as 
 conquered by Ninus. They are 
 likewise represented as the ori- 
 ginal inhabitants in the native 
 legends collected by Moses of 
 Chorene. 
 
 SECT. 6. ON THE NORTH OF 
 
 CE. 
 
 9 
 
 men in Armenia, Asia JMinor, and at the foot of 
 mount Bermius, without supposing that all the Ar- 
 menians and Phryorians emigrated from the latter 
 settlement on the Macedonian coast. The interme- 
 diate space between Illyria and Asia, a district across 
 which numerous nations migrated in ancient times, 
 was peopled irregularly from so many sides, that the 
 national uniformity which seems to have once existed 
 m those parts was speedily deranged. The most im- 
 portant documents respecting the connexion between 
 th^ Phrygian and other nations are the traces that 
 remain of its dialect. It was well known in Plato's 
 time that many primitive words of the Grecian lan- 
 guage were to be recognised with a slight alteration 
 in the Phrygian, such as irup, uSwp, x6wv ;" and the 
 great similarity of grammatical structure which the 
 Armenian now displays with the Greek, nmst be re- 
 ferred to this original connexion." The Phrygians 
 
 '"Plato,Cratyl. p.410 A. It 
 is remarkable that these words 
 are also in the German lan- 
 guage. UDp (see Grimm's 
 Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. p. 
 584, 2d ed.) in ancient High 
 German was viuri, in Low Ger- 
 man fur. Kvioy, cams, kund 
 (d added as in ^i)v,^av — Phry- 
 gian for moon — and mahnd, 
 mond). "Yciop, in High Ger- 
 man wazar, in Low German 
 water; the digamma is present 
 in the genuine Phrygian form 
 fid^v, which, on account of an- 
 cient vicinity, was also a Mace- 
 donian and Orphic word (see 
 Neanth. Cyzicen. ap. Clem. 
 Alexand. Strom. V. p. 673. Ja- 
 blonsky de Lingua Phrygia, p. 
 76), and is sometimes trans- 
 lated wafer, and sometimes air. 
 
 Lastly, the Plirygian inscription 
 in Walpole's Memoirs, espe- 
 cially the words MIAAI AA- 
 /ArXAEI f ANAKTEI, prove 
 that it had a great resemblance, 
 both in radical forms and in- 
 flexion, with the Greek. 
 
 " Thus the verb sum keeps 
 in the Armenian or Haicanian 
 the same fundamental form 
 which it has in all the languages 
 allied to the Greek {yem, yes, 
 e — sum, es, est). And it is re- 
 markable, that the three Phry- 
 gian Greek words noticed in 
 the text have been likewise 
 preserved in the Haicanian: 
 TTvp is hur (as Tror^p hair, Triyre 
 hink) ; vhittp, tschur (as heppdg 
 fscherm); Kvioy is shun. See 
 Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 
 
10 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in Asia must, however, have been intermixed vvitli 
 Syrians, who not. only established themselves on the 
 right bank of the Halys, but on the left also in Lyca- 
 onia,° and as far as Lycia,^ and accordingly adopted 
 much of the Syrian language and religion.'* Their 
 enthusiastic and frantic ceremonies had doubtless 
 always formed part of their religion : these they had 
 in common with their immediate neighbours the Thra- 
 cians : but the ancient Greeks appear to have been 
 almost entirely unacquainted with such rites. 
 
 7. The Thracians, who settled in Pieria at the 
 foot of mount Olympus, and from thence came down 
 to mount Helicon, as being the originators of the 
 worship of Dionysus and the Muses, and the fathers 
 of Grecian poetry,"^ are a nation of the highest im- 
 portance in the history of civilization. We cannot 
 but suppose that they spoke a dialect very similar 
 to the Greek, since otherwise they could not have had 
 any considerable influence upon the latter people. 
 They were in all probability derived originally from 
 the countiy called Thrace in later times, where the 
 Bessians, a tribe of the nation of the Satree," at the 
 foot of Mount Pangseum, presided over the oracle of 
 Dionysus. Whether the whole of the populous races 
 of Edones, Odomantians, Odrysians, Treres, &c. are 
 to be considered as identical with the Thracians in 
 
 ** See Jablonsky de Lingua 
 Lycaon. Opusc. vol. III. p. 1 1 9. 
 
 ^ That is, if the epic poet 
 Choerilus spoke of Lyctian So- 
 lymi in the well-known passage 
 preserved in Josephus cont. 
 Apion. vol. n. p. 454, ed. Ha- 
 verc. &c. See Naeke's Choeri- 
 lus, p. 130, sq. 
 - '^ E. g. a^ayovQy an androgy- 
 
 nous deity (Hesych. in v.), from 
 Dagon; the name Adon (Athep 
 XIV. p. 624); f3aX\r)y, king, 
 (Hesych. ni v. Eustath. ad Od. 
 r . p. 680. Bas.) from Baal, &c. 
 SeeBlomf. ad il^sch. Pers. 663. 
 ' See Orchomenos, p. 379 — 
 390. ^ 
 
 ' Herod. VH. 111. 
 
 SECT. 7,8. ON THE NORTH OF GREECE. 11 
 
 Pieria, or whether it is not more probable that these 
 barbarous nations* received from the Greeks their 
 general name of Thracians, with which they had been 
 tamiliar from early tijnes, are questions which I shall 
 not attempt to determine. Into these nations, how- 
 ever, a large number of Paeonians subsequently pene- 
 trated, who had passed over at the time of a very 
 ancient migration of the Teucrians, together with the 
 Mysians." 1 o this P^onian race the Pelagonians, on 
 the banks of the Axius, belonged ; who also advanced 
 nito Ihessaly, as will be shown hereafter. Of the 
 Teucrians, however, we know nothing, exceptin^r that 
 in concert vyith (Pelasgic) Dardanians they founded 
 the city of rroy,-where the language in use was 
 proba],ly allied to the Grecian, and distinct from the 
 Phrygian.'' 
 
 8. Now it is witliin the mountainous barriers above 
 described that we nmst look for the origin of the 
 nations which in the heroic mythology are always 
 ^ represented as possessing dominion and power, and are 
 [ always contrasted with an aboriginal population. 
 1 liese, in my opinion, were northern branches of the 
 Grecian nation, which had overrun and subdued the 
 Greeks who dwelt further south. The most ancient 
 abode ol the Hellenes Proper (who in mythoWv 
 are merely a small nation in Phthia^) was situated 
 
 ' All their words with which 
 we are acquainted are very un- 
 ike the Greek ; e. g. the word 
 IMa and /3pta for city, which 
 frequently occurs, aXa wine, 
 mrvyeg treasure, Schol. Apol- 
 lon. Rhod. L 93,3, &c. 
 
 " Herod V. 13. VII. 20, 75 
 
 psc K-aXovvrai ^6voi /lera Mv(Tu,y 
 Tore oUovyrec This at the same 
 time probably refers to the tra- 
 dition, that the Mysians (as 
 well as the Thvnians and others) 
 came from Thrace to Asia 
 according to Strabo, and Pliny 
 n WT „ '"• '**' ^"' '^- H. N. V. 32,41 VII t^l 
 
 Where .ead, if „„ ,„, Mr,«»d- " yEginctica, pp. 12, 155. 
 

 12 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 according to Aristotle, in Epirus, near Dodona, to 
 whose god Achilles^ prays, as being the ancient pro- 
 tector of his family. In all probability the Ach^ans, 
 the ruling nation both of Thessaly and of Peloponnesus, 
 in the mythical times, were of the same race and origin 
 as the Hellenes. TheMiNYANS, Phlegyans, Lapithse, 
 and .Eolians of Corinth and Salmone, came originally 
 from the districts above Pieria, on the frontiers of 
 Macedonia, where the very ancient Orchomenus, 
 Minya, and Salmonia or Halmopia were situated.^ Nor 
 is there less obscurity with regard to the northern set- 
 tlements of the loNiANS ; they appear, as it were, to 
 have fallen from heaven into Attica and^gialea : they 
 were not, however, by any means identical with the 
 aboriginal inhabitants of these districts, and had, per- 
 haps, detached themselves from some northern, pro- 
 bably Achsean, race.^ Lastly, the Dorians are 
 mentioned in ancient legends and poems as established 
 in one extremity of the great mountain-chain of Upper 
 Greece, viz. at the foot of Olympus ; there are, how- 
 ever, reasons for supposing, that at an earlier period 
 they had dwelt at its other northern extremity, at the 
 furthest limit of the Grecian nation. 
 
 Compare also Phavorinus in 
 'AxfiiovQ ap^ioffir. In the later 
 times they were probably still ui 
 the territory of the Molossians, 
 who were considered as Greeks, 
 Herod. VI. 127. 
 
 y II. XVI. 233. 
 
 ' See Orchomenos, pp. 139, 
 248, sqq. Buttmann, indeed, 
 in his Memoir on the Minyse 
 (Berlin Transactions for 1820, 
 p. 13), denies the existence of 
 these places ; but several of the 
 passages which I have quoted 
 are decisive. 
 
 * According to the genea- 
 logy from the *Ho7ai— Dorus, 
 Xuthus (from whom Achaeus 
 and Ion), and iEolus; see Ap- 
 pendix II. The genealogy 
 in Euripides, Ion 1608, viz. 
 '^Xuthus, father of Ion, Dorus, 
 and Achseus, is distorted to 
 suit the national feelings of the 
 Athenians. The passage from 
 the 'Ilotat, however, although 
 in a poetical garb, is more cre- 
 dible than the testimony of He- 
 rodotus, who considers the 
 Vjonians b.'s, aborigines. 
 
 SECT. 9. ON THE NORTH OF GREECE. 
 
 13 
 
 9. We now turn our attention to the singular 
 nation of the Hylleans (TAXg?^, "Yxxcj, which is 
 supposed to have dwelt in lUyria, but is in many re- 
 spects connected in a remarkable manner with the 
 Dorians. The real place of its abode can hardly be 
 laid down ; as the Hylleans are never mentioned in 
 any historical narrative, but always in mythical legends ; 
 and they appear to have been known to the geographers 
 only from mythological writers. Yet they are gene- 
 rally placed in the islands of Melita and Black- Cor- 
 cyra, to the south of Liburnia.^ Now the name of the 
 Hylleans agrees strikingly with that of the first and 
 most noble tribe of the Dorians. Besides which, it is 
 stated, that, though dwelling among Illyrian races, 
 these Hylleans were nevertheless genuine Greeks, 
 Moreover they, as well as the Doric Hylleans, were 
 supposed to have sprung from Hyllus, a son of Her- 
 cules, whom that hero begot upon Melite, the daughter 
 ofiEgseusi'^here the name ^gseus refers to a river 
 in Corcyra, Melite to the island just mentioned. 
 Apollo was the chief god of the Dorians ; and so 
 
 Concerning what follows, 
 see Apollonius Rhod. IV. 521, 
 sqq. Schol. ad 1. et ad IV. 
 1125, 1149. Apollodorus ap. 
 Stephan. Byzant. in 'YXXfl? (p. 
 434, ed. Heyn.) Scylax, p. 7. 
 ed. Voss. Scymnus Chius 404, 
 from Timaeus (Fragm. 121. ed. 
 Goeller) and Eratosthenes. Di- 
 onys. Perieg. 386, with Eusta- 
 thius and the Sch.lia. Etymol. 
 Magn. p. 776. 39, where they 
 are called a Celtic nation {I^voq 
 KeXtikuv). Compare Schoene- 
 minn Geograph. Argonaut, p. 
 53, and book III. c. 5. 
 ' Apollon Rh. IV. .538, and 
 
 others. Panyasis appears from 
 the Scholiast to Apollonius 
 Rhod. IV. 1149, to have men- 
 tioned two Hylluses, viz. the 
 son of Melite and the son 
 of Deianira. Compare Schol. 
 Soph. Trachin. 53. Vales, ad 
 Harpocrat. p. 126. In theScho- 
 jiast to Pindar Pyth. I. 120, 
 YXXoe, OQ kfiaalXtvae nHv tteoI 
 Tr)v 'IraX/av oiKtiaavriav^ where 
 Hemsterhuis reads OtxaXmy, 
 Raoul-Rochette (Histoire de 
 I'Etablissement des Colonies 
 Grecques, torn. 11. p. 280) pro- ' 
 poses, not without some proba- 
 bility, 'IXXi/pt'av. 
 
14 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tffe 
 
 likewise these Hylleans were said to have concealed 
 under the earth, as the sign of inviolable sanctity, that 
 instrument of such importance in the religion of 
 Apollo, a tripod.*^ The country of the Hylleans is 
 described as a large peninsula, and compared to Pelo- 
 ponnesus : it is said to have contained fifteen cities, 
 which, however, had not a more real existence than 
 the peninsula as large as Peloponnesus on the 
 lUyrian coast. How all these statements are to be 
 . understood is hard to say. It appears, however, that 
 they can only be reconciled as follows : the Doric 
 Hylleans had a tradition, that they came originaUy 
 from these northern districts, which then bordered on 
 the Illyrians, and were aftem^ards occupied by that 
 people ; and there still remained in those parts some 
 members of then- tribe, some other Hylleans. This 
 notion of Greek Hylleans in the very north of Greece, 
 who also were descended from Hercules, and also wor- 
 shipped Apollo, was taken up and embellished by the 
 poets ; although it is not likely that any one had really 
 ever seen these Hylleans and visited their country. 
 Like the Hyperboreans, they existed merely in tradi- 
 tion and imagination. It is possible also that the Cor- 
 cyraeans, in whose island there was an '' Hyllcdan" 
 harbour,^ may have contributed to the formation of 
 these legends, as is shown by some circumstances 
 pointed out above ; but it cannot be supposed that the 
 whole tradition arose from Corcyraean colonies. 
 
 10. Here we might conclude our remarks on this 
 subject, did not the following important question de- 
 serve some consideration. What relation can we sup- 
 pose to have existed between the races which migrated 
 into those northern districts, and the native tribes, and 
 
 Apollon. Rh. IV. 528. 
 
 Thucyd. III. 81. 
 
 SECT. 10. ON THE NORTH OF GREECE. 15 
 
 what between the different races of Greece itself? All 
 inquiries on this subject lead us back to the Pelasgians, 
 who although not found in every part of ancient Greece 
 (for tradition makes so wide a distinction between them 
 and many other nations, that no confusion ever takes 
 place) ,^ yet occur almost universally wherever early 
 civilization, ancient settlements, and worships of pecu- 
 liar sanctity and importance existed. And in fact 
 there is no doubt that most of the ancient religions of 
 Greece owed their origin to this race. The Zeus and 
 Bione of Dodona;.Zeus and Here of Argos ; He- 
 phaestus and Athene of Athens ; Demeter and Cora 
 of Eleusis ; Hermes and Artemis of Arcadia, together 
 with Cadnms and the Cabiri of Thebes, cannot pro- 
 perly be referred to any other origin. We must tliere- 
 fore attribute to that nation an excessive readiness in 
 creating and metamorphosing objects of religious wor- 
 sliip, so that the same fundamental conceptions w^ere 
 variously developed in different places ; a variety which 
 was chiefly caused by the arbitrary neglect of, or ad- 
 herence to, particular parts of the same legend. In 
 many places also we may recognise the sameness of 
 character which pervaded the different worships of the 
 above gods ; everywhere we see manifested in symbols, 
 names, rites, and legends, a uniformity of ideas and 
 feelings. The religions introduced from Plu-ygia and 
 Thrace, such as that of the Cretan Zeus and Dionysus 
 or Bacchus, may l)e easily distinguished by their more 
 enthusiastic character from the native Pelasgic worship. 
 
 J Especially the connected and if these, as some say, are 
 
 Cham of ^tolians, Epeans, Lo- the same as the Carian nation 
 
 cnans (concernnig whose affini- to which the Lvdians and a part 
 
 ty see Boeckh ad Pmd. Olymp. of the Mysians belonged, they 
 
 IX. 61. p. 191), and Leleirjans would seem to compose a very 
 
 (Hesiod ap. Strab. VII. p. 322); numerous race. 
 
16 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Phoenician and Egyptian religions lay at a great 
 distance from the early Greeks, were almost unknown 
 even where they existed in the immediate neighbour- 
 hood, were almost unintelligible when the Greeks at- 
 tempted to learn them, and repugnant to their nature 
 when understood. On the whole, the Pelasgic wor- 
 ship appears to form part of a simple elementary 
 religion, which easily represented the various forms 
 produced by the changes of nature in different climates 
 and seasons, and which abounded in expressive signs 
 for all the shades of feeUng which these phenomena 
 awakened. 
 
 1 1 . On the other hand, the religion of the northern 
 races (who as being of Hellenic descent are put in 
 contrast with the Pelasgians) had in early times taken 
 a more moral turn, to which their political relations 
 had doubtless contributed. The heroic life (which is 
 no fiction of the poets), the fondness for vigorous and 
 active exertion, the disinclination to the harmless occu- 
 pations of husbandry, which is so remarkably seen in 
 the conquering race of the Hellenes, necessarily 
 awakened and cherished an entirely different train of 
 relictions feeling. Hence the Zeus Hellanius of 
 iEacus, the Zeus Laphystius of Athamas, and, finally, 
 [the Doric Zeus, whose son is Apollo, the prophet and 
 I warrior,^ are rather representations of the moral order 
 and harmony of the universe, after the ancient method, 
 than of the creative powers of nature. I do not how- 
 ever deny, that there was a time when these different 
 views had not as yet taken a separate direction. Thus 
 it may be shown, that the Apollo Lyceus of the Dorians 
 conveyed nearly the same notions as the Zeus Lycseus 
 of the Arcadians, although the worship of either deity 
 
 8 See book II. ch. 7. 
 
 SECT. 12. ON THE NORTH OF GREECE. 
 
 » / 
 
 was developed independently of that of the other. Thus 
 also certain ancient Arcadian and Doric customs had, 
 in their main features, a considerable affinity. The 
 points of resemblance in these different worships can 
 be only perceived by comparison: tradition presents, 
 at the very first outset, an innumerable collection of 
 discordant forms of worship belonging to the several 
 races, but without explaining to us how they came to 
 be thus separated. For these different rites were not 
 united into a whole until they had been first divided ; 
 and both by the connexion of worships and by the in- 
 fluence of poetry new combinations were introduced, 
 which difi'ered essentially from those of an earlier date. 
 12. The language of the ancient Grecian race 
 (which, together with its rehgion, forms the most an- 
 cient record of its history) must, if we may judge from 
 the varieties of dialect and from a comparison with the 
 Latin language, have been very perfect in its structure, 
 and rich and expressive in its flexions and formations ; 
 though much of this was pohshed off by the Greeks 
 of later ages : in early times, distinctness and precision 
 in marking the primitive words and the inflections 
 being more attended to than facility of utterance. 
 W herever the ancient forms had been preserved, they 
 sounded foreign and uncouth to more modern ears; 
 and the language of later times was greatly softened, 
 in comparison with the Latin. But the peculiarities of 
 the pure Doric dialect are (wherever they were not 
 owing to a faithful presei-vation of archaic forms) actual 
 deviations from the original dialect, and consequently 
 they do not occur in Latin ; they bear, if I may be al- 
 lowed the expression, a northern character. The use 
 of the article, which did not exist in the Latin language 
 or in that of epic poetry, can be ascribed to no other 
 
 c 
 
18 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I r 
 
 Tcause than to immigrations of new tribes, and especially 
 I to tliat of the Dorians. Its introduction nmst, as in 
 I the Romance languages, be almost considered as the 
 sign of a great revolution. The peculiarities of the 
 Doric dialect must have existed before the period of 
 the migrations; since thus only can it be explained 
 how peculiar forms of the Doric dialect were common 
 to Crete, Argos, and Sparta : the same is also true of 
 the dialects which are generally considered as subdivi- 
 sions of the ^olic ; the only reason for the resemblance 
 of the language of Lesbos to that of Boeotia being, that 
 Boeotians migrated at that period to Lesbos. The pe- 
 culiarities of the Ionic dialect may, on the other hand, 
 be viewed in great part as deviations caused by the 
 genial chmate of Asia ;^ for the language of the Attic 
 race, to which the lonians were most nearly related, 
 could hardly have differed so widely from that of the 
 colonies of Athens, if the latter had not been greatly 
 changed.^ 
 
 ^ The ancients frequently say, » Concerning the Doric dia- 
 that the lonians in Asia iXvyu^- lect, see Appendix VI. 
 yavTO Ttjg ^loXektov to Trarpwy. 
 Photius in v. (pap^aKog. 
 
 B 
 
 OOK k 
 
 COL.COLL. 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 . N YORK. J 
 
 <t 
 n 
 ft 
 
 f€ 
 it 
 
 tt 
 
 (f 
 
 (( 
 
 f( 
 
 it 
 
 tt 
 
 (I 
 
 tt 
 
 HISTORY OF THE DORIC RACE. FROM THE EARLIEST 
 TIMES TO THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. Earliest Settlement of the Dorians in Thessalv. S 2 De 
 scnption of the Vale of Te»pe. § 3. Of the Passes of Olym- 
 pus. § 4. And of Hcstiseotis. § 5. The Perrha=bians. § 6 
 The Lap.thee^ § 1. Limits of the Territory in Thessaly occu- 
 pied by the Dorians. § 8. Contents of the Epic Poem M^- 
 mius. § 9. Doric Migration from Thessaly to Crete. S 10 
 Relation of the Dorians to the Macedonians. 
 
 1. "From early times the Dorians and lonians were 
 the chief races of the Grecian nation ; the latter of 
 Pelasgic, the former of Hellenic origin ; the latter 
 an abongmal people, the former a people much ad- 
 dicted to wandering. For the former, when under 
 the dommion of Deucalion, dwelt in Phthiotis; and 
 in the time of Dorus, the son of Hellen, they inha- 
 bited the country at the foot of Ossa and Olympus 
 which was called Hestiaeotis. Afterwards, how- 
 ever, being driven from Hestia;otis by the Cadmean. 
 they dwelt under mount Pindus, and were caUed the 
 Macednian nation. From thence they again mi- 
 grated to Dryopis ; and having passed from Dryopis 
 into Peloponnesus, they were called the Doric 
 
 race. 
 
 whic'^^'^f L^kCSdf S .53rJii!--.S 
 
 M'Sr eVt" r^AcS d"e^ ^f^^T " '"^ '^^" 
 Inscriptions, tom. XXV p. H eZZ ^ ' """''' "<''"'■ 
 
 c2 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 1, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 21 
 
 This connected account cannot be considered as de- 
 rived immediately from ancient tradition ; but can only 
 be viewed as an attempt of the father of history to 
 arranore and reconcile various lej^ends. Nor indeed is 
 it difficult to discover and examine the steps of the 
 argument which led him to this conclusion. It is 
 clear that he considers the genealogy of Hellen,^ viz. 
 that he was the son of Deucalion and father of Dorus, 
 Xuthus, and ^olus, as an historical fact ; although it 
 is at least more recent than the poems of Homer, 
 where the name of Hellenes does not include these 
 races, but is the appellation of a single nation in 
 Phthiotis : and that his object is to establish the posi- 
 tion, that the Dorians were the genuine Hellenes. 
 Now since Deucalion, the father of Hellen and grand- 
 father of Dorus, was supposed to have dwelt in Phthi- 
 otis,^ Herodotus represents the Dorians as also coming 
 from Phthiotis ; although the people meant in these 
 legends by the names of Deucalion and Hellen were 
 the real ancient Hellenes, the Myrmidons,*^ who were 
 afterwards under the dominion of the iEacidae," and 
 are entirely distinct from the Dorians. Dorus was 
 next represented as succeeding Hellen as king of the 
 same people ; and then, since the name of Dorus was 
 
 »• See, on the subject of this of^gina, the author has in a 
 
 genealogy, Appendix II. former work (^ginetica, ]). 18) 
 
 * ApoUod. I. 1, 2. explained the name of the tem- 
 ^ Thus Pindar, Olymp. VIII. pie of Zeus in ^Egina, 'EXXa- 
 
 30, calls the Myrmidons Awpt- viov, in later times called IlavcX- 
 
 EVQ Xaoc, in order, as I con- Xyviov. For this temple is as- 
 
 ceive, to oppose them as genuine suredly more ancient than the 
 
 Greeks to nations of a different time when all the Greeks were 
 
 opigin. called Hellenes; and it must 
 
 * From the circumstance that, therefore be considered as a 
 in Homer, Achilles the JEaci- sanctuary of the original Hel- 
 des is represented as chief of lenes, who also dwelt in Phthia, 
 the Hellenes, and that the JE- as an ancient national temple 
 acidffi were also ancient princes of the Myrmidons. 
 
 in these fabulous accounts connected with Hestiseotis, 
 he infers that the Dorians went thither from Phthiotis! 
 But the modern mythologist nmst of course abandon 
 this whole deduction as unfounded ; and he can only 
 adopt the datum from which the historian started ; 
 namely, that, according to ancient tradition, " Dorus 
 dwelt at the foot of Olympus and Ossa." Here then 
 the real fact i)resents itself to us. The chain of Olym- 
 pus, the divider of nations, n hose lofty summit is still 
 called by the inhabitants the celestial mansion, is the 
 place in which the Dorians first appear in the history 
 of Greece. 
 
 2. The mountain -valley, which in later times bore 
 the name of Thessaly, was bounded to the west by 
 Pindus, to the south by Othiys, to the east by Pelion 
 and Ossa, and to the north by Olympus, under which 
 name the ancient writers, for example Herodotus, also 
 include the chain which in after-times (probably from 
 an lUyrian word)^ was called the Cambunian mount. 
 The course of the Peneus is so situated as to divide the 
 open plain to the south, the ancient Pelasgic Argos, 
 from the mountainous district to the north ; towards the 
 north-east it l)reaks through the mountain-ridge, divid- 
 ing Ossa from Olympus ; here too the river creeps 
 under the loftier heights of mount Olympus ;« so that 
 the path passes along the side of the more rugged and 
 precipitous Ossa. This ravine was known by the an- 
 cient generic name of" Tempea or Tempe (the cut, 
 from TSfjLva)), and has been often poetically described, 
 but seldom sufhciently considered as bearing upon the 
 history of Greece.^ 
 
 ' Appendix I. last note. feet; of Ossa, according to Dod- 
 
 « The height of mount Olym- well, ahout 5000 feet, 
 pus, according to Bernouille, " A more accurate descrip- 
 
 is 1017 toises, or 6501 English tion of this valley than those of 
 
22 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK i 
 
 Before entering the pass, the traveller crosses a 
 small round valley, agreeably situated ; at the end of 
 which on the left hand, where the mountains approach 
 one another on both sides, was the ancient fortress of 
 Gonnus (or Gonni), distant 160 stadia from Larissa, 
 the chief city of the plain/ From this point the moun- 
 tains close upon one another more rapidly, until they 
 rise on both sides of the glen in two rocky parapets, 
 forming a gully, where in many places a path has been 
 hewn along the river. About the middle of this path 
 there stands now, upon a bold projection of Ossa, a 
 fortress of Roman construction called Horseo-Castro, 
 covering also a cross glen of that mountain : it was 
 there probably that the strong-hold Gonnocondylum 
 stood ; which appears to have taken its name from the 
 "windings" of the valley.'' Not far from this spot is 
 the narrowest paii; of the ravine, hardly 100 feet in 
 width : which is stated in an inscription to have been 
 fortified by L. Cassius Longinus, the proconsul and 
 partisan of J. Csesar ; but, without the aid of fortifica- 
 tion, a few armed men would probably have been able 
 to stop the progress of a force many times their num- 
 ber. The region has nothing beautiful or agreeable in 
 its appeai-ance, but presents rather a look of savage 
 wildness: the perpendicular masses of rock of the 
 same kind of stone appear, as it were, to have been 
 
 iElian and Bartht^lemy is given 
 by Bartlioldy, Bruchstiicke zur 
 Kentnifcs Griechenlands, p. 1 12; 
 Clarke, Travels, part II. sect, 
 iii. p. 273; Hawkins, in Wal- 
 pole's Memoirs relating to Eu- 
 ropean Turkey, p. 528; Hol- 
 land, Albania, p. 291 ; Dodwell, 
 Travels, vol. I. p. 103; and 
 Pouqueville, torn. III. c. 73. 
 Among the ancients, Theopom- 
 
 pus, in his (^iXimriKay gave an 
 accurate description of Tempe. 
 See Theo. Sophist. Progymn. 
 II. p. 19; Frommel, in Creu- 
 zer's Meletemata, III. p. 141,6. 
 
 * XX. m. p. in ipsis faucibus 
 saltus, Livy from Polyb. XVIII. 
 10, 2, on the side of Olympus. 
 Meletius mentions here a place 
 called Goniga. 
 
 •'Liv. XXXIX. 25. 
 
 en. I, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 23 
 
 rent asunder, and are without any covering of trees or 
 grass ; the blackness of tlie shadows in the deep hol- 
 low, and the dull echoes, increase the gloominess of 
 the impression : beneath bubble the silver waters of the 
 Peneus (apyupoilvrig)} Not far from this narrow pas- 
 sage the defile opens towards the sea, to which the 
 Peneus flows through marshes ; and from hence may 
 be seen the smiling country of Pieria, on the eastern 
 side of Olympus, particularly the plains of Phila, He- 
 racleum, and Leibethrum, which lead onwards to the 
 southern parts of Macedonia. 
 
 3. This is the only road between Thessaly and the 
 northern districts, which passes in its whole length 
 along a vaUey ; all the others are mountain-passes. 
 Such was the other road to Macedonia, which crossed 
 mount Olympus (lo-/3oX^ 'OXufxirix'^).^ This road, too, 
 l^egins at the strongly-fortified city of Gonnus, the key 
 of the country towards the north ; and it then goes 
 along the southern side of Olympus, till it reaches'^the 
 cities of Azorum and DoUche. Bet^veen these two 
 towns is a place where three ways met.'* The chief 
 road passes in a northerly direction over the summit 
 of the Cambunian chain to the Macedonian highlands ; 
 and it was here that Xerxes set fire to the woods in 
 order to open a passage for his army, which the 
 Greeks had expected along the more practicable way 
 through Pieria and the valley of Tempe ; and it was 
 often in the Roman wars traversed by large annies,^ 
 From the south of Olympus two difficult mountain 
 roads led over the heights of Olympus, connecting 
 
 ML B. 753 o See, besides Herodotus, 
 
 Herod, yi I 128 173. Liv. XLIV. 2, and Plutarch 
 
 Liv. XLIV. 6. Polyb. ^mil. 9. 
 XXVIII. U. 1. 'Ai:opiovfiira^v 
 Kai AoXt^rji', 
 
24 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 1, § 4. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 25 
 
 Northern Thessaly with Pieria. The one avoided the 
 valley of Tempe, as it passed by the fortress of Lapa- 
 thus to the north of that defile/ then along the small 
 lake of Ascurias, whence there was a view of the 
 town of Dium on the sea-coast, at the distance of 96 
 stadia; after which it descended into the plains of 
 Pieria. We should, however, more particularly notice 
 the other road, taking a more northern direction, and 
 passing over the lofty sides of Olympus, where for- 
 merly there stood the castle of Petra, and the temple 
 of the Pythian Apollo, commonly called Pythium, 
 together with a village of the same name,*! the height 
 of which Xenagoras, by a geometrical measurement, 
 ascertained to be 6096 Grecian feet/ From this point 
 there was a mountain-pass leading down to the coast 
 to Heracleum and Phila in Pieria, and another way 
 led along the ridge of Olympus by difficult and dan- 
 gerous passages, as far as Upper Macedonia.* 
 
 These mountain-passes and defiles have not been 
 explored by any modern traveller ; but it was impor- 
 tant for our subject to discover their position from the 
 writings of the ancients. Not only did Perseus and 
 iEmilius Paulus here contend for the fate of Mace- 
 
 p Concerning the situation of 
 this place see Liv. XLIV. 2 
 
 and 6. , ^ ^ 
 
 q Uvdiov 'AttoXXwvoc lepov, to 
 Tlvdioy Kai Tr)v nirpav Phitarch. 
 iEmil. 15. Pythoum {Uvdifov) 
 et Petra Liv. XLIV. 2, 32, 35. 
 XLII. 53. That there was only 
 one Pythium in this district is 
 evident from an accurate exa- 
 mination of the marches. Man- 
 nert (vol. VII. p. 520, 563) 
 has placed Pythium on the pass 
 through the Cambunian moun- 
 
 tains (above the modern Ales- 
 son and Sarviza), of which it 
 lay far to the right. His opi- 
 nion is contradicted by Liv. 
 XLIV. 2. and Plutarch, uhi 
 sup. Compare Stephanus in 
 Uvdioyy UvdielQ 01 ro Uvdiov 
 oiKovyrEQy kv f 'AttoWwvoc lepov 
 iari, and in BaXXa. 
 
 ' 960 toises. See above. 
 
 • See Plutarch ubi sup. Liv. 
 ubi sup. and XLIV. 7. comp. 
 Polyb.XXVIII.il. 
 
 donia, but it \^as in this region that the Greek nations 
 of the heroic age disputed the possession of the 
 fertile Thessaly. There was once a time when through 
 these passes the nations pressed down, to whose lot 
 the finest parts of Greece were once to fall ; here every 
 step was gained with labour, while the sons of the 
 mountain inured themselves to hardships in their in- 
 cessant wars. Of the numerous citadels which in 
 these districts cover every important point, the greater 
 number were probably built at a very early period. 
 Thus there were three fortresses* to defend the pass of 
 Olympus, or the road from Gonnus to Azorum and 
 Doliche, which two places, together with Pythium on 
 the mountain, were comprehended under the name of 
 the Pelagonian Tripolis." 
 
 4. The highlands which border on Macedonia are 
 so rarely mentioned in Grecian history, that we find 
 in them few names of places, while in the valley of the 
 Peneus there were always some traditional and histo- 
 rical memorials extant. For although the northern 
 mountains were not destitute of fountains, grassy 
 slopes, and fertile pastures, still the nations continually 
 pressed downward to the fertile lands of the valley. In 
 this plain Gonnus and Elatea are succeeded by Mop- 
 sium upon the right, and Gyrton and Phalanna on the 
 left of the stream ; and soon aftei'wards Larissa stood 
 in the midst of the open country,* which had been 
 once deposited from the stagnant waters of the Peneus, 
 and being constantly irrigated, always produced a 
 
 * Liv. XXXI. 4L XXXVI. have not the Greek original of 
 
 10, 13. XLU. 67. XLIV. 2. the passage in Livy concerning 
 
 ' Ptolemy includes it in Pe- the Tripolis, XLIL 53. 
 
 lasgiotis. Unfortunately we '^ Orchomenos, t^. \ 26. 
 
K 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 9 
 
 plentiful crop. To the west of Larissa, in a narrower 
 part of the valley, where the hills approach the river 
 more from the north side, there stood, 40 stadia from 
 Larissa, the town of Argura,^ and at the same distance 
 aorain the fort of Atrax ; on the northern bank of the 
 river were the celebrated city of Pelinna^ and the 
 castle of Pharcedon;* higher up on the left bank, 
 where the mountains on the north begin to recede and 
 form another plain, was the ancient city of Tricca.^ 
 Between Tricca and Pelinna stood, as it appears, tlie 
 city of CEchalia, so celebrated in mythology ; the ruins 
 of which have been perhaps discovered by a traveller 
 in some ancient walls of massive structure,*" of which 
 Pouqueville saw many in this district. If now we 
 follow the Peneus, which runs from the north-west, 
 higher up the stream than Tricca, we come to the 
 mountain district of Hestiseotis. At about three and 
 a half hours from Tricca^ is now situated the convent 
 Meteora, whose name alludes to its singular situation 
 upon lofty columns of rock : ® from which place there 
 were two ways, one leading higher up the Peneus in a 
 
 ' Liv. XXXII. 15. Strabo 
 IX. p. 438, 440. 
 
 * Concerning Pelinna, see, 
 besides Cellarius, Spanheim de 
 Usu Numm. IX. p. 902. Sal- 
 masius ad Solin. p. 687. Wes- 
 seling ad Diodor. XVIII. 11. 
 and Boeckh Comment, ad Pind. 
 Pyth X. p. 335. 
 
 * Besides Strabo, see Dio- 
 dorus XVIII. 56. In Polyae- 
 nus IV. 2, 1 8, should be written, 
 ^iXLinroQ iiroXLOpKei ^apKrjdova 
 woXiy QeaffoXiKrjp. 
 
 ** Concerning Tricca (Tricala 
 12| leagues from Larissa, ac- 
 
 cording to Pouqueville) see 
 Mannert, p. 569, and also Eu- 
 stathius, vol. II. p. 250. ed. 
 Basil. Tzetzes Chil. IX 28. 
 
 " See II. B. 370, with the 
 Scholia, and Eustathius. Pe- 
 linnus, a son of CEchalieus, 
 Steph. Byzant. in UeXiyya. 
 
 •* Thus Pouqueville : accord- 
 ing to Holland twelve miles, 
 according to Vaudoncourt four 
 hours. 
 
 * See Meletius, Pouqueville, 
 Holland, Cockerell in Hughes' 
 Travels, vol. I. p. 504. 
 
 qn. \, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 V 
 
 westerly direction to Epirus, and the other passing 
 through Stymphsea to Elimiotis in Macedonia.' This 
 was about the situation of the ancient fortress of Gom- 
 phi, which was near Pindus, and not very far from the 
 sources of the Peneus.* It is, indeed, probable that 
 the name To[x^oi expresses the wedge-shaped form of 
 these rocks. According to Strabo, Gomphi (in the 
 north-west), Tricca (in the south-west), Pelinna (in 
 the north-east), and the more recent city of Metropolis 
 (in the south-east), formed a square of fortresses, in 
 the middle of which was the ancient Ithome ; which 
 Homer, from the steepness of the rock on which it 
 stood, calls the precipitous (xXw/taxosero-a or xXifiaxo- 
 6<ro-a).^ From Meteora the Peneus may be followed 
 in a northerly direction to its origin from two small 
 streams ; whence there was a path which wound over 
 the high chain of Pindus, and thus reached the 
 country of Epirus. This was in ancient times the 
 road which connected the two countries, and there still 
 remain on it several Cyclopian walls, the strongholds 
 of former ages. 
 
 5. There had dwelt in the valley of the Peneus from 
 the earliest times a Pelasgic nation, which offered uj) 
 thanks to the gods for the possession of so fruitful a 
 territory at the festival of Peloria.' Their habits were 
 
 *^ The latter according to Ar- 
 rian I. 7 ; the former according 
 to Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXII. 1 5. 
 XXXVIII. 2. Compare Caesar 
 B. C. III. 80. 
 
 * Tempe was about 500 stadia 
 from Gomphi, Plin. H. N. IV. 
 8. which distance should be thus 
 divided : the length of Tempe 
 40 stadia, then to Larissa 160, 
 to Tricca about 240, and to 
 Gomphi 60. 
 
 *" Strabo IX. p. 437. II. B. 
 729. Pausan. IV. 9, 1. Me- 
 teora cannot be Ithome ; more 
 probably the ruins of Kastraki. 
 But the passage concerning 
 Curalius and the temple of the 
 Itonian Minerva, is a confusion 
 of the geographer. Otherwise 
 de la Porte du Theil Eclaircisse- 
 mens sur Strabon I. 76, }). 248. 
 
 ' Athen. XIV. p. 639, 640. 
 
28 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 doubtless adapted to the nature of the country, which 
 has still the same effect on the modern inhabitants ; 
 those who dwell near the river being of a soft and 
 peaceable disposition, while the mountaineers are of a 
 stronger and freer turn of mind.^ Larissa w^as the 
 ancient capital of this nation.^ But at a very early 
 time the primitive inhabitants were either expelled or 
 reduced to subjection, by more northern tribes."' Tho§e 
 who had retired into the mountains became the Per- 
 RHiEBiAN nation, and always retained a certain degree 
 of independence. In the Homeric catalogue the 
 Perrhsebians are mentioned as dwelling on the hill 
 Cyphus under Olympus, and on the banks of the 
 Titaresius, which, flowing along the western edge of 
 Olympus, is distinguished by its clear and therefore 
 dark-coloured stream, from the muddy and white waters 
 of the Peneus." At the present day the inhabitants of 
 its banks are remarkable for their healthy complexion, 
 while the Peneus is surrounded by a sickly population." 
 The ancients how^ever were reminded by the Titaresius 
 of the Styx and of the infernal regions, not from any 
 natural circumstance, but because both among these 
 Perrhsebians and the Hellopian Pelasgians the name 
 and worship of Dodona had been established. ^ Ac- 
 cordingly there seems to have been in both places a 
 ^up^oTroju-TTsToi/, or oracle of the dead. The prince of 
 
 ^ Pouqueville, p. 37. 
 
 ' Orchomenos, p. 126. Here 
 also Acrisius of Argos dwelt. 
 That it is this Larissa is plain 
 from Schol. ApoU. Rhod. I. 40, 
 compare Hellanicus fragm.116. 
 Pausan. II. 16. Tzetzes ad Ly- 
 coph. 836. 
 
 " Strabo, IX. p. 439. 
 
 " According to modern tra- 
 
 vellers. The ancients frequently 
 misinterpreted Homer. In later 
 times Eurotas, or Europus, as in 
 the Excerpta of Strabo, i. e. the 
 dark-coloured. 
 
 ° Pouqueville. 
 
 P Thus the writers in Strabo 
 VII. p. 328. Steph. Byzant. in 
 ^lo^ojvr). See book II. ch. 11, 
 §3. 
 
 cii. 1, § 6. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 29 
 
 these Perrhsebians was called Guneus. So much may 
 be gathered from the passage in Homer. Aften\'ards, 
 in historical times, we find the Perrhsebians having 
 extended their limits to the Cambiinian mountains, the 
 pass of Tempe, and the Peneus ; and reaching to the 
 west beyond the chain of Pindus.*^ Gonnus and Atrax 
 were hkewise Perrhsebian towns.' The Perrhsebians 
 maintained themselves in the mountains, even when 
 the Thessalians had seized upon the plain, not indeed 
 as an independent, but still as a separate, and, until the 
 Macedonian supremacy, as an Amphictyonic nation. 
 
 6. The plain on either side of the Peneus was how- 
 ever occupied by the LAPiTHiE, a race which derived 
 its origin from Almopia in Macedonia, and was at least 
 very nearly connected with the Minyans and iEolians 
 of Ephyra." If it be allowed to speak of this heroic 
 race, of superhuman strength and courage, in the same 
 terms as of a real nation, we should say that the toAA-ns 
 Elatea, Gyrton, Mopsium, Larissa, Atrax, CEchaha, 
 Ithome, and Tricca, were under their dominion. Our 
 reason is, that the Lapithte, Elatus, Caeneus, Mopsus, 
 Coronus, Eurytus and Hippodameia, were considered 
 by popular tradition as inhabitants of the above towns ; 
 a belief indicated by the names of several of these 
 heroes. The two last of these towns were the native 
 places of the Asclepiadse, A\'hom the genealogical and 
 other legends always represent as connected with the 
 Lapithae. In Homer the inhabitants of Tricca, 
 Ithome, and CEchalia are represented as following the 
 sons of ^sculapius ; those of Argissa, Gyrton, Orthe, 
 Elone, and Oloosson are headed by the descendants of 
 
 ** Hieronymus, ap. Strab. IX. ' Steph. Byzant. in Toyyos 
 p. 443. Liv. XXXII. 15. 
 
 • OrchoTnenos, pp. 248 sqq. 
 
30 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 the Lapithae. Now from the researches mentioned by 
 Strabo, it would seem that Orthe was the fortress of 
 Phalanna, Argissa the town Argura, both on the river 
 Peneus ; Elone was a small town on mount Olympus, 
 as also Oloosson;* and it appears that the Homeric 
 catalogue agrees well enough with the other traditions, 
 and supposes the Lapithae to have occupied the valley 
 of the Peneus, with some parts of the mountainous 
 country to the north. 
 
 7. Thus much it was necessary to premise, in order 
 to give a faithful description of the spot in which the 
 Dorians first make their appearance in the traditions of 
 Greece. They bordered on the Lapithae, but inhabited 
 the mountain district of Hestiaeotis, according to Hero- 
 dotus,'' instead of the champaign country, like the latter 
 race. Yet the same passage of that author implies that 
 Tempe was within the territory of Hestiaeotis, and be- 
 longed at that time to the Dorians ; we shall see here- 
 after how much this account is confirmed by the altar 
 of the Pythian Apollo in this valley.* It will moreover 
 be rendered probable that the Pythium above men- 
 tioned was situated on the mountain heigrhts. Hence 
 we may well suppose the whole Tripolis to have at one 
 time belonged to the Dorians ; since even Azorium was 
 not always inhabited by Illyrian Pelagones, but had 
 
 * If Oloosson is the modern 
 Alassona on the road from La- 
 rissa to Macedonia, according to 
 the opinion of the bishop of 
 Thessalonica on II. B. p 333. 
 ed. Rom. doKti ^c <l>v\aa(T£iy kuI 
 vvv rrjy KXrjtriv vapa<l>deipofiivT}y 
 (iapi^apiKiig, t<TWC yap avrri ecrrly 
 Tj apri XEyofiivT] 'EXacflrwv. 
 
 " See above, § 1. Andron ap. 
 Strab. X. p. 475 E. rrJQ Awp/^oc 
 TTpofepov, vvv ^e 'E<rriaiwridog 
 
 XtyofiivriQ. The Dorians also 
 dwelt in Hestiaeotis to the west 
 of Pindus, according to Charax 
 ap. Steph. Byzant. in Awpwy. 
 According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. 
 I. 124, and Schol. Aristoph. 
 Plut. 385 (as emended by Hem- 
 sterhuis, p. 115), they dwelt 
 in Perrhaebia; and Perrhaebia 
 nearly coincides with Hestiae- 
 otis. 
 
 ' See book II. ch. 1,§2. 
 
 CH. 1, §8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 31 
 
 once been held by the Hellenes.'^ It is also probalde 
 that Cyphus, a town said to have belonged to the 
 Perrheebians, was under the dominion of the Dorians ; 
 since this race possessed in their second settlement a 
 town called Acyphas.* It is remarkable that no direct 
 and positive account of any Doric town in this district 
 has been preserved, a circumstance to be attributed to 
 the loss of the epic poem of ^Egimius. 
 
 8. This poem, written in the Hesiodean tone (al- 
 though the author probably lived about the 30th 
 Olympiad, 660 B.C. in the last period of epic poetry)/ 
 celebrated the most ancient exploits of the Doric race. 
 Thus it sung how iEgimius, the Doric prince, whilst 
 engaged in a difficult and dangerous war with the 
 Lapithae, called to his assistance the wanderino- 
 Hercules, and by the promise of a third part of the 
 territory obtained his alliance ; by which means the 
 enemies were beaten, their prince slain, and the dis- 
 puted territory conquered.^ The name of the poem 
 
 ^ There was a hero named 
 Azorus, Hesychius in "A^o^poc. 
 
 * Hemsterhuis incorrectly con- 
 siders them as identical, ubi 
 sup. p. 116. 
 
 • Athen. XL p. 503 D. /cat 6 
 Toy Aiyifitoy 7roiTi<rag^ e'iff 'Htr/o- 
 ^oc eariy rj KipKwxp 6 MiXyo-ioQ. 
 The confusion of the names of 
 Hesiod and Cercops may, as it 
 appears to me, be accounted for 
 as follows. A verse concerning 
 the desertion of Ariadne by 
 Theseus for the sake of JEgle, 
 is ascribed by Plutarch (vit. 
 Thes. 20) to Hesiod, and by 
 Athenaeus (XIII. p. 557 A) 
 to Cercops ; it is evidently from 
 the ^gimius which was attri- 
 buted to both these names. This 
 verse was expunged from the 
 
 poem by Pisistratus, as we learn 
 from Hereas, quoted by Plutarch. 
 The ^gimius therefore was at 
 that time arranged and set down 
 in writing, together with other 
 epic poems. Consequently Cer- 
 cops, an Orphic Pythagorean, 
 who lived about the time of 
 Pisistratus, cannot have been 
 the author of it, though he might 
 have been the Biao-KEvacTTrjQ who 
 arranged it in the same manner 
 that Onomacritus did the other 
 poems. Now it might easily 
 happen, especially if his inter- 
 polations could be now and then 
 discerned, that the whole poem 
 should be attributed to him. 
 
 *' Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 37, 
 p. 282. 
 
32 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 is a sufficient proof that such would have been its 
 contents.*" Probably the heroes of lolcus and the 
 Phthiotans were also introduced as allies of the La- 
 pithse, and at least the adventures of Phrixus and 
 Achilles.*^ The scene of the second book was Eu- 
 boea, the name of which island w^as there derived from 
 the cow lo ;® the attack of Hercules upon the Euboean 
 tow^n of (Echalia also formed, as 1 conjecture, part of 
 the subject. iEgimius w^as, however, supposed to reign 
 in Hestiseotis, merely because the Dorians bordered in 
 this direction upon the Lapithae ; he was easily carried 
 over to the second settlements of the race under mount 
 (Eta.^ This hero is in general the mythical progenitor 
 and hero of the Doric nation ; hence Pindar called the 
 customs and laws of that people " the ordinances of 
 iEgimius."^ Nevertheless only two tribes of the 
 Dorians are stated to be descended from him, viz. the 
 Dymanes and Pamphylians ; the third and most dis- 
 tinguished, viz. the Hylleans, w^as supposed to be de- 
 scended from Hyllus the son of Hercules, and adopted 
 
 "■ See Valckenaer ad Eurip. 
 Phoen. p. 735. 
 
 ''Schol. Apoll. Rhod. III. 
 584. IV. 816. The character 
 of the ancient epic poetry, which 
 never admitted of history ar- 
 ranged in a chronological order, 
 cannot allow us to suppose that 
 the iEgimius contained an ac- 
 count of the expedition of the 
 Dorians, and of their colonies, 
 down to the founding of Cyrene. 
 
 " This is the meaning of the 
 passage in Steph. Byzant. 
 'AjSavrt'c. — wq'llaioloQ Iv Atyt- 
 fiiov ^tvTfp^Trfpt 'love* 
 
 — Nwo-flK y tv *A/Sa»Tio< oirif 
 
 rify ffor iTuvvftov 'Ev(i«tav ^oes m'ofjLaffi 
 Ztt'f. 
 
 These are followed by the four 
 verses concerning Argos and lo 
 quoted by Schol. Eurip. Phoen, 
 1151. Apollodorus II. 1, 3, 
 alludes to this passage. Also 
 what he mentions from this poem 
 in II. 1, 5, belongs to the Eu- 
 bcean fables. Apollodorus, in 
 both passages, quotes the iEgi- 
 mius under the name of Cercops. 
 Compare Fabric. Bibliothec. 
 vol. I. p. 592. ed. Harles. 
 
 ^ See Ephorus ap. Steph. 
 Byzant. in Avfxdveg (p. 96. ed. 
 Marx.), followed by Strabo IX. 
 p. 427. 
 
 ^Booklll. ch. 1, § 7. 
 
 CH. 1} § 8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 33 
 
 by iEgimius. And as the land in the Doric states was 
 equally divided betMeen these three tribes, Hercules 
 was fabled to have received for his descendants a third 
 part of the territoiy, Avhich belonored of right to the 
 Hylleans. This triple division of the land was ex- 
 pressly mentioned by the epic poet, who used the word 
 Tq^x^'ixsg to express that the Dorians had obtained 
 and shared among themselves, at a distance from their 
 native country (chiefly in Peloponnesus),*' a territory 
 apportioned into three parts. An examination of the 
 opinion, that the first race was distinguished from the 
 other two as of different origin, will be found in a fol- 
 lowing chapter.' 
 
 We must also refer our reader to the investigation 
 
 ^ Etymol. Magn. Tqixuikeq. — 
 WaiocoQ hit TO Tpi-^^rj avTov£ ol- 
 Kf/aai, oiov' YiavTic yap rp 1-^(^0.1 kbiq 
 KaXioPTO OvvsKa rpiaarijv yaiay 
 tKciQ Trarp-qQ ilaffuvTO. Tpia yap 
 Tj\\r}riKa tQvq rrj KprjTri ctwjct/- 
 aay^ UeXaaryoi, 'Aj^atot, Awpiug. 
 The last words must be con- 
 sidered as a mere ignorant ad- 
 dition ; for the Dorians did not 
 divide their territory into three 
 parts, because two other Greek 
 races went to Crete. It is, in- 
 deed, evident that a threefold 
 division of the land conquered 
 by the Dorians is here spoken 
 of, which, as is plain from the 
 fables concerning ^Egimius and 
 Hercules, took place according 
 to the three tribes. According 
 to the present reading, this di- 
 vision took place at a distance 
 from the native country of the 
 Dorians. There might seem 
 some difficulty in this, since 
 Hercules is said to have given 
 iEgimius the third part of the 
 territory as a napaKaradiiKi] in 
 
 Hestiseotis, the most ancient ha- 
 bitation of the Dorians (Diod. 
 IV. 37. compare Apollodorus 
 II. 7, 3). Hence Trdrprji: for 
 ircLTpriQ might be read in this 
 sense : " The Dorians divided 
 " their territory into three parts 
 ^*' for the families (of which the 
 *• <^v\al or tribes consisted)," 
 so that they then dwelt sepa- 
 rately from one another (simi- 
 larly Pindar Olym. p. VII. 74). 
 This alteration, however, ap- 
 pears to be unnecessary ; and the 
 old reading is defended by the 
 following explanation, viz., that 
 according to the ancient fable 
 Hyllus and his descendants did 
 not dwell either near mount 
 Q^lta, or in Hestiaeotis together 
 with the Dorians, but that they 
 first received in the Peloponnese 
 the third part of the territory, 
 whither they came as colonists 
 at a distance from their more 
 ancient abodes (iicaQ ndrprig). 
 ' Below, ch. 3, § 1. 
 
34 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1. 
 
 of the worship of Apollo, and the mythology of Her- 
 cules, in the second book, since from these alone can 
 ]ye collected the internal history of the Doric race dur- 
 ing its earliest period. 
 
 9. One event which, even if it had not been noticed 
 by tradition, would still have been felt and recognised 
 from the effects it produced, is the migration of tlie 
 Dorians from the district of Olympus to Crete. It is, 
 indeed, a wonderful migration, being from one end of 
 the Grecian world to the other, and it presents a strik- 
 ing anomaly in the history of the ancient colonies. We 
 nuist suppose that the Dorians, whilst in their first 
 settlements, excluded from the plain, and pressed by 
 want, or restless from inactivity, constructed piratical 
 canoes, manned these frail and narrow barks with 
 soldiers, who themselves worked at the oars, and thus 
 being changed from mountaineers iitto seamen — the 
 Normans of Greece — set sail for the distant island of 
 Crete. The earliest trace of the migration in ques- 
 tion is found in the Odyssey, in which poem it is 
 mentioned that the thrice-divided Dorians formed a 
 part of the population of Crete.*' Andron states, even 
 with geographical accuracy, that these Dorians came 
 to Crete from Hestiseotis, at that time called Doris, 
 under Tectaphus, the son of Dorus, together witli 
 Achseans and some Pelasgians who had remained in 
 Thessaly.^ According to Dicsearchus, the Dorians 
 migrated to Crete from Pelasgiotis ;"" by which is 
 
 ^ Horn. Od. XIX. 114. 
 ^ Ap. Strab. X. p. 475 
 
 D. 
 
 and Stephan. Byzant. in Auipiov. 
 Diodoms IV. 60. V. 80, gives 
 nearly the same account, on the 
 authority of Cretan historians, 
 whom he mentions in V. 80. 
 
 "* Xhis may be collected from 
 the passage of Dicaearchus 
 (which, indeed, is much muti- 
 lated) cited in Steph. Byz. in 
 Awpiou. It is given most faith- 
 fully in Montfaucon's Biblioth. 
 Coislin. p. 286, 59. 
 
 CH. 1, § 9. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 35 
 
 meant the same district as that called by Andron 
 Hestiseotis, since Pelasgiotis and Hestieeotis bordered 
 on each other in the vicinity of Tempe. Again, 
 Diodorus affirms that Asterius king of Crete, the 
 adopted father of Minos, the legislator, was the son 
 of Tectanms (Teutamus)." The essential parts of 
 these statements are rendered certain by two proofs : 
 the first of these is, that the worship of Apollo was 
 practised in Crete with precisely the same ceremonies 
 as at Tempe, and connected with many of tlie same 
 traditidns; the second is, the very remote period at 
 which the principles of the Doric constitution were 
 systematized and established in Crete, so that they 
 afterwards became a model and standard for other 
 ^states of that race. This gives us the fullest right to 
 consider Minos of Cnosus as a Dorian. We may 
 assert, with still more reason, that the name of Minos 
 indicates a period in which the Doric invaders united 
 a part of the island into one state, and, by extending 
 their power over the Cyclades and many maritime dis- 
 tricts, obtained, according to the expression of Hero- 
 dotus, Thucydides, and Aristotle, the dominion of the 
 sea. To discredit this Doric migration would be to 
 reject the simple explanation of many facts recorded 
 in later history. At the same time, however, we do 
 not mean to throw any doubt uj)on the later mit^-ra- 
 tions frt)m Peloponnesus, when it had already fallen 
 under the power of the Dorians." We only assert that 
 
 " TevrafjLog appears to be the 
 correct name, the same as that 
 of an ancient prince of Larissa, 
 on which the ancient Dorians 
 bordered. The princes of the 
 allied nations were doubtless 
 confounded in tradition. See the 
 author's Etrusker, vol. I. p. 94. 
 
 ° The settlements which here 
 come into consideration are, 1, 
 the immigration, after the death 
 of Minos (in the third genera- 
 tion before the siege of Troy), 
 of various races, chiefly Hel- 
 lenes, according to Herod. VII. 
 no j this is a mere tradition of 
 
 d2 
 
36 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I, 
 
 these took place at too late a period to account for 
 many unquestionable facts. The portion of Crete first 
 occupied by the Dorians was, according to Staphylus, 
 the eastern coast f or, to speak more accurately, the 
 eastern side of the north coast. Here stood the Minoan 
 town of Cnosus, with its harbour Heracleum and colony 
 Apollonia. From this point the dominion, customs, 
 and worship of the Dorians were at a very early period 
 extended over the districts inhabited by the Eteocretans, 
 Pelasii:ians, and Cydonians ; and, with the help of later 
 migrations, pervaded the whole island.^ And although 
 the different dialects could still be distinguished at the 
 time 'of Homer,' yet in later times the Doric appears to 
 have been universally adopted/ 
 
 10. We now return to the passage of Herodotus, of 
 which a part has been already quoted ; " When how- 
 " ever the Dorians were driven out by the Cadmeans, 
 " they dwelt under Mount Pindus, and were called the 
 " Macednian nation." In this passage the author al- 
 ludes to the legend, that the Cadmeans, being expelled 
 from Thebes by the Argives, fled to the Encheleans of 
 lUyria, where they bordered upon Homole, a Mag- 
 nesian mountain near the valley of Tempe. In this 
 settlement they would certainly be in the neighbourhood 
 
 the towns of Polichna and Prae- 
 sus, and not a very credible one. 
 2. The colony of Althsemenes 
 after the expedition of the He- 
 raclidse from Argos and Me- 
 gara, and in connexion with 
 Rhodes. 3. Dorians from Pe- 
 loponnesus, Lyctus, Lampe, and 
 other places settled from Sparta ; 
 Pharse a colony of the Messe- 
 nians; Gortyna of Amyclseans 
 (Minyans) ; Phaestus colonized 
 from Sicyon ; other towns from 
 Argos (Scylax, p. 18, Diod. V. 
 
 80). 4. iEginetans in Cy- 
 donia. 
 
 P Strabo X. p. 475 C. 
 
 ** The Cretan cities were ge- 
 nerally considered as Doric ; 
 Menander de Encom. XXXII. 
 1, p. 81, ed. Heeren. and others. 
 
 ' Od. XIX. 175. aXkri a' &\- 
 \(t)y yXwaaa fiefiiyfxevr). 
 
 * On this migration of the 
 Dorians from their early settle- 
 ments in the north of Greece 
 to Crete, see Appendix III. 
 
 CH. 1, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 37 
 
 of the Dorians. But we should bear in mind how 
 perplexed is the fable which we liave before us/ The 
 predatoiy excursion of the Encheleans to Phocis and 
 Boeotia appears to admit of no doubt, as it was noticed 
 by a Delphian oracle of tolerable antiquity, and by the 
 tradition of the Thebans. The same horde may in its 
 passage have also disturbed the Dorians in their settle- 
 ments ; but it is no less wonderful, that fugitive Thebans 
 should have voluntarily taken refuge with the Enche- 
 leans in Illyria, than that this latter nation should have 
 driven the Dorians from their settlements. It may be 
 true that some northern hordes expelled the Dorians 
 from mount Olympus, since at a later period we find 
 the Pseonian (Teucrian) race of the Pelagones, who 
 had descended from the Axius," and made themselves 
 masters of the Tripolis, Azorum, Doliche, and Pythium, 
 in possession of their ancient settlements. 
 
 As to the statement of Herodotus, that the Maced- 
 nians; or ancient Macedonians (who in his hfetime in- 
 habited the territory between the rivers Haliacmon and 
 Lydias, from the mountains to the coast),'' were de- 
 rived from the Dorians when dwelling under mount 
 Pindus, he probably followed some accounts of the 
 Macedonians, who, not satisfied with establishin**- the 
 
 * Orchomenos, pp. 233, 234. the name of the ridge of Pin- 
 According to Andron (Strabo dus and the Cambunian moim- 
 X. p. 475) they came directly tains. But Lycophron only 
 from Hestiaeotis under mount alludes to their settlements in 
 Parnassus. According to Diodo- Hestiaeotis. 
 rus IV. 67, the Cadmeans drove " II. II. 849, XXI. 159. It 
 out the Dorians, who then re- is to this that Herodotus alludes, 
 turned to Doris (Erineus, Cyti- when he says that the Teu- 
 nium, Boeum). Lycophron v. crians, to which race he refers 
 1388, might be quoted in con- the Pasonians, had penetrated 
 firmation of Herodotus, since as far as the Peneus (see the 
 he calls the Dorians AaKfitJvwi Introduction, and Appendix, I. 
 (AaKficjy opoQ Ilf ppat/3/ac tiBa §.4). 
 ^Kovi' Awp(£(t), Lacmon being * See Appendix I. § 17. 
 
88 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Doric orhrm of their royal family, wished to claim 
 the same honour for the whole nation : but there does 
 not appear to be any historical foundation for this state- 
 ment. For the Macedonians, as was above remarked, 
 were indeed for the most part Greeks, but neither their 
 language or customs authorize us to consider them as 
 Dorians.^ 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 § 1. Migration of the Dorians from Thessaly to the Valley of 
 CEta and Parnassus. § 2. District of OEta. § 3. Limits of 
 Doris. § 4. The Dryopians. § 5. The Malians. § 6. The 
 i^nianes. 
 
 1. " From thence," Herodotus proceeds to relate, 
 " the race of the Dorians migrated to Dryopis, after- 
 " wards called Doris, or the Doric Tetrapolis." Here 
 also it will be necessary to give some illustration of 
 the geography of the country ; beginning at Ther- 
 mopylae (the point at which mount (Eta comes in 
 contact with the sea) to the broken ridge where it is 
 swallowed up in Parnassus, and both ranges are lost 
 in the mountains of Pindus, and where this latter, the 
 grand chain of Greece, is separated and branches oflF 
 in different directions. 
 
 Following the plain of Phocis, which lies between 
 mounts (Eta and Parnassus, and is watered by the 
 ♦ Cephisus, w^e presently find the mountains approaching 
 each other from both sides, and contracting the valley 
 of the river. The last towns of Phocis in this direction 
 are, Amphicoea, Tithronium and Drymsea, still to be 
 
 Introduction, § 3 ; Appendix I. § 25. 
 
 CH. 2, § 1. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 39 
 
 recognised in niins, and places bearing the niune ol' 
 Falaocastro." Proceeding thence westward to the 
 higher country, we soon arrive at the sources of the 
 river Cephisus, which cannot be mistaken, sinc^ it 
 immediately forms a stream of considerable size. The 
 Cephisus indeed rises not in (Eta but in Parnassus, 
 and runs first to the noilh-east, in order to make a 
 bend afterwards to the south-east.^' The situation is 
 particularly indicated by the ancient citadel of a town, 
 situated close to the source, upon a steep projection of 
 Parnassus ; this place must be recognised as Lileea. 
 The scenery around is of a grand and bold description. 
 Twenty stadia from hence was situated Charadra, where 
 a mountain-torrent joined the Cephisus. But the river 
 Pindus, which falls into the Cephisus not far from 
 Lilsea, comes down from a much greater elevation. 
 These valleys, lying to the north-west of Lileea,^ con- 
 stitute the proper district of Doris, little described in 
 detail ))y the ancients, and never till a short time since 
 visited by modern travellers. The steep citadel, al)out 
 an hour and a halfs distance from Lilecfi, situated 
 upon a projection of Parnassus near the village of 
 Mariolatis, is perhaps Boeum. The ancient avails in 
 the valley towards the west near Stagni nmst be set 
 
 * Amphicaea near Dadja. See 
 Leake in Walpole's Travels, p. 
 509. Clarke, p. 227. Gell. 
 Itinerary, p. 210. 
 
 ^ I here chiefly follow Dod- 
 well, vol. II. p. 133, and Gell : 
 compare Orclioinenos, p. 41. 
 Pouqueville is completely in 
 error. According to him the 
 Cephi»u8 rises Hi hours N.E. 
 of Artotina, which he supposes 
 to be Erineus, and flows from 
 the north into the Pindus, which 
 
 river (he says) runs into the 
 Gulph of Corinth, contrary to 
 all accounts of ancient writers. 
 
 *" The old maps are all incor- 
 rect ; see now Gell's map to his 
 Itinerary. According to Strabo 
 the Tetrapolis lay chiefly to the 
 east of Parnassus, but it ex- 
 tended also round to the west, 
 IX. p. 417. The river Pindus . 
 is now, according to Dodwell, 
 the Aniani. 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 down as the fortress of Cytinium.'^ Erineus should 
 probably be sought for in the defiles of (Eta, nearer 
 the sources of the stream just mentioned.^ Near 
 CEta was situated Acyphas/ probably the same as the 
 city of Pindus^ above Erineus, and of the same name 
 as the river; both which names the Dorians had 
 brought with them from their early settlements. This 
 corner of land, placed under the chief mountain-chain 
 of Greece, and hanging over the plains which extend 
 from thence, was bounded by the upper districts of 
 .^tolia, by the territory of the Ozolian Locrians, 
 Phocis, and southern Thessaly.*' From Cytinium a 
 mountain- path led along the side of Parnassus to the 
 country of the Locrians '} this also has been explored 
 by modern travellers. This pass made the small 
 stronghold of Cytinium so important as a military post, 
 that Philip of Macedon, when he invaded Nortliern 
 Greece before the battle of Chseronea, immediately oc- 
 cupied Elatea and Cytinium'', evidently as a key to the 
 
 ^ See p. 40, note i. 
 
 « See Strabo IX. p. 427. X. 
 p. 476 A. Strabo distinguishes 
 Erineus in Phthiotis from this 
 town, IX. p. 434. Etymol. 
 Mag. p. 373, 56, 6 'Epivedg is 
 the correct form. Mela how- 
 ever, and the scholiasts to Pin- 
 dar and Aristophanes quoted 
 below, call it Erineum. 
 
 fStraboIX. p. 427B.p.434. 
 Steph. Byz. 'AKVipag fjiia rrig 
 AioptKfjg TerpmroXEwg. — '0 'Ak:u- 
 0ac, Gen. 'Aicu^a, Dorice, see 
 Bekker's Anecdota, vol. III. 
 p. 1313. 
 
 ^ Scymnus Chius v. 591. 
 Aotpteig 'Epiyeoy^ Boiovy Kvri- 
 viov ap'^aiorarag 'i^ovtri, Hipdov 
 T k\o^ivi]v. Comp. Conon. hist. 
 
 27. In answer to those who 
 deny that Pindus was situated 
 in this Tetrapolis, it is sufficient 
 to quote Herod. VIII. 43. 
 Comp. du Theil Eclairc. sur 
 Strabon IX. torn. III. p. 118. 
 Raoul-Rochette, tom. 11. p. 252, 
 IV. p. 392. 
 
 h Strabo IX. p. 427 C. ar- 
 ranges them in this manner: 
 iEtolians, Locri Hesperii, Do- 
 rians, ^nianes, Locri Epicne- 
 midii ; compare pp. 425, 430 B. 
 
 ^Thucyd. III. 95, 102. It 
 is the Kakiscala between Stagni 
 and Salona. Dodwell, vol. I. 
 p. 149, and Gell, p. 206. 
 
 ^ See Philochorus ap. Dionys. 
 ad Ammaeum c. 11. Philoch. 
 Fragm. ed. Siebelis p. 76. 
 
 CH. 2, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 4t 
 
 western districts. From Delphi another mountain- 
 path (which was reckoned by an ancient traveller at 
 180 stadia^ crossed over in the direction of Lilsea. 
 The modern road to the north, from the valley of 
 Pmdus, likewise goes along a mountain-pass through 
 the defiles and ravines of (Eta, to the opposite side of 
 the valley of the Spercheus, now called Hellada."* If 
 this was passable in ancient times, it formed the com- 
 munication between Doris and the country of the 
 ]\Ialians. 
 
 2. Mount (Eta stretches in a westerly direction for 
 the lengtli of 200 stadia towards the Malian bay, which 
 it reaches at Thermopylae. It separates Doris, Phocis, 
 and the Epicnemidian Locrians from the valley of the 
 Spercheus. The passes connected with it are, first, 
 the one just mentioned: secondly, another from Phocis 
 to the rocky glen of Trachinia :" and, lastly, that of 
 Thermopylae, together with the upper patli, made 
 famous by the battle with the Persians. The pass of 
 Thermopylae is formed on one side by the steep declivity 
 of the mountain, and on the other by a deep and im- 
 passable salt-marsh : these in the narrowest part are 
 only 60 paces distant from each other :'' in the middle 
 arise the hot sulphurous springs, which gave the name 
 to the defile. At no great distance from these lies the 
 little plain of Anthela, breaking into two narrow parts 
 of the pass. At the northern entrance of the passage 
 there are still the ruins of a wall, which has perhaps 
 
 ^ Pausan. X. 33, 2. 
 
 ™ This road through Camara, 
 Palceochori, and Neuropoli, is 
 described bv Dodwell, vol. II. 
 p. 126. Gell, p. 241. 
 
 " Holland went over this road 
 near Eleutherochori, p. 383, 
 comp. Dodwell, p. 74. It is 
 
 also the way alluded to by Pro- 
 copius de ^Edif. IV. 2. 
 
 « Liv. XXXVI. 15. For a 
 description of Thermopylae see 
 Ordwmenos, ]). 486. Clarke, 
 ch. 8, p. 240. Holland, ch. 18, 
 p. 375. Gell, Itinerary, p. 239. 
 
42 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 sensed as a barrier against the invasions of Thessalian, 
 Persian, and Roman armies. Near this spot the brook 
 Asopus rises from the side of the mountain. At the 
 southern end of the pass was the small town of 
 Alpenus, its whole length being about five miles. 
 From Thermopyl6e the paved and raised military road 
 leads northward over the Spercheus to Thessaly, south- 
 ward by Alpenus, Scarpheia, and Thronium, and from 
 thence to Elatea, and thus to the land of Phocis. 
 
 Although the broken and precipitous form of both 
 mountain and valley rendered the chain of CEta little 
 suited for human habitation, yet there was in ancient 
 times a considerable number of cities reaching in a 
 line from the Doric Tetrapolis, as far as the sea. 
 Amphansea must have been built upon mount (Eta, but 
 in the direction of Trachinia ; so that, with a little lati- 
 tude of expression, it was considered as in Thessaly.^' 
 Rhoduntia and Teichius were fortified heights on the 
 road over mount CEta.** Phricium was situated near 
 Thermopylae on the Locrian side ; from this place some 
 colonists went to the ^^olian Cume, and Larissa Phri- 
 conis.'' On the other side, upon the slope of the 
 mountain above the valley of the small streams Melas 
 and Dyras, lay Trachis. Heraclea was situated six 
 stadia from the ancient Trachis.^ Not far from hence 
 iEgoneia was probably situated.* 
 
 3. Having now marked out the topography of this 
 district by traces, which, although not as clear as could 
 be wished, are yet perfectly accurate, we will next pro- 
 ceed to inquire concerning the small native tribes which 
 
 P See Stephan. Byz. in 'A/i- 
 (jMval from Theopompus. Eiirip. 
 Here. Fur. 386. 
 
 «» Strabo IX. p. 428. Li v. 
 XXXVI. 16. 
 
 ' Steph. Byz. in ^pUwy^ and 
 Hellanicus, ibid. 
 
 ^ Strabo ubi sup. 
 
 * See Lycophron, Hecataeus, 
 Rhianus quoted by Stephanus. 
 
 CH. 2, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 43 
 
 at different periods settled in these parts, and particu- 
 larly concerning the Dorians themselves. Doris, in 
 the limited meaning of the term, was the valley of the 
 river Pindus. Whenever the Doric Tripolis is men- 
 tioned, the three cities meant are Bceum, Cytinium, 
 and Erineus ;" which last place, as being the most con- 
 siderable, appears to have l>een also called Dorium :* 
 but when writers s}>eak of a Tetrapolis, Acyphas (or 
 Pindus) is added as a fourth town.^ This is the 
 countiy which Dorus the son of Hellen is said to have 
 inhabited, when he brought together his nation on the 
 side of Parnassus ; * a tradition which totally loses 
 sight of the more ancient settlements of the Doric 
 race. It appears, however, that the Dorians, whilst 
 confined within these limits, did not rest content witJi 
 the ix)ssession of this narrow valley, but occupied 
 several places along mount (Eta, of which Amphansea 
 was one.* An unknown writer^ named six Doric 
 
 " Thus Andron in Strabo X. 
 p. 476. Thucyd. I. 107. 
 
 * i^schin. de Fals. Leg. p. 
 43, 24, Toy ijKovra iic Acjplov 
 Kal Kvru/ov. [Dr. Cramer, 
 Description of Ancient Greece, 
 vol. II. p. 103, corrects AioptKov 
 KvTiyiov in iEschines, after 
 Thucydides, who in III. 95, 
 speaks of KvTiyiov to AuipiKoy. 
 Transl.] 
 
 y Theopompus ap. Steph. 
 'AKv(}>aQ. Scymnug Chius ubi 
 sup. 
 
 "■ Strabo VIII. p. 383. Conon. 
 27. Scymnus. To this also 
 refers the statement in Apollo- 
 dorus I. 7, 3, that Dorus the 
 son of Hellen Triy iripav xiopav 
 HtXoiroyyrjtrou eXafiey. Vitru- 
 vius IV. 1, however, gives a 
 different account, Achaia Pelo- 
 
 ponnesoque iota Dorus Hellenis 
 et Orseidis nymphce (a moun- 
 tain nymph) ^7/M.y regnavit. 
 
 * Hecatfeus ap. Stephan. 
 
 ** In the scholia to Pindar, 
 Pyth. I. 121, in which, how- 
 ever, there is some transposi- 
 tion and confusion. There is 
 nowhere else any mention of a 
 city in Perrhaebia named Pin- 
 dus. In Pindar UivCoQiy is 
 used generally for the earlier 
 settlements ; for Hestiaotis and 
 Doris both touch on the chain 
 of Pindus. SeeBoeckh. Explic. 
 p. 235. These scholia are pro- 
 bably followed by the scholiast 
 on Aristoph. Plut. 385, and by 
 Tzetzes ad Lycophr. v. 980. 
 comp. v. 741 ; but without se- 
 parating the erroneous parts. 
 
44 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. % § 4. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 45 
 
 towns, — viz., Erineus, Cytinium, Boeum, Lilseum, 
 Carphsea and Dryope : of which, by Lilseum is meant 
 the town of Lilsea, by Carphsea probably Tarphe near 
 Thermopylae,^ and by Dryope the country which had 
 once belonged to the Dryopians. There was therefore 
 probably a time when the heights near the sources of 
 the Cephisus, and a narrow strip of land along mount 
 (Eta, as far as the sea, were in the possession of the 
 Dorians. Nay this was even partly the case in the 
 Persian war ; for even at that time Doris stretched in 
 a narrow tongue of land thirty stadia broad, bet^veen 
 the Malians and Phoceans, nearly as far as Thermo- 
 pylae:'^ Scylax also mentions the Dorians as inha- 
 bitants of the sea-coast.'' This district, however, near 
 mount (Eta is that which the Dryopians had formerly 
 inhabited (as may be sho\^ n from a passage of Hero- 
 dotus)^, before they were entirely dispossessed by the 
 Dorians, their neighbours in the Tetrapolis. Thus, 
 by means of this geographical investigation we have 
 J arrived at an historical event. It seems probable that 
 the Dorians, having moved by slow degrees from Hes- 
 tiseotis to mount (Eta, first gained possession of the 
 \^ furthest extremity of the mountain -valley, and thence 
 
 ^ Tarphe was near the Doric 
 Tetrapolis bej;ween CEta and 
 Parnassus. It is mentioned in 
 Iliad II. 533, as a Locrian 
 town; according to Strabo IX. 
 p. 426, it was afterwards called 
 Pharygae, which Plutarch, Pho- 
 cion 33, includes in Phocis, 
 and names near it a hill called 
 Acrurion. Tarphe and Car- 
 pheea may he considered as 
 different forms of the same 
 name, i and k being often inter- 
 changed. Thus the mytholo- 
 gical hero Talaus is sometimes 
 
 Calaus. (Schol. Soph. (Ed. 
 Col. 1320.) 
 
 <* Herod. VIII. 31, comp. 
 Plutarch. Themistocl. 9. 
 
 ® P. 24. Aifjio^ivptele. 
 
 f Herod. VIII. 31 and 43. 
 eovree ovroi AiopiKov Kal MaKe^- 
 vbv tdvoQ i^ 'Epiveov re Kal 
 niv^ov Kal Tfj£ ApvoTTt^oc vorara 
 bpfirjdiyTeg. According to this 
 passage, therefore, Cytinium 
 and Boeum may both have 
 been inhabited by the Dryo- 
 pians. 
 
 gradually spread towards the coast over tiie land of 
 the Dryopians. This race indeed generaUy did not 
 press all at once, but passed slowly into districts which 
 had been seized by some part of them at an earlier 
 period.* 
 
 4. The Dryopians (the fragments of whose his- 
 tory we here introduce) are an aboriginal nation, 
 winch may be called Pelasgic, since Aristotle and 
 others assign to them an Arcadian origin." Their 
 affinity with the Arcadians is confirmed by the wor- 
 ship paid by them to Demeter Chthonia, to Cora Meli- 
 bcea, and Hades Clymenus : which bore a great resem- 
 blance to those of Phigaleia, Thelpusa. and other towns 
 in Arcadia.' Their territory lK.rdered upon that of 
 t le Mahans, so that they extended into the valley of 
 the Spercheus beyond (Eta, and in the other direction 
 as far as Parnassus;" to the east their settlements 
 reached to Thermopylae.' Their expulsion is related 
 
 « According to Strabo IX. p. 
 434, there was a Dryopian Te- 
 trapolis as well as a Dorian. 
 
 ^ Ap. Strab. p. 373. The 
 scholia to Apollon. Rhod. I. 
 1283, furnish a genealogy, viz. 
 -Lycaon, Dia, Dryops. Follow- 
 ed by Tzctzes ad' Lye. 480, and 
 Etymol. Mag. p. 288, 32. Phe- 
 recydes, however, quoted in the 
 scholia to Apollonius, gives a 
 different account. 
 
 ^ See book II. ch. 1I,§3. 
 
 ^ In the neighbourhood of 
 the Malians and Myrmidonian 
 AchaBans, Pherecydes ap. Schol 
 
 Apoll. Rh. I.1823,pp.93, 107, 
 ed. Sturz. Aristotle ubi sup. 
 At the foot of Mount Parnassus, 
 Aristotle and Pausan. IV. 34, 
 6. AvKiopeiraig Ofiopot. The 
 f^eroUrjai^ from the Spercheus 
 
 to Trachis is merely a confusion 
 of the scholiast to Apollonius. 
 Callimachus had only mention- 
 ed the migration to Pelopon- 
 nesus, Schol. Paris. Clavier's 
 remarks (ad Apollod. p. 323) 
 are very inaccurate. Dryops, 
 the son of Spercheus, dwelt at 
 the foot of mount GEta, accord- 
 ing to Antoninus Liberalis, 32. 
 Ibid. 4. KpayaXevQ 6 Apv~ 
 OTTog ^KSL yiJQ rfjg ApvoTvicog 
 Trapa to. Xovrpa to. *llpaKXeovg. 
 In this strange account Mela- 
 neus, the son of Apollo, a king 
 of the Dryopes, is represented 
 as taking Epirus and Ambracia. 
 It is a part of the same history 
 as the migration of the iEnianes 
 and Neoptolemus to Molossis, 
 ^ginetiea, p. 18. 
 
 t 
 
46 
 
 HISTORY OE 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 in a manner entii-ely mythical, being connected with 
 the propagation of the worship of Apollo (which is 
 intimately allied with tlie migrations of the Dorians), 
 and also with the adventures of Hercules ; but when 
 a clue to this method of narration is once discovered, 
 it will be found to be equally, or perhaps more, in- 
 structive, and to convey much fuller information than 
 a bare historical narrative. In the present instance, 
 the Pythian Apollo is represented as the god to whom 
 the vanquished Dryopians are sent as slaves, and who 
 despatches them to Peloponnesus ;™ and Hercules, in 
 conjunction with the Trachinians, subdues and conse- 
 crates them to Apollo, or assigns to them settlements 
 in Argolis, but allots their land to the Dorians or 
 Malians." 
 
 From this tradition we might perhaps infer that 
 the Dryopians accompanied the Dorians in their 
 migration to Peloponnesus, and settled there witli 
 them. But the situation of the places belonging to 
 the Dryopians makes it necessary to seek some other 
 explanation ; for the colonies of this race lie scattered 
 over so many coasts and islands, tliat they can only 
 have been planted by single expeditions over the sea. 
 In Argolis, for instance, they built Hermione, Asine, 
 and Eion (Halieis), upon projecting headlands and 
 
 " Book II. ch. 3; § 3. 
 
 ° Aristot. ap. Strab. ubi sup. 
 Apollod. II. 7, 7. Diod. IV. 
 37. Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Ser- 
 vius ad ^n. IV. 146. Upa^eic 
 'Hpa/cXeove, p. 152. Marini 
 Ville Albani. comp. Mginetica^ 
 p. 33. Heyne Exc. ad ^n. IV. 
 2, p. 610. Raoul-Rochette, torn. 
 I. p. 434. Herod. VIII. 43, ol 
 ce 'Epfiioyeeg eiai ApvoTreg vrro 
 UpaKXioi: re Kal MrjXiiwv A' rrjg 
 
 vvv Aojpi^oQ KoXeofiiyijg X'^P^^ 
 ilavaffravTEQ. A peculiar ap- 
 plication of the tradition in 
 Suidas in Apvoxcc, KdirpoQ. The 
 verse of Callimachus preserved 
 in Etymol. Magn. p. 154, 7, 
 should apparently be thus writ- 
 ten, AeLXaioiQ ^Affivevmv (.ttl- 
 rpiTTTiipas oTrdaaag, the explana- 
 tion is given by the etymologist 
 himself. See above, p. 45, note ^. 
 
 CH. 2, § 5. 
 
 THE DORMNS. 
 
 47 
 
 promontories ; in Euboea, Styra and Carystus be- 
 longed to them f among the islands they had settle- 
 ments in CythnosP and perhaps I\f yconos ; they had 
 also penetrated as far as Ionia and Cyprus.'^ Hene^ 
 it must be inferred that the Dryopians, harassed or 
 dislodged by their neighbours, dispersed in various 
 dn-ections over the sea. It is, however, historically 
 certam that a great part of the Dryopians were conse- 
 crated as a subject people to the Pythian Apollo (an 
 i usage of ancient times, of which there are many in- 
 stances), and that for a long time they served a^ such ; 
 for even in the fragmentary histoiy of the destruction 
 of Crissa (Olymp. 47, 590 B.C.), we find CraugaUidce 
 mentioned together with the Criss^ans,' which was a 
 name of the Dryopians derived from a fabulous an- 
 cestor.^ The condition of the subjects of temples and 
 consequently of these Craugallidse, wiU be treated of 
 at large in another place.* 
 
 5. But the Dorians, though hostile to their neigh- 
 hours the Dryopians, were on friendly terms with the 
 Malians. This people dwelt in the valley of the 
 bpercheus, enclosed on all sides by rocky mountains 
 and open only in the direction of the sea ; they were 
 divided into the inhabitants of the coast, the Sacerdotal 
 and the Trachinians." The second of these classes' 
 
 °Herodot.VIII.46. Diodor, 
 IV. 57. Thucydides VII. 57, 
 however, considers the Styrians 
 as lonians. 
 
 P Herodot. ubi sup. Diodor. 
 ubi sup. The fabulous war of 
 Amphitryon against Cythnus is 
 probably connected with it. 
 
 •» Herodot. VII. 90. Diodor. 
 ubi sup. Asine in Cyprus, Ste- 
 phan. Byz. Also in Cyzicus, 
 
 according to Strabo XIII n 
 586. ** 
 
 ^ See Orchomenos^ p. 495. 
 In iEschines adv. Ctesiph. p! 
 68, 40, according to Didymus 
 and Xenagoras in Harpocration, 
 KpavyaXXi^aL should be written. 
 
 " Antonin. Liberal. 4. 
 
 * Book II. ch. 3, § 3. 
 
 " llapdXioi, 'hpii£, Tpaxiviot 
 Thucyd. III. 92. conip. Dodwcll, 
 
46 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 in a manner entirely mythical, being connected with 
 the propagation of the worship of Apollo (which is 
 intimately allied with the migrations of the Dorians), 
 and also with the adventures of Hercules ; but when 
 a clue to this method of narration is once discovered, 
 it will be found to be equally, or perhaps more, in- 
 structive, and to convey much fuller information than 
 a bare historical narrative. In the present instance, 
 the Pythian Apollo is represented as the god to whom 
 the vanquished Dryopians are sent as slaves, and who 
 despatches them to Peloponnesus ;™ and Hercules, in 
 conjunction with the Trachinians, subdues and conse- 
 crates them to Apollo, or assigns to them settlements 
 in Argolis, but allots their land to the Dorians or 
 Malians." 
 
 From this tradition' we might perhaps infer that 
 the Dryopians accompanied the Dorians in their 
 migration to Peloponnesus, and settled there witli 
 them. But the situation of the places belonging to 
 the Dryopians makes it necessary to seek some other 
 explanation ; for the colonies of this race lie scattered 
 over so many coasts and islands, that they can only 
 have been planted by single expeditions over the sea. 
 In Argolis, for instance, they built Hermione, Asine, 
 and Eion (Halieis), upon projecting headlands and 
 
 ™ Book II. ch. 3; § 3. 
 
 " Aristot. ap. Strab. ubi sup. 
 Apollod. II. 7, 7. Diod. IV. 
 37. Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Ser- 
 vius ad JEn. IV. 146. Upa^eig 
 'Hpa/cXeoue, p. 152. Marini 
 Ville Albani. comp. jEgineticaj 
 p. 33. Heyne Exc. ad Mn. IV. 
 2, p. 610. Raoul-Rochette, torn. 
 I. p. 434. Herod. VIII. 43, ot 
 ^i. 'Ep^tovf'fe eiai Apvoires vtto 
 'lIpaK-XfOf TE Kai MrjXuwp iic rijg 
 
 vvv A(i)pi^og Ka\iofiiv7)Q X^priS 
 ilavaaravTEQ. A peculiar ap- 
 plication of the tradition in 
 Suidas in Apvoirest Kaxpog. The 
 verse of Callimachus preserved 
 in Etymol. Magn. p. 154, 7, 
 should apparently be thus writ- 
 ten, AfiXa/oic ^Aaivevffiy Inc 
 TpnrTijpag oTraaaag, the explana- 
 tion is given by the etymologist 
 himself. See above, p. 45, note ^. 
 
 CH. 2, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 47 
 
 promontories; in Eubcea, Styra and Carystus l)e- 
 longed to them f among the islands they had settle- 
 ments in Cythnos^ and perhaps IMyconos ; they had 
 also penetrated as far as Ionia and Cyprus.** Hence 
 it must be inferred that the Dryopians, harassed or 
 dislodged by their neighbours, dispersed in various 
 directions over the sea. It is, however, historically/ 
 certain that a great part of the Dryopians were conse- 
 crated as a subject people to the Pythian Apollo (an 
 usage of ancient times, of which there are many in- 
 stances), and that for a long time they served as such ; 
 for even in the fragmentary histoi^ of the destruction 
 of Crissa (Olymp. 47, 590 B.C.), we find Craugallidm 
 mentioned together with the Crissseans," which was a 
 name of the Dryopians derived from a fabulous an- 
 cestor." The condition of the subjects of temples, and 
 consequently of these Craugallidse, will be treated of 
 at large in another place.* 
 
 5. But the Dorians, though hostile to their neigh- 
 hours the Dryopians, were on friendly tenns with the 
 Malians. This people dwelt in the valley of the 
 Spercheus, enclosed on all sides by rocky mountains, 
 and open only in the direction of the sea ; t)iey were 
 divided into tlie inhabitants of the coast, the Sacerdotal, 
 and the Trachinians." The second of these classes 
 
 °Herodot.VIII.46. Diodor, 
 IV. 57. Thucydides VII. 57, 
 however, considers the Styrians 
 as lonians. 
 
 P Herodot. ubi sup. Diodor. 
 ubi sup. The fabulous war of 
 Amphitryon against Cythnus is 
 probably connected with it. 
 
 *i Herodot. VII. 90. Diodor. 
 ubi sup. Asine in Cyprus, Ste- 
 phan. Byz. Also in Cyzicus, 
 
 according to Strabo XIII. p. 
 586. 
 
 ' See OrchomcnoSy p. 496. 
 In iEschines adv. Ctesiph. p. 
 68, 40, according to Didymus 
 and Xenagoras in Harpocration, 
 KpavyaWihai should be written. 
 
 • Antonin. Liberal. 4. 
 
 tRook II. ch.3,§3. 
 
 " JlapnXioiy 'ItpJ/C, Tpa)(/rtc;« 
 
 Thucyd. III. 92. comp. Dod well. 
 
48 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ii 
 
 probably dwelt near to the Amphictyonic temple at 
 Thermopylae, the thml on the rocky declivities of mount 
 (Eta. These are the people who were in such close 
 alliance with the Dorians, that Diodorus speaks of 
 Trachis as the mother-town of Lacedsemon.'' The 
 friendship between Ceyx and Hercules, together with 
 that of his sons, is the mythical expression for this con- 
 nexion. The Malians were always a warlike people, 
 those persons only who had served as hoplites being 
 admitted to a share in the government.^ Their country 
 was however chiefly famous for its slingers and darters.^ 
 6. In after-times there came into these districts a 
 nation which the ancient traditions of the country do 
 not recognise, viz. the Hellenic ^nianes or (Etse- 
 ans ; the latter name denoting the region in which that 
 nation was settled, the former their race ;^ although I 
 do not assert that the fourteen (Etsean communities^ 
 constituted the entire nation of the ^nianes. For 
 they also dwelt on the banks of the Inachus, and about 
 the sources of the Spercheus, near the city of Hypata.'' 
 In early times they had inhabited the inland parts of 
 Thessaly, and about the end of the fabulous period they 
 descended into those settlements, from which in later 
 times they were dislodged by the Illyrian Athamanes/ 
 Although the ^Enianes did not disavow a certain de- 
 pendence on the Delphian oracle, and though they 
 
 II. p. 71. I may also remark 
 that Scylax and Diodorus, 
 XVIII. II. appear to make a 
 distinction between Melians and 
 Malians ; but in both places 
 AAMIEIS should be written for 
 MaXt£tc and MaXfig. Wesse- 
 ling's opinion concerning the 
 last passage is untenable, since 
 there never was a town of the 
 
 name of Malea. Diodorus is 
 not quite accurate. 
 
 ^ Diodor. XII. 59, 
 
 y Aristot. Polit. IV. 13. 
 
 ^ Thucyd. IV. 100. 
 
 * See Tittmann's Amphik- 
 tyonenbund, p. 41. 
 
 b Strabo IX. p. 434. 
 
 ^ jEginetica, p. 17. 
 
 ** OrchonienoSf p. 253. 
 
 CH. 2, § 6. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 49 
 
 adopted among their traditions the fables respecting 
 Hercules, anciently prevalent in their new settlements,* 
 yet on account of their geographical position they lived 
 in opposition and hostility to the Malians and Dorians ;^ 
 who, as Strabo states, had been deprived by them of a 
 part of their territory.^' Nay more, it is probable 
 ^ that the emigration of the Dorians which conquered 
 / Peloponnesus, was in some way or other connected 
 \^ with the arrival of the ^nianes in this region. There 
 was an ancient enmity between the Lacedaemonians 
 and the (Eteeans.^ It was chiefly on this account that 
 Sparta founded the town of Heraclea in the country of 
 Trachinia ; which would doubtless have caused the re- 
 vival of an important Doric power in this part of 
 Greece, had not the jealousy of the Thessalians and 
 Dolopians, and even of the Malians themselves, been 
 awakened at its first establishment. 
 
 Thus much concerning the situation of the Dorians 
 in their settlements near mount (Eta. The subject 
 however is not yet exhausted ; for we have still to trace 
 the ori^^in of the great influence which the establish- 
 ment of the Dorians at Lycorea upon Parnassus had on 
 the religion of Delphi (for that Lycorea was a Doric 
 town will be made probable hereafter), as well as to 
 treat of the Amphictyonic league, in the founding of 
 which a veiy large share doubtless belonged to the 
 Dorians : but the discussion of both these points must 
 be deferred to the second book.' 
 
 As to the colonies of the Doric cities near mount 
 Parnassus, Bulis on the frontiers of Phocis and Boe- 
 
 «^ Book II. ch. 3, § 12. 
 f Thucyd. III. 92. 
 K Strab. IX. p. 442. 
 ^ Thucyd. VIII. 3. Concern- 
 ing the founding of Heraclea, 
 
 see also Stephan. Byz. in v. 
 Lui^iov^ after the hiatus. 
 
 * Book II. ch. 1. § 8. ch. 3. 
 §5. 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 3, § 1. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 51 
 
 I 
 
 otia, on the Crissaean gulf, was probably founded 
 from thence at the time of the Doric migration.^ 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 § 1. Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus represented as 
 the return of the descendants of Hercules. § 2. Improbability 
 of the common account. § 3. Sources of the common account. 
 § 4. Legends inconsistent with the common account. § 5. Com- 
 
 ' mon account. The Heraclidse fly from Trachis to Attica, and 
 are assisted by the Athenians against Eurystheus. § 6. Expe- 
 ditions of the Heraclidae into Peloponnesus. § 7. Junction 
 of the Heraclidse with the Dorians. § 8. The Heraclidse pass 
 into Peloponnesus by Rhium. § 9. Connexion of the Do- 
 rians with the Locrians and iEtolians. § 10. Tisamenus 
 and the Peloponnesians defeated by the Dorians. § 11. Parti- 
 tion of Peloponnesus. § 12. Immediate consequences of the 
 immigration of the Dorians. 
 
 1 . The most important, and the most fertile in conse- 
 quences, of all the migrations of Grecian races, and 
 which continued even to the latest periods to exeii; its 
 influence upon the Greek character, was the expedition 
 of the Dorians into Peloponnesus. It is however 
 so completely enveloped in fables, and these were 
 formed at a very early period in so connected a maimer, 
 that it is useless to examine it in detail, without first 
 endeavouring to separate the component parts. 
 ■ The traditionary name of this expedition is " the 
 Return of the descendants of Herculesy^ Hercules, 
 
 ^ OrckomenoSy p. 238. Com- 
 pare in general with this chap- 
 ter, Raoul - Rochette, torn. II. 
 p. 249. 
 
 Thucydides I. 12, ?ays Awptttc 
 ^vy'HpaKXddaiQ. Isocrates Ar- 
 chidam. p. 119 C. mentions an 
 oracle enjoining them cVt Ti)v 
 Trarpfav Uvai -^Mpav. 
 
 the son of Zeus is (even in the Iliad), both by birth and 
 destiny, the hereditary prince of Tiryns and Mycenae, 
 and ruler of the surrounding nations.*" But through 
 some evil chance Eurystheus obtained the precedency, 
 and the son of Zeus was compelled to serve him. 
 Nevertheless he is represented as having bequeathed 
 to his descendants his claims to the dominion of 
 Peloponnesus, which they afterwards made good in 
 conjunction with the Dorians ; Hercules having also 
 performed such actions in behalf of this race, that his 
 descendants were always entitled to the possession of 
 one-third of the territory. The heroic life of Hercules 
 was therefore the mythical title, through which the 
 Dorians were made to appear, not as unjustly invading, 
 but merely as reconquering, a country which had be- 
 longed to their princes in former times. Hence Her- 
 cules is reported to have made war with some degree 
 of propriety, and subdued the principal countries of the 
 Doric race (except his native country Argos), Lace- 
 daemon and the Messenian Pylus, to have established 
 the national festival at Olympia, and even to have laid 
 the foundation of the most distant colonies. To esteem 
 as real these conquests and settlements, these mythical 
 forerunners of real history, is incompatible with a clear 
 view of these matters; and we could scarce seriously 
 ask even the most credulous, ho^v, at a time when 
 sieges were in the highest degree tedious, Hercules 
 could have stormed and taken so many fortresses, sur- 
 rounded with almost impregnable walls P 
 
 A severer criticism enjoins us to trace the my- 
 thical narrative to its centre, and attempt to ascertain 
 whether the sovereign race of the Dorians did really 
 spring from the early sovereigns of Mycenae; such 
 
 ^ XIX. 105. 
 
 * See Pausan. VII. 25.3. 
 £2 
 
52 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 w 
 
 being not only the epic account, but also the tradition 
 countenanced in Sparta itself. Tyrtseus said, in his 
 poem called the Eunomia, " Zeus himself gave this 
 " territory/ (Laconia) to the race of Hercules ; united 
 " with whom we (the Dorians) left the stormy Eri- 
 ''neus, and reached the wide island of Pelops.''^ 
 And a still more important proof is the reply of king 
 Cleomenes, mentioned by Herodotus, who, when for- 
 bidden by the priestess in the Acropolis of Athens 
 to enter the temple, as being a Dorian, answered, " I 
 "am no Dorian, but an Achaean," referring to his 
 descent from Hercules. * From this it would appear 
 that there was amongst the Dorians an Achsean phra- 
 tria, to w^hicli the kings of Argos, Sparta, and Mes- 
 senia, and the founders and rulers of Corinth, Sicyon, 
 Epidaurus, ^gina, Rhodes, Cos, &c., belonged ; and 
 which, in conjunction with the Dorians, only recovered 
 by conquest its hereditaiy rights.' 
 
 2. It is certainly hazardous at once to reject an 
 
 extensive and connected system of heroic traditions, 
 
 for the sake of establishing in its place a conjecture 
 
 which sacrifices reports recognised by ages prior to 
 
 . historical information, and celebrated by the earliest 
 
 11 poets, to a mere theory of historical probability. We 
 
 'Evpilocv HiXoToi vriffev oi(pixo//,i6ec 
 
 Ti]vh TToXiv is Laconia. We 
 mean the Dorians : Erineus 
 the Tetrapolis. Strabo VIII. p. 
 362. has not correctly under- 
 stood and applied these verses. 
 (See below, note to ch. 7. § 10.) 
 Tyrtseus also calls the Dorians 
 generally 'HpaKXtjog yevog — 
 
 whence Plutarch, de Nobil. 2. 
 p. 388. 
 
 ^ Herodot. V. 72. According » 
 to VI. 53. he might also have 
 said, " I am an Egyptian." 
 
 ^A similar idea is entertained 
 by Plato in his Laws, III. p. 
 682 — viz., that the Dorians 
 were properly Achaeans, ex- ^ 
 pelled from their own country ^ 
 after the Trojan war, and after- \ 
 wards collected and brought j 
 back by one Dorieus. > 
 
 en. 3, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 53 
 
 must, however, recollect that mythical legends present 
 in general merely the views and opinions of nations on 
 the origin of their actual condition ; these opinions 
 beinjr at the same time more often directed and de- 
 termined by religious and other notions, especially by a 
 certain feeling of justice, than by real tradition, and 
 therefore they frequently conceal, rather than express, 
 historical truth. The following remarks, partly de- 
 duced from inquiries whic^h will follow, may serve 
 to contrast with each other the characteristics of his- 
 toiy and mythology. 
 
 In the first place, if we consider the narrative in 
 question as a plain historical statement, and conse- 
 quently suppose the Heraclidae to have been expa- 
 triated Achaeans, the same supposition must be ex- 
 tended to the whole tribe of Hylleans. For Hyllus, 
 the representative of the Hylleans, is called the son 
 of Hercules ; and it was with reference to that tribe 
 that the third part of the territory was secured to 
 the descendants of Hercules : hence also Pindar calls 
 the Dorians universally the descendants of Hercules 
 and ^gimius.^ In this case, then, the Painphylians 
 and Dymanes would alone remain as Dorians proper. 
 It is, however, by no means probable, that, if the most 
 distinguished part of the Doric people had been of 
 Achaean descent, the diflference between the language, 
 religion, and customs of these two races would have 
 been so strongly and precisely marked. 
 
 In the second place, everything that is related 
 concerning the exploits of Hercules in the north of 
 
 8 Pind. Pyth. V. 70. In Dymas. Compare the fragment 
 
 Pyth. I. 61. he calls them de- of the l8thmians,''Y\Xoi; (rrpaTOQ 
 
 scendants of Pamphylus and Awpttvc. 
 the Heraclidae, not mentioning 
 
54 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1 
 
 Greece refers exclusively to the history of the Do- 
 rians ; and conversely all the actions of the Doric race 
 in their earlier settlements are mythically represented 
 under the person of Hercules. Now this cannot be 
 accounted for by supposing that there was only a 
 temporary connexion between this hero and the Doric 
 
 race. 
 
 Lastly, if we compare as much of the fables con- 
 cerning Hercules related below as refers to the Do- 
 rians, with those current among the ancient Argives, 
 and if we separate in mind the links by which the 
 epic poets gave them an apparent historical con- 
 nexion, we shall find no real resemblance between 
 C the two. The worship of Apollo, which can in almost 
 j every case be shown to have been the real motive 
 which actuated the Dorjans, was wholly foreign to 
 ^ the Argives. If then an Achaean tribe did arrive 
 amongst the Dorians, bringing with it the story of 
 Hercules, or a hero so called, this latter people must 
 have applied and developed his mythology in a manner 
 wholly different from those to whom they owed it. 
 And after all, we should be obliged to suppose that 
 long before their irruption into Peloponnesus, these 
 Heraclidse had been so intermixed with the Do- 
 rians, that their traditions were formed entirely 
 according to the disposition of that race, smce Her- 
 cules in Thessaly is represented as a complete Dorian. 
 Here, however, we are again at variance with the 
 fable, which represents the Heraclidse as having fled 
 to the Dorians a short time only before their entry into 
 Peloponnesus. 
 
 Thus we are continually met with contradictions, 
 and never enabled to obtain a clear view of the 
 question, unless we assent to the proposition that 
 
 CH. 3, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 55 
 
 Hercules, from a very remote period, was both a 
 Dorian and Peloponnesian hero, and particularly the 
 hero of the Hyllean tribe, which in the eariiest settle- 
 ments of the Dorians had probably united itself with 
 two other small nations, the Heraclidse being the 
 hereditary princes of the Doric race. The story of 
 the Heraclidse being descended from the Argive Her- 
 cules, who performed the commands of Eurystheus, 
 *y .was not invented till after Peloponnesus had been in- 
 troduced into the tradition. 
 
 3. There is hardly any part of the traditional 
 history of Greece whose real sources are so little 
 known to us as the expedition of the Heraclidse. 
 No one can fail to perceive that it possesses the same 
 mythical character as the Trojan war ; and yet we 
 are deprived of that which renders the examination 
 of a mythical narrative so instructive, viz. the tra- 
 ditional lore scattered in such abundance throughout 
 the ancient epic poems. This event, however, eariy 
 as it was, lay without the range of the epic poetry : 
 and therefore, whenever circumstances connected with 
 it were mentioned, they must have been introduced 
 either accidentally or in reference to some other sub- 
 ject. In no one large class of epic poems was this 
 event treated at length, neither by the cyclic poets, nor 
 the authors of the NoVroi. In the 'Uolai attributed to 
 Hesiod, it appears only to have been alluded to in a 
 few short passages.^ Herodotus nevertheless mentions 
 
 ^ See Pausan. IV. 2. 1 . There 
 are two other passages of He- 
 siod referring to the expedition 
 of the Heraclidee. Schol. Apol- 
 ion I. 824. 
 
 the connexion of which is very 
 
 obscure (see Bentley ad CalUm. 
 Cer. Calath. 48); and Schol. 
 Find. Olymp. XI. 19. e cod. 
 Vratisl. 
 
 From this passage ApoUod. III. 
 
56 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 poets who related the migration of the Heraclidse and 
 Dorians into Laconia/ Perhaps these belonged to the 
 class who carried on the mythical fables genealogically, 
 as Cinsethon the Laconian, and also Asius, who cele- 
 brated the descent of Hercules, and appears, from the 
 character of his poems, to have also commemorated his 
 descendants.^ Or they may have been the historical 
 poets, such as Eumelus the Corinthian, although those 
 alluded to by Herodotus cannot have composed a 
 separate poetical history (as the former did of 
 Corinth) ; since they would doubtless have followed 
 the national tradition of Sparta ; and this, with respect 
 to the first princes of the Heraclidse, differed from the 
 accounts of all the poets with which Herodotus was 
 acqua^inted, and was not the general tradition of 
 Greece.^ And doubtless many such local traditions 
 were preserved amongst particular nations, concerning 
 an event which for a long time determined the condi- 
 tion cf Peloponnesus. Thus the Tegeatans" cele- 
 brated the combat of Echemus their general with 
 Hyllus. Whether the early historians collected these 
 accounts from oral record, or whether they derived 
 them from the poets above mentioned (although the 
 latter is more in their manner), cannot be determined ; 
 
 10. 6. Pausan. VIII. 5. 1. draw 
 their materials. This, however, 
 might also occur among the ac- 
 tions of Hercules, particularly 
 at the first Olympian festival, 
 as may be seen from Pindar. 
 
 iVI. 52. 
 
 ^ Compare Pausan. IV. 2. 1. 
 with V. 17. 4. and Valckenar. 
 Diatrib. Eurip. pp. 58, 59. 
 
 ^ Herod, ubi sup. et c. 51. 
 Wesseling misinterprets the 
 first passage ; its purport is, 
 
 " The Lacedcemonians give a 
 " different account from all the 
 " foets^ who make Eurysthenes 
 " and Procles first come to 
 " Sparta.'' Schweigheeuser does 
 not see the exact meaning of 
 the second ; the sense is, " So 
 "far is the national tradition 
 " of the Lacedcemonians ; in 
 *• what follows, I relate the 
 " common tradition of Greece." 
 »" Herodot. IX. 26. 
 
 CH. 3, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 57 
 
 for there are only extant two fragments of these writers 
 concerning the Heraclidse, one of Hecatseus, the other 
 of Pherecydes, which connect immediately with the 
 death of Hercules, and therefore do not prove that these 
 authors wrote any continuous account of the history of 
 this migration. The early tradition received a fuller 
 development in the Attic drama ; but it was unavoid- 
 ably represented in a very partial view. The Hera- 
 chdse of iEschylus, and the lolaus of Sophocles might, 
 like the Heraclidse of Euripides, have had on the whole 
 the tendency to celebrate those merits which the 
 Athenians are made to commend in Herodotus," even 
 before the battle of Plateea, viz., their good offices to- 
 wards the Heraclidse, at the time when they took 
 refuge in Attica. The last-named tragedian, in his 
 Temenidse, Archelaus, and Cresphontes, went further 
 into the histoiy of the Doric states, and descended lower 
 into the historical period, than any poet before his time ; 
 his reason having, perhaps, been, the exhaustion of the 
 legitimate mythical materials."* Now these Attic 
 tragedians manifestly took for their basis the narra- 
 tive given by ApoUodorus, himself an Athenian, as 
 may be shown by some particular circumstances. 
 1 Perhaps Ephorus rested more upon the earlier poets 
 and historians, as far as we are acquainted with their 
 statements ; but his narrative, even if it were extant, 
 could, no more than those of the former, be considered 
 as proceeding from a critical examination ; since, in 
 the first place, from a total misapprehension of the 
 character of tradition, he forced everything into history, 
 and then endeavoured to restore the deficiencies ot 
 
 -^ IX. 26. 
 
 <* In general the tragic poets 
 successively descend, according 
 
 to their age, to a later date of 
 mythological history. 
 
58 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 CH. 3, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 59 
 
 oral narrative by probable reasoning ; of the fallacious- 
 ness of which method we will bring forward some 
 
 proofs. 
 
 4. After what has been said, we will forbear to 
 apologize for merely offering a few remarks on the 
 origin and meaning of the traditions which concern 
 the Doric migration, instead of endeavouring to give 
 a history of that event. And, indeed, we might bring 
 foi-ward some most marvellous legends, but on that very 
 account the better fitted to convince every one what is 
 the nature of the ground on which we stand. 
 
 In the 'HoTai attributed to Hesiod, it was stated 
 that Polycaon the son of Butes, whose name repre- 
 sents the ancient (i.e. Lelegean) population of Messene, 
 married Eusechme (Eua/xit^r], viz. celebrated for the 
 spear) the daughter of Hyllus, and grand-daughter of 
 Hercules. In this simple and unpretending manner 
 the early tradition conveyed the idea that the Hylleans 
 and Dorians had, by the power of the spear, made 
 themselves masters of Messene, and united themselves 
 with the original inhabitants.^ 
 
 i In the Laconian village of Abia, there was a tem- 
 ple of Hercules, which was said to have been buiU by 
 Abia the nurse of Glenus, the brother of Hyllus.'' It 
 was, therefore, supposed that Hyllus and Glenus them- 
 selves came to Laconia. Pausanias endeavours to 
 
 P Pausan. IV. 2. 1. 
 . 11 take this opportunity of 
 renewing the memory of one of 
 these Doric-Heraclide leaders, 
 ■ who has been so far forgotten, 
 that in the passage of Pausanias 
 IV. 30. 1. his name has been 
 driven from the text. It should 
 be thus written from the MSS. : 
 "YXXov U KaX Awpi£wv_ /xax?? 
 KpaTr\BivTb)V vwo 'Ax«iw*', ^>'" 
 
 ravda 'A/3tav rXrjvov tov 'Hpa- 
 kXeovq Tpoipov aTroxioprjaai Xey 
 ovai, &c. This Glenus occurs 
 as the son of Deianira in A]^l- 
 lod. II. 7. 8. and Schol. Soph. 
 Trachin. 53. Diodorus IV. 31. 
 calls him Gleneus. Pherecydes 
 ap. Schol. Pind. Isth. IV. 104. 
 reckons him among the children 
 of Megara by Hercules. 
 
 reconcile the local tradition with the received history, 
 and assumes that Abia had fled hither after the death 
 of Hyllus ; which, however, is inconsistent with the 
 common account that Peloponnesus was in the hands 
 of the enemy, and that the battle in which Hyllus 
 fell was at the Isthnms. We come now to the com- 
 mon relation of the order of events. 
 
 5. According to this account, the Heraclidse, afler 
 the death of their father, were in Trachis with their 
 host Ceyx, who generously protected them for a time, 
 but was afterwards forced, by the threats of Eurystheus, 
 to refuse them any longer refuge ; Ceyx, according to 
 Hecatseus," was compelled to say to them, " I have not 
 " the power to assist you ; withdraw therefore to an- 
 " other nation ;" and upon this they sought an asylum 
 in Attica. Those early historians, however, who stated 
 that Hercules died as king in Mycense, gave an entirely 
 different account of this circumstance, viz., that Eurys- 
 theus, after the death of Hercules, expelled his sons, 
 and again usurped the dominion,' and they fled in con- 
 sequence to Attica. 
 
 At Athens they sat as suppliants at the altar of 
 Pity, received the protection of Theseus or Demo- 
 phon, dwelt in the TetrapoUs,' and fought, together 
 Avith the Athenians, under the command of Hyllus 
 
 ' Ap. Longin. 27. Creuzer. 
 Fragment, p. 54. ApoUodorus 
 II. 8. I. almost makes it ap- 
 pear that the Heraclidee had 
 been entertained by Eurystheus ; 
 but this does not agree with what 
 precedes. Euripides Heraclid. 
 13. 195. represents them as fly- 
 ing first from Argos to Trachis, 
 
 and to Achaia in Thessaly, and 
 then to Athens. 
 
 * Thus Pherecydes in Anto- 
 nin. Liber. 33. Sturz (Fragm. 
 50. p. 196.) does not quite un- 
 derstand this passage. 
 
 * At Marathon, according to 
 most authors. Diodorus IV. 57. 
 mentions Tricorythus ; Com- 
 pare XII. 45. 
 
\ 
 
 60 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 and lolaus (to whose prayers the gods had granted a 
 second youth), at the pass of Sciron, a battle against 
 Eurystheus ; Macaria (probably an entirely syn> 
 bolical being, but here the daughter of Hercules) 
 having previously offered herself as an expiatory sa- 
 crifice. In this action they conquered the Argive 
 king, whom Alcmene with womanish vengeance put to 
 death, and whose tomb the Athenians showed before 
 the temple of the Pallenian Minerva." This is the 
 
 Strabo VIII. p. 377. the tomb 
 was at Gargettus on the western 
 coast ; according to Pausanias 
 I. 40. in Megaris. Concerning 
 Macaria, see Pausan. I. 32. 
 Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1148. Ze- 
 nob II. 61. and other gram- 
 marians in V. /3aX\' fie Ma*:a- 
 piay. A totally diflferent tradi- 
 tion is preserved by Duris ap. 
 Schol. Plat. p. 134, Ruhnk. In 
 the above quoted passage of 
 Strabo, ttiv ^e. KicpaXriv ^wpic tv 
 THI KOPINOill, aTTOKoyPayrog 
 avTTjy 'loXaov irepl ty\v Kprjyrjv 
 TYfy MaKapiay should probably 
 be written iy TPIKOPYGOI ; 
 thus in VIII. p. 383. one MS. 
 has TpiKopiydoc. (In this cor- 
 rection I now find that I was 
 anticipated by Elmsley ad Eu- 
 rip. Heracl. 103.) Heyne in- 
 deed {ad Apollod. II. 8. 1.) 
 explains ly r^ Kopiyd^ of the 
 tomb of Eurystheus in Pausan. 
 I. 44. 14. ; but this was in Me- 
 garis, and there never was any 
 change in the boundaries of 
 Corinth and Megaris. Heyne 
 also considers the tomb near 
 the temple of the Pallenian 
 Minerva and that at Gargettus 
 as identical ; but this is not 
 possible, on account of the 
 situation of the two places. — 
 Concerning Gargettus see the 
 
 " The outline of the narrative 
 is furnished by Pherecydes and 
 Herod. IX. 27. the details by 
 Euripides in the Heraclidae, 
 whose account was influenced 
 by the circumstances of the 
 time (Boeckh. trag. Gr. princ. 
 p. 190). Whether the Hera- 
 clidae of Pamphilus (Aristoph. 
 Plut. 385. Schol. ad I. p. 
 112, Hemsterh.) was a tra- 
 gedy or a picture, was fre- 
 quently contested by the an- 
 cients. The latter appears to 
 be most probable : see Winck- 
 elmann and Meyer Kunstges- 
 chichte, p. 166. Pamphilus 
 painted the battle of Phlius, 
 one of those which took place 
 in the 102nd or 103rd Olym- 
 piad ; and it may be fairly sup- 
 posed that he flourished about 
 Olymp. 97, 4, the year in which 
 the second edition of the Plutus 
 was brought forward, and he 
 might have lived to be the mas- 
 ter of Apelles, who had obtain- 
 ed great celebrity in the reign 
 of Philip. — Concerning the bat- 
 tle, see Elmsley ad Eur. Hera- 
 clid. 860 ; concerning the death 
 of Eurystheus, Wesseling. ad 
 Diod. IV. 57. and Staveren. 
 Misc. Obs. vol. X. p. 383. 
 Pallene is between Marathon 
 and Athens ; — according to 
 
 CH. 3, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 Gl 
 
 fable so mucli celebrated by the tragedians and 
 orators, a locus cmnmunis as it were, which the Athe- 
 nians sometimes even mentioned in their decrees,'' or 
 wherever it served to show how poorly the Peloponne- 
 sians had requited their ancient benefactors. What 
 credit a Lacedaemonian would have given to these 
 stories, we know not ; Pindar certainly knew nothing 
 of them, for he states that lolaus had near Thebes re- 
 ceived a momentary renewal of youthful vigour for the 
 purpose of putting to death Eurystheus, after which he 
 immediately expired, and was buried liy the Thebans 
 in the family tomb of Amphitryon.^ In this account 
 Eurystheus is represented as having been conquered in 
 the neighbourhood of Thebes, and in consequence by a 
 Theban army. It is not however necessary to esteem 
 the Athenian tradition as altogether groundless, and 
 purposely invented : it was probably founded on some 
 actual event, and afterwards modified and embellished. 
 The connecting link was without doubt the temple of 
 Hercules in Attica. It was natural that, if the Athe- 
 nians worshipped that hero, they should wish to have 
 had the merit of protecting his descendants. Hence th^ 
 j sons of Hercules were said to have dwelt in the Tetra- 
 t polis at Marathon, where was the chief temple of Her- 
 1 cules in Attica, and in the neighbourhood of which 
 flowed the fountain Macaria, represented as a daughter 
 of that hero. It was on this account, as is reported, 
 that the entire Tetrapolis was during the Peloponne- 
 sian war spared by the Lacedaemonians. Many cir- 
 
 article Attika in Ersch's Ency- laus was restored to life, which 
 
 clopsedia, p. 222. must have been alluded to else- 
 
 " Demosth. de Corona, p. where. I follow the_ second 
 
 147. Scholiast, r\vlaTO U r^ Ail eiri 
 
 y It does not follow from piay lipny hftwai, &C. Com- 
 
 Pindar Pyth. IX. 82. that lo- pare Ovid. Met. IX. 408. 
 
62 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK. I, 
 
 CH. 3, § 6. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 63 
 
 ^\ 
 
 cumstances, which will hereafter be brought forward, 
 seem to show that an union and intercourse subsisted 
 between the Dorians of Peloponnesus and some of 
 the northern towns of Attica/ the foundation of which 
 appears to have been laid in the times of the Doric 
 migration, by a settlement of Dorians and Boeotians in 
 these towns. But this settlement had doubtless, when 
 those fables were invented, been already lost in the 
 mass of the Athenian people. 
 
 6. After this battle, won by the aid of the Athe- 
 nians, the Heraclidse are said (and with good reason, 
 as they were assisted by the Athenians) to have ob- 
 tained possession of all Peloponnesus, and to have 
 ruled undisturbed for one year (or some fixed period) ; 
 at the expiration of which, a pestilence (like a tragical 
 /catastrophe) drove them back again to Attica. The 
 \ mythologists make use of this time to send Tlepo- 
 lemus the Heraclide to Rhodes, in order that he may 
 arrive there before the Trojan war. Of all this, how- 
 ever, Pherecydes could have known nothing, as he 
 relates that Hyllus, having conquered Eurystheus, 
 went to Tliebes,"" without subduing Peloponnesus, and 
 there with the other Heraclidee formed a settlement 
 near the gate of Electra, a circumstance which we 
 shall advert to hereafter.^ In Peloponnesus, how- 
 ever, according to the traditions chronologically ar- 
 ranged, Eurystheus was succeeded by the Pelopidse, 
 who accordingly appear as the expellers of the legiti- 
 mate sovereigns of the race of Perseus.*" Whetlier 
 
 ^ See book II. ch. 11. § 10. « jhus also Thucyd. I. 9. 
 
 * Ap. Antonin. Lib. 33.— Plat. Leg. III. p. 686. In 
 
 There is also a trace of another Schol. Eurip. Orest. 5. write 
 
 tradition in Apostolius XVIII. avrovg fih (the Atridae) airod- 
 
 *7. rfjffai AaKEdnifioPO^y rovg H He- 
 
 ^ See book II. ch. 11. § 7. poii^a? fiaffiXivarai. Polysenus 
 
 any such circumstance was known U) the early poets 
 is very much to be doubted ; but it is at least clear, 
 tliat in this case we are not in possession of the real 
 tradition itself, but of scientific combinations of it. 
 Against these new sovereigns were du-ected the expe- 
 ditions of the Heraclidse, of which it is generally stated 
 tliat there were three. The account given of them 
 follows the general idea of an entire dependence of the 
 Dorians on the Delphian oracle;'^ but the miscon- 
 ception of its injunctions, whicli embarrasses and per- 
 [)lexes the whole question, may, we think, be attri- 
 buted entirely to the invention of the Athenians. The 
 oracle mentioned the third fruity and the narrow pas- 
 sage hy sea (o-rsvoyga), as the time and way of tlie 
 promised return, which the Athenians falsely inter- 
 preted to mean the tlikd year, and the Isthmus of 
 Corinth. But the account given in ApoUodorus, nearly 
 falluiff into Iambic or Trochaic metre, leaves no doubt 
 that he took his account of the oracle from the Attic 
 tragedians,*' as was remarked above. Deceived by 
 tliese predictions, Hyllus forced his way into Pelo- 
 ponnesus in the third year, and found at the Isthmus 
 the Arcadians, lonians, and Achseans of the peninsula 
 .'.already assembled. In a single combat with Echemus 
 'the son of Aeropus, the prince of Tegea, Hyllus fell, 
 
 I. 10. is singular in mentioning 
 EurysthidtB in Sparia at the 
 time' of the migration ; but by 
 Eurysthidae must be meant "rfc- 
 scfmdanis of Eurysthenes," not 
 *' Eurysthenes and his party." 
 See Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 333. 
 
 ^ See particularly Plato uhi 
 sup. 
 
 « ApoUod. II. 8.2. 6 ^e 0£oc 
 apTiiTTi Ttav urv^rffiaTiov avrovg 
 (UTiovg etyaC rovg yap \prjrTfiovg 
 
 ov (Tv^f^aXkeir. Xlyeip yap ov yrjg 
 dWa yeyedg Kapnop Tpirov Kal 
 (TTivvypav rijv tvpvycKrropa, ^c- 
 ^lav Kara tov IffdfJLOv 'ixovTt 
 TYiv Qakacraay. With the word 
 ivpvyatTTOip compare kvtovq koi- 
 XoyaoTopogy iEschyl. Theb. 478. 
 and 1026. In later times, how- 
 ever, these oracles were put 
 into an epic form, as may be 
 seen from (Enomaus ep. Euseb. 
 Praen. F^ v on. 
 
64 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 and was buried in Megara; upon which the Hera- 
 clidse promised not to renew the attempt for fifty or 
 one hundred years from that time/ Here every one 
 will recognise the battle of the Tegeate with the Hyl- 
 lean as an ancient tradition. But in the arrangement, 
 by which it was contrived that the expeditions of the 
 Heraclidse should not be placed during the Trojan war 
 and the youth of Orestes, we do not hesitate to suspect 
 the industry of ancient systematic mythologists. 
 
 7. When the Heraclidse had been once separated 
 from the Dorians as belonging to a diflferent race, and 
 Hyllus set down as only the adopted son of the Doric 
 king, it immediately became a matter of doubt at what 
 time the junction of the Dorians and Heraclidse in one 
 expedition should be fixed. Sometimes the Dorians 
 are represented as joining the Heraclidae before the 
 first, sometimes before the second, sometimes before 
 the third expedition ; by one writer as setting out from 
 Hestiseotis, and by another from Parnassus.^ There 
 were doubtless no real traditional grounds for any one 
 report ; and still less any sufficient to place the name 
 Hyllus, and the events connected with it, at any fixed 
 epoch. Hence also Hyllus is at one time called the 
 ^contemporary of Atreus, and at another of Orestes;^' 
 Pamphylus and Dymas are stated to have lived from 
 i the time of Hercules to the conquest of Pelopo;inesus.^ 
 j Nor is there any absurdity in this, inasmuch as they are 
 i, the collective names of races which existed throughout 
 
 f See Herod. IX. 26. Pau- 
 Ban. 1.41.3. I. 44. VIII. 5. 1. 
 VIII. 45. 2. Diod. IV. 58. 
 Schol. Find. Olymp. X. 80. 
 Van Staveren Misc. Observ. X. 
 3. p. 385. 
 
 g Pausan. VIII. 5. Apollod. 
 II. n. 7. Diod. IV. 58. Strabo 
 
 IV. p. 427 C. Isocrat. Archi- 
 dam. p. 119 B. TeXEvrriaayrOg 
 
 ^ Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 61. 
 
 i Apollod. II. 8. 3. In Pau- 
 san. II. 28. 3. Orsobia, a daugh- 
 ter of Deiphontes of Epidaurus, 
 is the wife of Pamphylus. 
 
 CH. 3, § 8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 65 
 
 this whole period. The descendants of Hyllus, how- 
 ever, are no longer races, but, as it appears, real per- 
 sons ; viz., his son Cleodseus,^ and his grandson 
 Aristomachus. These names stood at the head of the 
 genealogy of the Heraclidse ; as, for example, of the 
 kings of Sparta ; and they can hardly have been mere 
 creations of fancy. From their succession is probably 
 calculated the celebrated epoch of the expedition of the 
 Heraclidse, viz., 80 years after the Trojan war, which 
 * ^ was without doubt determined by the early historians, 
 since Tlmcydides was acquainted with it. The Alex- 
 andrine critics generally adopted it, as we know 
 expressly of Eratosthenes, Crates, and Apollodorus.^ 
 But all that is recounted of the expeditions of these two 
 princes, however small in amount,™ cannot have been 
 acknowledged by those who, like Herodotus, and pro- 
 bably all the early writers, stated the armistice after the 
 death of Hyllus as lasting 100 years." 
 
 8. At length Apollo himself opens the eyes of the 
 Heraclidse to the meaning of the oracle. It was not 
 across the Isthmus, but over the Straits of Rhium, that 
 they were to cross into Peloponnesus, and after the 
 third generation had died away. Tliey therefore first 
 /sailed from Naupactus, to the Molycrian promontory 
 (Antirrhium), and thence to Rhium in Peloponnesus, 
 which was only five stadia distant." That the Dorians 
 
 ^ He was mentioned by He- 
 siod ; see above, p. 55.^ A dif- 
 ferent genealogy is given by 
 Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 804, viz., 
 that Cleodaeus was the son of 
 Hyllus. the brother of Lichas 
 and Ceyx, the husband of a 
 certain Peridea, and the father 
 of Temenus. 
 
 ^ See Crates ap. Tatian.cont. 
 
 Grsecos, p. 107. ed. Oxf. Inter- 
 pret, ad Vellei. I. 1. 
 
 "» See particularly (Enomaus 
 ap. Euseb. Preep. Ev. V. 20. ; 
 and concerning the second see 
 Apollod. II. 8. 2. Pausan. II. 7. 
 
 " Isocrates Archidam, p. 1 19, 
 only supposes one expedi- 
 tion. . 
 
 « Pausan. V. 3. Eusebius ubi 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 actually came on that side into Peloponnesus, is a state- 
 ment which may be looked on as certain ; agreeing (as 
 • it does) with the fact that the countries near the Isth- 
 mus were the last to which the Dorians penetrated. 
 J>^ The name Naupaetus implies the existence of ship- 
 ^ building there in early times ;p and there was a tradition 
 that the Heraclidse passed over on rafts, imitations of 
 which were afterwards publicly exposed at a festival, 
 j and called ^rsfJifAariaioi, i. e. crowned with garlands."^ 
 This festival was doubtless the Carnea, since the Car- 
 nean Apollo was worshipped at Spaila under the name 
 of Stemmatias. Now it is also stated that the Acar- 
 nanian soothsayer Carnus (who was reported to have 
 founded the worship of the Carnean Apollo) was killed 
 at the time of this expedition by Hippotes the son of 
 Phylas, for which reason the Heraclidse offered ex- 
 piatory sacrifices to his memory/ We see from this 
 that some rites of a peculiar worship of Apollo were 
 obsei-ved at this passage, which were probably for the 
 most part of an expiatory nature. Now I have shown 
 elsewhere, that the Carnean or Hyacinthian worship of 
 
 sup. Polysen. I. 9. Compare 
 Heyne ad Apollod. p. 208. 
 
 P See Strab. IX. p. 427. 
 Ephonis, p. 105. ed. Marx. 
 Compare Stephamis and Suidas 
 in NavTra/croc. 
 
 1 Bekk. Anecd. Grsec. p. 305. 
 31. ore/i^ormtov. ^ifxrj^a ruiv 
 (r)(jEdi<jiy alg 'inXevffav oi HpaK- 
 Xei^ai Tov /iera^v rwv 'P/wv 
 TOTTOv. Hesychius, trrefinaTi' 
 aioy. UktiXov tl h lopr^ xofnribjp 
 Zmfx6vu)v (as should be read for 
 daifjLovog, rather than tto/xttcwc 
 for wofnriu)v with Siebelis ad 
 Pausan. III. 20. 9). MktjUv is 
 explained by Hesychius to be a 
 Lacedaemonian word for ** sta- 
 
 tue." These iro^TreiQ laifiovEQ^ 
 the " conducting deities," were 
 probably Zeus Agetor (book 
 III. ch. 12. § 5.) and the Car- 
 nean Apollo : and their festival 
 doubtless was connected with 
 the Carnea. At this solemnity 
 then (as it seems) a boat was 
 carried round, and upon it a 
 statue of the Carnean Apollo 
 ('AttoWwi/ arefifianac:), both 
 adorned with lustratory gar- 
 lands, called hiKrfXoy (rrenfia- 
 Tiaiov, in allusion to the passage 
 from Naupaetus. Compare book 
 Il.ch. 3. § l.ch. 8. § 15. 
 'Paus. III. 20. 9. 
 
 CH. 3, § 9. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 67 
 
 the ^gidse originated at Thebes, and prevailed in 
 Peloponnesus before the arrival of the Dorians, parti- 
 cularly at Amyclee :' consequently, that prevalent near 
 the straits of Naupaetus might have been another, pro- 
 bably an Acarnanian' branch of the religion of Apollo, 
 which was afterwards incorporated in the Carnean fes- 
 tival ; a supposition which, if admitted, would enable us 
 to explain many statements of ancient authors. The 
 religious rites and festivals are in fact often so inter- 
 mingled and confused together, that it is necessary to 
 trace their component parts to many and distant sources. 
 9. At their passage from Naupaetus the Dorians 
 stood in great need of the friendship and assistance of 
 the native races, the Ozolian Locrians and ^tolians. 
 The Locrians occupied Naupaetus in early times ;" the 
 iEtolians were their immediate neighbours, and their 
 powerful city of Calydon was the mistress of the region. 
 The Locrians are said to have aided the Dorians in 
 their passage, by deceiving the Peloponnesians with 
 false beacons ; "" and we shall meet hereafter with traces 
 of a lasting amity between the Locrians and Sparta. 
 A most singular, but, doubtless for that very reason, a 
 most ancient dress, has been given by mythology to the 
 iinion of the Dorians and iEtolians. This connexion, 
 which was indispensable for the passage from Naupae- 
 tus, is also found implied in other legends, the general 
 
 * See OrchomenoSy p. 333. 
 To the passages there quoted 
 may be added Etymol. in v. 
 \\XiiTr)Q. And see book II. ch. 8. 
 
 § 15. 
 
 * There were in later times 
 
 Acarnanian soothsayers at Ther- 
 mopylae, Herod. VIII. 221. in 
 the case of Pisistratus, and else- 
 where. 
 
 « Thucyd. I. 103. The 
 city was afterwards ^Etolian : 
 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. 
 No. 1756. 
 
 '^ Polyb. Excerpt, lib. XII. ap. 
 Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. 
 vol. II. p. 386. 
 
 f2 
 
68 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I, 
 
 character of tradition being to express the same thing 
 in various ways. Of these we may mention the mar- 
 riage of Hercules with Deianira, the daughter of (Eneus 
 the Calydonian.y At this time the Dorians were or- 
 dered by the oracle to seek a person with three eyes for 
 a leader. This person they recognised in Oxylus the 
 iEtolian, who either sat upon a horse, himself having 
 one eye, or rode upon a one-eyed mule. Difficult as it 
 is to rest satisfied with this interpretation of the oracle, 
 so casual a cu-cumstance having no connexion with the 
 general course of events, yet it appears impossible to 
 discover the true meaning of the word T^io<p6aXfxQg/ 
 In all probability this expression for the whole iEtolian 
 race was only delivered in a mythical shape, and the 
 sorry explanation was not invented until a late period.'* 
 The family of Oxylus is stated to have come from 
 Calydon ; so that the iEtolians (who in later times 
 made themselves masters of Elis) appear to have come 
 for the most part from that place.^ There existed, 
 however, an ancient alliance and affinity bet>veen the 
 inhabitants of Elis, the Epeans, and the ^tolians who 
 dwelt on the farther side of the Corinthian gulf ; and 
 Oxylus himself was said to have originally belonged to 
 Elis;^ hence it does not appear that there was any 
 actual war between these two states, but only that the 
 iEtolians were received by the Eleans, and admitted to 
 
 y And of Pleuron with Xan- 
 thippe the daughter ofDorus, 
 Apollod. I. 7. 7, although iEto- 
 lu8 is also represented as killing 
 Dorusthe son of Apollo. 
 
 * Perhaps the ifetolians had 
 from early times worshipped the 
 three-eyed Zeus (Zevg rpi6- 
 (pOaXfxog), which Sthenelus the 
 iEtolian brought from Troy, 
 according to Pausanias II. 24. 5. 
 
 * Oxylus is said to have con- 
 tracted an alliance with the 
 Heraclidse in the island of 
 Sphacteria (Steph. Byzant.); 
 but this story is probably 
 founded merely on the etymo- 
 logy of the name Sphacteria. 
 
 ^As also Pausanias, V. 1. 
 says. 
 
 ^ Pausan. ubi sup. Strabo X. 
 p. 463. Compare II. \p. 630. 
 
 CH. 3, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 69 
 
 the rights of citizenship ;** and at the same time the 
 same honours were permitted to the heroes and heroines 
 of the iEtolians as to their own.* 
 
 10. The systematised tradition next makes mention 
 of a battle which took place between the united force 
 of Peloponnesus, under the command of Tisamenus, 
 the grandson of Agamemnon, and the sons of Aristo- 
 machus; in which the latter were victorious, and 
 Peloponnesus fell into their possession. According 
 as it suits the object of the narrator, this engagement 
 is either represented to have been both by sea and land, 
 and to have taken place at the passage,' or after the 
 march through Arcadia. We may fairly suppose that 
 it was inferred merely on probable grounds that a 
 battle must have been fouglit by Tisamenus, whom the 
 tradition represented as prmce of the Achseans at the 
 capture of ^Egialea.^ JNIany traditions agree in stating 
 tliat the Heraclidee at that time took the road through 
 Arcadia ; Oxylus is said to have led them by this way. 
 
 •^This is the representation 
 given by Pausanias V. 4. 1. ettI 
 
 ® Pausan. V. 15 7. Concern- 
 ing the Tyrrhenians who accom- 
 panied them, see Orchomenos, 
 p. 443. note 3, together with 
 Pausan. II. 31. 3. OftheThe- 
 bans, who are said to have 
 joined under Autesion, see a 
 detailed account in the same 
 place. 
 
 ^ As, e. g., Apollodorus evi- 
 dently. 
 
 ^ The name of Tisamenus, as 
 an epithet of his father (rtora/xe- 
 ^oq), corresponds to Eurysaces 
 the son of Ajax, Telemachus 
 and Ptoliporthus of Ulysses, 
 Astyanax of Hector, Nicostratus 
 the youngest son of Menelaus 
 
 according to Hesiod, Gorgo- 
 phone the daughter of Perseus, 
 Metanastes the son of Archan- 
 der, Aletes of Hippotes ; but it 
 cannot be inferred from this 
 that it was mere fiction, since 
 this method of giving names ex- 
 isted in historic times (Polysen. 
 VI. 1,6) even in the royal fa- 
 mily of Macedon. See also what 
 Plutarch de Malignit. Herodot. 
 39, says on the names of the 
 children of Adeimantus the Co- 
 rinthian. Names derived from 
 a characteristic of the parent 
 (an example of which occurs in 
 Iliad IX. 562) were called 
 (f>£pb)pvfia, according to Schol. 
 Steph. in Dionys. Gramm. ap. 
 Bekker Anccd. Gr. vol. II. p. 
 868. 
 
70 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 that they might not be envious of bis fertile territoiy 
 of Elis ;^ Cresphontes is moreover stated to have been 
 the brother-in-law of Cypselus king of Arcadia, who 
 had his royal seat at Basilis, on the Alpheus, in the 
 country of the Parrhasians.' 
 
 1 1 . Next comes the division of Peloponnesus among 
 the three brothers Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristo- 
 damus, or his sons. We have to thank the tragedians 
 alone for the invention and embellishment of this fable ;'' 
 that it contains little or no truth is at once evident ; for 
 it was not till long after this time that the Dorians 
 possessed the larger part of Peloponnesus;^ and a 
 division of lands not yet conquered is without example 
 in Grecian history. At the same time it is related 
 that, upon the altars whereon the brothers sacrificed to 
 their grandfather Zeus, there was found a frog for 
 Argos, a snake for Sparta, and a fox for Messenia. 
 It seems however probable that these are mere sym- 
 bols, by which the inventors (perhaps the hostile Athe- 
 
 ^ Pausan. V. 4, 1. See be- 
 low, ch. 7, § 6, note. 
 
 » Pausan. VIII. 29, 4. It 
 is related as a stratagem of Cyp- 
 selus by Polysenus I. 7. Per- 
 haps Cypsela, a fort in Parrha- 
 sia, near Sciritis in Laconia, is 
 the same as Basilis, Thucyd. 
 V. 33. It would not however 
 be very accurate to say of Basi- 
 lis that it lies ettI t^ 'ZKipindi. 
 An oracle referring to the amity 
 with the Arcadians is preserved 
 in Schol. Aristid. Panathen. p. 
 191, ed. Steph.; p. 33, ed. 
 Frommel. 
 
 ^ See jEginetica, p. 39, note ®, 
 and Euripides ap. Strab. VIII. 
 p. 366. Sophocl. Aj. 1287. 
 (comp. Suidas in v. ^pa7r£V»;c), 
 Ilesychius in avavo^rfv and fca- 
 
 ra/3o\^.— Plato Leg. III. p. 686. 
 ApoUodoms, Polysen. I. 6. The 
 vase in Tischbein I. 7, repre- 
 sents an ayiiiv vZpcxpopiKOQ., and 
 not this casting of lots, as Ita- 
 linsky supposes. The same 
 group indeed sometimes occurs 
 on gems armed (Gemmae Flo- 
 rentinse, torn. II. tab. 29; com- 
 pare Winckelmann Monum. 
 ined. n. 164, vol. III. of his 
 works, p. xxvii.) ; but 1 believe 
 that an aywi/ vdpoipopiKog is 
 equally meant, as, e. g., that of 
 the Argonauts in ApoUon. Rhod. 
 IV. 1767, since the expedition 
 of the Heraclidae, early as it 
 was, was not one of the usual 
 subjects of art. 
 ^ See below, ch. 5. 
 
 CH. 3, § 12. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 71 
 
 nians) attempted to represent the character of those 
 nations. For it caAnot be supposed thtit national arms 
 or ensigns are meant ; unless indeed we give credit to 
 the pretended discovery of Fourmont, who aflBirms that 
 he found in the temple of the Amyclsean Apollo a 
 shield with the inscription of Teleclus as general 
 (^ayog), with a snake in the middle; and another of 
 Anaxidamus, with a snake and two foxes." But he 
 has represented the shield of so extraordinary a form, 
 with sharp ends, and indentures on the sides, that tlie 
 traud is at once open to detection ; and consequently 
 the supposition that the snake was the armorial bearing 
 of Sparta remains entu-ely unfounded." 
 
 12. Although we cannot here give a complete ac- 
 count of the great revolution which tlie irruption of 
 the Dorians universally produced in the condition of 
 the different races of Greece," it may nevertlieless be 
 remarked, that a very large portion of the Achseans, 
 who originally came from Phthia, retired to the northern 
 coast of Peloponnesus, and compelled the lonians to 
 pass over to Attica. The reduction of the principal 
 fortress of this country, tlie Posidonian Helice, is as- 
 cribed to Tisamenus ; and that Helice was in fact tlie 
 abode of the most distinguislied families of the Achaean 
 nation is evident from the legend, tliat Oxylus the 
 ^tolian, at the command of the oracle, shared the do- 
 
 •" Boeckh Inscr. I. p. 81, 82. 
 
 "In an oracle preserved by 
 Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 24, p. 
 2S9, the Spartans are called 
 c>(/)to/3opot. The word of the 
 oracle itself doubtless was o</)to- 
 hipoi (o7r<^io^ftpot), as in Aristot. 
 Mirab. Auscult. 23, which how- 
 ever might have been explained 
 to have the same meaning as 
 the former word, viz. " drawing 
 
 " back the skin of serpents in 
 " order to eat them." The 
 frog was the emblem of the Ar- 
 gives, Q& never coming out of 
 their hole; compare ch. 8, § 7. 
 
 ° I Socrates, Panath. p. 286 A., 
 says far too generally, ^axrf he 
 viKi](TavTtQ TOVQ ptv rjTTTjdiyraQ 
 Ik te ruiv ttoXeojv koi rrfg \wpag 
 iliilaXov, which he afterwards 
 modifies considerably. 
 
n 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK \. 
 
 minion with Agorius, a Pelopid, who was descended 
 from Penthilus the son of Orestes, and dwelt at Heliee.P 
 The chronological diificulty of Oxylus being called 
 the cotemporary of a grandson of Penthilus is not of 
 much importance. At Helice was also shown the 
 tomb of Tisamenus, whose supposed ashes tlie Spar- 
 tans (doubtless with the idea of thus making amends 
 for the injustice of his expulsion) afterwards brought 
 to their city, as they also did the corpse of Orestes at 
 Tegea.** But hereupon follows a series of migrations 
 to iEolis in Asia, wliich was founded in later times, in 
 which the numbers of the Achaean race predominated. 
 Although Orestes is called a leader of the first expedi- 
 tion,"" he probably is only put for his descendants : Pen- 
 thilus also is perhaps put only for that part of his 
 descendants who went with the colony to Lesbos and 
 iEolis. For all the Penthilidse did not go ; we find 
 indeed Penthilidae in Mitylene ;^ and others at Helice, 
 as we have just seen. Pisander, a Laconian Achaean, 
 is also mentioned as having gone witli the expedition of 
 Orestes ; and there were men of his family in Tenedos 
 at the time of Pindar.* 
 
 ^* V. 4, 2. An Achcean from 
 Helice occurs as the cotempo- 
 rary of Hercules in Theocrit. 
 XXV. 165; a greater incon- 
 sistency with the received chro- 
 nology than poets usually permit 
 themselves. 
 
 *iPausan. VII. 1. 
 ^ Orchomenos, pp. 398, 477. 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 8, according 
 to the most probable reading. 
 * Find. Nem. XI. 32. 
 
 CH. 4, § 1. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 73 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § 1. Physical Structure of Greece and Peloponnesus. § 2. 
 Physical Structure of Arcadia. § 3. Of Laconia. § 4. Of 
 Argolis. § 5. Of Achaia and Elis. § 6. Improvement of the 
 Soil by artificial means. § 7. Early Cultivation of the Soil by 
 the Pelasgians and I^leges. § 8. Numbers of the Doric In- 
 vaders. § 9. Mode by which they conquered Peloponnesus. 
 
 1. So wonderful is the physical organization of 
 Greece, that each of its parts has received its peculiar 
 destination and a distinct character ; it is like a body 
 whose members are different in form, but between 
 which a mutual connexion and dependence necessarily 
 exists. The northern districts as far as Thessaly are 
 the nutritive organs which from time to time introduced 
 fresh and vigorous supplies : as we approach the south, 
 its structure assumes a more marked and decided form, 
 and is impressed with more peculiar features. Attica 
 and the islands may be considered as extremities, which, 
 as it were, served as the active instruments for the body 
 of Greece, and by which it was kept in constant con- 
 nexion with others ; while Peloponnesus, on the 
 other hand, seems formed for a state of life, occupied 
 more with its own than external concerns, and whose 
 interests and feelings centred in itself. As it was the 
 extremity of Greece, there also appeared to be an end 
 set by nature to all change of place and habitation ; and 
 hence the character of the Peloponnesians was firm, 
 steady, and exclusive. With good reason therefore 
 was the region where these principles predominated 
 considered by the Greeks as the centre and acropolis^ 
 
 " Peloponnesus is called the Olymp. p. 129, in Meurs. Op. 
 aKpvTToXic yrjc in Phlegon de vol. VII. 
 
74 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 4, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 75 
 
 of their countries ; and those who possessed it were 
 universally acknowledged to rank as first in Greece. 
 
 2. This character of Peloponnesus will become 
 more evident, if we examine the peculiar nature of its 
 mountain-chains. Though the Isthmus of G)rinth 
 connected the peninsula vrith the continent by a narrow 
 neck of land, yet it was not traversed in its whole 
 length by any continuous cham of mountains; the 
 (Enean hills being entirely separated from the moun- 
 tains of Peloponnesus.^ The principal elevations in 
 Peloponnesus form very nearly a circle, the circum- 
 ference of which passes over the mountains of Pholoe, 
 Lampe, Aroanius, Cyllene, Artemisium, Parthenium, 
 and Parnon ; then over Boreum, and from thence up 
 to the northern rise of mount Taygetus, and finally 
 over mount Lycaon along the river Alpheus. The 
 highest ridge appears to be that part of Cyllene which 
 looks to Parnon : the height of Cyllene, according to 
 the statement of Dicaearchus," was not quite 15 stadia; 
 according to another measurement, it was nine stadia 
 wanting 80 feet ;^ a considerable height, when it is 
 remembered that the sea is near, and that Peloponnesus 
 is the last link of the great chain, which runs down 
 froni the north of Macedonia. But the eastern plains 
 also,' for instance that of Tegea, are at a great height 
 
 ^ As Pouqueville several times »'^<7« optHy, concerning which 
 
 remarks. The mountain-chains see Phny N. H. II 65 and 
 
 are more connected by the Smd&s in AiKaiapxog ' ' 
 
 (Enean promontory, and the ^» Apollodorus ap. Steph. Byz 
 
 raountams runnmg westward (p. 400, ed. Heyne.) Eustath. 
 
 from Sicyon and joining mount ad Horn. p. 1951, 15. Accord- 
 
 V A "r. • T.1 * '"S ^^ ^^P*- P^ytier Cyllene is 
 Ap. Gemm. Elem. Astron. 7266 Paris feet in height, Tay- 
 XIV.p 55, mPetavmsUrano- getus 7434, Parthenion (Za- 
 log. 1 he passage is from the gura) 6095. These measure- 
 work of Dicsearchus, entitled ments make Taygetus somewhat 
 KaTafiirpncrei^ t(ov ev UiXonov higher than Cyllene. 
 
 II 
 
 < 
 
 above the sea, and are often covered with snow late in 
 the spring.*" Now from the circle of mountains which 
 has been pointed out, all the rivers of any note take 
 their rise ; and from it all the mountainous ranges di- 
 verge, which form the many headlands and points of 
 Peloponnesus. The interior part of the country how- 
 ever has only one opening towards the western sea, 
 through which all its waters flow out united in the 
 Alpheus. The peculiar character of this inland tract 
 is also increased by the circumstance of its being inter- 
 sected by some lower secondary chains of hills, which 
 compel the waters of the valleys nearest to the great 
 chains either to form lakes, or to seek a vent by sub- 
 terraneous passages.^ Hence it is tliat in the moun- 
 tainous district in the north-east of Peloponnesus many 
 streams disappear, and again emerge from the earth. 
 This region is Arcadia; a country consisting of 
 ridges of hills and elevated plains, and of deep and 
 narrow valleys, with streams flowing through channels 
 formed by precipitous rocks ; a country so manifestly 
 separated by nature from the rest of Peloponnesus, 
 that, although not politically united, it was always con- 
 sidered in the light of a single community. Its 
 clhnate was extremely cold; the atmosphere dense, 
 particularly in the mountains to the north :^ the effect 
 which this had on the character and dispositions of the 
 inhabitants has been described in a masterly manner by 
 Polybius, himself a native of Arcadia. 
 
 3. Laconia is formed by two mountain-chains 
 
 « Holland in Walpole's Tra- 
 vels, p. 426. 
 
 ^^Aristot. Meteorol. I. 13. 
 
 ^ See Polybius IV. 21, 1, who 
 particularly mentions Cynnetha 
 Close by was the cold spring of 
 
 AoviTOL^ or Aovaaa; and Sprengel 
 in his translation of Theophras- 
 tus, vol. II. p. 383, well cor- 
 rects in Theophrast. IX. 15, 8, 
 TO he KbiviLOv apiarov nepi Aovaa 
 
 Kai kv Tolg \j/V)^OTaTOl£ rOTTOlQ. 
 
n 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 > 
 
 running immediately from Arcadia, and enclosing the 
 river Eurotas, whose source is separated from that of 
 an Arcadian stream by a very trifling elevation. The 
 Eurotas is, for some way below the city of Sparta, a 
 rapid mountain-stream ; then, after forming a cascade, 
 it stagnates into a morass ; but lower down it passes 
 over a firm soil in a gentle and direct course.^ Near 
 the town of Sparta rocks and hills approach the banks 
 on both sides, and almost entirely shut in the river both 
 above and below the town •} this enclosed plam is with- 
 out doubt the ''hollow Lacedsemon*' of Horner.'^ 
 Here the narrowness of the valley, and the heights of 
 Taygetus, projecting above in a lofty parapet, increase 
 the heat of summer, both by concentrating the sun- 
 beams, as it were, into a focus, and by presenting a 
 barrier to the cool sea-breezes ;^ whilst in winter the 
 cold is doubly violent. The same natural circum- 
 stances produce violent storms of rain, and the nu- 
 merous mountain-torrents frequently cause inundations 
 in the narrow valleys.*" The mountains, although 
 running in connected chains, are yet very much inter- 
 rupted; their broken and rugged forms were by the 
 ancients attributed to earthquakes ;° one of which 
 caused so great consternation at Sparta a short time 
 before the war with the Helots. The country is not 
 however destitute of plains ; that indeed along the lower 
 part of the Eurotas is one of the finest in Greece, 
 
 ^ From the Journal of Four- 
 mont the younger. 
 
 * Polyb. V. 22. 
 - ^ According to the interpre- 
 tation of the Venetian Scholiast 
 and others. 
 
 ^ Abaris is said to have ap- 
 peased a pestilence, which had 
 been occasioned by this heat; 
 
 Jamblich. in Vit. Pythagor. 19. 
 Compare ApoUon. Dyscol. Hist. 
 Mirab. c. 4, p. 9, ed. Meurs. 
 
 •" Theophrastus calls Laconia 
 poutSrjg^ ETrojxfipoQy koX eXeiog (de 
 causis pluviae III. 3, 4). 
 
 Eustath. ad Horn. p. 294, 10» 
 p. 1418,43, ed. Rom. 
 
 CH. 4, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 77 
 
 stretching towards the south, and protected by moun- 
 tains from the north wind : moreover, the maritime 
 district, surrounded by rocks, from Maleato Epidaurus 
 Limera (Malvasia), is extremely fertile.** Nor are the 
 valleys on the frontiers of Messenia less productive ; 
 towards the promontory of Teenarum however the soil 
 continually becomes harder, drier, and more ferru- 
 ginous. The error of supposing that this country was 
 nearly a desert appears from the very large number of 
 its vegetable productions mentioned by Theophrastus 
 and others : Alcman and Theognis also celebrate its 
 wines : vines were planted up to the very summit of 
 mount Taygetus, and laboriously watered from foun- 
 tains in forests of plane-trees ;p the country was in this 
 respect able to provide for its own wants. But the 
 most valuable product, in the estimation of the new 
 inhabitants, was doubtless the iron of the mountains.'* 
 More fortunate still was the situation of the country 
 for purposes of defence, the interior of Laconia being 
 only accessible from Arcadia, Argolis, and Messenia 
 by narrow passes and mountain-roads ; and the most 
 fertile part is the least exposed to the inroads of ene- 
 mies from those quarters : the want of harbours ' like- 
 wise contributes to the natural isolation of Laconia 
 from other lands. Euripides has on the whole very 
 successfully seized the peculiar character of the country 
 in the following lines, and contrasted it with the more 
 favoured territory of Messenia :" 
 
 • See Des Monceaux in Cor- 
 neille le Bruyn, torn. V. p. 465. 
 
 P Alcman ap. Athen. I. p. 31 
 C. Theognis, v. 879 sq. ed. 
 Bekker. 
 
 ** Book III. ch. 2, § 3. 
 Boeckh's Economy of Athens, 
 book IV. ch. 19. 
 
 ' 'AXmcvori;c, Xenoph. Hell. 
 IV. 8,7. 
 
 'In Strabo VIII. p. 366. 
 See Cresphont. fr. 1, ed. 
 Dindorf. 
 
 i 
 
78 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Far spreads Laconia's ample bound. 
 
 With high-heap'd rocks encompass'd round, 
 
 The invader's threat despising ; 
 But ill its bare and rugged soil 
 Rewards the ploughman's painful toil ; 
 
 Scant harvests there are rising. 
 
 While o'er Messenia's beauteous land 
 Wide-watering streams their arms expand, 
 
 Of nature's gifts profuse ; 
 Bright plenty crowns her smiling plain ; 
 The fruitful tree, the full -ear 'd grain. 
 
 Their richest stores produce. 
 
 Large herds her spacious valleys fill. 
 On many a soft -descending hill 
 
 Her flocks unnumber'd stray ; 
 No fierce extreme her climate knows, 
 Nor chilling frost, nor wintry snows. 
 
 Nor dogstar's scorching ray. 
 
 For along the banks of the Pamisus (which, not- 
 withstanding the shortness of its course, is one of the 
 broadest rivers in Peloponnesus), down to the Messe- 
 nian bay, there runs a large and beautiful valley, justly 
 called Macaria, or "The Happy," and well worth the 
 artifice by which Cresphontes is said to have obtained 
 it. To the north, more in the direction of Arcadia, 
 lies the plain of Stenyclarus, surrounded by a hilly 
 barrier. The western part of the country is more 
 mountainous, though without any such heights as 
 mount Taygetus; towards the river Neda, on the 
 frontiers of Arcadia, the country assumes a character 
 of the wildest and most romantic beauty. 
 
 4. Argolis is formed by a ridge of hills which 
 branches from Mount Cyllene and Parthenium in 
 Arcadia, and is connected with it by a mountain-chain, 
 very much broken, and abounding in ravines and 
 
 CH. 4, § 4. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 79 
 
 caverns (hence called Tp^jrov) ;' through which runs 
 the celebrated Contoporia,'' a road cut out, as it were, 
 between walls of rock, connecting Argos with Corinth. 
 By similar passes Cleonae, Nemea, and PIdius, more 
 to the south, and eastwards Mycenae, Tiryns, and 
 Epidaurus, were connected ; and this natural division 
 into many small districts had a considerable effect 
 upon the political state of Argos. The southern part 
 of this chain ends in a plain, at the opening of which, 
 and near the pass just alluded to, was situated Mycense, 
 and in a wider part of it the city of Argos. The 
 nature of this anciently cultivated plain is veiy re- 
 markable ; it was, as is evident, gradually formed 
 by the torrents which constantly filled up tlie bay 
 between the mountains ; and hence it was orio-inally 
 little else than fen and morass.'' Inachus, "the 
 stream^' and Melia, the daughter of Oceanus, "the 
 damp valley' (where ash-trees, /xex/a/, grow), were 
 called the parents of the ancient Argives ; and 
 the epithet "thirsty" (:roXu8/x|//oi/ "Apyo^), which is 
 applied to Argos in ancient poems, refers only to the 
 scarcity of spring-water in tlie neighbourhood of the 
 town. Yet, notwithstanding the rugged nature of the 
 rest of Argolis, there are, both in the interior and near 
 the sea, here and there, small plains, which by the 
 fertility of their soil attract and encourage the hus- 
 bandman ; the south-eastern coast slopes regularly 
 down to the sea. To the north of the mountain-ridge 
 which bounded Argolis, extending from the Isthmus 
 
 Jfl-^r^T.^^^''^^''^'^'^^^'^ P-43E. Pindar Olymp. XI. 
 
 of this district that cJ0pv^ re Ka\ 30. means the same place. 
 .oAcu..rac, Strabo VIII. p. 381. - Ari^tot. Meteor. I. 14. p. 
 
 it "£,«\y^^"«XVI.16.4.places 755 C, and Aristides, ^gyp^t 
 
 U about west-south-west from vol. II. p. 351, ed. Jebb. ^^ 
 Corinth. Comp. Athenaeus II. 
 
80 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 as far as a narrow pass on the boundaries of Achaia, 
 there is a beautiful, and in ancient times highly-cele- 
 brated plain, in which Corinth and Sicyon were 
 situated.^ With respect to the progress of civilization 
 at Argos, it is important to know that the mountains 
 between that town and Corinth contain copper :^ ac- 
 cordingly, in the former town the forging of metals 
 appears to have been early introduced ; and hence 
 arose the ancient celebrity of the Argive shields.^ But 
 no precious metal has been ever found in any part of 
 Peloponnesus : a circumstance which greatly tended 
 to direct the attention of its inhabitants to agriculture 
 and war, rather than commerce and manufactures. 
 
 5. That region which was in later times called 
 Achaia, is only a narrow tract of land along the 
 coast, lying upon the slope of the northern mountain- 
 range of Arcadia. Hence most of the Achaean cities 
 are situated on hills above the sea, and some few in 
 enclosed valleys. The sources of the numerous 
 streams by which the country is watered lie almost 
 without exception in Arcadia, whose frontiers here, 
 reach beyond the water-line. 
 
 But the lowest slope of Peloponnesus, and the most 
 gradual inclination to the sea, is on the western side ; 
 and it is in this quarter that we find the largest extent 
 of champaign country in the peninsula, which, being 
 surrounded by the chain beginning from mounts Scollis 
 and Pholoe, was hence called the Hollow Elis. 
 It was a most happy circumstance that these wide 
 
 y Athen. V. p. 219 A. Lu- Journal and GelPs Argolis. 
 
 cian. ^ Ic^j;.«"?^°;PP; 18. Nav. a gee Schol. Find Olymp. 
 
 20 L1V.XXVII31 Schol. VIL152. Boeckh Comment. 
 
 Aristoph. Av. 969. Zenobius Find. p. 175. Siebelis ad Fau- 
 
 1*1- f^- ,. san. II. 25, 6. 
 
 Accordmg to Fourmont's 
 
 CH. 4, § 6. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 81 
 
 plains enjoyed an almost uninterrupted state of peace. 
 Towards the coast the soil becomes sandy ; a broad 
 line of sand stretches along the sea nearly as far as 
 the Triphylian Pylos, which from this circumstance is 
 so frequently spoken of by Homer as " the aandyr^ 
 As this tract of country is very little raised above the 
 level of the sea, a number of small lakes or lagoons 
 have been formed, which extend along the greatest 
 part of the coast, and are sometimes connected with 
 one another, sometimes with the sea. Such being the 
 nature of the country, the river Alpheus runs gently 
 between low chains of hills and through small valleys 
 into the sea. Towards the south the country becomes 
 more mountainous, and approaches more to the cha- 
 racter of Arcadia. 
 
 6. If now we picture to ourselves this singular 
 country before the improvements of art and agri- 
 culture, it presents to the mind a very extraordinary 
 appearance. The waters of Arcadia are evidently 
 more calculated to fill up the deep ravines and hollows 
 of that country, or to produce irregular inundations, 
 than to fertilise the soil by quiet and gentle streams. 
 The valleys of Stymphalus, Pheneus, Orchomenus, 
 and Caphyae in Arcadia requu-ed canals, dams, &c., 
 before they could be used for the purposes of hus- 
 bandry. One part of the plain of Argos was carefully 
 drained, in order to prevent it becoming a part of the 
 marshes of Lerna. In the Jower part of the course 
 of the Eurotas it was necessary to use some artificial 
 means for confining the river : and that this care was 
 at some time bestowed on it, is evident from the re- 
 mains of quays,'' which give to the river the appear- 
 
 ^ ^ Elis in general is a x^9^ ' I here follow the Journal 
 *;^a/i^oc, according to Theo- of the younger Fourmont, which 
 phrastus, Hist. Flant. I. 6. appears deserving of credit : he 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ance of a canal. The ancient Nestorian Pylus was 
 situated on a river (Anigrus), which even now, when 
 it overflows, makes the country a very unhealthy place 
 of residence; and no traveller can pass a night at 
 Lerna without danger. Thus in many parts of Pelo- 
 ponnesus it was necessary, not merely for the use of 
 the soil, but even for the sake of health and safety, 
 to regulate nature by the exertions of art. At the 
 present time, from the inactivity of the natives, the 
 inevitable consequence of oppression, so bad an at- 
 mosphere prevails in some parts of the country, that, 
 instead of producing, as formerly, a vigorous and 
 healthy race, one sickly generation follows another 
 to the grave. And that improvements of this kind 
 were begun in the earliest periods, is evident from 
 the fact, that the traces of primitive cities are dis- 
 covered in those very valleys which had most need 
 of human labour.*^ This induction is also confirmed 
 by the evidence of many traditions. The scanty ac- 
 counts respecting the earliest times of Sparta relate, 
 that Myles, the son of the earth-born Lelex, built 
 mills, and ground corn at Alesiae ; and that he had 
 a son named Eurotas, who conducted the water stag- 
 nating in the level plain into the sea by a canal, which 
 was afterwards called by his name.® Indeed the situa- 
 tion of Sparta seems to imply that the standing water 
 was first drained off 'J nay, even in later times, it was 
 possible, by stopping the course of the river, to lay 
 most of the country between Sparta and the opposite 
 heights under water.*'' 
 
 also states that he saw iron 626. comp. Manso, Sparta, 
 
 rings on the blocks of stone. vol. I. p. 11. 
 
 ^ Compare with this Orcho- ^ Strabo VIII. p. 363 A. 
 
 menosy chap. 2. « Polyb. V. 22. 6. 
 
 ^ See Schol. Eurip. Orest. 
 
 CH. 4, §7,8. THE DORIANS. 
 
 83 
 
 7. The consideration of these natural circumstances 
 and traditions obliges us to suppose that the races which 
 were looked on as the ancient inhabitants of Pelo- 
 ponnesus (the Pelasgians in the east and north, and the 
 Leleges in the south and west) were the first who 
 brought the land to that state of cultivation in which it 
 afterwards remaiped in this and other parts of Greece. 
 And perhaps it was these two nations alone to whom 
 the care of husbandry, cattle, and everything connected 
 with the products of the soil, belonged through all 
 times and changes. For, in the first place, the 
 numbers of the invading Achaeans, lonians, and after- 
 wards of the Dorians, were very inconsiderable, as com- 
 pared with the whole population of Peloponnesus; and, 
 secondly, these races conquered the people as well as 
 the country, and enjoyed an independent and easy life 
 by retaining both in then* possession : so that, whatever 
 tribe might obtain the sovereign power, the former 
 nations always constituted the mass of the population. 
 By means of these usurpations agriculture was kept in 
 a constant state of dependence and obscurity, so that 
 we seldom hear of the improvement of the country, 
 which is a necessary part of the husbandman's business.' 
 Agriculture was, however, always followed with great 
 energy and success. For in tlie time of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, when the population of Peloponnesus must 
 have been very great, it produced more corn than it 
 consumed, and there was a constant export from 
 Laconia and Arcadia downwards to the coast of 
 Corinth.^ 
 
 ■ 8. It is not with a view of founding any calculation 
 upon them, but merely of giving a general idea of the 
 numerical force pf a Greek tribe (which many would 
 
 *^Thucyd. I. 120. Karako^ih) rwv u,paiu>v. 
 
 g2 
 
84 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 suppose to be a large nation), that I offer the following 
 remarks. At the flourishing period of the Doric 
 power, about the time of the Persian war, Sparta, 
 which had then conquered Messenia, contained 8000 
 families, Argos above 6000 ; while in Sicyon, Corinth, 
 Phlius, Epidaurus, and iEgina, the Dorians were not 
 so numerous, the constitution being even more oli- 
 garchical in those states. Although in the colonies, 
 where they were less confined by want of sufficient 
 space, and by the severity of the laws, the inhabitants 
 multiplied very rapidly, yet the number of original 
 colonists, as many of them as were Dorians, was very 
 small. Now since in the states of Peloponnesus, even 
 after they had been firmly established, the number of 
 inhabitants, particularly of Dorians, never, from se- 
 veral causes, much increased,' it seems probable that 
 at the time of their first irruption the whole number of 
 their males was not above 20,000.^ Nor were the 
 earlier settlements of Achseans and lonians more con- 
 siderable. For the lonians, as is evident from their 
 traditions, appear as a military race in Attica, and pro- 
 bably formed, though perhaps together with many 
 families of a different origin, one, and certainly the 
 least, of four tribes (the ottXtjts^^). The arrival of the 
 Achseans is represented in ancient traditions in the fol- 
 lowing simple manner : " Archander and Architeles, 
 " the sons of Achseus, having been driven from 
 " Phthiotis, came to Argos and Lacedsemon."™ Their 
 names signify "the ruler," and " the chief governor." 
 
 * See book III. ch. 10. § 2, 5. anv calculation upon. 
 
 ^ Isocrates Panath. p. 286 C, ^ See Boeckh on the four 
 says, that in the most ancient ancient tribes of Attica, Mu- 
 tinies there were only 2000 seum Criticum, vol. II. p. 608. 
 Dorians in Sparta ; but his state- "» Pausan. VII. 1.6, 7. 
 ment is too uncertain to found 
 
 CH. 4, § 9. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 85 
 
 Certainly the Achseans did not come to till the ground ; 
 as is also evident from the fact that, when dislodged by 
 the Dorians, and driven to the northern coast, they 
 took possession of Patrae, dwelt only in the town, and 
 did not disperse themselves into the smaller villages." 
 It seems pretty certain that the Dorians migrated 
 together with their wives and children. The Spartans 
 would not have bestowed so much attention as they did 
 on women of a different race ; and all the domestic 
 institutions of the Dorians would have been formed in 
 a manner very unlike that which really obtained. This 
 circumstance alone completely distinguishes the mi- 
 gration of the Dorians from that of the lonians, who 
 having, according to Herodotus, sailed from Attica 
 without any women, took native Carian women for 
 wives, or rather for slaves, who, according to the same 
 writer, did not even dare to address their husbands by 
 their proper names. And this was probably the case 
 with all the early settlements beyond the sea, since the 
 form of the ancient Greek galley hardly admitted of 
 the transport of women. 
 
 9. It would have been less difficult to explain by 
 what superiority the Dorians conquered Peloponnesus, 
 had they gained it in open battle. For, since it appears! 
 that Homer describes the mode of combat in use among 
 the ancient Achseans, the method of fighting with lines 
 of heavy armed men, drawn up in close and regular 
 order, must have been introduced into Peloponnesus by 
 the Dorians ; amongst whom Tyrteeus describes it as 
 established. And it is evident that the chariots and 
 darts of the Homeric heroes could never have prevailed 
 against the charge of a deep and compact body armed 
 with long lances. But it is more difficult still to com- 
 
 " Pausan. VII. 18. 3, book HI. ch. 4, § 8. 
 
i 
 
 86 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 CH. 5, § 1. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 87 
 
 prehend how the Dorians could have entered those 
 inaccessible fortifications, of which Peloponnesus was 
 full ; since theh* nation never was skilful in the art of 
 besieging, and main force was here of no avail. How, 
 I ask, did they storm the citadel of Acro-Corinthus, 
 that Gibraltar of Peloponnesus ? ° how the Argive 
 Larissa, and similar fortresses ? On these points, how- 
 ever, some accounts have been preserved with regard 
 to the conquest of Argos and Corinth, wliich, from 
 their agreement with each other, and with the circum- 
 stances of the places, must pass as credible historical 
 memorials. From these we learn that the Dorians 
 always endeavoured to fortify some post at a short 
 distance from the ancient stronghold ; and from thence 
 ravaged the country by constant incursions, and kept 
 up this system of vexation and petty attack, until the 
 defenders either hazarded a battle, or surrendered their 
 city. Thus at a late period the places were still shown 
 from whence Temenus and Aletes had carried on con- 
 tests of this nature with success.^ And even in his- 
 torical times this mode of waging war in an enemy*s 
 country (called sTriTsiXKrfJt-og rji x^P^) ^^ ^^^ unfre- 
 quently employed against places, which could not be 
 directly attacked."* 
 
 •> Clarke's Travels, II. 2. 
 p. 646, &c. 
 
 P Below, ch. 5. § 1 and 8. 
 
 4 See Thucyd. I. 122. III. 
 85, and the example of Decelea. 
 
 i 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 § 1. Reduction of Argos by the Dorians. § 2. Of Sicyon. § 3. Of 
 Phhus and Cleonse. § 4. Of the Act^, Epidaurus, ^gina, and 
 Troezen. § 5. Independence of Mycenae and Tiryns. § 6. An- 
 cient homage of the towns of the Acte to Argolis. § 7. Territory 
 of the Dryopians in Argolis. § 8. Reduction of Corinth by the 
 Dorians. § 9. Ancient inhabitants of Corinth. § 10. Reduc- 
 tion of Megara by the Dorians. § 11. Reduction of Laconia 
 by the Dorians under Aristodemus. § 12. Resistance of 
 Amyclae. Position of Sparta. § 13. Resistance of other 
 Laconian towns to the Dorians. § 14. Traditions respecting 
 Eurysthenes and Procles. § 15. Reduction of Messenia by the 
 Dorians. §16. Political state of Messenia. 
 
 1. Before the time of the Dorians, My cense, situ- 
 ated in the higher part of the plain at the extremity 
 of the mountain-chain, had doubtless been the most 
 important and distinguished place in Argolis; and 
 Argos, although the seat of the earliest civilization 
 was dependent upon and inferior to it. At Myceuse 
 were the Cyclopian hall of Eurystheus,* and the sump- 
 tuous palace of Agamemnon ; and though, as Thucy- 
 dides correctly says, the fortified town was of incon- 
 siderable extent, yet it abounded with stupendous and 
 richly-carved monuments, whose semi-barbarous but 
 artificial splendour formed a striking contrast with the 
 unirnamented and simple style introduced after the 
 Doric period.^ The Doric conquerors, on the other 
 hand, did not commence their operations upon fort- 
 resses secured alike by nature and art, but advanced 
 
 * Evpvadeog KvK\u)7nn Trpd- 
 Ovpa, Pindar. Fragment. Incert. 
 48, ed. Boeckh. 
 
 TToXv^pvo-oIo MvKr)rrj£^ Ho- 
 mer. Compare book IV. ch. 1. 
 
88 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 into the interior from the coast. For near the sea 
 between Lerna and Nauplia, on the mouth of the 
 Phrixus/ there was a fortified place named Temenium, 
 from which Temenus the son of Aristomachus, to- 
 gether with the Dorians, carried on a war with Tisa- 
 menus and the Achaeans, and probably harassed them 
 by repeated incursions, until they were obliged to 
 hazard an open battle. From thence the Dorians, 
 after severe struggles, made themselves masters of the 
 town of Argos.'^ It is related in an isolated tradition, 
 that Ergiseus, a descendant of Diomed, stole and gave 
 to Temenus the Palladium brought by his ancestor 
 from Troy to Argos, which immediately occasioned the 
 surrender of the city.^ Argos was therefore supposed 
 to have been taken by Temenus himself. 
 
 2. The further extension of the Doric power is, 
 however, attributed not to Temenus, but to his sons ; 
 for such the Doric tradition calls Ceisus, Cerynes, 
 Phalces, and Agrseus or Agseus.^ Of these, Ceisus 
 is represented to have governed at Argos, and Phalces 
 to have gone to Sicyon. The ancient Mecone or 
 Sicyon had in early times been in the power of the 
 lonians, and afterwards subject to the Achseans o[ 
 Argos. The very copious mythology of this ancient 
 
 ^ Foiirmont supposes that he 
 has recognised Temenium in a 
 citadel to the south of Lerna, 
 but it must lie to the north. 
 
 •* See Callimach. Fragm. 108. 
 ed. Bentl. from Schol. Find. 
 Nem. X. 1. Concerning the 
 taking of Argos see Polyaen. 
 II. 12. 
 
 « Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 48. p. 
 404. Cf. Schol. Callim. Pall. 37. 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 28. 3. The 
 names given by Apollodorus 
 
 II. 7. 6., viz. Agelaus, Eury- 
 phylus, and Callias, are proba- 
 bly from the Temenidae of Eu- 
 ripides. Ceisus and Phalces 
 are mentioned by Ephorus ap. 
 Strab. VIII. p. 389. Scymn. 
 Chi. V. 525 sq. Pausan. II. 6. 
 4. II. 12. 6. II. 13. 1. Ceisus 
 is also mentioned by Hyginus, 
 Fab. 124 (where read Cisiis Te- 
 meni filius) ; but his account is 
 very confused. See Mgineticay 
 p. 40. 
 
 CH. 5, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 89 
 
 city contains symbolical and historical elements of 
 the most various nature : we will only touch upon a 
 part of the story immediately preceding the Doric 
 invasion. Phsestus, a son of Hercules, is stated to 
 have been king of Argos before that event ; and hav- 
 ing gone to Crete, where he founded the town of his 
 name,* to have been succeeded by his descendants 
 Rhopalus, Hippolytus, and Lacestades, the last of 
 whom lived on terms of friendship with Phalces. 
 Between them, however, Zeuxippus, a son of Apollo 
 and of the nymph Hyllis,^ is placed. We here perceive 
 the traces of a connexion between Phaestus in Crete, 
 and the introduction of the worship of Apollo and 
 Hercules ; this tradition, however, cannot authorise us 
 to draw any chronological inferences. 
 
 3. Whether Phlius (situated in a corner of Ar- 
 cadia, in a beautiful valley, whence arise the four 
 sources of the Asopus») was founded from Sicyon or 
 Argos, was a matter of contention between these two 
 towns : the latter simply called Phlias the son of Ceisus.*^ 
 This Phlias, however, is nothing else than the country 
 personified ; the name being derived from c^Xeo) or 
 <px/3aa>, and signifying " damp," or " abounding in 
 springs," which appellation was fully merited by the 
 nature of the spot. Hence Phlias was with more reason 
 called the son of Dionysus (4>Xei^, ^Xswi), who loved 
 to dwell in such valleys. There is, therefore, greater 
 probability in the account of the Sicyonians, that 
 Phalces and Rhegnidas were the founders of the Doric 
 
 /P\^^- n. 6. 3. Eustath. ture 'YXX/aoc 
 
 ad II. V. p. 520.^ Stephanus By- ^ Fourmont's Journal contains 
 
 zant. says, 4»a7ffrof 'PottoXov, a detailed and accurate account 
 
 HpaKXeovg 7rat^of . of this river. 
 
 Ni;^»;c I^vWicot: ; I conjee- ^ Pausan. 11.11.2. 
 
90 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 dominion ;^ it being moreover easier to force a way to 
 Phliasia from Sicyon along the Asopus, than from 
 Argos. It is known that Pythagoras the Samian 
 derived his origin from a certain Hippasus, who had 
 quitted Phlius on that occasion ; and the Ionic town 
 of Clazomense is said to have been partly founded by 
 some inhabitants of Cleonse and Phliasia, who had 
 been expelled by the Dorians ;"* from which two facts 
 we are justified in inferring the existence of a con- 
 nexion between the early inhabitants of these places 
 and the lonians. Cleonje, situated in a narrow 
 valley, where the mountains open towards Corinth, and 
 bordering upon Phlius, appears from this account to 
 have been colonised at the same time with that town, 
 but probably from Argos. For we find that the ruling 
 power was there in the hands of the same Heraclide 
 family, of which a branch went from Argos to Epi- 
 daurus." 
 
 4. The AcTE (as the northern coast of Argolis, 
 over against Attica, was called) ° was reduced, accor- 
 ding to the account of Ephorus, by Deiphontes and 
 Ageeus.P The former of these, who was called a de- 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 13. 1. eV hva- haps Pausanias means "Ther- 
 
 latTiiif yf\Q. " sander, the son of the son of 
 
 "" Pausan. ubi sup. and VII. " Agamedes." 
 3- 5. o Sophocl. Acris. ap. He- 
 
 " Pausan. III. 16. 5. Oeptrav- sych. in aKTir)Q. Scymnus Chius 
 
 ^pov Tov 'Aya/ir/^/^a, paaiXEvov- 526. from Ephorus, Polyb. V. 
 
 70C /icv KAEESTliNAmN, 91. 8. Conon. 1. Diodor. XII. 
 
 TiTaprov de cnroyovov KrrjaiTnrov 43. XV. 32. XVIII. 11. Strab. 
 
 TOV 'UpaKXeovr. Since some VIII. p. 389. ^lian. V. H. VI. 
 
 Doric state must be here meant, 1. Plutarch. Demetr. 25. Pau- 
 
 KAEilNAIQN, the conjecture san. II. 8. 4. 'Em^avpioi Kai 
 
 of Kiihn, seems most probable ; Tpoi^ripwi, oi rnv 'ApyoX/^a 
 
 and all doubt is removed by a cikt^v ixovteq. It is different 
 
 comparisonof .^lianN.A. XII. from the 'ApyokiKoq koXttoc, 
 
 31., where, however, Thersan- which is the south coast, 
 der is called the son of Cleony- p Concerning these doubtful 
 
 mus, not of Agamedidas. Per- names ('Ayaloc, 'AypaToc), see 
 
 CH. 5, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 91 
 
 scendant of Ctesippus, and son-in-law of Temenus, 
 and whose fortunes afforded materials for the tragic 
 poets, made himself master of the town of Epidaurus, 
 and dislodged the lonians from thence : these latter, 
 under tlie command of their king Pityreus, crossed 
 over to Attica, whence the king's son Procles went 
 subsequently, at the general Ionic migration, to Samos.** 
 Of the Dorians of Epidaurus, however, a part under 
 the conduct of Triacon withdrew to ^gina,' in which 
 place Hellenes of Thessaly had formerly ruled, and 
 united the island and mother- state into one common- 
 wealth, with equal rights, and the same magistrates. 
 Now since besides Epidaurus, Trcezen alone belonged 
 to the Acte, and since both Agaeus and Deiphontes are 
 mentioned as the Dorian colonisers of this coast, it was 
 probably this Agseus who brought Troezen under the 
 rule of the Dorians.' In this city, too, he must have 
 encountered some lonians ; since both the mythical 
 genealogies and religious rites of the ancient Troezen 
 attest a close connexion between its earlier inliabitants 
 and tlie Athenians.* For Troezen even shared with the 
 Ionic cities in the peculiar worship of the Apaturian 
 Athene, as the goddess oi^phratrice and gentes; " as 
 also in tliat of Poseidon and his son Theseus. 
 
 5. The accounts already given show that Sicyon, 
 
 Mginet. p. 40. The name was 
 common in Macedonia in later 
 times; see Harpocrat. in *Ap- 
 yatog. 
 
 "^ This is stated by Pausanias. 
 See also Jamblichus Pythagor. 
 2. concerning the EpicUurian 
 colony in Samos. Aristotle ap. 
 Strab. VIII. p. 374, states that 
 the lonians came together with 
 the Heraclidae from the Attic 
 Tetrapolis to Epidaurus. The 
 
 former account is by far the 
 most probable. 
 
 ' Mginet. p. 43. 
 
 « Pausan. II. 30. 9. 
 
 * Book II. ch. 2, § 8. Ac- 
 cording to Pausanias II. 30. 9. 
 Anaphlystus and Sphettus, the 
 sons of Troezen, passed over to 
 Attica, and gave their names to 
 the two boroughs so called. See 
 Apj)endix II. 
 
 " Pausan. II. 33. 1. 
 
92 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Phlius, Cleonae, Epidaurus, Troezen, and iEgina re- 
 ceived their share of Doric inhabitants either mediately 
 or immediately from Argos. We can only regret the 
 want of any accurate accounts respecting Mycenae and 
 Tiryns; the conquest of which cities must have been 
 most difficult ; but, when accomplished, decisive for 
 the sovereignty of the Dorians. Pindar* considers the 
 expulsion of the Achaean Danai from the gulf of Argos, 
 and from Mycenae, as identical with the expedition of 
 the Heraclidae ; and Strabo states that the Argives 
 united Mycenae with themselves.^ Nevertheless we 
 find that in the Persian war Mycenae and Tiryns were 
 still independent states, and it admits of a doubt whether 
 they had previously belonged for any length of time to 
 Argos. That some ancient inhabitants at least still 
 maintained themselves in the mountains above Argos, 
 is shown by the instance of the Orneatae. The inha- 
 bitants of Orneae, a town on the mountainous frontier 
 of Mantinea, having long been hostile to the Dorians, 
 and at war with the Sicyonians,^ were at length over- 
 powered by Argos, and degraded to the state of pe- 
 rioeci.* Now, since it is more probable that such a 
 proceeding took place against the people of a different 
 race, than against a colony of Argos, and also as there 
 is nowhere any mention of a Doric settlement at Orneae, 
 it is evident that the inhabitants of Orneae liad up to 
 that time "been either Achaeans or Arcadians. 
 
 6. Although from the foregoing accounts it appears 
 that Argos almost entirely lost its power over the towns 
 which it had been the means of bringing under tlie rule 
 of the Dorians, yet in early times there existed certain 
 
 * Pyth. IV. 49. 
 
 y Strab. VIII. p. 372. 377. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, de Def. Orac. p. 
 620. Paus. X. 18.4. 
 
 * See book III. ch. 4, § 2. 
 
 CH. 5, §7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 93 
 
 obligations on the part of these cities towards Argos, 
 which at a later period became mere forms. There was 
 in Argos, upon the Larissa, a temple of Apollo Py- 
 thaeus, which had probably been erected soon after the 
 invasion of the Dorians, as a sanctuary of the national 
 deity who had led them into the country. It was a 
 temple common to all the surrounding district, though 
 belonging more particularly to the Argives.^ The 
 Epidaurians were bound at certain seasons to send 
 sacrifices to it." The Dryopians in early times, and 
 -afterwards also, in their character of Craugallidae, or 
 servants of the Delphian god, had at Asine and Her- 
 mione erected temples to Apollo Pythaeus, in acknow- 
 ledgment of a similar dependence ; and this was the 
 only one spared by the Argives at the destruction of 
 the former town.*^ 
 
 7. The fragments preserved respecting the ancient 
 history of the Dryopians having been collected in a 
 previous chapter,*' we shall here only remark that this 
 people possessed a considerable district in the most 
 southern part of Argolis, the boundaries of which, so 
 long as they remained inviolate, were defined by two 
 points, viz. the temple of Demeter Thermesia on the 
 frontier between Hermione and Trcezen, eighty stadia 
 from Cape Scyllaeum, and a hill between Asine, Epi- 
 daurus, and TrcEzen,^ and they may still be pointed out 
 with tolerable certainty. Hercules, who, according to 
 the Doric tradition, brought the Dryopians hither, had 
 
 ^ This is evident from Thu- Biog) ; but his account is con- 
 
 cyd. V. 53. KvpiwTaroi tov tepov fused. 
 
 ^(ray\Apyeloi. d Pausan. II. 35. 2. 36. 5. 
 
 "" Ibid. According to Diodo- Compare book II. ch. 3. § 4. 
 
 rus XII. 18. the Lacedaemoni- ♦• Above, ch. 2, § 4. 
 
 ans were bound to send sacri- ^ Pausan. II. 28. 2. 34. 6. 
 fices to Apollo Pythaeus (Uv- 
 
94 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 accurately marked out these boundaries. It is, how- 
 ever, also related that the Diyopians established them- 
 selves beyond these limits at Nemea^ in Argolis : this, 
 however, as well as Olympia, was not any particular 
 town, but merely the name of a valley, and particularly 
 of a temple of Zeus there situated. 
 
 8. The history of the establishment of Corinth, 
 though marvellous and obscure, contains nevertheless 
 some historical traces by no means unworthy of remark. 
 In the first place, it is stated that this town did not 
 receive its inhabitants from Argos. The purport of 
 the tradition is as follows : " When Hippotes at the 
 " time of the passage of the Dorians from Naupactus 
 " slew the soothsayer, he was banished (according to 
 " ApoUodorus for ten years) ,^ during which time he 
 " led a roaming and predatory life ;"' whence his son 
 was called 'AXtJttj^, or the Wander er}^ It is also 
 recorded in the fragment of a tradition^ that Hippotes, 
 when crossing the Melian gulf, imprecated against 
 those who wished to remain behind, " That their ves- 
 sels might be leaky , and themselves the slaves of their 
 wives:' In like manner his son Aletes passed throuo-h 
 the territory at that time called Ephyra, where he re- 
 ceived from scorn a clod of earth ;"^ which in the 
 ancient oracular language was a symbol of sovereio-nty.** 
 
 5 Steph. Byz. in Nc/ica, where, 
 from the context, Tr]c "ApyoXldog 
 should be \Mitten for 'HXidoc 
 
 ^11. 8. 
 
 * Conon. 26. Etymol. Mag. in 
 'AXriTTjg. 
 
 ^ Compare p. 73, note f. 
 
 ^ Aristot. ap. Proverb. Vatic. 
 IV. 4. MrfXiaicoy ttXoTov. Com- 
 pare Apostol. XIX. 89, and 
 Suidas, Diogenianus VII. 31, 
 explains it differently. 
 
 "" Aixsrai kui fSiOiXoy 'AXrirrjg. 
 See Duris in Plutarch. Prov. 
 Alex. 48. p. 593. Diogenian IV. 
 27. Zenobius III. 22. Suidas in 
 ^ixerai, Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 
 155. Perhaps Suidas in d^i;- 
 Xwt/ae refers to this story. 
 
 " Orchomenos, p. 352. See 
 also Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 13. The 
 delivery of a clod of earth (a 
 common symbol of transfer of 
 possession of land, Grimm 
 
 CH. 5, § 8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 95 
 
 We might almost guess from these traditions that the 
 Dorian warriors had harassed, and at length subdued 
 the ancient Ephyreans,' by ravaging their lands, and 
 by rej)eated invasions. This is confirmed by the very 
 credible account of Thucydides relating to this point."* 
 There was in the mountainous country, about sixty 
 stadia from Corinth, and twelve from the Saronic irulf 
 a hill called Solygius, of which the Dorians had once 
 taken possession for the purpose of making war against 
 the ^olian inhabitants of Corinth. This hill was, how- 
 ever (at least in the time of Thucydides), entirely 
 unfortified. Here we may recognise the very same 
 method of waging war as in the account of Temenus 
 given above, a method which in the Peloponnesian war 
 was adopted by the Spartans at the fortifying of 
 Decelea. Again, it is related in a tradition connected 
 with the Hellotian festival, that at the taking of Corinth 
 the Dorians set fire to the town, and even to the temple 
 of Athene, in which the women had taken refuge.? 
 In another it is stated that Aletes, being advised by an 
 oracle to attack the city on a "crowned day," took it 
 during a great funeral solemnity by the treachery of 
 the youngest daughter of Creon : these, however, are 
 for the most part mere attempts at an historical inter- 
 pretation of ancient festival ceremonies. As Aletes 
 (according to his genealogy) lived one generation after 
 the conquerors of Peloponnesus, the capture of Corinth 
 w^as dated thirty years after the expedition of the 
 Heraclidae ; *» whence probably also arose the error of 
 
 Rechtsalterthumer, p. 110-21); 
 also occurs in the history of the 
 Ionic colony, Lvcophron 1378. 
 and Tzetzes Chil. XIII. p. 
 468. V. 112. 
 
 « Thucyd. IV. 42. Compare 
 Polyaen. I. 39. 
 
 1' Schol. Pind. Olvmp. 
 
 XIII. 56. 
 
 ^ Didymus Schol. Pind. 
 Olyrap. XIII. 17. Conon ubi 
 sup. Compare Diodorus in 
 Euseb. Chronic, p. 35. (Frag- 
 ment. 6. p. 635. Wessel.) 
 Ephorus in Strab. VII I. p. 389 
 D, and Scymnus Chius, 526. 
 
96 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 supposing that there had previously been Dorians at 
 Corinth; as it was supposed that the Dorians had 
 obtained their whole dominion over Peloponnesus at 
 one time, by one expedition. The city appears to have 
 received the name of Corinth at this time, instead of 
 its former one of Ephyra;' and it seems that the 
 Dorians called it with a certain preference " The 
 Corinth of Zeus ;'' although ancient interpreters have 
 in vain laboured to give a satisfactory explanation 
 of this name. 
 
 9. The early inhabitants of Corinth were, according 
 to the expression of Thucydides," iEolians ; and their 
 traditions and religion show that they were very nearly 
 connected with the Minyans of lolcus and Orcho- 
 menus.' Their kings were the Sisyphidse, whose 
 genealogy closes with Hyantidas and Doridas. We 
 find in the last name the same confusion Avhich has been 
 pointed out (amongst others) in the legend of Thes- 
 salus the son of Jason,** viz., that the arrival of a dif- 
 ferent nation was expressed by connecting the new 
 comers genealogically with the heroes of the ruling 
 race. Thus Doridas, i. e. the Dorians in a patronymic 
 form, is the descendant of Sisyphus. Here begins the 
 sovereignty of the Dorians ; who, however, did not, as 
 Pausanias'' states, altogether expel the ancient inha- 
 bitants, but formed the aristocratic class of the new 
 state. Pindar and Callimachus, indeed, call th^ whole 
 Corinthian nation Aletiadce,^ but merely by a poetical 
 license ; the only lineal descendants of Aletes being the 
 
 '' According to Velleius^ Pa- 
 terc. I. 3. 3. 
 
 « IV. 42. 
 
 ^ Orchomenos, p. 140. Ac- 
 cording to Conon -ubi sup. 
 Aletes found Sisyphidse and 
 lonians mixed with them. 
 
 " Orckomenos, p. 257. 
 
 X il. 4. 3. 
 
 y Pindar. Olymp. XIII. 11. 
 Compare Boeckh's Commen- 
 tary, p. 213. Callimachus ap. 
 Plutarch. Symp. Qu. V. 3. p. 
 213. A\r}TiaCaL irap Aiyai(iiivi 
 Qt<j^ Qrjffovaiv viktjq ffVfxfioXov 
 lcr0/Ltta^oc ZriX^ Tuiv Nefxdride. 
 
 CH. 5, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 97 
 
 ruling house, the Bacchiadse, from which for a lon«r 
 time were taken the kings and Prytanes of Corinth 
 and all its colonies. There were, however, at Corinth 
 distinguished families of a different origin. The fa- 
 mily of Cypselus, which afterwards obtained possession 
 of the tyranny, was, according to Herodotus, of the 
 blood of the Lapithae, and descended from Cseneus.* 
 They came, according to Pausanias, from Gonusa, 
 near Sicyon, to assist the Dorians against Corinth :' 
 Aletes, however, at the advice of an oracle, at first 
 refused to receive them, but presently admitted them 
 into the city, where they aftenvards overthrew his own 
 descendants. We shall allow this narrative, Avhich 
 contains a post eventum prophecy of the tyranny of 
 the Cypselidae, to rest on its own merits, remarking 
 only that the Caenidse had more reason to assist the 
 ancient ^olians than the Dorians ; and shall merely 
 infer from it the existence of distinguished families in 
 Corinth not of Doric descent. 
 
 10. As in this chapter we have hithei-to rather fol- 
 lowed a geographical than a chronological arran<ye- 
 ment, we will now pass to the founding of Megara.'' 
 That event is represented by the ancient tradition as 
 connected with the expedition of the Peloponnesians 
 against Athens ;*' which is doubtless a correct state- 
 ment, since Megara had before that epoch been closely 
 united with Attica, and comprehended in Ionia. This 
 
 * Herodot. V. 92. 2. This 
 perhaps may afford some ex- 
 planation of the ancient affinity 
 between the Cypselidae and Phi- 
 laidae (see Herodot. VI. 128.), 
 by a comparison of the table, 
 Orchomenosy p. 465. 
 
 * II. 4 4. compare V. 18. 2. 
 
 ^ See Blanchard Recherches 
 8ur la ville de Mt?gare, Mt^m. 
 de PAcad. des Inscr. tom. XVI. 
 p. 121. 
 
 '^ Herodot. V. 76. Lycurg. in 
 Leocrat. p. 196. Strabo IX. 
 p. 293. XIV. p. 653. Conou 
 26. Scymnus Cnius, 503. 
 
 11 
 
r 
 
 98 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 expedition was, according to most authors, undertaken 
 by the whole Peloponnesus ; by some, however, the 
 Corinthians are called the real authors of it, and Aletes 
 the leader, Althaemenes of Argos, the son of Ceisus, 
 being nevertheless joined with him. The defeat of 
 the Doric invaders, by the voluntary sacrifice of Codrus, 
 has been a favourite subject both with poets and rhe- 
 toricians/ It is sufficient for our purpose to oppose 
 to this celebrated legend an obscure tradition that some 
 Athenians, whom Lycophron calls Codri, had a share 
 in the expedition of the Heraclidse.'' Whether or not 
 the lonians and Dorians met at the borders on this 
 occasion, thus much is certain, that Megara in con- 
 sequence of this invasion became a Doric town, and 
 indeed soon afterwards a Corinthian colony/ It also 
 remained for some time in complete dependence on 
 Corinth, as -^gina upon Epidaurus ; in proof of 
 which it is mentioned that the Megarians were bound 
 to mourn for every death that occurred in the family 
 of the Bacchiadee at Corinth.^ When, however, the 
 internal strength of Megara increased, it ventured to 
 dissolve this connexion, and, in defiance of the Corinth 
 of Zeus, to rout the Corinthians in the field. ^ The 
 
 ^ See Raoul-Rochette Til p. 
 56. who has omitted the re- 
 markable passage of Pausan. 
 VII. 25. according to which 
 the Lacedaemonians had partly 
 taken Athens. There was at 
 Athens a Delphian gens named 
 Cleomantidee, whose ancestor 
 was said to have communicated 
 to the Athenians the prophecy 
 concerning the king's death, 
 Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 196. 
 
 * Lycophr. 1388. and Tzet- 
 zes' note. 
 
 ^ See particularly Schol. Pind. 
 
 Nem. VII. 155. Schol. Aris- 
 toph. Ran. 440. Pausan. 1.39. 4. 
 
 s Schol. Pind. et Aristoph. 
 ubi sup. According to Zenobms 
 V. 8. the Megarians mourned 
 for a daughter of their own king 
 Clytius, and of Bacchius the 
 Corinthian. 
 
 ^ This event is always nar- 
 rated in explanation of the 
 proverb; see Schol. Pind. ubi 
 sup. Schol. Plat. Euthydem. 
 pag. 97. edit. Ruhnken. and 
 Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440 (frotn 
 Demon). Compare Aristoph. 
 
 CH. 5, § 11. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 99 
 
 l)order-wars of the JMegai'ians and Corintliians were 
 carried on without intennission.' Megara appears not 
 to have raised itself to the situation of a ruhng city till 
 after it had obtained its independence ; since in earlier 
 times it had been one of the five hamlets {xm^ai) into 
 which the country was divided, viz. the Hermans, 
 Pireeans, Megarians, Cynosyrians, and Tripodiscians^"^ 
 These small communities also waged war with each 
 other, but with a singular lenity, of which some almost 
 marvellous accounts have been preserved; the con- 
 querors carried their prisoners home, treated them as 
 guests and companions, who were hence called hopi^ 
 ^svo/, in opposition to 3o^t>aAa>roi. 
 
 11. We now turn to Laconia, which, according 
 to the above-mentioned legend concerning the division 
 of Peloponnesus, feU to the share of Aristodemus or 
 his sons.* According to the common tradition (which 
 was derived from the epic poets-) the twin brothers 
 
 Eccles. 828. Zenob. III. 21. 
 Vatic. Prov. III. 13. Aposto- 
 lius VII. 17. XIV. 97. Suidas, 
 Hesychius, Dissen ad Pind. ubi 
 sup. It is probably of this vic- 
 tory of the Megariaiis that Pau- 
 sanias (VI. 19. 9.) had read in 
 some document that it took 
 place before the commencement 
 of the Olympiads, when Phorbas 
 wasarchonfor life at Athens; 
 but in my opinion he is incor- 
 rect in referring it to a treasury 
 of Dontas the Lacedaemonian 
 (Olymp. 60.), the inscription of 
 which spoke indefinitely of a 
 victory of the Megarians over 
 the Corinthians, in which the 
 Argives were supposed to have 
 had a share. Phorbas was 
 
 archon from the I73rd to the 
 148th year before the first 
 Olympiad, according to Euse- 
 bius. 
 
 •Thucyd. I. 103. Diod. XI. 
 79. Plutarch Ciraon. 17. It 
 was probably in some war of 
 this kind that Orsippus of Me- 
 gara enlarged the territory of his 
 native city, according to Etymol. 
 M. p. 242; he was conqueror 
 in the 15th Olympiad, see book 
 IV. ch. 2. note. Pausan. I. 44. 
 1- and the epigram in Anthol. 
 Pal. II.App. 272. SeeSiebelis 
 ad Pausan. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ See the account in Plutarch 
 Qu. Gr. 17. p. 387. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 3. § II. 
 
 ™ See above, ch. 3. § 3. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 5, § 12. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 101 
 
 "™ 
 
 Eurysthenes and Procles" took possession of Sparta 
 after the death of their father ; whereas the national 
 tradition of Sparta, as Herodotus informs us, repre- 
 sented Aristodemus himself as having been the first 
 ruler,° and the double dominion of his children as not 
 having been settled till after his death ; the first-born, 
 however, enjoying a certain degree of precedence.^ 
 This is, indeed, contradicted by the account of Thucy- 
 dides,** who mentions as a Lacedaemonian tradition, 
 that the kings who first took possession of Lacedsemon 
 (i. e. Eurysthenes and Procles) were conducted thither 
 with dances and sacrifices, an honour which at the 
 command of the Delphian oracle was afterwards given 
 to Pleistoanax at his restoration. This variation, how- 
 ever, is perhaps merely the effect of a pardonable 
 negligence in the author. 
 
 12. It is, however, far more difficult to ascertain 
 what was the condition of Laconia immediately after 
 the invasion of the Dorians. For it is plain that the 
 history, as it was arranged by Ephorus, and derived 
 from him to other authors, is in contradiction with 
 f many isolated traditions, but which for that very 
 . reason are of the greater importance. So far, indeed, 
 from the whole of the Laconian territory immediately 
 
 ^ Called in the Doric dialect 
 IIjOOKXtac, Kiihn ad Pausan. II I. 
 1. According to Polysenus I. 
 10. Procles and Temenus toge- 
 ther conquered Lacedsemon. 
 
 o Herod. VI. 52. and it is 
 followed by Xen. Agesil. 8. 
 Plutarch. Agesil. 19. [The same 
 tradition is preserved in a frag- 
 ment of Alcaeus (Mus. Crit. I. 
 ]). 432) wg yap ^// ttote (^aaiv 
 ^ ApKTTohajiov kv 27rapra \6yov 
 ovK a.TraXap.vov EiTTEiv, as Nie- 
 
 buhr has remarked. History of 
 Rome, vol. I. note 94. ed. 2.] 
 
 P The words of the oracle, 
 which Herodotus paraphrases, 
 probably were ^aWov he. yepal- 
 repov tore yEpaiptiv. 
 
 •1 V. 16. Also in Plato Leg. 
 III. p. 683. Megillus the Spar- 
 tan, to the question koX paffiXevc 
 fiEy — AaKE^ai/xoyoQ UpoKXrjg Kal 
 EvjOvo-OtvT^c ; answers, ttwc yap 
 ov, against his national tradition. 
 
 falling into the hands of the Dorians,' it is certain that 
 a powerful fortress of the ancient Acheeans, at a short > 
 distance from Sparta itself, held out for nearly three ' 
 centuries after the Doric invasion. 
 
 There was a saying, well known in antiquity, of the 
 " silent Amyclae ;" thus called because its citizens had 
 been so often alarmed by the report of the enemy 
 coming, that they at last made a law that no one should 
 give tidings of the enemy's approach ; in consequence 
 ol which the town was at length taken." This pro- 
 verb, and the stoiy on which it was founded, prove the 
 existence of a long and determined contest between the 
 two neighbouring cities. They also confirm the ac- 
 count of Pausanias, that the Dorians in the reign of 
 Teleclus built a temple * to Zeus Tropseus, because 
 they had at length, after a tedious and severe struggle, 
 overcome the Acheeans of Amyclce and taken their 
 city. This city of Amyclse, one of the most ancient 
 and considerable in Peloponnesus, of which there still 
 remains a fort situated upon a rock on the side of 
 mount Taygetus, was therefore so far from being re- 
 duced by the Spartans immediately, that it held out ^ 
 until the reign of Teleclus, 278 years after the in- 
 vasion, a short time before the first Messenian war ; and 
 
 ' Pindar Pyth. I. 65. savs 
 that the Dorians, *' coming down 
 " from Pindus, immediately 
 "took Amyclae." Compare 
 Boeckh Comment, p. 479. This 
 is equally fallacious with his 
 other statement, that Pylos fell 
 at the invasion, see below, 
 /§ 1 5. According to Ephorus ap! 
 Strab. p. 364 D., Philonomus 
 ; the Achaean, who had betrayed 
 I Lacedaemon to the Dorians, re- 
 (^ ceived Amyclae from them as a 
 reward for his treachery, and 
 
 held the yofiog *AfxvK\aioc (to 
 which his name seems to allude) 
 as a vassal. Compare Conon 
 Narr. 36. Nicol. Damasc. p. 
 445. Vales. 
 
 * Servius ad ^n. X. 504. 
 and Lucilius, ibid, compare 
 Heyne Excurs. II. ad .^n. X. 
 Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54. 
 
 * Pausan. III. 2. 6. ib. 12. 7. 
 ib. 19. 5. The temple was still 
 standing in his time. Compare 
 Orchomenosy p. 313-321. 
 
102 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 then was only taken after a tedious contest, which, 
 from the proximity of Amy else and Sparta, must have 
 been very dangerous to the latter city. Now it is not 
 possible that before this victory Amyclse and Sparta, 
 distant only 20 stadia (2^ miles) from each other, 
 should have been engaged in constant war, as it must 
 have soon ended in the destruction of one or the other 
 city : their truces and armistices were, however, doubt- 
 less interrupted frequently by sudden incursions. The 
 important territory near mount Taygetus belonged at 
 that time to Amyclae, and all this country was still 
 in the possession of the Achseans, with whom some 
 Minyans from Lemnos, and Cadmean Greeks, known 
 by the name of ^gidee, had united themselves. This 
 is the territory from which the colonies of Thera, 
 Melos, and Gortyna proceeded; so, according to 
 Pindar, Amyclse was the pomt from which the first 
 colonies to Lesbos and Tenedos set out, and also (as 
 may be inferred from other notices) those Acheeans 
 who took possession of Patrse." 
 
 Sparta, on the other hand, must have been of very 
 slight importance before the Doric migration ; by 
 which event alone it was enabled to become the ruler 
 of all the surrounding states. For, in the first place, 
 Sparta was not built in the same manner as Mycenee, 
 Tiryns, and other ruling cities founded before the Doric 
 invasion ; the Acropolis is a hill of mconsiderable 
 height, and easy of ascent, without any trace of ancient 
 fortifications or walls. Secondly, it is remarkably 
 deficient in monuments and local memorials of the 
 times of the Pelopidee and other mythical princes ; 
 much as the Spartans in other instances clung to tra- 
 
 " Pausan. VII. 6. 2. where ed to have been descended from 
 Preugenes, their leader, is stat- Amyclas. 
 
 CH. 5, § 12. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 103 
 
 ditions and records of tliis kind : while Amyclte and 
 Therapne had these in great abundance. Amyclee, in 
 a beautiful and well-wooded country," was the aljode of 
 Tyndareus and his family ; here were the tombs of 
 Cassandra and Agamemnon, who, accoi-ding to a native 
 tradition (preserved by Stesichorus and Simonides),* 
 ruled in this city. At no great distance was situated 
 the town of Therapne. Alcman calls it the "well- 
 " fortified Therapne ;"> Pindar mentions its high situa- 
 tion ; ^ by which they clearly imply a position and for- 
 tification similar to that of Tiryns. The latter also 
 calls it the ancient metropolis of the Ach^ans, amongst 
 whom the Dioscuri lived ; here were the subterra- 
 neous cemeteries of Castor and Pollux,* vaulted, per- 
 haps, in the ancient manner ; here also the temples of 
 the Brothers and of Helen in the Phoebaeum, and 
 many remains of the ancient symbolical religion.^ It 
 is also very remarkable, that on the banks of the 
 Eurotas, in the district between Therapne and Amyclse, 
 there should have been discovered a building^ which 
 resembles the well-known treasury at Mycenee, and 
 
 " Polyb. V. 19. 2. 
 
 * Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 
 46. Siraonides fragm. 177. ed. 
 Gaisford. 
 
 y Ei/Tvpyoc OipaTTva, ap. Pris- 
 cian. p. 1328. Fragm. 1. ed. 
 Welcker. 
 
 * Isthm. I. 31. 
 
 * 'Ev yvaXotQ QepaTTpaQ Pindar 
 Nem. X. 55. The^oAram were, 
 according to some, tombs of 
 this description. 
 
 See Dissen's Commentary- 
 to Pindar ubi sup. p. 471.-1 
 Conceming Helen at The- 
 rapne, see Euripid. Hel. 211. 
 and Tryphiod. 520. Schol. Lv- 
 
 cophr. 143. Isocrat. Encom. 
 rlel. p. 218 D. iTi yap ical vvv 
 jy Oepaxvatc (M€»/fXaj> kqI 
 'EXfVi;) Ovaiag ayiag kuI iraTpi- 
 ovg ETTiTeXovaty ovx we rjpuffiy 
 aW wf OeoTc Concerning the 
 Menelaia, see Athenagoras Leg. 
 p. 14. A. Qepairyalo^ 'AttoXXwv 
 Apollon. Rhod. II. 162. The- 
 rapne, according to some, was 
 ey ^Traprj;, Schol. Apollon. et 
 Pind. ubi sup. ; according to 
 other authors, referred to by 
 Steph. Byz., it was Sparta itself. 
 Bo h are in the wrong. 
 
 "" It was first discovered by 
 Gropius. 
 
ft»f 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 which affords a certain proof that the dominion of the 
 Pelopidse extended to this district. 
 
 But although the local traditions make it probable 
 that the ante-Doric rulers of the country dwelt in 
 Amyclse and Therapne, yet Homer describes Sparta 
 as the residence of the Pelopidse, transferring, appa- 
 rently, the circumstances of his own time to an earlier 
 period. Homer sometimes calls Laced semon the abode 
 of Menelaus ; by Lacedsemon meaning the entire 
 country, and especially the valley round Sparta, which 
 agrees far better with the epithet of " hollow Lace- 
 dsemon," than the district of Amyclse, which opens 
 down to the sea.^ Sometimes he expressly mentions 
 Sparta as the city in which Menelaus has fixed his 
 abode.® 
 
 13. Amy else, however, is not the only Achaean city 
 which was not reduced by the Dorians till a late period. 
 iEgys, on the frontiers of Arcadia, is said to have been 
 taken from the Achseans by Archelaus and Charilaus 
 a short time before Lycurgus ; Pharis, together with 
 Geronthrse, by Teleclus ;^ and Helos in the plains, 
 near the mouth of the Eurotas, by Alcamenes, the 
 son of Teleclus/ So long as these places belonged to 
 the Achaeans, the Spartans were shut out from the 
 sea, and surrounded on all sides by the possessions of 
 a diiferent race. It appears, however, that other 
 places besides Sparta were held by the Dorians them- 
 
 ^ Polyb. ubi sup. See ch. 4. Trallianus ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 
 
 §3. 130. According to Strabo VI II. 
 
 « Od. B. 327. 359. A. 459. p. 365 A. however it was con- 
 
 N. 412. 414. The passage in quered by Agis. Concerning a 
 
 Od. A. 10. is also to be explained war between Sparta and its 
 
 in this manner. periceci in the time of Lycur- 
 
 ^ Pausan. III. 2. 6. gus, see Nicol. Damas. fragm. 
 
 8 Pausan. III. 2. 7. Phlegon 
 
 CH. 5, § 13. 
 
 THE DORIAx\S. 
 
 105 
 
 selves previously to their obtaining possession of the 
 u hole of Laconia ; such were, for instance, Boeee near 
 Malea,*" and perhaps also Abia on the confines of 
 Messenia.* But of the numerous contests which 
 doubtless took place at this period, little information 
 has come down to us, as they just lie between the pro- 
 vinces of mythology and history. 
 
 Thus much, however, we may with safety say, 
 that Ephorus is clearly in error when he mentions 
 a division of Laconia made by the Dorians, imme- 
 diately after their conquest, for the sake of an undis- 
 turbed dominion over the country.'' The same histo- 
 rian further states that " Sparta was reserved by 
 " the Dorians as the seat of their own empire ; that 
 " Amyclse ^ was granted to Philonomus, who had 
 " delivered the country to them by treachery, and that 
 " governors were sent into the other four divisions." 
 Also, that "the principal towns of these four provinces 
 " were Las, Epidaurus Limera (or Gytheium) , ^gys, 
 ** and Pharis ; of which the first served as the citadel 
 v" of Laconia," the second as an excellent harbour, the 
 "third as a convenient arsenal for the wars with 
 " Arcadia, and the fourth as an internal point of union. 
 " That the periceci dwelt in these towns, and were 
 
 ^ Pausan. III. 22. 9. 
 
 * See above, ch. 3. § 4. 
 
 ^ This is now evident from 
 the restoration of the fragment 
 of Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 
 364 D. Xprjtreai U AAI MEN 
 dfxvpw^art, 'ETri^avpif) (or Fv- 
 6iii^) Ie efiTTOpiift dia ro] thXifu- 
 vovy Aim Ie TTpoc rov^ ttoXc- 
 /it'ouc [E7rirBi')(^i(Tfif, Tavr?;»'] yap 
 ofiope'iy toIq vvvXy [TroXf/i/otc], 
 
 ^KVIMU [eIq (tvvoIovq] Atto 
 rwv ivTOQ a.(r(l>a\eiay t^ovtrn. 
 Polybius II. 54. 3. calls Atyvnc 
 a boundary-district of Sparta, 
 where no alteration is required. 
 See Meursius ad Lycophr. 831. 
 
 The VO^OQ ' AfXVKkaloQ QJ> 
 
 cording to Nicol. Damasc. 
 
 " See Steph. Byz. and Pau- 
 san ias. The ALOffKovpoi AairEp" 
 <rai are derived from this town. 
 
s 
 
 106 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 5, § 14. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 107 
 
 *' dependent upon the Spartans, though without losing 
 " their freedom." This account doubtless suited the 
 historical style of Ephorus ; but it does not agree with 
 the isolated but genuine traditions already mentioned. 
 / The division into six provinces is nevertheless, in 
 I my opinion, to be considered as an historical fact , only 
 ' the arrangement could not have been made till a much 
 later period. Of these provinces, the first compre- 
 hended the district of the city ; the second, the moun- 
 tain-chain of Taygetus, with the western coast ; the 
 third, the Laconian gulf; the fourth, perhaps the 
 modern Zaconia, on the eastern side of the Eurotas ; 
 the fifth, the northern frontier ; and the sixth, the lower 
 valley of the Eurotas. The reality of such a division 
 is also confirmed by the existence of a similar one in 
 Messenia ; which is spoken of by other writers besides 
 Ephorus." For this country is also said to have been 
 divided by Cresphontes, so that Stenyclarus was the 
 habitation of the Dorians and their king, under whose 
 authority were placed the Messenian districts of Pylos, 
 Rhium, Mesola, and Hyamia ; of these, Pylos appa- 
 rently comprehended the whole western coast ; Rhium 
 is the promontoiy of Methone and the neighbouring 
 southern coast ; Hyamia may perhaps be the shore of 
 the Messenian bay nearest to the frontiers of Laconia ; 
 
 rwy 7r«Vr£, Stephanus Byz. Com- 
 pare Pausan. IV. 14. 3. Mf- 
 ffoXa TToXig Meaaripr}g fiia rwv 
 irevre. Ni/coXaoc rerapr^, Ste- 
 phanus. From this Ephorus 
 in Strabo VIII. p. 361 C. 
 should be thus restored, wore 
 
 '■^f X'^P^Q fravrrfc KeifjUvrjp otTro- 
 
 h7^ai j^affiXiLov avr^ rrjg fiatn- 
 Xeiag, X£yu;//at oe eg IlvXoy rt Koi 
 'Fioy [KaiMeaoXayKai] 'Xa^lriv 
 TToirjaovrag iaopo/jiovg trayraQ 
 roUg Autpievai rove Me(T(rrfyiovg, 
 Compare MeaoXa KaSriKovaa eig 
 roy fXETai^v KoXnoy rov Tavy irov 
 Koi ryjg Mi(T(Tr)viag, Strab. VIII. 
 p. 360 ; 'PtoK aTriyayriov Tatvci- 
 pov, ibid. 
 
 Mesola signifies the midland district" near the Pa- 
 misus; and Stenyclarus is the northern plain of 
 Messenia. 
 
 14. We have now another instance of the arbitrary 
 manner in Avhich Ephorus composed his history by 
 probable arguments. He proceeds upon the fact that 
 Eurysthenes and Procles, although the founders of 
 Sparta, were not honoured as such (as oLp-xyiyeTOLi), 
 that they did not enjoy any divine honour, did not give 
 their name to any tribe, &c. (Now the very first of 
 these statements is false ; for Eurysthenes and Procles, 
 according to the native tradition, were not the founders 
 of Sparta, as was shown above.) Hence Ephorus 
 infers that they must have offended the Dorians ; and 
 he finds the cause of this offence in the adoption of 
 foreign citizens, through whose assistance they had 
 extended their power. This instance is a sufficient 
 justification for our rejecting tlie historical system of 
 Ephorus, and neglecting the results which he obtained 
 by it. 
 
 There nmst have been many stories concerning 
 Eurysthenes and Procles current in ancient times 
 which have not come down to us. There was a 
 general tradition of their continual discord ; and we 
 know that the military fame of Procles was as great 
 as that of Eurysthenes was insignificant.^ There is, 
 however, something peculiarly worthy of notice in an 
 incidental remark of Cicero,'* that Procles died a year 
 before Eurysthenes. Could there have been chronicles 
 of so early a period, or is it possible that traditwn 
 
 ° The same t-ermination may of Argos, 'Apyo-Xag. 
 be observed iu the name of ttie p Sec Herodotus, Pausanias 
 
 ancient Lacoman city 'l7r7ro-\«, Cicero de Divin. II. 43. 
 Pausan. III. 26. 6. Steph. Byz. ; a Cicero ut sup. 
 and in the ancient gentile name 
 
108 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 
 should preserve such precise dates ? It is also a re- 
 markable statement that the wives of both kings were 
 likewise twin sisters, Lathria and Anaxandra by name, 
 daughters of Thersander king of the Cleonseans, 
 whose descent we mentioned above/ Some great 
 heroic actions of Soils* (the "violent"), the son of 
 Procles, were also celebrated in Sparta/ It was even 
 said that he had carried on war against the Cleitorians ; 
 and it was related, that in the narrow valley of Cleitor, 
 when surrounded by enemies, and oppressed by into- 
 lerable thirst, he promised to give up all his conquests, 
 on the condition of himself and his army being allowed 
 to drink from the fountain : that upon this he offered 
 the crown to any one who would abstain from drink- 
 ing, but, no one being willing to gain it at this price, he 
 moistened himself with water from the fountain, and 
 departed without drinking/ But a Spartan king 
 would hardly have ventured, even some centuries after- 
 wards, to lead an army through the hostile territoiy of 
 Arcadia, to a place at so considerable a distance as 
 Cleitor, leaving behind so many hollow defiles, ravines, 
 and mountains. 
 
 15. In the country which from this time forth 
 obtamed the name of Messenia,' Pylos was before 
 the Doric migration the most important town, whither 
 the family of the Nelidse had retired from the Tri- 
 phylian territory/ The Dorians under Cresphontes" ' 
 
 ' See above, p. 90. note ". quite uncertain, since it is not 
 
 * See Valckenaer. ad Theo- connected with the city of Mes- 
 crit. Adoniaz. p. 266. sene. 
 
 * Plutarch. Lycurg. 2, 3. y Orchomenos, p. 366. The 
 " Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. Lac. territory of Pylos had, accord- 
 
 Apophth. p. 234. ing to the tradition in Pausan. 
 
 * From what is not clear, IV. 15. 4. once extended as far 
 though probably from the MEffo-rj as KaTrpov arifxa^ near Stenycla- 
 of the Homeric Catalogue, the rus. 
 
 position of which is however ' Cresphontes,as well asAhs^ 
 
 CH. 5, § 16. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 109 
 
 at first seated themselves in the opposite part of the 
 country, at Stenyclarus, in the midland region ; they 
 must however have soon pressed so closely upon 
 Pylos, that part of the inhabitants was forced to 
 emigrate. For that many of the noble families, both 
 at Athens and in Asia Minor, came originally from 
 Pylos, is placed out of doubt by the agreement of 
 many national and family traditions ; and it is equally 
 certain that they did not leave Peloponnesus long 
 i before the Ionic migration. Mimnernms, the most 
 I ancient witness to this fact, says that the founders 
 / of his native city Colophon came from the Nelean 
 (^ Pylos ;'^ i. e., he calls Andrsemon, the founder of 
 Colophon, a Pylian ; where it almost seems that the 
 poet meant a direct migration from that place. Pylos 
 however (though it is generally considered to have 
 been in the possession of the Dorians from this epoch) 
 probably remained for some time an independent town, 
 with a limited territory ; even in the second Messenian 
 war some Nestoridee went as alUes to the Messenians ;** 
 and, after the defeat of the Messenians, the Pylians 
 and the Methoneeans were able to harbour them for a 
 considerable time.'' 
 
 16. Of the internal condition of Messeniawe cannot 
 even know so much as of that of Laconia, since, at 
 the cessation of its political existence, its monuments, 
 and even its inhabitants, perished ; and thus all means 
 of perpetuating a knowledge of its former state were 
 
 tomenes, were names in Mes- 
 senia in late days, Boeckh In- 
 script. N°. 1297. 
 
 * Ap. Strab. p. 633 B. He 
 was one of the Colophonians 
 who had settled in Smyrna. 
 
 ^ Strabo, p. 355 D. Pausa- 
 nias IV. 3. 3. and others speak 
 
 too generally of the expulsion 
 of the Nestoridse. 
 
 •^Pausan. IV. 18. 1. IV. 23. 
 1. Pindar Pyth. V. 70. is not 
 so accurate ; AaKihai^vi h *' Ap- 
 yei. TE Koi i^aOia IlvX^ eyaaaey 
 aXKciyrag'HpaKXiog cVyoVouf *Ai- 
 yifxiov Tf ('ArroWiou). 
 
110 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ( 
 
 entirely lost. Yet, setting aside the accounts of 
 Ephorus, there remain some very simple circum- 
 stances from which we may form an idea of the con- 
 dition of the country. It is related, that when Cres- 
 phontes was treacherously assassinated, the Arcadians, 
 in conjunction with the kings of Sparta and Ceisus 
 king of Argos, re-established in his place his son 
 ^pytus,*^ who had been brought up with Cypselus the 
 Arcadian, the father of his mother Merope,*' and who 
 rendered himself so celebrated, that all his descendants 
 were called ^pytidae. The name of ^pytus is 
 evidently connected with .^pytis, a district on the 
 frontiers of Arcadia and Messenia, near the ancient 
 Andania, the earliest seat of civilization and religious 
 worship in the country. The names of his descend- 
 ants, Glaucus, Isthmius, Dotades, Sybotas (swine- 
 herd), Phintas (or ^iKrirrig), are in remarkable con- 
 trast with those of the Lacedaemonian kings, as Eury- 
 sthenes (widely-ruling), Procles (the renowned), Agis 
 (the general), Soiis (the violent), Echestratus (the 
 general), Eurypon (the widely -reigning), Labotas 
 (shepherd of the people), and so forth ; for, whilst the 
 latter signify powerful warrior princes, there sounds in 
 the former something peaceable and pastoral. What 
 Pausanias relates of these Messenian princes refers 
 
 * Apollod. II. 8. 5. Pausan. 
 IV. 3. VIII. 5. 5. Isocrates 
 Archidam. p. 120. represents 
 the Lacedaemonians as having 
 long governed Messenia, which 
 had been given them by the 
 sons of Cresphontes. Euri- 
 pides in the Merope told the 
 story as follows : — viz. that Po- 
 lyphontes killed Cresphontes, 
 and obtained possession of his 
 queen Merope and of his em- 
 pire : that on this her son Tele- 
 
 phon, whom Merope had sent 
 to a friend in ^tolia, returned, 
 and, after various tragic scenes, 
 slew the usurper by stratagem. 
 See the fragments of the Me- 
 rope, and Hyginus, Fab. 137, 
 with the continuation in Fab. 
 184. The narrative of ApoUo- 
 dorus is made to coincide more 
 with the national tradition. 
 
 ^ The pedigree is, ^^pytus — 
 Cypselus — Merope — i^pytus — 
 
 CH. 5, § 16. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 almost exclusively to a peaceful office— viz., the esta- 
 blishment of festivals ; the gods also to whom they 
 were consecrated agree with the same general cha- 
 racter. Glaucus and Isthmius, we are told, esta- 
 blished or promoted the worship of ^sculapius at 
 Gerenia and Pharse : Sybotas joined to the ancient 
 worship of the great gods at Andania the funeral 
 sacrifices of the hero Eurytus, brought over from the 
 Thessalian to the Messenian OEchalia ; and others in 
 the same manner. In fact this Cabirian worship of 
 Demeter at Andania, allied to that prevalent in Attica 
 at Eleusis and Phyla, was one of the most ancient in 
 Peloponnesus, and at that time flourished in Mes- 
 senia ; ' whereas, according to Herodotus, the Dorians 
 everywhere exterminated the ancient rites of De- 
 %meter.« Hence also the mystical consecration of 
 1 Andania was discontinued as long as Messenia was 
 governed by the Spartans, and it fell into oblivion, 
 until many centuries afterwards Epaminondas so-' 
 lemnly re-established it, either from the mere recoL 
 lection of the inhabitants, or' if the account l)e true, 
 upon the authority of an inscription on a tin plate 
 found in a brazen urn, containing some obscure words 
 referring to ancient mystic ceremonies.*' 
 
 The re-establishment of ^Epytus may, however, have 
 been effected by the threefold alliance of both the 
 princes and nations of Argos, Spaila, and Messenia, 
 by which they guaranteed their respective rights, an 
 alliance of which Plato has preserved a faint, though 
 
 ^ As it is evident from several time probably that Methapus 
 
 passa^ges m the 4th book of Pau- the Athenian ^belongs, who re^ 
 
 g tt' ,,,, stored the ancient worship of 
 
 h D* TTT «^ Andania, with some few changes, 
 
 fi ofT^oo^I- ^^' 2- 26. 5, Pausan. IV. 1.5. ^ ' 
 
 6. 27. 4. .33. 5. It is to this 
 
112 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 undoubted trace, marked out in the spirit of his poli- 
 tical philosophy.' 
 
 From the settlements of the Dorians within Pelo- 
 ponnesus, we now turn to those without that peninsula. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. Doric colonies of Argos, Epidaunis, and Trcezen. § 2. 
 Doric league of Asia Minor. § 3. Mythical accounts of the 
 colonization of Halicarnassus, Rhodes, Cos, Nisyrus, Carpa- 
 thos, and Casos. § 4. Rhodian colonies. § 5 and 6. Legends 
 respecting the foundation of M alius, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, 
 and Phaselis. § 7 and 8. Colonies of Corinth. § 9 and 10. 
 Colonies of Megara. § 11 and 12. Colonies of Sparta. 
 
 1. On account of the multiplicity of subjects which 
 it will be now necessary to consider, we shall be 
 compelled to shorten the discussion of several points, 
 and to take for granted many collateral questions, 
 except where we may be encouraged to enter into 
 greater detail by the hope of disclosing fresh fields for 
 the inquiries of others. 
 
 It will be the most convenient method to make the 
 mother-states the basis of our arrangement, as these 
 are known with far greater certainty than the dates of 
 the foundation of their respective colonies ; by which 
 means we shall also be enabled to take in a regular 
 order those settlements which lie near to, and were 
 connected with, one another. 
 
 First, the colonies of Argos, Epidaurus, and 
 Trcezen. We will treat of these together, as they 
 all lie in the same direction, and as the colonies of 
 
 • Leg. III. p. 684. 
 
 CH. 6, § 1. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 Its 
 
 the two last states more or less recognised the su- 
 premacy of Argos, and not unfrequently followed a 
 common leader. Tliese extend a^ far as the southern 
 extremity of Asia Minor. 
 
 The Dorians on the south-western coast of Asia 
 Mmor derived their origin, according to Herodotus ^ 
 trom Peloponnesus. And indeed they ^vere generaUy 
 ^nsidered a colony of Argos^ (from which state 
 Strabo derives Rhodes, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and 
 Cos), led by princes of the Heraclid^, from whom the 
 noble fanidies of Rhodes-for example, the Eratid^ 
 or Diagondae at lalysus-claimed to be descended « 
 Ihis emigration was considered contemporary, and as 
 having some connexion with the expedition of Althge- 
 menes, the son of Ceisus, from Argos to Crete ^ 
 Now we know from Herodotus « that the Coans 
 Calydnians, and Nisyrians came from Epidaurus • 
 
 * In the following discussion, 
 although beginning somewhat 
 m advance, I still take for pant- 
 ed what is stated in my Mgine- 
 iica, p. 42. The ancient ex- 
 pression AifioBcjpielg was re- 
 ferred to this migration. See 
 Hesychius, Plutarch. Prov. 34 
 p- 590. Yet Didymus in He- 
 sychius calls the Dorians who 
 dwelt under mount (Eta Ai^o- 
 diopuiQ. Seeabove,page44. note«. 
 The Rhodians came from 
 Argos, according to Thucyd. 
 
 r A ^''* ^^^ Coans were also 
 of Argive origin, according to 
 Tacit. Ann. XII. 61. 
 
 *= The Eratidae refer to Argos 
 according to the note of Boeckh 
 Exphc. ad Pind. Olymp. VI l! 
 p. 165. Cleobulus also was a 
 
 Heraclide. accordiner to Dioe 
 Laert. 1.6. §89. 
 
 There were different ways 
 of making the 100 towns of 
 Crete mentioned in the Iliad 
 agree with the 90 in the Odys- 
 sey, as may be seen from Schol 
 Venet. Catal. 156.— According 
 to Ephorus, Althaemenes found- 
 ed 10 cities in Crete, so that in 
 the time of Ulvsses there were 
 only 90, but in Homer's time 
 100. Strabo X. p. 479. This 
 was the manner in which Epho- 
 rus wrote history. « Pylffimenes 
 the Lacedaemonian" in the Ve- 
 netian Scholiast is probably only 
 a corruption of the name. Co- 
 non 47. derives the Tripolis of 
 Rhodes from Althaemenes. 
 « VII. 99. 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 yet, as is evident from arguments already brought 
 forward, two different expeditions cannot be under- 
 stood to have taken place. Thus also iEgina was 
 called a colony of Argos as well as of Epidaurus. 
 The account of Herodotus is confirmed by the simi- 
 larity of the worship of iEsculapius at Cos and at 
 Epidaurus, which was sufficiently great to prove a 
 colonial connexion/ We have also a tradition of 
 some sacred missions between Cos and Epidaurus ; a 
 ship of the latter is said to have brought a serpent 
 of iEsculapius to the former state.^ If this is consi- 
 dered as an historical fact, we may, as it appears, deduce 
 more from it than is commonly inferred — viz. that the 
 Doric colonists of Cos, Calydna, &c. remained in Epi- 
 daurus a sufficient time before their passage into Asia 
 Minor to adopt the worship of iEsculapius. And 
 since we find that the worship of ^Esculapius also 
 prevailed in Cnidos and Rhodes,^ it may be fairly in- 
 ferred, that of the inhabitants of these islands a part 
 at least passed through Epidaurus. This is further 
 confirmed by the orator Aristides, who, on the au- 
 thority of the national tradition, states of the Rho- 
 dians, " that from ancient times they had been 
 " Dorians, and had had Heraclidee and Asclepiadse 
 "for their princes."^ Thus also there were families 
 of the Asclepiadse and Heraclidse at Cos, to the former 
 of which Hippocrates was related on his father's side, 
 to the latter on his mother's.^ Contemporaneous 
 
 We find in both the worship new edit, 
 
 of serpents, incubation, the cus- * Rhod. Orat. II. p. 396. — 
 
 torn of votive tablets, &c. Concerning the Asclepiadse in 
 
 9 Pausan. III. 23. 4. Cnidos, see particularly Theo- 
 
 ^ SprengePs Geschichte der pompus in Phot. cod. 176. 
 
 Medicin, vol. I. pp. 343. 326. ^ Sprengel, ibid. p. 554. 
 
 cii. 6,§2. THE DORIANS. ,,5 
 
 with this miirration from Argos and Epidaurus was 
 tliat from Troezen,4n which Halicarnassus, Me citadel 
 upon the sea (aXz-x^^Tjvov), was founded ; which fact 
 also receives confirmation from the similarity of reli 
 gious worship.- And indeed there is reason for 
 behevmg that it was only one Doric tribe, the Dy- 
 manes, which colonized this city"— who strengthened 
 themselves by coUecting together the earlier inhabit- 
 ants, the Leieges and Carians." 
 
 2. Those towns, however, only which composed 
 the Doric Tripolis of Rhodes (a number which pro- 
 bably originated from the division of the tribes) toge- 
 ther .vith Cnidos, Cos, and Halicarnassus, formed the 
 regular Doric league (before the separation of Hali- 
 carnassus called tlie Hexapolis, aftenvards the Penta- 
 polis). The members of this alliance met on the 
 Triopian promontory to celebrate in public national 
 festivals the rites of Apollo and Demeter, which last 
 were of extreme antiquity ;p its influence in political 
 affairs was however probably very inconsiderable.^ 
 But, besides those already mentioned, many towns 
 and islands in this district were peopled by Dorians.' 
 
 Vitruvius II. 8. 12. Cum 
 Melas et Areuanius ah Argis et 
 Trcezene coloniam communem 
 eo loco induxerunt, barbaros 
 ^^ras et Lelegas ejecerunt.— 
 The 1200 years, mentioned by 
 Tacitus, from the time of its 
 founding to Tiberius, must be 
 taken as a round number. 
 
 ""The religious ceremonies of 
 Halicarnassus, as shown on its 
 coins, can be completely traced 
 up to their origin. The head 
 ot Medusa, and of Athene, the 
 trident, and head of Hephsstus, 
 belong to the worship of Athene 
 
 and Hephaestus at Trcezen and 
 Athens: the tripod, lyre, and 
 heads of Apollo and Demeter to 
 the sacra Triopia. At Cos the 
 msignia of v^sculapius predo- 
 minated, besides those of Her- 
 cules as father of Pheidippus. 
 
 " Callimach. ap. Steph. in v. 
 AXiKapvatTcroQ. compare Mgi^ 
 netica^ p. t^O. 
 
 ° Vitruvius, ubi sup. 
 
 P See book II. ch. 3. § 5. 
 
 "^ Dionys. Hal. Rom. Hist. 
 IV. 25. probably ascribes to it 
 too much influence. 
 
 ' Herodot. I. 144. 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 The small island of Teles, near Triopium, was pro- 
 bably dependent upon Lindos :' Nisyrus and Calydna 
 (or Calymna) have been already mentioned ; the in- 
 habitants were Epidaurian Dorians, who belonged to 
 the colony of Cos:* Carpathus also received some 
 Argive colonists. It is said to have been taken by 
 loclus, the son of Demoleon, an Argive by descent.'* 
 Syme also was colonised from Cnidos : of this town 
 we shall make further mention when speaking of 
 the Laconian settlements. The inhabitants of Asty- 
 palaea were partly derived from Megara ;"" their Doric 
 origin is attested by the dialect of decrees now ex- 
 tant ;^ and by the same circumstance we are enabled 
 to recognise as a Doric colony Anaphe,^ which is 
 situated near the Doric islands of Thera, Pholegan- 
 dros,* and Melos ; the position of these islands, 
 together forming a chain across the southern part 
 of the iEgsean sea, shows that they were colonized 
 in a connected and regular succession. Myndus, 
 however, upon the mainland had received inhabitants 
 from the same town as Halicarnassus ; ^ perhaps 
 Mylasa had also had some connexion with the Do- 
 rians." Cryassa in Caria was colonised by inha- 
 
 * According to the account of 
 Gelon's ancestors in Herodot. 
 VII. 153. 
 
 * Compare Herodotus with 
 Diod. V. 54. 
 
 " Diod. ubi sup. 
 
 * Scymnus Chius, 549. Pro- 
 bably with the colony of Althse- 
 menes. >ii 
 
 y E. g. € [^o^f] rai /3ov\at Kai 
 T(t)i ^afxioL 0tX .... deyevg 
 ewearctTEi yyw^a irfxu fravtwv], 
 &c. from Villoison's papers. 
 
 * See the quotations in Vil- 
 loison in the Mem. de I'Acad. 
 
 des Inscr. torn. XLVII. p. 287. 
 An inscription among his papers 
 refers to the building of the 
 temple of Apollo and Aphrodite 
 at that place. The worship of 
 Aphrodite appears to indicate 
 a Laconian colony. 
 
 * Concerning Pholegandrus, 
 see iMt^m. de PAcad. torn. 
 XLVII. p. 307. 339. 
 
 ^ Pans. II. 30. 8. Raoul- 
 Rochette is wrong in stating 
 that Scylax declares Caryanda 
 to have been Doric. 
 
 •^ Herodot. V. 121. 'Hpa- 
 
 CH. 6, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 117 
 
 bitants of the Doric island of Melos.'^ Even Synnada 
 and Noricum, further to the interior in Phrygia, had 
 inhabitants of Doric origin f yet the Spartan settle- 
 ment in Noricum is a fact which it is difficult to 
 understand ; and with regard to the former we are 
 wholly unable to state how the Dorians could have 
 penetrated thus far. 
 
 I have now, though not without in some measure 
 forestalling the regular course of these investigations, 
 given an account of all the known cities in this terri- 
 tory which were founded by Dorians of Peloponnesus ; 
 and if to these we add the colonies from Rhodes upon 
 the opposite coast of Asia, and the cities of Lycia 
 founded from the island of Crete, in which the Doric 
 dialect was doubtless spoken, we shall have before 
 us a very extensive range of colonies belonging to 
 that race. Some of these were probably dependent 
 upon the more considerable ; many on the contrary 
 stood entirely alone, some very early disagreements 
 having, as it appears, separated and estranged tliem 
 from the league of the six towns/ Hence the Calym- 
 
 «:Xc/^i;c 'ifiavojXiog, av^p MuXa- 
 fTtvQ as leader of the Carians 
 
 •^ Plut. de Mul. Virt. p. 271. 
 4. Polyaen. VIII. 56. Ac- 
 cording to Lycophron, V. 1388. 
 the Doric colony also possessed 
 Thingrus and Satnium, which 
 were places in Caria, according 
 to Tzetzes, in whose notes 'Im- 
 piac should be twice altered 
 into Kaptac. 
 
 * Concerning Noricum, see 
 below, §11. The coins of Syn- 
 nada have 2YNNAAEX1N All- 
 PIE^N ; also 2YNN. lilNilN. 
 and both together; also the ex- 
 pression KaoToXov (better Kaa- 
 
 TtoXov) Tredloy Awptewi/, Ste- 
 phan. Byz. Xenophon men- 
 tions it twice in the Anabasis, 
 without precisely stating its po- 
 sition. 
 
 ^Cornpare Steph. Byz. in 
 'Apat, *Iu}ylag (this is false. 
 They were situated between 
 Syme and Cnidos, Athenffius 
 VI. p. 262.) pijffoi rpEiQ ovTw 
 Xeyofiirai ^la rag apag, ag Al^ 
 pieig EiroLTicravTO wpog rovg Uev- 
 raiToXiTag, wg 'Apiorei^rfg. Ac- 
 cording to Dieuchidas in Athe- 
 naeus, the curse was in the time 
 of Triopas and Phorbas. 
 
118 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 nians (or Calydnians) at a later period, on the occasion 
 of embarrassing lawsuits, had recourse not to the 
 larger states of the same race, but to the lasians (who, 
 though a colony from Argos, had afterwards learned 
 the habits and character of the Ionic race by a settle- 
 ment from Miletus),^ which nation sent them five 
 judges. This circumstance, however, may be ac- 
 counted for by a temporary resemblance of their con- 
 stitutions.^ 
 
 3. Having thus put together the most simple his- 
 torical accounts respecting the foundation of these 
 Doric cities, we have still to examine the mythical 
 narrations with which they are accompanied, and 
 which were invented by representing the same colonies 
 under different names, and attributing a false antiquity 
 to their establishment. That this was in fact the case 
 is evident from the mythical account which is con- 
 nected with the colony of Troezen, viz. " that Anthes 
 " and his son Aetius, ancient princes of the Troe- 
 " zenians, had in early times founded Halicarnassus." ' 
 This tradition, however, contradicts itself, when com- 
 pared with the additional account in Callimachus,'' 
 " that Anthes had taken out Dymanes with him ;'' 
 which was exclusively a civil division of the Dorians. 
 It is therefore far preferable to follow the statement of 
 Pausanias,^ that the descendants of Aetius passed over 
 to Halicarnassus and Myndus long after his death. It 
 
 sPolvb.XVI. 12.1. 
 
 ^ See the decree of the Ja- 
 sians, which includes that of 
 the Calymnians, in the Doric 
 dialect : Boeckh. Corp. Ins. Gr. 
 No. 2671- 
 
 ' Strabo VIII. p. 374, en- 
 deavours to give the tradition 
 an historical colouring by sup- 
 
 posing that Pelops drove away 
 Anthes. compare XIV. p. 656. 
 ApoUod. ap. Steph. in 'AXtfcaf>- 
 vaaarog. 
 
 ^ Ap. Steph. Raoul-Rochette 
 also perceives this, torn. III. 
 p. 31. 
 
 ^ II. 30. 8. 
 
 s 
 
 OH. 6, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 U9 
 
 must not, hovrever, from this circumstance be inferred 
 that these descendants of Aetius were leaders of the 
 colony, since it was necessary that these should be 
 Doric Heraclidee. But they were in all probability a 
 family which cultivated the worship of Poseidon in 
 preference to any other, and carried it over with them 
 to the colony. But that a family of this kind, and 
 with it the tradition and name of Anthes,. actually pre- 
 vailed in Halicarnassus, is seen also from the poetical 
 name of the Halicarnassians (Antheadse.)" 
 
 There is also a great similarity in the part which 
 Tlepolemus bears in the history of the colonisation of 
 Rhodes. In this case also the mythical hero is repre- 
 sented as coming from Argos," as well as the historical 
 colony, only at an earlier period. But, it may be ob- 
 jected, the colony is related to have come immediately 
 from Epidaurus, and not the hero. We have, however, 
 still an evident trace of mythical genealogies of Rhodes, 
 in which Tlepolemus was represented as immediately 
 connected with the Heraclidae of Epidaurus. For Pin- 
 dar celebrates the Diagoridae as descended on the fa- 
 ther's side from Zeus, from Amyntor on the mother's, 
 because both these were the grandfathers of Tlepole- 
 mus.° Now Deiphontes of Epidaurus was also de- 
 scended on his mother's side from Amyntor, and was 
 
 m 
 
 Steph. Byz. in 'Adijvai. 
 Hence Athens is called the son of 
 Poseidon, Pans. II. 30, &c. Con- 
 cerning the Antheadae as priests 
 of Poseidon see an Halicarnas- 
 Bian inscription in Corp. In- 
 script. No. 2655, and Boeckh's 
 Commentary. It is well known 
 that Posidonia in the south of 
 Italy received the worship of 
 Poseidon and also its name, 
 from a Troezenian colony. 
 
 " Indeed Pindar appears to 
 represent him as dwelling at 
 Argos, the native place of the 
 descendants of Hercules, at a 
 time when all the Heraclidjc 
 were there living together un- 
 disturbed; and from Argos he 
 sails to Rhodes. 
 
 ° Olymp. VII. 24. Concern- 
 ing the mother of Tlepolemus, 
 see the epigram, quoted below, 
 p. 121 note". 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 therefore very nearly related to Tlepolemus. We may 
 also probably suppose that there was in this Argive and 
 Epidaurian colony a family which derived itself from 
 Tlepolemus the son of Hercules, by which means the 
 traditions concerning him were connected with this 
 migration.^ The same want of consistency which we 
 observed above, may here also be perceived in the state- 
 ment of Homer, that the colony of Tlepolemus was 
 divided into three parts, according to the different races 
 of the settlers;** whence it is evident that he was al- 
 ways considered as a Doric prince. 
 
 Thirdly, the colony of Cos, Nisyrus, Carpathus, 
 and Casos also possessed leaders or heroic founders, 
 whose expedition is reported to have taken place at 
 a time different from that at which the colony was 
 founded, and is placed back in a remote period, viz. 
 Phidippus and Antiphus, sons of Thessalus the He- 
 
 P In Iliad E. 628 sqq. there 
 is no necessity for assuming 
 that the poet intended to repre- 
 sent Tlepolemus as a Rhodian. 
 In the catalogue, indeed, four 
 insular Greeks are mentioned, 
 Nireus of Syme, Antiphus and 
 Phidippus of Cos, and Tlepo- 
 lemus of Rhodes II. B. 653- 
 680). But of these the three 
 first are not elsewhere men- 
 tioned. Tlepolemus therefore 
 remains the only Greek, of the 
 Asiatic colonies, on the Achaean 
 side, in the Iliad ; and the con- 
 nexion of the catalogue with the 
 other parts of the poem does not 
 seem to intimate as to prove 
 this exception to have been in- 
 tended by the writer of the fifth 
 book. Tlepolemus must there- 
 fore be considered as a Grecian 
 of the mother country. I feel 
 convinced, that, according to 
 
 Homer, no enemy of Troy comes 
 from the eastern side of the 
 iEgsean sea. Concerning the 
 numerous differences between 
 the catalogue and the genuine 
 Homeric traditions, see the 
 author's History of the Lite- 
 rature of ancient Greece, ch. 2, 
 §9. 
 
 1 II. B. 668. When Strabo 
 XIV. p. 653, states that Tle- 
 polemus did not lead out Do- 
 rians, but Acheeans and Boe- 
 otians (as a Heraclide of 
 Thebes), he does not follow 
 any ancient tradition, but the 
 chronological system of his 
 times. The ancestors of The- 
 ron of Rhodes (Schol. Find. 
 Olymp. II. 14.) have no re- 
 ference to this : and Raoul- 
 Rochette, torn. II. p. 272, mixes 
 various accoimts. 
 
 CH. 6, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 121 
 
 raclide, or of Hercules himself Their origin is de- 
 rived by the fable from the irruption of Hercules into 
 Cos, where he made pregnant the daughter of Eury- 
 phylus ; afterwards they are said to have migrated to 
 Ephyra in Thesprotia, and their descendants to have 
 gone from thence to Thessaly, where the Aleuadee, the 
 most distinguished and the wealthiest family of Larissa 
 claimed them as ancestors/ Again, I do not deny that 
 Heraclide families in exile at Cos derived their origin 
 from both these heroes (it was indeed by this means 
 that the name of Thessalus found its way into the 
 A^lepiad family of Hippocrates) ; but that these fa- 
 mihes were born in the island of Cos itself, is evidently 
 a patriotic invention of the Coans. There were, as we 
 have seen, traditions respecting Phidippus and Anti- 
 phus m Cos, and also at Ephyra in Thesprotia ; which 
 tnuhtions the fables and poems respecting the returns 
 ol the heroes from Troy, endeavoured to reconcile bv 
 making Antiphus reach Ephyra, after a series of wan- 
 derings, instead of going directly to Cos ; a supposi- 
 tion which will not gain many believers. It is also 
 plain from the epigram of Aristotle,- that, according 
 o the traditions of Ephyra, that city was considered as 
 the native country, and the domicile of the two heroes • 
 and therefore was in direct opposition to the Coan tra ' 
 dition _ Now that a Heraclide family should have gone 
 from Cos to Ephyra in Epirus, is contrary to aU other 
 examples of the migrations of Greek races and colo- 
 nies, and all that we know of the dispersion of Hera- 
 cbde clans or families. On the other hand, a part of 
 the mythology of Hercules, which appears to be of 
 great antiquity,^ refers to this Ephyra in Epirus ; and 
 
 ' See book II. ch. 12.§ 6 
 " PeplusTroj. Her. Epig.27. 
 
 *Book II. ch. 11. §4. 
 
 4 
 
122 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 it was then quite natural, that with the conquest of 
 Ephyra (a fabulous exploit of Hercules) the origin of 
 a branch of the Heraclidse should be connected, who 
 then came with the Dorians into Peloponnesus, and 
 by means of the Epidaurian colony to the island of 
 Cos. 
 
 4. The favourable situations of these Doric cities 
 on islands and promontories, possessing roadsteads and 
 harbours convenient for maritime intercourse, attracted 
 in early times a considerable number of colonies. It 
 is remarkable that the Rhodians should have founded 
 fewer and less considerable colonies on the coast of 
 Asia Minor than in the countries to the west : for, 
 with the exception of Persea, which was not till later 
 times dependent on this island, the only Rhodian 
 towns in Asia Minor were Gagae'^ and Corydalla^ in 
 Lycia, Phaselis,y on the confines of Lycia and Pam- 
 phylia, and Soli in Cilicia/ On the other hand, in 
 Olymp. 16. 4. 713 B. C, according to Thucydides, 
 about the time of their colonising Phaselis, they founded 
 in Sicily the splendid city of Gela, the mother-town of 
 Agrigentum. This colony was sent from Lindus, 
 which furnished its leader Antiphemus (or Deino- 
 menes.)'^ It was accompanied by inhabitants of the 
 
 OH. 6, § 4. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 " See particularly Etymol. 
 Mag. p. 219. 8. also Raoul- 
 Rochette, torn. III. p. 157. 
 
 "" Hecataeus ap. Stephan. 
 Byz. 
 
 y As Raoul-Rochette, torn. 
 III. p. 251. clearly shews from 
 Herodotus and Aristsenetus 
 Trepl ^a<Tr)XiBoc ap, Steph. Byz. 
 in TiXa and other words. 
 
 ^ Eckhel D. N. III. p. 68. 
 According to Strab. XIV. p. 
 671 D. Fo^ibjy Kai 'A^aiw*', 
 
 which Raoul-Rochette, torn. III. 
 p. 379, proposes to refer to 
 Achsea in Rhodes, and leave 
 out Kaiy but the Gentile name 
 would be rather 'Axauvg than 
 *Axalog. Solon, the Lindian, of 
 Rhodes, is called the founder 
 of this Soli in Cilicia, Vita 
 Arati, vol. I. p. 3. vol. II. p. 
 444. Buhle. 
 
 * Both names in Etymol. 
 Magn. in v. TiXa, 
 
 small island of Telos ;^ and was at the same time joined 
 by some Cretan emigrants. That however the num- 
 bers of those who came from the first-mentioned town 
 predominated, is shown by the original name of the 
 settlement, A/vS/oi, and by the religion there established. 
 Doric institutions were common to all the founders 
 above mentioned, and were consequently established in 
 their settlements." The connexion and intercourse 
 with those islands continued ^\ithout interruption ; 
 hence it was that, in later times, the family of Pha- 
 laris, coming from Astypalaea, found a welcome 
 reception at Agrigentum;"^ and the family of the 
 Emmenidse, which overthrew Phalaris, had come from 
 the same region, viz. from Thera." Moreover, Par- 
 thenope, in the country of the Osci, and Elpise, or 
 Salapiee, in the territory of the Daunians (in the 
 founding of which the inhabitants of Cos had a share), 
 were beyond a doubt settlements of the Rhodians ; and 
 indeed this same people penetrated even to Iberia at 
 an early period, and there founded Rhode ; and we 
 have also traces of their presence at the mouth of the 
 Rhone.' Hence also, perhaps, arose the account of 
 the expedition of Tlepolemus to the Balearic islands ; 
 which account, and the statement that Sybaris was 
 
 ^ Herodot. VII. 153. The 
 coins of Telos have the head of 
 Jupiter and the Crab, like those 
 of Agrigentum ; the last symbol 
 is also on those of Cos and Lin- 
 dus. 
 
 ^ Thucyd. VI. 4. 
 
 '^ According to the spurious 
 letters, which are correctly 
 treated of by Bentley in several 
 passages of his Dissertation 
 (without, however, noticing the 
 historical connexion), and also 
 
 by Lennep in the notes. 
 
 ^ According to Hippostratus 
 ad Find. Pyth. VI. 4. 
 
 ^ Compare, besides Meursius, 
 Heyne, Nov. Comment. Got- 
 ting. II. cl. philol. p. 40 sqq. 
 That Lyons was a Rhodian co- 
 lony, has, though without any 
 grounds, been lately maintained, 
 after Father Colonia, bv count 
 Wlgrin de Tailefer, Antiquites 
 de Vesone. 
 
 t 
 
124 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 founded by him, may be understood merely as mythical 
 expressions for the voyages undertaken by the Rho- 
 dians in the western sea. 
 
 5. It is, however, a matter even of still greater 
 difficulty to determine the true history of several cities 
 in Asia Minor, which are reported by tradition to have 
 been colonies of Argos, and generally of the greatest 
 antiquity. But it requires nothing short of absolute 
 superstition to believe that Tarsus was founded by lo, 
 or Perseus the Argive,^ who, with his descendant 
 Hercules, was worshipped in this place as a tutelar 
 deity ; ^ or that Mallus, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, and 
 PhaseUs were founded by Argive soothsayers at the 
 time of the Trojan war.' To these may be added 
 Aspendus in Pamphylia, Curium in Cyprus, and even 
 lone, near Antiochia, in Syria,^ the founding of which 
 place is attributed to the Argives. For, without con- 
 sidering the period at wliich the ancient Pelopon- 
 nesians are represented to have undertaken such 
 distant (and at that time impossible) voyages round 
 the Chelidonian islands, it is most singular that Argos, 
 which is at no time mentioned among the maritime 
 nations of Greece, should have planted upon that one 
 line of coast a series of colonies in so connected an 
 order, and so completely useless to herself We will 
 therefore venture to advance an hypothesis, to which, 
 though perhaps no complete proofs of it can be ad- 
 duced, we have still sufficient traces to lead us, viz. 
 
 8 See Raoul-Rochette, torn. 
 II. p. 124. who also believes 
 ill the victory of Perseus over 
 Bardanapalus. 
 
 ^ See particularly Dio Chry- 
 sost. Orat. Tars. 33, pp. 394, 
 406, 408. Hercules was called 
 apxnyoQj and on the day of his 
 
 festival a funeral pile was built 
 to his honour ; compare Athc- 
 neeus V. p. 215 B. on the Ste- 
 phanephorus or priest of Her- 
 cules at Tarsus. 
 
 * Raoul-Rochette, torn. II. 
 p. 403 sqq. 
 
 ^ Steph. Byz. in 'Iw*/?/. 
 
 CH 6, §6. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 125 
 
 that all these towns were colonised from Rhodes ; but 
 that, by a form frequently in use, they were led out in 
 the name of Argos, the mother-country of Rhodes, and 
 under the auspices of Argive gods and heroes.^ In the 
 first place, Argives and Rhodians are mentioned to- 
 gether as founders ; as in the instance of Soli, which 
 nevertheless only defended the Rhodians as a sister 
 state before the Roman senate.™ Of the manner in 
 which heroes were adopted as founders, the city just 
 mentioned furnishes a good instance. For the Argive 
 soothsayer Amphilochus is said to have come hither, 
 who, according to poems that went under the name of 
 Hesiod, had been put to death by Apollo at Soli." The 
 following example gives a still clearer notion of the 
 manner in whicli these fables were formed. The 
 Rhodians built Phaselis at the same time with Gela 
 (Olymp. 16. 713 B. C.) ; the founder is caUed Lacius, 
 whom the Delphian oracle had sent to the east, as it 
 had Antiphemus to the west.** Now it is shown in 
 another part of this work^ that Lacius is a Cretan 
 form for Rhacius ; and this was the name of the hus- 
 band of Manto, and father of Mopsus, the ancient 
 mythical prophet of the temple at Claros. For, leav- 
 ing no doubt that this person is intended, the tradition 
 also says, that this Mopsus, the son of Rhacius, 
 founded Phaselis : «» Pamphylia itself is called the 
 
 The arrival of Diomede the 
 Argive among the Daunians 
 may likewise refer to the found- 
 ing of Elpias. He is said to 
 have come with Dorians. An- 
 tonin. Liber. 37. 
 
 •" Polyb. Exc. Leg. XX. 7. 
 H. Liv. XXXVII. 56. 
 
 "" Ap. Strab. XIV. p. 676. 
 
 '^ Steph. Byz. in FiXa. Com- 
 
 pare Athen. VII. p. 297, from 
 the iljoot Ko\o(f>(M)yla)y of Hero- 
 pythus, and Philostephanus 
 wept rojy ly *A<Ti^ TroXeuty. 
 
 P Book II. ch. 2, § 7. 
 
 'i Pompon. Mela I. 14. The 
 
 tradition is very ancient. Strab. 
 
 XIV. p. 668. from Callinus. 
 
 rovQ Xaovg yucra Muxpov roy Tav- 
 
 poy WepOerrai: rovg ^ey ly Ua^- 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 daughter of Rhacius and of Manto-/ and lastly, the 
 same Lacius is represented as a contemporary of 
 Mopsus, and as having been sent out by Manto as a 
 founder at the same time with the latter.* The in- 
 ference that we must draw is, that there was no such 
 individual as Lacius who led the Lindians in person to 
 Phaselis, but that he was merely a mythical being, and 
 represents the Clarian oracle, which seems to have co- 
 operated on this occasion.* Those who are versed in 
 the interpretation of mythical narratives will also 
 hence infer, that the same was the case with his con- 
 trary, "AvTi6(pr)fxog. In order, however, to give the 
 mother-state, Argos, a share in the mythical account 
 of the foundation of the Pamphylian colonies, it was 
 necessary that Amphilochus, who belonged to the 
 family of the Amythaonidse, should, together with 
 Calchas, have some connexion with them all ; and, in 
 fact, it is not impossible that soothsayers from Argo&, 
 who called themselves descendants of this prophet and 
 hero, were procured by the Rhodians for this service. 
 
 6. We may now penetrate somewhat deeper into 
 the obscure traditions of the Cilician cities Mallus, 
 Mopsuestia, and Mopsucrene. In the fables con- 
 cerning the founding of these towns, Amphilochus and 
 Mopsus are always mentioned together ; at the same 
 time that the account of their Argive origin is very 
 
 fxipLffBfjvaL Kal Itvpiijf., fxi-xpi /cat 
 ^oLvUriQ. Concerning Mopsus 
 in Pamphylia, see also Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. I. p. 334. 
 
 ' Strab. XIV. p. 675, and 
 others. 
 
 * Philosteph. ubi sup. 
 
 * Rhodia, near Phaselis, is 
 also without doubt a Rhodian 
 
 colony; and Mopsus (Theo- 
 pompus ap. Phot. cod. 176) 
 was the founder merely in the 
 above sense. In the same 
 manner probably Lyrnessus ; 
 compare Raoul-Rochette, torn. 
 II. p. 404 sqq., who, however, 
 has not perceived any thing of 
 all this. 
 
 CH.6, §7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 127 
 
 much brought into notice. Cicero calls both these 
 prophets on this occasion kings of Argos." Here 
 then we may also assume that soothsayers were 
 brought from the mother-country, and suppose that 
 the prophets of tlie Amphilochian oracle of Mallus 
 were actually natives of Argos ; and although, as will 
 be shown below, the influence of the Clarian worship 
 was also felt,'^ yet the persons who were the real 
 colonisers could only have been a sea-faring people, 
 such as the Rhodians. In consequence, however, of 
 these settlements having been founded at a very early 
 period, when all colonies were as yet entirely de- 
 pendent upon the oracles, and therefore were always 
 under the direction of prophets, and as an inventive 
 and imaginative spirit was then in full vigour, their 
 true history has been enveloped in a thick cloud of 
 mythological fiction, which we have at least }3egun 
 to remove. 
 
 7. We next proceed to the Corinthian colonies, 
 the geographical situation of which alone affords a 
 remarkable result with regard to the maritime ex- 
 peditions undertaken by the mother-country. For 
 although Corinth had two harbours, Lechseum in 
 the Criseean, and Cenchrese in the Saronic gulf, it 
 It evident that all its colonies were sent out from the 
 western port. They were founded, almost without 
 exception, on the coasts of the Ionian sea; at the 
 entrance of which the Corinthians had, perhaps at a 
 very early period, founded the city of Molycreium.^ 
 Notwithstanding this, the very first colony from Co- 
 rinth, the date of which is known within a few years 
 (Olymp. 5. 760-757 B. C.),« ventured to cross the 
 
 ° De Div. I. 40. 
 
 * Book II. ch. 2. § 7. 
 
 yXhucyd. III. 102. 
 *See§ 10. 
 
128 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Ionian sea, and to found in the most beautiful part of 
 Sicily the renowned city of Syracuse. The founder 
 was Archias a Heraclide, and probably also of the 
 family of the Bacchiadae ; ^ he was followed by Co- 
 rinthians, chiefly from the borough of Tenea ;^ and on 
 the road was joined by some Dorians from Megara ;'' 
 the expedition was also accompanied by a prophet 
 of the sacred family of Olympia, the lamidae, whose 
 descendants flourished at Syracuse in the time of 
 Pindar.*^ It appears, however, that Syracuse at that 
 time borrowed many religious institutions from 
 Olympia, as is proved by the worship of Arethusa, 
 of Artemis Ortygia, and of the Olympian Zeus.^ These 
 original founders built a town in the island of Ortygia, 
 the name of which can be explained only from the 
 worship of the goddess just mentioned. The lands 
 taken from the aboriginal Sicilians they divided into 
 lots, according to the number of the colonists. For 
 the method universally observed in founding these 
 colonies was, that the adventurers received before- 
 hand a promise of a share in the territory — which also 
 was called a lot. On the occasion of this very settle- 
 ment, iEthiops, a Corinthian glutton, is said to have 
 
 * For what Plutarch. Amator. 
 and Diodor. Exc. II. 228. p. 
 548. Wess. relate of the expul- 
 sion of Archias, is stated by the 
 Scholiast to ApoUonius IV. 
 1211, of the family of the Bac- 
 chiadse. The former affirm the 
 accidental murder of the son of 
 Melissus to have been the cause 
 of the founding of Syracuse, the 
 latter of that of Corcyra. Yet 
 this is contradicted by the Pa- 
 rian , Marble, I. 47. Archias 
 ^ikaTo^ aro Ti/^«Vov, since the 
 
 Bacchiadse derived themselves 
 from Aletes, not Temenus. In 
 either case Archias is an Hera- 
 clide. See Boeckh. Explic. ad 
 Pind. Olymp. 6. p. 153. Com- 
 pare GOller de situ Syracusa- 
 rum, p. 5. sq. 
 
 ^ Strab. VII. p. 380 D. 
 
 ^ Strab. VI. p. 269. Com- 
 pare Scymnus Chius, v. 274. 
 
 ^ See Boeckh's Introduction 
 to the sixth Olympiad. 
 
 * Book II. ch. 9.§ 4. ch. 10. 
 §1. 
 
 Cii. 6, § 7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 129 
 
 sold a promise of this kind to a companion for one 
 honey-cake.^ Eumelus tlie Bacchiad, the celebrated 
 poet of Corinth, seems to have been one of these 
 colonists,* as he is mentioned in connexion with 
 Archias. Although the detnus, or populace of the 
 city, chiefly perhaps consisted of inhabitants of various 
 nations, who put themselves under the protection of 
 this colony, and although the territory around was 
 peopled by Sicilian bondsmen, yet in its dialect, and 
 probably for a considerable period in its customs also, 
 Syracuse remained a purely Doric state : as the 
 women in Theocritus say,^ " Our origin is Corin- 
 " thiauy and therefore we speak the language of Pe- 
 " loponnesus. For it is pertnitted, I suppose, to the 
 *' Dorians to speak Doric.'" Hence the Syracusans 
 were so greatly pleased with an ambassador from 
 Lucania, who had learnt to speak Doric in order 
 to address them in their native tongue.' Syra- 
 cuse increased so rapidly in population and power, 
 that seventy years after its foundation it colonized 
 Acrse, and also Enna, situated in the centre of the 
 island ; twenty years after this, the town of Casmense ; 
 and in forty-five more, Camarina. Also some Syra- 
 cusan'' fugitives named Myletidae, together with Chal- 
 cideans from Zancle, are said to have founded Himera : 
 
 ^Athen. IV. p. 167. from 
 Demetrius Scepsius. Archilo- 
 chus made mention of this 
 ^thiops (Siebel. Fragm. p 
 233). 
 
 8 Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 
 298. His Trpoaohoy was com- 
 posed before the Messenian 
 wars, about the same time. 
 
 ^ Adoniaz. 53. compare Thu- 
 
 cyd. VI. 77. on oW "Iwi/cc rah 
 iiaiv, — aXXct AwpielQy eXevdepoi 
 a-K avTOvo^ov rijg Ile\o7roypi]ffov 
 
 TYjV liLKlXiaV OIKOVVTEQ. 
 
 ' Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVIII. 
 4. 
 
 ^ According to Thucyd. VI. 
 5. Raoid- Roche tte, III. p. 319. 
 supports the contrary opinion. 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 hence the dialect there in use was a mixture of Chal- 
 cidean and Doric ; but the institutions were entirely 
 Chalcidean. 
 
 8. The other Corinthian colonies, as has been 
 already remarked, were all situated to the east of 
 the Ionian sea. The nearest of these are, besides 
 their colony of Molycreium, Chalcis in ^tolia,^ and 
 Solium in Acarnania ;™ further on, we find that 
 Ambracia was in very early times founded by Co- 
 rinth," and accordingly was governed by a brother of 
 Periander f by the influence of this settlement Am- 
 philochian Argos changed its language and customs 
 for those of the Greeks.P Anactorium was founded 
 by the Corinthians, under the command of Periander, 
 in conjunction with the Corcyrseans. At the same 
 time, and in connexion with the same persons, they 
 occupied the island of Leucadia ;^ to the possession of 
 which, however, the Corcyrseans, as they were at that 
 
 ^ Thucyd. I. 108. where this 
 Chalcis is evidently intended. 
 
 ^ Raoul-Rochette, ib. p. 290. 
 The coins of Alyzia do not ne- 
 cessarily prove it to be of Co- 
 rinthian origin, since barbarous 
 towns frequently adopted the 
 devices of the neighbouring 
 Greek cities. Herodotus IX. 
 28. does not afford any reason 
 for supposing that Pale was a 
 Corinthian colony; yet both 
 here and in Thucyd. I. 27. it 
 appears as closely united with 
 Corinth. 
 
 " This I believe, because it 
 was founded by Heraclidse, i. e. 
 by Bacchiadae, according to 
 Anton. Lib. 4 ; hence also the 
 worship of Hercules existed 
 there. Compare also concern- 
 
 ing the Doric migration to Am- 
 bracia, the Epigram of Dama- 
 getus in the Palat. Anthol. VII. 
 231. 
 
 ° T6pyo£ is probably the most 
 correct form of those in Plut. 
 Conv. VII. Sap. 17. p. 42. 
 Strab. X. p. 452, 7. p. 325. 
 Scymn. Ch. 427. Antonin. Lib. 
 I. 4. p. 23. Teuchn., who alone 
 considers him as the brother of 
 Cypaelus. See book Ill.ch. 9. 
 § 6. note. The form rOPPOS 
 is also confirmed by a coin of 
 Ambracia. See Raoul-Rochette, 
 Annali delP Instituto di corrisp. 
 archeol. 1829, p. 316. 
 
 P Thucyd. II. 68. 
 
 "* See Boeckh. Corp. In- 
 script. No. 43. 
 
 CH. 6, § 8. THE DORIANS. ]3i 
 
 time subject to Corinth, had no just claim ; and The- 
 mistocles unquestionably did wrong in attributing any 
 such right to them ; ' the Leucadians also always 
 remained firm to their real parent-state. Next comes 
 Corcyra itself, the founding of which by Chersicrates 
 the Bacchiad* is represented as having been a se- 
 condary branch of the colony sent to Syracuse ;' but 
 it had at a very early period set itself up as a rival 
 to the mother- state in the Ionian sea, whose ancient 
 power had been probably broken before the Persian 
 war. On the opposite coast lay Epidanmus, which 
 city was chiefly founded by Corcyrseans, but under 
 the command of Phalius, the son of Eratocleides, a 
 Corinthian Heraclide, whom the Corcyrgeans, according 
 to the ancient colonial law, had sent for, together with 
 some of his countrymen (in Olymp. 38. 2. 629 B.C. 
 according to Eusebius), and were afterwards strength- 
 ened by emigrants from Dyspontium in Pisatis.— 
 Lastly, Gylax, a Corinthian, together with 200 of 
 his own countrymen, and a greater number of Cor- 
 cyraeans, founded Apollonia in the time of Periander. 
 Here ends the list of Corinthian colonies, which formed 
 a strong and continuous chain along the coast ; and 
 thus even the barbarians of the interior, especially the 
 
 ' Plutarch. Themist. 24. ; but 
 the whole history is inaccurately 
 related. 
 
 •Thus Schol. Apollon. IV. 
 1212., and from Timficus at V. 
 1216. 
 
 * Yet Timaeus ubi sup. places 
 Chersicrates 600 years after the 
 Trojan war, the date of which 
 he fixed (according to Censori- 
 nus de Die Nat. 21.) 417 years 
 before the first Olympiad ; con- 
 sequently the date which he 
 
 gives to Chersicrates is Olymp. 
 46. 3. 594. B. C. in the time of 
 the Cypselidae. But since it is 
 scarcely credible that Timaeus 
 could place the foundation of 
 Corcyra so low down, it is pro- 
 bable that he fixed an earlier 
 date for the Trojan war, accord- 
 ing to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 
 135. w. III. p. 490. Compare 
 Mustoxidi Illustrazioni Corci- 
 resi, I. 5. p. 65. 
 
 k2 
 
132 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Epirots of Thesprotia, were forced to maintain a per- 
 petual connexion with Corinth : " hence also the kings 
 of the Lyncestse in Macedonia esteemed it an honom- 
 to derive their orio^in from the Bacchiadse.* At a still 
 further distance lay the island of Issa, which was 
 colonized from Syracuse/ Corcyra, however, pos- 
 sessed settlements as far as the Flanatian gulf* 
 From these facts it is evident that there was a time 
 when Corinth predominated in these seas ; and by 
 means of Corcyra and Ambracia, and other towns, 
 ruled over many nations of barbarians. But the loss 
 of Corcyra, which had been at war with its mother- 
 state in the 28th Olympiad (about 668 B.C.),* even 
 before the time of Periander (though it was for a short 
 time again reduced to subjection by the enterprising 
 Cypselidse), was an incurable wound for Corinth. The 
 other colonies, however, showed a remarkable obe- 
 dience to her.^ It was not till after the loss of their 
 maritime dominion in these quarters (an event which 
 had nevertheless taken place before the Persian war) 
 that the Corinthians appear to have founded Potidsea 
 on the opposite side of Greece in Chalcidice, which 
 colony they sought to retain in their power by con- 
 tinually interfering in its internal administration, and 
 for this purpose sent thither every year magistrates 
 named Epidemiurgi.*" 
 
 9. Megara, on the other hand, was induced by 
 its situation to send even its first colonies to the oppo- 
 
 " Thucyd. I. 47. 
 
 * Strab. VII. p. 326. Scymn. 
 Ch. 620. 
 
 y Scymn. Ch. 412. Accord- 
 ing to Raoul-Rochette, IV. p. 
 86. it was founded at the same 
 time that Dionysius founded 
 Lissus. 
 
 * OrchomenoSi p. 297. 
 
 * Thucyd. 1.13. 
 
 ** fiaXitrra viro airotKioy ffrep' 
 yo^eda^ the words of the Corin- 
 thians in Thucyd. I. 38. com- 
 pare I. 26. Plutarch Timol. 3. 
 
 M. 56. See book III. ch. 8. 
 § 5. 
 
 CH. 6, § 9. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 133 
 
 site side of Greece on the Thracian coast. Thus in 
 Olymp. 17. 3. 710 B.C. it founded Astgeus in Bi- 
 thynia ;'* afterwards Chalcedon, on the entrance of the 
 Bosporus'^ in Olymp. 26. 2. 675 B.C. (according to 
 Eusebius); and 17 years later (Olymp. 30. 3. 658 
 B.C.) Byzantium in a more favoured spot, opposite 
 to Chalcedon.' The Argives also had a share in the 
 foundation of this town; for uhich fact we may trust 
 the general assertion of Hesychius of Aliletus, that 
 his circumstantial and fabulous history of the early 
 times of this city was derived from ancient poets and 
 historians. For the transmission of the worship of 
 Here (whose temple both at Byzantium and Argos 
 was on the citadel),^' and the traditions concerning lo 
 the attendant of the Argive Here, confirm in a manner 
 which does not admit of a doubt, the pretensions of 
 Argos to a share in this colony. lo, who was repre- 
 sented with horns on her forehead, is said to have here 
 produced to Zeus a daughter, Ceroessa the " Horned" 
 by name (which is, however, only a different name for 
 lo herself), who being suckled by the nympli Se- 
 mestra, aftenvards brought forth Byzas.^ Thence the 
 fable of the cow swimming over the sea became pecu- 
 bar to this place.^ In other respects the combina- 
 
 ^ According to Eusebius. See Rec. Gotting. torn. I p 62 has 
 
 Raoul-Rochette, III. p 233. treated of ti fables Vio a 
 
 ^ According to Hesychius Mi- Byzantium with sufficient ful- 
 
 lesms de Constant, p 48. the ness, but without tracing the 
 
 founder s name was Dmeus. origin of the traditions. ^ 
 
 1 he situation of Byzantium, h Ibid 
 m a political and commercial i See, ' besides others, Palat 
 
 gn.nl « ; 1 r^i not Raoul-Rochette admit here 
 
 bZ o ^hi ^''l ^' ^n''''''' ^ '^'^^^'^'^ '^' supposition of 
 
 mTvoI IT ^^f ^'"^- "" «"^i^"^ colony \inder the 
 
 Mm. vol. III. sacrifices were guidance of lo, an Ardve nrin- 
 
 offered to her on the first day cess ^ ^^give prm- 
 
 of the year. Heyne Comment. 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 tions of religious cei-emonies as found at Byzantium, 
 almost exactly resembled that which existed in Me- 
 gara. Nay, so carefully did the Byzantians, though 
 far removed from their mother-state, preserve the 
 remembrance of it, that they carried over almost all 
 the names of their native country and the neighbour- 
 ing region. We find on the coast a temple of Posei- 
 don, whose son was named Byzas ; also of Demeter 
 and Cora ; the Scironian rocks, an Isthmian promon- 
 tory, with the tomb of Hipposthenes a Megarean hero, 
 the temple of Apollo on the high promontory of 
 Metopum ; also an altar of Saron, a pretended hero, 
 whose name referred to the Saronic gulf.'' Thus 
 Byzantium was never estranged from its Peloponne- 
 sian ancestors, although it adopted a large number of 
 additional colonists,^ and ruled over Thracian subjects. 
 Moreover, the prevailing dialect, which occurs in some 
 public decrees still extant, remained for a long time 
 Doric." The Byzantians, together with the Chalce- 
 donians, either at the time of the expedition of Darius 
 against the Scythians, or of the Ionic revolt, founded 
 Mesambria on the Pontus," which some consider as 
 a colony of Megara. The Megareans had also founded 
 Selymbria even before the settlement of Byzantium," 
 and probably carried on from this place a war with 
 
 ^ See Dionysius. There is 
 something on this head also in 
 Hesychius. Besides the names 
 in the text, there are Athene Ec- 
 basia — Artemis Dictynna (also 
 Lucifer a in piscinis), Ajax Te- 
 lamonius, and Achilles — Rhea 
 — Hecate and Fortune — The 
 Dioscuri — Amphiaraus ey av- 
 /caic. Aphrodite the preserver of 
 peace, and Aphrodite YLclvIyiiioq. 
 
 * With whom there were at 
 times dissensions. See Aristot. 
 Pol. V. 2. 10. 
 
 ^ See, besides the decrees 
 in Demosthenes, Constantin. 
 Porph. Them. I. p. 1452. in 
 Meursii 0pp. 
 
 ° MeTUfifypiaytop and Mfcra/x- 
 (ipiaviuv on coins. 
 
 ° According to Scymnus 
 Chius, V. 714. 
 
 CH. 6, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 135 
 
 the Samians at Perinthus,^ when that island was still 
 governed by Geomori, before the time of Polycrates. 
 Moreover, the Megareans had a large share in the 
 founding of Heraclea on the Pontus ; for although 
 they were strengthened by some Tanagreeans from 
 Boeotia, their numbers so predominated that this city 
 was in general considered as Doric. ^ 
 
 10. Megara, however, at the same time founded 
 some very considerable colonies to the west, viz., in 
 Sicily. It will be sufficient to state in general terms 
 that Hybla in Sicily was a Megarean colony, esta- 
 bUshed in the 13th Olympiad (about 728 B.C.), and 
 was even called Megara.' It probably kept up a 
 constant intercourse with the mother-state; since 
 
 P Plut. Qu. Gr. 57. jEgine- 
 tica, p. 67. It is probable that 
 Perinthus also at that time re- 
 ceived a party of Doric colo- 
 nists, as it is called an allied 
 town by the Byzantians (Ue- 
 raosth. de Corona, p. 255), and 
 the worship of Hercules was 
 prevalent there. Compare Pa- 
 nofka Res Samiorum, p. 22, 
 where, however, several passages 
 are incorrectly applied. 
 
 1 Arrian, Periplus of the Pon- 
 tus Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. 
 Compare Orelli Heracleot. p. 
 115. Raoul-Rochette places it 
 as far back as the 30th Olym- 
 piad, but according to Scymnus 
 Chius, 231, the founding took 
 place in the time of Cyrus. 
 
 ' Megara was founded in the 
 same year as Naxus, Olymp. 
 11. 3, according to Ephorus 
 (in Strabo and Scymnus) ; ac- 
 cording to the more exact Thu- 
 cydides some time after, 245 
 years before its destruction by 
 Gelou. Gelon reigned from 
 
 Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from 
 Olymp. 73. 4, till 75. 3, in Sy- 
 racuse (Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. 
 I. ExpUc. p. 100). From the 
 narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, 
 it appears that he conquered Me- 
 gara in the interval of Olymp. 
 ^4. 1 — 3; in which case the 
 foundation would fall about 
 Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. Ac- 
 cording then to the account of 
 Thucydides, the arrival of La- 
 mis the Megarean must have 
 been some years before. This 
 event was contemporary with 
 the founding of Leontini, which 
 was five years after that of Syra- 
 cuse : this cannot, therefore, be 
 reconciled with the account of 
 Eusebius, who dates the build- 
 ing of Syracuse Olymp. 11.4. 
 (Hieron. Seal.) The statement 
 of the Parian Marble agrees 
 better, viz. Olymp. 5. 3. Raoul- 
 Rochette, III. p. 214, reckons 
 on false suppositions. Compare 
 Heyne Opusc. Acadcm. torn. II. 
 pp. 259. sq. 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 tions of religious ceremonies as found at Byzantium, 
 almost exactly resembled that which existed in Me- 
 gara. Nay, so carefully did the Byzantians, though 
 far removed from their mother-state, preserve the 
 remembrance of it, that they carried over almost all 
 the names of their native country and the neighbour- 
 ing region. We find on the coast a temple of Posei- 
 don, whose son was named Byzas ; also of Demeter 
 and Cora ; the Scironian rocks, an Isthmian promon- 
 tory, with the tomb of Hipposthenes a Megarean hero, 
 the temple of Apollo on the high promontory of 
 Metopum ; also an altar of Saron, a pretended hero, 
 whose name referred to the Saronic gulf.^ Thus 
 Byzantium was never estranged from its Peloponne- 
 sian ancestors, although it adopted a large number of 
 additional colonists,^ and ruled over Thracian subjects. 
 Moreover, the prevailing dialect, which occurs in some 
 public decrees still extant, remained for a long time 
 Doric." The Byzantians, together with the Chalce- 
 donians, either at the time of the expedition of Darius 
 against the Scythians, or of the Ionic revolt, founded 
 Mesambria on the Pontus," which some consider as 
 a colony of Megara. The Megareans had also founded 
 Selymbria even before the settlement of Byzantium," 
 and probably carried on from this place a war with 
 
 ^ See Dionysius. There is 
 something on this head also in 
 Hesychius. Besides the names 
 in the text, there are Athene Ec- 
 basia — Artemis Dictynna (also 
 Lucifer a in piscinis), Ajax Te- 
 lamonius, and Achilles — Rhea 
 — Hecate and Fortune — The 
 Dioscuri — Amphiaraus iy av- 
 koIq^ Aphrodite the preserver of 
 peace, and Aphrodite Uaydri/JLOQ. 
 
 * With whom there were at 
 times dissensions. See Aristot. 
 Pol. V. 2. 10. 
 
 ™ See, besides the decrees 
 in Demosthenes, Constantin. 
 Porph. Them. I. p. 1452. in 
 Meursii Opp. 
 
 " MerafjilJpiavuyp and Meffo/x- 
 (ipiavutv on coins. 
 
 ^ According to Scymnus 
 Chius, V. 714. 
 
 CH. 6, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 135 
 
 the Samians at Perinthus,^ when that island was still 
 governed by Geomori, before the time of Polycrates. 
 Moreover, the Megareans had a large share in the 
 founding of Heraclea on the Pontus ; for although 
 they were strengthened by some Tanagraeans from 
 Boeotia, their numbers so predominated that this city 
 was in general considered as Doric .*^ 
 
 10. Megara, however, at the same time founded 
 some very considerable colonies to the west, viz., in 
 Sicily. It will be sufficient to state in general terms 
 that Hybla in Sicily was a Megarean colony, esta- 
 blished in the 13th Olympiad (about 728 B.C.), and 
 was even called Megara.' It probably kept up a 
 constant intercourse witli the mother-state; since 
 
 P Plut. Qu. Gr. 57. Mgine- 
 tica, p. 67. It is probable that 
 Perinthus also at that time re- 
 ceived a party of Doric colo- 
 nists, as it is called an allied 
 town by the Byzantians (De- 
 mosth. de Corona, p. 255), and 
 the worship of Hercules was 
 prevalent there. Compare Pa- 
 nofka Res Samiorum, p. 22, 
 where, however, several passages 
 are incorrectly applied. 
 
 ^ Arrian, Periplus of the Pon- 
 tus Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. 
 Compare Orelli Heracleot. p. 
 115. Raoul-Rochette places it 
 as far back as the 30th Olym- 
 piad, but according to Scymnus 
 Chius, 231, the founding took 
 place in the time of Cyrus. 
 
 ' Megara was founded in the 
 same year as Naxus, Olymp. 
 11. 3, according to Ephorus 
 (in Strabo and Scymnus) ; ac- 
 cording to the more exact Thu- 
 cydides some time after, 245 
 years before its destruction by 
 Gelon. Gelon reigned from 
 
 Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from 
 Olymp. 73. 4, till 75. 3, in Sy- 
 racuse (Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. 
 I. Explic. p. 100). From the 
 narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, 
 it appears that he conquered Me- 
 gara in the interval of Olymp. 
 74. 1 — 3; in which case the 
 foundation would fall about 
 Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. Ac- 
 cording then to the account of 
 Thucydides, the arrival of La- 
 mis the Megarean must have 
 been some years before. This 
 event was contemporary with 
 the founding of Leontini, which 
 was five years after that of Syra- 
 cuse : this cannot, therefore, be 
 reconciled with the account of 
 Eusebius, who dates the build- 
 ing of Syracuse Olymp. 11. 4. 
 (Hieron. Seal.) The statement 
 of the Parian Marble agrees 
 better, viz. Olymp. 5. 3. Raoul- 
 Rochette, III. p. 214, reckons 
 on false suppositions. Compare 
 Heyne Opusc. Academ. torn. II. 
 pp. 259. sq. 
 
136 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Theognis, who was a Megarean from Sicily, according 
 to Plato, dwelt nevertheless for a long time in the 
 Megara near Athens, to which state many of his 
 poems refer.* The founding of the small town of 
 Trogilus, and of the more important city of Thapsos, 
 preceded the building of Megara. A century later, 
 'some inhabitants of Megara founded Selinus in the 
 neighbourhood of that part of the island, which town 
 was in early times held by the Phoenicians, in later 
 times by the Carthaginians. 
 
 11. The colonies of Sparta, which still remain 
 to be considered, were more numerous than would 
 be expected of a state so averse to maritime affairs. 
 In the history of the migrations of the Heraclidae, w^e 
 find introduced the colonies of Thera, Melos, Gortyna, 
 and Cyrene ; which, although for the sake of honour 
 they recognised Sparta as their mother- state, had been 
 in fact founded by Achaeans, Minyans, and ^Egidse, 
 who dwelt at that time in a state of almost entire inde- 
 pendence in a district of Laconia.* All these states, 
 however, retained the Doric name ; and Cyrene, 
 though even the founders married Libyan women,"* 
 
 ■ See Passow ad Theogn. 
 773. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 
 85, adds Schol. Platon. p. 220. 
 See also Welcker's Theognis, 
 p. 14. In literary history many 
 instances occur of the same 
 persons heing called citizens of 
 the mother-state, and of the co- 
 lony; e. g.y Archilochus was a 
 Parian and Thasian ; Protago- 
 ras and Hecatseus the younger 
 were citizens both of Teos and 
 Abdera ; Terpander belonged to 
 Ame in Boeotia and Lesbos at 
 the same time; Mimnermus 
 was both a Colophonian and 
 
 citizen of Smyrna, &c. 
 
 * See OrchomenoSf pp. 313 — 
 359. Thrige's Res Cyrenensium 
 (1828), pp. 23-35. Concern- 
 ing a family of the Heracli- 
 dae, see the interesting pas- 
 sages of Synesius, Karaar. (p. 
 10. Morell.) and of Theodorus 
 Metochita in the Supplem. ad 
 Nicol. Damasc. Orellii. The 
 account of the latter is very con- 
 fused. 
 
 " Pind. Pyth. IX. Boeckh 
 Explic. p. 325. Thrige ibid. 
 121 sq. 
 
 CH. 6, § 11. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 137 
 
 always preserved to the utmost of its power the insti- 
 tutions, customs, and language of its mother-country.* 
 The founding of Cnidos also took place at an early 
 period, and was generally ascribed to the Lacedsemo- 
 nians.y The leader of the colony was, according to 
 Diodorus, one Hippotes.* Syme also was at that time 
 peopled from Cnidos.* The principal religion of this 
 city, that of Aphrodite^ (who was here worshipped in 
 a three-fold capacity), was without doubt the same as 
 that which existed at Cythera, having been carried 
 over by the Lacedaemonian colonists. The splendid 
 city of Cnidos, protected toward the east by an Acro- 
 polis, which both its Cyclopian architecture"^^ and 
 fabulous histoiy prove to have existed before the time 
 of the Dorians, w^as situated on a neck of land, with a 
 harbour on each side, one of which was among the 
 largest in Greece. Thus fitted by nature for com- 
 merce, Cnidos also founded colonies of its own, among 
 which Lipara, established (in Olymp. 50, about 580 
 B.C.) upon one of the JEolian islands under the direc- 
 tion of descendants of Hippotes,*^ overcame the Etrus- 
 cans in several wars, and adorned Delphi with offerings 
 
 * Awpocol ra^oi, Synesius, ubi by M. Huyot, amongst which 
 sup. is a plan of Cnidos ; an accurate 
 
 y Herodot. I. 174. Diodorus plan of the harbour was shown 
 
 V. 53. speaks of an Argive- me by Captain Beaufort. Com- 
 
 Lacedsemonian colony in this pare Clarke, part II. § 1, 
 
 district. plate 13. 
 
 ^ V. 9. 53. Tzetzes ad Ly- ^ It is stated by Diodorus V. 
 
 cophr. 1388, calls him 'iTnrorriQ 9, that the Cnidians in the 50th 
 
 6 'AXrjrrjQ, but I can hardly Olympiad (580 B.C.) sent a 
 
 think that he is the same as the colony to Lipara under the 
 
 ancestor of the Corinthian He- guidance of three descendants 
 
 raclidse. of their countryman Hippotes, 
 
 * Diodor. V. 53. Gorgus, Thestor, and Epither- 
 ^ Also at Nisyrus, according sidas, who, in conjunction with 
 
 to its coins, 500 of the former inhabitants, 
 
 *^ I here speak on the autho- founded a state. Now it was 
 
 rity of some beautiful drawings natural to call ^olus the god 
 
138 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 of victory." Another colony from Cnidos, remarkable 
 chiefly for its distance from the mother-country, is 
 Black-Corcyra, on the coast of Illyria. Lacedsemon 
 herself, however, is said to have sent out colonies to 
 Phiygia, Pisidia, and Cyprus. In the former country, 
 Pisistratus, a Spartan, is said to have founded Noricum 
 near Celaense on the river Marsyas/ Selge in Pisidia 
 is generally considered by the ancients to have been a 
 Lacedaemonian colony, and we frequently find on coins 
 of a late date this origin recognised. The represen- 
 tative of the state is Hercules the Doric hero : more- 
 over, the free spkit, the braveiy, and the good laws of 
 the Selgseans (although the reverse is sometimes at- 
 tributed to them) were derived from then- mother- 
 state.^ The wrestlmg youths in the act of grasping 
 one another (axpo^sipi^oixsvoi) represented on their 
 coins, bespeak a love for gymnastic exercises. It 
 should, however, be remembered, that the founders of 
 this colony were, according to a more exact statement, 
 Amyclaeans,^ i. e. fugitive Perioeci, who perhaps had 
 
 of the winds, who was supposed ^Pseud-Plutarch, de fluv. 
 
 to reside on these islands, a son Mars. Eustath. ad Dionys. Pe- 
 
 of the new national hero, Hip- rieg. 321. 
 potes; and hence he became g See Strab. XII. p. 570. 
 
 A'ioXog 'iTTTTord^i/c. If this is The inscription on their coins is 
 
 true, then the name *l7r7rora^»;c ^eXyiiop AaKe^aifxoviioy Ofioyoia. 
 
 in the Odyssey (K. 2. 36.) is Compare Mionnet Descript. 
 
 certainly /a/er than the Homeric III. p. 525. Raoul-Rochette, 
 
 age; which might be almost tom. II. p. 427, with whom I 
 
 supposed from the statement of do not entirely agree. See also 
 
 the learned Asclepiades, that Nicephorus ^Blemmidas, ed. 
 
 the iEolus of Homer was the son Spohn. p. 13. 
 of Poseidon (not of Hippotes), ^ Dionys. Perieg. 860, where 
 
 which he could hardly have said, I consider that " the Amycke- 
 
 if all the copies of the Odyssey " ans" is not a mere poetical 
 
 had 'iTTTTora^r/c. ornament, although the testi- 
 
 ® See particularly Pausan. mony is not to be much de- 
 
 X. 11. 3, from Antiochus, and pended upon. Compare Eusta- 
 
 Diodorus V. 9, probably from thius ad 1. 
 the same author. 
 
 CH. 6, § 12. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 139 
 
 passed through Cnidos in their way to these districts. 
 It appears that the Selgseans founded Sagalassus,^ 
 which city is styled on its coins The LacedcBmontan. 
 Perhaps Praxander went at the same time from 
 Therapne in Laconia, with Cephas of Olenus (both 
 Achseans by birth) to the island of Cyprus, where 
 they founded Lapathus and Ceronia.'' 
 
 12. But the most celebrated of all the Lacedse- 
 monian colonies, and which really proceeded from 
 Sparta, was Tarentum. The history of its origin is 
 buried in fable, in the accounts of the first Messe- 
 nian war; the accompanying circumstances will be 
 r mentioned below. The leader of this colony was 
 ^ Phalanthus, son of Aratus, a Heraclide.^ Taras, on 
 Uhe other hand, is called the son of Poseidon, because 
 this colony carried over the worship of that deity from 
 Teenarum to Italy. These emigrants also brought 
 with them other religious rites, as for instance the wor- 
 ship of Hyacinthus ; " likewise many names from their 
 native country, as that of the Eurotas, which they gave 
 to the river Galsesus." But the fruitful and luxuriant 
 
 » See Raoul-Rochette's ar- 
 gument, tom. II. p. 428. 
 
 ^ Lycophr. vv. 452, 593. 
 Strab. XIV. p. 682. Xaictlalinav 
 kv KvTrpy Eustath. ad Homer, 
 p. 293. 45. ed. Rom. Golgi in 
 Cyprus was founded by Sicyo- 
 nians (Steph. Byz. in TdXyoi), 
 and it was the only colony sent 
 out by that state, with the ex- 
 ception of Phsestus in Crete, 
 whither a Heraclide of Sicyon is 
 said to have gone ; see ch. 5. 
 
 § 2. 
 
 ^ Ut fertuTy octavus ah Her- 
 cule, Schol. Vetust. ad Hor. 
 
 Carm. II. 6. 12; and so like- 
 wise Servius ad Virgil. Georg. 
 IV. 125. iEn. III. 551. Com- 
 pare, concerning the Phalantia- 
 dae, Steph. Byz. in 'Adrjyai. 
 Callimachus is referred to in a 
 verse quoted by Schol. ined. 
 ad Dionys. Perieg. (Spohn. 
 Opusc. Niceph. Blemm. 29.) 
 iravrtc a</)' 'llpaKXrjog errjTVfjiov 
 tare AaKojyeg according to 
 Goettling's conjecture. 
 
 ™ 'YaKlydov or 'AwoXXcjyog 
 yadvdov TCicpoc, Polyb. VIII. 
 30.2. 
 
 " lb. VIII. 35. 8. 
 
140 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 J BOOK I. 
 
 r 
 
 territory to which they had moved, its soft and volup- 
 tuous climate, and the commerce, for which Tarentum 
 was well situated,*' and always open (although it never 
 carried it on in an active manner), helped to engender 
 that eflPeminacy of character, which gave countenance 
 to the fable of the founders having been the sons of un- 
 married women (TrotpQevton). Still, amidst all its 
 degeneracy, Tarentum retained a certain degree of 
 ( dependence on its mother-country : at the foundation 
 of Heraclea the Tarentines allowed Cleandridas a 
 Spartan to be one of the original colonists.^ The 
 friendship, moreover, of the Cnidians witli the Taren- 
 tines,'' as well as that with the Cyreneans, was founded 
 on the recognition of a common origin. The colony 
 of Croton (Olymp. 19.. 2. 703 B.C., according to 
 Eusebius) consisted indeed of Achseans, who came 
 partly from the maritime town of Rhypse,' and partly 
 from Laconia:* it must, however, have been esta- 
 blished under the authority of the Doric state of Sparta, 
 since Apollo and Hercules, the Doric god and hero, 
 were here worshipped with especial honour ; * the early 
 constitution was also Doric ; and although in general 
 we are not to look for truth in the poetry of Ovid, yet 
 in this instance we may credit his statement that Mys- 
 cellus the founder was a Heraclide." In like manner 
 the Locrians, who (in Olymp. 24. 2. 683 B.C.) 
 founded Locri, must have procured Spartans as 
 leaders,^ since (as theu- coins also show) they paid par- 
 
 « Scymn. Ch. 330. Rochette, III. p. 187 
 
 PStrabo VI. p. 264, from * See book II. ch. 3 
 
 Antiochus -Metam. XV. 15. Gratesagit 
 
 <! Herodot III. 138. IV. 164, ille parenti Amphitryoniadce 
 
 ' Strabo VIII. p. 387. » See Pausan. ubi sup. The 
 
 ' Pausan. III. 3. 1. Jambli- newly discovered fragments of 
 
 chus Vit. Pythag. 10. Raoul- Polybius confirm the partici- 
 
 CH. 6, § 12. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 141 
 
 ticular honours to the Dioscuri, in time of distress in 
 war the statues of these gods having been sent to them 
 from Sparta, as being a people of the same origin ; ^ 
 and even in the Peloponnesian war they still adhered 
 to the cause of Sparta.' Of a nature wholly different 
 
 \ were the rapid and transitory settlements of Dorieus 
 the son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, which this 
 
 / noble adventurer founded in Sicily and Libya ; when, 
 
 ( scorning to submit to a worthless brother, and confid- 
 v ^ 
 
 in<^ in his own strength, he hoped to obtain by conquest 
 
 a kingdom in a distant country .'^ Finally, the Lyc- 
 tians of Crete and other inhabitants of this island 
 called themselves colonists of Sparta. In all proba- 
 bility many of the ancient Doric cities of this country 
 received fresh settlers from Lacedsemon ; which state, 
 at the beginning of the Olympiads'' in tlie time of 
 Alcamenes, and even during the life of Lycurgus,'' 
 exercised a very considerable influence upon the inter- 
 nal affairs of Crete. 
 
 Having taken a view of the Doric settlements 
 without Peloponnesus, we now return to the history 
 
 
 { 
 
 pation of Sparta in the coloni- 
 zation of Locri, p. 384. Mai, 
 inasmuch as they mention the 
 sending of Locrian auxiliaries 
 to the Spartans as the cause of 
 the foundation of Locri in Italy. 
 
 y Justin XX. 2. 
 
 *Thucyd. VI. 44. Raoul- 
 Rochette, p. 194, derives it 
 from Dorians, who had pre- 
 viously settled at Cape Zephy- 
 rium : but even if there were 
 Dorians there, they must have 
 been Megareans. 
 
 * It would lead us too far 
 from our subject to explain the 
 tradition concerning the Lace- 
 daemonians among the Sabines 
 
 and Samnites. It is remark-"^ 
 able that, according to Silius \ 
 Italicus, these Lacedaemonians \ 
 came from Amyclae and The- / 
 rapne, the ancient settlements / 
 of the Achaeans. I must also I 
 pass over the Cretan colonies/ 
 for many reasons. 
 
 ^Paus. III. 2. 7. 
 
 <^ A war with Cnosus is very 
 improbable and almost impos- 
 sible; Pans. II. 21. III. 11. 
 Veil. Paterc. 1.4. {Lacedcemo- 
 niiin Asia Magnesiam), had 
 probably some account of the 
 share of the Spartans in these 
 Cretan colonies, which will be 
 discussed book II. ch. 3. 
 
142 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 7, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 143 
 
 of that peninsula, which we will divide into two pe- 
 iriods, namely, before and after the 40th Olympiad, or 
 [the year 620 B.C. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 § 1. Sources of the early history of Peloponnesus. § 2. Quoit 
 of Iphitus, Registers of Victors at the Olympic and Carnean 
 Games, Registers at Sicyon and Argos. § 3. Registers of 
 the Spartan Kings. § 4. Spartan Rhetras, Land-marks. § 5. 
 L)Tic Poets, Oral Tradition, and Political Institutions. § 6. 
 Mythical character of Lycurgus. § 7. Lycurgus founder of 
 the sacred armistice of Olympia. § § 8. and 9. Messenian 
 wars: sources of the history of them. § 10. First Messenian 
 war. § 11. Second Messenian war. § 12. Influence in Ar- 
 cadia obtained by the Spartans. § 13. Limited ascendancy 
 of Argos in Argolis. § 14. Disputes between Argos and 
 Sparta. § 15. Pheidon of Argos. § 16. Further struggles 
 between Argos and Sparta. 
 
 1. Before we begin to collect and arrange the 
 accounts extant concerning the early history of Pe- 
 loponnesus, it will be first necessary to ascertain what 
 are our sources of information respecting the events 
 of this period. For the epic poets, who carried on 
 an uninterrupted series of traditions on the events of 
 the mythical ages, and have thus thrown over this 
 dark period some faint glimmerings which may in 
 many places be condensed into a distinct and useful 
 light, only touch on a few points of the period whose 
 histoiy we are about to examine. On the other hand, "J 
 indeed, the art of writing was during this time intro- \ 
 duced among the Greeks through their intercourse 
 with Asia; but that a long time elapsed before it 
 
 came into general use, is evident from the almost 
 ' surprising imperfection of those written documents 
 y which have been preserved to us of a date anterior to 
 * the 60th Olympiad, in comparison with the great 
 perfection of the works of Grecian art. For this 
 reason, writing was long regarded in Greece as a 
 foreign craft, and letters were considered (for ex- 
 ample in the Tean curses) as Phoenician symlxjls. 
 Nevertheless, these few and scanty registers are the 
 first materials for real history and chronology now 
 extant. As such, the following have been made 
 known to us from Peloponnesus. 
 
 2. The Quoit of Iphitus y upon which was in- 
 scribed in a circle the formula for proclaiming the 
 sacred armistice of Elis, and in which Iphitus and 
 Lycurgus were mentioned as the founders of it.*\ 
 There is no reason for doubting its genuineness, which 
 was recognised by Aristotle, and the institution which 
 it mentioned was considered by all ancient writers as 
 a real fact.^ Secondly, the lists of the conquerors at 
 the Olympic games brought down uninterruptedly 
 from the victory of Choroebus,*' which always recorded 
 the conquerors in the foot-race, and in later times at 
 least those in the other games.*^ It is probable that 
 they were originally engraved on single pillars, and 
 afterwards collected under the inspection of the Hel- 
 lanodicse.^ Similar catalogues of conquerors in other 
 
 * Pausan. V. 20. 1, accord- ro trvve^eg raJg fivfifimg ettI ralg 
 
 ing to Clavier, Plutarch. Ly- 'OXv^iriamy etrrl— 
 ^^T^* *• ^ ^ ypafAfiara *li\elwv Ig Toiig 
 
 AvKOvpyog VTTO TravTCJv avfjL' 'OXv/iTrtoveVag, Pausan. V. 21. 
 
 <f>utv<i)g IcrropelTai ^era rov 'l0/- 5. VI. 2. 1. 
 
 Tov rov 'RXeiov TTjy TrputTrjy apid- e gee Aristodemus ap. Syn- 
 
 fn^Belaap rwv 'OXvfjnrluty dimv cell. Chron. p. 196 C. Com- 
 
 hiadeivai, Athen. XIV. p. 635 pare Goeller de Situ Syracusa- 
 
 F- rum, p. 198. 
 
 *" Pausan. V. 8. 3. c^ ov yofj 
 
144 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 7, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 145 
 
 games, besides the four great ones, were also probably 
 not uncommon, but they were generally inscribed on 
 separate pillars, and were therefore of little use to the 
 historian/ The names of the conquerors at the Car- 
 nean games at Sparta were also registered, so that 
 Hellanicus was enabled to compose from them a work 
 called Ka^veovTxa*. The register at Sicyon contained 
 a list of the priestesses of Here at Argos, and the 
 poets and musicians of the games.^ But this also 
 contained fabulous accounts : for example, the inven- 
 tion of playing and singing on the harp by Amphion. 
 Nor were the catalogues of the priestesses of Here, 
 which were probably kept at Argos, altogether free 
 from fable, as may be perceived from the fragments 
 of Hellanicus' s chronological work on these j)riest- 
 esses, w^hich was probably founded on the official cata- 
 logues.^ 
 
 3. There were also at Lacedsemon public registers, 
 in which Plutarch found mention of the daughters 
 of Agesilaus ;* and in those of the earliest times the 
 same author discovered the Pythian oracle concerning 
 Lycurgus,^ the same that Herodotus refers to in his 
 first book. These doubtless contained the names of 
 all the kings, and probably also the years of their 
 reigns, as far back as Procles, who, according to a 
 statement noticed above, died one year before his 
 
 ^Pind. Olymp. VII. 86. h 
 
 Mfycipoto'tV T ov)( erepoy XiOlva 
 \pd(pog f.')(£i \6yoy. Compare 
 Boeckh Explic. 
 
 8 Plutarch de Musica, 3. 8. 
 
 ^ Sturz. Hellanici fragment, 
 p. 79 sqq. ed. 2. 
 
 » Agesil. 19. 
 
 ^ In Colot. n. p. 268. Aa- 
 
 nedat^oyioi tov irepl AvKOvpyov 
 'Xpr)(Tixov kv toIq TraXaLoraraiQ 
 avaypa0atc i-^^ovteq. Concern- 
 ing this oracle see Theodoret 
 Grsec. Affect. 9. 10. Max. Tyr. 
 Diss. XXIX. p. 72. The oracle 
 in GEnomaus (Euseb. Praep. Ev. 
 V, p. 113.) is evidently a mo- 
 dem forgery. 
 
 ll 
 
 \ 
 
 brother Eurysthenes.* This fact could hardly have 
 been derived from any other source than some national 
 annals, though it is not nnpossible that it was first 
 transferred to them from oral narrative ; in which 
 case, however, it is difficult to understand how tradi- 
 tion, contrary to its general cliaracter, preserved dates. 
 . It was without doubt from these reoristers that Charon 
 j of Lampsacus, before the time of Herodotus, com- 
 posed his work entitled, " The Prytanes, or Rulers, 
 **of Lacedcemon;''^ in which he also noticed the 
 sacred offerings and monuments of ancient times." 
 With respect to the chronological labours of Timseus, 
 Polybius" says that " this writer compared the ephors 
 " with the kings of Lacedfemon from the beginning, 
 " and the archons at Athens and priestesses at Argos 
 " with the conquerors at the Olympic games, and 
 noted the errors which the cities had made in the 
 registration, even when they only diflfered by tlu-ee 
 months.*' Eratosthenes and Apollodorus founded 
 their chronology, especially before the Olympiads, 
 upon the same list of the kings ;p they both nearly 
 agreed in reckoning 327 or 328 years from the expe- 
 dition of the Heraclidee to the first Olympiad (776 
 B. C.),*' which calculation would have been impos- 
 
 (( 
 
 « 
 
 (I 
 
 ^ Above ch. 5. § 14. Eurys- 
 thenes, according to Eusebius, 
 reigned 42 years. 
 
 ^ Suidas in \apwv. 
 
 ° Athen. XI. p. 475 B. con- 
 cerning the Kapyijaioy. 
 
 ° XII. 12. 1. 
 
 P Plutarch. Lycurg. I. Diod. 
 1.5. who calls the avaypatpil of 
 the kings a xapairriy^a. Euse- 
 bius says that at the beginning 
 of the Olympiads Lacedcemo- 
 niorum reges dtfecerunt, which 
 
 error arose from the lists end- 
 ing here, which had been made 
 for computing the preceding 
 periods. 
 
 ^ Apollod. ap. Diod. ubi sup. 
 Eratosthenes ap. Clem. Alex. 
 Strom. I. p. 336. ed. Colon. 
 Compare Tatian. adv. Grsecos, 
 p. 174. Censorinus de Die 
 Natali 21. Euseb. Scalig. p. 
 23. Cicer. de Rep. II. 10. who 
 also followed the Xporikh of 
 Apollodorus. 
 
146 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 7, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 147 
 
 sible if tlie duration of each king's reign had not been 
 known ; for if this computation is made by genera- 
 tions, reckoning about three to a century, quite a 
 different number comes out/ Lycurgus, however, 
 was placed by Eratosthenes 108 years before the first 
 Olympiad ;^ in which computation he certainly went 
 on the authority of the Quoit of Iphitus ; which agrees 
 with the statement of ApoUodorus, tliat Homer, who 
 according to this chronologist flourished 148 years 
 before the first Olympiad, was a contemporary of 
 
 Lycurgus when the latter was a young man/ It 
 
 appears, however, that the name of Lycurgus was not 
 preseiTed in any register of the kings, since in that 
 case it would have been impossible that he should 
 have been called by Herodotus the guardian of his 
 nephew Labotas the Eurysthenid," by Simonides (who 
 lived in great intimacy witli king Pausanias)'' the son 
 of Prytanis and brother of Eunomus the Proclid, and 
 by others the son of Eunomus and guardian of his 
 nephew Charilaus,^ had there existed any genealogy of 
 
 ' I do not contend that the 
 chronological statements in the 
 Spartan lists form an authentic 
 document^ more than those in 
 the catalogues of the priestesses 
 of Here and in the list of HaU- 
 carnassian priests(Boeckh Corp. 
 Ins. Gr. N«. 2655). The chro- 
 nological statements in the 
 Spartan lists may have been 
 formed from imperfect memo- 
 rials ; but the Alexandrine chro- 
 nologists must have found such 
 tables in existence, since they 
 could not have been produced 
 by mere computation ; and yet 
 the date of 328 years before 
 the 1st Olympiad was entirely 
 founded upon them. 
 
 ^ Ap. Clem. comp. Diod. de 
 Virt. et Vit. p. 547, ed. Vales. 
 
 *P. 411. Fragm. ed. Heyn. 
 from Tatian and Clemens I. p. 
 327. comp. p. 309. Pausan. 
 III. 2. 4. Eusebius's quotation 
 of ApoUodorus at the 1 8th year 
 of Alcamenes is incorrect, as 
 may be seen from Plutarch. Ly- 
 curg. I. 
 
 ^ I. 65. Pausan. III. 2. 3. 
 
 ''.Elian. V. H. IX.41. 
 
 y Simonid. ap. Plutarch. Lye. 
 2. and compare Schol. Plat. 
 Rep. X. p. 474. 21 Bekker. 
 The latter, also, accordino; to 
 Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 1. Ephorus 
 ap., Strab. X. p. 482. Com- 
 pare Dieuchidas, ap. Plutarch. 
 
 A 
 
 V 
 
 him which was sufficiently accredited. Hence we 
 must infer that these catalogues only contained the 
 names of the kings, and not even of the royal guardians 
 or protectors, such as Lycurgus. On the other hand, 
 the variations in the enumeration of the kings are 
 unimportant, being confined to this, that in the pedi- 
 gree of the Proclidse Herodotus' (or his transcribers) 
 leaves out the name of Soils, which occurs in all the 
 rest, and, contrary to Pausanias, changes the order of 
 Eunomus and Polydectes. Since the name of Poly- 
 dectes is entirely wanting in Simonides and Eusebius, 
 it is probable that Polydectes and Eunonms are only 
 different names of the same king; and that Poly- 
 dectes was the proper name, and Eunomus a title 
 of honour.^ Upon this hypothesis we obtain the fol- 
 lowing series of kings of tiie Proclid line— Prytanis, 
 Polydectes, Charilaus, with tolerable certainty. There 
 must also have been registers of the names and years 
 of the princes of Corinth, and the family of the Bac- 
 chiadse, since no one could have had the boldness to 
 invent them.^ Indeed there were altogether many 
 
 Lycurg. 2. et Clem. Alex. Strom. 
 I. p. 328. ed. Colon, (p. 390 
 Potter), cf. Strab. X. p. 481. 
 He took Lycurgus for a son of 
 Polydectes and a younger bro- 
 ther of Eunomus, and placed 
 him 290 years after the taking 
 of Troy. Dionys. Hal. Arch. 
 Rom. II. 49. calls Lycurgus the 
 uncle of Eunomus, whom he 
 probablv places with Herodotus 
 (VIII. i 31.) after Polydectes. 
 Thucydides I. 18. places Lycur- 
 gus not long before 800 B. C. 
 Timaeus escaped the difficulty 
 by supposing that there were 
 two Lycurguses. Xenophon dis- 
 agrees the most (Rep. Lac. 10. 
 
 quoted by Plutarch. Lye. 1.), 
 as he says that Lycurgus lived 
 icara rovr *H|Oo/.-\t/^ac, i. e. Kara 
 rrjv llpaKXEiddy Kado^or. 
 
 'VIII. 131. 
 
 '' See Clinton, F. H. vol. I. 
 p. 144. The same explanation 
 also diminishes the difficulty 
 about the relationship of Ly- 
 curgus ; yet there still remains 
 the great discrepancy between 
 Herodotus (where the emenda- 
 tion proposed by Marsham does 
 not suit the context) and Xeno- 
 phon. 
 
 ^ The dates of these are 
 given, doubtless from Alexan- 
 drine chronologists, by Diodo- 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I; 
 
 
 pedigrees, particularly of the Heraclidse : as, for ex- 
 ample, of families at Cyrene,'' and the Ptolemies;* 
 their authority, however, could not have been very 
 great ; in the latter, indeed, we cannot fail to recog- 
 nise the unscrupulous hand of Alexandrine flatterers. 
 The ancient chronicles of Elis, which Pausanias saw, 
 appear to have contained complete pedigrees from 
 Oxylus down to Iphitus f although the descendants 
 of the former were not kings. The father of Iphitus 
 was there stated to have been also named Iphitus, in 
 contradiction to the common account/ 
 
 4. None of these registers appear to have con- 
 tained anything beyond the names of conquerors at 
 the games (which have seldom any reference to his- 
 tory), and princes with the years of their reigns. If 
 anything more was noted down, it was perhaps here 
 and there an oracle, as those belonging to the history 
 of Sparta in Herodotus,^ which were without doubt 
 brought by the Pythians to Sparta in writing, at a 
 very early period. To these may be perhaps added 
 some ancient rhetras ;^ under which term the ancient 
 Dorians included all political documents, laws, and 
 treaties. The most ancient instance of the last kind 
 
 nis, fragm. 6 p. 635, where 
 (with Wesseling after Didy- 
 mus) 30 years must be assumed 
 from the return of the Hera- 
 clidae to the reign of Aletes, by 
 which the computation comes 
 out right. This has been over- 
 looked by Eusebius, since he 
 makes Aletes contemporary with 
 Eurysthenes. See the Arme- 
 nian Eusebius, p. 16. Mai. 
 
 *^ See above, p. 136. note *. 
 
 ^ Mginetica, p. 62. Comp. 
 Theocritus XVII. 27. 
 
 ^ As may fairly be inferred 
 from V. 4. 3. 
 
 ^ V. 4. 4 In an inscription 
 at Olympia (Brunck. Anal. II. 
 p. 193.) he was called the son 
 of Haemon ; according to com- 
 mon tradition, he was the son of 
 Praxonides. I nEusebius ( H iero- 
 nym.)should be written, Iphitus 
 Praxonidis vel Mmonis f. 
 
 8 1.66,67. 
 
 ^ Concerning this word see 
 Boissonade, Classical Journal, 
 vol. XX. p. 289. 
 
 CH. 7, § 4. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 14*) 
 
 is the treaty between the Eleans and the inhabitants 
 of Hersea, discovered by sir William Gell,' the writing 
 of which is so extremely rude as to prove that they 
 were little practised in that art when it was engraved. 
 It is however very doubtful how the Spartan rhetras 
 of Lycurgus were drawn up. By some it has been 
 supposed that they were originally composed in metre, 
 in order to be chanted by the youth of Sparta ;^ but 
 this is contradicted by the certain testimony^ that 
 Terpander of Antissa, whom the Spartans so highly 
 esteemed, was the first who set these laws to music, 
 and first gave them a metrical and poetical form ; 
 and Terpander did not live till after the 26th Olym- 
 piad, or 672 B. C.™ But the rhetra which Plutarch 
 has preserved as the genuine constitutional formula 
 1^ bears a truly archaic character, since it contains a 
 command of the Pythian Apollo to the lawgiver in 
 the infinitive mood, and does not fall into verse. I do 
 not perceive why it might not have been written, as 
 well as the contemporaneous inscription on the Quoit 
 of Iphitus, and the ancient oracles cited by Herodotus ; 
 at least we cannot in any other way account for the 
 preservation of the words. The original rhetras, how- 
 ever, were very few, and formed merely the nucleus 
 of a system of laws, more as a help to the memory 
 than as a perfect code ; hence the ancients could with 
 propriety say, that Zaleucus was the first who com- 
 mitted laws to writing." The three rhetras, which 
 were preserved besides the former one, were merely 
 
 ^ Boeckh Inscript. No. II. 
 
 ^ E. g. by Wolf Proleg. Ho- 
 mer, p. 67. 
 
 ' Of Clem. Alexand. Strom. 
 I. p. 308. 
 
 ™ For the date of Terpander, 
 see book IV. ch. 6. § 1. note. 
 
 " Scvmnus Chius, v. 313. 
 Strabo VI. p. 259. 
 
150 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 certain general formulas, and by no means explicit 
 laws ; they had the form of an oracle, as having pro- 
 ceeded from the Pythian god,"" but were written en- 
 tirely in prose .P 
 
 Next in the list of public monuments come the 
 0^0 1, or landmarks of territory. It is well known 
 that we are in possession of such records of a later 
 period, belonging to the sacred territory of the Py- 
 thian Apollo (in wliich earlier surveys of the Am- 
 phictyonic Hieromnemons, and ancient inscriptions 
 on boundary-stones are appealed to), belonging to 
 Cretan towns, and likewise to Samos and Priene, in 
 which the inhabitants of Priene cite ancient records, 
 preserved from the time of Bias in the temple of 
 Athene.*^ Historical works were also composed from 
 these memorials/ Now there must also have been 
 records of this kind in Peloponnesus, although the 
 inscriptions, by which the Messenians wished to prove 
 
 ° Plutarch. Lye. 13. whose 
 words should be thus under- 
 stood, " Lycurgus did not eriact 
 " any written laws, but merely 
 " sanctioned existing customs y 
 The prjTpai however were evi- 
 dently not mere tOrfy but ora- 
 cular dicta, expressed in defi- 
 nite words, which had been 
 preserved from ancient times. 
 Plutarch. Agesil. 26. calls them 
 At *ca\ovyu£vat rpeiQ pfjrpaiy and 
 also de Esu Cam. II. 1.6 deiog 
 AvicovpyoQ kv toiq rpiffi prjrpaiQ ; 
 consequently this was in a cer- 
 tain degree a fixed number. — 
 One of these very regulations 
 was /Li>/ ')(pfj(Tdat vofjLOig tyypa- 
 
 <f>OlQ. 
 
 P Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 
 19. at pfjrpaiy ^t' toy EKOfffirjae 
 
 r»jv AaKedai^ovitjjv iroXirtiav 
 AvKOvpyo^y e^oOrjaay avr^ Kara- 
 XoynCrfy. 
 
 1 The Delphian Inscription 
 in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 
 nil. The Cretan in Chishull 
 Ant. Asiat. p. 135. The Samian 
 and Prienian in Chandler In- 
 script. p. 1. 38. 1, 2, 3. Marm. 
 Oxon. p. 25. 
 
 ^ I agree with Creuzer Histor. 
 Ant. Fragm. p. 122. that it is 
 unnecessary always to alter 
 writers concerning opoi into 
 u)p6ypa(f)oty i. e. chronologists. 
 The above Samian inscriptions 
 expressly refer to historical 
 works ; and are we then to 
 alter in Herodian p. 1. (where 
 see the passages quoted), and 
 in p. 39. ly Sa^t'wj' opoig ? 
 
 CH. 7, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 151 
 
 to the Romans theii* original boundary towards L<i- 
 conia, were evidently not made till after their re- 
 establishment by Epaminondas.* 
 
 5. These documents, if we were in possession of 
 them, would afford a valuable foundation for an ac- 
 count of the three centuries before regular history 
 begins ; but merely an outline, which would require 
 to be filled up from other sources. This might 
 partly be done from the writings of the Lt/ric poets, 
 who flourished at that time, as Eumelus, Thaletas, 
 Tyrtaeus, Alcman, and Terpander ;* which writers 
 had frequent intercourse with the Spartans, and in- 
 troduced the events of the time into their poetry to 
 a nuicli greater degree than the epic poets. And 
 in fact we find in the fragments of Tyrtgeus and 
 Alcman a lively representation of the feelings and 
 manners of the period. The next source of informa- 
 tion is oral tradition y which, though erring continually 
 with regard to names and numbers, yet always relates 
 something essential ; and, finally, the political imtitu- 
 tiona continuing to exist in later times, which had 
 their origin in this period. 
 
 These, and no other than these, can have been the 
 means employed by the autliors who WTote on the 
 affairs of Laconia, in the century when history was 
 approaching to maturity, such as Hellanicus, Charon, 
 and Herodotus ; and either directly or indirectly must 
 have afibrded materials to those who treated of the 
 times of Lycurgus during the later age of Greek 
 learning. But how little do we recognise the ancient 
 
 « Monumenta saxis sculpta the modern sense of the word, 
 
 et eere priscoy Tacitus Annal. on account of his ^<t//o Trpooro^to*' 
 
 •^ • 44. for the Messenian Theoria to 
 
 ♦ I mention Eumelus in this Dclos, Pausan. IV. 4. I. 
 place, as being a Lyric poet in 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 cH. 7, ^ 7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 153 
 
 s 
 
 V; 
 
 simplicity and liveliness which characterise all the 
 genuine remains of that time, in the historical style of 
 Ephorus and Hermippus," and their followers. The 
 object of these writers was to assimilate, as much as 
 possible, the notions of antiquity to those of their own 
 time, and to attempt in some way or other to represent 
 every act as proceeding from such motives as would 
 have actuated their own contemporaries. They have 
 with a truly unsparing hand rubbed off the venerable 
 rust of ancient tradition, and, totally mistaking the 
 most powerful springs of action then prevalent, 
 moulded all events of which any records had been 
 preserved, into a connected form more suited to a 
 modern history. It is almost impossible to describe 
 /with what unlucky zeal Plutarch, where Lycurgus 
 ! only embodied in laws the political feelings of his race 
 and nation, ascribes to that legislator plans and views 
 generally unsatisfactory, and often absolutely childish. 
 6. If now we apply the method above stated to 
 the history of Lycurgus, we shall find that we 
 I shave absolutely no account of him as an individual 
 ' person. Tradition very properly represents him as 
 intimately connected with the temple of Delplii (by 
 which the Dorians, and especially the state of Sparta, 
 were at that time entirely led), and with Crete, the 
 earliest civilized state of the Doric race. This con- 
 nexion was generally represented under the form of a 
 journey to both places ; his tomb was also shown both 
 iat Cirrha and at Pergamia in Crete. It was easy to 
 imagine that the reforms of Lycurgus were violently 
 
 " Uepl vofioderijy. He must the names of the twenty assist- 
 however have either invented ants and triends of Lycurgus, 
 himself, or adopted the inven- Plutarch. Lye. 5. 
 tions of others, if he mentioned 
 
 opposed, and produced tumults and disturbances.* 
 But the story of Alcander putting out one of Lycur- 
 gus' s eyes (probably a popular tale) is founded on a 
 false explanation of the title of Pallas Optiletis.^ It 
 was indeed an ancient tradition that he was guardian 
 of a Spartan king ; but the conmion report of this 
 being Charilaus' is not quite certain, as we have seen 
 above ; and in order to account for both his travels and 
 regency, he was reported to have abdicated the latter 
 in order to avoid suspicion."" If we set aside all fic- 
 tions of this description, which have almost the spirit 
 of a moral tale, like the Cyropsedia of Xenophon, 
 there remains very little traditional lore. Of his 
 legislation we will treat hereafter.^ 
 
 7. It is very singular that historians should have 
 mentioned so little of the action of Lycurgus, Avhich 
 comes next in importance to that which has been just 
 discussed f I mean the share that he had in founding 
 the sacred armistice and games at Olympia, which 
 ' event was without doubt the commencement of a more 
 .^ tranquil state of affairs in Peloponnesus. Lycur- 
 gus, as the representative of the Doric race, Iphitus, 
 of the ^tolians and Eleans, and Cleosthenes,'' the son 
 
 
 * Plutarch. Lye. 31. and II. 
 y See book II. ch. 10. § 2. 
 
 * He was anciently celebrated 
 for his mildness. Plutarch in 
 the Life of Lycurgus, and de 
 Adul. 16. On the other hand, 
 Heraclides Ponticus 2. *:at top 
 XaptWoy (XAPIAAON) rvpav- 
 viKwg &p\oyTa fXETiarrjae, 
 
 * Plutarch. Lye. 
 ^Booklll.ch. I. The names 
 
 of Eunomus as the father and of 
 Eucosmus as the son of Lycur- 
 gus (Pausan. III. 16, 5.) be- 
 
 long to the class pointed out 
 above, p. 69. note *. 
 
 ^ Only Plutarch. Lycurg. 23. 
 and Heraclid. Pont. 2. koI koi- 
 voy ayadoy rag eK£')(£iplag (the 
 Pythian are probably meant) 
 KaricrTTjare. The account of Her- 
 mippus is evidently, in part at 
 least, invented. 
 
 ^ This Cleosthenes is men- 
 tioned in Phlegon Trallianus 
 ap. Meurs. Opera, vol. VII. p. 
 128. and Schol. Plat. Rep. V. 
 p. 246, 7. Bekker. 
 
154 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK II 
 
 of Cleonicus of Pisa, the city to which the temple of 
 Olympia properly belonged, and which had not then 
 lost the management of it, in conjunction perhaps with 
 several others, drew up the fundamental law of the 
 Peloponnesian armistice. This contained two heads. 
 First, that the whole territory of the Eleans (who 
 acted as masters of the games, after the expulsion of 
 the Pisatans, every year with more exclusive power) 
 should remain for ever free from hostile inroads and 
 ravages, insomuch that even armed troops were only 
 to be allowed a passage on condition of first laying 
 down their arms ;^ secondly, that during the time of 
 the festival a cessation of arms should also be pro- 
 claimed throughout the rest of Peloponnesus. But, 
 since there was little agreement among the indi- 
 vidual states in the computation of time, and as the 
 Eleans alone were acquainted with the exact time 
 at which the quadriennial festival came round, and 
 perhaps also in order to make the injunction of the 
 god more impressive, the Eleans always sent feciales 
 round to the different states, " heralds of the season, 
 " the Elean truce-bearers of Zeus ;" ^ these persons 
 proclaimed the Olympic armistice, first to their own 
 countrymen, and then to the other Peloponnesians : 
 after which time no army was to invade another's ter- 
 ritory .« The fine which was to have been paid by the 
 Spartans in the Peloponnesian war for having sent 
 
 Kai a7r6pdr)TOV elvai 'HXeiay^ 
 Polyb. IV. 73. who calls the 
 peaceable existence of the Eleans 
 in early times a lepog fjiog ; 
 Strab. VIII. p. 357. Died. 
 Excerpt, p. 547. Wessel., where 
 very absurd motives are attri- 
 buted to the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 / Isthm. II. 23. Boeckh Et- 
 plic. p. 494. Schneider Lexi- 
 con in V. et ad Xen. Hell. IV. 
 7.2. 
 
 ^ The determination of this 
 time was somewhat ambiguous. 
 See Thuc. V. 49. iirayyeXXnv 
 is the proper word for the an- 
 nouncement. 
 
 CH, 7, § 7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 155 
 
 out soldiers after this period was two minas for each 
 hoplite, the veiy sum which by the agreement of the 
 Peloponnesians was required for the ransom of prison- 
 ers of war ;^ whence it is evident that the transirressors 
 of the truce were considered as becoming slaves of the 
 god, and were to be ransomed again from him. TJie 
 decree was pronounced by the tribunal of the temple 
 at Elis, according to the " Olympian law."' The fine 
 was divided between tlie Eleans and the treasury at the 
 temple of Olympia. To this temple also were paid 
 all penalties incurred by the infraction of treaties;'' 
 nay, sometimes whole cities were bound to pay a fixed 
 tribute every year to the god.^ By these and similar 
 lavs was the armistice protected, which doubtless was 
 not intended merely to secure the celebration of the 
 games from disturbance, but also to etfect a peaceable 
 meeting of the Peloponnesians, and thus to give occa- 
 sion for the settling of disputes, and the conclusion of 
 alliances. Even in the Peloponnesian war public 
 business was transacted at this assembly."" But one 
 chief effect of the Olympian festival appears to have 
 been the production of a more friendly connexion be- 
 tween the ^tolian and Doric races. This fact appears 
 to be established by the tradition that Iphitus intro- 
 duced the worship of Hercules at Elis, which therefore 
 . had previously been peculiar to the Dorians." Apollo, 
 ' the Doric god, was also at this time regarded as the 
 , protector of the sacred armistice of Olympia, as we 
 \ shall see hereafter." 
 
 *' Herod. VI. 79. see also V. *:' ipyupw cnroriyoiay rw M 
 
 * Thucyd. V. 49. comp. Pau- i Thuc. V. 31. 
 san. V. 6, 4. VI. 3, 3. m rj.^^^ m g^ 14 
 
 ^ As in the well-known treaty » Pausan. IV. 4. 
 between the Eleans and Herae- ^ g^^]^ II. ch. 3, § 2. 
 ans, ai ^c fxa avviav^ ToXavrop 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 8. We now proceed immediately to the Messenian 
 wars, since it is hardly possible to find one independent 
 event between the commencement of them and the 
 time of Iphitus. These however are really historical, 
 since we have in Tyrtseus a nearly contempora- 
 neous account of the first, and one actually so of the 
 second. The fragments and accounts of his poems 
 are our principal guides for obtaining a correct know- 
 ledge of these transactions. And in these alone many 
 circumstances appear in quite a different light from 
 that in which they are represented in the romance of 
 Pausanias. In the latter, the Spartans only are the 
 aggressors, the Messenians only the subjects of attack ; 
 but, if we listen to Tyrtseus, the former also had to 
 fight for their own country. But, since even the 
 ancients possessed few remains of Tyrteeus, and as 
 nearly all the historical part of his poems appears to 
 have come down to us, whence did Pausanias derive 
 his copious narrative, and the details with which he 
 has adorned it ? Was it from ancient epic poets ? 
 Yet of these there is nowhere any mention : and in 
 general an historical event, if it could not be put into an 
 entirely fabulous shape, like the stories of the origin 
 and foundation of many colonies, lay altogether without 
 the province of the early poetry. It is indeed possible 
 that in the Naupactia, which are referred to for the 
 mythical history of Messenia,^ some historical notices 
 may have occasionally occurred, perhaps too in the 
 works of Cinsethon and Eumelus : but the ancients, 
 who disliked the labour of compiling a history from 
 scattered fragments, probably gave themselves very 
 little trouble to discover them. On the other hand. 
 
 P Pausan. IV. 2. 1. 
 
 CH. 7, § 8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 157 
 
 there existed a series of traditional legends, whose 
 character announces their high antiquity ; thus, that of 
 the Messenians, that Aristomenes had thrice offered a 
 hecatompJionion, or sacrifice for a hundred enemies 
 slain in battle ;** whether or no of human victims is 
 doubtful.' A share in this sacrifice was also per- 
 formed by Theoclus, who is called an Elean, because 
 he l)elonged to a family of the lamidse, which, as it 
 appears, was settled in Messenia; but this clan, though 
 scattered about in different places, yet always retained 
 their rights at Olympia.^ The same character may 
 also be perceived in the legend of Aristomenes thrice 
 incurring the danger of death. On the first of these 
 occasions, when thrown into the Ceadas, he was pre- 
 served by a fox, the symbol of Messenia; on the 
 second, whilst his guards were asleep, he turned to the 
 fire and burnt in two the cords that bound his liml)s,* 
 a story more certainly derived from tradition than the 
 love-adventure which supplies its place in Pausanias : 
 the third time however that he fell into the hands of 
 his enemies, they cut open his breast, and found a 
 hairy heart." 
 
 *! Plutarch Romul. 25. Sym- 
 pos. Qu. IV. 1.1. Sept. Sap. 
 Conviv. 16. Polyaen. II. 31. 2. 
 Plin. H. N. XI. 70. 
 
 ^ See Fulgentius in Staveren 
 Mythograph. Latin, p. 770. Si 
 quis enim centum hostes interfe- 
 CIS set y Marti de homine sacri- 
 Jicahat apud insulam Lemnum, 
 quod sacrificatum est a duohus^ 
 Aristomene Gortynensi et Theo- 
 clo Eleo, sicut Sosicrates scrihit. 
 Apollodorus ap. Porphyr. de 
 .\bstin. II. 55. p. 396. (comp. 
 Meursius, Misc. Lac. II. 14.) 
 says that the Lacedfiemonians 
 
 also had sacrificed a man to 
 Mars. 
 
 ^ Pans. IV. 15. 5. 
 
 ^Polyaen. II. 31. 3. Plin. 
 XI. 70. Valer. Maxim. I. 8. 
 ext., 15. 
 
 " Stephanus Byz., who quotes 
 Herodotus, Rhianus, and Plu- 
 tarch. Herodotus.however, does 
 not mention the subject. What 
 Stephanus says is taken from 
 Plutarch de Herodot. Maled. 
 2. p. 291. where however for 
 (f)rnfiv aifTog should probably be 
 written (paalv nvroy. 
 
Ml 
 
 158 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 cH. 7, § 9. 
 
 THE DORIANa 
 
 159 
 
 9. Traditions of this kind were probably circulating 
 in different forms among the victorious Lacedaemo- 
 nians,^ amongst the refugee Messenians in Italy and 
 Naupactus, the subject Messenians who remained in 
 the country, and the other Peloponnesians, when they 
 were recalled into existence by the re-establishment of 
 the Messenian state by Epaminondas. Even before 
 the battle of Leuctra, the Boeotians, on the advice of 
 an oracle, hung up as a trophy the shield of Aristo- 
 menes,^ the device of which was a spread eagle :^ and 
 when Epaminondas recalled the Messenian fugitives 
 from Italy, Sicily, and even from Libya, and had 
 erected them, with numerous Helots and people col- 
 lected from various quarters, into a new state,* Aristo- 
 menes was especially invoked before the foundation of 
 the city.^ In this manner the ancient traditions were 
 enabled to gain a new footing, and to be developed in 
 a connected form. Several writers now seized upon a 
 r subject which had begun to excite so great interest, of 
 I whom Rhianus the poet and Myron the prose-writer 
 i are known to us." Myron gave an account of the 
 first Messenian war down to the death of Aristodemus ; 
 but, in the opinion of Pausanias, utterly regardless 
 whether or no he related falsehood and incredibilities ; 
 thus, in the teeth of all tradition, he introduced Aristo- 
 
 ^ Isocrates (Archidam. 11.) 
 connects the Messenian war 
 with the assassination of Cres- 
 phontes; and relates that the 
 Spartans were much encou- 
 raged by the oracle: the narra- 
 tive evidently had not at this 
 time received the form in which 
 it was afterwards represented. 
 Yet he mentions the twenty 
 years' siege (on the authority of 
 Tyrtaeus), § 66. 
 
 y See Antip. Sidon. VII. 161. 
 Anthol. Palat. 
 
 ^ Pausan. IV. 16. 4. VI. 32. 
 5. IX. 39. 5. 
 
 ^ Lycurgus in Leocrat. 15. 
 p. 155. comp. Isocrates Archi- 
 dam. 10. 
 
 ^ Pausan. IV. 27. 4. 
 
 '^ Also ^Eschylus of Alexan- 
 dria wrote Messeniaca, Athen. 
 XIII. p. 599 E. 
 
 r 
 
 menes, the hero of the second war, into the first ; and 
 he wrote with an evident bias againat Sparta.** Rhi- 
 anus, however, a native of Bena in Crete, celebrated 
 the actions of Aristomenes, in the second war, from 
 the battle near the Great Trench (MeyaXTj Ta<p/5o^), /, 
 until the end of the war, as Homer had done those of 
 Achilles ; and although Pausanias has disproved some 
 of his statements of particular facts from Tyrtaeus,'' 
 yet he has frequently followed him, and especially in 
 the poetical embellishments of his narrative.^ He 
 never mentions any historians, such as Ephorus, Theo- 
 pompus, Antiochus, or Callisthenes.^' Rhianus, how- 
 ever, though he might not have exclusively adopted 
 the Messenian account,^ yet, as far as we can judge 
 from Pausanias, gave the reins to his fancy, and mixed 
 up many circumstances and usages of later times with 
 the ancient tradition.* It is not therefore our inten- 
 
 **See Athen. XIV. p. 857 
 D. Diodorus probably follows 
 him, since he represents Cleon- 
 nis in the first war and Aris- 
 tomenes as fighting together, 
 Fragm. X. p. 637, Wessel. In 
 XV. 66. he means him among 
 the tvioL. Boivin and Wessel- 
 ing endeavour in vain to recon- 
 cile the contradictions. The 
 genuineness of the fragment of 
 Diodorus is however doubtful. 
 
 « IV. 15. 1. 
 
 ^ Concerning Rhianus see Ja- 
 cobs in the Index Auctorum to 
 the Anthology. 
 
 8 See Strabo, VIII. p. 362. 
 
 ^ E. g. it was a Messenian 
 account which Myron followed 
 (Pausan. IV. 6. 2.), that Aris- 
 tomenes killed the king Theo- 
 pompus (contrary to Tyrtaeus, 
 as may be seen from Plutarch 
 Agid. 21.). 
 
 ' I will now point out some 
 instances of modern fiction in 
 the narrative of Pausanias. 
 The account of Polychares and 
 Euaephnus supposes a greater 
 power in the Areopagus than 
 it ever possessed; nor did the 
 quarrel come at all within the 
 province of the Argive Am- 
 phictyons. Besides Pausanias, 
 see Diodorus Excerpt, p. 547, 
 who generally follows the same 
 authorities. The Cretan bow- 
 men must have been introduced 
 by Rhianus from his own coun- 
 try ; it is certain that there were 
 no mercenaries at so early a pe- 
 riod. How could the Corin- 
 thians have gone to Laconia 
 without passhig through an 
 enemy's country, and who would 
 have allowed them a free pass- 
 age ? The flight of the initiated 
 to Eleusis is contrary to all pro- 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 tion either to divert the reader with a continued narra- 
 tion of these fictions, at the expense of truth, or fatigue 
 him by a detailed criticism of them, but merely to lay 
 before him the chief circumstances, as they are known 
 with historical certainty. 
 
 10. The first war is distinctly stated by Tyrtaeus to 
 have lasted nineteen years, and in the twentieth the 
 enemy left their country, and fled from the mountain 
 Ithome.^ The same authority also gives the time which 
 elapsed between the first and second wars, viz., that 
 the grandfathers were engaged in the first, the grand- 
 children in the second.^ The date of the first war is 
 fixed by Polychares, who is stated to have been the 
 author of it,"* having been conqueror in the race at the 
 
 bability ; and this the more, as 
 in the second war they were 
 quiet spectators, Pausan. IV. 
 16. 1. Yet we are told the 
 sacred torchbearers (^(fdovj^oi) 
 fought at Athens in mihtary 
 array. The disposition of the 
 light-armed troops in separate 
 bodies (IV. 7. -2.) is contrary 
 to the account of Tyrtaeus and 
 to ancient usage, compare IV. 
 8. 4. Ot MeffcrfjvtOL IpoynD eg 
 Tovg AaKedaifxoriovQ e')(pu)VTO 
 (IV. 18. 1.) is contrary to He- 
 rodotus (VI. 112). Many events 
 are attributed to very improba- 
 ble causes, e. g. that they left 
 the fortified cities (IV. 9. 1.) 
 from want of monev. There is 
 absolutely no reason given for 
 the subjection of Messenia. 
 That the Argives came in a 
 private capacity, and not at the 
 command of the state, appears 
 from Herodot. VI. 92. The 
 oracle in IV. 9. 2. in iambic 
 verses is of a late date, but ne- 
 
 vertheless more ancient than the 
 corresponding one in hexameters 
 preserved by Eusebius Preep. 
 Ev. V. 27. p. 130. ed. Steph. 
 The verse in Pausan. IV. 12. 1. 
 aW cnrarrf fxey t-)^€i yalav Meff- 
 aY)vila Aaoc, refers to the fraud 
 of Cresphontes at the original 
 division. In the oracle in Pau- 
 san. IV. 12. 3. and Eusebius 
 ubi sup. should be written, ^ 
 yap "ApYiQ KEiviov evrfpta rei\rj, 
 Kal TtL^iu)v aTe<pa.voj^a Trifcpovg 
 
 olKYiTopag e^L. Whence these 
 oracles were derived does not 
 appear : nor is it easy to decide 
 concerning the date of such 
 short pieces. (The above oracle 
 is differently, and perhaps more 
 correctly, emended by Lobeck 
 ad Phrynich. Par. p. 621.) 
 
 ^ See the Fragments as ar- 
 ranged by Frank, Callinus, p. 
 168. 
 
 1 Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362. 
 
 ™ By Pausanias and Diodo- 
 rus de Virt. et Vit. p. 540. 
 
 CH. 7, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 161 
 
 4th Olympiad*^ (764 B.C.) ; and it ai^rees well with 
 this date that Eunielus, who was contemporary with 
 Archias the founder of Syracuse (in the 5th Olym- 
 piad), composed a poem hrfree Messenia. Pausanias 
 places the commencement (we know not on what 
 grounds) at Olymp. 9. 2, (743 B.C.) the termination 
 nineteen years later, Olymp. 14. 1. (724 B.C.) Tlie 
 interval between the two wars he states (though on 
 what authority we know not, and contrary to Tyrtseus) 
 to have been thirty-nine years f so that the second 
 would have lasted from Olymp. 23. 4. to Olymp. 28. | 
 1. (or from 685 to 668 B.C.)p We shall, however, ' 
 find hereafter that the date of this war was probably 
 later by several years, though not so late* as Diodorus 
 fixed it, according to whom the war began in Olymp. 
 35. 3.^ We also know from Tyrtaeus that the Spartan 
 
 " Pausan. IV. 4. 4. 
 
 ** Justin. III. 5. says eighty 
 years. Thirty-nine years are 
 probably too short a period ; for, 
 as the Spartans did not marry 
 before the age of thirty (book 
 IV. eh. 4. § 3.), the difference 
 between grandfathers and grand - 
 children must have been on an 
 average sixty years. If the in- 
 terval had been only thirty -nine 
 years, most of those engaged in 
 the second war would have been 
 the sons of the conquerors of 
 Ithome. 
 
 P The same date is in the 
 Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But 
 Pausanias IV. 15. 1. proves 
 onlij from Tyrtceus that Rhianus 
 was incorrect in calling Leoty- 
 chides a contemporary of the 
 second war; consequently the 
 numbers cannot have much au- 
 thority. Pausanias had however 
 various means of judging: e. g. 
 
 after the expulsion and subju- 
 gation of the inhabitants no 
 Messenian occurred in the 
 'OXv/xTTtoi'tKat, Pausan. VI. 2. 5. 
 Different writers however vary 
 remarkably. Dinarchus in De- 
 mosth. p.* 99. 29. places the 
 subjection of the Messenians 
 400 years before their restora- 
 tion (370 B.C.) ; Lycurgus in 
 Leocrat. p. 155. 500; Isocrates 
 Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; 
 but Bekker reads 400 from a 
 manuscript, which agrees better 
 with the early date of Isocrates 
 for the subjection of the Mes- 
 senians. Plutarch Reg. Apoph. 
 p. 126. only 230 years before 
 the liberation by Epaminondas. 
 *i It has been proved by the 
 succession of the excerpts of 
 Diodorus that he placed the se- 
 cond Messenian war at the same 
 time as Eusebius : Krebs Lec- 
 tiones Diodoreae, Epimetrum. 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 king who completed the subjugation of Messenia was 
 / Theopompus.' Now, with respect to the origin of this 
 war, it may be first traced in the increase of power, 
 which Sparta, before the beginning of the Olympiads, 
 owed to the exertions of its king Teleclus ; this prince 
 having succeeded in subduing the neighbouring city of 
 Amyclse, and in reducing several other Achaean towns 
 to a state of dependence on Sparta." Indeed, if we 
 correctly understand an insulated notice,* Teleclus 
 razed the town of Nedon, on the frontiers of Messenia 
 and Laconia,'' and transplanted its inhabitants to the 
 towns of Pceessa, Echeise, and Tragis. Hence arose 
 border wars between the Dorians at Sparta and those 
 at Stenyclarus. The temple of Artemis Limnatis,'' 
 the possession of which was disputed between the two 
 nations (though its festival was common to both), 
 afforded, as may be discovered from the romance of 
 Pausanias,^ the immediate ground for the war. For 
 even in the reign of Tiberius the Lacedsemonians sup- 
 ported their claim to this temple by ancient annals and 
 oracles;' while the Messenians, on the other hand, 
 brought fonvard the document already quoted, accord- 
 ing to which this temple, together with the whole 
 territory of Dentheleatis, in which it was situated, be- 
 longed to tliem. Dissensions in Messenia must have 
 
 r 
 
 Now Eusebius places the begin- 
 ning of the second war at Olymp. 
 35. 3. (638 B.C.), and Tyrtseus 
 at 01. 36. 3. (636). 
 
 ' Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. 
 Frank, Callinus, ^]).l12y 196. 
 who proposes HoXvcwpo) with- 
 out any reason); see Poly sen. 
 
 I. 15. 
 
 « See above, ch. 5. § 12, 13. 
 
 * Strabo VIII. p. 360. 
 
 ^ In the time of Augustus it 
 
 was in Messenia. The name 
 Nedon was only preserved in 
 that oVAdr}vd ^ehovaia. 
 
 » IV. 4. 2. 
 
 y Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly 
 the same account as that of the 
 Lacedcemoniana in Pausanias ; 
 and so also Heraclides Ponticus, 
 and Justin. III. 4. 
 
 ^ Annalium memoria vatum- 
 que carminibuSy Tacit. Annal. 
 IV. 43. 
 
 CH. 7, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 163 
 
 hastened the breaking out of the war, since it is certain 
 that Hyamia, one of the five provinces of Messenia, 
 was given ]>y the Spartans to the Androclidee, a branch 
 of the family of the ^Epytidse.* The history of the 
 first war contains traces of a lofty and sublime poetical 
 tradition: for example, that Aristodemus, though 
 ready to appease the wrath of the gods by the blood 
 of his own daughter,^ yet was unable to effect his pur- 
 pose ; that the damsel was put to death in vain ; and 
 upon this, recognising the will of the gods that Mes- 
 senia should fall, and being terrified by portentous 
 omens, he slaughtered himself upon the tomb of his 
 murdered child/ The war seems to have been con- 
 fined chiefly to the vicinity of Ithome, which stron^^-- 
 hold, situated in the midst of the country, commanded 
 both the plain of Stenyclarus and that of the Pamisus. 
 The reduction of this fortress necessarily entailed the 
 subjugation of the whole country, and many of the 
 Messenians began to emigrate. With this event the 
 Doric colony of Rhegium is connected . Heraclides of 
 Pontus'* merely relates, that some Messenians (who 
 happened to be at this time at Macistus in Triphylia, 
 in consequence of the violation of some Spartan vir- 
 gins) united themselves to the Chalcidian founders of 
 this town (who had been sent out from Delphi). He 
 probably means those Messenians who wished to make 
 a reparation for the violation of the Spartan virgins in 
 the temple of Artemis Limnatis, and were in conse- 
 
 ' Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See 
 above, ch. 5. § 13. 
 
 '' Probably tradition liad pre- 
 served some report of a sacrifice 
 to Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), 
 concerning which see book II. 
 
 ch. 9. 
 
 '^ Plutarch also mentions the 
 same expedition, de Superstit. 
 7. p. 71, Hutten. 
 
 Fragm. 25. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 quence expelled by their own countrymen/ But, ac- 
 cording to Pausanias/ even this body of Messenians 
 received the district of Hyamia ; and the Messenians 
 did not migrate to Rhegium untd after the taking of 
 Ithome under Alcidamidas, and again after the second 
 Messenian war under Gorgus and Manticlus, son of 
 Theoclus, one of the lamidse.^ Anaxilas the tyrant 
 (who lived after Olymp. 70) aftenvards derived his 
 family from the Messenians,^ who constituted in ge- 
 neral the first nobility of the town of Rhegium/ 
 
 The establishment of Tarentum is connected with 
 the history of the first Messenian war; but it is 
 wrapped up in such unintelligible fables (chiefly owing 
 perhaps to an ignorance of Lacedaemonian institu- 
 tions), that all we can learn from them is, that Taren- 
 tum was at that time founded from Sparta.'' 
 
 11. In a fragment of Tyrtseus we find some very 
 distinct traces of the condition of the subject Messe- 
 nians after the first war, which will be separately 
 considered hereafter. The second war clearly broke 
 out in the noi-th-eastern part of the country, on the 
 frontier towards Arcadia, where the ancient towns of 
 Andania and (Echalia were situated. In all proba- 
 bility this tract of country had never been subjugated 
 
 e Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. 
 p. 251. 
 
 f IV. 14. 2. 23. 3. 
 
 g Hence Hercules Manticlus 
 was worshipped at Messana, 
 Pausan. IV. 23. 5. IV. 26. 3. 
 
 i» See particularly Thucyd. 
 
 VI. 5. 
 
 i Strabo ubi sup. The Rhe- 
 gini considered the Messeniaiis 
 of Naupactus as kinsmen, Pau- 
 san. IV. 26. We may pass 
 
 over the often corrected error of 
 Pausanias concerning Anaxilas 
 (last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I. 
 p. 199. where Bentley is for- 
 gotten). 
 
 ^ Yet it should be observed 
 that Dionysius Perieg. 316. 
 mentions Amyclseans as colo- 
 nists in Tarentum, which is 
 probably not a mere poetical 
 embellishment. 
 
 CH. 7, § 11. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 165 
 
 by the Spartans. Aristonienes, the hero of tliis war, 
 was born at Andania,^ from which town he harassed 
 the Spartans by repeated inroads and attacks. In his 
 first march he advanced as far as the plain of Steny- 
 clarus ; but after the victory at the Boar's Grave he 
 returned to Andania. But this attempt of the Mes- 
 senians to recover their independence l>ecame of serious 
 importance by the share which the greater part of the 
 states in Pelo|K)nnesus took in it. For Strabo,"" quot- 
 ing Tyrtseus, states, that the Eleans, Argives, Arca- 
 dians, and Pisatans" assisted the Messenians in this 
 struggle. The Pisatans were led by Pantaleon the 
 son of Omphalion, who celebrated the 84th Olympiad 
 in the place of the Eleans ; " which fact enables us 
 
 ..accurately to fix the time (644 B.C.).— At the head 
 of the Arcadians was Aristocrates, whom Pausanias 
 
 \^calls a Trapezimtian, the son of Hicetas, and mentions 
 
 *Av^avia. — Ik Tavrrjg 'Apt- 
 CTO/Jievrf^ tyipETo, Steph. Byz. 
 The words ovru) yap Kal »/ Mirr- 
 aiivr} 'Av^avt'a iicaXiiro, ffy oIkI- 
 <rai <paai nvaQ twv ^etcl Kp£<T- 
 (poyrov Kai ovrto tcaXeaai^ &c. 
 contain two errors ; comp. Pau- 
 san. IV. 26. 5. 
 
 ™ The whole of the following 
 passage is evidently taken from 
 Tyrtaeus. VIII. p. 362. r^)r fj^ey 
 TpG)TT]y KarnKT. <pr)fTi Tvprdiog — 
 ytvitrQai. Ty)y ^e hvTipay^ kuO' 
 Vy eXofieyoi av^fiaxovQ 'HXc/ovc 
 K-ai 'Apytiovc [koi 'ApKatag ad- 
 flendum] k(u Iltrrarnc (nriaTt)- 
 fray, ApicaCioy jjlev 'ApKTroKpdrrjy 
 Toy 'Op')(Ofi£yov flatriXea Trapexo- 
 liivii)y (TTparjjyby, Wiffarbiy It 
 YlayTaXioyra Toy \)/i(paXiu)yor. 
 It is stated by Strabo. p. 355 C. 
 that at the ea^nrrj KaraXvaic rwv 
 MffffTTjytGty the Eleans at^sisted 
 the Spartans. They must there- 
 
 fore have espo\ised the cause of 
 the latter out of hatred towards 
 Pisa. With Strabo agrees the 
 article of Phavorinus in v. 
 Avyeinc, p. 134. viz. that **the 
 ** Lacedaemonians deprived the 
 " Pisatans of this privilege for 
 *' siding with Messenia, and 
 " gave it to the Eleans, who 
 " took their part." But if Elis 
 was friendly and Pisa hostile to 
 the Spartans, Pantaleon can 
 hardly have obtained the agon- 
 othesia, when Sparta had over- 
 come all her enemies, and had 
 ended the war victoriously. Ac- 
 cordingly, the 34th Olympiad, 
 which Pantaleon celebrated 
 without the Eleans, ])robably 
 fell in the period of the second 
 war. 
 
 ° According to Pausanias also 
 the Sicyonians. 
 
 ° Pausan. VI. 22. 2. 
 
166 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 his treachery at the battle near the Trench, on the sub- 
 sequent discovei-y of which the Arcadians deprived 
 his family of the sovereignty of Arcadia.^ The same 
 account is also given by Callisthenes,** and both writers 
 quote the inscription on a pillar erected near the 
 mountain-altar of Zeus Lycseus in memory of the 
 traitor's detection. Now we know from good autho- 
 rity ' that Aristocrates was in fivct king only of Orcho- 
 menus in Arcadia,' of which his family was so far from 
 losing the sovereignty, that his son Aristodamus ruled 
 over it, and also over a great part of Arcadia. The 
 date of Aristocrates * appears to have been about 680- 
 
 640 B. C." 
 
 The Lacedaemonians were therefore in this war 
 really pressed by an enemy of superior force, a fact 
 alluded to by Tyrtseus. Meanwhile Sparta was as- 
 sisted by the Corinthians,'' perhaps by the Leprea- 
 
 sera 
 
 Num. 
 agrees with 
 
 P Plutarch de 
 Vind. 2. p. 216. 
 Pausanias, and states that the 
 war lasted for more than twenty 
 years. 
 
 lAp. Polyb.lV. 33. 2. The 
 words of the inscription are as 
 follows : — 
 
 tSpi Ti iiliffffmn if^» ^" "^ov T^odorvv 
 py^ihiui. ;^aXs?rav St XetSiiiv 6th av^g' iw/- 
 
 ^ See Mgijietica, p. 65. 
 
 * Which city was still go- 
 verned by kings in the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war, Plutarch Paral- 
 lel. 32. p. 430. In this strange 
 composition, arbitrary fictions 
 are curiously mixed with learned 
 notices. 
 
 * See the genealogy of the 
 Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and 
 CorinthiaQ princes below, ch. 
 
 8. § 3. note. 
 
 ^ The battle £7ri ttj UtyaXn 
 Ta<j>p(f, Trepi Ta<f>pov (Polyb. IV. 
 33. Pausan. IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), 
 in which Aristocrates is sup- 
 posed to have betrayed the 
 Messenians, was also mentioned 
 by Tyrtaeus; but the account 
 which he gave of it quite differs 
 from that in Pausanias, viz. that 
 the Spartans were intentionally 
 posted in front of a trench, that 
 they might not be able to run 
 away. Eustratius ad Aristot. 
 Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. xai 
 ol TTjOO rtUv Ta(pp(M)y jcairwy roiou- 
 Tiop Trapararrovrct;. tovto Trepi 
 AaKthaifxovUoy Xeyoi iiv' roiav- 
 rrjy yap riva iia^v, ore irpog 
 Mtffriylovg k^ayiaavTOy k-rroki- 
 fjLOvVy ^Q »cai Tv prolog fivr]iJ.O' 
 
 VtV€l. 
 
 * According to Pausanias. 
 
 cii. 7, § 11. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 m 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 tans,y and even by some ships of the Samians ; ^ l>ut 
 chiefly by Tyi-teeus of Aphidnae, whom an absurd and 
 distorted fable has turned into a lame Athenian scliool- 
 master. The fact of Sparta seeking a warlike min- 
 strel in Aphidnee, may be accounted for from its 
 ancient connexions with this borough in Attica, which 
 is said to have been in the hands of the Dioscuri. 
 Whether or not Aphidnse at that time belonged to 
 Attica, and was subject to Athens, is a question we 
 shall leave undecided ; but there does not seem to be 
 
 I any reason for inferring with Strabo, from the passage 
 of Tyrtajus itself, that the whole tradition was false, 
 
 and that Tyrteeus was a Lacked semonian by birth,'' 
 though he doubtless became so by adoption. It is to 
 
 be regretted that we have very little information con- 
 cerning the war carried on by Sparta with the rest of 
 
 y Pausan. IV. 15.4. What octlv elirovfftu l^ 'A0i/vwi/ Kal 
 
 he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, 'A<ln^ywy aipiKetrdai. Comp. 
 
 liowever, agree well with tiiis. p. 52. n. d., and Porson's Ad- 
 
 * Herod. III. 47. That the versaria, p. 39. But there is 
 
 Lacedaemonians, at the begin- nothing surprising in Tyrt^eus, 
 
 ning of the second war, dedi- who lived among the Dorians, 
 
 cated a statue of Jupiter, twelve speaking of the whole nation in 
 
 feet in height, at Olympia, with the first person plural, without 
 
 the inscription in Pausan. V. mentioning his own different 
 
 24. 1. is merely a conjecture of origin. In the same manner 
 
 the tlrjyjjral. Tyrtseus says of the Spartan na- 
 
 ^ The passage of Strabo VIII. tion as of a whole, Meaarjrrjv 
 
 p. 362. should be arranged thus : elXofier evpvxopoy, Pausan. IV. 
 
 " Tyrtffius says that the second 6. 2. Compare the verses of 
 
 "conquest of Messenia took Mimnermus in Strab. XIV. p. 
 
 place," TfyUa (pvcrlr avTOQ (rrpa- 634. The Laconian town of 
 
 ^yfjarat roy noXefioy toIq Aa«- Aphidnse, from which the Leu- 
 
 Saifioyloic, k-al yap ehai^ <pr](Tiv cippidae are supposed to have 
 
 it:E70£y h Tij i\Eyei<^ ffy tTriypa- come, has probably arisen from 
 
 (povfTiy Evyofiiay Ahroc yap some misunderstanding. (Steph. 
 
 Kpoyiwy yrjffoy affuKo^tBa. Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, 
 
 O^fTTt ^ravra 'AKYP£2TE0N the fVither of Tyrtffius (Suidas 
 
 TO. eXiyela (for riKvpwrai to. tX. in v.), looks like an etymologi- 
 
 some MSS. have HKYPIITAI- cal invention ; 'Apx'f^^poror, 
 
 ONTA), rj 4>tXoxopy airKTrr^riny " the ruler of men." 
 K-ac KaX\«Tfln £t koi aXXoic rrXd- 
 
168 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 the Peloponnesians;^ but the Messenians at a later 
 period withdrew from Andania towards Eira, which is 
 a mountain-fortress on the Neda, the border-stream 
 towards Arcadia, near the sea-coast. When obliged 
 to retire from this stronghold, they were received first 
 by the Arcadians, their ancient and faithliil allies (who, 
 according to the tradition, gave them their daughters in 
 marriage*") ; afterwards the exiles sought an asylum 
 with their kinsmen at Rhegium. Aristomenes him- 
 self (if he was not put to death by the Spartans) is > 
 said to have died at Rhodes, in the house of the noble 
 family of the Eratidse.*^ 
 
 12. Besides the possession of Messenia, nothing 
 was of such importance to the Spartans as the influence 
 which they gained over the towns of Arcadia. But in 
 what manner these came into their hands is very little 
 known.^ During the Messenian war Arcadia was 
 always opposed to Spaita. Hence, in the year 659 
 B.C., the Spartans suddenly attacked and took the 
 town of Phigalea, in a corner of Messenia and Tri- 
 phylia ; but were soon driven out again by the neigh- 
 bouring Oresthasians.^ But the place chiefly dreaded 
 
 ^ Concerning a defeat of the 
 Spartans by the Argives, see 
 below, § 13. 
 
 ^ Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. 
 33. 2. Aristomenes, according 
 to Pausan. IV. 24. married his 
 sister and daughters to persons 
 at Phigalea, Lepreum, and He- 
 rsea. This is alluded to in a 
 verse from the fifth book of 
 Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. 
 4>tya\£ia, T7jy /jl^v avriyer ukoi- 
 Tiv litl Kpayarjy ^tyaXftav, viz. 
 Tharyx. 
 
 ^ This circumstance was nar- 
 rated by Rhianus in the sixth 
 
 (probably the last) book, in 
 which Atabyrum, a town in 
 Rhodes, was mentioned, Steph. 
 Byz. in v. 'Ara/3vpov. 
 
 « Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. 
 speaks of wars with Argos, Ar- 
 cadia, and Messenia, before the 
 time of Lycurgus ; but probably 
 he is incorrect. According to 
 Polyfen. VIII. 34. the Tegea- 
 tans took king Theopompus 
 prisoner (provided the king is 
 meant) : and the same authority 
 states II. 13.thatMantineawa» 
 taken by Eurypon. 
 
 f Pausan. VIII. 39. 2. 
 
 CH.7, § 12. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 169 
 
 
 by Sparta, as being one of the most powerful cantons 
 in Arcadia, and commanding the principal entrance to 
 Laconia, was Tegea. Charilaus, one of the early 
 kings of Sparta, is said to have been compelled, by the 
 valour of the Tegeate women, to submit to a disgrace- 
 ful treaty.^ At a later period also, in the reigns of 
 Eurycrates and Leon the Eui*ysthenid,'' Sparta suf- 
 fered injury from the same state,' until it at last ob- 
 tained the superiority under the next king, Anaxan- 
 dridas. It was not, however, merely the ingenuity of 
 a mountain-tribe, in protecting and fortifying its defiles, 
 that made victory so difficult to the Spartans ; but, 
 although the pass which separates Tegea from Laconia^ 
 and even at the present time retains the vestiges of 
 defensive walls, was of great service in repelling in- 
 vasions from Laconia,^ yet Tegea was also formidable 
 in the open field from her heavy-armed troops, which 
 in later times always maintained the second place in 
 the allied army of Peloponnesus.^ 
 
 13. Argos never obtained so great authority in 
 Argolis as Sparta did in Laconia, since, in the former 
 country, the Dorians divided themselves into several 
 ancient and considerable towns ; ™ and to deprive 
 Dorians of their independence seems to have been 
 
 8 Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. con- 
 cerning "Aprjc yvyatKodoiag^ 
 compare III. 1. 3. 
 
 ^ Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. 
 3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. 
 XVI I. p. 251. C. the speech 
 
 tratrSai, Herod. I. 66. The 
 ambiguity lies in the word op^v- 
 (racrOaiy which may be derived 
 from opxoQ. Also ^ta^trpi]- 
 ffcierBai signifies the condition of 
 a Helot, or a Clarotes, who re- 
 
 ef the Tegeatans in Herodotus ceives a measured-out piece of 
 
 IX. 26. Polytenus I. 1 1. land to cultivate. 
 
 * At this time probably the ^ See the stratagem of king- 
 oracle was delivered, which held "AXi/j/c ("AXeoc Casaubon) in 
 out such deceitful promises to Polysen. I. 8. 
 the Spartans, Aw<rw roi Ttylrjv » See below, ch. 9. § I. 
 TrotTfTiKpoTov 6pxv(Ta(T6ai, Ka* ™ Above, ch. 5. § 1, 4, 5. 
 KaXou -kUlov (T\oivi^ ha^erpri' 
 
170 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 more contrary to the principles of that race, than to 
 expel them, as the Spartans did the Messenians. 
 Argos was thus forced to content itself with forming, 
 and being at the head of a league, which was to unite 
 the forces of the country for common defence, and to 
 regulate all internal affairs. An union of this kind 
 really existed, although it never entirely attained its 
 end. It was probably connected with the temple of 
 Apollo Pythaeus, which, as we remarked above, was 
 considered as common to the Epidaurians and Dryop- 
 ians. An Argive Amphictyonic council is mentioned 
 in the account of the Messenian war," and is evidently 
 not a fiction, although erroneously there introduced. 
 That it still continued to exist in the 66th Olympiad is 
 clear from the fact, that, when the inhabitants of Sicyon 
 and iEgina furnished Cleomenes with ships to be 
 employed against Argos, each town was condenmed 
 to pay a fine of 500 talents." These penalties could 
 not have been imposed by Argos as a single town, 
 but in the name of a confederacy, which was weakened 
 and injured by this act. We find that the Eleans 
 could impose similar penalties in the name of the 
 Olympian Zeus.^ But the very case here adduced 
 shows how refractory was the conduct of the members 
 of this alliance with regard to the measures taken by 
 the chief confederate. 
 
 14. To this internal discord were added the con- 
 tinual disputes with Lacedaemon. Herodotus states. 
 
 °Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The 
 Amphictyons decided concern- 
 ing Thyrea, Plutarch Parallel. 
 Hist. Gr. et Rom. .3. 
 
 ° Herod. VI. 92. sqq. 
 
 P Concerning these Amphic- 
 tyons, see S** Croix Goveme- 
 
 mens federatifs anciens^ p. 100. 
 who, however, treats the subject 
 with his usual carelessness. See 
 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1 121. 
 cf. n. 1124. Maffiei in Muratori, 
 561. 
 
 CH. 7, § 14. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 171 
 
 that in ancient times (i. e. about the 50th Olympiml, 
 or 580 B.C.) the whole eastern coast of Pelopon- 
 nesus as far as Malea (comprising the towns of Prasise, 
 Cyphanta, Epidaurus Limera, and Ej)idelium), to- 
 getlier with Cytliera, and the other islands, belonged 
 to the Argives.** According to the account of Pau- 
 sanias the territory of Cynuria, a valley between two 
 ranges of mountains, on the frontiers of Laconia and ; 
 Argos, inliabited by a native Peloponnesian race, hiwl > 
 been from early times a perpetual subject of conten- ; 
 tion between the two states. The Lacedaemonians had 
 subdued this district in the reigns of Echestratus and 
 Eurypon.' During the reigns of Labotas and Pry- 
 tanis, the Spartans complained of an attempt of the 
 Arrives to alienate the affections of their Perioeci in 
 Cynuria : ' as, however, we know not by what authority 
 this sfcvtement is supported, we shall allow it to rest on 
 its own merits. In the reign of Charilaus the Lace- 
 daemonians wasted the territory of Argos.* His son 
 Nicander made an alliance with the Dryopians of ; 
 Asine against Argos. Accordingly this people were \ 
 expelled by Eratus, the Argive king, from their town,** I 
 and fled to their allies in Laconia ; from whom they *> 
 obtained, after the end of the first Messenian war, a • 
 maritime district, where they built a new Asine, and / 
 for a long time preserved their national manners,^ a» 
 well as tlieir connexion with the ancient religious 
 
 ** I should not now venture 
 to make such positive asser- 
 tions as those made in my 
 Mginetica^ p. 54. 
 
 'III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1. 
 
 •Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1. 
 
 * III. 1. 3. and hence per- 
 haps CEnomauB tp. Euseb. 
 Praep. Ev. p. 133. Steph. 
 
 " II. 26. 5. III. 7. 5. IV, 
 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6. 
 
 ^ Thus, according to Hero- 
 dotus, Hermione and Asine v 
 TTpoc Kap^a/LtvXp rj Aa*:w»'ti.-p, 
 which then probably was the 
 nearest place of importance, be- 
 longed to the Dryopians ; comp, 
 Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373. 
 
172 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1. 
 
 worship of their kinsmen, the inhabitants of Her- 
 
 mione. 
 
 15. A clearer point in the Argive and Pelopon- 
 nesian history is the reign of Pheidon. The accounts 
 respecting this prince having been collected and ex- 
 amined in another work, it is merely necessary to 
 repeat the results Pheidon the Argive, the son of 
 Aristodamidas, was descended from the royal family 
 of Temenus, the power of which had indeed since the 
 time of Medon, the son of Ceisus, been much dimi- 
 nished, but yet remained in existence for a long time. 
 Pheidon broke through the restrictions that limited his 
 power, and hence, contrary however to the ancient 
 usage of the term, was called a tyrant. His views 
 were at first directed towards making the independent 
 towns of Argolis dependent upon Argos. He under- 
 took a war against Corinth, which he afterwards suc- 
 ceeded in reducing. In all probability Epidaurus, and / 
 certainly iEgina, belonged to him ; none of the other Y 
 towns in the neighbourhood were able to withstand the '. 
 bold and determined conqueror.^ The finishing stroke J 
 
 ^ See Boeckh. Inscript. n. 
 1193. 
 
 y ^ginetica, pp. 51 — 63. 
 
 ^ With regard to the dominion 
 of his brother in Macedonia, the 
 relation of this narrative to that 
 in Herodotus VIII. 131. ap- 
 pears to me to be as follows. 
 Both describe the same event ; 
 but the latter is the rude native 
 tradition of Macedon, formed 
 among a people which had few 
 historical memorials ; the former 
 is derived from an Argive tra- 
 dition, and, though as well as 
 the other not purely historical, 
 is yet connected together in a 
 more probable manner. Kapa- 
 
 voQ is perhaps only another 
 form of Ko/joavoc ; see Hesychius 
 in }L6pavvoQ. The account of 
 Euripides, that Archelaus, the 
 son of Temenus, took the city 
 of M^ds. in Macedonia, whither 
 he had come as a goatherd in 
 great distress (Hyginus Fab. 
 219 ; Dio Chrysost. p. 10.), is 
 the most unfounded. Whether 
 Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) 
 was acquainted with the tradi- 
 tion concerning Caranus, or fol- 
 lowed the account of Herodotus, 
 does not appear. There is also 
 a discrepancy in the account of 
 Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. 
 p. 1453. See Appendix I. § 15. 
 
 CH. 7, § 15. 
 
 THE DORIANS 
 
 173 
 
 of his achievements was manifestly the celebration of 
 the Olympic games, over which he, as descendant of 
 Hercules (the first conqueror at Olympia), after liav- 
 ing abolished the iEtolian-Elean Hellanodicse, pre- 
 sided, in conjunction witli the inhabitants of Pisa, the 
 ancient town of Pelops, which at tliis time, and many 
 centuries after this time, had not relinquished its claims 
 to the manairement of the festival. Tliis circumstance 
 also enables us to fix with certainty the period of his 
 reign, since, in tlie Elean registers, the 8th Olympiad 
 was marked as having been celebrated by him 
 (747 B.C.). But it was this usurpation that united 
 the Eleans and Lacedaemonians against him, and thus 
 caused his overthrow. While the undertakiuiJfs of 
 Pheidon thus remained without benefit to his succes- 
 sors, he has been denounced by posterity as the most 
 rapacious of tyrants in Greece ; but, had he succeeded 
 in establishing a permanent state of affairs, he would 
 have received equal honours with Lycurgus. Yet, 
 notwithstanding his failure, some of his institutions 
 survived him, which adorn his memory. He is known 
 to have equalized all weights and measures in Pelopon- 
 j nesus, which before his time were different in each 
 ■ state; he was also the first who coined money. He 
 was enabled to undertake both with tlie greater suc- 
 cess, since the only two commercial towns at that time 
 belonging to Peloponnesus lay in his dominions, viz. 
 Corinth (whence he is sometimes called a Corinthian) 
 and iEgina. According to the most accurate ac- 
 counts he first stamped silver-money "" in ^gina 
 (where at that time forges doubtless existed), and, after 
 having circulated these, lie consecrated the ancient and 
 
 ^ginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199. 
 
174 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 %hen useless bars of metal to Here of Argos, where 
 
 they were exhibited in later times to strangers.^ 
 
 Many of the most ancient drachmas of iEgina, with 
 the device of a tortoise, perhaps belong to this period, 
 since the Greek coins struck before the Peloponnesian 
 war appear to indicate a progress of many centuries 
 in the art of stamping money. Those however which 
 we have are sufficient to show that the same standard 
 was prevalent throughout Peloponnesus,'^ a difference 
 in weight, measure, and standard not having been in- 
 troduced till after the Peloponnesian war. This again 
 was a second time abolished by the Achaean league, 
 and an equality of measures restored.*^ 
 
 16. After the fall of Pheidon the old dispute with 
 Lacedsemon still continued.^ In the 15th Olympiad 
 (720 B.C.) the war concerning the frontier territory 
 of Cynuria broke out afresh -/ the Argives now main- 
 tained it for some time,^ and secured the possession of 
 this district chiefly by the victory at Hysiee in Olymp. 
 27. 4. (669 B.C.^) And they kept it until the time J 
 of Croesus (Olymp. 58.), when they lost it by the \ 
 famous battle of the three hundred, in which Othry- j 
 
 ^ And only silver (not to re ® Seein generaljulian. Epist. 
 
 aXXo Kai TO apyvpovv, as Strabo ad Arg. 35. p. 407. 
 
 «ays), since copper was not ^ According to Eusebius, p. 
 
 coined till a much later period, 1291. ed. Pont. Pausanias 
 
 and gold was first coined in places Toy Trepl Tfjg QvpedTilog 
 
 Asia. In the Etymologicum dywva at the end of the reign of 
 
 Gudianura, p. 549. 58. it is Theopompus, at the same date ; 
 
 stated inaccurately that Phido Solinus,c. 13. in the seventeenth 
 
 reduced the measures. year of Romulus. 
 
 <^ See book III. c. 10. § 12. ^ Otherwise Herodotus could 
 
 The ancient Macedonian coins not have said of the Cynurians, 
 
 were struck according to the iK^edcjpiewTai vtto te Apyeiajy 
 
 game standard. ap-)(6fjLeyot Kal tov ')(p6pov. Com- 
 
 ^ Polyb. II. 37. 10. pare ^Eginetica, p. 47. 
 
 ''Pausan. II. 24. 8. 
 
 CH. 7, § 16. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 175 
 
 adas, though faint with his wounds, erected the trophy 
 of victoi-y for Sparta:' a history the more fabulous, 
 since it was celebrated by sacred songs at the Gynino- 
 paedia.'' Inconsiderable in extent as was the territory^ 
 for which so much blood was shed, yet its possession 
 decided which should be the leading power in Pelojjon- 
 nesus. It was not till after this had taken place that 
 Cleomenes, in whose reign the boundary of Lacedse^ 
 mon ran near the little river Erasinus, was enabled to 
 attack Argos with success. 
 
 The power of Argos in the neighbourhood of the 
 city was very insecure and fluctuating. Towards the 
 end of the second Messenian war Argos had conquered 
 the neighbouring town of Nauplia ; the Lacedsemo- 
 nians gave Metlione in Messenia to the expelled in- 
 habitants." The temple of Nemea, in the mountains 
 towards Corinth, was, from its situation, the property 
 of the independent Doric town Cleonee ; the Argives 
 took it from them before Olymp. 53. 1. 568 B.C.," 
 
 * In addition to the passages 
 in iEginetica ubi sup. see the 
 Epigrams of Simonides VIII. 
 431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. 
 Damagetus 432. Nicander526. 
 Chaeremon 720. Gaetulicus 244. 
 in tlie Palatine Anthology. Ac- 
 cording to Isocrates Archid. p. 
 136. D. 300 Spartans destroyed 
 all the Argives. It is a remark- 
 able continuation of the legend, 
 that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, 
 who went away too soon (He- 
 rod. I. 82.), a conqueror at the 
 Nemean games, slew Othrvadas, 
 Pausan. II. 20. 6.— The'ofTer-. 
 ings of the Argives for the battle 
 of Thvrea, as well as those of 
 the Tegeatans for a victory over 
 Sparta, at Delphi (Pausan. X. 
 9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates 
 
 of the artificers, have been made 
 before the 100th Olympiad 
 (380 B. C). 
 
 ^ Hence their institution (ac- 
 cording to Eusebius, Olymp. 
 27. 3. 678 B. C.) is derived from 
 that event. See Athen. XIV. 
 p. 631. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 
 54. Hesychius in QvpeaTinol 
 (TTi(payoi. Apostolius VI. 56. 
 — CJompare Manso, Sparta, I. 
 2. p. 211. 
 
 ^ Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. 
 calls Cynuria, taking indeed a 
 bird's-eye view, a ^ujpiov Kar 
 ovcty (bcLKov AiyvTrTiov TrXarvrc- 
 poy, " not wider than a bean." 
 
 "" Pausan. IV. 24. 1. IV. 35.2. 
 
 " According to Eusebius in 
 Olymp. 51.6. ed. Pontac. comp. 
 Corsini Dissert. Agon. p. 51. 
 
176 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 8, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 177 
 
 and henceforth celebrated the games of Zeus. The 
 Argives however again lost it ; and some time before 
 the 80th Olympiad the Cleonseans again regulated the 
 festival," a privilege which they probably did not long 
 retain. It is likely that about 580 B.C. the town of 
 Ornese, between Argos and Sicyon, which had an- 
 ciently carried on wars, with the latter city, was 
 rendered subject to the former, from which circum- 
 stance the Perioeci of Argos obtained the general name 
 of Orneatans ; to which class the Cynurians also 
 belonged before the battle of Thyrea.^' But these 
 events properly belong to the period, on the history of 
 which we are now about to enter, and which we will 
 designate in general as the time of the tyrants. 
 
 CHAP, VIII. 
 
 § 1. The Doric principles of government opposed to despotic (or 
 tyrannical) power. § 2. Tyrants of Sicyon. § 3. Of Corinth. 
 § 4. Of Epidaurus and of Megara overthrown by Sparta. 
 § 5. Other tyrants overthrown by Sparta. § 6. Expedition of 
 Cleomenes against Argos. § 7. Internal history of Argos. 
 § 8. Contests between Megara and Athens. 
 
 i. The subject of this chapter may be best ex- 
 pressed in the words of Thucydides f " The tyrants 
 " of Athens, and of the rest of Greece, of which many 
 
 ° As Dissen has shown, ad 
 Find. Nem. IV. p. 381. 
 
 P From this I have explained 
 Herod. VIII. 13. in my ^gi- 
 netica, p. 47, where however the 
 (TvvoiKOL after the Persian war 
 are not different from the former 
 Perioeci. 
 
 * I. 18. and compare I. 76. 
 and 1. 122. See also Herodotus 
 V. 92. 1. CLTreipoL rvpavvwv kqX 
 <l>v\a(r(T0VTtQ biivoTaTa tovto iv 
 rjf liirapTrf firj yeviffQuiy Sosicles , 
 the Corinthian says to the Spar- j 
 tans, '* Heaven and earth will bef 
 *' changed, before you abolish 
 
 " States had been governed by tyrants before the 
 " Athenians, were, with the exception of those in 
 " Sicily, in most instances, and especially in later 
 "tmies, overthrown by the Lacedaemonians, whose 
 " state was never under a despotic government, and 
 " who, having Ijecome powerful through the early 
 " establishment of their own constitution, were enabled 
 " to arrange to their own liking the governments of 
 " other states." It is a remarkable circumstance in 
 the history of Greece, that at the same period of time 
 tyrants everywhere obtained the supreme authority in 
 Doric, Ionic, and JEolic cities ; a proof that, altliough 
 ,. these nations were derived from different races, the 
 ' same stage in the progress of social life was eveiy 
 where attended with the same phenomena. Those 
 states alone in which the features of the Doric charac- 
 ter were most strongly marked, viz., Sparta and Argos, 
 resisted this influence ; and we shall in general And 
 ^ that it was by a subversion of the Doric principles that 
 ; the tyrants obtained their power. This will be made 
 evident by a consideration of the absolute monarchies 
 in the Doric states of Peloponnesus. 
 
 2. The in!ial)itants of Sicyon appear in ancient 
 times to have been distinguished from other Dorians 
 by a lively and excitable temperament, and by a 
 disposition which they had at an early period trans- 
 ferred to their mythical hero Adrastus, whose " ton^rue 
 "was softly persuasive."^ This very dispositfon, 
 however, under the actual state of circumstances! 
 opened the way to tyranny. In this instance of 
 
 <( 
 
 free governments {lao.paria.) tyrants, before they had one of 
 
 in order to introduce tyran- their own, Aristot. Poht. V 
 
 '•nies." See also Dionys. Hali- 8 18 
 
 cam. Lys. 30. p. 523. The ^ r^ ^^^^ y 3 
 
 byracusans also overthrew many Gaifcfurd. 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Sicyon, as in many others, the tyrant was the leader 
 of the lower classes, who were opposed to the aristo- 
 cracy. It was in this character that Orthagoras came 
 forward, who, not being of an ancient family, was 
 called by the nobles a cook." But, notwithstanding 
 its low origin, the family of this person maintained 
 the supremacy for a longer period than any other, 
 according to Aristotle*^ for a century, as they did not 
 maltreat the citizens, and upon the whole respected 
 the laws. Their succession is Orthagoras, Andreas, 
 Myron, Aristonymus, and Cleisthenes,^ of whom, how- 
 ever, the second and fourth never ascended the throne, 
 or only reigned for a short time. Myron was con- 
 queror at Olympia in the chariot-race in tiie 33d 
 Olympiad (648 B. C), and afterwards built a trea- 
 sury, in which two apartments were inlaid with Tar- 
 tessian brass, and adorned with Doric and Ionic 
 columns.^ Both the architectural orders employed in 
 this building, and the Tartessian brass, wliich the 
 Phocseans had then brought to Greece in large quan- 
 tities from the hospitable king Arganthonius,^ attest 
 the intercourse of Myron with the Asiatics ; we shall 
 presently see that this same correspondence was of 
 considerable importance for the measures of other 
 tyrants. Cleisthenes appears to have employed vio- 
 
 *^Libanius in Sever, vol. III. 
 p. 251. Reisk. 
 
 d Polit. V. 9. 21. 
 
 ® The series is not, however, 
 quite certain, as Herodotus VI. 
 126. only goes down as far as 
 Andreas. Aristotle merely says, 
 'OpOayopov 7ra7hg Kal avTog 
 'OpdayopaQ, and Plutarch, de 
 sera Num. Vind. "7 (see Wyt- 
 tenbach. p. 44). 'OpOayopag koI 
 fier EKtivov o'l wept Mvptova Kai 
 
 KXeiadiyrjy. From the new Ex- 
 cerpta of Diodorus, VII — X. 
 14. Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. 
 vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears 
 that Andreas and Orthagoras 
 are probably the same person : 
 for Andreas is stated also to 
 have been a cook, by whom the 
 dynasty was first raised. 
 
 ^Pausan. VI. 19.2. II. 8. 1. 
 where for IIvppwv write Mvpwv. 
 
 s Herod. I. 163. and others. 
 
 CH. 8, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 179 
 
 lence in obtaining the sovereignty,^' which he held 
 oindisturbed, partly by creating terror through his 
 .military fame and exploits in arms, and partly by 
 ^gaining the support of the people by the introduction 
 ^ of some democratic elements into the constitution. 
 With regard to the latter measure, the singular 
 alterations which he made in the tribes of Sicyon 
 will be explained hereafter.^ We will here only re- 
 mark that Cleisthenes himself belonged to the sub- 
 ject tribe, which was not of Doric origin ; and while 
 he endeavoured to raise the latter, at the same time 
 he sought to depress, and even to dishonour the 
 Doric tribes, so that he entirely destroyed and re- 
 versed the whole state of things which had previously 
 existed. For this reason Cleisthenes was at enmity 
 with Argos, the chief Doric city of this district.'^ 
 For the same reason he proscribed tlie worship of 
 the Argive hero Adrastus, and favoured in its place 
 \ the worship of Dionysus, a deity foreign to the Doric 
 \ character ; and lastly, prohibited the Homeric rliap- 
 ^odists from entering the to^vn, because Homer had 
 celebrated Argos, and, we may add, an aristocratic 
 form of government. These characteristic traits of 
 a bold and compreliensive mind are gathered from 
 the lively narrative of Herodotus. The same poli- 
 tical tendency was inherited by his son-in-law Me- 
 gacles, the husband of the beautiful Agariste, to 
 obtain whose hand many rival youths had assem- 
 bled in the palace of Cleisthenes, like the suitors of 
 
 »^ Aristot. Pol.V. 10. 3. For quietly from Myron to Cleis- 
 
 what Aristotle says, fxeraftaX- thenes, but that the latter re- 
 
 \u Kal itQ Tvpnvflda Tvpayri£, acquired it by force. 
 
 HKTTrep i) ^iKvdirog Ik rijg Mvpio- ' Book III. ch. 4. § 3. 
 
 voQ «tc Ttjy KXeiadivovQ, implies '^ Herod. V. 67. 'Apydoim 
 
 that the tyranny did not pass noXtfirjtraQ. 
 
 n2 
 
* 
 
 180 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK r. 
 
 CH. 8, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 181 
 
 old, for that of Helen ;^ and it was particularly mani- 
 fested in Cleisthenes of Athens, who changed the 
 Athenian constitution by abolishing the last traces ot 
 separate ranks. With regard, however, to tlie war- 
 like actions of Cleisthenes, he must have been very 
 celebrated for his prowess ; since in the war of the 
 Amphictyons against Cirrha, although denounced as a 
 stone-slinger (that is, a man of the lowest rank),"" by 
 the Pythian priestess, he shared the chief command 
 of the army with the Thessahan Heraclid, Eurylochus, 
 and helped to conquer the city." This took place 
 in the thhd year of the 47th Olympiad, or 592 B. C.° 
 Out of the plunder of the town Cleisthenes built a 
 portico for the embellishment of Sicyon ;P he was also 
 conqueror in the chariot-race at the second Pythiad 
 (Olymp. 49. 3. 584 B.C.)^ It may perhaps be pos- 
 sible from the scattered accounts concerning this prince 
 to form a notion of his character. Cleisthenes was 
 undoubtedly a man who was able to seize the spirit of 
 the time, which aimed at great liberty and excite- 
 ment — the very contrary of the settled composure 
 of the Dorians ; and, combining talents and versatility 
 \^dth the love of splendour and pageantry, ridiculed 
 
 ^ See, besides Herodotus, Dio- 
 dor. Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wes- 
 seling's Notes. 
 
 ^ Herodotus, followed by Dio 
 Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would 
 now in this passage of Hero- 
 dotus (V. 67.) retain Xevfrrfjpa, 
 where Casaubon proposed Ktjl- 
 ffTitpa ; not, however, in a pas- 
 sive sense, but according to its 
 grammatical form, for a stone- 
 slinger, i. e. a yvfivrjs or xpiXoQj 
 the great mass of light-armed 
 soldiers being furnished with 
 slings. Compare e. g. Thuc. I. 
 
 106. oi ypiXol KartXeviray. — - 
 "Adrastus is king of the Ar- 
 " gives, but thou art a common 
 "bond-slave," says the oracle 
 to Cleisthenes. 
 
 "" Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 3T. 4. 
 Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. 
 Polyaen. III. 5. It is remark- 
 able that Sparta took no part 
 in this war. 
 
 ° See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. 
 Olymp. XII. p. 206. 
 
 P Pausan. 11. 9. 6. 
 
 ^ Pausan. X. 7. 5. 
 
 1 
 
 many things hitherto looked upon with awe, and set 
 no limits to his love of change. Notwithstanding 
 these qualities, he was, as is probable from the general 
 testimony of Thucydides, overthrown by Sparta, per- 
 haps soon after 580 B.C. ;"" nor was the ancient state 
 of things restored at Sicyon till 60 years afterwards," 
 during which interval another tyrant named ^Eschines 
 reigned, belonging however to a different family. 
 
 3. The Corinthian tyrants* were nearly allied 
 with those of Sicyon ; since the former, not belong- 
 ing to the Doric nobility, were placed in the same 
 situation as the latter with regard to this class. In 
 Corinth, before the commencement of the dynasty of 
 tyrants, the ruling power wds held by the numerous" 
 Heraclide clan of the Bacchiadse, which had changed 
 the original constitution into an oligarchy, by keep- 
 ing itself distinct, in the manner of a caste, from all 
 other famiUes, and alone furnished the city with the 
 annual prytanes, the chief magistrates. Cypselus the 
 son of Action, the grandson of Echecrates, from a 
 Corinthian borough named Petra,'' and not of Doric 
 descent, although connected on his mother's side with 
 the Bacchiadae, overcame, with the assistance ajrain of 
 the lower classes,^ the oligarchs, now become odious 
 through their luxury'' and insolence, the larger part of 
 whom, either voluntarily or by compulsion, quitted 
 Corinth ;" and Cypselus became tyrant about the 30tli 
 
 ' For the tyranny lasted, ac- 
 cording to Aristotle and Dio- 
 dorus, p. 11. Mai, 100 years, 
 i. e. from about the 26th to the 
 51st Olympiad, 616—576 B. C. 
 
 « Herod. V. 68. 
 
 * Herod. VI. 128. 
 
 " Strab. p. 378. About 200 
 men according to Diodorus ap. 
 
 Syncell. Cronograph. p. 178. 
 Par. 
 
 * Herod. V. 92. 2. 
 
 y Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. V. 9. 22. 
 *iElian. V.H.I. 19. 
 
 * Concerning a stratagem of 
 Cypselus on this occasion, see 
 Polyaenus V. 31. 1. That a 
 Bacchiad, Demarjjtus, should 
 
Its 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ^: 
 
 Olympiad (660 B.C.),'' from the inability of the 
 people to govern itself independently. However vio- 
 lently the Corinthian orator in Herodotus accuses this 
 prince, the judgment of antiquity in general was 
 widely different. Cypselus was of a peaceable dis- 
 position, reigned without a body-guard,' and never 
 forgot that he rose from a demagogue to the throne. 
 He also undertook works of building, either from a 
 taste for the arts, or for the purpose of employing the 
 people. The treasury at Delphi, together with the 
 plane-tree, was his work.*^ To him succeeded his son 
 Periander, who was at first equally or more mild than 
 his father.^ Soon, however, his conduct became sen- 
 sibly more violent, and, accordmg to Herodotus, he 
 was instigated by his correspondence with Tlirasybulus, 
 the tyrant of Miletus, who counselled him by every 
 method to weaken, or even to exterminate, the nobility 
 of his city.^ Many of his actions were evidently 
 prompted by the wish of utterly eradicating the pecu- 
 liarities of the Doric race, which were closely con- 
 nected with an aristocratic spirit. For this reason he 
 abolished the public tables, and prohibited the ancient 
 education.^ He awed the people by his military splen- 
 dour, and maintained triremes on both coasts of the 
 
 have gone at this time to Italy, 
 is very probable ; but that the 
 Tarquins were descended from 
 him is a fiction. See Niebuhr's 
 History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215. 
 ^ According to Eusebius, 
 which agrees with the 447 years 
 in Diodorus (Fragm. 6. p. 635. 
 Wessel.), from the return of the 
 Heraclidae until Cypselus. It 
 is not easy to see what were 
 Stral)o's grounds for reckoning 
 the dominion of the Bacchiadae 
 at200years,VIII.p. 378. Ac- 
 
 cording to Diodorus they were 
 Prytanes for only 90 years. 
 
 ^ Aristot. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. 
 cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. 
 361. 
 
 ^ Herod. V. 92. 6. according 
 to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 
 135 Ruhnk. he was TrptaTov hrj- 
 ^oTLKocy as should be read in 
 Apostol. XX. 47. 
 
 ^ Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. 
 III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2. 
 
 8 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2. 
 
 CH.8, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 183 
 
 Isthmus;^ his person he protected by three hundred 
 body-guards.' To maintain the city at peace, and to 
 avoid all violent connnotions, was a principle, on the 
 observance of which the security of his dominion de- 
 pended, and upon which a complete system of regula- 
 tions was founded. With this view he abohshed a 
 criminal court •" for the condemnation of such as wasted 
 their patrimony, inasmuch as persons in this situation 
 were likely to become innovators. He interdicted 
 immoderate luxury, and an extravagant number of 
 slaves. Idleness he considered as especially danger- 
 ous. So little true did he remain to the democratic 
 principles of his father, that he expelled the people 
 from the city;^ and in order the more readily to 
 accustom them to agricultural and mechanical labour, 
 only permitted them to wear the dress of peasants.™ 
 His own expenses were trifling, and therefore he re- 
 quired no other taxes than harbour-dues and market- 
 tolls. He also avoided, where his projects did not 
 require it, all violence and open injustice ; and was even 
 at times so strict a maintainer of pubHc morality, that 
 the numerous procuresses of the luxurious Corinth 
 were by his orders thrown into the sea ;" the hospitable 
 damsels of Ai)hrodite'' being protected by religion. 
 He, as well as his father, made the construction of 
 
 ^ Nicolaus Damascenus. 
 
 ' Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. He- 
 raclid. Pont. 5. Nicol. Da- 
 masc. 
 
 ^ BovXi^v tir crrxarwr, Hera- 
 clides. Compare Aristot. Pol. 
 V. 6. yiyyovrat le fitrafioXal 
 rrjs dXt yap)^/ac Kai oray apaXut- 
 (Tiiifft TO. t^ta, i^uivTes atreXyiJig. 
 Kal yap oi rnwvToi Kairorofieiv 
 i^TfTovffi, vat ij Tvpavvili liriTi- 
 
 devrai avrot, y KUTaaKeva^ovffiy 
 trtpov. 
 
 * Ibid. 
 
 "» Book Ill.ch. 3. §3. 
 
 ^ Heraclides. Perhaps for 
 Trpoaywyot should be written 
 TTjOOffaywyoi (like the Trorayw- 
 yiltc of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. 
 § 7. note). 
 
 ° See Book II. ch. 10. § 7. 
 
184 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1. 
 
 splendid monuments of art^ a means of taxing the 
 property of the rich, and of employing the body of the 
 people; though indeed his own refined taste took 
 pleasure in such works. And in general, if considered 
 in reference to the cultivation of taste and intellect, 
 and the interests of agriculture and trade, the age of 
 the tyrants was productive of a very great advance- 
 ment in the Grecian states. The unpliant disposition, 
 strict in the observance of all ancient customs and 
 usages, was then first bent and subdued, and more 
 liberal and extended views became prevalent. The ^ ) 
 tyrants were frequently in intimate connexion with the 
 inhabitants of Asia Minor, whom Sparta despised for j 
 their luxury and effeminacy; and from the Lydian 
 sultan in his harem at Sardes, a chain of communica- 
 tion, most important in its consequences, was esta- 
 blished through the princes of Miletus and Samos 
 with the countries in the immediate neighbourhood of 
 Sparta. Periander was in correspondence not only 
 with Thrasybulus, but also with Halyattes, the king of 
 Lydia, and sent to the latter prince some Corcyrsean 
 youths to be castrated according to the oriental cus- 
 tom.^i The names of his kinsmen, Psammetichus and 
 Gordias, the latter Phrygian, the former Egyptian, are 
 proofs of an hospitable intercourse with those countries. 
 On the other side of Greece, the policy of the Cypse- 
 lidse led them to attempt the occupation of the coast 
 
 P Concerning the Colossi and Pyth. orac. 13. See book IH. 
 
 offerings of the Cypselidse, see ch. 10 § 12. 
 
 Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. Theo- ^ Herodotus. Compare An- 
 
 phrast. ap. Phot, in Kvxj^eXidoiy tenor and Dionysius of Chalce- 
 
 ayadrifxa. Ephorus ap. Diog. don, in Plutarch, de Malign. 
 
 Laert. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. Herod. 22. p. 302. and the ele- 
 
 Plato Phsedr. p. 236 et Schol. gant legend in Pliny H. N. IX. 
 
 p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo 41. 
 VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de 
 
 CH. 8, § 3. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 185 
 
 of the Ionian sea as far as Illyria, and to establish a 
 connexion with the barbarous nations of the interior.' 
 Periander was of a daring and comprehensive spirit, 
 and rivalled by few of his contemporaries, bold in the 
 field, politic in council, though misled by continual 
 distrust to undertake unworthy measures, and having 
 too little regard for the good of the people when it in- 
 terfered with his own designs ; a friend of the arts, of 
 an enlightened mind, but at the same time overcome 
 by the strength of his passions ; and, although devoid 
 of awe for all sacred things, yet at times a prey to the 
 most grovelling superstition. After the death of Peri- 
 ander, Psammetichus' the son of Gordias, of the same 
 family, succeeded to the sovereignty, but only reigned 
 three years, having l)een, without doubt, overthrown by \ 
 the Spartans in Olymp. 49. 3. 582 B.C.' ' 
 
 ' See above, ch. 6. § 8. Be- (ap. Strab. VIII. p. 347.) sent 
 
 sides Gorgus, there was also at as a bride, but she was killed 
 
 Ambracia a tyrant named Pe- out of jealousy That it was the 
 
 riander, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. Ionic Samos is proved against 
 
 Plutarch. Amator. 23. p. 60. Strabo by Pausan. VII. 5. 6. 
 perhaps the son of Gorgus. * There is some difficulty in 
 
 * Either to this person, or to the chronology of this family ; 
 
 Periander, or to Cypselus, the the following is a genealogical 
 
 beautiful Rhadina of Samos table: — 
 was, according to Stesichorus 
 
 Aristocrates of Orchomenus Aetion 
 
 Cypselus 
 
 Aristodemus, Eristhenea — Procles 
 
 of Epidaurus 
 
 .1 I 
 
 Melissa — Periander, Gorgus. 
 
 I 
 
 There are also 
 Psammetichus, as to whom 
 nothing is known. See ^Egine- 
 tica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled 
 from Olymp. 38. 1. (Eusebius) 
 
 I 
 
 Cypselus, Lycophron. 
 Grordias and to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. 
 Diog. Laert. I. 74.), 44 years 
 according to Aristotle. This 
 is not inconsistent with the fact 
 mentioned by Herodotus V. 95. 
 
186 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 4. Periander was married to the fair Melissa, whose 
 beauty had captivated him in the house of her father, 
 the tyrant Procles, while she was distributing wine to 
 the labourers in a thin Doric dress."" Procles was 
 ruler of Epidaurus and the island of ^gina, which 
 were at that time still closely united ; he himself was 
 related by marriage to the princes of Orchomenus, 
 and appears from this circumstance, and from his con- 
 nexion with the family of Cypselus, to belong to the 
 number of tyrants, who, being hostile to the Dorian 
 aristocracy, obtained their power by the assistance of 
 the lower ranks. 
 
 And when we also add that Theagenes of Me- 
 GARA, the father-in-law of Cylon the Athenian,'' pre- 
 cisely resembled the princes already mentioned in his 
 conduct (since he likewise obtained his power by at- 
 
 and ApoUodorus (p. 411. Heyn. 
 comp. Timaeus ap. Strab. 13. p. 
 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. 1. 15. 14.) 
 that he decided between Athens 
 and Mytilene concerning Si- 
 geum, since Phrynon of Athens 
 (victor in the 36th Olympiad, 
 Afric.) had contended on this 
 same point with Pittacus in 
 Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius) , before 
 the time of Pisistratus. Com- 
 pare Polyaenus I. 25. Plutarch 
 de Herod. Malign. 15. Diog. 
 Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. 
 Schol. ^sch. Eumen.401. The 
 narrative of Herodotus is not 
 arranged entirely in a chrono- 
 logical order. Periander, how- 
 ever, was reigning, according to 
 Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth 
 year of the reign of Halyattes 
 (Olymp. 41), and before his 
 death sent him a present of 
 Corey raean boys, in the third 
 generation (i. e. in the 16th 
 
 Olympiad), before the siege of 
 Samos bv the Lacedaemonians 
 (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka {Res 
 Samiorum, p. 30.) has rightly 
 corrected in Herod. III. 48. (y' 
 yevefj Trportpov) from Plutarch, 
 de Malign. Herod. 22. Cyp- 
 selus, according to Herodotus, 
 reigned thirty years, and there- 
 fore ascended the throne in 
 Olymp. 30. 3. ; the Cypselidae 
 ruled altogether 76i^ years (ac- 
 cording to my emendation of 
 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22) ; Procles 
 reigned from about the 35th to 
 the 49th Olympiad ; Aristo- 
 crates goes as far back as the 
 25th Olympiad. 
 
 " ^Eginetica, p. 64. 
 
 * Who himself had aimed at 
 the tyranny of Athens so early 
 as the 42d Olympiad. Thucyd. 
 I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, 
 p. 83. 
 
 CH. 8, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 187 
 
 tacking the rich landed proprietors, and had killed 
 their flocks upon the pastures of the river) ,^ and that 
 like the others he endeavoured to please the people by 
 embellishing the city, by the construction of an aque- 
 duct, and of a beautiful fountain ;* it is easy to per- 
 ceive in the dynasties of the Sicyonian, Corinthian, 
 Epidaurian, and Megarian tyrants, a powerful coali- 
 tion against the supremacy of the Doriansi and the 
 ancient principles of that race} the more po\verful, as 
 they knew how to render subservient to their own 
 ends the opinions which had lately arisen ; and it is a 
 matter of wonder that Sparta should have succeeded 
 in overthrowing this combination. 
 
 5. If, indeed, it is also borne in mind that the Ionic, 
 as well as the iEolic and Doric* islands and cities of 
 
 y Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Po- 
 lit. V. 4. 4. 
 
 ' Like the Enneacrunus of 
 the Pisistratidae. Pausan. I. 40. 
 1. I. 41. 2. Theognis V. 894. 
 us KvxI^eWl^op ZevQ oXicreie yevoQ 
 cannot well refer to a factio 
 Cypselidarumy especially if it 
 has any connexion with what 
 precedes, concerning the Per- 
 sian war ; but Kvxf/eWi^eiv must 
 mean " to be deaf," " to have 
 " the ears closed," from KvxpiXri. 
 
 * I will only mention the ty- 
 rants in Doric states. — Cleobu- 
 lus at Lindos, who was similar 
 to Periander, Plutarch, de EI 
 3. p. 118. comp. Clem. Alex. 
 Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Dia- 
 goridse however still continued 
 at lalysus). Cadmus in the 
 island of Cos, whose history 
 must, from Herod. VI. 23. and 
 VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, 
 the tyrant of Zancle, being driven 
 out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. 
 
 4. 497 B.C.), fled to the king 
 of Persia, and remained chiefly 
 at his court. To Scythes' son, 
 Cadmus, the king of Persia pro- 
 bably gave the island of Cos. 
 For though it might be objected 
 that Cadmus could not have 
 been the son of Scythes of Zan- 
 cley since the latter, according 
 to Herodotus, died in Persia {kv 
 mpariai), whereas Cadmus in- 
 herited the tyranny from his 
 father {vapa Trarpog); it may 
 be answered that Scythes, not- 
 wiihstanding that the king had 
 given him the government of 
 Cos, yet did not reside there, 
 but at the Persian court, as we 
 know to have been the case with 
 Histiaeus. Afterwards, however, 
 before the 75th Olympiad (480 
 B.C.), having made a treaty 
 with the Samians, he returned 
 to his ancient country. He 
 was followed by Epicharmus 
 the comic poet, Suidas, in v. 
 
188 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Asia, and also Athens, together with Phocis, Thes- 
 saly, and the colonies in Sicily and Italy, were all in 
 the hands of tyrants, who doubtless assisted one an- 
 other, and knew their common interest; and that 
 Sparta alone, in most instances at the instigation of 
 the Delphian oracle, declared against all these rulers 
 a lasting war, and in fact overthrew them all, with the 
 exception of the Sicilian tyrants ; it must be confessed, 
 that in this period of Grecian history no contest took 
 place either greater, or, by its extent as well as its 
 principles, of more important political and moral con- 
 sequences. The following tyrants are stated by an- 
 cient historians to have been deposed by the Spartans :^ 
 the Cypselidse of Corinth and Ambracia, the former 
 in Olymp. 49. 3. (584 B.C.), the latter probably 
 somewhat later ; the Pisistratidse of Athens, who were 
 allied with the Thessalians, in Olymp. 67. 3. (510 
 B.C.) ;*" their adherent Lygdamis of Naxos,'^ probably 
 about the same time ; ^schines of Sicyon, about the 
 
 *E7rixapfiog. At his departure 
 from Cos he gave the state its 
 liberty, and instituted a senate 
 (fiovXij). He was a contempo- 
 rary of Hippolochus the Ascle- 
 piad, and the ancestor by the 
 mother's side of Thessalus. See 
 the 7 th Epistle of Hippocrates. 
 In Sicily, Oleander and the fa- 
 mily of Hippocrates, Gelon and 
 Hieron, at Gela and then at 
 Syracuse; Phalaris, and after- 
 wards Theron, and Thrasidseus 
 at Agrigentum ; Anaxilas at 
 Rhegium and Zancle ; Pansetius 
 (Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at 
 Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. 
 8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also 
 Aristophilidas of Tarentum 
 (Herod. HI. 136.) was a tyrant. 
 
 Tyrants also existed in Italy, in 
 Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme. 
 
 ^ Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. 
 Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare 
 Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 308. 
 
 ^ Although they were the 
 guests of Sparta, ra yap rov 
 Oeov TrpefffivTspa ittoiovvto r/ tci 
 ru)v av^puiy, Herod. V. 63. 90. 
 Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph. Lvsist. 
 1150, &c. 
 
 ^ See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. 
 and his noXireia Na^twr in Athe- 
 nseus VII I. p. 348. According 
 to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis 
 was established in his govern- 
 ment by Pisistratus, about the 
 60th Olympiad (540 B.C.). 
 Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. 
 Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65. 
 
 CH. 8, § 5. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 189 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 65th Olympiad* (520 B.C.) ; Symmachus of Thasos ; 
 Auliis of Phocis ; and Aristogenes of Miletus, of whom 
 we know only the names ;^ the larger number were 
 dethroned under the kings Anaxandridas and Ariston, 
 Cleomenes and Demaratus. Of these tyrants, some 
 they deposed by a military force, as the Pisistratidoe ; 
 but frequently, as Plutarch says, they overthrew the 
 despotism without "moving a shield," by despatching 
 a herald, whom all immediately obeyed, " as, when the 
 queen bee appears, the rest arrange themselves in 
 order."^ In the time of Cleomenes also (525 B.C.) 
 Sparta sent out a great armament, together with Co- 
 rinthian and other allies, against Polycrates of Samos, 
 the first Doric expedition against Asia, not, as is evi- 
 dent from the trivial reason stated by Herodotus, (viz. 
 in order to revenge the plunder of a cauldron and a 
 breastplate,) but with the intent of following up their 
 1 principle of deposing all tyrants.^ But the besieging 
 of a fortified tovv^n, situated upon the sea, and at so 
 great a distance, was beyond the strength of Pelopon- 
 nesus. The last expedition of Sparta against the 
 tyrants falls after the Persian war, when king Leoty- 
 chidas, the conqueror at Mycale, was sent for the 
 purpose of ejecting the Aleuadse of Thessaly, who had 
 delivered up the country to the Persians in 470 B.C. 
 or somewhat later. Aristomedes and Angelus were 
 actually dethroned, but the king suffering himself to 
 be bribed by others, the expedition did not completely 
 succeed.* 
 
 We may suppose with what pride the ambassjidor 
 
 «See above, § 2. Sicyon ^ Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. 
 
 gave ships to Cleomenes about de Herod. Malign. 21. 
 
 the 65th Olympiad, or 520 B.C. > This follows from Plutarch 
 
 *" Before the time of Histiseus. ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. He- 
 
 « Lycurg. 30. rod. VI. 12. Pausan. III. 1, 8. 
 
190 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK t. 
 
 CH. 8, § 7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 191 
 
 ■i 
 
 ii 
 
 of Sparta answered Gelon the tyrant of Syracuse 
 (however brilliant and beneficial his reign may have 
 been), when he required the command in the Persian 
 war : " Truly the Pelopid Agamemnon would lament, 
 " if he heard that the supremacy was taken from the 
 " Spartans by Gelon and the Syracusans !"^ 
 
 6. To these important changes in the political his- 
 tory of that time we may annex the subordinate events 
 in the interior of Peloponnesus. 
 
 Sparta, by the conquest of Cynuria, had obtained 
 the key of the Argive territoiy. Soon after this, 
 Cleomenes, the eldest son of Anaxandridas the 
 Eurysthenid, succeeded to the throne, a man of great 
 boldness and strength of mind, sagacious, enterprising, 
 accustomed, after the manner of his age and country, 
 to express himself in a concise and emphatic language, 
 only too much inflated by family and personal pride, 
 and in disposition more nearly resembling his con- 
 temporaries the tyrants than beseemed a king of 
 Sparta. The first exploit of tliis prince^ was the ex- 
 pedition against Argos. He landed in some vessels of 
 Sicyon and iEgina on the coast of Tiryns, overcame 
 the Argives at the wood of Argos,"* slew the greater 
 part of the men able to bear arms, and would have 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 159. 
 
 ^ According to Pausan. III. 
 4. 1 . Therefore before Olymp. 
 65. 1. or 520 B.C. for Cleo- 
 menes was then king, as is evi- 
 dent from a comparison of 
 Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. 
 III. 68. He was in that year 
 in the neighbourhood of Platsea. 
 According to Plutarch. Lacon. 
 Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes 
 was regent in the 63rd Olym- 
 piad (525 B. C), when the 
 Samians came to Sparta: this 
 
 however would give too great a 
 length to his reign, (which He- 
 rodotus states to have been of 
 short duration,) viz., from about 
 525 to 491 B.C. 
 
 ^ It appears that this wood 
 was near Sepea in the territory 
 of Tiryns. Apostolius IV. 27. 
 states that the battle took place 
 on the "Apyovg \6<t>og. The 
 stratagem of Cleomenes is nar- 
 rated after Herodotus by Poly- 
 senus I. 14. 
 
 succeeded in capturing their city, had he not, from an 
 inconceivable superstition, dismissed the allied army 
 without making any further use of the victoFy, and 
 contented himself with sacrificing in the temple of 
 Here." At the same time Argos, in consequence of 
 this defeat, remained for a long time crippled, and it 
 was even necessary that a complete change in her 
 political condition should take place, in order to reno- 
 vate the feeble and disordered state into which she had 
 fallen. 
 
 7. For after the bond-slaves or gymnesn ** of Argos 
 had for a time governed the state thus deprived of its 
 free inhabitants, until the young men who had in the 
 mean time arisen to manhood overcame and expelled 
 them, the Argives, as Aristotle ^ relates, saw them- 
 selves compelled, in order to restore the numbers of 
 their free population, to collect about them the sur- 
 rounding subjects of their city, the Perioeci, and to 
 
 ° The marvellous narrative of 
 Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is filso 
 unconnected, from there being 
 no explanation of the two first 
 verses of the oracle, aXX' vrav 
 T) OrjXeiay which however must 
 have referred to some real event. 
 Or does Herodotus refer drjXeia 
 to Juno? Pausanias II. 20. 
 doubts whether Herodotus un- 
 derstands it. But the story of 
 Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch, 
 de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269. and 
 Polysenus VIII. 33. is very fabu- 
 lous. The festival 'YftpiariKo. 
 could not have had this historical 
 origin, but must have belonged 
 to the mystical rites of some 
 elementary deities. The number 
 of the Argives who were slain 
 
 is stated by Plutarch and Polyae- 
 nus to have been 7777 ; by 
 others 6000 (also a tradition of 
 a seven days' armistice in Plut. 
 Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is 
 the battle tv rrj i(i^6^r\ /orayLicVov, 
 but of what month we are ig- 
 norant, Pol. V. 2. 8. Plut. Mul. 
 Virt. ubi sup. Others placed 
 it at the vov^rjvia of the fourth 
 month, anciently Hermaeus, 
 but only because the 'YfipifrriKa 
 were then celebrated. See Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. 
 Sylb. Suidas in v. TtXtVtWa. 
 
 ° Concerning these slaves, see 
 book III. ch. 3. § 2. 
 
 pPolit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch 
 confounds bond-slaves and Pe- 
 rioeci. 
 
192 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1. 
 
 CH. 8, § 7. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 193 
 
 liff 
 
 distribute them in the immediate neighbourhood.** 
 The completion of this plan took place one generation 
 after the fatal battle with Cleomenes, at the time of 
 the Persian war, in which Argos, whose attention was 
 wholly occupied with strengthening her aflfairs at 
 home, took no part. At that time the Argives, in 
 order to increase their own numbers, dispeopled nearly 
 all the large cities in the surrounding country, and 
 transplanted the inhabitants to Argos;' particularly 
 Tiryns, Mycense, Hysese, Ornese, and Midea.' Tiryns 
 and Mycenae were in the time of the Persian war free, 
 and even independent communities, which followed 
 the command of Sparta without the consent of Argos ; 
 the latter town indeed contested with Argos the right 
 to the administration of the temple of Here, and the 
 presidency at the Nemean games.* The destruction 
 of their city, which the Argives undertook in concert 
 with the Cleonseans and Tegeates,"" was eflfected in the 
 year 464 B. C. (Olymp. 79. 1). But of the Myce- 
 nseans, a few only followed the Argives, as the larger 
 number either took refuge at Cleonse (which city was 
 at that time independent, and had for some time the 
 management of the Nemean games)", at Cei-yneia in 
 Achaia, and even in Macedonia.^ Of the Tirynthians 
 
 *i See Schol. Yen. ad II. B. 
 108. concerning the nine ham- 
 lets (islands) near Argos. 
 
 ' Pausan. VIII. 27. 1. 
 
 « Strabo VIII. p. 376. dis- 
 tinguishes Ornese KwfjLr) rr/c 'Ap- 
 ysiag from the city near Sicyon, 
 as also in the same place a fcwfir} 
 named Asine, p. 373 B. 
 
 t Diod. XL 65. 
 
 " Strabo p. 377. Yet Cle- 
 onse soon occurs again as a 
 
 friendly state. 
 
 * Ch. 7. § 15. Cleonae was 
 at that time engaged in a war 
 with Corinth, Plutarch. Cimon. 
 17. 
 
 y Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. 
 Diodorus XI. 65. It is remark- 
 able how rapidly Mycenae fell 
 into oblivion among the Athe- 
 nians. iEschylus does not once 
 mention it; succeeding poets 
 frequently confound it with 
 
 also some fled to Epidaurus, and some to Halieis in 
 the territoiy of the Dryopians, in which place the 
 expelled Hermioneans also found an asylum." For 
 Hermione, which Herodotus during the time of the 
 Persian war considers as a Dryopian city,'^ was sub- 
 sequently taken by the Argives.^ The other cities 
 which have been mentioned, had however, as we know 
 of Ornese and also Hysiae, previously belonged to 
 Perioeci, being subjects of Argos, and were only then 
 incorporated for the purpose of enlarging the metro- 
 polis." The Argives, by these arbitrary proceedings, 
 secured themselves as well against external foes as 
 against their former enemies the bond-slaves, and also 
 acquired a large number of laborious and imhistrious 
 inhabitants, wiio, by the continuance of peace, soon 
 re-established the prosperity and wealth of Argos.^ 
 The oracle has well marked out the principles which 
 were then expedient for the welfare of that state, when 
 it reconnnended it, as " the enemy of its neighbours, 
 " and friend of the gods, to draw in its arms, and 
 
 Argos. In the Electra of So- 
 phocles there is throughout the 
 play the most confused notion 
 of the locality ; compare Elms- 
 ley ad Eurip. Heraclid. 188. 
 Concerning the destruction of 
 Mycenae, see Bmnck Analect. 
 torn. II. p. 105. n. 248. 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. 
 17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning 
 the emigration, see Strabo VIII. 
 p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. 
 aj). Steph. Byz. in v. 'AXulq. on 
 ovToi Tipvvdioi iifTiv, &c. In 
 Stephanus in v. Tipwc, as well 
 as in Strabo ubi sup. the Her- 
 mioneans in Halieis are spoken 
 of. There is much that is very 
 singular in the oracle, ttoI rv 
 
 Xapwp Kui ToT TV KaBi^io koX ttoI 
 
 TV (HKT)(TIV \-^U)V oKua TE »C£vX»7<T- 
 
 Oai. See App. V. § II. 
 
 •* Herod. VIII. 43. The Her- 
 mioneans however maintained 
 their ancient connexions at a 
 later period; see above, ch. 7. 
 § 13. 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo 
 adds the destruction of Asine ; 
 but this took place at a much 
 earlier period. The statement 
 of Strabo (p. 373 D.) that the 
 Mycenaeans used Eiones as their 
 vavaTaBfiov, must, if it is cor- 
 rect, refer to some time before 
 the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B. C. 
 
 *^ Pausan. II. 25. 1. 
 
 •i Diod. XII. 75. 
 
 O 
 
194 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 8, § 8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 195 
 
 " remain in watchful quiet, guarding its head ; for 
 " that the head would save the body."^ At the same 
 time, however, by these proceedings, a complete change 
 in the constitution was brought about, and Argos, as 
 we shall see hereafter, gradually lost the peculiar j 
 features of the Doric character. 
 
 The other actions of Cleomenes of which we have 
 any knowledge refer to the political changes at Athens, 
 and could only be connectedly related in a history of 
 the Athenian constitution, or in reference to the events 
 in iEgina, which we have narrated elsewhere. 
 
 8. It is remarkable that during this whole time, 
 in which Sparta founded her empire, we read of no 
 serious contest between Dorians and lonians. For 
 although the border-states, Megara and ^gina (the 
 latter after its revolt from Epidaurus), carried on a 
 continued war with Athens, the whole race took no 
 part in the contest, and Sparta herself fulfilled the 
 office of an impartial arbitrator between Athens and 
 Megara. Even before the time of Solon, the Athe- 
 nians and Megarians fought in the territory of Eleusis.^ 
 The chief struggle was for the island of Salamis, 
 which Solon is supposed to have gained by the well 
 known stratagem,^ a fact however which was denied by 
 Daimachus of Platsea.^ According to the Megarian 
 account, some refugees from their own city (named 
 AopuxXsioO betrayed the island to the Athenians.* 
 So much is certain, that five Spartan arbitrators 
 (Critolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, 
 
 « Herod. VII. 148. mer. c. 28. Polysen. Strateg. I. 
 
 ^ Herod. I. 30. where the 20.1,2. Diogen. Laert. I. 48. 
 
 hcTTvydToveQ are the Megarians, Quinctil. V. 11. 
 
 not the Eleusinians. ^ Phitarch. Comp. Solon, et 
 
 g Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo Pubhc. 4. 
 
 IX. p. 211. Herod. Vit. Ho- > Pausan. I. 40.4. 
 
 and Cleomenes), in obedience to ancient traditions and 
 fables respecting the original owners of Salamis, ad- 
 judged the possession of Salamis to the Athenians. 
 Yet in the troubles which succeeded the banishment 
 of Megacles, this island was again lost, as well as the 
 harbour Niseea, which had been ]>efore conquered.'' 
 They soon however regained it, and Megara appears 
 from that time forth to have given up all hopes of re- 
 covery : as in this age the power of Athens increased 
 so rapidly, that Megara could no longer think of re- 
 newing her ancient contests. 
 / Since it is not my object to give a continuous and 
 general narration of facts, but only to extract what is 
 most instructive for the condition of the Doric race, I 
 shall not carry on the history of the Dorians out of 
 Peloponnesus to a lower point, as their local con- 
 ! nexions would lead us far astray into other regions. 
 For the same reason I will only touch upon a few events 
 ; of the Persian wars, confining myself to the internal 
 ; affairs of Peloponnesus during that period, among 
 i which the supremacy of Sparta is the most important 
 and remarkable. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was of- 
 
 confirmed by ^lian. V. H. VII. fered up by the Megarians after 
 
 19. There was at Delphi a a victory over Athens, i. e. after 
 
 statue of Apollo armed with a that gained in Olynip. 83. 3. see 
 
 lance, mentioned by Plutarch book III. ch. 9, § 10. 
 Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and 
 
 o2 
 
196 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I' 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 8 1. Sparta the head of the Peloponnesian confederacy. Its- 
 members and their order of precedence. § 2. Mode m .^ eh 
 the supremacy of Sparta was exercised. § 3. Congress of Ae 
 confederacy. § 4. Non-interference of the confederacy-^ 
 the internal affairs of the confederate States § 5 Sp^a the 
 head of the confederacy hy general acknowledgment. §6. Hel- 
 lenic league during the Peloponnesian war. § r SparW with- 
 draws from the command of the Allied Army. § 8. loma 
 never completely liberated by Athens from the power of Persia 
 8 9. War between Sparta and Arcadia. § 10. Revolt of the 
 Helots ; third Messenian war. §11. Dissolution of the alhance 
 between Sparta and Athens. Battles of Tanagra and (Eno- 
 phyta. Five vears' truce. Thirty years' truce. § 12. Ongm of 
 the Peloponn;sian war. § 13. Opposite principles of the con- 
 tending parties in the Peloponnesian war. § 14. Its influence 
 upon Sparta. 
 
 1 Sparta, by the conquest of Messenia and Tegea, 
 had obtained the first rank in Peloponnesus, which 
 character she confirmed by the expulsion of the tyrants, 
 and the overthrow of Argos. From about the year 
 580 B. C. she acted as the recognised commander, 
 not only of Peloponnesus, but of the whole Cxreek 
 name. The confederacy itself however was formed 
 by the inhabitants of that peninsula alone, on fixed and 
 regular laws ; whereas the other Greeks only annexed 
 themselves to it temporarily. The order of precedence 
 observed by the members of this league may be taken 
 from the inscription on the footstool of the statue of 
 Zeus, which was dedicated at Olympia after the 
 Persian war, the lonians, who were only allied tor a 
 time, being omitted.^ It is as follows : Lacedsemon, 
 
 « Pausan. V. 23. 1. compare Mginetica, p. 126. 
 
 CH. 9, § 1. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 197 
 
 Corinth, Sicyon, ^gina, Megara, Epidaurus,^ Tegea, 
 Orchomenus, Phlius, Troezen, Hermione, Tiryns, 
 Mycenae, Lepreum, and Elis ; which state was con- 
 tented with the last place, on account of the small 
 share which it had taken in the war. The defenders 
 of the Isthmus are enumerated in the following order -," 
 Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, Eleans, Corinthians, Sicy- 
 onians, Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troezenians, and 
 Hermionians, nearly agreeing with the other list, only 
 that the Arcadians, having been present with their 
 whole force, and also the Eleans, occupy an earlier 
 place ; and the Megarians and ^ginetans are omitted, 
 as having had no share in the defence. This regular 
 order of precedence is alone a proof of a firm union. 
 The Tegeates, since they had joined the side of Lace- 
 , daemon, enjoyed several privileges, and especially the 
 place of honour at the left wing of the allied army.^ 
 Argos remained excluded from the nations of Pelopon- 
 nesus, as it never would submit to the command of 
 Sparta ; the Achaeans, indifferent to external affairs, 
 only joined themselves momentarily to the alliance f 
 but the Mantineans, though latterly they followed the 
 policy of Argos,^ were long attached to the Pelopon- 
 nesian league ; for at the end of the Persian war they 
 sent an army, which arrived too late for the battle of 
 Plataea;^ having before, together witli the other 
 Arcadians, helped to defend the Isthmus -^ they had 
 also been engaged in the first days of the action at 
 
 ^ They occur in the following Concerning the fidelity of Phlius 
 
 order ; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, towards Sparta, see Theodoret. 
 
 and Epidaurus, at a later period, GraBC. AflSn. IX. 16. 
 
 after the destruction of ^Egina. « Thuc. II. 9. 
 
 « Herod. VIII. 72. ^ Thuc. V. 29. 
 
 Kai aXXa yipia fjLeyaXa t:ni ^ Herod. IX. 77. 
 
 — IX. 26. Thucyd. V. 67. ^ Herod. VIII. 72. 
 
198 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1. 
 
 Thermopylaj ;' and they were at this time still the 
 faithful allies of the Lacedsemonians.^ Their subse- 
 quent defection from Sparta may be attributed partly 
 to their endeavours to obtain the dominion of Parrhasia, 
 which was protected by Lacedsemon ;' to their hos- 
 tility with Tegea," which remained true to Spaila after 
 the great war with Arcadia, which began about 470 
 B.C. and to the strengthening of their city ((rt>i/o«xi<r- 
 |x^o?), and the estabhshment of a democratic govern- 
 ment, through the influence of Argos." 
 
 2. The supremacy of Sparta** was exercised in the 
 expeditions of the whole confederacy, and in transac- 
 tions of the same nature. In the first, a Spart^m king 
 —after it had been thought proper never to send out 
 two together — was commander-in-chief, in whose 
 powers there were many remains of the authority of 
 the ancient Homeric princes. Occasionally, however, 
 Sparta was compelled to give up her privilege to other 
 commanders, especially at sea, as, for instance, the 
 fleet at Salamis to Eui7biades. When any expedition 
 was contemplated, the Spartans sent round to the con- 
 federate states,^ to desu-e them to have men and stores 
 in readiness.*! The highest amount which each state 
 could be called on to supply was fixed once for all, and 
 it was only on each particular occasion to be deter- 
 
 iHerod. VII.202. 
 
 ^ 7rapa<rrarai, Diod. XV. 12. 
 See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3. 
 
 1 Thuc. V. 29. 33. 
 
 °» Thuc. IV. 134. Concern- 
 ing this internal war, see below, 
 
 § 9. 
 
 '^Thuc. V. 29. See book 
 
 III. ch. 4, § 1. ^ 
 
 ^'Uyeiadai, ^yf/Liov£V£tv,ThuC. 
 
 I. 71. The Corinthian orator 
 says to the Spartans, rifv UiXo- 
 TTOVvriaov ireipaffde firl eXafftruf 
 e^riyeiffdaL {ad finem) rj oi Trarc- 
 peg vfilv vapihoaay. 
 
 P Thuc. II. 10. TTspLTiyyiXKoy 
 Kara t^v UeXotroypriffov. 
 
 *i Likewise ships, implements 
 for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 1&. 
 VII. 18. 
 
 Cii. 9, § 2. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 199 
 
 mined what part of that was required.' In like 
 manner, the supphes in money and stores were regu- 
 larly appointed ;' so that an army, with all its equip- 
 ment, could be collected by a. simple summons. But 
 agricultural labour, festivals/ and the natural slowness 
 of the Doric race^ often very nmch retarded the as- 
 sembling of this'^army. The contributions, chiefly 
 perhaps voluntary, both of states and individuals, were 
 registered on stone : and there is still extant an inscrip- 
 tion found at Tegea, in which the war supplies of the 
 Ephesians, Melians, &c., in money and in corn, are 
 recorded.* But the Lacedaemonians never exacted 
 from the Peloponnesian confederacy a regular annual 
 contribution, independent of circumstances; which 
 would have been in fact a tribute : a measure of this 
 kind being once proposed to king Archidamus, he 
 answered, " that war did not consume according to 
 rule."" Pericles, however, properly considers it as a 
 disadvantage to the Peloponnesians that they had no 
 paid troops, and that neither in connnon nor in the 
 several states they had amassed any treasure." The 
 object of an expedition was publicly declared : occa- 
 sionally however, when secrecy was required, it was 
 
 ' For expeditious without Pelo- 
 ponnesus ra cvo niprji i. e. two 
 thirds of the whole, appear to 
 have been the common propor- 
 tion, Thuc. III. 15. Demosth. 
 in Neser. p. 1319. 
 
 " 'Apyvpiov prjToy. Thuc. II. 
 
 7. 
 
 * Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. 
 It is probably of the time of Ly- 
 sander. 
 
 " ilg ov TCTayfiiya ffireirai 
 TToXe/ioc, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. 
 
 CAp-^UafjLog o TroXatoc, i. c. the 
 second, vtto rt]y apx*)'' tov IIcXo- 
 7royyrf(Tiat:ov iroXtfjiov.) Com- 
 ])are Plutarch. Demosth. 17. 
 Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth. p. 
 126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. 
 202. Hutten. In this passage 
 the apophthegm is incorrectly 
 attributed to Archidamus the 
 Third, although the Pelopon- 
 nesian war is mentioned in con- 
 nexion with it. 
 »Thuc. 1. 141. 
 
200 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 known neither to the states nor to their army J The 
 single allied states, if necessity demanded it, could also 
 immediately summon the army of the others :'but it is 
 not clear to what extent this call was binding upon 
 them. The Spartan militaiy constitution, which we 
 will explain hereafter, extended to the whole allied 
 army ; but it was doubtless variously combined with 
 the tactics of the several nations.* To the council of 
 war, which moreover only debated, and did not decide, 
 the Spartan king summoned the leaders of the several 
 states, together with other commanders, and generally 
 the most distinguished persons in the army.^ 
 
 3. According to the constitution of the Pelopon- 
 nesian league, every common action, such as a declara- 
 tion of war, or the conclusion of a peace or treaty, was 
 agreed on at a con^jress of the confederates. But, as 
 there was no regular assembly of this kind, the several 
 states sent envoys (ayysXoi) , like the deputies {Trpi- 
 PowXoi) of the lonians, who generally remained to- 
 gether only for a short time.' All the members had 
 legally equal votes ;** and the majority sometimes de- 
 cided against a strong opposition ;^ Sparta was often 
 
 y Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes 
 also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the 
 real object ; but the army is soon 
 separated. 
 
 ^ Thuc. ubi sup. 
 
 * See book III. ch. 12. The 
 army of the 10,000, although 
 composed entirely of mercena- 
 ries, was in many respects like 
 an allied army, and was under 
 Spartan discipline. 
 
 b Thucyd. II. 10. 
 
 M. 141. 
 
 ^ Ibid. 
 
 « Thucyd. I. 125. koX roirXfl- 
 doQ e\pT}<pi(ravTO. V. 30. Kvptov 
 eiyai on ay to TrXrjdoe twp ^vfi- 
 fxax^^v \pr}(l>i(Tr}Tai ijy fxi] tl deiDV 
 f/ r]puni)v KwXvfia y. V. l7. the 
 
 Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, 
 and Boeotians are outvoted. 
 But, according to I. 40, 41, the 
 vote of the Corinthians alone 
 prevented the Peloponnesians 
 from succouring the Samians, 
 i. e. they gave the preponderance 
 to the party opposed to war. 
 
 CH. 9, § 4. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 201 
 
 outvoted, Corinth being at all times willing to raise an 
 opposition.^ We have however little information 
 respecting the exact state of the confederacy ; it is 
 probable indeed, from the aristocratic feelings of the 
 Peloponnesians, that, upon the whole, authority had 
 more weight than numbers ; and for great undertak- 
 ings, such as the Peloponnesian war, the assent of the 
 chief state was necessary, in addition to the agreement 
 of the other confederates.^ When the congress was 
 summoned to Sparta, the envoys often treated with a 
 public assembly (sxxXtjto*)^ of the Sparttms ; although 
 they naturally withdrew during the division. Of these ' 
 envoys, besides Sosicles the Corinthian, we also know 
 the name of Chileus of Tegea, who prevailed upon the 
 ephors, after a long delay, to send the army to Plateea, 
 and who did much to allay the differences existing 
 between the members of the then numerous con- 
 federacy.' 
 
 4. But upon the internal affairs, laws, and insti- 
 tutions of the alUed states, the confederacy had le- 
 gally no influence. It was a fundamental law that 
 every state (jroXis) should, according to its ancient 
 customs (xarraTrarpia), be independent and sovereign 
 (auTovofjios Koi oLurowoXig) ;^ and it is much to the 
 credit of Sparta, that, so long as the league was in 
 existence, she never, not even when a favourable 
 opportunity offered, deprived any Peloponnesian state 
 of this independence. Nor were disputes between 
 
 ^ Besides Herodotus V. 93. 
 see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. 
 p. 459. 15. 
 
 8 Thucyd. I. 67. 
 
 ^ Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. 
 Hell. V. 2. 11.20. 
 
 * Herod. IX. 9. where how- 
 
 ever he is distinguished from 
 the ayyeXot. Compare Plu- 
 tarch de Malign. Herod. 41. 
 Polysen. V. 30. 1. Plutarch 
 Themistocl. 6. 
 
 ^ See the treaty in Thucyd. 
 V. 17, 79. 
 
202 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 individual states brought before the congress of the 
 allies, which, on account of the preponderance of 
 Sparta, would have endangered their liberty ; but they 
 were commonly either referred to the Delphian oracle, 
 or to arbitrators chosen by both states.^ When Elis 
 claimed an ancient tribute from Lepreum, both states 
 agreed to make Sparta their arbitrator by a special 
 reference. In this character Sparta declared that 
 Lepreum, being an independent member of the con- 
 federacy, was not bound to pay the tribute : and Elis 
 acted unjustly in refusing to abide by her agreement, 
 on the plea that she had not expected the decision.™ 
 For disputes between citizens of different states there 
 was an entirely free and equal intercourse of justice 
 (eommercium juris dandi repetendique).'' The juris- 
 diction of the states was also absolutely exempt from 
 foreign interference {a^rohKoi) ."^ These are the chief 
 features of the constitution of the Peloponnesian con- 
 federacy ; the only one which in the flourishing times 
 of Greece combined extensive powers with justice, and 
 a respect for the independence of its weaker members. 
 5. Sparta had not become the head of this league 
 by agreement, and still less by usurpation ; but by tacit 
 acknowledgment she was the leader, not only of this, 
 but of the whole of Greece ; and she acted iis such in 
 all foreign relations from about the year 580 B. C. 
 Her aUiance was courted by Croesus : and the lonians, 
 when pressed by Cyrus, had recourse to the Spartans, 
 
 1 Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 19. 
 
 *"¥. 31. 
 
 "* V. T, 9. Karra Trarpia hiKac 
 ^ihovai rag 'iaag tcai ofioiaQ. The 
 expression Karra Tzarpia does 
 not at all refer to aneient trea- 
 ties of the Dorians. The -n-a- 
 
 rp^oi (nrovhal in Pausan. III. 5. 
 8. probably refer to the tradi- 
 tion mentioned above, ch. 5. 
 
 ° Thucyd. ubi sup. rote ce 
 irai£ Karra Trarpia liKai^tadai. 
 
 CH. 9, § 6. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 203 
 
 who, with an amusing ignorance of the state of affiiirs 
 beyond the sea, thought to terrify the king of Persia 
 by the threat of hostiUties. It is a remarkable fact, 
 that there were at that time Scythian envoys in Sparta, 
 with whom a great plan of operations against Persia 
 is said to have been concerted ; which it is not easy to 
 believe.^ In the year 520 B. C. the Platseans put 
 themselves under the protection of Cleomenes,** who 
 referred them to Athens ; a herald from Sparta drove 
 the Alcmseonidse from their city : ' afterwards Arista- 
 goras sought from the protector of Greece' aid against 
 the national enemy : and when the ^Eginetans gave the 
 Persians earth and water, the Athenians accused them 
 of treachery before the Spartans : and lastly, during 
 the Persian war, Greece found in the high character 
 of that state the only means of effecting the union so 
 necessary for her safety and success.* 
 
 6. In this war a new confederacy was formed, 
 which was extended beyond Peloponnesus ; the com- 
 munity of danger and of victory having, besides a 
 momentary combination, also produced an union des- 
 tined for some duration. It was the assembly of this 
 league — a fixed congress at Corinth during, and at 
 Sparta after, the war — that settled the internal dif- 
 ferences of Greece, that invited Argos, Corcyra, and 
 Gelon to join the league, and afterwards called upon 
 Themistocles to answer for his proceedings." So nmch 
 it did for the present emergency. But at the same 
 
 P Herod. VI. 84. against Carthage. How general 
 
 *i VI. 108. Edih<rav a<piaq av- the respect for Sparta was at 
 
 rovg. that time in Greece, is shown 
 
 ' V. 10. by several passages in Pindar, 
 
 ■ V. 49. 70. which are not otherwise intel- 
 
 * According to Justin XIX. ligible, e. g. Pyth. V. 13. 
 
 1. the Sicilian states also ap- " See Appendix IV. 
 
 plied to Leonidas for assistance 
 
204 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 time Pausanias, the regent of Sparta, after the great 
 victory of Platsea (at which, according to ^schylus, 
 the power of Persia fell by the Doric spear), ^ prevailed 
 upon the allies to conclude a further treaty. Under the 
 auspices of the gods of the confederacy, particularly 
 of the Eleutherian (or Grecian) Zeus, they pledged 
 themselves mutually to maintain the independence of 
 all states, and to many other conditions, of which the 
 memory has been lost. To the Plataeans in particular 
 security from danger was promised.^ The lonians 
 also, after the battle of Mycale, Avere received into this 
 
 confederacy.* 
 
 7. The splendid victories over the Persians had for 
 some time taken Sparta, which was fitted for a quiet 
 and passive existence, out of her natural sphere ; and 
 her king Pausanias had wished to betray his country 
 for the glitter of an Asiatic prince. But this state 
 soon perceived her true interest, and sent no more 
 commanders to Asia, " that her generals might not be 
 " made worse :" she likewise decided to avoid any 
 further war with the Persians, thinking that Athens 
 was better fitted to carry it on than herself.* The de- 
 cision of the Spartans was doubtless influenced by the 
 defection of the lonians from Pausanias, and their 
 refusal to obey Dorcis, whom the Spartans had sent 
 with a small body of men m his place. Nevertheless, 
 the chief motives which determined them must have 
 lain deeper ; for without the Greeks of Asia Minor, 
 they could, by the assistance of the naval powers of 
 Peloponnesus, Corinth, iEgina, &c., have continued a 
 
 * Pers. 819. the Athenians wished ^Uac 
 
 yThuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68. ^ovyai at the beginning of the 
 
 ^ Herod. IX. 106.— These war, Thuc. I. 144, 145. 
 
 (TTToyhaL are also probably the * Thuc. 1.95. 
 
 ^vydijKm, according to which 
 
 CH. 9, § 8. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 205 
 
 war which promised more gain and plunder than 
 trouble and danger. If the speech were now extant in 
 which Hetoemaridas the Heraclid proved to the coun- 
 7 cillors that it was not expedient for Sparta to aim at 
 [ the mastery of the sea,^ we should doubtless possess a 
 profound view, on the Spartan side, of those things 
 which we are now accustomed to look on with Athe- 
 nian eyes. Nor is it true that the supremacy over the 
 Greeks was in fact transferred at all from Sparta to 
 Athens, if we consider the matter as Sparta considered 
 it, however great the influence of this change may have 
 been on the power of Athens. But Sparta continued 
 to hold her pre-eminence in Peloponnesus, and most 
 of the nations of the mother- country joined themselves 
 to her : while none but the Greeks of Asia Minor and 
 the islands, who had previously been subjects of Persia, 
 and were then only partially liberated, perhaps too 
 much despised by Sparta, put themselves under the 
 command of Athens.'' 
 
 8. But the complete liberation of Asia Minor from 
 the Persian yoke, which has been considered one of tlie 
 chief exploits of Athens, was in fact never effected. 
 Without entering into the discussion respecting the 
 problematical treaty of Cimon,'^ we will merely seek 
 to ascertain the actual state of the Asiatic Greeks at 
 this period. Herodotus states, that Artaphernes, the 
 satrap at Sardes under Darius, fixed the tribute to be 
 paid by the lonians as it remained until the time of the 
 
 b DM, XL 50. De eo quod in Cornelii Vitisfa- 
 
 '^ Thuc. VI. 82. avroi ^e riov ciendum restat. Francof. 1802 ; 
 
 hiro r^ (iaaLXEL Trpdrtpov ovrt^v and lastly, Dahlmann in his 
 
 iiye^6vtQ KaratnavTiQ. Forschungen auf dem Gebiet 
 
 d Of this Eichstadt has treated der Geschichte, \oL I. li. 1-- 
 
 in his Notes to the translation 148. with great clearness and 
 
 of Mitford's History of Greece ; accuracy. 
 
 also Mosche in a Dissertation 
 
206 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 writer,* i. e. about the end of the Peloponnesian war. 
 It is evident that this was a tribute to be paid to the 
 kinff of Persia : the exactions of the Athenians were 
 clearly not regulated by any Persian register of pro- 
 perty. Again, in the nineteenth year of the war, 
 Tissaphernes sought for assistance against Athens, that 
 he might be able to pay to the king of Persia the tri- 
 bute due from the Grecian maritime towns, which the 
 Athenians had prevented him from collecting.^ From 
 this it is plain that the shah of Susa was ignorant that 
 the majority of those cities had for more than sixty 
 years paid to the Athenians and not to him, and attri- 
 buted the arrears only to the negligence of his viceroys. 
 I say only the majority ; for the Athenians had been 
 far from completing the glorious work of the great 
 Cimon ; and after the war-contributions had become 
 a most oppressive tribute, these cities might not them- 
 selves be very desirous to change their master. Hence 
 Themistocles, as a vassal of Persia, possessed undis- 
 turbed, at the accession of Ai-taxerxes, the beautiful 
 towns of Magnesia on the Mseander, Lampsacus, 
 Myus, Percote, and ancient Scepsis.^ At a still later 
 period the descendants of king Demaratus, Eury- 
 sthenes, and Procles, ruled by the same title over Hali- 
 sarna in Mysia.^ The neighbouring tovms of Gam- 
 brium, Palaegambrium, Myrina, and Grynium had 
 
 « Herod. VI. 42. See my 
 Review of a work of Kortura's, 
 Gottingische Anzeigen, 1822. 
 p. 117. 
 
 ^Thuc. VIII. 5. cf.46. otroi 
 Iv ry (3a(Ti\e(jjg "EXAr/vec olKovtriy 
 an official expression of fre- 
 quent occurrence. 
 
 g Plutarch. Themist. 29. 
 Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. 
 His sons also appear to have 
 
 possessed them, according to 
 Pausan. I. 26. 4. 
 
 ^' Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. 
 To this family Procles also be- 
 longs, who married the daugh- 
 ter of Aristotle (when the latter 
 was at Atameus), and had by 
 her two sons, Procles and De- 
 maratus, Sextus Empiricus adv. 
 Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col. 
 
 Cti. 9, §9. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 207 
 
 heeti given by Darius to Gongylus, and his descend- 
 ants still dwelt there after the Peloj)onnesian war.* 
 When Athens unjustly expelled the Delians from 
 their island, they found a place of refuge at Adraniyt- 
 teum, on the coast of ^olis, Avhich was granted them 
 by the satrap Pharnaces.^ Thus the Athenian empire 
 did not prevent the vassals and subjects of the king of 
 Persia from ruling over the Greeks of Asia Minor, 
 even down to the very coast. We need not go any 
 further to prove the entire falsehood of the account com- 
 monly given by the panegyrical rhetoricians of Athens. 
 9. Peloponnesus took the less concern in these 
 proceedings, as internal differences had arisen from 
 some unknown cause, which led to an open war be- 
 tween Sparta and Arcadia. We only know, that, 
 between the battle of Plataea (in which Tegea, as also 
 later still, showed great fidelity towards Sparta) and 
 the war with the Helots (i. e. between 479 and 465 
 B. C), the Lacedaemonians fought two great battles, 
 * the one against the Tegeates and Argives at Tegea, 
 the other against all the Arcadians, with the exception 
 of the Mantineans, atjiipsea in the Msenalian ter- 
 ritory. Tisamenus, an Elean, of the family of the 
 lamidse, was in both battles in the Spartan army ; and 
 in both Sparta was victorious.^ Yet, in an epigram 
 of Simonides, the valour of the Tegeates is praised, 
 who by tlieir death had saved their city from destruc- 
 tion ;™ probably after the loss of the first Imttle. As 
 we find that Argos had a share in this war," it is pos- 
 
 * Xenoph. ubi sup. tus IX. 37. also mentions a 
 
 ^ Thucyd. V. 1 . dissension between Tegea and 
 
 ^ Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. Sparta before the Persian war. 
 
 III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 ™ Fragm. 21. Gaisford. 
 
 A. Hence also Leotychides in ° At that time also Tegea 
 
 469 B. C. went to Tegea in assisted Argos against Mycenae; 
 
 exile, Herod. VI. 72. Herodo- above, ch. 8. § 7. 
 
208 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK 1. 
 
 sible that the views of that state were directed against 
 the ascendancy of Sparta ; perhaps also the indepen- 
 dence of the Meenalians, Parrhasians, &c. had been, 
 as was so often the case, attacked by the more power- 
 ful states of Arcadia, and was defended by the head of 
 the Peloponnesian confederacy. 
 
 10. This war had not been brought to a termi- 
 nation, when, in the year 465 B. C, in the reign of 
 Archidamus" and Pleistoanax, a tremendous earth- 
 quake (which is said to have been predicted by Anaxi- 
 mander^) destroyed Sparta, and a sudden ruin threat- 
 ened to overwhelm the state of Greece. For, in the 
 hope of utterly annihilating their rulers, many Helots 
 (perhaps doubly excited by the late outrage on the 
 suppliants at the altar of the Taenarian god),'^ espe- 
 cially the ancient inhabitants of Messenia, and two 
 cities of the Perioeci, revolted from Sparta ; these 
 rebels were all named Messenians, and the war was 
 called the third Messenian war.'' The circumstances 
 of this terrible contest are almost unknown to us ; and 
 we can only collect the few fragments extant of its 
 \ history. Aeimnestus the Spartan, who had killed 
 ^ Mardonius, fought with 300 men at Stenyclarus 
 i against a body of Messenians, and was slain with all 
 his men.* This was followed by a great battle with 
 
 o PolysBnus I. 41. 5. con- 
 founds Archidamus III. and II. 
 Plato Leg. III. p. 692. has not 
 an accurate idea of the time of 
 this war, of which Diodorus XI. 
 64, has given altogether an in- 
 correct and inconsistent repre- 
 sentation. 
 
 p Plin. H. N. II. 79, 81. 
 Cicero de Divin. I. 50. 
 
 ^ The ayoQ Taivapioy. See 
 
 Thucyd. I. 128. ^Elian. V. H. 
 VI. 7. Suidas in Taivaptov *:a- 
 Koy. Apostolius XVIII. 92. 
 Prov. Vat. IV. 12. Plutarch. 
 Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. 
 2. who mentions Lacedaemo- 
 nians instead of Helots. 
 
 'Thucyd. I. 101. ^ Kai Metr- 
 aiivLOL EKXrjdrffTay oi Trayreg. 
 
 ' Herod. IX. 64. 
 
 CH. 9, § 10. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 209 
 
 tlie same enemy at Ithome,' in which the Spartans 
 were victorious. Most of the conquered Messenians 
 then intrenched themselves on the steep summit of 
 Ithome, which was even then sacred to Zeus Itho- 
 matas ; and they i)robably restored the ancient walls 
 and defences which had fallen down. Upon this the 
 Lacedaemonians, foreseeing a tedious siege, called in 
 the aid of their allies ; and this call ^vas answered 
 among others by the iEginetans," the Mantineans,'' 
 the Plataeans,^ and the Athenians, who, at the recjuest 
 of the Spartan envoy Periclides, sent 4000 hoplites* 
 under the command of Cimon ; the Spartans, however, 
 dismissed them before the fortress was taken, in which 
 they expected to be aided by the superiority of the 
 Athenians in the art of besieging, not without showing 
 their suspicion of the innovating spirit of their ally.* 
 In the tenth year of the siege, 455 B.C., Ithome sur- 
 rendered on terms ; and the Messenians, together with 
 
 * If in Herod. IX. 35. the 
 alteration Trpoc 'lOwfxri may be 
 ventured. The expression of 
 Pausanias III. U. xpoQ tovq i^ 
 Io-0/iOv 'lOw/xijp aiToarijaayTag is 
 
 compounded of the passage of 
 Herodotus, which he reads as 
 we now have it, and Thucyd. 
 I. 101. oi EfXwreg — eg 'Wutfiriy 
 airiffT-qtrav. 
 
 ^Thucyd. II. 27. IV. 56. 
 
 * Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3. 
 y Thucyd. III. 54. 
 
 * Aristoph. Lysistr. 113^. 
 The 4000 hoplitae, here men- 
 tioned by Aristophanes, were 
 about the third part of the 
 disposable forces of Athens 
 (Thuc. II. 13); and since the 
 Platfieans likewise sent to rpi- 
 Tov ^dpoQ of their numbers to 
 the assistance of the Spartans 
 
 (lb. III. 54. l^iot as opposed to 
 the rest of Boeotia), this was 
 probably a contingent fixed for 
 such cases. Plataea, it should be 
 observed, had been on friendly 
 terms with Sparta after the time 
 of Pausanias, and been con- 
 nected with that state by tt/do- 
 ^tWat, to which the son of the 
 Platsean general Arimnestus 
 owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. 
 HI. 52, where we should read 
 'Api^yricTTov, or vice versa in 
 Plutarch Aristid. 11. and 19. 
 *AeifiyT)(rrog should be read for 
 Api^yrjaTOQ. 
 
 * Thucyd. Compare Manso, 
 Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They 
 must also at that time have been 
 angry with the Athenians on 
 account of Thasos. 
 
210 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 their wives and children, quitted Peloponnesus, under 
 a promise of never again entering it. It appears that 
 the war between Lacedsemon and Arcadia was con- 
 eluded upon conditions, of which one was, that no per- 
 son should be put to death for the sake of the Lace- 
 daemonian party at Tegea ; and another, that Sparta 
 was to expel the Messenians from the country, but 
 not kill them— which were inscribed on a pillar on 
 the banks of the Alpheus.^ The Athenians, however, 
 gave the fugitives the town of Naupactus, which they 
 had shortly before conquered, and which was conve- 
 niently situated for tempting them, against their pro- 
 mise, to make inroads and forays in Peloponnesus. 
 The Messenians still continued, in the Peloponnesian 
 war, to be distinguished from the neighbouring people 
 by their Doric dialect.'' 
 
 11. Immediately after the dismission of the Athe- 
 nians from Ithome, the people of Athens, in order to 
 resent the affront, annulled the alliance with Sparta, 
 which had subsisted since the Persian war f entered 
 into a treaty with Argos, the enemy of Sparta, and 
 also with the Thessalians ; and even joined to itself 
 Megara, which was dependent on its commercial in- 
 tercourse. Then followed the war with the maritime 
 towns of ArgoUs, in which Athens, after many re- 
 verses, at length succeeded in destroying the fleet of 
 
 b These avvdrJKai may, I be- manner carried on war for the 
 
 lieve, be safely referred to this Helots is also imphed m Zeno- 
 
 time; from which Aristotle, bins Prov. I. 59. 
 
 quoted In Plutarch, Qu. Rom. / Tliucyd. I I. 112. IV. 3. 
 
 52. p. 343. and Qu. Gr. 5. p. cf. VII. 57. ol m^ravr^oL wv 
 
 330. cites the passages in the KoXovfievoL. 
 
 text on account of the expres- "^ Thucyd. I. 102 The ^^ov^ 
 
 sion XP^^«- -^^^^'^ ^^' " "^ ^"^ Uavcaviov stiU. however, 
 
 kill." Compare Hesychius : remained m force (the awHv^-ai 
 
 'Xpvtrrol ol Karah^iKaafxivoi. in cap. 144). 
 That the Arcadians in a certain 
 
 CH. 9, § II. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 211 
 
 -^gina, and subjugating that island (457 B.C.).^ 
 Sparta was compelled to be a quiet spectator of the 
 subjection of so important a member of her confede- 
 racy, as she was still occupied with the siege of Ithome, 
 and in the same year had sent out an army to liberate 
 her mother country, Doris, from the yoke of the Pho- 1 
 clans. But when, after the execution of this object, 
 the Spartans were hastening back to Peloponnesus, 
 they were compelled to force their passage home by 
 the battle of Tanagra, which, with the assistance of 
 the Thebans, they gained over an army composed of 
 Athenians, lonians, Argives, and Thessalians. This 
 aid was afforded to them on the condition that they 
 would help the Thebans to regain their supremacy in 
 Boeotia, which the Thebans had lost by their defection 
 from the Grecian cause in the Persian war.' Sparta, 
 however, after so decisive a victory, concluded a four 
 months' armistice with Athens, during which that 
 state conquered the Thebans at (Enophyta, finished 
 the blockade of iEgina, subdued all Boeotia with the 
 exception of Thebes, and Phocis, and extended its 
 democratical constitution, which after the battle of 
 Tanagra was nearly threatened with destruction,^ even 
 to the city of Thebes. The inactivity of Sparta during 
 these astonishing successes of her enemy (for when 
 she concluded the armistice with Athens she must 
 have partly foreseen its consequences) seems to prove 
 that she was entirely occupied with the final capture 
 
 ® vEginetica, p. 179. and see 
 Boeckh ad Find. Pyth. VIII. 
 Dissen ad Nem. VIII. 15. 
 
 ' See the excellent explana- 
 tion of Boeckh ad Find. Isthm. 
 VI. p. 532. 
 
 * On the oligarchical trou- 
 
 hles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 
 B.C.) and the probable share 
 of Cimon in them, see the ac- 
 curate discussion in Meier's 
 Historia Juris Attici de Bonis 
 damnatis, p. 4. n. 11. 
 
 p2 
 
212 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 of Ithome, and the settlement of her interests in Ar- 
 cadia.^ But that the war, which was now renewed 
 by Athens, nevertheless extended to the whole Pelo- 
 ponnesian league, is shown by the connected attacks 
 of Tolmides on the Spartan harbour Gytheium, and 
 the cities of Sicyon and Corinth, and also by the expe- 
 dition of Pericles in the Corinthian gulf. The five 
 years' truce in 451 B.C. was only an armistice be- 
 tween Athens and the Peloponnesian confederacy, 
 which left Bceotia to shake off the Athenian yoke by 
 its own exertions. This was also the time of the 
 Sacred war, in which a Spartan and an Athenian 
 army, one coming after the other, the first gave the 
 management of the temple to the Delphians, and the 
 second, against all ancient right,^ to the Phocians. 
 At the end of these five years Megara revolted from 
 the Athenians, and in consequence an invasion of At- 
 tica by the Peloponnesians took place, which, though 
 it did not produce any immediate result, was soon fol- 
 lowed by the thirty years' truce, in which Athens 
 ceded her conquests in Megaris and Peloponnesus,'' 
 and on the mainland returned within her ancient boun- 
 daries ; but she preserved the same power over her 
 other confederates. For when the Athenians soon 
 afterAvards attacked the revolted island of Samos, the 
 
 ^Thuc. I. 118. ro U TL Kal 
 TroXefJLOig oIkeIoiq e^eipyofievoi. 
 
 ^ See Boeckh's Public Eco- 
 nomy of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, 
 
 note. 
 
 '^Thucyd. I. 115. NtVamv 
 KOI TLrjyar Koi Tpoi^fjva ical 'A- 
 ^atav; for in this order the 
 words should be read. Achaia 
 therefore is the district on the 
 north of Peloponnesus, which 
 indeed did not belong to Athens, 
 
 but was enumerated in the lists 
 of the contending parties as be- 
 longing to the Athenian side 
 (concerning these lists see Thu- 
 cyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this 
 time passed over to that of the 
 Lacedaemonians. See Thucyd. 
 IV. 21. Compare the very con- 
 fused account in Andocides Uepl 
 tlpivrjg, and that of iEschines 
 borrowed from it. 
 
 CH 9, § 12. THE DORIANS. 213 
 
 Peloponnesians indeed debated whether they should 
 protect it , but the proposal of Corinth was adopted, 
 that Atliens sliould be allowed to deal with her allies 
 as she pleased.' 
 
 12. If now we consider the events which have been 
 briefly traced in the foregoing pages, it will be per- 
 ceived, that the principle on which the Lacedaemonians 
 constantly acted was one of self-defence, of restoring 
 what had been lost, or preserving what was threatened 
 with danger; whereas the Athenians were always 
 aiming at attack or conquest, or the cliange of existing 
 institutions. While the Spartans during this period, 
 even after the greatest victories, did not conquer a foot 
 of land, subjugate one independent state, or destroy 
 one existing institution ; the Athenians, for a longer 
 or lor a shorter time, reduced large tracts of country 
 under their dominion, extended their alliance (as it 
 was called) on all sides, and respected no connexion 
 sanctioned by nature, descent, or anticjuity, when it 
 came in conflict with their plans of empire." But the 
 astonishing energy of the Atlienian people, ^vhich from 
 one point kept the whole of Greece in constant vibra- 
 tion, almost paralysed Sparta ; the natural slowness of 
 that state became more and more apj)arent: which 
 having been, as it were, violently transplanted into a 
 strange region, only began by degrees to comprehend 
 tlie policy of Athens. 
 
 But when Athens saw the Peloponnesian confede- 
 racy again established, and as she could not, on account 
 of the truce, attack it directly, she looked to the colo- 
 nial law, which rested rather on here<iitary feelings 
 than on positive institution, for an opportunity of an 
 
 Tliucy.l. r. 40. Sec above, p. 200. note •■. 
 
214 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 + 
 
 indirect attack. This was soon found in the defensive 
 treaty with Corcyra, which state was engaged with its 
 mother country Corinth in a war, according to ancient 
 Greek principles, wholly unlawful and unjust. Be- 
 sides this, however, it was an actual breach of the 
 thiiiy years' truce.™ And the same principles were 
 expressed in the demand that Potidsea should, for the 
 sake of the Athenian confederacy, give up its original 
 connexion with the parent state. In both these cases 
 it is manifest that the maxims of the Athenian policy 
 were directly at variance with the general feeling of 
 justice entertained by the Greeks, and especially with 
 the respect for affinity of blood ; and this fundamental 
 difference was the true cause of the Peloponnesian war. 
 13. As it would not be consistent with the plan of 
 this work to give a detailed account of the influence 
 of the Peloponnesian war upon the political and pri- 
 vate character of the Greeks, we must be content to 
 point out the following obvious points of opposition 
 I between the contending parties. In the first place, 
 \ then, Dorians were opposed to loiiians ; and hence 
 I in the well-known oracle it was called the Doric war." 
 ^ The individual exceptions are for the most part merely 
 apparent ;° also when the Athenians attacked Sicily, 
 all the Doric cities were opposed to them.^^ On the 
 side of Athens were ranged all the lonians of Europe, 
 
 m 
 
 The meaning of the article 
 in the thirty years* truce, Thu- 
 cyd. I. 35. can only be, States 
 not included in the alliance may 
 join whichever side they please, 
 by which means they come with- 
 in the treaty, and the alliance 
 guarantees their safety. But 
 if a state already at war with 
 another state party to the treaty 
 {tvcnrovZoo) is assisted, a war of 
 
 this description is like one un- 
 dertaken by the confederacy of 
 the assisting state. . 
 
 ° Thucyd. II. 54. ^ 
 
 ° The Asiatic cities are not 
 exceptions ; in Rhodes also the 
 Doric spirit rose against Athens 
 in the person of the noble Do- 
 rieus. 
 
 P Thucyd. III. 86. with the 
 exception of Camarina. 
 
 CH. 9, § 13. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 215 
 
 of the islands, and of Asia, not indeed voluntarily, but 
 still not altogether against their inclination. The 
 union of the free Greeks against the evil ambition 
 of one state. At the beginning of the war the ge- 
 neral voice of Greece was in favour of Sparta'i (which 
 was heard through the Delphian oracle, when it pro- 
 mised that state assistance) ;' nor did she compel any 
 one to join in it. The allies of Athens, having previously 
 been Persian subjects, were accustomed to obey ; and 
 on the present occasion forced to submit ; the pubhc 
 assembly of Athens was the only free voice in so large 
 a combination. Land-forces against sea-forces. 
 According to the speech of Pericles, Peloponnesus 
 was able, in an action with heavy-armed troops, to re- 
 sist all the rest of (jreece together; and Athens 
 avoided coming to this mode of engagement with sin- 
 gular ingenuity. The fleet of the Peloponnesians, on 
 the other hand, was at the beginning of the war veiy 
 inconsiderable.' Hence it was some time before the 
 belligerent parties even so nmch as encountered one 
 another. The land was the means of connnunication 
 for one party, the sea for the other : hence the states 
 friendly to Athens were immediately compelled to 
 build lo7ig walls for the purpose of connecting the 
 chief city with the sea, and isolating it from the hind ; 
 as Megara before, and Argos and Patrae during the 
 war.* Large bodies of men practised in war against 
 wealth. The Peloponnesians carried on the war with 
 natives : whereas Athens manned her fleet — the basis 
 
 *i Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11. cidas in particular was destitute 
 
 'Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plu- of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 
 
 tarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276. 31. sq. 
 
 ^ The Spartans were at first » Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82. 
 
 quite contemptible by sea ; Al- 
 
216 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CH. 9, § 14. 
 
 THE DORIANS. 
 
 217 
 
 of her power — chiefly with foreign seamen ; so that 
 the Corinthians said justly that the power of Athens 
 was rather purchased than native." It was the main 
 principle of Pericles* policy, and it is also adopted by 
 Thucydides in the famous introduction to his History, 
 that it is not the country and people, but moveable 
 property, (;^f T^joara, in the proper sense of the word,) 
 which makes states great and powerful. Slow and 
 deliberate conmction against determined rashness. 
 This is evident both from the different direction taken 
 by the alliances of the two parties, and from their na- 
 tional character. It was with good reason that the 
 oracle admonished Sparta to carry on the war with 
 decision and firmness ; for that state was always cau- 
 tious of undertaking a war, and ready for peace.* 
 Maintenance of ancient custom as opposed to the de- 
 sire of novelty. The former was the chief feature of 
 the Doric, the latter of the Ionic race. The Dorians 
 wished to preserve their ancient dignity and power, as 
 well as their customs and religious feelings: the 
 lonians were commonly in pursuit of somethmg n^w, 
 frequently, as in the case of the Sicilian expedition, 
 but obscurely seen and conceived. Union of nations 
 and races against one arbitrarily formed. As has 
 been already shown, this difference was the cause of 
 the war ; and indeed Athens in the course of it hardly 
 
 i recognised any duty in small states to remam faitliful 
 to cities of the same race, and to their mother coun- 
 tries ; otherwise, why was Melos so barbarously 
 punished, for remembering rather that it was a colony 
 of Sparta than an island ? Thus also in the interior 
 
 '^ I. 12L cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. irX-qpovvTEQ tovtwv rag rpirjpeig. 
 174, E. ot avvayovTtQ kl cnrdffrjc "^ See particularly Thucyd. 11. 
 rfjc EXXahot; rove npyorarovc — H. V. 6. 
 
 of states the Athenians encouraged political associa- 
 tions or clubs (sraipioci), while the Spartans trusted to 
 the ties of relationship.y Aristocracy against demo- 
 cracy.'' This difference was manifested in the first 
 half of the war by Athens changing, while Sparta 
 only restored governments ; for in this instance also 
 the power of Sparta was in strictness only employed 
 in upholding ancient establishments, as an aristocracy 
 may indeed be overthrown, but cannot be formed in a 
 moment. 
 
 14. These obvious points of difference are sufficient 
 to substantiate the result which we wish to arrive at. 
 It is manifest that the second of the two forces, which 
 in each of these instances came into coUision, must 
 necessarily have always overcome the first. The slow, 
 cumbrous, unwieldy body of the Spartan confederacy 
 was sure to suffer under the blows of its skilful, for- 
 ward, and enterprising antagonist. The maxims 
 which, according to Thucydides, were current at this 
 time,*^ that rashness Avas to be called courage in a 
 friend's cause, provident foresight hidden cowardice, 
 moderation a cloak lor pusillanimity, and that to be 
 prudent in every thing was to be active in nothing, 
 necessarily impeded and shackled the beneficial effects 
 of the measures of the Doric party. The ^' honesty 
 and openness " of the Doric character, the noble sim- 
 plicity of the ancient times of Greece, soon disap- 
 peared in this tumultuous age.^ Sparta therefore and 
 
 y thucydides has with great evTrpnrfi (as at that time they 
 ingenuity but with the most truly were) ; but not ro Kara ra 
 bitter coldness, laid down the Trirpta TroXireveadai. 
 principles of the Athenian po- » Ubi sup. 
 licy in the Melian conference. ^ T6 eivo'ec, ol rh ytwaiov 
 According to Thucyd. III. •„:Xa<nov ^itrixu^^ the beauti- 
 es. TrXijdovQ KTovofiia TroXtru)) ful expression of Thucydides 
 and aptTTOKparia are drd/iiara ib. 83. ' 
 
218 
 
 HISTORY OF THE DORIANS, book i. 
 
 the Peloponnesians emerge from the contest, altered, 
 and as it were reversed ; and even before its termina- 
 tion appear in a character of which they had before 
 probably contained only the first seeds. 
 
 But in the second half of the war, when the Spar- 
 tans gave up their great armaments by land, and 
 began to equip fleets with hired seamen ; when they 
 had learnt to consider money as the chief instrument of 
 warfare, and begged it at the court of Persia ; when 
 they sought less to protect the states joined to them by 
 aflSnity and alliance, than to dissolve the Athenian 
 confederacy; when they began to secure conquered 
 states by harmosts of their own, and by oligarchs forced 
 upon the people, and found that the secret manage- 
 ment of the political clubs was more to their interest 
 than open negotiation with the government ; we see 
 developed on the one hand an energy and address, 
 which was first manifested in the enterprises of the 
 great Brasidas, and on the other a worldly policy, as 
 was shown in Gylippus, and afterwards more strongly 
 in Lysander ; when the descendants of Hercules found 
 it advisable to exchange the lion's for the fox's skin.*' 
 And, since the enterprises conducted in the spirit of 
 earlier times either wholly failed or else remained 
 fruitless, this new system, though the state had in- 
 wardly declined, brought with it, by the mockery of 
 fate, external fame and victory.'^ 
 
 *^ Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. another at the commencement 
 
 127. * of it, and as Sparta.4iiaintained 
 
 ** In conclusion, I remark, them (Thucyd. V. 31. cf. V. 
 
 that the possessions of the Pe- 29. )» are represented in the ac- 
 
 loponnesian states in this war, companying map of Pelopon- 
 
 as they had agreed with one ncsus. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 CHAP. L 
 
 § 1. Apollo and Artemis the principal deities of the Doric race. 
 § 2. Traces of tlie worship of Apollo in Tempe. § 3. Route 
 of the Theoria from Tempe to Delphi. § 4. Establishment of 
 the worship of Apollo at Delphi; § 5. Crete; § 6. And Delos. 
 § 7. Early history of Crissa. § 8. Doric population of Delphi. 
 § 9. Opposition to the worship of the Delphian Apollo. 
 
 1 . In turning from the history of the external af- 
 fairs of the Dorians to the consideration of their 
 intellectual existence, our first step must be to enquire 
 into then- religion ; and for this purpose we wiD pro- 
 ceed to analyse and resolve it into the various worships 
 and ceremonies of which it was composed, and to trace 
 the origin and connexion of these as they successively 
 arose. 
 
 Now it may with safety be asserted, that the prin- 
 cipal deities of the Dorians were Apollo and Artemis, 
 since their worship is found to have predominated in 
 all the settlements of that race ; and conversely the 
 Doric origin can be either proximately or remotely 
 traced wherever there were any considerable institu- 
 tions dedicated to the worship of ApoUo ; insonmch 
 that the adoration of this god may be shown from the 
 most ancient testimonies of mythology to have gra. 
 dually advanced with the extension of the Doric 
 
220 
 
 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 nation. Yet we are not to understand that the worship 
 of Apollo and the Doric race were so exactly co- 
 extensive that the presence of the latter always proves 
 either the previous or actual existence of the former. 
 Indeed it is certain that in ancient as well as in modern 
 times the worship of particular gods was not only 
 propagated by migration and conquest, but that re- 
 ligious belief was also extended by peaceful inter- 
 course, and, as it were, by moral contact. 
 
 In order to rest the claims of the Doric race to the 
 worship of Apollo on a secure foundation, it is neces- 
 sary first to give a direct contradiction to all those 
 statements which assert its connexion with any race 
 not of Hellenic descent. In the first place, then, 
 Apollo was not a national deity of the aboriginal 
 Pelasgic nations of Greece.* Had this been the case, 
 he would certainly have enjoyed frequent and distin- 
 guished honours in those countries where the numbers 
 of that race remained undiminished ; for example, in 
 Arcadia. Now there were very few temples of Apollo 
 in Arcadia ; and moreover, the founding of most of 
 these was either connected with a foreign hero, or else 
 attributed to some external influence.^ Secondly, it 
 
 * Against Myrtilus in Dio- 
 nysius Halic. I. 23. who how- 
 ever was probably deceived by 
 confounding a Cabirus with 
 Apollo {seeOrchomenos, p.455). 
 
 ^ The temples are, first, that 
 of Apollo Oncseus at Thelpusa, 
 in connexion with Hercules, 
 Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. 
 p. 65. ed. Schellenberg. The 
 native gods are in this case 
 Demeter, Erinys, and Poseidon. 
 Secondlv, to the north of Phe- 
 neus the temples of Apollo Py- 
 thius and Artemis; they were 
 
 said to have been built by Her- 
 cules after the conquest of Elis, 
 Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare 
 Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 59. and 
 below, ch. 12. §3. Thirdlv,in 
 Tegea the temple of Apollo 
 Agyieus, in connexion with 
 Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53. 1. 
 Fourthly, the temple of Apollo 
 Epicurius at Phigalea, built at 
 the beginning of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5. 
 Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrha- 
 sian Apollo, near mount Ly- 
 caeum, Paus. VIII. 38. 6. (the 
 
 CH. 1, § i. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 221 
 
 has been supposed that the worship of this god was 
 introduced from the East (an opinion founded chiefly 
 on the establishments of his religion in Lycia) ; but we 
 shall presently show that its institution in this quarter 
 was in fact derived from the Dorians. To this we 
 may add, that amongst none of the half- Grecian 
 nations, for example, the Leleges, Carians, iEtolians, 
 Phrygians, and Thracians, the worship of this god can 
 be proved to have been national. The same may be 
 affirmed of the Italian nations. Apollo never occurs 
 in the ancient Etruscan religion. Nor was JRoine 
 acquainted with this worship, until it was introduced 
 by the Sibylline oracles; a sacred spot was then 
 allotted on the Flaminian meadow; and the temple 
 erected there (324 A.U.C.) was, up to the time of 
 Cicero, the only one in Rome.*= Nay, that the Italians 
 adopted Apollo altogether as a foreign deity is proved 
 by the circumstance of their not having united him 
 with their native Jupiter, or Mercury, as they did the 
 Grecian Zeus, Hermes, &c. In our inquiries there- 
 fore into the origin of the worship of Apollo, we are 
 limited to the races of purely Greek offspring. It 
 remains only to be shown why we have selected the 
 Dorians in particular from all these different tribes. 
 And we merely make this preliminary remark, tliat the 
 
 temple Uvdiov in Paus. ibid. 
 UvTioy in an Arcadian inscrip- 
 tion, Boeckh, N°. 1534.) would 
 doubtless more properly be 
 called Aristaeus. Sixthly, Apollo 
 Cereatas in ^pytis, near Car- 
 nium, probably came from Mes- 
 senia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3. 
 
 "" Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. 
 Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga 
 cand. vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. 
 Orelli. The sacra of the Falisci 
 
 on mount Soracte were, as well 
 as others of that city, half Gre- 
 cian, Virg. ^n. XI. 785. Plin. 
 H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangen- 
 berg de Rel. Latin, p. 38. The 
 Salian priests did not mention 
 the name of Apollo, Arnol)iu8 
 adv. Gent. II. 73. Aplu upon 
 Etruscan Pateras (Demster 
 Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. 
 p. 93.) is the Thessalian name. 
 
RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CH. 1, §2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 223 
 
 Mythical genealogy, in which Dorus is called the son 
 of Apollo,*^ was a simple expression for this fact. 
 
 2. The most ancient settlements of the Doric race, 
 of which any historical accounts are extant, were, as 
 we before ascertained,* the country at the foot of 
 Olympus and Ossa, near the valley of Tempe. In 
 this district there were two sanctuaries, bearing the 
 character of the highest antiquity, viz., the Pythium, 
 on the ridge of Olympus, near a steep mountain-pass 
 leading to Macedonia ; and the altar in the ravine of 
 the Peueus,^ from which the god himself was called 
 TsfiTreirag ; and in an inscription discovered near this 
 spot, on the banks of the river between Tempe and 
 Larissa, are the words AIIAOYNI TEMIIEITA, 
 ** To Apollo of Tempe." « From another inscription 
 found in this district we gather an account of certain 
 native Thessalian festivals, at which branches of laurel 
 were carried round, that were doubtless procured from 
 the groves in the valley of Tempe ; whither also the 
 Delphians eveiy eight years, at the expiration of the 
 sacred period, sent the Pythian tiieori, who, after the 
 performance of a sacrifice, broke the expiatory branch 
 
 ^ Apollodorus I. ^.6. 
 
 «Book I.ch. 1. 
 
 ^ The valley of Tempe was a 
 favourite place of Apollo; see 
 Callimachus Hymn, in Del. 152. 
 Herat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melis- 
 seiis also, in his historical work 
 on Delphi, appears to have de- 
 rived the worship of Apollo from 
 the borders of Macedonia, as 
 may be conjectured from the 
 fragment cited by Tzetzes ad 
 Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gais- 
 ford. On account of the vicinity 
 of this great temple, the worship 
 of Apollo was very prevalent in 
 
 Macedonia, on the coins of 
 which country his symbols fre- 
 quently occur. 
 
 ^ Boeckh. Corp. Inscript 
 N". 1767. The other inscrip- 
 tion, found near the ancient 
 Atrax (Tumovo) may be thus 
 written in the common dialect : 
 AnoXXon/i Kep^. . . . j^aiTrarpoQ 
 UoXe^apxi^diog e Ovttjq avidriKt 
 upofivtffxovriaagKal apyiha(pvq<po' 
 prjffag. See Boeckh. Corp. In- 
 script. N°. 1766. and Expl. 
 Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, 
 vol. XXVI. p. 393. 
 
 from the sacred laurel -tree.^ According also to the 
 admission of the Delphians themselves, the temple of 
 Apollo at Tempe was more ancient than their own, 
 since a perfect expiation could only be performed in 
 that sanctuary. In accordance with the tradition that 
 Apollo himself, after having slain the Python, fled to 
 the altar at Tempe to be purified from the pollution, 
 the sacred boy, at each return of the appointed day, 
 went to Tempe by a certain path,^ in imitation of the 
 god whom he honoured, m order to return home 
 amidst the joyful songs of the choruses of virgins, as 
 Sa(pvri(popog, or laurel-bearer. The religious usages 
 at this festival will be investigated hereafter ; here we 
 will only consider the route which the procession took. 
 It led through Thessaly and Pelasgia (that is, through 
 the plain of the Peneus, which stretches to the south 
 as far as Pherae) ; then tiirough the country of the 
 Malians and iEnianes, over mount (Eta, through 
 Doris and the western part of Locris ;'' avoidinc/ in a 
 remarkable manner the shorter and more frequented 
 road from Thessaly through Thermopylee, over Phocis, 
 and through the pass of Panopeus and Daulis to 
 Delphi. The reasons of this deviation may have been 
 the opposition offered in early times by hostile tribes 
 from the eastern side of Delphi to the peaceable march 
 of sacred processions ; and also that the theoria might 
 in its progress pass through the second settlements of 
 the Dorians, between (Eta and Parnassus, where 
 
 ^^ Avapeia /; ev toIq TifXTrem tcaXov^p, Plut. Quffist. GrffiC. 
 
 Ca^yri. to ^e avro Kai Ai;\/a, 12. 
 
 Hesychius p. 1040. ed. Alberti. ^ MUn V. H. III. 1. mis- 
 
 Laurus Penei filius. Fulgent takes the succession of the dis- 
 
 ^^; tricts. 
 * Kara r^v ohov ^v vvv lepav 
 
 
 r-'' 
 
224 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 doubtless the worship of Apollo had likewise pre- 
 vailed.^ 
 
 3. The first half of the Pythian road, which goes 
 through Thessaly, is very accurately determined by a 
 combination of different testimonies. Its first stagre 
 was from Tempe to Larissa. Near this place was a 
 village named Deipnias, where the boy who carried 
 the laurel-branch first broke his long fast ;"" as Apollo 
 himself was reported also to have done. That the 
 place received its name from this cu*cumstance is a 
 sufficient proof of the antiquity of the usage. The 
 theoria next proceeded to Pherae, where the boy, on 
 his way to Tempe, and before his purification, repre- 
 sented the servitude of Apollo when a refugee at the 
 palace of Admetus. This use of slavery as a prepa- 
 rative for the expiation of guilt, is doubtless taken 
 from some very ancient tradition ; and it is alluded to 
 by the earliest epic poets ; in the Iliad the horses of 
 Eumelus, the son of Admetus, are stated to have 
 derived their excellence from having been under the 
 care of Apollo at Pherse." The harbour of Pherse was 
 Pagasse, in the furthest recess of the Pagasgean bay, 
 in which place there was a celebrated altar of the 
 
 ^ A temple of Apollo and 
 Diana at Libsea, Pausau. X. 
 33. 2. 
 
 ™ Steph. Byz. in ActTrvtac, 
 with a fragment of Callima- 
 chus. The connexion of La- 
 rissa and Delphi is proved by 
 the ancient offering mentioned 
 by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not 
 known whether Phyllus, with 
 its temple of Apollo Phyllaeus, 
 and Ichne, with a temple of 
 Themis, both towns in Thessa- 
 
 liotis, were situated on this 
 road, Strabo IX. p. 435. 
 
 ° Iliad. II. 766. of. XXIII. 
 383 sqq. Urjpeiri is mentioned 
 as a place of pasturage ; and is 
 cited by the Scholia to this pas- 
 sage, StephanusByz.and Hesy- 
 chius, as a place in Thessaly, 
 but probably only from this 
 passage. In the Orphic Argo- 
 nautics the pastures are placed 
 on the banks of the Amphrys- 
 sus, which is near Pherae. 
 
 CH. 1, §3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 225 
 
 Pagaseean Apollo, situated in an extensive grove," 
 where there were large numbers of sacred ravens. ^ 
 This sanctuary is the theatre of Hesiod's poem of the 
 Shield of Hercules ; and at no great distance the river 
 Anaurus runs into the sea,** which stream, swollen by 
 violent storms of rain carried away the tomb of Cycnus, 
 the son of Mars ; « for thus Apollo, the son of 
 I* Latona, willed it, because Cycnus had plundered 
 " the hecatombs which the nations brought to the 
 " temple of Fythor^ Hence it is evident that the 
 Pagasaean sanctuary was situated on the road conse- 
 crated by the processions to and from Delphi ; and we 
 may perceive also in these words of Hesiod an allusion 
 to a fable perhaps nmch celebrated by early poets, 
 viz., that Cycnus was slain for having profaned the 
 temple of Apollo,* Moreover, the legend related by 
 Heraclides Ponticus, that Trophonius founded the 
 temple of Apollo at Pagasae,* points to the connexion 
 with Delphi; the same Trophonius, a renowned 
 
 ° Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Ha- 
 yaffhrig 'AyroWajy irapa ^AyaioiQ 
 tv Tlayaaraiq kol xapa QearffaXolg, 
 
 Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. 
 I. 404, 411. the Argonauts are 
 represented as building a tem- 
 ple of Apollo Actius and Emba- 
 sius at Pagasae. 
 
 P Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. 
 where for fjXiov write 'AttoXXw- 
 »'oc, a common corruption, as 
 both words were denoted by the 
 same abbreviation. See Gais- 
 ford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709. 
 
 •» Scut. 477. Eurip. Here. 
 Fur. 389. Compare Orchomenos, 
 p. 251. Cycnus dwelt tV Trapo^^ 
 rfJQ daXao-ff/ac, according to 
 Stesichorus ap. Schol. Pind. 
 Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. 
 
 II. p. 266.) Schol. II. ^r 346. 
 from the Cyclic poets, iy r^ 
 rov Uaya(Talov 'AttoXXwvoc tepu, 
 o icrri Trpoc Tpoii^ijyi (read with 
 Heinrich Tpaxiph see Scut. 
 469). Pausanias places the 
 battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. 
 See also Schellenberg*s Anti- 
 machus, p. 67. 
 
 ' Scut. Here, ad fin. 
 
 • It is fair to suppose that 
 Stesichorus so far altered the 
 fable as to make Cycnus build 
 Apollo a temple of sculls; and 
 it is not necessary with Heyne 
 ubi sup. to substitute Mars for 
 Apollo. See also Sturz ad 
 Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137. 
 
 * Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut, 
 p. 194. ed. Heins. 
 
226 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 architect of the mythical age, is also said to have built 
 the most ancient temple of Pytho. 
 
 4. We thus arrive at Delphi, the second grand 
 station of the worship of Apollo, and, as it were, a 
 focus, from which it diverged in numberless directions, 
 and to which it was again partially reflected. Now 
 although from early times the singular and striking 
 character of the place might often have raised the feel- 
 ings to ecstasy, and excited in the spectator dim and 
 shadowy forebodings of the future ; yet the estabUsh- 
 ment of a fixed institution, with its sacred regulations 
 and rights, was intimately connected with the intro- 
 duction of the worship of Apollo. At what time, 
 however, did this first obtain a footing at Delphi? 
 Probably when the Doric race came from Hestieeotis 
 to Parnassus, and settled above Delphi, which event 
 took place at a veiy early period. \ This supposition, 
 to which we are led by the preceding inquiry, is not 
 inconsistent with the celebrated tradition that Cretan 
 navigators landed on this coast in the time of Minos, 
 and there introduced the worship of Apollo. In order, 
 however, to reconcile these two accounts, we must first 
 examine the Cretan worship of that god. 
 
 5.\jrhe population of Crete having been in early 
 times composed of a heterogeneous mixture of different 
 nationsjjit was natural that the worships of many dif- 
 ferent gods should' prevail there; yet in many cases it 
 is possible to ascertain the nation from which they 
 severally originated. Amongst these, the Dorians, 
 whose chief settlement was on the north-eastern coast 
 near Cnosus (from which point, however, they veiy 
 soon spread over other parts of the island), had brought 
 over the worship of Apollo from their settlements 
 under Olympus. According to a tradition preserved 
 
 I 
 
 CH. 1, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 227 
 
 in the Homeric hymn to ApoUo, the ship, which 
 Apollo m the shape of a dolphin conducted to Delphi 
 set out from the city of Cnosus. Of this city the chief 
 temple Mas that of Apollo Delphinius.'^ In its ter- 
 ritory was situated a place caUed ApoUonia ; and the 
 remarkable town of Amnisus, with the grotto of Eilei- 
 thyia, where it was supposed that this goddess, who 
 assisted at the birth of Apollo, was herself born.* On 
 the same coast are Mdetus, where (as will be men- 
 tioned hereafter) the worship of Apollo prevailed, and 
 Lato (Camira), whose name reminds us of the goddess 
 Latona. It cannot be doubted that the same worship 
 also prevailed in the ancient Doric town of Lyctus, in 
 the interior of the island .^^ Nearer to the southern c Jast 
 was Gortyna, which, though founded by a different 
 race, yet in later times recognised the dominion and 
 worship of the same nation as Cnosus : accordingly, 
 the most central point of this city was called Pythium^ 
 Immediately bordering on it was Phsestus, the birth- 
 place of Epimenides, which town was said to have 
 derived its origin and name from a Heraclid of Sicyon.' 
 Here, together with Hercules, Apollo and Latona re- 
 ceived particular honours.^ Further on towards the 
 
 " Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 
 134. iEginetica, p. 154. The 
 coins of Cnosus have the head 
 of Apollo. The Omphalian 
 plain near Cnosus (Callim. 
 Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected 
 with the stone of the Omphalos 
 at Delphi, but both belong to 
 the worship of Zeus. 
 
 ^Odysg. XIX. 188. Pausan. 
 I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. 
 See Boettiger*8 Ilithyia, p. 18. 
 EinatuB, whence Ilithyia Eina- 
 tm^, was probably in the neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 y Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. 
 The geographical position of the 
 places is partly founded on the 
 investigation in Hoeck's Kreta, 
 vol. I. ch. 1. 
 
 ■ Steph. Byz. in UvSiov. Its 
 coins have on them the head of 
 Apollo. 
 
 " See book I. ch. 5. § 2. 
 
 ^ The" latter under the title 
 of (tiUTia, with a festival named 
 ^K^vtTia^ Antonin. Liberal. 17. 
 The wolf on its coins also refers 
 to Apollo. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 west, in the mountains, was Tarrha, one of the most 
 ancient and considerable temples of Apollo.*' Here, 
 according to the Cretan tradition, dwelt Camianor the 
 father of the minstrel Chrysothemis, a priest who was 
 said to have purified Apollo himself from the blood of 
 the Python ;^ which legend, when compared with the 
 account of his expiation at the altar in the valley of 
 Tempe, shows how the legends connected with the 
 worship of Apollo crossed over to Crete, and there 
 again took root. With the residence of Apollo when 
 a refugee in the house of Carmanor, there is connected 
 a tradition of his amour with Acacallis, who bore him 
 Naxos,^ or Miletus,^ or Phylander and Phylacis, who, 
 in a sacred offering of the Elyrians at Delphi, were 
 represented as sucking the teat of a she-goat.^ This 
 Elyrus, like most of the ancient towns of Crete, was 
 situated in the mountains of the interior, probably not 
 far from Tarrha.^ Although there have not been pre- 
 
 <^ Steph. Byz. in Tappa. Com- 
 pare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. 
 II. 2. An oracle (preserved by 
 CEnomaus, Euseb. Praep. E- 
 vang. p. 133. ed. Steph.) calls 
 upon the inhabitants of Phse- 
 stus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, 
 to make expiations (Kadapnol) 
 to the Pythian Apollo. 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. 
 comp. TibuUus IV. 1, 8. 
 
 ^ Alexander's KprjTLKa, lib. I. 
 ap. Schol. ApoU. Rhod. IV. 
 1492 comp. Pausan. VIII. 53. 
 2. 
 
 ' Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. 
 Verheyk. 
 
 8 Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence 
 the goat upon the coins of 
 Elyrus. Also a she-wolf upon 
 the coins of Cydonia, suckling 
 the little Cydon. 
 
 ^ Tarrha is the parent state 
 of Zappa, the coins of which 
 city have therefore Apollo or a 
 lyre. Perhaps this place de- 
 rived from this worship the 
 right of asylum : see Spanheim 
 de Praest. Num. p. 342. There 
 are also other traces of the 
 worship of Apollo in Crete, 
 e. g. the temple of Allaria. 
 ChishuU. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. 
 Oaxus was called the son of 
 Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Eel. 
 I. 66. Upon the ancient coins 
 of Eleutherna Apollo is holding 
 in his right hand a ball (viz. an 
 apple, prjXa Upa rov Oeov, Luc. 
 Anach. 9), and in the left a bow. 
 Also the coins of Rhitymna. 
 On those of Tylissus is a youth 
 with a goat's head in the right, 
 and a bow in the left hand ; 
 
 CH. 1, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 229 
 
 served accounts sufficient to lead to any general con- 
 elusion, yet those which we have adduced establish the 
 position that it was not the original inhabitants of 
 mount Ida or any supposed colonists from Phoenicia, 
 but the Dorian invaders alone who made Crete the 
 head-quarters of the worship of Apollo : we therefore 
 assert that this worship (as originally founded in Crete) 
 had not the slightest connexion with the enthusiastic 
 (and probably Phrygian) orgies of the Id^an Zeus, 
 witli the Corybantes, &c. Yet from these ceremonies 
 being celebrated at so short a distance from each other, 
 confusions soon arose; so that in later times tiie 
 Curetes were called the sons of Apollo.' According 
 to some writers, Corybas was the father of Apollo, and 
 he was reported to have disputed the sovereignty of 
 Crete with Zeus.^ 
 
 6. From Crete, we will now proceed to Delos. 
 Virgil, on the authority (as it appears) of some ancient 
 epic poet, calls the Cretans ministers of the Delian 
 altars.^ The voyages of Theseus from Cnosus to Delos 
 is also founded on the same connexion, as will be 
 more fully explained hereafter.'" We must not, how- 
 ever, too hastily conclude, that in the age of Minos, 
 when the Cretans were the dominant nation in the 
 Greek Archipelago, Delos received the worship of 
 Apollo from a Cretan colony." It may with greater 
 
 which is certainly an Apollo. 
 The same god is also on the 
 coins of Praesus, Aptera, Cher- 
 sonesus, and Rhaucus. 
 
 ' According to ApoUodorus 
 I. 3. 4, by Thalia ; according 
 to Strabo X. p. 473. by Rhytia 
 (which refers to the city of 
 Rhytium under mount Ida). 
 
 ^ The statement of the Theo- 
 
 logi in Cicero de Nat. Deor. 
 III. 23. p. 616. ed. Creuzer. 
 
 * Mn. IV. 146. compare 
 Heyne, vol. II. p. 736. 
 
 ™ Ch. 2. § 14. 
 
 " Anius, the son and priest 
 of Apollo, is called the viceroy 
 of Rhadamanthus at Delos, 
 Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Phe- 
 recydes Fragm. 74. ed Sturz. 
 
230 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 probability be conjectured, that the Dorians in their 
 first expedition to Crete (which could hardly have 
 traversed so great a distance without leaving behind 
 some traces of its existence) had founded tlie sanctuary 
 at Delos ; since the tradition of the transmission of 
 sacred presents from the country of the Hyperboreans 
 to that island, is most simply explained as a memorial 
 of a religious connexion, which had once been long 
 maintained, by means of sacred processions, with the 
 northern settlements of the Dorians. 
 
 7. Now respecting the presence of Cretans at 
 Delphi, it was nothing more than an attempt of these 
 islanders, who dwelt on the very verge of the Grecian 
 territory, to gain for themselves the credit of a re- 
 ciprocal influence upon the early settlements of their 
 own race and religion. We find in the Hymn of 
 Homer, that Apollo, descending from Olympus, him- 
 self founded his temple at Pytho, and afterwards 
 obtained experienced priests, minstrels, and prophets'" 
 from Cnosus'; for which purpose he, in the shape 
 of a dolphin, conducted a Cretan vessel to Crissa. 
 Crissa, or Cirrha (for that the same place was ori- 
 ginally signified by both names I consider as certain^), 
 a fortified town in the inmost recess of the Crisssean 
 bay, was probably a settlement of this Cretan colony, 
 as the name Kpla-a seems to signify nothing else than 
 a Cretan city (Kpyjc/a 7ro7^t$)^ Although the Pythian 
 sanctuary itself was situated in the territory of Crissa,' 
 
 ° opyiovaQy oX depairevaroyrai 
 Hvdol iyl Trerprjiarffi^, 'lepa te 
 pi^ovai Koi ayyeXiovat defiiarag. 
 
 P See OrchornenoSy p. 493. 
 
 ^ This etymology was known 
 to ancient mythologers, Comu- 
 ficius Longus ap. Serv. ad Mt\. 
 III. 332. In memoriam gentis 
 
 ex qua profecius erat (Cret«e,) 
 suhjacentes campos CriscFOS vel 
 Cretceos appellasse. 
 
 ' In the Homeric Hymn to 
 the Pythian Apollo, in w. 90. 
 103. and other passages, Pytho 
 is stated to be ci' Kpirrirriy that 
 in the territory of Crissa,** 
 
 IS 
 
 CH. J, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 231 
 
 yet the town of Crissa possessed, besides an altar 
 of Apollo Delphinius on the shore, in early times one 
 of the chief temples of Apollo :" hence in Homer's 
 Catalogue the sacred Crissa is mentioned, together 
 with the rocky Pytho ; and the Pythian sanctuary 
 IS called Crissaa templa, on the faith of some ancient 
 tradition, by a Roman poet. This expression must 
 have been borrowed from poems anterior to the de- 
 struction of Cirrha (about 585 B.C.) before this town 
 had by its extortions and oppression of pilgrims de- 
 served the wrath of the Amphictyonic confederacy ; 
 nor is it probable that it retained a share in the 
 management of the Delphian temple up to the very 
 last moment of its political existence, when it was 
 visited with a destruction so complete, as nearly to 
 deprive us of all knowledge of its previous history. 
 The unfortified town of Delphi, which, with the Am- 
 phictyons, obtained after that war the sole manage- 
 ment of the temple, previously perhaps had not been a 
 place of any importance ; at least it is not mentioned 
 in any earlier writings than one of the most recent 
 hymns of Homer, and by Heraclitus of Ephesus.* 
 
 8. In ancient times the semce of the temple, 
 as appears from the Homeric Hymn, was performed 
 both at Delos and Delphi by Cretans ; but it is 
 scarcely possible that they should have constituted 
 the whole population of the country. For, in the 
 first place, the extensive territory of the temple was 
 
 " ^^^,\^ ^^® Crissaean bounda- statues of Latona, Artemis, and 
 
 "^®- \ Apollo remaining in the time of 
 
 « It IS to this that verse 265 Pausanias, X. 37. 6. 
 
 of the hymn probably refers. * Hymn. XXVII. 14. He- 
 
 Concernmg the tripod in the raclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth 
 
 adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Orac. p. 404. 
 
 llippocrat. VIII. There were 
 
232 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 cultivated by a subject people, of whom we shall 
 speak hereafter, and who were certainly not of Doric, 
 and probably in few cases of Cretan descent ;" besides 
 whom there was a native nobility, whose influence 
 over the temple was very considerable. These are 
 the persons who, according to Euripides, "sat near 
 "the tripod, the Delphian nobles, chosen by lotf^ 
 called also " the lords and princes of the Delphians'* 
 They also formed a criminal court, which, by the 
 Pythian vote, sentenced all offenders against the 
 temple to be hurled from a precipice.^ To the same 
 persons also doubtless belonged the permission and 
 superintendence of the ancient rite of expiation ; and 
 it was their duty (as it was that of the court of the 
 Samothracian priests) to determine whether a homicide 
 was expiable or not. Their influence over the oracle 
 was so great, that they may be considered to have 
 been the actual managers of it. Their political bias 
 may be inferred from the fact, that Timasitheus the 
 Delphian distinguished himself by his boldness and 
 resolution among the aristocratical party of Isagoras 
 at Athens.* It appears that these families originally 
 came to Delphi from the mountainous countiy in 
 the interior. Thus the chief-priests of the god, the 
 five "^Og-ioi, were chosen by lot from a number of 
 families who derived their descent from Deucalion,* by 
 which they probably meant to denote their origin 
 
 " Below, ch. 3. § 3. 
 
 » Ion V. 418. (Matthise). oi 
 TrXrjaiov dcKTffovffi rpiiro^og .... 
 AfX^oiv apKrveiQ ovg iKkriptovtv 
 ttolKoq. 
 
 y Koipavot UvBIkoi, v. 1219. 
 AeX^cJv ayaKreg, V. 1222. Tlvdia 
 xLfj(i>0Q, V. 1250. cf. V. 1111. 
 ap^fu aiTTi^tjpwi \0oi'6g. 
 
 * Herod. V. 72. Compare 
 
 VI. 66. Ko/3(UVa TOV 'ApiCTTO- 
 
 <pavTov, ap^pa kv ^e\<poi(Tt ^v- 
 ratmvOvra fjLiyKTToy. Awao"- 
 reifEiv is also used by Herodotus 
 of the Attic Eupatridse (VI. 
 35); compare VII. 14J. 
 
 * Plutarch. Qusest. Grsec. 9. 
 p. 360. 
 
 CH. 1, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 233 
 
 from Lycoreia on the heights of Parnassus, founded 
 (as Was supposed) by Deucalion, the father of Hellen ;^ 
 from which town it is known that great part of the 
 population of Delphi had proceeded." Now this place, 
 of which traces still remain in the village of Liacura 
 (now only inhabited in summer by mountain shep- 
 herds),^ was in all probability of Doric origin, since it 
 formed the communication between the Tetrapolis and 
 Delphi." The language spoken at Delphi was like- 
 wise a Doric dialect.^ 
 
 If then this was the case, Doric mountaineers from 
 the heights of Parnassus, and Cretan colonists on the 
 sea-coast, met together (according to a very uncer- 
 tain computation about 200 years before the Doric 
 migration into Peloponnesus), in order to establish 
 the Delphian worship. The Doric dialect, it may 
 be observed, which prevailed at Delphi, was common 
 to both parties. It is known from many traditions 
 and historical traces, that the connexion established 
 by the Cretans continued for a long time.^ The 
 ancient tents made of feathers, and a wooden statue of 
 
 ^ Pausan. X. 6. 2. 
 
 *= Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. 
 Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare 
 Callimachus ap. Steph. Byz. 
 
 ^ DodwelPs Travels, vol. I. 
 p. 189. 
 
 ® Lycorea appears to have 
 taken its name from the wor- 
 ship of Apollo Lyceius, or Ly- 
 coreus; see Callimach. Hymn. 
 Apoll. 19. AvKiopiog tvTta ^oi- 
 fiovy frequently in the Antho- 
 logy, Suidas, &c. 
 
 *^See Appendix V. ad fin. 
 
 * Concerning this connexion 
 see Zoega, Bassirilievi, tom. I. 
 on tav. 81. ^giuetica, p 154. 
 
 Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement 
 des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. 
 p. 164. The name of Coretas 
 also, the supposed discoverer of 
 the oracle (KU)pr}g for Kovprjg 
 Dorice) is Cretan, Plutarch, de 
 Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It ap- 
 pears that the names Koprig 
 (otherwise Kwp»/c, Kovp^/e,) Ko- 
 pr](T(rog in Ceos, with a temple 
 of Apollo Smintheius, Kop-qvia 
 \i^vr]y in Crete (Steph. Byz.), 
 Kopyffffog, a sacred hill near 
 Ephesus, Kpfiffoc, an Ephesian 
 hero (Pans. VII. 2. 4.), and the 
 name of Crete itself, are all ety- 
 mologically connected. 
 
234 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Apollo, perhaps one of the most ancient specimens 
 of rude carving, were also reported to have been 
 brought from Crete. The fabulous series of Delphic 
 minstrels began with Chrysothemis, the son of Car- 
 manor, the above-mentioned priest of Tarrha.^ Crete, 
 however, did not merely send works of sculpture and 
 hymns to Delphi, but sometimes even men,' for the 
 service of the Pythian Apollo. 
 
 9. I know not whether these accounts are sufl5cient 
 to afford an intelligible description of a time when 
 the worship of Apollo, being established at the foot 
 of Olympus, Parnassus, and in the distant island 
 of Crete, and producing a certain degree of com- 
 munication between these points, had not as yet pene- 
 trated to any part of Greece which lay to the south 
 of OEta and Parnassus. 
 
 It is evident, moreover, that the extension of this 
 worship met with a long opposition. Apollo is in 
 ancient traditions represented as himself protecting 
 his own temple.*' The Phlegyans to the east, and the 
 iEtolians to the west, appear to have been particularly 
 adverse to the worship of the Delphian Apollo. That 
 there was a national opposition caused by the PlJe- 
 gyans possessing the stronghold of Panopeus in the 
 mountain-passes towards Boeotia, is shown by the 
 legends, that Phorbas their leader wrestled there with 
 Apollo ; that Phlegyas burned the temple to the 
 ground; and lastly, that Apollo exterminated their 
 whole race with thunder and lightning.^ The same 
 people is here represented as waging war with the 
 
 ^ Pausan. X. 7. 2. ^ According to the Cyclic 
 
 ' avdpuiTwv airapxVi Plutarch, poets, see Orchomenos, pp. J 88. 
 
 Thes. 16. sqq. 
 ^ Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6. 
 
 CH. L § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 235 
 
 great deity of the Dorians, which, under the name 
 of Lapithae, opposed the Dorians themselves in Thes- 
 saly. And on the other side, Apollo was related 
 in the Poems of Hesiod, and the Minyad, to have 
 assisted the Locrian Curetes against the ^Etolians, 
 and slain their prince Meleager." 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 § 1 . Propagation of the worship of Apollo from Crete. § 2. in 
 Lycia. § 3 and 4. in the Troad. § 5. in Thrace. § 6 and 7. 
 on the Coast of Asia Minor. § 8. at Troezen, Taenarum, 
 Megara. §9. Thoricus: § 10. and Leucatas. § 11 and 12. 
 in Boeotia. § 13. 14. and 15. and in Attica. 
 
 1. But whilst the worship of Apollo was ex- 
 periencing so nmch opposition in the north of Greece, 
 the sea, with the neighbouring coasts and islands 
 afforded ample opportunities for its propagation from 
 the shores of Crete. This serves to account for the 
 singular fact, that the most ancient temples of Apollo 
 throughout the south of Greece, are found in maritirne 
 districts, and generally on promontories and head- 
 lands. 
 
 The colonies of Apollo branched out in various 
 directions from the northern coast of Crete, carrying 
 every where with them the expiatory and oracular 
 ceremonies of his worship.* The remarkable regu- 
 larity with which these settlements were established 
 cannot, however, be regarded as the work of missions 
 
 m 
 
 Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2. 
 
 KprjTtoai : fiavnig nwo Kp^r»/c, Phutius. 
 
236 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book u. 
 
 systematically carried on, or as part of the policy of 
 Minos.^ They are to be accounted for by the natural 
 desire of the tribes of Crete, whilst migrating along 
 the coast of the ^Egean sea, to erect, wherever they 
 touched, temples to that god, whose worship was 
 blended w^ith their spiritual existence. 
 
 We shall first advert to those settlements which 
 (taking the coast of Crete as our centre) were 
 founded in the direction of Lycia, Miletus, Cla- 
 Ros, and the Troad ; the first and last of which 
 were the most ancient, the others being perhaps a 
 century later.*' 
 
 2. It is stated by Herodotus that Sarpedon migrated 
 with some barbarous nations from Crete to Lycia or 
 Milyas.*^ This unsupported and singular account is 
 however probably not founded on tradition, the popular 
 idea being that he was a brother of Minos the Cnosian, 
 whom it represented as a prince of purely Hellenic 
 blood. By these means the Cretan laws (that is, the 
 Doric customs, which had been first fully developed 
 in Crete), and also the Doric worship of Apollo, 
 were spread over Lycia. For the situation of the 
 chief temples is a sufficient proof that the settlers 
 of Lycia came, not from the inland countries of Asia, 
 but over the sea to the coast. Xanthus, a city re- 
 nowned for the valour of its inhabitants,' and situated 
 on the river of the same name, was a Cretan settle- 
 
 ^ As Raoul - Rochette sup- 
 poses, although his work con- 
 tains very valuable materials for 
 this inquiry, Histoire de PEtabl. 
 des col. Grecques, torn. IL p. 
 137—173. 
 
 <= On the connexion of Crete 
 and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad 
 
 Mn. III. 102. 
 
 ^ I. 173. cf. VII. 92. Ac- 
 cording to Herodotus, Europa 
 also came to Lycia (IV. 45.), 
 i. e. the tradition. 
 
 « Herod. 1. 173. Comp.Boeckh 
 ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Hera- 
 chd. Pont. 15. 
 
 CH. 2, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 237 
 
 ment.' It seems to have been a Lycian tradition, that 
 Xanthus was the father of Minos, Rhadamanthus, and 
 Sarpedon :« in this town was a temple sacred to 
 Sarpedon ;^ but it is uncertain whether to the elder 
 Sarpedon, the brother of Minos, or to the younger, a 
 hero of the same family mentioned in Homer, whose 
 corpse Apollo rescued from the Greeks, and conveyed 
 to his native country.* Apollo was also worshipped 
 under the title of Sarpedonius.'' Sixty stadia below 
 the town, and ten from the mouth of the river Xanthus, 
 was a grove sacred to Latona, near an ancient temple 
 of the Lycian Apollo.* To this spot the goddess had 
 been conducted by wolves ; here also she had bathed 
 her new-born babes in the river," and been hospitably 
 received by an old woman in a wretched hovel." 
 These are the only remains of the national tradition, 
 which in its general character was perhaps only another 
 version of that prevalent at Delos. But the chief 
 temple was one at Patara, in the southern extremity of 
 Lycia," the winter habitation of the god, where he also 
 gave out oracles through the mouth of a priestess.^ 
 The oblations of cakes in the shape of lyres, bows and 
 
 ' See Steph. Bvz. in v. cf. 
 Herod. I. 176. 
 
 8 Augu8tinu8 de Civ. Dei 
 XVIII. 12. ' 
 
 ^ Appian,Bell. Civ. IV. 78. 
 
 »I1. XVI. 666. 
 
 ^ Transplanted to Cilicia, 
 Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. 
 Phot. Biblioth. cod. 244. p. 377. 
 ed. Bekker. 
 
 ^ On the former see Strabo 
 XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the 
 latter Diod. V. 56. 
 
 ™ Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. 
 Antonin. Liber, c. 35. 
 
 CLTTO ^vi<x(ir)Q ypaog rtvoc vwode- 
 ^afiipTjc rriv A?/ra». Steph. Byz. 
 
 ** Both the derivations of the 
 name Patara, the one from a 
 son of Apollo (Hecataeus ap. 
 Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad 
 Dionys. Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad 
 Lycophr. 920.), and the other 
 from Ttarapay kkttIq, refer to the 
 worship of Apollo. 
 
 P Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. and 
 Spanheim's note. Herodotus 
 says indefinitely, iTnhv yevrjTai, 
 I. 182. Cf Serv. ad JEn. IV. 
 143. 
 
238 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book it. 
 
 irrows, which were made to Apollo at Patara, remind 
 us of similar customs at Delos, and furnish a fresh 
 proof of the close connexion between the worships of 
 these two countries.** 
 
 Further to the east was the oracle of Apollo 
 Thyrxeus, near the Cyanean islands ;' to the west lay 
 Telmissus, with its interpreters of dreams, who attri- 
 buted their origin to Apollo.' Not only the towns 
 just mentioned, but almost every other on the coast of 
 Lycia, honoured the god, from whom even the name 
 of the country was derived.* 
 
 Amongst these settlements we must probably also 
 reckon that on the promontory of Corycus in Cilicia, 
 since we find in its vicinity the temple of Zeus Sarpe- 
 don. The name of the place, if compared with that 
 of the Coryeian grotto on Parnassus, is of itself suffi- 
 cient evidence that the worship of Apollo prevailed 
 there, which is still further proved by the tradition that 
 stags swam over from thence to Curium in Cyprus." 
 Here also stood an altar of Apollo, of particular sanc- 
 tity, which no one was allowed to touch on pain of 
 being thrown from the rocks of the neighbouring pro- 
 montory. In this punishment we shall presently 
 
 ^ Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. 
 in V. Eustath. ubi sup. On the 
 temple, see the inscriptions in 
 Walpole's Travels, p. 541. and 
 Beaufort's Caramania. 
 
 ^Pausan. VII. 21.3. 
 
 * Herod. I. 18. Apostolius 
 XVIII. 25. from Dionysiua h 
 KTiffEffiy, Herodian. ap. Eustath. 
 ad Dion. Perieg. 860. 
 
 * The coins of Patara, Pha- 
 selis, Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, 
 ApoUonia, Corydalla, Limyra, 
 and Olympus, have a head of 
 
 Apollo, the tripod, lyre, the deer, 
 and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. 
 Byz. ^a<pyrj iv AvKiff.. Apollo 
 'Fipedyfjitog among the Lycians, 
 Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is 
 a corruption of *Epu0t73toc, as 
 Apollo was called in Rhodes, 
 Strabo XIII. p. 613. See be- 
 low, ch. 5. § 4. 
 
 "" See Strabo XIV. p. 683. 
 from Hedylus, or some other 
 poet. On the sacred deer of 
 Apollo at Curium, see yElian. 
 Nat. Anira. XI. 7. 
 
 CH. 2, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 239 
 
 recognise one form of the expiatory rites, which every 
 where accompanied the worship of Apollo. 
 
 3. No place contained so many temples of Apollo 
 within so small a space as the coast of Troy ; Cilia, in 
 the recess of the Adramyttian gulf; Chryse, in the 
 territory of the Hypoplacian Thebes ;* the Smintheum, 
 in its immediate neighbourhood ;> the island of Tenedos 
 (whose religious ceremonies were by some unaccount- 
 able means transplanted to Corinth and Syracuse),* 
 are all mentioned in a few verses of the Iliad."^ No 
 less celebrated was Thymbra, situated at the conflu- 
 ence of the Thymbrius and Scamander, where Cas- 
 sandra was reported to have been brought up in the 
 temple of Apollo, and thus to have learnt the art of 
 prophecy.^ On the Trojan citadel of Pergamus itself 
 was a temple of Apollo, with Artemis and Latona ; 
 and hence Homer represents these three deities as pro^ 
 tecting the falUng city.^ It is however important to 
 remark, that the inhabitants of Zelea, a town on the 
 
 ^StraboXIII. p. 611. Scy- 
 lax, p. 26. Compare the ob- 
 scure gloss of Hesychius in 
 Tlvdicjy ayaKTopiov. 
 
 y On this temple, see Heyne 
 ad II. A. 39. According to 
 Strabo XIII. p. 604. there were 
 Sminthea near Hamaxitus in 
 iEolis, near Parium, at Lindus 
 in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A 
 certain Philodemus, or Philom- 
 nestus, wrote a treatise on the 
 ^fiiyBela in Rhodes, Athen. III. 
 p. 74 F. 445 A. 
 
 * The inhabitants of Tenea, a 
 village near Corinth, were said 
 to have been transplanted by 
 Agamemnon from Tenedos. 
 That they really worshipped 
 Apollo in the same manner as 
 
 the Tenedians, is testified by 
 Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380 
 Pans. II. 5. 3. And the wor- 
 ship of Apollo was carried by 
 means of Archias from Tenea to 
 Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See 
 book I. ch. 6. § 7. 
 
 * A. 37—39. 
 
 *» Strabo XIII. p. 591. He- 
 sych. in Qvfifipa. Schol. II. X. 
 430. Servius ad ^^n. III. 85. 
 compare Choiseul GoufSer, Voy- 
 age Pittoresque, tom. III. to pi. 
 25. Walpole's Memoirs, p. 609. 
 The fable of Pan, the son of 
 Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo 
 m divination (Apollodor. I. 4. 
 1.), has also reference to thk 
 storv. 
 
 *^'I1. V. 446. VII. 83. 
 
240 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 northern foot of mount Ida, and the native place of the 
 archer Pandarus, the son of Lycaon, worshipped 
 Apollo under the title of Lycius, or Lycegenes ; and 
 that Zelea was also called Lycia ;^ for these facts show 
 that there was a real connexion between the name of 
 Lycia and the worship of Apollo, and that it was the 
 worship of Apollo which gave the name to this district 
 of Troy, as it had done to the country of the Solymi. 
 In Chryse also Apollo was called Lycseus.® The 
 origin of this worship can neither be attributed to the 
 native Trojan and Dardan race, nor yet to the later 
 -^olians, although these for the most part adopted it 
 into their religious ceremonies/ It is however certain, 
 from an ancient tradition, that the Cretans also 
 colonized this coast ; though we are not aware what 
 was the precise account of Callinus, the ancient elegiac 
 poet,^ who preserved it. It was however the popular 
 belief that Apollo Smintheus, and indeed the whole 
 Trojan nation, were derived from Crete.^ The last 
 notion, that all the Trojans were of Cretan origin, is 
 in the highest degree improbable ; but it will hardly 
 
 •^ILII. 827.IV. 119.V.105. 
 with the Schol. Min. 
 
 ® Hesychius in AvkoIop. There 
 are Ukewise many other signs 
 of the worship of Apollo on this 
 const, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in 
 Priapus, Schol. Lycophr. 29; 
 Apollo [laaTrafnog in Parium 
 and Pergamum (Hesych. in v.); 
 on the coins of Gargara, Germe, 
 Lampsacvis, Atarneus,Neandria, 
 Abydos, and New Troy. 
 
 ^ The iEolians built a temple 
 to the Ctllcpan Apollo at Colo- 
 nae, Strabo XIII. p. 613. from 
 Daes of Colonfe. 
 
 g Strabo XIII. p 604. ro'ig 
 yap EK ryg Kpj/rr/c a<piy^ivoiq 
 
 TeVKpOlQy OVQ -TTpWrOQ 7rapE^(OK£ 
 
 KaXXlyog, &c. It does not ap- 
 pear that this can, with Frank, 
 Callinus, p. 31, be understood 
 only of a mention of the iiajne 
 of the Teucrians. 
 
 ^ The latter fact is supported 
 by the ancient name of Cepha- 
 lion, an inhabitant of the Teu- 
 crian city of Gergis (ap. Steph. 
 Byz. in 'AptV/3?/. Eustath. ad 
 II. p. 894.) : but his Tpwtjca 
 was the forgery of an Alexan- 
 drine writer named Hegesianax 
 (Athen. IX. p. 393 B). Lyco- 
 phron, V. 1302. calls Teucer, 
 Scamander, and Arisbe, Cre- 
 tans. 
 
 CH. 2, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 211 
 
 be denied that there came to Troy a Cretan colony in 
 connexion with Apollo Smintheus. Indeed the Cre- 
 tans who inhabited the district of Troy must often 
 have been mentioned in ancient traditions, as a strange 
 account of their strict administration of justice has 
 been preserved.' Could we but obUin a more au- 
 thentic source of traditions relating to the religious 
 worship than the deceitful accounts of poets, we might 
 perhaps discover in it many confirmations of the his- 
 torical traces to which we have just adverted. Even 
 now we may perceive that tlie servitude of Apollo 
 under Laomedon'^ is the same fable as that of Admetus 
 at Pherae, the locahty alone being changed. 
 
 4. By observing Homer's accounts of the worship 
 of Apollo in different Trojan families, we may dis- 
 cover a remarkable consistency and connexion in the 
 ancient tradition. 
 
 In the first place he represents it as belonging 
 chiefly to the family of the Panthoidse. Panthus 
 (from whom a tribe in modern Ihum derived its name 
 UavQcvtsy was a priest of the god,'" and hence his sons 
 were protected by Apollo in battle.'^ Hence also 
 Euphorbus, the descendant of Panthus, is selected to 
 kill Patroclus, who, as well as all the other iEacidee, 
 was in the heroic mythology represented as odious to 
 Apollo." 
 
 * In the fragments of Nico- 
 lau8 Damascenus, p. 442. ed. 
 Vales. 
 
 ^^ Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. 
 which passages do not agree. 
 Hesiod in Her. Geneal. ap. 
 Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellani- 
 CU8 ap. Schol. II. XX. 145. 
 Coluthus V. 309. 
 
 ^ Inscription in Walpole's 
 Memoirs, p. 104. 
 
 " JEnexd, II. 318. 430. 
 
 " Iliad. XV. 522. 
 
 ° Achilles was slain by Apollo, 
 according to Homer; Aretinus 
 and i^schylus in the xl^vxofrra' 
 <ria (Heyne ad II. XXII. 359. 
 Tychsen ad Qinnt. Smyrn. Com- 
 ment, p. 61); Neoptolemus was 
 killed at Pytho. For the game 
 reason Achilles slays Tennes, 
 the son of A\k>\\o (Tzetzes ad* 
 
 K 
 
242 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 The other family, described in the Iliad as con- 
 nected with Apollo, is that of iEneas, whom, when 
 wounded by Diomed, the god himself conducted to his 
 temple on the citadel of Troy, and delivered over to 
 the care of Latona and Artemis. ^ Now that this 
 history was not a mere arbitrary fiction of the poet 
 may be distinctly proved. For we know that, after 
 Troy had fallen, the remaining Trojans still main- 
 tained themselves in the mountains ; they are men- 
 tioned by Herodotus as a separate state existing in the 
 stronghold of Gergis, in the defiles of Ida ;** and, even 
 after the Peloponnesian war, Dardan princes reigned 
 here and at Scepsis.' It can, we think, be shown that 
 Homer's prophecy ' respecting the future dominion of 
 the descendants of iEneas over the remnant of the 
 Trojan nation, refers solely to the town of Gergis, and 
 perhaps to the neighbouring valleys. Now the chief 
 temple at Gergis was that of Apollo,* and in the same 
 town there was an ancient Sibylline oracle, known by 
 the name of the HeUespontine or Mermessian. We 
 now see that the ancient poet, being well acquainted 
 with the existence of the iEneadse at Gergis, their 
 festivals and sacrifices, felt himself bound, according 
 
 Lycophr. 232.), in whose tem- 
 ple it was forbidden to pro- 
 nounce the name of the Phthian 
 hero (Plutarch Quaest. Gr. 28. 
 p. 933). 
 
 P Iliad. V. 446. 
 
 <i Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. 
 It was situated in the territory 
 of Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. 
 589.), in mount Ida (Athen. 
 VI. p. 256 C), opposite Dar- 
 danus (Herod.); the village of 
 Mermessus, 240 stadia from 
 Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. 
 12. 2), was a Ktafirj FfpytSta, 
 
 Suidas in v. Also in Schol. 
 Plat. Phsedr. p. 61 . Ruhnken. 
 p. 315. Bekker. write, ey 'cw/xjj 
 MepfiTiaa^ — Trepi riva 7ro\i\VT)y 
 Tipytda or ripyidov, for Map- 
 fiv(T(T^ and FEpyerlojya. 
 
 ' Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10. 
 
 « Iliad. XX. 307. Compare 
 the remarks of A. W. Schlegel 
 on this point in his celebrated 
 Review of Niebuhr's Roman 
 History. 
 
 ' Steph. Byz. in TipyiQ, from 
 Phlegon. 
 
 CH. 2, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 243 
 
 to the spirit of mytholo^, to represent Apollo as the 
 ancient guardian of that family. 
 
 We shall seize this opportunity of briefly point- 
 ing out the results which may be drawn from these 
 facts, in illustration of the fable of ^neas. \^^e must 
 first assume that the above oracle of Apollo at Gero-is 
 announced to the Trojan Gergithians the re-establisli- 
 ment of their nation under the dominion of the descend- 
 ants of ^neas. Such a prophecy, in fact, agrees so 
 exactly with the spirit and system of the ancient oracles, 
 that Its existence can scarcely ]}e doubted. The 
 hopes, the longing after a restoration of their ancient 
 power, must necessarily have assumed this form among 
 the distressed and conquered Trojans. Now a colony 
 of Gergithians also inhabited the territory of the 
 ^olian Cume," where Apollo possessed a magnificent 
 temple ;^ and if these oracles had been known to the 
 Cumeeans, they would readily have passed over to their 
 kinsmen the Cumans of Campania. At this last place 
 there was, on the summit of a rock, a temple of Apollo 
 (one of the most ancient in the whole settlement, and, 
 as it was pretended, built by Daedalus) ^ underneath 
 was the grotto of the sibyl. Here it was said that 
 Mntas landed ; and here, according to Stesichorus, 
 he remained, and never went further to the north.* 
 Nothing was more probable than that these oracles 
 should in both cases have been applied locally, and 
 that a new Troy should in consequence have been 
 
 /» This may be collected from The rock was called Zu^arrjoia 
 
 the confused account of Cle- K-\cr,)c (Lycoph. . 1278), as The 
 
 archus of Soil h Tepycdi^, in Attic promontory with the tern- 
 
 Atheii. yi p. 256. cf. Xlf. p. pie of Apollo. 
 
 X ^- ^^S\r^"^- P- ^^^ ^ • See the iabula Iliaca, MI- 
 
 * Plm. H, N. XXXIV. 8. 2HNOS. 
 
 y Heyne Exc. ad Mn. VI. 3. 
 
 R 2 
 
244 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 founded both in Asia and Italy. Hence, when the 
 Greek sibylline oracles, in connexion with the worship 
 of Apollo, became the state-oracles of Rome, all that 
 had been prophesied of districts near the Hellespont 
 was, without scruple or ceremony (though not without 
 the ingenuity of commentators and interpreters), ap- 
 plied to Rome. It is evident that the origin of the 
 strange fable of JEneas, the father of Romulus, and all 
 that was afterwards added to it, may be explained in 
 this simple manner. 
 
 5. The most ancient temple of Apollo in Thrace 
 was also founded by Cretans, as well as that at Is- 
 marus or Maroneia ;* Maron its priest being, accord- 
 ing to tradition, a Cretan adventurer.^ With this 
 sanctuary was probably connected the ancient oracular 
 temple of Apollo at Dersea near Abdera,*' alluded to 
 in the device on the coins of Abdera ; on one side of 
 which Apollo is seen with the arrow in his hand ; and 
 on the reverse is a griffin, a symbol which appears to 
 have been adopted by the Teians in consequence of 
 their having resided for some time in their colony of 
 Abdera. 
 
 6. The Cretan worshippers of Apollo also esta- 
 blished some considerable temples on the Ionian coast. 
 The principal of these was the Didymseum, in the 
 territory of Miletus. Before the Ionic migration, 
 Miletus was a Cretan fortress, on the coast, in a country 
 at that time called Caria.^ The disagreement of tra- 
 ditions as to whether Sarpedon or Miletus (the Cretan) 
 was the founder, confirms, rather than weakens, the 
 
 »0d. IX. 197. 
 ^ Diod. V. 79. compare Ra- 
 oul-Rochette, torn. II. p. 160. 
 *" Pindar, in Paean, ap. Tzetz. 
 
 ad Lycophr. 445. 
 
 ^ Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. 
 p. 634 D. 
 
 CH. 2, §6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 245 
 
 principal fact of its settlement from Crete, both tradi- 
 tions describing the same fact in a different manner. 
 With the founding of this stronghold was connected 
 that of a temple, which is ascribed to Branchus, an 
 expiatoiy priest " of Delphi, whose name (which was 
 well fitted for a prophet),^ moulded into a patronymic 
 form, was afterwards adopted by the priests of the 
 temple ;^ the temple itself, and even the place (which 
 was also called Didyma). Thus we here again see a 
 fresh connexion between the Delphians and Cretans, 
 tliere being indeed hardly any distinction between them 
 before they M^ere dispersed by the different migrations 
 of the Doric race. The worship at Didyma was in 
 fact the same with that of Crete and Delplii ; expiatory 
 ceremonies and prophecies being united, and the latter 
 delivered with rites veiy similar to those observed at 
 the Pythian oracle. Apollo was here called Philesius 
 and DelpJdnius, which names were afterwards adopted 
 by other lonians :^ with him was connected Zeus, both, 
 according to Calhmachus, being the ancestors of 
 Didyma ; and also Artemis, who, in an ancient hymn 
 ascribed to Branchus, is with Apollo addressed under 
 the titles of kxaspyos and hxaepyr^} The ruins of this 
 temple, so highly honoured in Asia, still bear witness 
 to its ancient fame and splendour. From the temple 
 
 * Callimachus apud Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. 
 IX p. 421. Conon Narr. c 33, 
 44. Stat. Theb VIII. 198 Ges- 
 ner Comment. Soc. Grotting. 
 vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Anti- 
 quities, vol. II. new ed. 
 
 *" Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI 
 3. p. 305. Bipont. Est interim 
 ei fongus et plenus et darus 
 satis spiritus^non iaincn frmce 
 
 intentionis, idemque tremulus. 
 Idflpay^op Gr feci vacant. This 
 is exactly the voice of enthusi- 
 astic priests and prophets. 
 
 *f There was likewise a family 
 of diviners named EifayyeXlBat, 
 Conon Narr. c. 44 
 
 ^ Strabo IV. p. 139 B. ^gi- 
 netica, p. 151. 
 
 ' Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8. 
 
246 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii 
 
 to tlie harbour^ Panormus there was a sacred road 
 adorned on both sides with more than sixty statues in 
 a very ancient style of workmanship : amongst these, 
 an Egyptian lion attests the connexion of king Necho 
 with the oracle.^ Tlie lonians of Miletus, however, 
 acknowledged the god of Branchidee as the principal 
 deity in their town, and introduced him into their 
 numerous colonies, from Naucratis ™ to Cyzicus," Pa- 
 rium,*" ApoUonia Pontica,^ and the distant Taurica: 
 the coins and inscriptions of which place agree in re- 
 presenting him as the guardian deity (Trpoerrarij^) .^ 
 
 7. The twin brother of the Didymsean god, botli 
 in origin and in the similarity of worship, is the 
 Clarian Apollo. However fabulous the particular 
 circumstances of its foundation, still it was impossible 
 in ancient times to invent a religious colonial con- 
 nexion where none in fact existed. The traditions 
 manifestly imply a double dependence of the esta- 
 blishment at Claros : viz., upon Delphi and Crete. 
 Manto, the daughter of Teiresias the Theban sooth- 
 sayer, was, according to the epic poets, consecrated 
 by the Epigoni to the Delphian Apollo after the 
 
 ^ On thi8 see D'Orville ad 
 Chariton, p. 349. and Quintus 
 Smymseus L 283. 
 
 1 Herod. IL 159. 
 
 ™ Py thins and Comseus.Athen. 
 IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Mar- 
 cellin XXIII. 6. 
 
 » Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 96a 
 Hence the offerings of the Cy- 
 zicenians in the Didymaeum, 
 ChishuU Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In 
 the character of 'EKr/Bao-toc, Apollo 
 has on coins his foot resting on 
 a^^A. 
 
 ° A coin of Parium, in the 
 cabinet of M. Allier de Haute- 
 
 roche, shows the statue of 
 Apollo on the seashore, with the 
 circumscription, Alio A AilN 02 
 AKTAIOY HAPIANON, agree- 
 ing with Strabo XIII. p. 588. 
 
 PStraboVII.p.319B. Apollo 
 'H^og on the island of Thynias 
 (Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. 
 Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. 
 Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is pro- 
 bably Milesian : also Apollo 
 i^iXrjffiot; at Trapezus on the 
 Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2. 
 
 1 Collected in Raoul - Ro- 
 chette's Antiquiles Grecques du 
 Bosphore Cimmt^rien, pi. 5, 7. 8. 
 
 CH.2, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 247 
 
 taking of Thebes,' and she was afterwards sent by 
 ApoUu to the spot on which the lonians at a Liter 
 period founded the city of Colophon; having, in 
 obedience to the commands of the oracle, married on 
 her way Rhacius the Cretan, whose name, according 
 to the dialect of Crete, had the double form Rhacius 
 and Lacius." Augias, the Cyclic poet, mentioned the 
 tomb of her lather Teiresias at Colophon,' which was 
 generally supposed to be in Boeotia. The offspring 
 of tliis marriage was Mopsus, who was probably 
 called the progenitor of the family from which, even 
 in the Roman time, the priests of the oracle were 
 selected.'' The forms of prophecy were in this temple 
 also similar to those at Delphi. 
 
 The other temples of Apollo on the coast of Asia 
 Minor were generally connected with some one of 
 the four already mentioned. The temple of Leucae, 
 between Smyrna and Phoceea (where the Cumeeans 
 celebrated a festival),* was probably a member of 
 the Trojan family, to which the Grynean Apollo, in 
 the territory of Myrina near Cume (where there 
 was also an oracle), appears to be related.^ Apollo 
 
 ^ The Cyclic Thebaid in 
 Schol. Apoil. Rh. IV. .308. 
 ApoUod. III. 7. 4. Diod. IV. 
 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. 
 33. 1. 
 
 ■ He was called both 'Vukioq 
 and AaKioc, because in the Cre- 
 tan dialect paKog and Xatcog were 
 exchangeable forms, Schneider 
 ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 11. p. 
 83. Compare book I. ch. 6. 
 §5. 
 
 * Proclus Chrestomath. 
 
 "StraboXIV. p. 675. Conon 
 Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. 
 On the temple sec Locella . ad 
 
 Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. 
 Peerlkamp. 
 
 » Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi 
 sup. 
 
 y Hecataeus ap. Steph. Byz. 
 in Tpvpoi. Strabo XIII. p. 623. 
 Hermeias of Methymna wrote a 
 treatise on the Grynean Apollo, 
 Athen. IV. p. 149. K. Hence 
 the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, 
 and the Apollo ca(j>vri(p6po(:f on 
 the coins of Myrina, which city 
 also sent xpfo-d Oiprj to Delphi, 
 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 
 273. 
 
RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii 
 
 Malloeis, in the territory of Mytilene, in Lesbos, was 
 an ofF-shoot of the Clarian worship : ' to the san>e 
 branch also belonged the oracle of Apollo at Mallus 
 in Cilicia,* inasmuch as it was said to have been 
 founded by Mopsus the son of Manto. 
 
 8. The worship of Apollo also penetrated to several 
 parts of European Greece, where it was established 
 by Cretan adventurers on capes and headlands — ■ 
 particularly at Troezen, Teenarum, Megara, and Tho- 
 ricus. 
 
 Trcezen, as has been above remarked,^ shared 
 with Athens both the race of her inhabitants and 
 her worship, together with the connexion between . 
 Athens and Crete; the meaning of which will be 
 explained hereafter.*" Hence we may conjecture the 
 Cretan origin of the nine families, which were in 
 existence at a late date at Troezen, and in early 
 times performed the rites of atonement and purifica- 
 tion (of which Orestes was said to have been the first 
 subject) near a laurel-tree in front of the temple 
 of Apollo, and a sacred stone in front of the temple 
 of the Lycean Artemis.^ 
 
 * Malus the son of Manto, 
 Hellanicus cv AecrfDiKoTg apud 
 Steph. Byz. in MaXKoeig. Thu- 
 cyd. III. 3. Likewise in Les- 
 bos, Apollo NoTraioc » Hellani- 
 cus ap. Steph. Byz. in NaTr?;. 
 cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in 
 NaTToToc. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. 
 coins of Nape with the image 
 of Apollo in Mionnet's work), 
 AfTTtrvyLtvioc, Antigon. Caryst. 
 17. and 'EpeVfoe, Hesych. in v. 
 In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. 
 for rONNAnAIOY 'AiroXXwi^og 
 write TOY NAnAIOY AiroX- 
 X'joyoc, 
 
 *StraboXIV.p.675C. Ar- 
 rian. II. 5. Hence perhaps the 
 worship of Apollo came to Tar- 
 sus, Osann. Syllog. luscr. p. 
 141. 
 
 ^ Book I. ch. 5. § 4, 
 
 <= Pausan. II. 32. 2. "Apre^n: 
 (Twreipa, brought from Crete to 
 Troezen, ib. 31. 1. 
 
 *iPaus. II. 31. 7. 11. The 
 temple of Apollo Thearius at 
 Trcezen was, according to Pau- 
 san. ib. 31. 9. the most ancient 
 in Greece. Apollo joined with 
 Leucothea, i^lian. V. H. I. 
 18. 
 
 CH. 2, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 249 
 
 The expiatory establishment*' on the promontory of 
 TiENARUM was also said to have been founded by 
 Tettix, a Cretan,^ who is merely a personified symbol 
 of Apollo, like Lycus, Corax, Cycnus, &c., in other 
 places. Callondas is said to have purified the soul 
 of the murdered Archilochus at this gate of the in- 
 fernal regions. Considering the proximity of Delium 
 in Laconia* and of the little island of Minoa to this 
 temple, we may conclude that the origin of the above 
 sanctuaiy was connected wdth these places. 
 
 In front of the harbour of Megara was another 
 island called Minoa, and numerous legends had been 
 there preserved in which the Cretans of Minoa (though 
 probably only by a corruption of the original tradi- 
 tion) were represented as enemies and plunderers. 
 Megara had two citadels : the Carian with the temple 
 of Demeter, and a more modern one towards the sea, 
 surmounted by temples of Apollo. This is said to 
 have been built by Alcathous the son of Pelops, while 
 Apollo stood by and played upon his lyre. A 
 sounding-block of stone was exhibited at the place 
 where the god lay down his lyre.^ The same fable is 
 also alluded to by Theognis of Megara.' Here then 
 there is a worship and temples of an earlier date 
 than the Doric migration, and which certainly pro- 
 
 * Called "iTvxoTrofnTeioy, like 
 the institutions in Thesprotia, 
 at Phigalea and Heraclea Pon- 
 tica. See book I. ch. 1. § 6. 
 
 ' Plutarch, de sera Num. 
 Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in 
 Hrriyog e^pafov. 
 
 8 Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. 
 the name being derived from 
 Delos. Also called ^EiricriXwy. 
 
 ^ Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. 
 Epii;ram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. 
 
 Brunck. Analect. Meziriac ad 
 Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.-— 
 Also, Megareus the son of 
 Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Mc- 
 yapa. comp. Dieuchidas of Me- 
 gara in Schol. ApoU. Rhod. I. 
 517. 
 
 * V. 773. 4>ot/3£ am^, avrog 
 fxtv lirvpyuKTaQ ttoXlv aKp-qv, 
 'AX/caGoy IIcXoxoc Traill x<ipi- 
 ^o fit yog. 
 
250 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book h. 
 
 ceeded from Crete. On the former citadel stood a 
 statue of Apollo Decatephorus,^ " the receiver of 
 tithes," whose name is explained by the fable that 
 the daughter of Alcathous was once sent as a tribute 
 to Crete, like the Athenian youths and maidens. 
 Thus a fact which will be soon proved with respect 
 to Athens, is also true of Megai*a — viz., that these 
 missions always conveyed a sacred tithe.^ 
 
 9. The process of our investigation will shortly 
 lead us to examine the Attic legends, consisting of 
 a confused mass of tradition, with which the worship 
 of all the gods, including that of Apollo, was in that 
 country perplexed. 
 
 To commence then with the legends which are 
 connected with the temple of Apollo at Thoricus. 
 Thoricus, situated on the south-eastern coast of Attica, 
 was one of the ancient tAvelve towns of that country. 
 
 ^ AtKarTi(p6poc, og ^eKarrjv (fti- 
 pei, i. e. here, *' he who re* 
 ^'ceives it," Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. 
 Compare an Argive inscription 
 (Boeckh No. 1142. At^ttn-joa- 
 roc ApxLTTT. AttoWiovi dekar 
 
 .) Apollo was likewise 
 
 worshipped at Megara under 
 the titles of Pythius (Schol. 
 Pind. Nem. V. 84. Philostrat. 
 Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archa- 
 getas, Prostaterius, Carnius and 
 Agraeus. The tripod and the 
 Delphine on the coins of Me- 
 gara see Pouqueville, torn. IV. 
 p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. 
 
 sect. II. p. "jea. 
 
 ^ From Megara Calchedon 
 (see the coins) derived its 
 woiship and oracle of Apollo 
 (Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far 
 off was Demonesus; and an 
 Apollo of Demonebian brass is 
 
 mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. 
 de Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad 
 Poll. V. 5. 39. Byzantium 
 likewise, a Megarian colony, 
 had a temple of Apollo ou the 
 promontory of Metopon, ac- 
 cording to Dionysius de Bosp. 
 Thrac. Byzantium, moreover, 
 had evidently derived from its 
 parent city, but in an exagge- 
 rated form, the tradition of the 
 foundation of the city by Apollo, 
 and that this god placed his lyre 
 upon a tower. Hence the seven 
 resounding towers ( Hesych. 
 Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dio- 
 nys. Byz. p. 6. Dio Cass. 
 LXXIV. 14): also the fable 
 of the dolphin charmed by the 
 sound of the lyre (Dionysius 
 pag. 9. Gyllius de Constanti- 
 nop. pag. 285.) evidently be- 
 longs to the Megarian worship. 
 
 CH. % § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 251 
 
 and always remained a place of consequence, of which 
 there are still extant considerable remains. Favoured 
 by its situation, it soon became a commercial station ; 
 Cretan vessels were accustomed in ancient times to 
 anchor in its harbour.™ The fable of Cephalus and 
 Procris appears, from some poetical and mythological 
 accounts, to have been connected with Crete and the 
 worship of Apollo." We know for certain that the 
 Cephalidse, who existed at a still later period in 
 Attica," preserved some hereditary rites of Apollo: 
 for when in the tenth generation Chalcinus and Da^tus, 
 tlie descendants of the hero, returned to the country 
 which tlieir ancestor had quitted in consequence of 
 murder, they immediately built a teiiiple to that god 
 on tlie road to Eleusis.** 
 
 10. But the fable of Cephalus was also connected 
 with another great temple of Apollo, which in tlie 
 west of Greece looked down from the chalky cliflFs 
 of the promontory of Leucatas over the Ionian sea, 
 and of which there are ruins still extant.** Now 
 Cephalus, the hero of Thoricus, is said to have 
 gained these regions in company with Amphitryon *J 
 he is also said to have first made the celebrated leap 
 from the rock of Leucatas/ This leap, doubtless, 
 had originally a religious meaning, and was an expla- 
 
 in 
 
 Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126. 
 ° See Pherecydes ap. Schol. 
 Od. XL 320. ApoUod. II. 4. 7. 
 Observ. ad ApoUod. p. 333. 
 
 Hesychius. 
 
 P Paus. I. 37. 4. 
 
 •1 SeeStraboX.p.452. Thuc. 
 III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin. 
 Servius ad Mn. III. 271. Dod- 
 well, vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. 
 I. p. 402. has a Leucadian in- 
 
 scription, *A7roXAw»/idrai ^koIo- 
 fxr}aay. 
 
 ^ Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. 
 Etymol. M. in 'ApKttfftoc, He- 
 raclid. Pont. 17 and 37. ed. 
 Koehler. Hcyne ad ApoUod. 
 
 II. 4. 7. 
 
 » ApoUod. III. 15. 1. Ac- 
 cording to the ancient Charon 
 of Lampsacus, Phobus of Pho- 
 c«ea was the first who took this 
 leap, Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 289. 
 
^52 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 toiy rite. At the Athenian festival of ThargeUa, a 
 festival sacred to Apollo, criminals, crowned as vic- 
 tims, were led to the edge of a rock, and tin-own down 
 to the bottom ; and the same ceremony appears to have 
 been performed on certain sacred occasions at Leu- 
 catas/ Here, however, the fall of the criminal was 
 broken by tying feathers, and even birds, to his body ; 
 below, he was taken up, and conveyed to a distance, 
 that he might carry away with him every particle 
 of guilt. This was without doubt the original mean- 
 ing of the leap of Cephalus, who w^as stained with 
 the guilt of homicide, and on that very account a 
 fugitive from his country. According to a legend 
 noticed in an ancient epic poem, his purification took 
 place at Thebes ;" whereas the Leucadian tradition 
 doubtless represented his leap from the rock as the act 
 of atonement. 
 
 In later times, indeed, the object of this leap was 
 totally altered ; it was supposed to be a specific for 
 disappointed love.'' This singular application of the 
 ancient custom gave a romantic colour to the legend 
 connected with it. Cephalus and Procris were also 
 represented in after-times as tormented by love and 
 jealousy. Probably the story partly obtained tliis 
 form in Cyprus, the island of Aphrodite, whither the 
 fable of Cephalus^ was early carried by Attic set- 
 tlers. But in whatever manner it was perverted, 
 we cannot doubt that the leap of Cephalus from the 
 
 * Kar* kviavTOv^ Strabo X. p. 
 452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tris- 
 tia Leucadio sacra peracta modo. 
 PhotiusLex. Afv/car??c. (tm-keKoq 
 
 T « f 
 
 TTfi: fjTrEipov, a(f> ov piTTTOvfTiy av- 
 Tovg sIq to iriXayog oi upeig. 
 
 " Photius in Teujui/am, from 
 the imKov KVKXog. 
 
 ^ Stesichorus apud Athen. 
 XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappha. 
 Compare Hardion. Sur le sault 
 de Leucadcy Mem. de PAcad. 
 des Inscript. torn. VII. p. 245. 
 
 y See Hesych. in OopiKog, 
 Ptolem. Hephaest. 7. 
 
 CH.2, § 11. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 •253 
 
 Leucadian rock was a part of the expiatory worship 
 of Apollo. 
 
 These considerations refer to the Cretan rites so- 
 lenmized at Thoricus. In Athens itself, the traditions 
 of Crete and Delphi being found united together, it is 
 necessary that we should first return to the latter 
 place, and follow the Pythian worship through 
 Bgeotia. 
 
 1 1 . This indeed is neither the time nor place to 
 relate how the Pythian worship, in spite of the op- 
 position of hostile races, traced the route of the pro- 
 cession through the passes of Parnassus. The fact 
 is indeed evident from an almost unbroken chain 
 of temples and oracles, the links of which, viz., 
 Thurium, Tilphossium, the temple of Galaxius, the 
 oracle of Eutresis, the Ismenium, Tenerium, Ptoum, 
 and Tegyra, are all connected either by tradition or 
 religious rites with Delphi. Delium is probably the 
 only place on the eastern coast founded from Delos. 
 Pindar represents the establishment of several such 
 temples under the form of a migration of the god 
 himself.' 
 
 I shall content myself with noticing a few of the 
 temples above-mentioned. 
 
 The first in order is the oracle at the fountain 
 of Tilphossa under Mount Helicon, famous for the 
 grave of Tiresias and the monument of Rhadaman- 
 thus, who is said to have dwelt here with Alcmena 
 the mother of Hercules." To this spot were attached 
 some remarkable traditions of the Cretan worshippers 
 of Apollo, forming a branch of the colonization of 
 Cirrha; which is alluded to in Homer's account of 
 
 * Fragment of the Ilap^tVta, * See below, ch. 1 1 . § 8. 
 p. 595. ed. Boeckh. 
 
254 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK 11. 
 
 CH. 2, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 255 
 
 ^^lA/XA^^fAjd the Th»ft«kii&l bringing Rhadamanthus to Euboea for 
 
 the purpose of seeing Tityus ;^— a remarkable pas- 
 sage, which I can only understand to mean that the 
 Cretan hero was desirous to see Tityus, who was van- 
 quished by Apollo. 
 
 Tegyra was a place of great importance in the 
 Boeotian tradition, as being the birthplace of Apollo.' 
 The Delphian oracle was more favourable to this 
 tradition than to that of Delos. Pindar*^ represents 
 the youthful god as coming to take possession of Pytho 
 from Tegyra, not, as the Attic poets, from Delos. 
 
 12. The identity of the Boeotian with the Delphian 
 worship of Apollo was particularly striking in the 
 temple of Ismene at Thebes. As at Delphi the Py- 
 thon was slain and the laurel broken anew every eight 
 years, so at Thebes a procession of laurel-bearers took 
 place at the same periods, the use of which, as a mea- 
 sure of time, is evident." Here also, as at Delphi, the 
 statue of Athene was placed in front of the temple 
 (TT^ovaog).^ Tripods were the sacred vessels in both 
 temples, though never employed in the latter for the 
 purpose of prophecy. In later times the priests were 
 contented with observing omens from the flame and 
 ashes of sacrifices,^ like the Tupxooi of DeJphi ;'' al- 
 
 »> Od. VII. 322. 
 
 * Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 5. 
 
 ^ According to the emenda- 
 tion Tey vpaQ for Tavaypa^ in 
 fragm. incert. 14. Boeckh. 
 
 ^ See Orchomenos, p. 220. 
 Boeckh in the Berlin Transac- 
 tions on the Oration against 
 Midias, below, ch. 8. § 4. 
 
 f Pausan. IX. 10. See Stan- 
 ley ad ^sch. Eum. 21. 
 
 s Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. 
 CEd. T. 21. fiavTiitf. flTTTo^^, Phi- 
 
 lochorus ap. Schol. ad 1. 
 
 ^ Hesych. in v. Also the lots 
 burnt in the sacred fire, accord- 
 ing to the same grammarian, 
 (ppvKTog AeX^Ic KXfjpos. Com- 
 pare Boeckh Explic. Pind. 01. 
 VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. 
 Am. 20. To this custom like- 
 wise refer the ^oijjov laxapat in 
 Eurip. Phoen 292, and the name 
 of the ancient priest of the Del- 
 phic oracle -KvpKewv. See the 
 Eumolpia in Pauf . X. 5. 3. 
 
 though the mode of delivering oracles, from a mental 
 enthusiasm, was prevalent also in Thebes at an earlier 
 period ; at least Tiresias (whom we may consider as a 
 prophet of the temple of Ismene)' does not, either in 
 Homer or the tragedians, appear as a diviner from fire. 
 That, however, the whole worship of Apollo was 
 not one of those originally instituted at Thebes, will be 
 evident from the following observations. In the an- 
 cient legends respecting Cadmus, in which Demeter, 
 Ck)ra, Cadmus, and afterwai'ds Bacchus, predominate 
 in succession, Apollo never appears in a conspicuous 
 character. For particular additions of the poets may 
 be easily distinguished from the genuine popular tra- 
 dition. The fable, that Cadmus, after the slaughter 
 of the serpent, was, like Apollo, compelled to live 
 eight years in slavery,'' must be considered as a poetical 
 transposition. Cadmus and Apollo had originally no 
 points of resemblance to each other. The situation of 
 the temple of Apollo at Thebes is a most convincing 
 proof that his worship was totally distinct from any 
 other. Those of the ancient national gods were built 
 on the citadel of Cadmeia, whilst Apollo was not only 
 not worshipped in the citadel, but even without the 
 gates, in the temple of Ismene,^ which, according to 
 Pausanias, must have been situated opposite to the 
 temple of Hercules and the house of Amphitryon. 
 This proximity of the hero and god, as well as all 
 other points of union between the two at Thebes, will 
 
 * The stone of Manto in front I. p. 93. 
 of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. ^ Apollo Polius was also with- 
 
 fxavriuv QQkoq. Pind. Pyth. out the gates at Thebes, Paus. 
 
 XI. 6. IX. 12. 1. Apollo was likewise 
 
 ^ The serpent of Cadmus is worshipped in the village of 
 
 also by later writers called Cas- Calydna near Thebes, Androtion 
 
 talius and AcX^^Vtoc, Creuzer ap. Steph. Byz. in KaXv^ra. 
 ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. 
 
256 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book h. 
 
 be employed for the purpose of establishing further 
 conclusions, when we explain the legend of Hercules." 
 
 To settle with any accuracy, from the traditions 
 concerning Tiresias and Hercules, the time at which 
 the Boeotian temples of Apollo were founded, seems 
 hardly possible, since the former contain no chronolo- 
 gical information, and the latter are entirely uncon- 
 nected with the rest of the Theban mythology. A 
 tradition respecting the establishment of the festival 
 of the Daphnephoria places it at the time of the 
 iEolian migration," whence it might perhaps be in- 
 ferred that the ^olians introduced the worship of 
 Apollo into Boeotia. This hypothesis would however 
 involve us in endless perplexities ; and it is most pro- 
 bable that its diffusion was gradually effected, soon 
 after the settlement at Cirrha, about the time at which 
 the worship of Apollo rose to importance at Athens. 
 
 13. The introduction of this worship into Attica 
 coincides exactly with the passage of the lonians into 
 that countiy. The traditions respecting the most an- 
 cient kings, Cecrops, Erichthonius, and Erechtheus, 
 chiefly refer to the temples, symbols, and festival rites 
 of Athene ; and this goddess, together with the other 
 deities of the Acropolis, plays the principal part in 
 them, particularly in her connexion with the blessings 
 of husbandry. But with the reign of Ion the Attic 
 mythology assumes quite a different character.** This 
 seems to me a complete refutation of the assertion of 
 the lonians as to their identity with the aboriginal 
 nation of the Pelasgians.^ Still more evident is it 
 
 m 
 
 Below, ch. 11. § 1. 
 " See Orchomenos, pp. 234. 
 393. 
 
 ** See the author's work De 
 
 Minerva Poliade, p. 2. 
 
 P Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. 
 VIII. 44. 
 
 CH. 2, § 13. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 257 
 
 then, that in proportion as the lonians, being a warlike 
 nation,** separated themselves from the original inha- 
 bitants, whose employment was agriculture and pas- 
 turing, their Hellenic worship deviated from the 
 ancient one of the country. Aristotle indeed speaks 
 of the paternal Apollo {'AttoXXwv woLTf^Sog) as being 
 a son of Athene and Hephaestus ;' but tliis is nothing 
 more than an endeavour to create a family connexion 
 between the principal gods of the same town : for 
 where do we ever find a temple dedicated conjointly to 
 Athene and Apollo ? what ceremonies and sacrifices 
 were oflFered to tliem in common ? and in what legends 
 are tliey found connected ? Till such an union of the 
 two deities is discovered, we must consider Athene as 
 an ancient and native deity, Apollo as one of much 
 later introduction. The Athenians, indeed, maintained 
 that an ancient hero of their country, Erysichthon, a 
 son of Cecrops himself, erected the first statue of 
 Apollo at Delos :' but it is easy to recognise in this 
 account the attempt of the Athenians to fortify their 
 claims to the dominion of the Dehan temple, and to 
 represent their rights as prior to all others. In all 
 that is related of the Ionian princes (to whom ^geus* 
 and Theseus belong) with reference to religious insti- 
 tutions, mention is seldom made of the ancient Athe- 
 nian deities, Athene and Hephaestus. The whole is 
 
 •» Hence Ion is called the 
 TToXifxap^og or (rrpaTriyoQ of the 
 Athenians, Herod. VIII. 44. 
 Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. 
 1. 2. &c. hence also Euripides 
 says (Ion 1319) that " the shield 
 " and spear was the whole pa- 
 " trimony of Xuthus." 
 
 ' Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 
 22. 23 Lydus de Mens. p. 105. 
 
 ' See Phanoderaus ap. Athen, 
 
 IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Eu- 
 seb. praep. ev. II. p. 99. fragm. 
 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. 
 Canon. 497. comp. Paus. I. 18. 
 5. Legends of this kind were 
 greatly amplified by Attic ora- 
 tors, who, like Hyperides before 
 the Amphictyons, had to defend 
 the claims of Athens upon Delos. 
 
 3atc, Plutarch The?. 13. ' 
 
258 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book lu 
 
 taken up with accounts either of the establishment of 
 the worship of Poseidon (which prevailed in the Ionian 
 cities and in the places of their national assemblies) ^ 
 or the establishment and maintenance of an intercourse 
 with the temples of Apollo at Delos, Delphi, and 
 Cnosus. 
 
 14. In the second place, the fabulous history of 
 these heroes also concerns the worship of Apollo, in 
 so far as the origin of the Pythian Theorias is con- 
 tained in it. Ion is even a real son or adopted disciple 
 of the Pytliian god ; and in all probability there was 
 no more difference originally between his two fathers, 
 Apollo and Xuthus," than between the two fathers of 
 Theseus, iEgeus and Poseidon. Theseus consecrated 
 his hair to the same god ; a place at Delphi was called 
 Thesea."" It is also related of iEgeus, that his king- 
 dom, embracing the plain of Attica, stretched as far ^ 
 as Pythium, where it bordered on Megaris.^ This 
 Pythium was situated in the " sacred CEnoe,'** a for- 
 tified borough town of the tribe Hippothoontis, on the 
 frontiers of Megaris, Boeotia, and Attica,* to the north 
 of the plain of Eleusis, and in a district of remarkable 
 fertility.^ 
 
 This temple was manifestly built on the frontiers in 
 
 "^ SovdoQ is the *' bright" 
 " shining" god. another form 
 of lai^dog. See below, ch. 6. § 
 7. AlyevQ, from alyeg, '* the 
 " waves of the sea " is equiva- 
 lent to TlotreihiZv AiyaioQ. 
 
 * Plutarch Thes. 5. 
 
 yStrabo IX. p. 392. after 
 Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. 
 Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. 
 1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35. 
 
 ^ Philochorus apud Schol. 
 Soph. CEd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl. 
 
 * Compare Barbit? du Bo- 
 cage's Histoire de la hourgade 
 d*CEno'e la sacree at the end of 
 Stanhope's Plan of Plataea. 
 
 ^ Hence Sophocles ubi sup. 
 calls the district of Eleusis IIu- 
 OiaQ cLKTag. The Scholiast con- 
 founds the CEnoe of the tribe 
 Hippothoontis with that of the 
 tribe Aiantis. The situation of 
 the Pythium is correctly treated 
 by Reisig Enarr. (Ed. Col. p. 
 134. 
 
 CH. 2, § 14. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 259 
 
 order to afford a resting-place to the sacred proces- 
 sion, which in the beginning of the spring went from 
 Athens to Pytho. For if favourable omens had been 
 observed in the town itself, and it was intended to de- 
 spatch the procession, the prophet in the Pytliium at 
 (Enoe performed sacrifices every day, in order to pro- 
 cure a favourable journey, just as the Delian proces- 
 sion was regulated by omens observed in the Delium 
 at Marathon.^ The famihes charged witli the prepa- 
 rations for sending the procession (probably all of 
 ancient Ionian extraction) were called Pythaistee and 
 Deliastee.** The omens looked for were the Pythian 
 lightnings, a very unusual mode of divination in 
 Greece. The Pythaistse took their station in the 
 town, near the altar of Zeus Astrapseus, between the 
 01ymi)ieium and Pytluum, both of which were among 
 the earliest sanctuaries, although they first owed their 
 magnificence to Pisistratus." From this spot it was 
 the custom to watch for nine nights, during three 
 months, a lofty peak of mount Parnes,' called Harnia ; 
 and it was only in case the wished-for lightnings 
 flashed favourably over the heights that the embassy 
 could proceed along the Pythian road. This road led 
 trom Atliens, near mount Corydallus (on which there 
 was a temple of Apollo),^ through the Eleusinian 
 
 "^ In the passage of Philocho- 
 rus ubi sup. read ol U rov yivovg 
 livQtala Kal A;/Xmf)a, for ol tK rov 
 yivovq livBiai U koI Ai;\m^«c. 
 
 The A//XtaoTai occurred in 
 the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. 
 p 234 E. the UvQaKxral are 
 mentioned in Steph. Byz. in 
 
 « Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eu- 
 rip. Ion. 285. On the Pythium, 
 
 see Thuc II. 15. VI. 54. Isseus 
 p. 113. 187. Suidas in Uvdiov. 
 Suidas, Hesychiua, Prov. h 
 
 f Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. 
 Byz. in fip/xa. Eustath. ad II. 
 ^ 499. Hesych. in aa-Tprnrrei. 
 Prov. in Sray Bi "Ap/xarog. 
 
 8 Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. 
 170. ' 
 
 s 2 
 
MO RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book it 
 
 plain to (Enoe ; from thence through the pass of Dry- 
 oscephal^ to Boeotia, where it touched either Thespise 
 or Thebes, then Lebadeia and Chaeronea, and then 
 passed on by Panopeus and Daulis through the defile 
 between Parnassus and Cirphis to Delphi : a mountain 
 road which the Athenians declared that they had them- 
 selves opened,^ and which Theseus is said to have freed 
 from robbers,^ in the same manner that he purified the 
 road to the Isthmus from monsters. This was also 
 the sacred road for the Peloponnesians, if we except 
 that part of it which traversed Attica.'' 
 
 There still remains to be mentioned a remarkable 
 fact respecting CEnoe, which will greatly assist us in 
 explaining the fable of the voyage of Theseus to Crete: 
 I allude to the existence of a tomb of Androgens, the 
 son of ftlinos, whom the natives had put to death as he 
 was passing on the Pythian road.^ A Cretan was 
 murdered in the sacred way of the Cretan worship ; 
 Minos came to take vengeance for the violation of the 
 sacred armistice; and hence Athens was obliged to 
 send a tribute to Cnosus. Now the nature of this 
 tribute may be perceived from a tradition preserved by 
 Aristotle,™ that the boys who were sent to Crete by 
 the Athenians lived at Cnosus as slaves; and that 
 
 ^ See iEsch. Eum. 1 2. 7rf/x- 
 TToycri 3' avToy kol (Tt(MCov<Tiv 
 fxiya KtXevdoiroiol irciileg Hcpaiff- 
 Tov. Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. 
 IX. p. 422 D. Aristid. Panath. 
 vol. L p. 329. Orchomenos p. 
 36. 188. 
 
 * This rare tradition is pre- 
 served in the Schol. JEsch. Eum. 
 13. Schol. Aristid. p. 107. ed. 
 Frommel. 
 
 ^ This explains Herod. VI. 
 34. lovTEQ ^i 01 AoXoyKoi TYiv ipr)y 
 
 ^'iaay. Kai (T(l>£ac utg oh^elg £«caXec, 
 eKTpaTrovrai sir Adrjviiov. 
 
 ^ There is a trace of the cor- 
 rect tradition in Diod. IV. 60. 
 cf. Serv. ad Mn. VI. 14. The 
 funeral games of Laius were 
 made by the poets the motive 
 for this journey. 
 
 ™ 'El' T:o\iTd(f. Boma/wv ap. 
 Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. 
 35. Conon. Narr. c. 25. 
 
 CH. 2, § 14. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 261 
 
 afterwards, when the Cretans, in consequence of an 
 ancient vow, sent a tithe of men to Delplii, the de- 
 scendants of these slaves went with them, and subse- 
 quently passed from thence to Italy. From this it 
 appears that the Athenians were compelled to send 
 sacred slaves to the chief temple at Cnosus, viz., that 
 of Apollo. For this reason these missions took place 
 every eight years (8/ Ivvsa WtZv) ;° that is, probably 
 at every Ennaeteris of the Cretan and Delphic fes- 
 tival ; and for the same reason they consisted of seven 
 young men and women, as this number was especially 
 sacred to Apollo.° 
 
 It is well known how mucli this tradition was 
 disfigured by the Athenians (originally perhaps in 
 their popular legends, and afterwards by the poets), 
 in what an odious light it was represented, and so 
 mixed up with extraneous matter, that we should only 
 render the problem too difficult if we attempted to 
 investigate the whole of its component parts. 
 
 We may however affirm with certainty that the 
 voyage of Theseus to Crete had originally no other 
 meaning than the landings at Naxos^ and Delos, which 
 were connected with it — viz., a propagation of religious 
 worship. 
 
 ° Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. 
 IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. 
 171. 
 
 ° The chief passage on the 
 septenary number of the boys 
 and girls sent to Crete is Ser- 
 vius ad ^n. VI. 21. Seplena 
 quotannis (kar iyiavroy) qui- 
 dam septem pueros et septem 
 puellas accipi volunt, quod et 
 Plato dixit in PhcBdone (p. 58.) 
 et Sappho in Lyricis (p. 255. 
 m Wolfs Poetr. Gr.) ct Bacchy- 
 
 lides ill Dithyramtfis (p. 1 7. ed. 
 Neue.) et Euripides in Hercule 
 (v. 1331 .), quos liherarit secum 
 Theseus. 
 
 P The visit to Naxos origi- 
 nally signified a transmission of 
 the worship of Dionysus and 
 Ariadne to that island, which 
 rites had been kept up at the 
 festival of the 'Oo-)(o0d^ta,though 
 confounded with the laurel - 
 bearing procession of Apollo. 
 
262 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 The landing at Delos is a mythical type of the 
 theorias, which the Athenians, in common with all the 
 Ionian islands, had from early times sent to this place ;** 
 moreover, the ship which conveyed Tlieseus home was 
 always regarded as a sacred vessel. It was sent out 
 at the Thargelia, after the priest, on the sixth day of 
 Thargelion, had crowned the poop/ 
 
 Amongst other Delian rites the worsliip of Eili- 
 thyia was also at that time brought over to Athens, 
 probably from the island of Crete, where an ancient 
 cavern of the goddess, near Amnisus, has been already 
 mentioned/ One point at which the procession from 
 Attica to Crete touched was the borough town and 
 harbour of Prasise, on the eastern coast of Attica, 
 where, besides the temple of Apollo, was the tomb of 
 Erysichthon, the Delian and Athenian hero ; and tra- 
 dition represented the gifts of the Hyperboreans to 
 have been transported from this port to that sacred 
 island.* 
 
 Lastly, the origin of the Delphinian expiatory 
 festival from Delphi and Crete is as evident as its 
 introduction by the Ionian princes ; for iEgeus dwelt 
 in the Delphinium, and was there buried. To him 
 was also ascribed the establishment of the Del- 
 
 ^ Boeckh Economy of Athens, 
 vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is 
 said to have sent the ^oaroy 
 with theorias to Delos, Plutarch 
 Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. 
 
 ' This confirms a fact which 
 we collected from other sources, 
 viz., that the Thargelian Apollo 
 was the same god as that wor- 
 shipped at Delos and Crete. — 
 There was an ancient writing 
 on this subject preserved in the 
 Daphnephoreum at Phyle in 
 Attica, Theophrastus ap. Athen. 
 
 X. p. 424 F. The origin of the 
 Thargelia is also referred to 
 Crete by a tradition, that this 
 festival arose from the expiatory 
 rites for the murder of Andro- 
 geus, Helladius ap. Phot, in 
 Gronov. Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. 
 p. 978. 
 
 « Paus. I. 18. 5. ra fxev ^ 
 ^vo ^oava elfai Kpijrtm. See 
 above, ch. 1. § 5. 
 
 tPyth.I.31. Compare Dod- 
 well, vol. I. p. 532. 
 
 CH. 2, § 15. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 263 
 
 phinian tribunal. Theseus, previously to his expedi- 
 tion to Crete, here placed tlie olive-branch, bound 
 with wool, on the sixth day of Munychion," and puri- 
 fied himself from the murder of the Pallantidae.'' 
 
 1 5. The political situation of the worship of Apollo 
 at Athens still requires to be noticed. From our 
 previous observations it is clear that tlie lonians had 
 adopted it from the Dorians ; hence Ion himself is 
 called the son of the Pythian god. The paternal 
 deity of Athens was, as Demosthenes says, no other 
 than the Pythian A})ollo.y We may then assert, 
 without hesitation, that the lonians were the only race 
 who had gentilitious rites of Apollo, and that tiiey 
 alone could properly be called ysvrjrai, ' AToT^Ticovog 
 Tarpmoo. Thus, when the archons at the scrutiny 
 swore, that besides Zeus Herceus, the household god, 
 they worshipped also Apollo Trarpcoog ;' this form of 
 oath originated at a time when the Eupatridse, that 
 is, the noble Ionic and Hellenic families, were alone 
 eligible to the dignity of the archonsliip. Nor was it 
 till, by the timocracy of Solon and democracy of 
 Aristides, the richer class in general and the whole 
 
 ^ Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. possible, however, that he was 
 
 cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his re- so called as being the god of the 
 
 turn Theseus sacrifices to Apollo Trarpat of the lonians. Apollo 
 
 and Diana as ovXwi dtol, Phe- was also called XfffyjqvopioQ at 
 
 recycles ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. Athens (Plutarch Et 2. p. 217. 
 
 frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Span- Suidas in v.) ; perhaps as being 
 
 heim ad Callim. Hymn. Apoll. the titular deity of the 360 
 
 40. 46. A«Vxat of the 360 yivrj at 
 
 » See Pollux VIII. 10. 119. Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. 
 
 y Demosth de Coron. p. 274. et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus 
 
 cf. Aristot. ap. Har})ocrat. in ap Harpocrat. in Xiayai, Meur- 
 
 AttoWwv irarp^oQ. The Ache- 
 nians had narp^oi dvffiai at 
 Delphi, Demosth. Epist. p. 
 
 sius ad Lycophr. 543. 
 
 * yevvrirni AttoWiovoq Tra- 
 rp^ov Kai Aiog Epfcelov, Demosth. 
 
 1481. Apollo's Attic title of adv. Eubulid.p. 1315. 15. Pol- 
 Trarp^oc is explained from his lux VIII. 85. 
 being the jrar^p of Ion j it is 
 
264 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 people were admitted to this office, that Apollo xa- 
 T^^og was considered as a deity common to all fami- 
 lies.* The democratical judges of Athens also yearly 
 took an oath before this deity :^ tliis ceremony was at 
 first perhaps only required of the criminal judges 
 of aristocratical descent, viz., the Ephetse. It is how- 
 ever clear that originally the religion of Apollo was 
 adapted for the military caste alone, the ancient 
 Hopletes ; hence he was not a god of artisans and 
 husbandmen, but of warriors. Hence also Ion or 
 Xuthus adopted him as the Athenian god of war 
 (TToT^ifjLaq^og) at the festival of Boedromia,*" the name 
 of which is derived from the onset of armed troops 
 in battle. 
 
 As originally the Eupatridee alone cultivated the 
 worship of Apollo, they alone possessed the ceremony 
 of purification, which is here, as elsewhere, mixed up 
 with the rites of the Cretan worship. According to 
 Plutarch/ Ion had instructed the Athenians in reli- 
 gion, i. e., in that of Apollo ; and the same author 
 relates,^ that Theseus established the Eupatridee as 
 administrators of the government, judges, and inter- 
 preters of the sacred rites {s^rjyrjra) oarimv xa) Is^doy), 
 
 CH.2, § 15. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 265 
 
 * As appears from Plato, Eu- 
 tbyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et 
 Heindorf. p. 404. 
 
 ^Pollux VIII. 122. 
 
 « Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. 
 with the Schol. and Spanheim. 
 Harpocrat. in Borjlpofiia. Suidas 
 and Etym. M. in (joTjcpo/j-ely. 
 Hence the archon Polemarchus 
 administered justice in the Ly- 
 ceum, the temple of Apollo 
 Lyceus, near the statue of a 
 -vvolf, Suidas in ap-)(wy. Bekker 
 Anecd. vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. 
 in iinXvKLvv. AvKafj.l3i£ apy^^q of 
 
 the polemarch, according to 
 Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And 
 in general all the courts at 
 Athens were under the protec- 
 tion of the wolf, viz., Apollo, 
 Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in ^c- 
 Kui^wv. Lexic. and Paroemiogr. 
 in \vKov ^£K-ac. Etymol. M. in 
 
 ^ In Colot. p. 31. 
 
 ® Thes. 25. According to 
 Plato Rep. IV. p 427. Apollo 
 is the TTcirpiog i^rjyrfr^c of the 
 Athenians. 
 
 By this we are to understand that it was tlieir duty 
 to give information respecting every thing which re- 
 garded the jus sacrum; which in ancient times 
 especially comprehended expiations and excommuni- 
 cations for homicide. The rites necessary at puri- 
 fication were also entirely in the hands of the Eu- 
 patridse, and formed part of their hereditaiy rites 
 (TTOLTpta) ;^ and this is the reason why in old times 
 they took cognizance of every homicide, and in. later 
 times of manslaughter, the connexion of which duties 
 with the worship of Apollo will be shown hereafter.^ 
 
 I have been induced to place these points in as 
 strong a light as possible, from the democratical ten- 
 dency of Athenian poetry, which endeavoured to obli- 
 terate all traces of the forcible occupation of Attica, 
 and of the foreign extraction of the families of the 
 Eupatridse. On this account the vacant period be- 
 tween the times of the Erecthidae and ^gidee was 
 notoriously supplied by arbitrary insertions, and the 
 fable of Ion represented in a thousand various ways. 
 This tendency is also recognised in the tragedy of 
 Ion by Euripides, the artful and ingenious plan of 
 which cannot be sufficiently admired. According to 
 the ancient tradition, Ion was the son of the hero 
 Xuthus, or of the Pythian Apollo (who were ori- 
 ginally considered as identical), and probably of 
 Creusa, a native of Attica, which was a mode of 
 expressing his new settlement there. Euripides, on 
 the other hand, separates Ion from Xuthus,^ who is 
 always represented as somewhat rude and coarse, and 
 
 ^ Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. 
 IX. p. 4J0 A.) £v roiQ TMV cvTra- 
 rpi^wp (not rwi' Ovyarpiduiy) 
 varpioir treated of the purifica- 
 tion of suppliants. 
 
 8 Below, ch. 8. § 6. 
 
 ** By representing the notion 
 that Xuthus was the father of 
 Ion aa a mere deceit of Xuthus. 
 
266 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 even tyrannical,* and so alters the whole story, that 
 the hero does not appear as a new comer, but as 
 the legitimate offspring of the female line of the race 
 of the Erecthidse. By this device the poet pre- 
 served the idea that the Athenians were an aboriginal 
 nation, on which they so prided themselves,^ and set 
 aside, in a manner most agreeable to their feelings, 
 the fable which contradicted this claim to antiquity. 
 Ion himself in the tragedy gives utterance to some 
 very popular sentiments ; and of the power of aristo- 
 cracy, once so firmly established, the last faint me- 
 morial is almost buried in oblivion.^ 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 § I. Diffusion of the worship of Apollo in Peloponnesus by the 
 Dorians. § 2. His Introduction by the Dorians at the Olympic 
 festival. § 3. Influence of the Delphian oracle of Apollo. 
 Subjects of the oracle. § 4. Migrations caused by the oracle. 
 § 5. Connexion of the temple of Delphi with the Amphictyons 
 of Thermopylae. § 6. Worship of Apollo in Asia Minor and 
 the islands. § 7. In Italy and Sicily, in ApoUonia and Cyrene. 
 
 1 . We now come to the third epoch of the propa- 
 gation of the worship of Apollo. The first embraced 
 the earliest migrations of the Doric nation, when the 
 great temples at Delphi, Cnosus, and Delos were 
 founded from Tempe. JThe second period is that of 
 
 * For example v. 668. Yfjuv ^ The view taken in the text 
 
 ^c aiydyy dfiojiheg, Xiyu) rahy on the Ion of Euripides has 
 
 *H davarov ElirnvaaLcri npoc da- been approved, since the first 
 
 fjiapr t.fxr]v. publication of this work, by 
 
 ^ V. 591. Elj'a/ i^aoi rag Hermann, in the preface to his 
 
 avro^Oovac KXeLpag'AS-qvaQ ovk edition of that tragedy, p. 32. 
 tTrEi(TaicToy yerog, &C. 
 
 CH..3, § I. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 2G7 
 
 the maritime supremacy of Minos, when the coasts of 
 Asia and Greece were covered with groves and ex- 
 piatory altars of this god. The third comprehends 
 the chief migration of the Dorians, and others occa- 
 sioned by it. Through these means Apollo became 
 the principal deity in Peloponnesus, where, in early 
 times, we find few traces of his existence. That the 
 Carnean Apollo of the Lacedaemonians, and the Apollo 
 Nomius of the Arcadians, form no exceptions to our 
 assertion, will be proved in a subsequent inqiury into 
 the nature and origin of these worships.* 
 
 After the Doric conquest of Peloponnesus, the chief 
 temples were every wliere consecrated to Apollo. 
 We have already spoken of the sanctuary of Apollo 
 Pythaeus, in which the Argive confederacy held their 
 meetings ;^ nor was the temple of Apollo Lyceus in 
 the market-place less celebrated.*" The Spartans also 
 worshipped this deity under the former name,'* and the 
 inhabitants of Sicyon under the latter.^ Hecatus, it 
 
 ^ Below, ch. 5, § 2. ch. 8. 
 § 15. 
 
 ^ Book I. ch. 5, § 3. comp. 
 Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also 
 called Aeipahibjrrigy from the 
 height. There was likewise 
 divination there, Telesilla ap. 
 Pausan. II. 35. 2 — 36. 5. 
 Hvdaevg and Kprjraevg are Doric 
 forms ; the hero Pythaeus can- 
 not be separated from the god. 
 Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, 
 were the deities of the city of 
 Argos, Liv. XXXII. 33. 
 
 *= Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. 
 Electr. 7. Hence AvAcctoc ayopa, 
 Sophocles, Hesych. in v. The 
 Argive coins with the wolf refer 
 to this statue, comp. Pausan. 
 VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an 
 
 oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31. 31. 
 where write, ^ tov Avkeiov Trpo- 
 <l>rjrig 'ATroWioyog. At Argos 
 also stood the statue of Apollo 
 Zwrearac, Hesych. in v. A tem- 
 ple of Latona, Pausan. II. 21. 
 
 ^ Alcman Fragm. 35. 36. ed. 
 Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. 
 Bast, ad Gregor. Corinth, p. 
 187. At Sparta, according to 
 Hesychius, AvKia^eg icopai rov 
 apidfioy rpiaKoyra at to v^top 
 KOfii^ovaai eig to AvKtiop (a 
 kind of Hydrophoria). 
 
 ® Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respect- 
 ing the ancient temple of Apollo 
 there, and a brass statue, see 
 Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 
 p. 59. Pausan. II. 1 1. 2. Polyb. 
 XVII. 16. 2. The tradition 
 
268 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ir- 
 is pretended, was a soothsayer, who came with the sons 
 of Aristodemus to Sparta ; and his descendant, in the 
 second Messenian war, held the same office */ the name 
 of this family refers to the worship of Apollo Hecatus 
 (the far-darting god). At Sparta Apollo was the 
 national deity ; the kings sacrificed to him on the first 
 and seventh days of every month ;^ the influence of 
 the capital city had also caused its general exten- 
 sion throughout the country.^ Corinth,' Epidaurus,*" 
 iEgina,^ and Troezen "^ followed the same example. 
 
 The name of the Delphian god had now attained 
 throughout Peloponnesus the universal respect which 
 it so long enjoyed : it had even led the way to the set- 
 
 respecting its foundation by 
 Epopeus is not worth notice. 
 Cleisthenes was the person who 
 instituted the Pythian games, 
 Schol. Find. Nem. IX. 49, 16. 
 comp. Boeckh and Dissen Ex- 
 plic. p. 451. Apollo had there 
 an iepa x^P^^ Polyb. ubi sup. 
 Liv. XXXII. 40. 
 
 fPausan. IV. 15. 5. The 
 Messenians at Naupactus had 
 also a temple of Apollo (Thu- 
 cyd. II. 91.); and the coins of 
 the Messenians of Sicily afford 
 proof of the same worship. Con- 
 cerning the ancient temple at 
 ^pea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4. 
 
 s Herod. VI. 57. 
 
 ^ Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. 
 III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo 
 Pythaeus, III. 11.2. Hesych. 
 in Qapva^, cf inOoparr/c- Apollo 
 Maleates, Pausan. III. 12. 8. 
 Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Aidv- 
 enoQj Steph. Byz. Suid. in v. 
 comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo 
 at Geronthrse, Boeckh Inscript. 
 N°. 1334. 
 
 ' Herod. II. 32. Plutarch 
 
 Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. 
 Hesych. in Zwr^Xto-n/c. At Co- 
 rinth, Apollo, as at Argos, was 
 ayopfjg KaWlxppov TrpvraviQ^ Si- 
 monides in Palat. Anthol. VI. 
 212. On the temple of Apollo 
 at Sicyon, likewise in the mar- 
 ket-place, Ampel. Liber. Me- 
 mor. 8. 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. 
 the inscriptions of the temple of 
 iEsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. 
 N°«. 1175, 1176. The temple 
 of Apollo ^gyptius belongs to 
 the time of the Antonines. 
 
 ^ In this island a temple of 
 Apollo was connected with the 
 Thearion (see Dissen ad Pind. 
 Nem. III. p. 376.), with the 
 worship of Apollo A«\0tVioc, 
 OtKioTj^C) and Awjuartrr;^:, and 
 the festival of the Hydrophoria. 
 iEginetica, p. 150. cf. 135. 
 
 " Above, ch. 2. § 8. The 
 Pythian games, according to 
 Pausan. II. 32. 2. founded by 
 Diomed, are probably of a later 
 date. 
 
 CH. 3, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 2G9 
 
 tlement and conquest of that peninsula, and hence 
 Apollo was called by the Dorians their leader and 
 founder.'' It was not till a later period that the kings 
 of Messenia (who upon the whole adhered less strictly 
 to the Doric customs than the Spartans) entered into a 
 connexion with the sanctuary at Delos, which had then 
 already fallen into the power of the lonians. About 
 the fifth Olympiad (760 B.C.) Eumelus, the Corin- 
 thian poet, composed an ode for a Messenian chorus to 
 that holy island." On the other hand, it was owing 
 to the Dorians (particularly to the Spartans) that the 
 Pythian sanctuary remained independent, in the hands 
 of the Delphians ; to preserve it in this state was one 
 of the duties which they inherited from their fathers ;^ 
 and they protected it more than once, particularly 
 against tlie Athenians. 
 
 2. The political power of the Dorians over the 
 whole of Peloponnesus necessarily (msured the prepon- 
 derance of their religious institutions ; nevertheless we 
 find that the Achseans and Arcadians possessed few 
 temples of Apollo, and those not the principal ones in 
 their cities.** The worship of Apollo was however, 
 through Spartan influence, held in great respect at 
 Tegea (the customs of which town had indeed become 
 almost entirely Doric), where there was also a tribe 
 called Apolloneatis.' The country moreover being 
 intersected in every direction by roads to Olympia and 
 Delphi (to which place Peloponnesus despatched her 
 
 <rr>/c (^ginetica,p. 1 50, note**^); 
 for, as Callimachus says (Hymn. 
 Apoll. 55.), <^oT/3oc atl TToXieaai 
 
 ° Pausan. 1V.'4. 1. 33. 3. cf. 
 V. 25. 1. 
 
 PTlmcvd. V.18. IV. 118. 
 
 ^ Among the Achaeans of 
 Patrffi. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.— 
 of iEgira. id. VII. 26. 3. comp. 
 the tradition respecting Bolina, 
 id. VII. 23. 3. 
 
 ' Pausan. VIII. 53. 1. 
 
270 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 hecatombs in the beginning of the spring),* must have 
 been by this very circumstance induced to establish 
 temples in honour of Apollo, an instance of which 
 appears in that at Onceum. 
 
 The principal deity of the Doric name soon obtained 
 a conspicuous place in the national festival, held 
 equally sacred by all Peloponnesians ; I mean that of 
 Olympia. The establishment of this festival is pro- 
 bably of early date ; perhaps it took place during the 
 time when the dominion of the Pelopidse spread from 
 Pisa and Olympia over most parts of the peninsula. 
 Hence the Elean ^tohans, when they seized upon the 
 presidency of tliese games, were, by the command of 
 the oracle, at the same time obliged to take one of the 
 FelopidsB from the Achaean town of Helice for their 
 prince.* Moreover, the ancient rivalry between the 
 Olympian and Isthmian worship, which occasioned the 
 prohibition against any Elean contending at the Isth- 
 mus," can hardly have arisen at any other time 
 than when (previously to the Doric usurpation) the 
 Olympian Zeus was the chief god of the Achseans,* 
 the Isthmian Poseidon of the lonians. 
 
 But it was not till the Dorians, for the purpose of 
 assembling all the Peloponnesians, at least every four 
 years, under the protection of their god, had taken pos- 
 session of the temple at Olympia ; nor till Iphitus the 
 ^tolian, and Lycurgus the Dorian, had renewed these 
 contests, or given them a grejiter degree of importance, 
 that Apollo and Zeus are found in connexion with 
 each other, and even contending in the course at 
 
 ' ^pog tirepxoiJiiyov. Theognis V. 2. 4. VI. 16. 2. 
 
 of Megara, v. 177. * That Zeua was the chief 
 
 * Pausan. V. 4. 2. god of the Eleans is evident 
 
 " On this enmity, to which so from the confederate temple at 
 
 many legends refer, see Pausan. iEgium and elsewhere. 
 
 CH. 3, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 271 
 
 Olympia. And as a further instance of change, the 
 sacred armistice of Olympia went by the local name 
 of Therma;^ and hence Apollo, as the patron and 
 g-uardian deity of the institution, was called Thermius, 
 and worshipped under that title in the grove of Altis/ 
 At this time Hercules (whose worship, once entirely 
 unknown m Ehs, was introduced by Iphitus)* is also 
 reported to have brought the wild olive-tree from the 
 Hyperboreans to the Alpheus, and planted the sacred 
 grove of Altis with it.^ The important influence of 
 the Delphian oracle on the Olympian games also 
 occasioned the tune of their celebration to be regulated 
 by the Pythian cycle of eight years." For whereas the 
 whole cycle of eight years consisted of ninety-nine 
 lunar months, at the expiration of which time the 
 revolutions of the moon and sun again nearly coincided ; 
 this period was at Olympia divided into two unequal 
 parts of fifty and forty-nine months, so that the festival 
 took place sometimes in the mouth of Apollonius, 
 sometimes in Parthenius. 
 
 y Hesychius in v. 
 
 * Pausan. V. 15. 4. — roy fitv 
 ^r\ Trapa *liXeioig dipfiioy /cat 
 avT^ ^ot TTapiararo liica^eiVy a»f 
 irarct Ardiha yXHaffav iirj dip- 
 fjLiov ; for the last dipfiioy Butt- 
 mann corrects Qh^iov ; and it is 
 evident that Qip^a was Elean 
 for dicr^a, " sacred ordinance or 
 "armistice." See Appendix 
 V. § 2. Also Therma, the place 
 of the Panaetolia, derived its 
 name from this word, which is 
 probably of JEtohem - Elean 
 origin. On its temple of Apollo, 
 «ee Polyb. XI. 4. 2. 
 
 » Pausan. IV. 4. 4. 
 
 ^ Perhaps this was the be- 
 ginning of the connexion with 
 Crete, to which the name of the 
 
 'I^alov ipTpoy at Olympia (Pind. 
 Olymp. V. 42. Demetrius cV 
 vediy ^LaKoajKf) in the Scholia. 
 Boeckh ad Schol. and Explic. 
 p. 150.), and the tradition that 
 Clymenus, a descendant of the 
 Idaean Hercules, came to Pisa 
 soon after the flood of Deuca- 
 lion, and there founded a temple, 
 refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. 
 VI. 21. 5. V. 14. 6. 
 
 " Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. 
 III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes 
 ad Lycophr. 41. does not speak 
 of this event with the same ex- 
 actness as the Schol. Pind. 
 Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also 
 Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90. 
 p. 174. 
 
272 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 The introduction of the worship of Apollo must 
 have had no less influence on the families of the sooth- 
 sayers, who ministered at the altars of the Olympic 
 deities. These were the Clytiadae, lamidee, and Tel- 
 liadse ;^ of which the Clytiadse considered themselves 
 as belonging to a clan, which produced veiy many 
 soothsayers, viz., the Melampodidse.^ This explains 
 the fable that Melampus received the gift of prophecy 
 from Apollo on the banks of the Alpheus,' in the place 
 where it was exercised by his descendants the Clytiadee. 
 
 3. The Doric migration gave rise to many others, 
 which spread the worship of Apollo in various direc- 
 tions ; no longer, however, as a peculiar deity of the 
 Dorians and Cretans, but, in a more extended sense, 
 as the national god of the Greeks. This was chiefly 
 occasioned by the influence of Delphi, which seems to 
 have given the chief stimulus to that great migration. 
 In fact, it became from this time invested with a power 
 which hardly belonged to any subsequent institution. 
 Apollo is represented as governing nations with an 
 arbitrary power, compelling them, however unwilling, 
 to undertake distant expeditions, and pointing out the 
 settlements which they are to occupy. In order to 
 convey a more distinct idea of this singular phenome- 
 non, it is necessary that the condition of the immediate 
 subjects of the Pythian temple should be more closely 
 examined. 
 
 When the district of the Cirrhaeans had, by the 
 Amphictyonic war, become forfeited to the temple of 
 
 ^ See particularly Philostra- iroXoi at the altar of Olympia in 
 
 tus Vit. ApoUon. V. 25. p. 208. the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in 
 
 Cic de Divin. 1.41. concerning Meursii Op. vol. VII. 
 the Telliadffi. Herod. IX. 37. « Pausan. VI. 17. 4. 
 VIII. 27. These diviners are ^ Pausan. V. 8. 1. 
 called the jiayrei^ 'HXeiuty irpo- 
 
 CH. 3, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 273 
 
 Delphi, the sacred lands belonging to it formed a veiy 
 considerable territory. Two inscriptions contain sur- 
 veys of the Hieromnemons respecting its boundaries : 
 one relating to those towards Anticirrha in the east, 
 the other to those in the direction of Amphissa to the 
 west.^ Now it certainly appears that in ancient times, 
 when Cirrha was in existence, none of these lands 
 belonged to the temple, which must therefore have 
 possessed little or no territory. But in spite of the 
 generally received accounts of the Amphictyonic war, 
 it can be satisfactorily proved, that in earlier times 
 Cirrha and tlie temple, with its appendages, formed 
 one state.^ Their territory indeed consisted for the 
 most part of rock, mountain, and narrow glens ;' yet 
 towards the south it embraced the spacious plain of 
 Crissa, and in the north at least the luxuriant vineyards 
 of Parnassus. By whom then was this territory cul- 
 tivated ? certainly neither by the Doric nobles nor the 
 Cretan colonists, who in the Homeric hymn are de- 
 rided by the god for thinking of the labours of agricul- 
 ture, and commanded to employ themselves merely in 
 sacrificing victims.^ Thus it is evident, that there 
 were subjects of the temple, who, besides the humble 
 employment of cultivating the soil, were also obhged 
 to tend the herds belonging to the temple. These 
 were the servants of the temple whom we so frequently 
 find mentioned.^ The same class also existed in Crete, 
 as we have before proved from the tribute sent by 
 Athens ; and Crete, in its turn, as well as Eretria and 
 
 ^ Boeckh Corp. Inscript. N°. 
 1711. 
 
 ^ As appears from the Ho- 
 meric Hymn to Apollo. 
 
 * See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 
 17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and 
 
 the story of JEso-p; also the 
 proverb, Ai\<pdg avrip ari<jiavoy 
 
 ^ Horn. Hymn. A poll. 535. 
 The XaoQ olKi}Tit}p 0£oy, Eur. 
 Androm. 1092. 
 
274 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Magnesia,"" sent such "human firstlings" to the 
 temple of Pytho. Mention is also made of a town in 
 Crete composed of a thousand men, all sacred slaves.'' 
 Now these slaves of Delphi may have been procured 
 in different ways, either as tribute (and that either of 
 a city or of individuals), as voluntary bondsmen, or by 
 purchase :° the latter mode was probably of rare oc- 
 currence in early times. There still remain a con- 
 siderable number of Delphian monuments, in which 
 private individuals present or sell to the god those 
 slaves whom they wish to favour-i* The condition of 
 these vassals corresponds to that of the Doric bonds- 
 men ;** but their sei-vitude was probably of a milder 
 nature ; for we find it frequently stated that the sacred 
 slaves lived inviolate under the protection of the god, 
 although (at least in early times) they were entirely 
 dependent on the sacred council of the temple. 
 Originally, a great part consisted of prisoners taken 
 in war. We collect from ancient epic poems that 
 
 ™ Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 
 16. p. 273. The Thessalians 
 vowed at least every year a 
 hecatomb of men to Apollo 
 Karaifiarrig. Schol. Eur. Phoen. 
 1416. Zenobius in derraKuy 
 cr6(f>i(Tfxa. 
 
 ° Sosicrates ap. Suid. vol. I. 
 p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apo- 
 stol. VII. 37. Prov. Vat. App. 
 II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Aov- 
 Xuiv TTo^tg, with which he men- 
 tions the lepodovXoi. We may 
 probably discern a similar ser- 
 vitude in the gift of the golden 
 tripods which the Qr)(iaylv£i(; 
 were bound to bring at certain 
 times to the Ismenian temple 
 of Apollo, Orchomenos^ p. 397. 
 Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in 
 
 Bceotia also possessed Hiero- 
 duli, Boeckh. Inscript. N°.1607. 
 The Delian 'Ek:arr^/3£\£Vao 0fpa- 
 TtvaL (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) 
 were of the same description as 
 the chorus in the Phoenissse. 
 In the Didymaeum (Inscript. in 
 Walpole's Travels, p. 582) there 
 were ol irepi to uayreioy TravrsQ 
 Kai 01 TO lepov KaTOiKovvTsg Kai 
 oi 7rpo(T\(i)poi^ boys sent thither 
 as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. 
 c. 44. 
 
 ° avti^rtfta. -roXtatf n rnlf T^aSiif v*'' 
 Eurip. Ion. 322. 
 
 Ver. 1299. 
 
 P Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die 
 Hieroduleuy p. 48. 
 ^ See book III. ch. 4. 
 
 CH. 3, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 275 
 
 Manto the daughter of Tiresias was, after the war of 
 the Epigoni, sent to the Pythian god as a share of the 
 spoil ' (axpofl/y«oy) : one individual, as is usual in the 
 language of mythology, standing for many. The 
 Gephyreeans also are said to have been at that time 
 decimated, sent from Thebes to Delphi, and thus to 
 have arrived at Athens.' After the Persian war, an 
 idea was actually entertained of reviving this punish- 
 ment against the Thebans, whose enemies considered 
 them, at a still later period, as in the eye of justice 
 decimated, and given as slaves to Apollo.' 
 
 4. When the Pythian god was either unwilling or 
 unable to retaui within his territory the crowds who 
 had been collected in this manner, he sent them out 
 as colonists ; without, however, entirely giving up all 
 claim to their obedience. The early Grecian Iiistory 
 affords several examples of this proceeding: the 
 earliest is a Doric tradition respecting the Dryopes, 
 which differs in some respect from their own account. 
 Hercules, here represented as a Doric hero, had sub- 
 jugated the Dryopes, and brought them to Delphi as 
 an offering to Apollo, by whom he was commanded to 
 settle them on the southern coast of Argolis." That 
 this nation, probably of Pelasgic origin, did not in 
 early times worship the Doric god, is evident from the 
 tradition that Leogoms the Dryopian violated the 
 temple of Apollo."" But it is equally certain that tliey 
 were henceforth compelled to serve Apollo as their 
 
 ' Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 
 3. 1. see above, ch. 2. § 7. 
 
 * Apostol. VII. 34. where for 
 Adrjyaiojv read ^Apyiltjy. Suidas 
 
 in ^6pv KTfpvKEioy. OrchomenoSf 
 p. 118. 
 
 * Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. 
 Hell. VI. 3. and 5. fX^ic ci^a- 
 
 TEvByyai to TraXai XeyofietoyOri- 
 liaiovg. Not the land, but the 
 people themselves were to be 
 decimated. 
 
 " See above, p. 46, note °. 
 Etymol. M. p. L54. 7. 
 
 »Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. 
 IV. 37. 
 
 T 2 
 
276 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book il 
 
 chief deity, especially in his character of Apollo Py- 
 thaeus at ArgosJ A part of this nation however re- 
 mained at Delphi, where it is frequently mentioned in 
 later times under the name of Craugallidse, who, to- 
 gether with the Cirrheeans, appear as enemies to the 
 temple ;^ from which circumstance it may be inferred 
 that most of these Cirrhaeans were revolted subjects 
 of the temple. 
 
 The migration of the Magnesians approaches rather 
 nearer to the historical age. This race, dwelling 
 under mount Pelion, felt itself, about the time of the 
 Thessalian migration, so pressed for want of territory, 
 that it had recourse to the Delphian oracle, by whose 
 advice it decimated its numbers ; that is, it sent off a 
 tenth part of the young male population, who (like a 
 ver sacrum in Italy)* renounced their native land.^ 
 These young colonists were mostly despatched to the 
 worshippers of Apollo in Crete, where they founded 
 the town of Magnesia, which Plato speaks of as a 
 place that had been destroyed, and considers as a pro- 
 totype of his ideal state, Apollo having been its only 
 
 CH. 3, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 277 
 
 •v 
 
 y Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo 
 was also worshipped under the 
 titles of "OpioQ and nXarav/o-- 
 TWQ. Concerning the Dryopes 
 as worshippers of Apollo see 
 Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad 
 Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad Virgil. 
 Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal, 
 c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32. 
 Heyne ad ^n. IV. 143. vol. 
 II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to 
 Pausanias they also retained 
 this w^orship in the Messenian 
 settlements. According to Co- 
 non, c. 29. upon the occasion of 
 the return from Troy they sent 
 a tithe (^tmr/;). 
 
 ^ See above, b. I. ch. 2.. § 4. 
 
 ^ Ver sacrum vovere, i. e. 
 quwcunque vere proximo nata 
 essent immolaturos, Festus in 
 V. Mamertin. Trecenta millia 
 hominumy velut ver sacrum^ 
 miserunt, Justin. XXIV. 4. 
 
 ^ According to the remark- 
 able account of Par then. Erot. 
 5. they were ^eKarevdiyreQ c/c 
 ^epwy vtt' 'A^/i^rou, and were 
 conducted by Leucippus a Ly- 
 cian. Strab. XIV. 647. reverses 
 the story: A€\^<J»/ rnroyovoi, 
 rwv tTroiKr}(TavT(t)v ra Ailvfia oprj 
 (near Pherae, OrchomenoSi p. 
 192.) tV eerraXiif. 
 
 legislator.^ The intercourse of Crete with the coast 
 of Asia Minor soon carried over these sojourners to 
 the banks of the Moeander and the Lethseus, at the 
 confluence of which rivers they had been settled some 
 time before the Ionic migration -;' being, as was after- 
 wards declared by a Panhellenic decree, the first 
 Greeks who settled in Asia Minor.* Still, although 
 thus separated from their mother country, they main- 
 tained, as sacred colonists (Upo) aTro/xo/), a perpetual 
 connexion with Delphi, and were bound, in ancient 
 times, to provide all travellers with food and lodging.^ 
 Tlie Delphians could expect a similar reception at 
 Delos :^ and indeed an extended exercise of the duties 
 of hospitality formed one of the principal objects of 
 this worship. Pausanias^' gives an account of this 
 very important worship of Apollo in Magnesia as fol- 
 lows :' "At Hylae, a place in the territory of the 
 " Magnesians,^ is a cavern consecrated to Apollo ; 
 
 •^ Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. 
 comp. Boeckh In Minoem et 
 Leges, pag. 68. Magnesia, re- 
 established according to Plato's 
 fiction, consecrates to Apollo 
 and Helius, Kara rof TToXatoV 
 pofioy, three men as an aKpodi- 
 vtov, ibid. XII. p. 945. See 
 also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386. 
 Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. 
 Rer. Human, apud Prob. ad 
 Virg. Eel. VI. Cretans in the 
 Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. 
 p. 636. Schol. Apolion. Rhod. 
 I. 584. 
 
 ^ Parthenius mentions Kprjri' 
 va'tov and Leucophryne instead 
 of Magnesia. 
 
 « Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 
 2910; and see particularly 
 Conon ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Aristot. and Theophrast. an. 
 Athen. p. 173 F. 
 
 ^ Semus cV ^rikiaKoiQ ap. 
 Athen. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ It is to this that the Ho- 
 meric hymn to the Pythian 
 Apollo, V. 1. refers; also the 
 coins of Magnesia {Apollo su- 
 pra Meeandrum stans). There 
 was also a place near Magnesia 
 called Apollonia. 
 
 ' X. 32. 4. 
 
 ^ Hence the name of Apollo 
 Hylates in Lycoph. 447 ; where 
 Tzetzes is confused. Apollo 
 Hylates at Amamassus in Cy- 
 prus, Steph. Byz. in v. In 
 Athen. XV. p. 672 E. for'TBAA 
 read "YAAI. Query, whether 
 Hiera Com^, Liv. XXXVIII. 
 12, 13. is the same place? 
 Magnesia on the Sipylus also 
 worshipped Apollo, toI iv Uav^ 
 cots, Marm. Oxon. 26. 85. 
 
278 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 " not, indeed, remarkable for its size ; but it contains 
 " a statue of Apollo of great antiquity, and which 
 " confers strength for every kind of work. Certain 
 " devotees throw themselves, by the assistance of this 
 " image, from steep and lofty precipices ; or tearing 
 " large trees up by the roots, walk with their burden 
 " down the steepest paths." We would attempt to 
 trace more minutely the connexion of Magnesia with 
 Crete and Delphi, had not all clue to history been 
 necessarily broken off by the conquest of this proud 
 and prosperous city by the Ephesians, and its com- 
 plete destruction by the Treres, a Cimmerian tribe, in 
 the time of the Lydian monarch Ardys.^ 
 
 We have only time to notice some few other events 
 of a similar nature. Thus the ^nianes came to the 
 oracle about the same time, and on a similar emergency 
 as the Magnesians ; dwelt for some years in the ter- 
 ritoi-y of Cirrha, and were afterwards sent to the 
 banks of the Inachus in southern Thessaly.™ An 
 example of historical authority is furnished by the 
 Chalcideans in Euboea, the youthful part of whose 
 population was despatched by Apollo to Rhegium in 
 Italy ;" hence this town also celebrated the worship of 
 the god with expiatory rites and festivals,"* to which 
 the Messenians of Sicily sent choruses of thirty-five 
 boys across the straits.^ 
 
 1 See Frank Callinus, p. 89. 257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. 
 
 Liebel Archil, p. 202. Con- p. 313. cf. p. 118. 
 cerning the founding of Mag- ° Respecting the ablutions in 
 
 nesia see Ruhnken on Velleius the seven rivers, the sacred 
 
 I. 4. Kanne on Conon, c. 29. laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. 
 
 Raoul-Rochette,tom. II.p. 387. Prob. Prsef. ad Virg. Eel. and 
 
 ™ Plut. Quaest. Grsec. 13.26. compare Hermann's excellent 
 
 " A Rhegian in Timseus dissertation on the Glauci of 
 
 (Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. vEschylus, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 
 
 1), lepovQ eiyai rov deov tovq 59. 
 
 TTpoyoyovg avrov, icai rriv ciTrot- P Pausan. V. 25. 1. Ihe 
 
 day ivdivh ItrraXdai. cf. VI. p. coins of Rhegium have the head 
 
 CH. 3, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 279 
 
 5. These events, which from their connected form 
 cannot be poetical fictions, give some idea of the ex- 
 tensive influence of the temple of Delphi, the power 
 of which was probably at its highest pitch in the time 
 immediately succeeding the Doric migrations. Hence 
 also this was the epoch of the greatest influence of 
 the Amphictyons of Thermopylse ;*» which confedera- 
 tion of Thessalian tribes, and of tribes derived from 
 Thessaly, united the worship of the Doric temple of 
 Apollo with that of Demeter at Thermopylae, and 
 thus an Hellenic and ancient Pelasgic worship were 
 combined together,'^ probably not without a view of 
 forming a more intimate union between the different 
 races of Greece. The assembling in the spring of the 
 year at Delphi was probably copied from the meeting 
 of the neighbouring towns, in the spring festival, at 
 Tempe, at which business of a political kind was some- 
 times transacted." The power, however, of the Am- 
 phictyons of Thermopylae was at no time actually 
 political, and, with a very few exceptions, all their 
 regulations and undertakings concerned the protection 
 of the two temples in their rights and possessions, the 
 rights of other temples in Greece, and the maintenance 
 of some principles of international law (vo/xo* 'Aju.<p<- 
 xTuovixoi), founded upon religious notions. 
 
 6. The Dorian colonies introduced Apollo into Asia 
 Minor as the principal deity of their national and fede- 
 ral festival on the promontory of Triopium,* where 
 
 of Apollo, a lyre, a tripod, and 
 cortina. 
 
 "i See particularly Tacit. An- 
 nal. IV. 14. 
 
 ■^ Founded, according to Cal- 
 lim. Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius 
 the Pelasgian, to whom the esta- 
 blishment of the Amphictyonic 
 council was for hat reason at- 
 
 H. III. 1. Liv. 
 
 com p. Plutarch 
 
 tributed. 
 
 «^lian. V 
 XXXIX. 24. 
 de Def. Orac. 14 
 
 * On the towns included in 
 the league see above, book I. 
 ch. 6. § 2. On the games at 
 the festival, Herod. I. 144. 
 
280 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 they probably first planted his worship, without, how- 
 ever, excluding the more ancient Pelasgic rites of 
 Demeter and the infernal gods, which, although of a 
 different nature, were united in the ceremonies at 
 Triopium with those of Apollo.^ In the same manner 
 the twelve towns of the iEolians, with whom Apollo 
 was by no means so nearly connected, celebrated in his 
 honour, as it seems, their federal festival in the grove 
 of Gryneum near Myrina.'' And though when the 
 lonians crossed over from Athens to Asia Minor they 
 remained so constant to the worship of Poseidon that 
 they consecrated to him their national festival at My- 
 cale, and also built in the island of Tenos a splendid 
 temple of Poseidon and Amphitrite, honoured with 
 festivals and sacred embassies ;^ yet the Cretan wor- 
 ship was so prevalent at Delos, when first overrun by 
 the lonians, that this island was itself the rehgious 
 metropolis of the Cyclades," at whose festivals and 
 contests the higher classes of the islanders attended 
 with their families, even in ancient times ; which na- 
 turally gave rise to the establishment of temples to 
 
 " Neptune and the nymphs 
 were also of the number of the 
 Triopian deities, Schol. Theocr. 
 XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad 
 Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. p. 
 314. Concerning the worship 
 of Apollo at Halicarnassus, see 
 Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, 
 p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at 
 Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at 
 Cameirus aetyt vvT/rr;c and ETrifirj- 
 XiOQ. Macr. Sat. I. 17. at A- 
 naphe, Apollo ^^gletes, iEgi- 
 netica, p. 170. note *; comp. 
 above, p. 116. note ^. 
 
 ^ I have adopted the opinion 
 of S*®. Croix, Gouvernemens fe- 
 deratifs, p. 156. that the federal 
 festival of the twelve iEolian 
 
 cities was at Gryneum, chiefly 
 on account of the altars of the 
 twelve gods, and the 'Axaiiav 
 Xtfxrfy at that place, and the 
 statements of Scylax. 
 
 y According to Strabo X. p. 
 487. there were here ecrriaropiaf 
 as at Delos, for the assembly; 
 and in a Tenian inscription 
 (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 
 2329), a citizen is eulogized for 
 having nndertaken a dtapoBoKia 
 for the Delians, the oflBce of re- 
 ceiving the deiopoi, a species of 
 XeiTovpyia. Spanheim ad Callim. 
 Hymn. Del. 325. 
 
 * *I(rrtr/ rrjaiovy Callim. Hymn. 
 Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1. 
 
 CH. 3, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 281 
 
 Aj)ollo, the principal deity, in the rest of the Cyclades ; 
 as Cythnus,* Siphnus,^ Ceos," Naxos,'* &c. 
 
 7. The principal places to be mentioned in Italy 
 besides Rhegium are Croton and Metapontum. The 
 former was an Achaean and Lacedaemonian colony ; 
 in the founding of which, according to tradition, the 
 oracle had an important share ;'' the memory of which 
 is preserved by temples of Apollo Pythius, Hyperbo- 
 reus,^ and Aleeus,^ within, and close to the town. 
 Croton was peculiarly subject to the influence of 
 Apollo, whose worship operated to an unusual extent 
 on the character and customs of its inhabitants. On 
 the founding of Metapontum our information is scanty. 
 The inhabitants generally supposed themselves to be 
 of Achaean origin ; yet Ephorus has preserved a re- 
 markable, though contused tradition, that Daulius the 
 tyrant of Crissa was the founder of that town.^ It 
 
 * Horn. Hymn, ad ApoU. Del. 
 141. The coins like those of 
 Delos : the name also reminds 
 us of mount Cynthus. (Hem- 
 sterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 31 1 .) 
 
 ^ An Apollonia in this island, 
 Steph. Byz. Compare the coins. 
 
 ^ Particularly at Carthaea, 
 Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. 
 p. 456 E. Probably a ArjXiop, 
 according to Dissen. Explic. p. 
 484. Ilvdta at the same place, 
 Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning 
 the choruses of Apollo at Car- 
 thaea see Boeckh Corp. Insc. 
 Gr.Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum 
 at Coressus and Pceessa, Strabo 
 X. p. 486. 
 
 *^ Apollo Tragius, Steph. in 
 Tpayaia. Apollo Uoi/iviog, 
 Macr. Sat. I. 17. Hipponax 
 ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. 
 A AriXioy at Naxos. Aristot. 
 
 Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. 
 Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9. comp. 
 Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. 
 Besides these, there were many 
 other Ionic temples of Apollo, 
 in Samoa, Euboea, &c. 
 
 •^ See above, book I. ch. 6. 
 §12. 
 
 ^iElian. V. H. 11.26. Tzet- 
 zes ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling 
 corrects 'AXaToc for "AXtoe in 
 Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne 
 Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 178. 
 with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. 
 200. The bird on the coins is 
 not an eagle but a raven (Mi- 
 onnet Descr. planche 60), the 
 comes iripodum. 
 
 ^ One hundred and twenty 
 stadia from Croton, Aristot. 
 Mirab. Ausc. p. 1098 C.Justin. 
 XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in 'AXiaioQ. 
 
 ^ Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C. 
 
282 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 seems, then, that inhabitants of Daulis, in the narrow 
 valley of Parnassus, and Crissseans, from the coast, 
 had passed over to Italy in very early times. The 
 inhabitants of Metapontum, as ancient subjects of 
 Apollo, sent him golden ears of corn (^pucrovv Qipog) 
 as a tithe of their harvest ; we find on their coins the 
 fiiU ears of barley, which were paid as tribute, and on 
 the reverse the god himself, armed with his helmet, 
 arrow and bow, as a conqueror, and holding a branch 
 of laurel; exactly coinciding with the symbols used 
 in the temple of Delphi.' Thus historical tradition 
 and religious symbols both ^ point to the same con- 
 clusion.^ 
 
 During the period of which we are treating, the 
 regulation of colonies by the Delphian oracle was 
 the chief instrument which extended the worship of 
 Apollo on the coast of the Mediterranean. In honour 
 of this deity the Chalcideans who founded Naxos, the 
 first Greek colony in Sicily (Olymp. 5. 2. 759 B.C.), 
 erected on the coast an altar of Apollo Archegetas, 
 upon which the Sicilian Theori always sacrificed 
 when they sailed to the temple of Apollo in their 
 mother-country.^ 
 
 * On the statue of Aristeas 
 in the market-place of Meta- 
 pontum, by the side of the statue 
 of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. 
 and on a brass laurel-tree in the 
 same place, Athen. XIII. p. 
 605 C. In the temple of Apollo, 
 Plutarch rrepl rov p) XP^^ ^• 
 
 ^ Caulonia in Italy is also 
 remarkable for this worship; 
 the ancient coins of which town 
 exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, 
 or a bow, with a stasj. 
 
 1 Thucyd. VI. 3. APXAFETA 
 nOAAtlNOS, on the coins of 
 
 Tauromenium and Enna. As 
 to Sicily^ there was a temple 
 of Apollo Temenites Pythius at 
 Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. 
 Steph. Byz. in ^xf^Kovrrat. 
 comp. iElian. V. H. I. 18. Le- 
 tronne Topographic de Syra- 
 cuse, p. 26. Goller de Situ 
 Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo 
 Aa^Wrac, Etymol. p. 250. 38. 
 At Gela there was a colossal 
 statue of Apollo in front of the 
 town, Timseus apud Diod. XIII. 
 107. ApoUinarian rites of the 
 Erbitaeans and their colony 
 
 CH. 3, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 Apollonia, the Corinthian settlement on the Ionian 
 sea, was also supposed to have been founded by 
 Apollo ;™ hence tlie above-mentioned custom of send- 
 ing ''the golden summer'' to Delphi prevailed in 
 this town." We have in a former work° shown that 
 the worship at Thera and Cyrene was paid to the 
 deity of the Theban iEgidse, viz., the Carnean Apollo ; 
 who, however, at the founding of the colony (Olymp. 
 37), was already considered as the same with the 
 Dorian god ; hence the fountain of Apollo at Cyrene, 
 its colony of Apollonia, &c. Mythology, which often 
 first clothes the events of history in a fabulous garb, 
 and then refers them to an early and unknown time, 
 expressed the founding of Cyrene, under the guidance 
 of the temple of Apollo, in the following elegant per- 
 sonification — That Cyrene, a Thessalian nymph, the 
 favourite of Apollo, was carried by her divine lover to 
 Africa, in his chariot drawn by swans.^ 
 
 We shall abstain from bringing down the colo- 
 nization of this religion to a later period, since in 
 after-times the lively principle which at first actuated 
 the worshippers of Apollo was lost ; and, instead 
 of considering their actions as the eflfect of super- 
 natural compulsion, men were rather disposed to 
 regulate their conduct according to the dictates of 
 reason and free-will. 
 
 Alaesa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. 
 ap. Castelli, p. 109 sqq. At 
 Lilybseum, according to the 
 coins, Apollo Libyrtius near 
 Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. 
 The month Dalius in Sicily, 
 Castelli Prol. 73. 
 
 ™ Inscription at Olympia, ap. 
 Pausan. V. 22. 2. 
 
 ° Pint, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 
 213. Also at Myrina in iEolis. 
 Comp. ch. 2. § 7. 
 
 ° Orchomenos^ p. 327 sqq. 
 
 P A similar tradition in Sin- 
 ope, Philostephanus ap. Schol. 
 Apoll. Rh. II. 953. Diod. IV. 
 71. 
 
284 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § 1 . Connexion of the fable of the Hyperboreans with the worship 
 of Apollo. § 2. Its connexion with the temples at Delphi ; § 3. 
 and Delos. § 4. Original locality of the Hyperboreans. § 5. 
 Localities subsequently assigned by Poets and Geographers. 
 § 6. The Hyperboreans considered a sacred people. 
 
 1. Wearisome as it is to follow up the chain of 
 remote events which gave rise to the wide diffusion of 
 the worship of Apollo, nevertheless the fable of the 
 Hyperboreans, by referring a number of particular 
 circumstances to one head, is very well qualified to 
 arrest and fix our attention. 
 
 We assert, then, the connexion of this tradition 
 with the original worship of Apollo. No argument 
 to the contrary can be drawn from its not being men- 
 tioned either in the Iliad or Odyssey ; these poems 
 not affording any opportunity for its introduction. 
 Moreover, the Hyperboreans were spoken of in the 
 poem of the Epigoni, and by Hesiod.* The fable, 
 indeed, may not have come till late within the province 
 of poetical mythology ; as a local tradition, it must 
 have arisen whilst that primitive connexion between 
 the temples of Tempe, Delphi, and Delos (which was 
 afterwards entirely dissolved) still existed in fi^l 
 vigour. 
 
 2. According to a Doric hymn of Boeo, a poetess 
 of Delphi, quoted by Pausanias,^ Pagasus, and the 
 godlike Agyieus, the sons of the Hyperboreans, 
 founded the celebrated oracle at Delphi. Agyieus 
 is merely another name for Apollo himself. Pagasus 
 refers to the Pagassean temple on the sacred road.^ 
 
 * Herod. IV. 32. See also 
 Homer. Hymn. VH. 29. 
 
 ^ X. 5. 4. 
 
 ^ See above, ch. L § 3. 
 
 CH. 4, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 285 
 
 With them came Olen, the first prophet and bard 
 of Apollo. Two other Hyperborean heroes, Hyper- 
 ochus and Laodicus, assisted in the slaughter of the 
 Gauls at Delphi;*^ and, in accordance with similar 
 traditions, Mnaseas of Patara called all the inhabit- 
 ants of Delphi descendants of the Hyperboreans.® 
 
 Alcseus,' in a hymn to Apollo, related how " Zeus 
 " adorned the new-born god with a golden fillet and 
 " lyre, and sent him, in a chariot drawn by swans, 
 " to Delphi, in order to introduce justice and law 
 " amongst the Greeks. Apollo, however, ordered the 
 " swans first to fly to the Hyperboreans. The Del- 
 phians, missing the god, instituted a paean and song, 
 ranged choruses of young men around the tripod, 
 and invoked him to come from the Hyperboreans. 
 The god remained an entire year ^\dth that nation, 
 and at the appointed time, when the tripods of 
 Delphi were destined to sound, he ordered the swans 
 to resume their flight. The return of Apollo takes 
 " place exactly in the middle of summer ; nightin- 
 " gales, swallows, and grasshoppers sing in honour 
 " of the god ; and even Castalia and Cephisus^ heave 
 " their waves to salute him." 
 
 If Alcaeus consecrated this paean, as Pindar did his 
 
 (( 
 
 t( 
 
 (C 
 
 €< 
 
 tc 
 
 <{ 
 
 (S 
 
 ^ Thus I write for 'A/ia^o<coc 
 in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Aao^ojcoc, 
 ib. X. 23. 3. on account of the 
 Laodice of Herodotus. Hero- 
 dotus VI n. 39. mentions, on a 
 similar occasion, the native he- 
 roes Phylacus and Autonous. 
 
 « Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. 
 unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. 
 16, is right in correcting KtX- 
 rovc for AcX^uf. 
 
 ' See the beautiful fragment 
 in prose in Himerius Orat. 
 XIV. 10. with which Cicero 
 
 de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see 
 HeindorPs note. It is to this 
 ode, perhaps, that the words 
 of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14. 
 hriXov EK tCjv -^opiJjv Koi tiov dv- 
 ffiojv, ac Trpoarjyov ^iet avXQv r^ 
 0f^, KaOanep (iXXoi re koI 'AX- 
 t:a7og tv rivi ruiy vfirojv itrropel. 
 g In this part occurred what 
 Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from 
 the Trpooifxiov Iq KiroXXiova of 
 Alcaeus, that the water of Cas- 
 talia came from the Cephisus. 
 
286 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 psean, to the worship of the Delphian god, he would 
 hardly have dared to do more than embellish the local 
 traditions. Supposing, however, that this was not 
 the case, he would still have taken the principal event 
 (viz., the arrival of Apollo from the Hyperboreans) 
 rather from a fable universally acknowledged, than 
 the unauthorized fictions of poetry. The whole ac- 
 count, and even the time, are clearly drawn from the 
 mysteries of the worship. According to the tradition 
 of Delphi, Apollo, at the expiration of the great 
 period, visited the beloved nation of the Hyperboreans, 
 and danced and played with them from the vernal 
 equinox to the early setting of the Pleiades ; and 
 when the first corn was cut in Greece, he returned 
 to Delphi, as I suppose, with the full ripe ears, the 
 oflFerings of the Hyperboreans.^ Even the story of 
 the sw^ans was no addition of Alcseus ; for the painted 
 vases in the south of Italy (the extremity of the 
 Grecian world) represent the same fiction as the 
 Lesbian poet ; nay, so exactly do they correspond, 
 that we do not indeed recognise Alcseus, but the tra- 
 ditions upon which the account was founded, as they 
 were perhaps related at Metapontum and Croton. 
 The boy Apollo, the sceptre and goblet in one 
 hand, and full ears of barley in the other (which 
 allude to the offerings of the Hyperboreans, and the 
 "golden summer"), is seated, with a mild aspect, 
 on a car, the axles of which are bound with swans' 
 featliers. Hyperborean women, with torches, and 
 pitchers for sacred libations, conduct him.* The 
 
 ^ Diod. II. 47. where the Compare the story in Eratosth. 
 
 period is alone falsely stated. Catast. 29. 
 That the harvest begins at the ^Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the 
 
 rising of the Pleiades, is stated correct explanation of Italin- 
 
 by Hesiod. Op. et D. 381. sky. As in the vase in Tisch- 
 
 CH. 4, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 287 
 
 swans, with which Apollo here comes, occur elsewhere 
 in the legends of Delphi, which refer to the Hyper- 
 boreans. The most ancient temple of Delphi, ac- 
 cording to the assertion of the priests, was merely 
 a low hut, built with branches of the sacred laurel 
 of Tempe; the second was a tent, which either the 
 Hyperboreans or Pteras of Crete formed of swans' 
 feathers and wax.*" The Peneus flowed by the altar 
 of Tempe ; the notes of the swans on the banks of 
 this river are mentioned in a short hymn attributed 
 to Homer .^ And allowing that these birds were here 
 particularly numerous, it is evident that their brilliant 
 colour and majestic motion peculiarly adapted them 
 for symbols of Apollo. 
 
 3. We find the same tradition, with merely a few 
 local alterations, at Delos." Latona, in the first 
 place, is said to have arrived in that island from the 
 country of the Hyperboreans as a she-wolf, having 
 completed the whole journey, pursued by Here, in 
 twelve days and nights."" Afterwards the young 
 
 bien IV. 8. the tripod is repre- 
 sented as standing beside the 
 figure, which is a certain proof 
 that Apollo is in question. — 
 Nevertheless, some very distin- 
 guished antiquarians are still 
 of opinion that the figure is 
 TriptolemuSf and not Apollo ; 
 indeed the Instituto di cor- 
 rispondenza Archeologica at 
 Rome has lately published a 
 painted vase (I. Distrib. pi. 4.), 
 in which TpnrToXefiog is written 
 by this figure in the same posi- 
 tion, and with the same accom- 
 paniments ; whence it seems to 
 me probable that, in antiquity, 
 the ideas attached to this 
 
 composition were not fixed. A 
 vase in Mill in I. 46. represents 
 Apollo Daphnephorus attended 
 by a Hyperborean in the Ari- 
 maspian costume. 
 
 ^ Paus. X. 5. 5. 
 
 iXXI. 3. 
 
 ™ (Enomaus ap. Euseb. Praep. 
 Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes 
 from a supposed oracle of a 
 prophetess named Asteria, that 
 the inhabitants and priests of 
 Delos came from the Hyper- 
 boreans. 
 
 "" Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. 
 Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. 
 Beckmann. Schol. ApoU. Rh. 
 II. 124. 
 
288 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 virgins, Arge and Opis, came with Apollo and 
 Artemis ; a lofty tomb was erected to their memory 
 at Delos, upon which sacrifices were offered ; an 
 ancient hymn, which was attributed to the ancient 
 minstrel Glen, celebrated their appearance." After- 
 wards the Hyperboreans sent two other virgins, 
 Hyperoche and Laodice, the same names as occur 
 above, and with them five men, who are called per- 
 pherees^ (from their bringing the sacred gifts enve- 
 loped in wheaten straw) : this exactly corresponds 
 with "the golden summer" of the Delphians. The 
 perpherees received great honours at Delos; and 
 the Delian maidens before marriage laid on the 
 tomb of the two Hyperborean virgins a spindle, the 
 young men a branch, both entwined with locks of 
 hair. The offering, however, of the Hyperborean 
 women was, it was said, really intended for Ilithyia, 
 the protectress of women in labour, in order to fulfil 
 a vow made to that goddess for the birth of Apollo 
 and Artemis. Now these missions, according to 
 DeUan traditions, always continued to be carried on. 
 The Hyperboreans were supposed to pass them on 
 to their neighbours the Scythians ; from them they 
 were transmitted through a chain of nations on the 
 coast of the Adriatic, by Dodona,*^ through Thes- 
 
 *> Herod. IV. 35. OpIs and 
 Hecaergus, according to Pseu- 
 do-Plato Axioch. pag. 371. A. 
 Serviusad Mw. XL 858. The 
 circumstance of the Qi]Kr) of 
 these virgins being turned to 
 the east shows that it was of 
 the Cretan time, since the Do- 
 rians laid their dead to the east, 
 the lonians to the west. See 
 
 booklV. ch. 1. § 2. 
 
 P TTipcpipeeg, also a^aXKo<p6poi 
 and vXoipopoi. See Porphyr. de 
 Abstin. II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and 
 Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. 
 Del. 283. 
 
 ^ Dodona was Hyperborean, 
 according tQ Etymol. M. in Aw- 
 
 CH. 4, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 289 
 
 saly, Euboea, and the island of Tenos, and came 
 accompanied with flutes and pipes,' to Delos.' 
 This story cannot have been a mere poetical fiction ; 
 it doubtless originated in the active connexion kept 
 up by means of sacred missions with the ancient 
 settlements of the worship of Apollo in the north 
 of Thessaly.* In Delos also, as at Delplii, there was 
 a story of the god resting for some time amongst 
 the Hyperboreans; though the scene was generally 
 changed to Lycia." A painted vase exhibits the god 
 with a lyre in his hand, alighting near the palm-tree 
 of Delos : a young woman, representing a whole 
 chorus, receives him, playing upon a stringed instru- 
 ment.'' 
 
 As the temple at Olympia was connected with 
 Delphi, we find also here some traditions respectnig 
 the country of the Hyperboreans, as the native land 
 of the wild ohve-tree which flourished in the grove 
 of Zeus. 
 
 4. Thus much concerning the places where the 
 fable of the Hyperboreans really existed ; we must 
 next notice the situation generally assigned to that 
 sacred nation. In this the name is our chief guide. 
 In the first place it indicates a northern nation; 
 
 tuaries, m e^ 'YTrepfiopiojy, Chry- 
 808t. Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol. 
 XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. 
 See below, § 6. 
 
 " Heyne Excurs. ad JEn. IV. 
 2. He also comes to Delos in 
 the spring. 
 
 * Tischbein II. 12. Compare 
 the coins of Chalcedon ap. 
 Valliant. et Theupoli. A com- 
 mentary is furnished by the be- 
 ginning of CallimachuV hymn 
 to Apollo. 
 
 *■ Plutarch de Musica 14. 
 
 * According to Herodotus and 
 Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin 
 H. N. IV. 26. Mela HI. 5. 
 Salmasius considers the gifts as 
 Ovfiarwy cLTrapxai, prosicicB hos- 
 tiarum, with Mela; but they 
 were doubtless primiticp fru- 
 gum, Exerc. Plin. p. 147. 
 
 * No weight can be laid on 
 the particular road, as Pausa- 
 nias I. 31. 2. mentions one 
 which touches Attica, where 
 also there were rites or sanc- 
 
 U 
 
290 
 
 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 which idea is sufficiently accounted for by the fact 
 that the worship of Apollo came from the most 
 northern part of Greece, from the district of Tempe ;^ 
 and although the actual distance was not great, yet 
 the imagination might have been moved by this cir- 
 cumstance to conceive Apollo as coming from the 
 most remote regions of the north. But, in the second 
 place, the Hyperboreans are said to dwell bet/ond 
 Boreas ; so that this happy nation never felt the 
 cold north wind : in the same manner that Homer 
 represents the summit of Olympus as rising above 
 the storms, nor ever covered with snow, but sur- 
 rounded by an atmosphere of cloudless and undis- 
 turbed serenity. 
 
 5. This is nearly the whole of our information 
 on the origin of this fabulous people. Poets, how- 
 ever, and geographers, dissatisfied with such accounts, 
 attempted to assign to it a fixed habitation in the 
 catalogue of nations : and for this purpose connected 
 multifarious and foreign accounts of the northern 
 regions of the world with the religious fable of the 
 Hyperboreans, and moulded the whole into an ima- 
 ginary picture of a supposed real people. 
 
 Amonff these stories the most remarkable is that 
 which connects the Hyperboreans with the Scythians. 
 Herodotus found them mentioned in the Arimaspea of 
 Aristeas the Proconnesian, in which poem his ideas 
 of the worship of Apollo were interspersed witli ob- 
 scure accounts of the northern regions.'' He came, 
 led by the spirit of Apollo, through Scytliia to the 
 
 y Above, ch. L § 2. VII. 144. which may be genu- 
 
 * Herod. IV. 13. The state- ine. In v. 688. for /cat (T<f>d£ 
 
 ment of Herodotus is exactly aydpunrovg should be written 
 
 confirmed by a fragment of kuI (pda ayOpwirov^ {<j>aai). 
 Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. 
 
 CH. 4, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 291 
 
 Issedones,* the one-eyed Arimaspians, the Griffins that 
 kept watch over the gold, and thus at last reached the 
 Hyperboreans who inhabited the shores on the further 
 side of the ocean. Now Aristeas must have collected 
 the tradition^ concerning these nations and monsters 
 from the same sources as Herodotus ; viz., from the 
 Greeks dwelling on the Pontus and I^rysthenes, and 
 through these from the Scythians. 
 
 In the list of the fabulous nations of the north, the 
 ancient Damastes exactly agrees with the Arimaspea 
 of Aristeas.^ Beyond the Scythians he places the Isse- 
 dones, then the Arimaspians, then the Rhipeean moun- 
 tains, from which the north wind blows, and on tlie 
 other side of these, on the sea-coast, the Hyperboreans.'' 
 Without doubt this geographer placed the Issedones 
 in the districts to the north of the Euxine sea, and 
 rather to the east of Greece.'^ And indeed neither 
 Issedones, Arimaspians, nor Griffins could be placed 
 in any other region than that which lies to the north of 
 the Euxine sea, as all this tract had become known to 
 the Greeks by means of the Scythians, who dwelt in 
 these parts ; it was only in this district that the Greeks 
 heard of Arimaspians. The case is entirely diffiirent 
 with respect to the Hyperboreans and Rhipseans. Of 
 the former the Scythians, as Herodotus tells us, knew 
 nothing ; and the latter are a mere political fiction of 
 Greece, smce they derived their names from hurricanes 
 (piTToi), issuing from a cavern, which they warded off 
 
 * 4)ot/3o\a/i7rrot. The Isse- fiopeoi. 
 dones were first mentioned by e ^^g ^^^ j^^^ -^^^ ^^^ ^.^^^ 
 
 Alcman, who called them 'A^- wise mentioned bv Hellanicus 
 
 aedoytiSte^h. Byz. m laai,- ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 
 
 eov£c. He also mentioned the 305. Later authorities on this 
 
 Rhipaeans, Schol. Soph. CEd. point I pass over. 
 
 ^7- }^^^' ^ Herod. IV. 25. 
 
 "" Ap. Steph. Byz. in 'Yrrtp- 
 
 v2 
 
292 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 from the Hyperboreans, and sent to more southern 
 nations. For this reason the Hyperboreans could also 
 be placed in another part, remote from Scythia ; still 
 however they kept their original position in the north. 
 Thus Pindar,^ and also ^Eschylus in the Prometheus 
 Unbound/ place the Hyperboreans at the source of the 
 Ister. Now, if, with Herodotus, the Ister is conceived 
 to be a river which runs through all Europe from its 
 wester7i extremity, the Hyperboreans, in spite of their 
 name, must be placed in the regions of the west.^ But 
 there was in ancient times also an idea that the Ister 
 was a vast stream descending from the extreme north ;^ 
 and this notion was evidently entertained by the two 
 poets just mentioned ; thus ^schylus, in the Pro- 
 metheus Unbound, represented Hercules as penetrat- 
 ing to the place where Boreas rushes from the moun- 
 tains; and with this the Rhipsean mountains, the 
 Hyperboreans, and the Ister were doubtless mentioned. 
 Sophocles also placed the " ancient garden of 
 Fhcehus^ i. e., the countiy of the Hyperboreans, at 
 the extremity of the earth, and near the dwelUng of 
 Boreas.^ This natural conception of the Hyperboreans, 
 and agreeing so well with the origin of the legend, is 
 universal among the early poets ; it is only in the works 
 
 « Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. 
 VI1I.47. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. 
 V.22. 
 
 f Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 
 
 284.. 
 
 g This is considered by Voss 
 as the original notion, who sup- 
 poses the whole fable of the 
 happy Hyperboreans to be an 
 invention of Spanish sailors. 
 Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. 
 W^e/fitwAif/e,JenaJournalQuart. 
 II. p. 20, 29. sqq. : on the Grif- 
 
 fins ib. Quart. IV. His opinions 
 have been implicitly followed by 
 Uckert, Geographie, vol. II. p. 
 237. 
 
 ^ See particularly Apollon. 
 Rh. IV. 284. who, according to 
 the Scholia, follows ^Eschylus. 
 
 ^ Boreas, according to Sopho- 
 cles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. car- 
 ried Orithyia. 
 
 Vvzrof rt Tvycci ov^avov r OLvetTrvx^aSj 
 
 CH. 4, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 293 
 
 of later writers that we find certain traces of a trans- 
 lation of the Hyperboreans to Italy and other western 
 countries, and of a confusion of tlie Rhipseans with the 
 Alps and Pyrenees. 
 
 6. We see then that notwithstanding the arbitrary 
 license assumed by poets, the religious ideas respecting 
 the Hyperboreans were every where preserved without 
 the slightest variation. They were represented as a 
 pious nation, abstaining from the flesh of animals, and 
 living in perpetual serenity, in the service of their god, 
 Soy a thousand years.'' " The muse," says Pindar, 
 " is not estranged from their manners. The choruses 
 " of virgins and sweet melody of the lyre or pipe re- 
 " sound on every side ; and, twining their hair with the 
 " ghttering laurel, they feast joyfully. Neither dis- 
 " ease nor old age is the lot of this sacred race ; while 
 " they live apart from toil and battles, undisturbed by 
 " the revengeful Nemesis."' 
 
 Respecting their festivals, which were supposed to 
 take place in the open air,™ it was related by Hecatseus 
 the younger, of Abdera, that these were celebrated by 
 three gigantic Boreadae, whose songs and dances were 
 accompanied by innumerable flocks of swans." But 
 the strangest account is that of Pindar, that whole 
 hecatombs of asses were sacrificed at these festivals :" 
 
 ^ Hellanicus ubi sup. Simo- 
 nides and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. 
 p. 1038 B. iEschyl. Choeph. 
 371. 
 
 1 Pyth. X. 56. 
 
 "* Compare the aWpia crTiibi], 
 Suidas in cW^c — ra kl 'Yrrep- 
 (iopeijjv KOfii^ofiiva^ wc act tV 
 viraiQpt^ Tidiiieva. Cratinus ap. 
 Hesych. in v. Bekker. Anecd. 
 p. 355. 30. Classical Journal 
 
 vol. VI. p. 369. 
 
 °Ap. ^lian. N. A. XI. 1. 
 compare Creuzer Vet. Historic, 
 frajijm. p. 85. This Hecataeus 
 still believed in the real exist- 
 ence of the Hyperboreans, Schol. 
 Apoll. Rh. II. 675. Steph. Byz. 
 in KapanJjvKai. 
 
 ° Corap. Callim. fragm. 187. 
 Bceus and SimmiastV AttoWmvi 
 ap. Anton. Liber, c. 20. Tzet. 
 
294 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book u. 
 
 this however is borrowed from the real worship, from 
 one of the sacred rites of Delphi, where asses were 
 sacrificed at the Pythian festival.^ Lastly, tlie account 
 given of the death of the Hyperboreans strongly re- 
 minds us of the rites of the Thargelia, and the leap at 
 Leucate ; we are told that, tii*ed of a long existence, 
 they leapt, crowned with garlands, from a rock into 
 the sea.** 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 § 1. The Apollo of Tempe, Delphi, Delos, Crete, Lycia, Troy, 
 Athens, and Peloponnesus, the same deity. § 2. Apollo 
 Nomius of Arcadia rightly distinguished from the preceding. 
 § 3. Apollo the father of iEsculapius likewise a distinct deity. 
 § 4 and 5. Apollo not originally an elementary deity, or god 
 of the sun. § 6. Origin of this idea. § 1. Rites of Apollo 
 unlike those of the elementary deities. 
 
 1. Having treated of the extension and propaga- 
 tion of the worship of Apollo, and some of the most 
 remarkable legends and fables connected with it, we 
 next turn our attention to the nature and character of 
 the religion itself 
 
 In the first place, then, we shall remind the reader 
 of a position sufficiently established by the foregoing 
 inquiries ; that the Apollo of Tempe, Delphi, Delos, 
 
 zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. 
 (compare Brunck Anal. vol. II. 
 p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. 
 Gotting. vol. II. p. 33. 
 
 P Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. N°. 
 1688. lin. 14. 
 
 ** Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. 
 Hellanic. ubi sup. It is re- 
 
 markable that this custom of 
 leaping from high rocks occurs, 
 in precisely the same manner as 
 among the Hyperboreans, in 
 Scandinavian legends. See 
 Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalter- 
 thumer, p. 486. 
 
 CH. 6, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 295 
 
 Crete, Lycia, Troy, Athens, and Peloponnesus, is the 
 same god, and not, as was very frequently the case in 
 the religions of Greece, a combination of several 
 deities under one name. This conclusion we supported 
 as well by historical accounts respecting the foundation 
 of his numerous temples, as by the evidence derived 
 from a recurrence of the same names, rites, and sym- 
 bols; such, for example, as the titles of Lycius and 
 Lycia, Delphinius and Pythius ; the oracles and sibyls ; 
 tlie purifications and expiations ; the custom of leaping 
 from rocks ; decimations ; the golden summer, and 
 bloodless oblations ; the laurel-berries ; the legend of 
 the Hyperboreans, and the cycle of eight years. 
 Hence the theologians mentioned by Cicero '^ were 
 wrong in endeavouring without any authority to dis- 
 tinguish between the Athenian, Cretan, and Hyper- 
 borean Apollo. 
 
 2. It appears, however, that they were warranted 
 in distinguishing from the rest the Apollo Nomius of 
 Arcadia ; although in their etymology of the name,^ 
 which made him a divine lawgivevy they by no means 
 followed the most authentic sources of religious history. 
 The correct account is without doubt that given by 
 Pindar,*' who calls Aristseus, conjointly with Zeus and 
 Apollo, a protector of flocks, and guardian of Imnts- 
 men. In fact, Aristaeus and his son Actseon were 
 ancient deities of the early Pelasgic inhabitants of 
 Greece.** That god also protected agriculture and 
 pasturing, w^arded off the scorching heat of summer, 
 charmed by incantations the mild Etesian winds, and 
 
 •De Nat. Deor. III. 23. 
 
 ^ So also Etymol. M. in vo/xoi 
 Kidap. p. 607. Referred to 
 music (from lo^oc, a strain) by 
 Schol.Pind. Nem.V.42. Procl. 
 
 Chrestom. p. 282. 13. in Gais- 
 ford's Hephaestion. 
 
 •^ Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Ex- 
 plic. p. 324. 
 
 ^ OrchomenoSy p. 348. 
 
2% RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 loved hunting and the care of bees. His chief haunts 
 were the plains under mount Pelion and lolcus — from 
 which place his worship was introduced into Cyrene — 
 the fertile valley of Thebes, Parrhasia in Arcadia,* 
 and the Parrhasian island of Ceos ;^ at Cyrene, Apollo 
 and Cyrene were called his parents.^ The genealogy 
 attributed to Aristeeus varied considerably in different 
 places ; through the prevalence of Greek worship in 
 Arcadia he was considered identical with Apollo. It 
 was remembered that the Delphian god had also tended 
 the herds of Admetus; and perhaps the national 
 worship of Aristseus at Pherse had partly contributed 
 to the formation of this fable. ^ Deities, whose worship 
 at an early period fell into disuse, were adapted and 
 modified in various ways to suit the ruling powers : 
 and even if a complete and consistent system of mytho- 
 logy was eradicated and destroyed as a whole, yet 
 particular portions of it would combine themselves 
 with the prevailing religion, and thus obtain a new 
 existence. Thus also the ancient elementary deity, 
 which had received the name of Apollo Nomius, was 
 called the son of the ancient Silenus,' because his attri- 
 butes seemed to resemble those of the attendants of 
 Bacchus.^ I shall take occasion hereafter to explain 
 
 ® The Parrhasian Apollo on 
 mount Lycseum (Paus. VIII. 
 38. 2.) was originally the Apollo 
 Nomius. 
 
 ^Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. 
 from Heraclides Ponticus. 
 
 s Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. 
 partly from Bacchylides, Phe- 
 recydes fra^m. 42. ed. Sturz. 
 
 '» Schol. ^Apoll. Rh. II. 514. 
 cf. Schol. II. a. 766. 
 
 ' Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. 
 cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. 
 
 Cyrill. adv. Julian, p. 542. 
 
 ^ The statement that Pytha- 
 goras placed at Delphi on a 
 grave an inscription of these 
 words, " Apollo the son of Si- 
 lenus," is a confused and fabu- 
 lous story of late times, Porphr. 
 ubi sup. The wild olive was 
 sacred to Apollo Nomius, ac- 
 cording to Theocritus XXV. 20; 
 and he was considered the author 
 of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat. 
 de Morbo Sacro, p. 303. 
 
 CH. 5, § 3, 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 297 
 
 the connexion between the Carnean Apollo and this 
 deity.^ 
 
 3. It should also be observed that Apollo and 
 -^sculapius were connected in fable and mythology ; 
 and this at an early period, for Hesiod called ^scu- 
 lapius the son of Apollo ;°' but, as it appears, only in 
 mythology, and not in any religious worship. Thus 
 neither at Tricca, Lebadea, Epidaurus, nor Cos, were 
 Apollo Paean and ^sculapius intimately connected; 
 nor do we ever find that they had altars, festivals, or 
 sacrifices in common, except perhaps in a temple at 
 the modern town of Megalopolis." This practical 
 difference may be accounted for by the national origin 
 of the two worships. For Phlegyas, the ancestor of 
 -ZEsculapius, and the sons of ^sculapius mentioned in 
 the Homeric Catalogue, belonged to races which were 
 hostile both to the Dorians and the temple of Delphi ; 
 and the dispersion of the schools of the Asclepiadse 
 through Greece had nothing in conmion with the foun- 
 dation of the temples of Apollo. 
 
 4. Having made these distinctions, we now return 
 to the principal position established by the preceding 
 inquiries; viz., that it was the Dorians among whom 
 the religion of Apollo was the most ancient, impoi1;ant, 
 and truly national worship. 
 
 The Dorians being an active and heroic people, it 
 is natural that their peculiar religious feelings should 
 have had a like tendency. Hence, as they displayed 
 a perpetual aversion to the innocent employments of 
 husbandry, and a love for active and military exertion, 
 their national god was exactly the reverse of the ele- 
 mentary deities worshipped by the agricultural races. 
 
 ^ Below, ch. 8. § 15. 
 Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gais- 
 
 m 
 
 ford. 
 
 ° Paus. VIII. 30. 
 
298 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 But tliis inference seems to be invalidated by an 
 opinion entertained l)y many at least of the later 
 Greeks, and by most modern writers on mythology, 
 that Apollo was an elementary deity, the deified per- 
 sonification of the sun. On the whole of this difficult 
 and doubtful subject it is not my intention now to 
 enter ; but I shall be satisfied with laying before the 
 reader the principal arguments on both sides, and 
 afterwards stating my own views on the subject. 
 
 5. In the first place, then, the accounts above given 
 of Apollo returning from the Hyperboreans with the 
 ripe ears of corn, and the tribute of the golden ears, 
 certainly suggest the idea of a guardian of agriculture." 
 On the coins of Metapontum we frequently see these 
 ears of corn, with the grasshopper, or mouse both in 
 the act of creeping, upon the reverse. The same ex- 
 planation is applicable to both symbols. The mouse 
 and grasshopper are animals hurtful to the corn, which 
 the god was supplicated to protect from their attacks. 
 In like manner the Cretan Apollo S/x./v9e/o^ was 
 doubtless a destroyer of field mice (erja/vfloi) ;p and his 
 statue was represented with one foot upon a mouse.** 
 
 ° Apollo is represented with 
 a crown of ears on his head, in 
 a gem in Lippert's Dactyliothek 
 
 I. p. 62. N**. 145. Sometimes 
 also on coins there is only a 
 grain of corn with symbols of 
 Apollo, e. g., on those of He- 
 phsestia and Abdera. 
 
 P EfxivOoi apovpa7oi,JEschyhis 
 ap. iElian. Hist. An. XII. 15. 
 1 Strabo XIII. p. 604. Schol. 
 
 II. a. 89. ^lian ubi sup. Tzetz. 
 ad Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears 
 a mouse in his hand on a coin of 
 Hadrian, belonging to Alexan- 
 dria Troas, Mionnet, torn. II. p. 
 
 644. A painted vase in Tisch- 
 bein II. 17. probably refers to 
 the sacred mice of a Smintheum; 
 concerning which see Heraclid. 
 Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup. Ac- 
 cording to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the 
 Argives had a mouse on their 
 coins (as an emblem of Apollo); 
 Eckhel has none of this kind ; 
 Mr. Payne Knight's collection 
 contains a very small ancient 
 gold coin with this type. See 
 Knight on the Symbolical Lan- 
 guage of Mythology, § 128. 
 note. 
 
 CH. 5, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 299 
 
 Again, in Rhodes he was called ep^Ql^iog, "the 
 averter of mildew ;"' which attribute was peculiarly 
 suitable to him, as being one of the Triopian deities, 
 one of whom was Demeter, the destroyer of Ery- 
 sichthon. These are probably the chief reasons which 
 can be adduced in favour of the position that Apollo 
 was an elementary deity ; reasons which are founded 
 on the symbols and ceremonies of the real worship, and 
 not on the opinions of later philosophers. But, first, 
 the argument that Apollo was an elementary god, be- 
 cause he was a patron and protector of agriculture, is 
 inconclusive ; for he performs this office in his character 
 of guardian and averter of misfortune generally. The 
 case indeed would be otherwise, had Apollo been sup- 
 posed either to call forth the seed from the earth or 
 bring it to maturity ; no trace however of these func- 
 tions being attributed to him ever occurs. It is there- 
 fore unnecessary on this account to identify him with 
 the sun. And it may be remarked likewise, that the 
 chief festivals of Apollo were not connected with any 
 remarkable epochs of the sun's course, but rather with 
 the rising of the stars, particularly of the pleiads, and 
 with the phases of tlie moon. Thus the new moon 
 was sacred to Apollo, who hence received the name of 
 'Nsofxriviog ;' and so likewise the first quarter, or the 
 seventh day ; and, finally, the full moon (S^j^o/xr^v/a), 
 particularly in the island of Zacynthus.* From these 
 circumstances, however, no one will infer that Apollo 
 was a god of the moon. 
 
 We do not, however, deny that Apollo and tlie god 
 of the sun admitted in particular points of a comparison 
 
 ' Strabo XIII. p. G13. 258. 
 
 ' Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. ^ piytarch Dion. 23. 
 ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. 
 
300 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 and parallel with each other ; the source of external 
 light might be a symbol of the " bright and pure '* 
 god ; and indeed the Platonists favoured this supposi- 
 tion," which is not, however, supported by any his- 
 torical authority. The worship of the sun was prac- 
 tised in the Acropolis of Corinth, at Rhodes, Athens, 
 and in earlier times also at Calauria and Tsenarum ; 
 but in none of these places was it connected with the 
 rites of Apollo/ 
 
 6. This naturally leads us to inquire how any ideal 
 ' connexion between Apollo and the sun, if it really ex- 
 isted, should have been entirely overlooked for so many 
 centuries ; how was it that these deities were not iden- 
 tified till the Grecian mythology had ceased to have 
 any influence upon the ideas and feelings of mankind ? 
 Even when the Egyptian interpreters identified Horus 
 with Apollo, they were in all probability guided only 
 by the resemblance between the destroyer of the Py- 
 thon and the vanquisher of Baby (Typhon in Greek). ^ 
 The Persian magi, however, in discovering a connexion 
 between the worship of Apollo and their religion (on 
 which account Xerxes preserved from injury the 
 island where Apollo and Artemis were born),' Avere 
 influenced by a well-grounded comparison, which we 
 shall find occasion to confirm in a subsequent chap- 
 ter;* yet, in all probability, it was not the sun, but 
 Ormuzd, whom they supposed to be Apollo. It was 
 
 " Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 
 
 I, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. 
 Qusest. III. 10. 
 
 ^ iEginetica, p. 27. The 
 Apollo 'HXftoe at Argos (Paus. 
 VIII. 46. 2.) is hardly a'HXtoe. 
 
 y The Troezenian ^lipoc (Paus. 
 
 II. 30. 6.) was probably a god 
 of the seasons, and afterwards 
 
 the sun ; but Apa and the JE- 
 gyptian Horus cannot surely 
 have any etymological con- 
 nexion. 
 
 ^ Herod. VI. 91. Pseudo- 
 Plat. Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. 
 ^sch. Pers. 206. 
 
 * See below, ch. 6. § 10. 
 
 cu. 5, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 301 
 
 not until the philosophers of the Ionic school identified 
 the deities of the popular creed partly with material 
 powers and objects, and partly with the attril)utes of 
 the universal intellect (youg), that the doctrine was 
 advanced of Apollo being the sun. From them Eu- 
 ripides, who called Zeus the air, and Vesta the earth, 
 was naturally among the first to receive it. In the 
 tragedy of Phaethon, the mother of the unfortunate 
 youth complained against his father Helius as follows ; 
 "Rightly does lie who knows the secret names of 
 " the gods call thee Apollo' (the destroyer) ;^ refer- 
 ring, without doubt, not to any doctrine connected 
 with, or revealed in the mysteries, but to a philoso- 
 phical interpretation. This opinion, thus adopted by 
 Euripides, became still more general at Alexandria ; 
 and Callimachus blames those " who separate Apollo 
 " from the sun, and Artemis from the moon."'' Soon 
 afterwards it was said to have originated in very early 
 times; and the author of the astronomical treatise 
 attributed to Eratosthenes*^ relates, that Orpheus the 
 Thracian had from the top of a mountain, at break of 
 day, prayed to the sun, whom he also called Apollo, as 
 the greatest of all the deities.^ Nevertheless, this 
 statement does not authorize us to infer, that in the 
 ancient Orphic Hymns, previous to Herodotus, Apollo 
 and the sun were identified. For this system of reli- 
 
 ^ Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. Mat- 
 thias. AttoXXw ^* £1^ jjporoiQ (J 
 opdufg KoXei "Oortg ra aiydjyr 
 oyofiar owe ^ai^ovioy. 
 
 *= Fragm. 48. The same doc- 
 trine was followed by Apollodo- 
 rus (Macrob. Sat. I. 17.) and 
 Philochorus, according to whom 
 there was a Helius-Apollo among 
 the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. 
 
 p. 655. 
 
 '^ C. 24. It is only the fol- 
 lowing narration which is taken 
 from the Bassarides of ^schy- 
 lus ; comp. Timotheus Trepl Koer- 
 fioirouaQ ap. Euseb. Scalig. p, 4. 
 
 *" This fact refers to the actual 
 worship of the sun in Thrace, 
 Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. 
 II. XV. 705. 
 
302 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 gious speculation was chiefly concerned about Bac- 
 chus ; and in all the Orphic fragments of any anti- 
 quity Apollo is hardly ever noticed/ 
 
 7. It seems, therefore, that whatever might have 
 been the poetical attributes of Apollo in late times, in 
 his religious character he was never an elementary 
 deity, the essence of whose godhead is a personifica- 
 tion of the creative powers of nature. None of the 
 characteristic marks of such a religion are discoverable 
 in his worship. So far from being a god of genera- 
 tion^ and production, he remains unmarried and youth- 
 ful ; for it is easy to see that his poetical amour with 
 the nymph Daphne, and his sons, mentioned in poetry 
 and prophecy, have no connexion with his worship. 
 In his sacred rites and symbols there is no trace of the 
 adoration of the generative powers, like those occur- 
 ring in the ancient Arcadian worship of Hermes, the 
 Argive fables of Here, or the Attic legends of He- 
 phaestus and Athene. The worship of Apollo is even 
 still more widely removed from the boisterous and 
 frantic orgies so conspicuous in the Thracian rites of 
 Dionysus. And although this latter worship flou- 
 rished by the side of Helicon and Parnassus, near the 
 Pythian temple, and both kinds of religious worship 
 were practised in the immediate neighbourhood of each 
 
 ^ The passages in which he 
 is considered as the gud of the 
 sun, a fragment in J. Diaconus, 
 and a hymn, are of the latest 
 date. The Sibylline oracle in 
 Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is 
 called Helius, is of the Alexan- 
 drine age ; likewise the strange 
 hymn in Brunck's Analecta, vol. 
 II. p. 518. is of very late date. 
 Moreover, the coins, in which 
 Apollo is represented with rays 
 
 round his head, are, as far as I 
 can discover, all of the age of 
 the emperors. 
 
 * The Apollo yePETwp of De- 
 los was probably so called with 
 a fixed though obscure refer- 
 ence, like the Apollo TrarpSoc, 
 which the Orphic philosophers 
 in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also ex- 
 plained to be progenitor in ge- 
 neral. See above, ch. 2. § 15. 
 
 CH. 6, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 303 
 
 other,^ yet the religious feelings and rites which dis- 
 tinguished the services of the two gods always re- 
 mained dissimilar. 
 
 In the subsequent discussion we shall accordingly 
 take for granted the original diversity of Apollo and 
 the sun; and though the rites of the worship of 
 Apollo, as preserved and recorded in later times, are 
 doubtless of greater antiquity than any written docu- 
 ments which either we or the Greeks possessed, it will 
 be convenient first to state the clearer and more intel- 
 ligible accounts of Homer on the subject of Apollo, 
 his divine character and worship. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. Homer's Conception of Apollo. § 2. Apollo as a punishing 
 deity. § 3. Apollo as a beneficent deity. § 4. Explanation 
 of the name Paean. § 5. Of the name Agyieus. § 6. Of the 
 name Apollo. § 7. Of the name Phoebus. § 8. Of the name 
 Lyceus. § 9. Religious Attributes of Apollo. 
 
 1. Homer, as we have already seen, had, both from 
 hearsay and personal observation, acquired a very ac- 
 curate knowledge of the Cretan worship of Apollo in 
 the Smintheum, in the citadel of Troy, in Lycia near 
 mounts Ida and Cragus, as well as of Pytho and the 
 Delian palm-tree. His picture of Apollo is, however, 
 considerably changed by the circumstance of the god 
 acting as a friend to the Trojans and an enemy to the 
 Greeks, although both equally honour him with sacri- 
 fices and paeans. Yet he generally appears to the 
 
 ^ Orchmnenos, p. 383. com- hum. p. 89. Creuzer Symbolik, 
 pare Schwarz Miscell. Polit. vol. III. p. 166. 
 
I' 
 
 304 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Greeks in a darker and more unfavourable view. 
 " Dread the son of Zeus'' says the priest of Chryse 
 to the Greeks, ^'he walks dark as night; the sure 
 " and deadly arrows rattle on his shoulders.*' His 
 punishments are sudden sickness, rapid pestilence, and 
 death, the cause and occasion of which is generally 
 unseen ; yet sometimes he grants death as a blessing.* 
 His arrows are said to wound from afar, because they 
 are unforeseen and unexpected. He is called the far- 
 darting god;^ his divine vengeance never misses its 
 aim. He appears in the terror of his might when 
 from the heights of the citadel he stimulates the Tro- 
 jans with a loud war-cry to the combat ;*' and leads 
 them on, a cloud around his shoulders, and the segis in 
 his hand, into the thick of the battle,'^ like Ares him- 
 self,® though far from showing the boisterous confi- 
 dence of that deity. Achilles, to whom he is indeed 
 particularly hostile, calls him the most pernicious of 
 all the gods. Even when he appears amongst the 
 gods, " all tremble before htm in the palace of Zeus, 
 " and rise from their seats ; while Latona alone re- 
 " joices that she has produced so strong a son and 
 " so powerful an archer.''^ 
 
 It is remarkable how seriously Homer (who other- 
 wise speaks of the gods, and particularly of those 
 friendly to Troy, with some levity of expression)^ de- 
 
 * Od. XV. 402. cf. III. 280. « See Find. Pyth. IV. 86. 
 
 XI.17L II. XXIV. 759. Ar- ^ Horn. Hymn. Apoll. Del. 
 
 temis kills women for him, as 13. 
 
 in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On 8 Homer represents Aphro- 
 
 Artemis and Apollo, as gods of dite as the protector of MncaiS, 
 
 death, see Nast's Opusc. Lat. and antagonist of Diomed, and 
 
 P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq. Ares in battle for the Trojans, 
 
 ^ "EATarof , tKciEpyoQy iKTjpoXoc:, in a disadvantageous light ; and 
 
 harrifieXtrrjc, a<priT(i)p. describes, with evident irony, 
 
 *' II. IV. 508. VI i. 21. the weakness of the goddess, 
 
 ^ XV. 308. XVI. 703. and the brutal confidence of the 
 
 CH. 6, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 305 
 
 scribes the character of Apollo. He is never repre- 
 sented as hurried on by blind fury. He never opposes 
 the Greeks without reason, or through caprice, but 
 only when they disregard the sacred rights of priests 
 and suppliants, or assume an unusual degree of arro- 
 gance. But when the gods separate into two bodies, 
 and descend to the contest, he, unmoved by passion, 
 shuns the combat, and speaks of the quick succession 
 of the race of man in a manner which betokens the 
 oracular deity of Pytho.^ A similar spirit is perceiv- 
 able in his address to the daring Diomed : " TTie 
 " race of the iimnortal gods resembles not that of 
 " mortals." Thus Apollo appears as the minister of 
 vengeance, the chastiser of arrogance. Consistently 
 with this character he destroys the proud Niobe,' the 
 unruly Aloidse,^ Tityus and the Python, the enemies 
 of the gods. His contests with Eurytus of CEchalia, 
 and with Phorbas the Phlegyan, were grounded on 
 historical facts ; the former alluded to the enmity be- 
 tween the Dorians and CEchalians, the latter to that 
 between the Pythian sanctuary and the Phlegyans.^ 
 
 2. We will now examine the notions of other poets 
 on the character of Apollo as a revenging and punish- 
 ing deity, in which light he is introduced by Homer. 
 
 god. In like manner, Diana 
 and the river-god Scamander 
 sometimes play a very undig- 
 nified part. Apollo, alone, al- 
 ways maintains his dignity. 
 
 ^ II. XXL 464. cf. XXIV. 
 40. ^ ovT ap (ppiyeg elaiy kvaiffi- 
 fioi. 
 
 » II. XXIV. 606. 
 
 '^Od. XI. 517. 
 
 » II. VIII. 227. He over- 
 comes Phorbas in a boxing- 
 match, Eurytus in a contest of 
 
 archery, to which the latter had 
 challenged all the gods ; hence 
 he is in general supposed to 
 preside over contests with the 
 cffistus (II. XXIII. 660. Plu- 
 tarch. Quaest. Symp. VIII. 4); 
 and amongst the Dorians, who 
 loved the sports of the field, 
 was particularly considered as 
 a patron of archery and hunts- 
 men. II. XXIII. 872. Soph. 
 (Ed. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39. 
 
306 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Archiloehus calls upon Apollo to ''punish and destroy 
 " the guilty as he is wont to destroy theni.''"^ Hip- 
 ponax, the successor of Archiloehus in vituperative 
 satiric poetry, prays that " Artemis and Apollo may 
 " destroy thee;"° and iEschylus, with manifest allusion 
 to the name, says, 'AttoXXwv aTrwT^Btyag ;° which, how- 
 ever, can hardly entitle us to infer that the name of 
 Apollo was really derived from airoKBiv \^ for we should 
 lose sight of one main point, viz., the object against 
 which his destructive powers were directed, or be re- 
 duced to consider him an universal destroyer, a charac- 
 ter which is ill adapted to mark the nature of a divine 
 being of any kind whatsoever. Apollo slays, indeed, 
 but only to inflict deserved punishment. At Megara 
 ^vas exhibited the tomb of Coroebus, who had slain the 
 Fury sent by Apollo against that town, to punish the 
 crimes of the fathers by destroying their children.** 
 After this action, Coroebus was ordered to cari*y in his 
 arms a.tripod from Pytho, and erect on the spot where 
 he should fall down from exhaustion, a town (Tri- 
 podiscus) and a temple to the god. This explains why 
 many sacred fines were at Corinth, Patara, and Am- 
 phipolis,' paid into the temple of Apollo, who tlms 
 appears, in some measure, as enforcing his own judg- 
 
 ™'iiva^ "AttoXXoi', Koi crv fXEv 
 Tovg airiovQ Ilrj/iaivE, koi (r<pa.Q 
 oXKv wffirfp oXKveiQ. Fragm. 
 79. ed. Gaisford. Compare 
 Blomfield ad iEsch. Agam. 66. 
 Gloss. 
 
 ^ 'Atto d oKiatiEv Aprefjiig re 
 ^wTToXXwv, Fragm. 16. ed. 
 Welcker. 
 
 " ^schyl.Agam. 1091. Plato 
 Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Pha- 
 eth. (above, p. 306. note ™.) al- 
 lude to the same derivation. 
 
 P Hermann Ueber das Wesen 
 der Mythologies p. 107. 
 
 •1 Pausan. I. 43. 7. Anthol. 
 Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of 
 Prusia Apollo is represented 
 with a scourge in his hand, Mi- 
 onnet Descript. tom. II. p. 482. 
 
 ' Herod. III. 52. Walpole's 
 Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic 
 inscription of the cod. Sherard. 
 these fines are called upaX hpax" 
 
 CH. 6, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 307 
 
 ments. ^schylus refers to his office of av^enging 
 murder, where he speaks of Apollo, Pan, and Zeus, 
 as the gods who send the Furies ;^ Zeus as ruler of 
 the world. Pan as the daemon that disorders the in- 
 tellect, Apollo as the god of punishment. Hence it 
 was not without reason that the Romans believed 
 Apollo to be represented in a statue of the god Vejovis, 
 a terrible god, equij>ped with arrows.* At least there 
 is some connexion between him and Apollo xarai- 
 fioLo-iogy "who darts down in the lightning;*' to whom 
 the Thessalians vowed every year a hecatomb of men." 
 At Argos it was the custom immediately after death 
 for the relations to sacrifice to Apollo as a god of 
 death ; the priest of Apollo (the amphipolus) offered 
 up the victim, and for consuming the fragments of the 
 sacrifice a new fire was always kindled. On the 
 thirtieth day aftenvards a sacrifice was offered to 
 Hermes as the conductor of souls." 
 
 3. Although we have thus dwelt upon the gloomy 
 side of Apollo's character, it must not be supposed 
 that he was considered in the light of a malevolent and 
 destroying power. Thus Pindar declares that of all 
 the gods "he is the most friendly to men."^ His 
 titles, also, as connected with different temples, serve 
 to remove that impression. Thus he was called the 
 Healer at Elis,* the Assister at Phigaleia,* the De- 
 fender, the Averter of Evil,^' at Atliens, and in many 
 
 * Agamem. 55. 
 
 * Gellius N. A. V. 12. 
 
 " Schol. Eurip. Phoen. 1446. 
 
 » Plut. Qusest. Greec. 24. 
 
 y Plut. de El 21. p. 246. de 
 Defect. Orac. 1. p. 309. non 
 posse suav. vivi sec. Epicur. 23. 
 p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the 
 Apollo Philesius should be re- 
 
 ferred to this head. 
 
 '■ 'A»cr;<Tioc. Pans. VI. 24, 5. 
 aKttnwpj Eurip. Androm. 900. 
 
 » 'EmKovpioc, Paus. VIII. 32 
 — 41. 5. 
 
 ^'AXe^Uatcog, ibid. I. 3. 3. 
 Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare 
 Visconti, Museo Pio-Clement. 
 I. p. 27. 
 
 X 2 
 
308 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 oracles." Although some of these names were per- 
 haps not introduced until the Peloponnesian war, and 
 the restriction of his avenging power to physical evil 
 is first perceptible in Pindar and the tragedians,*^ yet 
 the idea of the heahng and protecting power of Apollo 
 must have been of remote antiquity. Under all these 
 names Apollo does not so much appear bestowing 
 positive good as assuaging and warding off evil ; and in 
 this character he was invoked (according to an oracle) 
 to send health and good fortune.^ 
 
 4. The preceding arguments may perhaps receive 
 confirmation from a description of the god P^ean 
 (Uair^wv) in Homer. The name clearly betokens a 
 healing deity, and though the poet indeed speaks of 
 him as a separate individual, and the physician of 
 Olympus,^ yet this division appears to have been merely 
 poetical, without any reference to actual worship ; since 
 from very early times the psean had, in the Pythian 
 temple,^ been appointed to be sung in honour of 
 
 CH.6, §4. OF THE DORL\NS. 
 
 309 
 
 * *A7rorpo7ratoe, Orac. ap. De- 
 mosth. in Mid. p. SSL 27. In- 
 script. in Walpole's Travels, p. 
 547. No. S8. Stuart's Anti- 
 quities of Athens, vol. L p. 25. 
 called TrpoararrjQy in the colonies 
 on the Pontus, above, ch. 2. 
 § 6. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. 
 with Hermann's note. He is 
 invoked in his character of 
 BpoffTarripiog to avert nightly 
 terrors, in Soph. Elec. 6S8 ; in 
 Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; 
 in Eurip. Here. Fur. 821, the 
 
 fury. IlvdiOL Koi cnorripioi dioi. 
 Boeckh Corp.Inscript.N'M693. 
 d Find. Pyth. v. 63. cf. IV. 
 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. 
 CEd. T. 149. Callim. Hymn. 
 Apoll. 72. See, however, II. 
 XVI. 527. He was called Aot- 
 
 fjiiog at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. 
 17. Medicus at Rome about 
 416 A.U.C. 'larpoc, Tzetzes 
 ad Lycophr. 1206. 
 
 ^ Uemosth. in Mid. ubi sup. 
 
 n\. v. 401,899. with Schol. 
 Venet. cf. Od. IV. 2S2. Ari- 
 starchus considered Apollo and 
 Pseon in Homer as identical, 
 yet Hesiod distinguishes them 
 in the fragment in Eustath. ad 
 Od. p. 149S. Schol. Min. ad 1. 
 (cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford*s 
 Poetse Min. p. 551), and per- 
 haps also in Brunck's Analecta, 
 
 vol. I. p. 67. 
 
 i Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. 
 Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. 
 Pindar's Psean in the Frag- 
 ments. 
 
 Apollo.*" The song, like other hymns, derived its 
 name from that of the god to whom it was sung. 
 The god was first called peean, then the hymn, and 
 lastly the singers themselves.* Now we know that the 
 paean was originally sung at the cessation of a plague, 
 and after a victory , and generally, when any evil was 
 averted, it was performed as a purification from the 
 pollution.*" The chant w^as loud and joyous, as cele- 
 brating the victory of the preserving and healing deity .^ 
 Besides the pseans of victory,™ however, there were 
 others which were sung at the beginning of battle ;° 
 and there was a tradition that the chorus of Delphian 
 virgins had chanted " lo Pcean '* at the contest of 
 Apollo with the Python.*" The psean of victory varied 
 according to the different tribes ; all Dorians, viz., 
 Spartans, Argives, Corinthians, and Syracusans, had 
 the same.P This use of the psean, as a song of rejoic- 
 
 ^ Proclus apud Phot. lliutQ 
 airiKtiTO r^ 'AttoWwj'i Kai rrj 
 ApTifii^i. 
 
 * Horn. Hymn. 272, 320. 
 
 ^ Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. 
 In Soph. CEd. T. 152. a song 
 of a chorus resembling a paean 
 has these words ; ^o'lfiog — aujTrjp 
 6 Ikoito kol voaov Travarrijpioi:. 
 cf. Schol. ad v. 174. et Suid. in 
 
 ^Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. 
 Nseniae and paeans opposed to 
 one another. Eurip. I ph. T. 
 183. The god of death was 
 honoured with no paean, ^sch. 
 Nioh. Frag. 5. Paeans to Hades, 
 the Furies, &c. are an oxymoron; 
 &ee Monk ad Eurip. Ale. 431. 
 
 ™ Comp. the paeans of the 
 Spartans at the Gymnopaedia 
 for the battle of Thermopylae. 
 Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. 
 Apollo and Artemis, gods of vic- 
 
 tory, Soph. Trach. 207. 
 
 " See iEschyl. Theb. 250. 
 The oXvXvyiJior {ululaius) vfhich 
 is here mentioned was in part 
 the ekeXevy which according to 
 Plutarch Thes. 22. occurred in 
 singing the paean and at the li- 
 bation (in this passage cnriy- 
 coyrtg is evidently the right 
 meaning). Hence Apollo is 
 called eXeXevQ in Macrob. Sat. I. 
 17. From this also comes the 
 kXeXii^eiy which Xenophon often 
 mentions, but distinguishes it 
 from the paean, and represents 
 it as performed to Enyalius or 
 Ares, Anab. I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. 
 14. Hell. II. 4,17. 
 
 "Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. 
 Rhod. IL 710. cf. Athen. XV. 
 p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etym. Mag. 
 in ir]ie. 
 
 V Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43. 
 
310 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 ing for victoiy, sufficiently explains its double mean- 
 ing^ ; it bore a mournful sense in reference to the 
 battle, and a joyous sense in reference to the victory. 
 Apollo, under this name, was therefore either con- 
 sidered as a destroying (from Traiw), or as a protecting 
 and healing deity, who frees the mind from care and 
 sorrow ;'^ and accordingly the tragedians, by an ana- 
 logical application of the word, also called Death, to 
 whom both these attributes belonged, by the title of 
 Psean/ And thus this double character of Apollo, 
 by virtue of which he was equally formidable as a foe, 
 and welcome as an ally,^ was authorized by the am- 
 biguity of his name. 
 
 5. On the other hand, the title Agyieus had a 
 single signification.* This appellation of Apollo was 
 peculiar to the Dorians,*" and consequently of great 
 antiquity at Delphi ;'' from which place, however, it 
 was brought over to Athens at a very early period, 
 and indeed partly at the command of an oracle.^ His 
 statue was erected in court-yards, and before the doors 
 of houses ; that is, at the boundary of private and public 
 property, in order to admit the god as a tutelary deity, 
 and to avert evil. The symbol or image of the god 
 
 1 iEsch. Agam. 99. 
 ' Eurip. Hippol. 1313. iEsch. 
 ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121. 
 
 * iEsch. Agam. 518. 
 
 * Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352. 
 
 " Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. 
 Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. 
 Harpocrat. In Tegea (derived 
 from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. 
 1. 2. 
 
 * Above, ch. 4. § 2. 
 
 y Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. 
 comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad 
 Horat. Carm. IV. 6. 28. ex re- 
 sponso sui (Pythii) oraculi in 
 
 viis publicis urhis sua Alhe- 
 nienses statutis altarihus sacri- 
 ficare Apollini instituerunt et 
 Agyeum appellare. Also Eu- 
 rip. Ion 186. to which Eustath. 
 ad 11. p. 166. Rom. refers. 
 Varro is probably followed by 
 Euanthius De Tragoedia et 
 Comoedia : Athenienses cum 
 Apollini Nomio vel 'Ayvmi'w (as 
 Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. cor- 
 rects), i. e. pastorum vicino- 
 nimque{read vicorumque) prce- 
 sidi deo constructis aris festum 
 carmen solenniter cantarent. 
 
 CH. 6, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 311 
 
 was most simple, being a conical block of stone. The 
 ancients knew not whether to consider it as an altar or 
 statue." The worship consisted of a constant succes- 
 sion of trifling services and marks of adoration.'' 
 Frankincense was burnt before the pillar ;^ it was be- 
 decked with wreaths of myrtle, garlands, &c. This 
 was sufficient to remind, and at the same time to assure, 
 the ancient Dorians of the protecting presence of tlieir 
 deity. The Athenians represented their Hermes in a 
 similar manner. This god, although fundamentally 
 distinct from Apollo, was invested by them with the 
 same offices : thus the statues of both gods were placed, 
 as protecting powers, in front of the houses : both gods 
 were supposed to confer blessings on those who either 
 entered or left the house : both were represented by 
 simple columnar statues. With Apollo, however, this 
 protection was rather of a spiritual and inward nature : 
 while the phallic form, which always distinguished the 
 Hennse of Athens, shows tliat this god was considered 
 to affi)rd, by increasing the fruitfulness of the fields 
 and cattle, and generally all the products of nature, a 
 more external and physical assistance. 
 
 6. To these titles may perhaps be added the name 
 of Apollo itself That we must search for its ety- 
 mology in the Greek language alone, and that it could 
 have been derived from no other source, is evident 
 
 * Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 810. 
 Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. 
 Eurip. Phoen. 634. Harpocrat. 
 Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot, 
 cod. 279. p. 1596. Plautus 
 Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. 
 in ayvta, also Otto de Diis Via- 
 libus, et Zoega De Obeliscis p. 
 210. The Agyieus otteu occurs 
 on coins, instead of other em- 
 blems of Apollo, where numis- 
 
 matic writers have not recog- 
 nised the symbol. See the 
 coins of ApoUonia in Epirus, 
 Aptera in Crete, Megara, By- 
 zantium, Oricus, Ambracia, 
 where the statue is surrounded 
 with fillets. 
 
 * Eurip. Ion. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ tcpiarady nyviac^ Demosth. 
 ubi sup. and Stephens's Thesau- 
 rus, ed. Lond. vol. I. p. 1048. 
 
312 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book u. 
 
 from the preceding investigations. In the first place, 
 then, we cannot derive it from the sun, AFEAIOS/ 
 since the digamma is never changed into H. The 
 derivation from OAH we have already rejected, as 
 being founded on a partial and occasional attribute of 
 the god.*^ On the other hand, we may observe that 
 the ancient Doric iEolian form of the name was not 
 'AttoXXoiv but 'AwsTO^wVy^ which also obtained amongst 
 the ancient Latins,^ and from which the Macedonian 
 and Delphian month Apellcdus evidently derived its 
 name. Now if this is admitted to be the original 
 form, ' kirkKkoiv simply means the averter or de^ 
 fender f and belongs to the same class as ' AT^s^lxaxog, 
 ^AwoTpoTraio^, and other names mentioned above. 
 
 7. All these names, however, only indicate the 
 attributes and actions of the deity ; but the name 
 Phcebus expresses more nearly his peculiar nature. 
 From its original sense of " bright ,' " clear'' its 
 secondary sense oi " purej' ''unstained,'' is easily 
 derived ;^ and hence the term <f>oi^a!^siv (which per- 
 
 *^ 'A/3«Xto<;, the Cretans and 
 Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. 
 Comp. Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. 
 in daj^aKov, Koen ad Greg. Co- 
 rinth, p. 354. ed. Schsefer. (deXu 
 rjXioQ fcrai avyj), a Laconism ac- 
 cording to Hesychius. 
 
 ^ The jocular etymology of 
 Plato from TroXetv, and the ab- 
 surd one from ctTroXvc, men- 
 tioned by Cicero de Nat. Deor. 
 II. 27. Plutarch, de El 9. p. 
 228 (because Apollo was to eu, 
 De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Ma- 
 crob. Sat. I. 17. and others in 
 the Etymol. M., I may be ex- 
 cused from examining. 
 
 * Maittaire, p. 152,264. 
 
 ^ Festus in v. Comp. Schnei- 
 
 der, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12. 
 
 ^ There appear to be two ra- 
 dical forms, having nearly the 
 same meaning, from which the 
 word AUEAAilN might be de- 
 rived. First y^EA or FEAF, 
 VOLVO, " to roll," " to press 
 together," and EA, *no push, 
 " strike, drive," &c. 'EXa^xat, 
 iXavveiv^ &c., are evidently de- 
 rivatives of this EA ; from which 
 it is probable that airiXKuyv or 
 QiTroXXwv is derived, as Homer 
 constantly uses FiXPw, but eXa- 
 (Tai, &c., as well as 'ATrdXXwy, 
 without the digamma. 
 
 ^ See ApoUon. Lex. Hom. p. 
 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. 
 Rh. 11.301. 
 
 CH. 6, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 313 
 
 haps is connected with the Latin fehruare), " to 
 " expiate." Phoebus therefore is the clear and spot- 
 less god, often emphatically called the "pure and 
 " holy" (a^vo^ SeoV).' This name is particularly ap- 
 plied to him when he returns purified from Tempe.^ 
 The same meaning is implied in the epithet ^avSo^, 
 which also signifies "pure," and " clear ;"^ hence the 
 streams near the temples of Apollo in Troy and 
 Lycia were called Xanthus," and amongst the lilace- 
 donians the expiatory festival of the army bore the 
 title of Xanthica.^ In allusion to Apollo as a god 
 of joy and gladness, ^schylus frequently forbids that 
 he should be invoked in sorrow.** Several other pas- 
 sages from poets and grammarians might be adduced 
 to support this idea.^ 
 
 8. We now come to the most enigmatical of all 
 the titles of Apollo, viz., "Lyceus." It was shown 
 above, that Apollo Lycius was worsliipped at Lycorea 
 on mount Parnassus, in Lycia at the foot of mount 
 Cragus, in Lycia under mount Ida, at Athens, Argos, 
 Sparta, and Sicyon. This religion nmst have been 
 of greater antiquity than the Greek colonies in Asia 
 Minor, having been carried over thither at the time of 
 
 i ^sch. Suppl. 222. Pindar 
 Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Et 
 20. p. 243. De Exilio 17. p. 
 386. Apollo sanctuSy Cicero 
 Tusc. Qusest. IV. 34. Mont- 
 faucon Inscript. vol. I. pi. 52. 
 N°. 10. The term 0oi/3o»/o/ift- 
 ffdai was used of the Thessalian 
 diviners, when they lived apart 
 on the airofpahc rffjiipai, Plu- 
 tarch, de Et 20. p. 243. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 2 
 
 ^ Theophrast. de Lapid. 37. 
 
 "" Compare ipoyhy v^ojp 
 Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. 
 
 V. 1009. 
 
 " Sturz, de Lingua Macedo- 
 nica. 
 
 ** Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. 
 Eurip. Alcest. 22. 
 
 P ^sch. Theb. 696, 865. Eu- 
 rip. ap. Plutarch, de Et 20. p. 
 246. Xoifial vEKvu)v (f)Oi^ty(ov 
 aoi^al &e 6 ^pva-OKO/jUKj 'AttoX- 
 Xwr ovfc lycd-^eraif which Her- 
 mann has received in Eurip. 
 Suppl. 999. Hesych. in uKepae- 
 Ko^riQ. Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. 
 p. 31. 
 
ii 
 
 314 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 their establishment. Homer was also acquainted with 
 
 this title of Apollo. 
 
 In explanation of this epithet we every where find 
 traditions concerning wolves. The descendants of 
 Deucalion, who survived the deluge, following a 
 wolf's roar, founded Lycorea on a ridge of mount 
 Parnassus. Latona came as a she-wolf from the Hy- 
 perboreans to Delos : she was conducted by wolves to 
 the river Xanthus. Wolves protected the treasures 
 of Apollo ; and near the great altar at Delphi there 
 stood an iron wolf with ancient inscriptions.^ The 
 attack of a wolf upon a herd of cattle occasioned the 
 w^orship of Apollo Lyceus at Argos, where a brazen 
 group of figures, commemorating the cu-cumstance, 
 was erected in the market-place.' The Sicyonian 
 tradition of Apollo " the destroyer of wolves" is cer- 
 tainly of less antiquity, as also the epithet Auxoxrovog 
 (Lupercus), which occurs in Sophocles and other 
 
 authors.^ 
 
 Now in inquirmg into the meaning of the symbol 
 of the wolf in this signification, it may be first re- 
 marked that it is a beast of prey. In this point of 
 view it cannot but appear a remarkable coincidence 
 that Apollo should in the Iliad assume the form of a 
 hawk,* and a species of falcon should be called his 
 swift messenger." Thus also the tragedians frequently 
 
 CH. 6, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 315 
 
 ^ Paus. X. 14. 4. The names 
 of the chief priestesses were 
 here registered, Plutarch. Pe- 
 ricl. 21. 
 
 ' Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For 
 Athens see above, p. 264. note ^. 
 On the sanctity of the wolf there, 
 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124. 
 
 « Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et 
 ad TEsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch, 
 de Sol. Anim. 9. p. 155. He- 
 
 sych. in XvKOKToyog. Paus. II. 
 
 9. 7. 
 
 * il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. 
 Liber, c. 28. .^lian. H. A. X. 
 14. Aristoph. Av. 516. [The 
 translators conceive that nothing 
 more is meant in the passage of 
 Homer than that Apollo flew 
 swiftly as a hawk flies swiftly.] 
 
 " Od. XV. 525. Apollo yv 
 Trattvr, " the god of vultures," 
 
 represented Apollo, in his character of a destroyer, 
 under the title of Lyceus." We are not, however, to 
 suppose that it was this character of Apollo as a de- 
 stroying power which gave a name, not only to innu- 
 merable temples, but even to whole countries ; such a 
 supposition would, contrary to history and analogy, 
 make the early state of this religion to have been one 
 of the grossest barbarism and superstition. It is far 
 more probable that the name Lyceus is connected with 
 the ancient primitive word iujc (whence "Ksuxig), 
 The Greek word Auxi] is preserved most distinctly in 
 Xuxa/3a^, i. e. courae of the light ;^ and by the epithet 
 AwxTjyevrj^, applied to Apollo by Homer,^ and pro- 
 bably taken from some ancient hynms, we should 
 (from the idiom of the Greek language) rather un- 
 derstand one born of light, than the Lycian god. 
 That light and splendour are frequently employed, 
 both in the symbols of worship and language of the 
 poets, to express the attributes of Apollo, cannot be 
 denied ;* and we only remind the reader of the beUef 
 that the fire which burnt on the altar of Apollo Ly- 
 ceus at Argos had originally fallen from heaven:^ 
 and thus the epithet Lyceus would seem to belong 
 to the same class as ^gletes, Phoebus, and Xanthus," 
 
 was worshipped on the top of a 
 hill near Ephesiis, Conon, Narr. 
 c. 35. There was also a kind 
 of wolf called KtpKoc;, Oppian. 
 Cyneg. III. 304. 
 
 » iEsch. Theb. 147. Kal av, 
 AvKtL avo^, XvKeiog yeyov rrrpar^ 
 ^atw, where see Blomfield. 
 Comp. A gam. 1266, and Soph. 
 (Ed. T. 203. AvKii nyal ra <xa 
 fieKea. In a milder sense in 
 ^8ch. Suppl. 694. Soph. (Ed. 
 T. 920. Elect. 656. in which 
 
 last tragedy Apollo throughout 
 appears as armed with his high- 
 est and noblest attributes. See 
 particularly v. 1379. 
 
 y See Voss on Virgil's Georg. 
 p. 408. Creuzer Comment. He- 
 rod, vol. 1. p. 417. 
 
 ^ II. IV. 101,119. cf.Heyne. 
 
 * See Horn. Hymn, ad Apoll. 
 Pyth. 266. 
 
 ^ Schol. Soph. Elect. 6. 
 
 ^ Perhaps the Apollo livavpo^ 
 in Hesych. in v. belongs to this 
 
316 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CH. 6, § 9. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 317 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the wolf was made use 
 of as a symbol of Apollo merely from an accidental 
 similarity of name; but it is difficult to discover 
 what analogy even the lively imagination of the 
 Greeks could have found between the A\'olf and 
 light. At a later period it was attempted to explain 
 this symbol by the circumstance that all wolves pro- 
 duced their young withm twelve days in the year, the 
 precise time during wliich Latona was wandering as 
 a she- wolf from the Hyperboreans to Delos.*^ This 
 physical interpretation was, however, grounded on the 
 fable, and not the fable on it. Perhaps the sharp 
 sight of the wolf® (if we can trust the accounts of 
 the ancients), or even the bright colour of the animal, 
 may afford a better explanation/ 
 
 In the ancient Grecian worship, however, there is 
 another example, and one in the highest degree re- 
 markable, of the connexion between light and the 
 wolf. On the lofty peak of Lycaeum, a mountain of 
 Arcadia, above the ancient Lycosura, there stood (as 
 Pindar says) a lofty and splendid altar of Zeus Ly- 
 cseus, with which were in some way connected all the 
 traditions concerning Lycaon, who sacrificed his child 
 to Zeus, and was in consequence transformed into a 
 wolf. Now not only does the symbol of the wolf 
 occur in this place,^ but there is also a reference to 
 
 class of attributes. Also there 
 were temples of Apollo on the 
 promontories of LeuccBy Leu- 
 catas. 
 
 ^ Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 
 Otherwise ^lian. H. A. IV. 4. 
 Apostol. XII. 18. comp. above, 
 p. 287. note ". 
 
 * Apostol. XII. 21. 
 
 ^ Among the moderns see 
 Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. 
 
 § 124. Gail Philologue, torn. I. 
 p. 300. (comp. Boissonade in 
 Millin's Magasin Encyclop^- 
 dique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where 
 Aoliaq is brought into connexion 
 with AvkeIoq. It seems to me 
 probable that the word AoUag 
 first expressed the oblique posi- 
 tion of the archer, who always 
 has ofifiara Xo^d. 
 
 8 Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2. 
 
 light. There stood here a sacred shrine or adi/tum, 
 supposed to be inaccessible; and the popular belief 
 was, that whoever entered it cast no shadow ; and in 
 order to escape being sacrificed, the aggressor was 
 obliged to escape as a deer : hence the pursuing god 
 naturally appeared to the imagination as a wolf^' 
 We perceive that light was supposed to dwell within 
 the sanctuary. Thus in this very ancient worship of 
 the Parrhasians, which in t)ther respects has little in 
 common with the Doric worship of Apollo, we dis- 
 cover the same combination of ideas and symbols that 
 exists in the latter, and cannot but consider it a vestige 
 of some very ancient symbolical idea peculiar and 
 general among the Greeks. 
 
 9. Having proceeded so far, we shall endeavour to 
 unite and harmonize the different facts already col- 
 lected. Apollo, as he is represented by Homer, ex- 
 hibits the character of a destroying and avenging, as 
 well as a delivering and protecting power. But he 
 IS the avenger of impiety and arrogance, and the 
 punisher of injustice and sin, and not the author of 
 evil to mankind for evil's sake. He was therefore 
 always considered as attended with certain beings 
 whose nature was contrary to liis own ; his character 
 could only be shown in opposition with a system of 
 hostile attributes and powers. As the warring and 
 victorious god, he required enemies to combat and 
 conquer: as the pure and bright god, he implies the 
 existence of a dark and impure side of nature. In 
 this manner the worship of Apollo resembled those 
 religions, such as the ancient Persian, which were 
 
 h Theopompiis apud Polyb. ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron. II. I 
 
 XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quaest. p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed 
 
 Gr. 39. p. 398. Paus. VIII. 38. Muncker. 
 5. On the ajjarov see Amphis 
 
 U 
 
318 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CH. 7, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 319 
 
 founded on the doctrine of tico principles, one of good, 
 the other of eviL At the same time he is no deified 
 personification of the creative or generative powers of 
 nature, nor of any natural object or phenomenon ; 
 and he has therefore nothing in common with the 
 deities of the elementary religions. 
 
 These ideas, which seem to be expressed with 
 tolerable distinctness, in the most ancient epithets and 
 symbols connected with the worship of Apollo, as 
 well as in the images and fictions of poets down to 
 the time of Euripides, we will first examine with 
 reference to the mythical history and adventures of 
 Apollo, and secondly we will endeavour to point out 
 the influence which these notions exercised upon the 
 worship itself. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 § 1 . Zeus and Apollo originally the only two male deities of the 
 Dorians. § 2. Birth of Apollo. § 3. Sanctity of the island of 
 Delos. § 4. Pains of Latona. § 5. Spot of Apollo's birth. 
 §6. Battle with the Python. § 7. Apollo sings the Pythian 
 strain. § 8. Bondage of Apollo. § 9. Combat with Tityus. 
 § 1 0. Apollo's assumption of the oracular power. 
 
 1. Our present investigation renders it necessary 
 to ascend to a period in which the primitive religion of 
 the Dorians exhibited a distinct and original character, 
 before it had been combined w\\h the worship of other 
 deities. At that time this nation had only two male 
 deities, Zeus and Apollo : for the existence of the latter 
 . everywhere supposes that of the former, and both 
 were intimately connected in Crete, Delphi, and else- 
 where ; though the Doric Zeus did not receive great 
 
 religious honours. In the temple of Delphi, Zeus and 
 Apollo were represented as Moiragetse, accompanied 
 by tw^o Fates.* The supreme deity, however, when 
 connected ^vith Apollo, was neither born, nor visi))le 
 on eai-th, and perhaps never considered as having any 
 inmiediate influence upon men. But Apollo, who is 
 often emphatically called the son of Zeus,^ acts as his 
 intercessor, ambassador, and propliet with mankind.* 
 And whilst the father of tlie gods appears, indistinctly 
 and at a distance, dwelling in ether, and enthroned in 
 the higjiest heavens, Apollo is described as a divine 
 hero, whose office is to ward off" evils and dangers, 
 establish rights of expiation, and announce the ordi- 
 nances of Fate. It is our purpose to investigate these 
 latter attributes, more especially in the mythology of 
 Delos and Delphi. 
 
 2. Tiie legend of the birth of Apollo at Delos was 
 indeed recognised by the lonians and Athenians, but 
 neither by the Delphians, Boeotians, nor Pelopon- 
 nesians f as is plain from the indifference which they 
 
 * Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. 
 Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Zevq ftaai- 
 Xevc was worshipped at Delphi, 
 Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and 
 also Zfvc €vv7r»'oc, Hesych. in 
 V. Perhaps, too, the god "'EXa^oc, 
 whom Hesychius (in v.) calls 
 the Doric Hephaestus, may be 
 the real Zeus; a conjecture 
 which is confirmed by the cir- 
 cumstance that the temples of 
 Zeus at Dodona and in Laconia 
 were called 'EXXa, Hesych. in v. 
 cf in "EXa. That this Elous 
 might have been originally de- 
 rived from the El or Eloha of 
 the people of Israel, I do not 
 deny; but it is an etymology 
 which leads to nothing but 
 
 hopeless and uncertain conjec- 
 tures. 
 
 ^"V^KaroQ Aiog vtog, Alcman 
 ap. Hephaest. p. 66. ed. Gaisf. 
 
 *= yEsch. Eumen. 19. 616. 
 compare the UpEtai in Macrobius 
 Sat. V. 22. Schol. Soph. CEd. 
 Col. 791. Soph. El. 660. 
 
 ^ Concerning the exception 
 of the Messeniana see above, 
 p. 151. note * : and for his birth- 
 place at Tes^yra above, ch. 2. 
 § 11. Apollo was also said to 
 have been born at Amphigenia 
 in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. 
 and there was a temple of La'. 
 tona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. 
 Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. 
 ed. Schellenberg. 
 
320 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CH. 7, § 4. 
 
 1*^ 
 
 generally showed for the temple in that island. We 
 also know that the Boeotians represented Tegyra as 
 the birthplace of Apollo. 
 
 Apollo, says Pindar, was born with time f — allud- 
 ing to the many obstacles and delays experienced at his 
 birth. These had been occasioned by the influence of 
 an hostile power, the same which produced Typhaon 
 from the depths of Tartarus,^ called by the poets Here. 
 
 This power refused its assistance at the birth of 
 Apollo, and compelled Latona to wander in the pains 
 of childbirth over earth and sea until she arrived at the 
 rocky island of Delos. 
 
 3. Hence the island of Delos itself became one of 
 the subjects of mythology. Pindar, in an ode to 
 Delos, addresses it as " the daughter of the sea, the 
 " unshaken prodigy of the earth, which mortals call 
 " Delos, but the gods in Olympus the far-famed 
 '' star of the dark earth ;'^ and related how *' the 
 " island, driven about by the icinds and leaves, as 
 '* soon as Latona had placed her foot on its shore, 
 '' became fast bound to the roots of the earth by four 
 " columns'"^ The fable of the floating island ' (which 
 is, however, of a more recent date than the Homeric 
 hynm to Apollo) indicated merely the restless condition 
 which preceded the tranquillity and brightness intro- 
 duced by the manifestation of the god. Henceforth 
 Delos remained fixed and unshaken, immoveable, ac- 
 cording to the belief of the Greeks, even by earth- 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 321 
 
 'Ev xP^vi^^ i. e. "time was comp. Hygin. Fab. 54. 
 squisite for his birth;" "some ^ Fraem. Prosod. I. p. 
 
 p. 587. 
 
 " requisite for his birth ;' ' " some s Frag .. 
 
 " time elapsed before Apollo ed. Boeckh. 
 " could be born," Pindar ap. ^ Pindar ibid. 
 Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 383. ^ Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. 
 
 ed. Potter. Hymn. Del. 36. 273. 
 Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. 
 
 quakes ; for which reason, the whole of Greece was 
 
 alarmed when this phenomenon happened before the 
 
 Persian war.'' By the words " the star of the dark 
 
 " earth r Pindar alludes to the idea that Delos (as the 
 
 name shows) was considered as a pure and bright 
 
 island, whose shores, too holy for polhition, were ever 
 
 kept free from corpses, the sight of which is odious to 
 
 the god. Hence also the tradition that Asteria, whose 
 
 name is derived from ierr^i^, the offspring of the Titans 
 
 had cast herself into the sea, and been petrified on the' 
 
 shore. 
 
 4. The birth of Apollo, being an epoch in my- 
 thology, was without doubt celebrated in ancient 
 liymns, whose simplicity presented a striking contrast 
 to the higher polish of the Homeric poems. A liymn 
 of tins description, ascribed to Olen, was addressed to 
 i^ileithyia, the worship of which goddess, together with 
 other religious ceremonies, was brought over (as has 
 been above remarked) » from Cnosus to Delos, and 
 from thence to Athens.- In calling Eileithyia the 
 mother of the god of love," Olen exceeded the re-ular 
 bounds of tradition respecting Apollo, by confusing the 
 worship of a strange god with that deity, and probably 
 
 ^ Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. 
 Boeckh. This ode must then 
 have been written before the 
 earthquake in Olymp. 72.3. see 
 Herod. VI. 98. which confirms 
 the assertion of Dissen that 
 Isthm. I. 4. is not alluded to, 
 since this poem, as the same 
 critic shows, was written after 
 Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, 
 agam, had no knowledge of the 
 earthquake which took place at 
 the breaking out of the Pelo- 
 I>onnesian war (Thucyd. II. 8.), 
 and Thucydides had never heard 
 
 of the other, which occurred be- 
 fore his time, nor read the state- 
 ment of Herodotus. Comp. Mu- 
 cian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. 
 Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78* 
 
 Spanheim ad Callim. Del. II. 
 &c. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 2. § 13. 
 
 ™Pausan. I. 18.5. VIII. 21. 
 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. 
 IV. 35. The confusion of Ei- 
 leithyia and Fate, by Olen, is 
 only a supposition of Pausanias 
 
 " Pausan. IX. 27. 2. 
 
322 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ik 
 
 identified her with the ancient Aphrodite ('A(J>po8/Tij 
 cLpyoLia), whose altar Theseus is said to have erected 
 at Delos.° In either case, the estabhshment of this 
 ancient Attic worship on the sacred island, and its 
 connexion with the Delian rites, illustrate the mention 
 of Eros in the Delian hymn. 
 
 Nine days and nine nights Latona writhed in 
 hopeless pains of childbirth, surrounded hy the bene- 
 volent TitanidcB, Dione, Rhea, Themis, and Am- 
 phitrite, who finally (according to the hymn of 
 Homer) prevailed upon Eileithyia hy the promise of 
 a golden necklace. Then the pains seized Latona ; 
 she cast her arms around the palm-tree, and brought 
 forth her divine son. The explanations of the bribe 
 offered to Eileithyia are all too far-fetched : probably 
 pregnant women at Delos consecrated their necklaces 
 to that goddess. 
 
 5. The exact spot where the birth of Apollo took 
 place was shown in Delos, since the least circumstance 
 connected with so important an event could not fail to 
 excite interest. It must be looked for in the place 
 where the torrent Inopus flows from mount Cynthus.P 
 Here there was a circular pool (the x/jttvTj rpo^oEo-a-a), 
 the form of which is often carefully mentioned.*^ By 
 its side grew two sacred trees, the palm and the olive, 
 which are not elsewhere reckoned among those sacred 
 to Apollo ; as in Greece Proper the first does not grow 
 at all, and the second not without great care. The 
 Delian temple alone could boast of the palm, the use 
 
 ° Spanheim ad Calliin. Del. torn. L pi. 31. 
 308. q See ^schyl. Eumen. 9. 
 
 P Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. 
 
 Callim. Del. 206. compare the Eurip. Ion 169. Iphigen. Taur. 
 
 map of the island in Choiseul 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261. 
 Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, 
 
 CH. 7, § 6, OF THE DORIANS. 323 
 
 of palm-branches at the games having also originated 
 in Delos.' 
 
 This island acquired so much sanctity by tJie birth 
 of Apollo, that no living being was permitted either to 
 be born or die within its boundary.' Every pregnant 
 woman was obliged to go over to the neighbouring 
 island of Rheneia, in order to be delivered. One of 
 the ideas of the Greeks respecting religious purity 
 (which may in general be traced to the worship of 
 Apollo) was, that all intercourse with pregnant women 
 polluted in the same manner as the touch of a corpse. 
 The prohibition against keeping dogs had the same 
 origm.' On the whole, the Delian traditions are not 
 to be considered as of very great antiquity or credit • 
 they contain, indeed, hardly any original source of in- 
 formation respecting Apollo, being generally composed 
 of descriptions of the sanctity of the island itself- 
 several legends, as that of its having once floated on 
 the ocean, &c., appear to have been the invention of 
 the lonians ; this race, even in fiction, aUowing itself 
 far greater latitude than the Dorians. 
 
 6. Apollo, according to the Attic legend, passed to 
 Delphi from Delos through Attica and Bceotia ; the 
 Homeric Hymn to ApoUo makes him come from' the 
 northern districts, but likewise through Bowtia : ac- 
 cording to other traditions he came from the Hyper 
 boreans. According to another, Latona was carrvine 
 the two babes. Apollo and Artemis, in her arms, when 
 
 'Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Greek vasea «pp T.»„i.i, ■ , 
 
 Horn. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. 24 II ^2 Tischbcin I. 
 
 adEurip. Ion. 932. ^lian. V. 'Strabo'x „ daR t 
 
 H.V.4. Hygin. Fab 53 140 t a fVi P' ^^6- *=• 
 
 Catull. XXXIV 8 For the bv r»ir T 'T"" '' K'^^" 
 
 palm aB an emblem of Del on gfn. iS 247 ' '^"^- '^ ""'- 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ir. 
 
 "assailed by the Python," the mother seeking refuge on 
 a sacred stone near the plane-tree at Delphi:* in 
 another, Apollo was a child at the time of this event ;^ 
 and, accordingly, a Delphian boy, both whose parents 
 were alive, represented the actions of the deity at the 
 great festival. The destruction of the Python, how- 
 ever, always formed the chief event of the sacred fable. 
 It was by this feat that Apollo gained possession of the 
 oracular chasm, from which the goddess Earth had 
 once spoken. It was not, however, without some re- 
 sistance that she gave way to the claims of the youthful 
 god, whom, according to Pindar, she even attempted 
 to hurl down to Tartarus." The serpent Python is 
 represented as the guardian of the ancient oracle of 
 the Earth,* and a son of the Earth itself, sprung from 
 the warm clay that remained after the general deluge, 
 and dwelling in a dark defile near a fountain, which 
 was said to be supplied from the Styx.^ The serpent, 
 as usual, represents an earthly being, by which is per- 
 sonified the rough and shapeless offspring of nature. 
 It was supposed to be connected with the nature of 
 water and the sea ; and hence was called Delph'm, or 
 
 " When four days old, accord- 
 ing to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. 
 Iphig. Taur. 1252. Macrob. 
 Sat. 1. 17. 
 
 * Clearchus of Soli in Athen. 
 
 XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Ety- 
 mol. Mag. in 'I^Vc, where for 
 i}\Lov read 'ATro'XXwva. comp. 
 Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p. 834. 
 This legend agrees with the 
 compositions on the Greek vase 
 in Tischbein III. 4. The plane- 
 tree occurs also in Theophrast. 
 Hist.Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. 
 
 XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at 
 the Villa Albani, Zoega de 
 
 Obeliscis, p. 212. 
 
 y Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. 
 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10. 
 
 * Schol. iEsch. Eumen. 2. 
 
 * Comp. Hygin. fab. 140. 
 
 ^ Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 1 7. 
 The fountain there spoken of, 
 and not that of Castalia, is the 
 one which the serpent was sup- 
 posed to haunt. Comp. Hesych. 
 in ToUov Povpog ; a mound 
 erected over the Python, in a 
 ravine near Delphi, which is 
 sometimes placed at Sicyon, 
 Paus. II. 7. 7. 
 
 CH. 7, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 325 
 
 Delphine; like the fish of the same name, which was 
 particularly sacred to Apollo, and in all probabihty 
 was also conceived to have been subdued by him. 
 After this, the serpent that watched the oracle re- 
 mained, although conquered, as a memorial of the 
 ancient struggle, and of the victory of the god, and was 
 placed near the rocky chasm at the foot of the tripod, 
 in the inner sanctuary.^ 
 
 7 The battle with the Python being finished,^ 
 Apollo himself breaks the laurel, to weave^a crown of 
 victory.^ Here too he was said first to have sung the 
 paean, as a strain of triumph. In the dramatic ex. 
 hibition, by which the Delphians represented the ad^ 
 ventures of Apollo, the Pythian strain (.o>o^ ntJflioc) 
 was here introduced. This air, which was originally 
 nothing more than a simple melody, soon received 
 all the embellishment of art ; and, being raised by 
 
 • ' Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. 
 <where also AE\<pvyrii is in the 
 MS.) Dionys. Perieg. 441. 
 Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An 
 Vfiidrjp Koprj, according to later 
 writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3. 
 
 ^ Lucian de Astrol. 23. The 
 svmbol of the goat is connected 
 with the Python (since At^ is 
 called a child of the Python, 
 Plutarch. Quaest. Grfec. 12.)' 
 also a river Aiyacand the vecloy 
 Aiya-ioi' at Delphi (Hesiod ap. 
 Steph. Byz.), and the ofopaXde 
 Aiyawr, Hesych. in v. cf Pau- 
 san. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 
 26. The same animal was like- 
 wise sacred to Apollo at Elyrus 
 in Crete (above, ch. 1. §5.) and 
 Tylissus ; in the coins of which 
 town Apollo is represented with 
 a goat's head in his haiwl. At 
 Delos the altar Keparw*', or 
 
 Kepanvoc, was made of goat's 
 horns by Apollo while a boy 
 Plutarch. Thes. 21. de Solert! 
 Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. 
 Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same 
 story was told of the KEpaifrr^g 
 roTTog at Miletus (Callim. ap. 
 Etym. Mag. 584. 10.), where 
 there was a strange story of a 
 he-goat which gave milk. It 
 cannot be doubted that the goat 
 was originally one of the unclean 
 animals of the worship of Apollo. 
 « Apollo, ac-ording to Simo- 
 nides (ap. Eustath. ad II. p. 52. 
 39.), slew the monster with an 
 hundred arrows (as an explana- 
 tion of karrjfteXerrig). The bat- 
 tle 18 represented on the coins 
 ofCroton; see Eckhel Num. 
 Anecdot. plate I. N". 13. 
 
 ^ Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 
 
326 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Timosthenes to the dignity of a great musical conipo- 
 sition,^ was (contrary to the ancient custom) performed 
 with flutes, lyres, and trumpets, without the accom- 
 paniment of the voice. The accounts concerning this 
 festival are indeed copious, but unluckily of too late a 
 date to give us an idea of its ancient and genuine 
 character. In Plutarch's time^ it was not a hollow 
 serpent's den, but an imitation of a princely house 
 (xaTitag), that was erected in a court (aXco^), at every 
 octennial festival.' Into this building the women of a 
 Delphian family^ led the boy by a secret passage 
 (^oT^covsla) with lighted torches, and fled away through 
 the door, overturning the table, and setting fire to the 
 house. 
 
 8, Although the destruction of the Python is 
 characterized as a triumph of the higher and divine 
 power of the deity, yet the victorious god wa& con- 
 sidered as polluted by the blood of the monster, and 
 obliged to undergo a series of afflictions and woes. 
 Tradition represented him as going immediately after 
 the battle by the sacred road to Tempe ; wluch the boy, 
 who personified Apollo, afterwards took as leader of 
 the religious procession.^ The direction of this road 
 has been accurately stated above. The chief circum- 
 stance in this wandering was the bondage (Q-^Tsua-ig) 
 
 CH. 7, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 327 
 
 ^ See in particular Boeckh de 
 Metr. Find. III. 4. p. 182. 
 Pollux IV. 10. 81. calls the per- 
 formance a^opov avXrifxa IIv- 
 6 toy. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Quaest. Gr. 12. 
 p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. 
 Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422. 
 also alludes to the burning of 
 the KokiaQi which he calls (TKjjyrj, 
 
 * Orchomenos, p. 220. 
 
 ^ In Plutarch de Def Orat. 
 
 14. read «0o^oc ^ al 'OXelai (also 
 in Hesych. in aloda) rbv afx(t>i- 
 daXii Kopov i}jj.fj.f.yaig d^triv ayov 
 ariv for 'i(l>odog fxr) aloXa ^e rorf 
 the women having the same 
 name as those of Orchomenus, 
 Phitarch. Quaest. Graec 38. 
 Compare Orchomenos, p. 166. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 1 . § 2 ; and on 
 the different tradition of Tarrha, 
 ib. § 5. 
 
 of Apollo under Admetus the Pheraean, to which tlie 
 god subjected himself in order to expiate his guilt. 
 This too was represented by the boy, who probably 
 imitated the manner in which the god, as a herdsman 
 and slave, submitted to the most degradino- services.™ 
 Perhaps it was the piety of Admetus, celebrated in 
 tradition, which entitled him to the privilege of pos- 
 sessing such a slave ; yet it must be doubted, whether, 
 conformably to the spirit of the ancient mythology, an 
 ideal being, and not a mortal hero, was not originally 
 intended to be represented under this name. ''AS/^tjto^ 
 is an usual name for the god of the infernal reo-ions • 
 to whom, according to the original idea, Apollo became 
 enslaved. The worship of this deity is connected with 
 that of Hecate, who was called flea 4>6^a/a, and the 
 daughter of Admetus." Cannot we, in the rescuing 
 of Alcestis from the infernal regions by Apollo ^ and 
 Hercules, find some clue which may lead us to suppose 
 that the fable of Admetus refers to a worship of the 
 infernal deities ? An ancient dirge, called the song 
 of Admetus, was chanted in Greece, having, as was 
 pretended, been first sung by Admetus at the death of 
 his wife, originally perhaps addressed to ATStj^ ccS/atj- 
 
 ™ In a verse of Sophocles, 
 cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 
 14. Alcestis said of Apollo, oh- 
 fiOQ ^' aXeKTOjp ahrov rjye Trpog 
 fivXr}y, " My husband led him 
 »' to the mill.'' The name of 
 the tragedy seems to have been 
 "A^fxrjroQ ; see the words of Plu- 
 tarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I 
 say; for, although Hermann 
 (Praef. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) 
 thinks that the line is from a 
 satiric drama, the verses ipioted 
 in Schol. Pind. Pyth. IV. 221. 
 
 which appear to be from the 
 same play, are evidently of 
 a tragic complexion. On the 
 imitation of the servitude of 
 Apollo, see also the words of 
 Plutarch ib. 15. at re irXapai 
 Kal fj Xarpeia tov xaiUg ot re 
 yiyvofiivoi irepX to. TifXTrr} KaOap- 
 fjioi. 
 
 ° Hesych. in 'A^fiijrov Koprf. 
 
 "" See particularly ^schyl. 
 Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest 
 10. Apollod. 1.9. 
 
 ( 
 
328 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK il. 
 
 To^.P How well does it suit the sublime character of 
 the religious poetry in question, that the god, who had 
 been polluted by the combat with the impure being, 
 should be obhged, in order to complete his penance, to 
 descend into the mfernal regions. In confirmation of 
 this, there have been preserved some obscure traditions, 
 wliich represent Apollo as actually dying, that is, de- 
 scending into the infernal regions.'* However, after 
 eight years, the appointed time of bondage, the god 
 wanders to the ancient altar of Tempe, where, sprink- 
 ling with laurel-branches, and other expiatory rites, 
 symbolically restore his purity/ After this, the 
 purified deity returns by the same road to Deipnias. 
 iiear Larissa, and there breaks his long fast. 
 
 9. These Delphian traditions in very early times 
 became the theme of epic poetiy, in which howevt-r 
 another cause was assigned for the slaveiy of Apollo ; 
 it was represented as a punishment inflicted by Zeus 
 for slaying the Cyclops, who forged the lightning with 
 which Zeus struck his son iEsculapius, because, not 
 satisfied with recovering the sick, he even recalled the 
 dead to life." Yet some of the poets also state that 
 
 P See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 
 1231. (but the Scholion 'Adfjirj- 
 Tov Xoyor, &c. has nothing to 
 do with this point), and Zenob. 
 Prov. 'MfXT^iTov juiXoc. 
 
 "^ Euhemerus ap. Minut. Fe- 
 lic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. 
 Germ, Ant. p. 168. Porphyr. 
 Vit.Pyth. 16. 
 
 ' Several coins appear to re- 
 present this lustration ; eg., one 
 of Chalcedon, in Mionnet, N**. 
 88 ; one of Perinthus, ibid. N°. 
 329 ; see also those of Alexan- 
 dria Troas in Mionnet, N*^^ 109, 
 115, 116. 
 
 * Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. 
 Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. 
 Pind. Pyth. III. 96.) who drew 
 his information from Hesiod. 
 Hesiod related this tradition in 
 the part of the 'Holat or cata- 
 logue which treated of the 
 daughters of Leucippus, one of 
 whom is said to have been the 
 mother of /Esculapius, Tzetzes 
 ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Com- 
 pare Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. 
 and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apol- 
 lod. III. 10. 4. I. 9. 15 Diod. 
 IV. 71. Excerpt, p. 546. ed. 
 Wesseling. Orph. Argon. 176. 
 
 CH. 7, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 329 
 
 Piierse was the place of his servitude, alluding to the 
 Pythian road, and mention a great year ([xeyav sviocu' 
 Toy) as the time of his bondage ;* by wliich they mean 
 the Delphian period. We may perhaps find a trace 
 of a more ancient tradition in the stoiy of amber being 
 a petrified tear, which Apollo shed during the time of 
 his slaveiy in his ancient abode amongst the Hyper- 
 boreans, in the land of the Celts.'' 
 
 The combat with Tityus is nearly allied to that with 
 the Python. This earth-born monster, dwelling at 
 Panopea, a town situated on the sacred road, and hos- 
 tile to the Delphians, laid hands upon Latona when 
 passing through that place : but her children soon over- 
 come the ravisher, and send him to the shades below ; 
 where a vulture incessantly preys upon his liver,* the 
 seat of inordinate desire. 
 
 10. The hostile part of nature now lying van 
 quished, and quiet having gained the victory over dis- 
 turbance, Apollo begins to exercise the other office 
 for which he was sent into the world. He mounts the 
 tripod of the Delphian oracle, no longer to give 
 utterance to the dark responses of the earth, but to 
 
 also Eurip. Alcestis, and Ascle- 
 piades in the Scholia. The re- 
 ligious tradition is given by 
 Anaxandridas the Delphian in 
 Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (irepl 
 rwv av\r]divTU}y iv ^eXfdig aya- 
 Brji^iarwyy Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and 
 Plutarch,perhaps from the same 
 authority. Those who in Iliad I. 
 399. wrote teal *o7/3oc 'AttoWwi/, 
 attributed his banishment to a 
 rebellion against Zeus. See 
 also .^schylus ap. Plutarch de 
 Exilio 17. 
 
 11. XXI. 443. dr]Tev(Tnfi€p 
 
 elg lyiavToy. Thus also Phere- 
 cydes and the others. Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. fxiyay 
 dg iyiavToy, from aji epic poet. 
 Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the 
 whole verse; 'A^/u^rw napa 
 Orjrevffai fiiyay eig iyiavroy. 
 
 "Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 
 611 ; see the very confused ac- 
 count in Eratosth. Catast. 29. 
 with Schaubach*8 note. p. 110. 
 
 ^ Odyss. Xr. 580 Pausaii. 
 
 III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclffian 
 throne) X. 11. 1. Pind. Pyth. 
 
 IV. 90. ^ 
 
ao RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 proclaim the "unerring decree of Zeus/'^ For it is 
 evident that, in the language of this religion, fate was 
 considered as the will of Zeus (Aio^ voo$, A*o^ afo-a), 
 who was at Delphi called Motpayirrig, "leader of 
 " fate ;" whilst the epic poets, from their custom of 
 making each god a separate individual, generally 
 (though the glimmering of a more exalted idea may 
 be sometimes traced) made Zeus, like all other indi- 
 viduals, subject to fate. The prophetic powers of 
 ApoUo will be more fully treated of in the following 
 chapter. 
 
 CHAP. VIIL 
 
 § 1 . Ritual worship of Apollo. Bloodless offerings. § 2. Ex- 
 piatory rites. § 3. Peace offerings. § 4. Festivals of Apollo. 
 § 5. Traces of a festival calendar. § 6. Expiations for homi- 
 cide. § 7. Rites of purification — ^use of the laurel therein. 
 § 8. Prophetic character of Apollo. § 9. His modes of divi- 
 nation. § 10. Use of music in the worship of Apollo. §11. 
 Apollo represented as playing on the cithara. § 12. Contest 
 of Apollo and Linus. Ancient plaintive songs. § 13. Ancient / 
 hymns to Apollo. § 14. The paean and hyporcheme. § 15. ^ 
 The Hyacinthian and Carnean festivals. § 16. Apollo as re- 
 presented by the sculptors. § 11 Ancient statues of Apollo. 
 § 18. Apollo as represented by successive schools of sculptors. 
 § 19. Political influence of the worship of Apollo. §20. Its 
 connexion with the Pythagorean philosophy. 
 
 1.. Our intention in this chapter is to show that, 
 besides the mythology, the ceremonies also of the 
 worship of Apollo so agree and harmonize together, 
 
 . y Aio€ vtifiepTia flovX^v, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. corop. Hymn. 
 Merc. 471, 533. 
 
 CH. 8, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 331 
 
 as to furnish a decisive proof of its regular and syste* 
 matic development ; after which we will endeavour to 
 point out this agreement, and elucidate its relative 
 bearings; although an attempt of this kind must 
 necessarily be very imperfect, since the religion, 
 which, in order to comprehend, we should regard with 
 the ardour of devotion, is now merely the subject of 
 cold and heartless speculation. 
 
 First, with regard to the sacrifices, it is remarkable, 
 that in many of the principal temples a particular 
 sanctity and importance was attributed to bloodless 
 offerings. At Delphi cakes and frankincense were 
 consecrated in holy baskets ;'^ at Patara, cakes in the 
 form of bows, arrows, and lyres, emblems both of the 
 wrath and placability of the deity .^ At Delos, an 
 altar, called the altar of the pious, stood behind the 
 altai- built of horns, on which were deposited only 
 cakes of wheat and barley ; this, according to tradi- 
 tion, was the only one on which Pythagoras sacrificed.*' 
 In this island also at festivals were offered mallows 
 and ears of corn f the simplest food of man, in re- 
 membrance of primitive simplicity and temperance. 
 At Delphi the young women of Parnassus are said 
 to have brought the first-fruits of the year to Apollo, 
 
 *^lian. V. H. XI. 5. Also 
 sacrifices of cakes at Athens, 
 Harpocration and Hesychius in 
 tyOpwrra, Suidas in tvdpvTrrog 
 'ATToWojy. comp. Hemsterhuis 
 ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. 
 Bipont. 
 
 ^ See abpve, ch. 2. § 2. 
 
 *^ Aristot. in At/X/wv TroXireia 
 ap. Diog. Laert. VIIL 13. Ti- 
 m«cu8 ap. Censorm. de die nat. 
 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). 
 Compare Macrobius Sat. III. 6. 
 
 Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. 
 Poq)hyr. de Abstinent. II. 28. 
 (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus 
 Vit. Pythagor. 5. 7. Cyrillus 
 in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Con- 
 cerning the hom altar, see above, 
 p. 325, note ^. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. 
 The first-fruits of the year were 
 also carried round at the Attic 
 Thargelia, Hesychius in 0ap- 
 
332 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 immediately after the destruction of the Python.*^ 
 The pious offerings of the Hyperboreans, as has been 
 remarked above, were the same as those last enume- 
 rated. And perhaps we may add to our hst the cus- 
 tom, at the Attic autumnal festival of the Pyanepsia, 
 of hanging grapes, fruits, and small jars of honey and 
 oil, to branches of olive or laurel bound with wool, 
 and carrying them to the doors of a temple of Apollo ;' 
 though perhaps this rite belonged rather to Bacchus, 
 the Sun, and the Hours,^ who shared the honour of 
 this festival with Apollo. 
 
 2. The above offerings doubtless express the ex- 
 istence of a pure and filial relation, like that in which 
 the Hyperboreans stood to Apollo; it being quite 
 sufficient for persons in so innocent a state to give a 
 constant acknowledgment of the benevolence and 
 power with which the god defends and preserves 
 them. But as the pure deity was himself supposed 
 to be stained with blood, so might the minds of his 
 worshippers become tainted with sin, and lose their 
 internal quiet. When in this state, being as it were 
 under the influence of a fiendlike and corrupting 
 power ("Attj), the mind naturally wishes to put an 
 end to its unhappy condition by some specific and 
 definite act. This is effected by the solemn expiation 
 and purification of the religion of Apollo. Expiatory 
 rites were thus introduced into the regular system of 
 worship, and formed a part of the ancient >* mcrurn. 
 It was soon however perceived that the usual routine 
 
 nnl^^]'''!; ^\"^^^- Argum. p. pofxia. Plutarch. Thes. 22. A- 
 
 298 ed. Boeckh. postol. Prov. XXI. 24. 
 
 See particularly Crates ap. e Also the x^rpa ^d^tnr,g kuI 
 
 Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Sui- ^tryovg, which was used at this 
 
 d^ melpifftufi^n' Meneclesap. festival, referred more to the 
 
 feuid. m diaKoviop', cf. in Trporj- gods of husbandry. 
 
 cii. 8, § 2. OF THE DORIANS^. 
 
 553 
 
 of life sometimes needed the same ceremony, and 
 hence expiatory fefftivah were connected with the 
 public worship of the god ; by which not only indi- 
 viduals, but whole cities were purified. These festi- 
 vals were naturally celebrated in the spring, when the 
 storms of winter disappear, and nature bursts into 
 fresh life.^ But in these the pious gifts of individuals 
 no longer sufficed, nor even the sacrifice of animals ; 
 and the troubled mind seemed to require for its puri- 
 fication a greater sacrifice. At Athens, during the 
 Thargelia, two men (or a man and a woman), adorned 
 with flowers and fruits, having been rubbed over with 
 fragrant herbs, were led in the most solemn manner, 
 like victims, before the gate, and thrown with impre- 
 cations from the rock; but were in all probability 
 taken up below, and carried beyond the borders. 
 The persons used for these expiations (cpap^axo}) 
 were condemned criminals, whom the city provided 
 for the purpose.* This festival was common to all 
 lonians ; it is particularly mentioned at Miletus'' and 
 Paros ;^ and the same rites were also practised in the 
 Phocsean colony of Massalia."^ In Ionia the victims 
 were beaten with branches of the fig-tree and with 
 sea-onions ; at the same time there was played on the 
 
 ^ The ancient Greeks consi- is preserved in Harpocration 
 
 dered the winter as the season and Etymol. Magn. in v. 
 when the gods of the infernal ^ Parthen. Erot. 9. Heay- 
 
 regions were predominant, and chius in QapyijXia ad fin. where 
 
 a state of impurity existed ; the correction of Hemsterhuis 
 
 while they looked on spring and is disapproved by Welcker on 
 
 summer as a pure and sacred Schwenck's Mythologische An- 
 
 ^^^on. deutungen, p. 341. 
 
 ' Meursii Grsecia Feriata in i Archilochus fragm. 46 ed 
 
 BapyriKia. Compare Orchome- Gaisford. 
 nos, p. 106. An historical tra- ™ Servius ad Mn III 57 
 
 dition respecting the first 0ap- from Petronius. Apollo Delphi- 
 
 /ia*:oc, from a work of Istrus nius was worshipped there 
 
 '>ripiTiiv'Air6KKb)voQiiri<pmtiiiJv, Strabo IV. p. 179 B. ' 
 
 M 
 
 i^ 
 
334 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK n. 
 
 fate a strain (called xpailvjg), which, according to 
 the testimony of Hipponax, was reduced by Mimner- 
 mus into elegiac measure." At Athens also the vic- 
 tims were crowned with figs and fig-branches, being 
 probably the symbol of utter worthlessness. The 
 antiquity of this manner of purification has been 
 shown above, in our remarks upon the religious cere- 
 monies of Leucadia.** 
 
 3. The peace-oferings (IXaa-fAo)), by which Apollo 
 was first appeased, and his wrath averted, should, as 
 it appears, be distinguished from the purifications 
 (xaQapf^oi), by which he was supposed to restore the 
 mind to purity and tranquillity. At Sicyon (where 
 the religion of Apollo flourished at a very early period) 
 it was related, that Apollo and Artemis had, after the 
 destruction of the Python, wished to be there purified, 
 but that, being driven away by a phantom (whence in 
 after-times a certain spot in the town was called 
 <po^os), they proceeded to some other place. Upon 
 this the inhabitants were attacked by a pestilence; 
 and the seers ordered them to appease the deities. 
 Seven boys and the same number of ghls were ordered 
 to go to the river Sythas and bathe in its waters, then 
 to carry the statues of the two deities into the temple 
 of Peitho, and from thence back to that of Apollo.^ 
 The Attic festival of Delphinia (on the sixth of Mu- 
 nychion) had evidently the same meaning; in this 
 seven boys and gu-ls reverently conveyed the Ixsrrjpla, 
 an olive-branch bound with white fillets of wool, into 
 
 " See the verses of Hipponax « Above, eh. 2. § 10. 
 
 in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in p Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps 
 
 Athen. IX. p. 370 A. and his there was a local tradition that 
 
 testimony in Plutarch de Mu- the Python was killed in Si- 
 
 Bica 8. comp. Hesychius in cyon ; see above, p. 324, note \ 
 
 Kpacirjg. 
 
 CH.8, §4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 335 
 
 the Delphinium.'! This took place exactly one month 
 before the ThargeUa ; and m all probability the peace- 
 offerings and purifications (IXao-jtxoJ and xaQapfjLo)) 
 were celebrated at the same period tliroughout the 
 whole of Greece. 
 
 4. By comparing and arranging the scattered frag- 
 ments of information respecting the time of the festi- 
 vals belonging to these two classes, we shall obtain 
 the following clear and simple account.' 
 
 In tlie commencement of the ApoUinian year, in 
 the first month of spring, called Bysius (i. e. n66ios} 
 at Delphi, Munychion at Athens, Apollo was supposed 
 to come through the defile of Parnassus to Delphi, 
 and begin the battle with the Delphine. He next 
 assumes the character of the wrathful god, whom it 
 was necessary to appease ; and hence, on the sixth day 
 of the month, the expiatory festival of Delphinia took 
 place at Athens, and probably also at Miletus and 
 Massalia ; we may likewise suppose that it was the 
 same month wliich in iEgina and Thera went under 
 the name of Delphinius :* on the seventh Apollo de- 
 stroyed the Python.* The paean was now sung.: 
 This too was the day on which, according to imme-. 
 
 *i Plutarch. Thes. 1 8. The 
 number is evident from the 
 context. 
 
 ' In order to show the cor- 
 respondence between the sacred 
 seasons at Athens and Delphi, 
 it should be remarked that at 
 the latter place the nine months 
 of spring, summer, and autumn 
 were sacred to Apollo, and 
 during them the sacrifice was 
 accompanied by the peean ; 
 while the three winter months 
 were sacred to Bacchus, and 
 hence in them the dithyramb 
 
 was played at the sacrifices 
 (Plutarch. deEt 9. p. 229.); and 
 that in Athens also the festivals 
 of Bacchus were celebrated be- 
 tw een Poseideon and Elaphebo- 
 hpn, and those of Apollo during 
 the other months. » 
 
 " See iEginetica, page 152.^ 
 That the test amentum Epictetce 
 belongs to Thera, is proved by 
 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 
 2448. 
 
 ' Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argu- 
 ment. 
 
336 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 niorial custom, the oracle first broke silence ; at a late 
 period it was also esteemed at Delphi as the birthday 
 of Apollo." Immediately after, the Delphian pro- 
 cession moved on to Tempe ; and at the same time 
 the tithes of men were once despatched to Apollo in 
 Crete/ 
 
 In the second month of spring, called by the lonians 
 Thargelion, Apollo was purified at the altar at Tempe> 
 and probably on the seventh day of the month ; for 
 the great expiatory festival of both deities, Apollo and 
 Artemis, was at Athens celebrated on the sixth and 
 seventh days ; and Delos was at the same time puri- 
 fied ; this ceremony was immediately followed by a 
 feast of thanksgiving in honour of the god of light. 
 According to Delian tradition, Artemis and Apollo 
 (s^^oixaysTr^gy were born on the sixth and seventh 
 days of this month." On the same day however on 
 which the Delphian boy broke the laurel and turned 
 homewards, the purifying laurel-boughs (from which 
 
 ^ See particularly Callisthe- 
 nes and Anaxandridas (the 
 same person who is mentioned 
 above) in Plutarch. Quaest. 
 Graec. 9. Thucydides V. 1. of. 
 18. 24. also places the Pythian 
 festival at the end of Elaphebo- 
 lion. The first passage has 
 been often misunderstood (e. g. 
 by Manso, Sparta, vol. IIL part 
 II. p. 193.): its meaning is, 
 " The annual armistice remain- 
 ** ed suspended ; there was 
 ** again war, until the Pythian 
 " games.** Without going fur- 
 ther into the complicated in- 
 quiry concerning the time of the 
 Pythia, and without denying 
 that in later ages the festival 
 was transferred to autumn, I 
 think that the arguments in the 
 
 text fully justify me in assuming 
 that the celebration of the vic- 
 tory over the Python (which 
 celebration was the chief sub- 
 ject of the Pythia) took place 
 in spring. 
 
 * This is plain from the fable 
 of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14, 
 
 y Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 
 2. p. 342. de Et 1»7. p. 238. 
 Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. 767. 
 Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. 
 p. 243. ed. Reisk. comp. Valc- 
 kenaer de Aristobulo Judseo § 
 37. p. 13. 
 
 * Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. 
 ApoUod. fragm. p. 413. 415. 
 ed. Heyn. It is probably a 
 fiction that Socrates was bom 
 on the former, Plato on the 
 latter day. 
 
 CH. 8, §4. OF THE DORIANS. 337 
 
 the festival of the Daphnephoria derived its name)" 
 were probably also carried round in Bceotia, and 
 throughout tlie rest of Greece." Soon after tliis, the 
 setting of the Pleiades took place (the day before the 
 ides of May, according to the statement of Eudoxus) ;' 
 at which time Hesiod makes the harvest begin ; then, 
 as has been alwve remarked, on the testimony of Dio- 
 dorus and ancient works of art," Apollo, having l>een 
 presented with the first ears of corn, leaves the Hyper- 
 boreans, and appears in a milder and more noble cha- 
 racter at Delphi. 
 
 If it was wished that the setting of the Pleiades 
 should occur at a regular interval from the preceding 
 festival, tlus could have been effected only by cycles 
 by which the lunar and sidereal years were made t,i 
 agree. Now it was not difficult to observe, that, alter 
 nmety-nine lunar months, the setting of the Pleiades 
 comcided pretty exactly with tiie same phase of ihe 
 moon. From this circumstance arose tlie period of 
 e,ght year, called by the Greeks e.va.r.^ Jj, i„ con- 
 lorm,ty with which the great festivals ol' Apollo at 
 Delphi, Crete, and Thebes were from the earliest 
 
 times arrano-ed. 
 
 o 
 
 J" The KioTTto of the Daphne- 
 phoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 
 987.) has some resemblance to 
 the tlptffiuiyr), or olive-branch, 
 which was also carried round at 
 the Thargelia (Suidas in v) 
 and IS also called a iKerr^pia] 
 bchol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. 
 
 The Athenians, according 
 to Proclus as above, honoured 
 the seventh day as 'AttoAXw- 
 vmvj), ha(pvr)(popom'TeQ Km to ko- 
 vovv hTro(rrpi<povTEQ (Imtrreipoy- 
 rtc Scalig.) ^-ai v^povvrii^ top 
 
 VEOV. 
 
 '^ Pontedera Antiq. p 208 
 According to Scaliger Emend.* 
 Temp. vol. I. p. 54^ ^j^is was 
 anciently the beginning of the 
 year; which is denied by Pe- 
 tavius Doctrin Temp. /. 34- 
 P- 42. compare Dodwell de 
 Cyclis V. 12. p. 256. 
 
 Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was 
 then probably that the festival 
 ot the Theophania was cele- 
 brated, Herod. I. 51. 
 
 « Concerning which see a- 
 bove, ch. 1. §2. ch. 2. 8 lo 
 14. ch. 3. § 1. And for tlTe 
 
 Z 
 
338 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY bookii. 
 
 5. These data afford a sufficient proof of a remark- 
 able and by no means fortuitous connexion between 
 the expiatory festivals of Apollo : we may discover the 
 vestiges of a sacred calendar, once, without doubt, 
 preserved entire, but which, through the various com- 
 binations introduced into the Grecian worship, became 
 disjointed and broken. This was particularly the case 
 in the Attic festivals, where the same festival is fre- 
 quently, as it were, doubled, and placed in different 
 portions of the year. A remarkable instance, illus- 
 trative of the above remark, immediately occurs to 
 us. As the months Munychion and Thargelion suc- 
 ceeded each other in the second half of the year, so 
 did Boedromion and Pyanepsion in the first. The 
 sixth of Boedromion was sacred to Artemis ; the se- 
 venth, without doubt, to Apollo Boedromius, the 
 martial god; who therefore corresponds with the 
 Delphinian Apollo, and the festival with the Del- 
 phinia. The Pyanepsia, however, were very similar 
 to the Thargelia; the laurel -boughs wrapt with wool, 
 carried round at the celebration of both, remind us of 
 the Daphnephoria ;^ only, as was above remarked, the 
 worship of Bacchus, which Theseus is said to have 
 established at Naxos, after his return from the islands, 
 was mixed up with it, and is to be recognised in the 
 carrying of boughs {htr^o'^opia), which was intro- 
 duced into this festival. Thus these four seventh 
 days (£j38o]u,a«) correspond with each other as follow ; 
 
 7th Munychion. 7th Boedromion. 
 
 7th Thargelion. 7th Pyanepsion. 
 
 ancient octennial Pythian games ^ This too, as well as the 
 
 see Demetrius of Phalerum in olive-branch, was always borne 
 
 Eustathius ad Od. y. p. 1466. by a xalc cL/j^pidaXiiQ, a boy who 
 
 ed. Rom. SchoL Med. ad Od. had both parents alive. 
 y. p. 267. 
 
 CH. 8, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 339 
 
 6. We turn from these expiatory festivals of uni- 
 versal occurrence to the expiations which the religion 
 of Apollo enjoined for those who harl incurred ^he 
 guilt of homicide.^ We previously noticed some 
 establishments of this nature connected with the tem- 
 ples at Taenarum, at Troezen, and of Branchid^ • a 
 similar one also existed at Delphi, as may be gathered 
 from the fable of Orestes, related by .Eschyhis, in 
 which Apollo appears at the same time as leader of 
 the avenging Furies, and as purifier of the murderer 
 Immediately after this deed, the matricide takes an 
 olive-branch bound with woollen fillets,^' and flies like 
 a frightened stag' to Delphi, where Apollo himself 
 purifies his blood-stained hands by the sacrifice of 
 swine and ablutions ^^ and thus liberates him from the 
 Furies, as a defence against whom he had (according 
 to Stesichorus) also given him a bow and arrows) 
 
 with a laurel chaplet, and his 
 mantle thrown back ; the spirit 
 of Clytaemnestra and Pylades 
 in the background. On a vase 
 in the British Museum (N°. 
 102), Orestes is represented as 
 kneeUng, with a sword in his 
 hand, and a travelling cap 
 thrown from his head, before an 
 altar; woollen fillets, in the 
 form of a chain, fall from one 
 arm ; Apollo, with a branch of 
 laurel and a patera in one hand, 
 stands by him; and in the 
 other, as it appears, a pair of 
 shears, with which he is goinir 
 to cut off a lock of his hair. 
 See also Museo Pio Clementino 
 V. pi. 22. 
 
 ^ Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 
 268. The purification of Ores- 
 tes was likewise referred to the 
 very ancient temple of Apollo 
 at Troezen ; in front of which 
 
 z2 
 
 ^ See a verse from an epic 
 poet quoted by Plutarch, Praec. 
 Keip. ger. 19. p. 178. "lUo/itv 
 01 KTeivavTEQ, airoTpeire Xoiyoy^ 
 AvoWoy. 
 
 ^ ^sch. Choeph. 1035. Eu- 
 men. 43. (rri^fiara AcX^t/ca. 
 Suidas in 'E/ji7ncoK\fjg. 
 • Eumen. 326. 
 
 •^ Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. 
 This expiation is also repre- 
 sented on several vases; see 
 Tischbein II. 16. and more 
 completely in Millin Vases II. 
 68. Monumens int^dits I. 29. 
 where see the accurate explana- 
 tion. Orestes sits, half kneel- 
 ing, on the o/i^aXoc, covered 
 with a net, exactly as ^schy- 
 lus describes it : by his side are 
 Athene and the Furies; next 
 the tripod is the sacred laurel, 
 with fillets, and votive tablets ; 
 and by it is Apollo, standing, 
 
340 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 After the purification of Orestes at Delphi, the Athe- 
 nian poets affirm that he went to Athens, and, under 
 the protection of the god, placed himself before the 
 Areopagus, where Cephalus had also stood in a similar 
 situation.™ 
 
 At Athens likewise, as was remarked above, the 
 expiatory rites of the Avorship of Apollo were con- 
 nected with the criminal courts of justice, the aristo- 
 cratic ephetae being intrusted both with the ceremony 
 of purification and the duties of judges. These were 
 fifty- one men, of noble birth," who in early times had 
 jurisdiction in five courts of justice (amongst which 
 the Areopagus was of course included) over every de- 
 scription of homicide.'' Solon probably first sepa- 
 rated the Areopagus from the other four courts ; and 
 in order to make it a timocratic tribunal, with cog- 
 nizance over cases of wilful murder, he gave it great 
 
 CH. 8, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 341 
 
 there was a building called the 
 tent of Orestes {aKrivri 'Opiffrov); 
 where he lived secluded from 
 the world, until he was purified. 
 And from the materials used in 
 the purification (what Homer 
 calls \vfj,aTa), which were buried 
 close by, a laurel was said to 
 have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 
 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, 
 ch. 2. § 8. It was also sup- 
 posed to have been performed 
 at Rhegium; see the passages 
 quoted above, p. 278, note °. 
 The evtaurtfT^oc, or seclusion of 
 Orestes, took place in Parrha- 
 sia, according to Schol. Eurip. 
 Orest. 1678. 
 
 "" Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. 
 Sturz. 
 
 ^ In later times the ephetae 
 decided cases of unpremeditated 
 and justifiable homicide in the 
 Palladium, Delphinium, Pry- 
 
 taneum, and Phreattys : while 
 the Areopagus, the court for 
 murder, was separate : but in 
 early times these aristocratic 
 judges appear to have sat in all 
 the five courts, each armed with 
 full jurisdiction. Demosth. in 
 Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were 
 api(TTiydr]y aipeSEvreQ, according 
 to Pollux VIII. 125. Philo- 
 chorus (ap. Maxim. Procem. ad 
 S. Dionys. Areop. p. 19. fragm. 
 ed. Siebel.) gives the same num- 
 ber for the Areopagites, i. e., as 
 they were before the time of 
 Solon. 
 
 ° Pollux ubi sup. This ex- 
 plains how the Areopagus might 
 be of great antiquity (Aristot. 
 Polit. II. 8. 2. «&c.), and yet 
 never have been mentioned by 
 Draco, who only spoke of the 
 ephetae, Plutarch, Solon. 29. 
 
 political, though not religious power; the latter he 
 was not able to bestow. The jurisdiction of the 
 ephetse was now confined to cases of unintentional 
 or justifiable homicide, and some others of no im- 
 portance ; thus remaining a singular remnant of the 
 ancient judicial forms, in the midst of an universal 
 change. We shall now describe the ceremonies in 
 use at the expiation of homicides. It is necessary, 
 however, in the first place, to distinguish the wilful 
 nmrderer, who either left for ever his native land, 
 losing all privileges and property therein, or who 
 suffered the penalty of the laws, from the man who 
 killed another without design, or with some good 
 cause, to be approved by the sentence of the ephetfie. 
 A person in the latter situation left his country by a 
 particular road for a certain time ; during which he 
 also kept at a distance from places of public resort 
 (oL7rsviauTi<riMog)y Aftenvards, the reconciliation took 
 place either with the kindred or certain chosen phra- 
 tores ; but only in case they were willing,^ and that it 
 was only a homicide of the second description.^ The 
 term used was alUa-aa-Qai, because an offender of this 
 
 P Suidas in cnrEviavrlaai. He- 
 sychius in ax wiavTtfffiog. Schol. 
 Eurip. Hippol. 35. and see 
 Barnes's note. The term of 
 banishment was always called 
 iyiavTOQ (ApoUod. II. 8. 3. cf 
 III. 4. 2.), and was generally 
 eight years (an eypaerripic) in 
 ancient times (see below, ch. 
 11. § 9.) ; but at Athens it was 
 probably undetermined. 
 
 "1 'Eav Be\u)ffi Demosth. ubi 
 sup. 
 
 ' Eav yviomy oi irtvTi]icovTa 
 fc-at iiQ aKorra KTiivai ibid, cf in 
 Paatflenet. p. 983. 15. in Nausi- 
 
 mach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske's 
 alteration is wrong. See also 
 particularly the Otrr^ol in the 
 speech of Demosthenes against 
 Aristocrates. Plato, too, would 
 have expiation and purification 
 only in the case of involuntary 
 homicide, de Leg. IX. p. 869. 
 It was against every principle 
 of law for the relations to com- 
 pound for a wilful murder (see 
 Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocriu. 
 p. 1330. extr.); and thus, too, 
 the case in II. VI. 632. is men- 
 tioned as an exception. See, 
 however, Apollod. II. 7. 6. 
 
\ 
 
 342 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book h. 
 
 kind was an unfortunate person, and therefore, accord- 
 ing to the opinion of the ancient Greeks, worthy of 
 respect. Afterwards, the perpetrator was purified 
 from all guilt by sacrifices and expiatory rites. In 
 early times the purification probably always took place 
 abroad, frequently in the ancient settlements of the 
 injured family. At Athens it was performed after 
 the return of the criminal ; and there the cases of 
 atoneable murders were of course less frequent than 
 in the heroic age ; since, under a less regular govern- 
 ment, and with closer family ties, there were more 
 incitements and excuses for that crime. Hence at 
 that time those institutions must have been of double 
 importance, which checked the fearful consequences 
 of an unlucky act, quieted the workings of an uneasy 
 conscience, and moderated the too eager thirst for 
 revenge.^ 
 
 From this ancient connexion of the religious ex- 
 piations and criminal jurisdiction, we easily perceive 
 why at Athens Apollo should have presided over all 
 the courts of justice ;' and why he was also represented 
 at Tenedos as armed with a double hatchet," the in- 
 strument used in that island for the execution of 
 adulterers/ 
 
 CH. 8, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 343 
 
 * On this point more will be 
 found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In 
 this place I only observe, with 
 reference to the assertion of 
 Lobeck (de Pieec. Myst. II. p. 
 6;), " that all expiations in the 
 " heroic mythology were in- 
 " vented by the historians," 
 that, according to Arctinus (^M- 
 thiopis ap. Procl. Chrestom. 
 comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyr- 
 nseo p. 61.), Achilles, after the 
 murder of Thersites, fled to 
 Lesbos, to be there expiatal by 
 
 Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo 
 and Diana. It may indeed be 
 shown from the Scholia to II. 
 XXIV. 484. that the original 
 reading in this passage was not 
 av^po(^ ky aipyeiov, but av^poc iy 
 ayvtVew, " in the house of the 
 " expiator, or purifier.^* See 
 Lobeck's Aglaophamus, vol. I. 
 p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351. 
 
 * Above, p. 264. note ^. 
 
 "Below, § 17. 
 
 '^ See Book III. ch. 11. §4. 
 
 7. Apollo was likewise supposed to preside over 
 purifications of houses, towns, and districts ;^ and ac- 
 cordingly they were performed by Tiresias, the prophet 
 of the Ismenium, at Thebes ;' as also in later times by 
 Epimenides, in liis character of a Cretan worshipper 
 of Apollo, at Athens (after Olymp. 46. 1.), and at 
 I?elos at a still earlier period.^ This is the first puri- 
 fication of Delos of which we have any account ; the 
 second is that instituted by Pisistratus (about the 60th 
 Olympiad) ; the third, that set on foot by Athens 
 (Olymp. 88. 3. 426 B.C.), when the island was en- 
 tirely freed from the corpses so odious to Apollo.^ 
 
 In all these rites we find frequent use of the laurel 
 (the W<pv7j 'ATToXXwvias),' to which a power of ward- 
 ing off evil was ascribed, both when employed in 
 sprinkling, and when merely carried round in proces- 
 sion.*^ This tree also served several purposes in the 
 delivery of oracles ; a branch of it in ancient times dis- 
 tinguished the prophets,*^ and even the god himself as 
 such ;' hence his nurses were said by some to have been 
 KopuddXsiot,^ i. e. " the laurel itself;' and 'Ax^ffle/a, 
 or " the fulfilment of oraclesr^' The reason why the 
 
 y iEschyl. Eum. 62. 
 ' Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 
 * Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sa- 
 pient. 14. 
 
 ^ Boeckh's Economy of 
 Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Com- 
 pare also the fact mentioned in 
 the first spurious Epistle of 
 .^Eschines, p. 658. ed. Reisk. 
 
 *^ Hesych. in v. 
 
 ^ See Casaubon ad Theo- 
 phrast. Char. 16. 
 
 ^ Hence Manto is also called 
 Daphne ; and one of the sons of 
 Priam, a prophet, was named 
 ataakof, i. e. a laurel-bough, 
 
 Apollod. III. 12. 5. of. Hesych. 
 in V. 
 
 ^ Tischbein I. 33. Millin. 
 Vases, tom. I. pi. 6. 
 
 8 Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. 
 p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. 
 XIX. 86. dm TO Kovf>oTp6<poy rov 
 AttoXXwvoc. Compare Eusta- 
 thius p. 683 40. ed. Bas. 
 Hesych. in KopvBaXla, where the 
 olive-branch is so called. See 
 also Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. 
 II. p. 161. 
 
 *' 'AXifdeia is often used in 
 oracles to signify the confirma- 
 tion by events of the prediction; 
 
344 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 laurel was supposed to have these powers is as obscure 
 as the origin of the ancient symbolical language in 
 general. Perhaps it was merely the appearance of 
 the evergreen-tree, with its slender form and glittering 
 leaves, that made it a symbol of Apollo. The laurel 
 will bear a tolerably severe winter,^ and therefore 
 flourished in the north of Greece ; while the olive, the 
 tree of Athene, belongs to its more southern regions. 
 But, be this as it may, the situation of Tempe, where 
 this shrub still grows with great luxuriance, certainly 
 fwlded much to the sanctity of the symbol :^ and for this 
 reason the amour of the god with Daphne is often 
 placed on the banks of the Peneus.^ Indeed Apollo 
 was supposed to love all groves, particularly of forest- 
 trees, laurels, wild-olives, kc. The freshenirig cool- 
 ness and holy silence of such places were thought to 
 be proper preparatives for entering the sanctuary. "" 
 
 8. It has appeared incomprehensible to many, why 
 Apollo should be a god of prophecy, and how this office 
 can be reconciled with his other attributes. Many 
 have been satisfied with supposing an accidental asso- 
 ciation of music, prophecy, and archery, without being 
 able to discover any principle of union. In the^follow- 
 ing pages we shall endeavour to account for the corn- 
 thus Antiphon wrote a treatise lated to have taken place at 
 Tzepl Tfjg aXnSeiac, i. e. on the Amyclse, at Claros, and also on 
 fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is the banks of the Ladon ; the 
 called <iXr/0»)e by Tryphiodorus latter on account of Apollo On- 
 V. 641. where see Wernicke's caeus. In several coins of Meta- 
 note. Divmers were called by pontum, e. g., on two in the 
 the Spartans KaTaXaditrral, Paris cabinet, Apollo is repre- 
 Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p. 113. sented as placing or planting a 
 \See particularly Plin. jun. laurel on a low altar; and he is 
 \.^]^ ^ ^' frequently drawn with a laurel 
 
 Above, ch. I. § 2. in his hand, sometimes bound 
 
 Ovid's Metamorphoses and with woollen fillets. 
 Hyginus fab. 203. where see "^ See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. 
 Muncker's note. It is also re- Pausan. I. 21. 9. 
 
 CH. 8, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 345 
 
 bination in the same -^eity of attributes apparently so 
 unconnected. 
 
 Prophecy, according to the ideas of the ancients, is 
 the announcement of fate (of jotoTpa, ala-a). Now fate 
 was considered to be the right order of thino-s, the 
 established physical and moral harmony of the world, 
 in which every thing occupies the place fitted for its 
 capacities and function. Fate therefore coincides witH 
 supreme Justice (0/jUi^); which notion Hesiod ex- 
 pressed by saying that Zeus married Themis, who 
 produced to him the Fates. The pious, religious 
 mind could not separate Zeus and Destiny : Fate was 
 the will and thought of the highest of the gods. A 
 man whose actions agreed with tins established har- 
 mony, and who followed the appointed course of 
 things, acted justif/ (xar aTorav, iva/o-«/Aa) ; the violent 
 and arrogant man endeavoured at least to break 
 through the laws of Fate. Now it was this right 
 order of events whicli the ancient oracles were sup- 
 posed to proclaim ; and hence they were called Qifjua-ng, 
 ordinances or laws of justice.'' They were not ima- 
 gined to be derived from a foreknowledge of futurity ; 
 but merely to declare that which, according to the 
 necessary course of events, must come to pass. It 
 cannot indeed fail to surprise us that the oracle was 
 delivered by a woman in a state of ecstasy, and not as 
 the result of serious reflection. But do we not find in 
 the earlier period of Grecian philosophy (especially in 
 the Ionic school) every new and profoimd discovery 
 
 " See particularly Od. XVI. Apollo, at Delphi (which also 
 
 403. and Horn. Hymn. Apoll. seems to be stated in the corrupt 
 
 394. compare ^lian V.H. III. gloss of Hesychius in 6i^J\ 
 
 43, 44. Diod. y. 67. Harpocra- and in the Didymseum, Chishull 
 
 tion m de^iarevtu, &c. Themis Ant. Asiat. p. 67. 
 was worshipped, together with 
 
346 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 appearing as the work of sudden illumination and 
 ecstasy, and indeed often accompanied with miraculous 
 circumstances ? And would not the mind in that age 
 have naturally been raised to such an excited and 
 rapturous state, when, endeavouring to escape from 
 the narrow bounds of daily life, it recognised in the 
 general course of events the influence of the irods ? 
 ihe means adopted to promote this inspiration, the 
 vapour of the chasm, the chewing of the laurel-leaves, 
 the drinking of the water of the well, are of the most 
 innocent description. We do not however mean to 
 deny that these ceremonies soon became an unmeaning 
 form, the oracle being made subservient to political 
 purposes. 
 
 The custom of a woman giving utterance to the 
 decrees of the god originated partly from the peculiar 
 estimation in which women were held by the Dorians, 
 and partly from the natural tendency of the female sex 
 (so often remarked by the ancients) to fits of ecstasy. 
 Prophetesses were elsewhere also frequently connected 
 with temples of Apollo ; as, for instance, Manto, dur- 
 ing the fabulous age, with the Ismenian and Clarian 
 temples, and Cassandra with that of Thymbra, whose 
 nature was nearly allied to that of the sibyls, who like- 
 wise were always connected with temples of the same 
 god. As to the manner in which the responses of the 
 Pythian priestess were delivered, Heracleitus of 
 Ephesus says, that "the god, whose oracle is at 
 '' Delphi, neither utters nor conceals any thing, but 
 "gives signs i''"" which at least serves to contradict 
 
 "" Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. 
 Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed. 
 Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 
 111. also appears to a certain 
 
 degree to praise the simplicity 
 of the Delphic oracles, as also 
 Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 
 11. 
 
 CH. 8, § 9. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 347 
 
 the common idea of the designed ambiguity of tliis 
 oracle. 
 
 This temple must however have lost much of its 
 dignity, when it condescended, for the sake of rich 
 offerings from the Lydian monarch, to answer enig- 
 matically the insidious questions which Croesus put to 
 the Grecian oracles. In earlier times a Greek would 
 not have dared, without the greatest faith in its 
 responses, to approach the temple, which had regulated 
 almost the whole political state of Greece, conducted 
 its colonies, instituted the sacred armistices, and es- 
 tablished by its authority the legislation of Lycurgus. 
 For in general the god had not to announce what 
 would, but what should take place ; and he frequently 
 declared events not as to happen independently of his 
 injunction, but as the consequence of his answers. All 
 Dorians were in a certain state of dependence on the 
 Pythian temple ; and as long as that race possessed 
 the ascendency in Greece, the hearth in the centre of 
 the earth (/teero/jKpaAo^ sa-rla), with its eternal fire, at 
 Pytho,^' was considered as the Prytaneum and religious 
 centre of the whole of Greece.** 
 
 9. In ancient Greece, however, prophecy was by no 
 means derived altogether from Apollo, but merely that 
 species of it which proceeded from a rapturous and 
 entranced state of the soul. Nevertlieless, the enthu- 
 siastic and imaginative frame of mind, in which cool 
 grottos, with their flowing waters and hollow echoes, 
 seemed to transport the votary into a former world, 
 was derived from the Nymphs : and the Bacidse, who 
 were considered as under the influence of the Nymphs 
 
 P Horn. Hymn. 24. ^Esch. 
 Choeph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. 
 Plutarch. Num. 9. 
 
 ^ See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 
 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. 
 Bekker. 
 
Si' 
 
 3^48 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CH. 8, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 349 
 
 (pu[M(po7rXrixTQi), have no more to do witli ApoUo than 
 the a-s-Kr^viaxo), among whom Musseus is reckoned. 
 
 Of the various modes of divination from omens/ only 
 two or three were referred to this god, and that rather 
 accidentally than in accordance with any fixed prin- 
 ciple :' for example, divination from lightning,* from 
 birds," from sacrifices,^ and from the drawing of lots, 
 which, however, was either disdained by him, as below 
 his dignity, or transferred to Hermes.^ 
 
 Connecting the idea of Apollo, which we have now 
 acquired, with our preceding inquiries, we find tlie 
 whole combine in an easy and natural manner. Apollo, 
 as a divine hero, overcomes every obstacle to the order 
 and laws of heaven ; and those are heavenly regulations 
 and laws which he proclaims as the prophet of Zeus. 
 By these, also, tranquillity, brightness, and harmony, 
 are every where established, and every thing destruc- 
 tive of tliem is removed. The belief in a fixed system 
 of laws, of which Apollo was the executor, formed the 
 foundation of all prophecy in his worship. 
 
 10. We have next to consider for what reason and 
 to what extent music was included among the solemni- 
 ties (ri^aJ) in honour of Apollo. On this point, how- 
 
 ' The divinatiorj from dreams 
 is also opposed by Euripides 
 (Iphig. Taur. 1264) to the pro- 
 phecies of Apollo ; and he also 
 refers to it the combat between 
 the goddess Tata and Phoebus. 
 
 .' All regular divination was 
 of an early date, according to 
 Pausan. I. 43. 3. 
 
 * Above, ch. 2. § 14. 
 
 " Hymn. Horn. III. 213,544 
 Sophocl. (Ed. T. 965. Alex- 
 ander's Ae\<ptKa ap. Steph. Byz. 
 in riapi/ao-o-oc, Paus. X. 6. 1. 
 comp. Plin. H N. VII. 57. 
 
 * Mapreig UvdtKol at the sa- 
 crifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 
 1116. see above, ch. 2. § 12. 
 ch. 3. § 2. 
 
 ^Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Cal- 
 lim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and 
 Schol. Etym. Magn. p. 455. 51. 
 Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zeno- 
 biusV.75. Steph. Byz. in Gpm. 
 compare Hesychius in the ob- 
 scure gloss Gptw, and the vase 
 in Millingen's Diverses Pein- 
 tures 29. KXfjpoi at Delphi are 
 also mentioned by Plutarch de 
 Et 16. 
 
 « 
 
 (t 
 
 ever, we must guard against inferring too much from 
 the poets. By the ancients he was represented as 
 playing on the cithara ((po^fJ-ty^), frequently in the 
 midst of a chorus of Muses, singing and dancing ;' 
 whose place in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo is 
 filled by ten goddesses, among whom "Ares and 
 Hermes vault arid spring " (perhaps like Cretan 
 tumblers or xu^KTrr^rij^ss), ''whilst Apollo, in a 
 beautifully/ woven garment, plays, and at the same 
 time dances with quick motion of the feet ;" for 
 Apollo was not considered as merely a god of music ; 
 thus Pindar addresses him as the god of dance.'' But 
 we are not warranted from this poetical fiction to infer 
 a religious union of the Muses and Apollo, nor can 
 such a connexion be any where traced; indeed the 
 worship of these goddesses was, both in origin and 
 locality,^ entirely diflferent from that of Apollo. 
 Besides, amongst the early writers, Apollo is never 
 considered as the patron of poets, or invoked, as the 
 Muses are, to grant poetical inspiration : players on the 
 cithara alone were under his protection. The cithara 
 was his attribute, both in many ancient statues "" and 
 also on the coins of Delphi ; it is his ancient and appro- 
 priate instrument; the deeper-toned lyre, with its 
 arched sounding-board, Apollo received from Hermes:'* 
 
 *I1. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 
 200; and see Heinrich's note. 
 So also on the chest of Cypse- 
 lus, with the verses in Pans. V. 
 18. 1, and Pindar Nem. V. 24. 
 
 * Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 200. 
 Pindar Fragm 1 15. ed. Boeckh. 
 Apollo himself, as a boy, is re- 
 presented dancing on a tripod 
 in a coin of Cos (Mionnet torn. 
 III. p. 401). 
 
 ^ Orchomenos, p. 381. 
 
 *^ See, e. g. Athen. XIV. p. 
 636 E. Hence the ddapog was 
 a fish sacred to Apollo, ApoUod. 
 Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn. 
 
 ^ See the Homeric Hymn to 
 Hermes. But even there the 
 lyre is frequently confounded 
 with the cithara (the seven- 
 stringed in V. 51, which proves 
 that this hymn is later than the 
 time of Terpander). Comp. 
 ApoUod. III. 10. 2, where 
 
350 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 the instances in which he is represented as bearing it 
 are very rare. 
 
 1 1 . But for what reason is Apollo described as play- 
 ing upon the cithara? for no other, assuredly, than 
 that the music of the cithara was from times of remote 
 antiquity connected with his worship ; and that, be- 
 cause it appears best fitted to express a tranquil and 
 simple harmony ; the worship of Apollo, as we have 
 frequently remarked, always endeavouring to produce 
 a solemn quiet and stillness of the soul. Pindar 
 beautifully says of this god that he "invented the 
 ** citharis and bestows the muse on whom he wills, in 
 " order to introduce peaceful law into the heart.'*'' 
 To this also refer the golden xtjAtjSoj/s^, which, accord- 
 ing to the account of the same poet,^ were suspended 
 from the roof of the brazen temple at Delphi ; and they 
 were without doubt intended as emblems of the mild 
 and soothing influence of the god. This was naturally 
 the chief object of music when used in purifications, 
 and as an incantation (s7^m^); when passions were to 
 be overcome, and pain soothed ; and in ancient times 
 this was one of its most important applications.^ 
 Chrysothemis, an ancient Pythian minstrel of my- 
 thology, was hence called the son of Carmanor, the 
 expiatory priest of Tarrha ;^' as also Thaletas, the Cretan 
 poet, purified Sparta by music, when attacked with 
 
 Apollod. is said to receive the 
 pipe (avpiy^ also from Mer- 
 cury, and Eratosth. Catast. 24. 
 The ^olian lyric poets made 
 frequent mention of this fable, 
 and hence it frequently occurs 
 in Horace. 
 
 « Pyth. V. 63. 
 
 ^ Fragm. Paean. 2. ed. Boeckh. 
 
 ^ The frequent use of music 
 
 in medicine in the most ancient 
 times is certainly not a fiction ; 
 thus Apollo, when a player on 
 the cithara and an larpo^avng, 
 has offices nearly allied to one 
 another, ^Esch. Suppl. 261. 
 Eumen. 62. 
 
 ^ Pans. X. 7. 2. According 
 to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 
 3. he was himself the KaOaprvg. 
 
 CH.8, § 11. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 351 
 
 the plague.' The Pythagoreans, who paid an especial 
 honour to Apollo, went still further, and employed 
 music as a charm to soothe the passions, attune the 
 spirit to harmony, and cure both body and mind. 
 Hence they much preferred the cithara to the flute,^ 
 as, according to Grecian ideas, there was something in 
 the sound of the flute wild, and at the same thne 
 gloomy ; this, too, is the reason why Apollo disliked 
 the music of that instrument.^ This also explains his 
 contest with Marsyas, the Phrygian Silenus and flute- 
 player, whose tough skin, having been stript off" by the 
 conqueror, always moved (according to the report of 
 the inhabitants of Celaense), with joy, as was believed, 
 at the sound of flutes."" 
 
 The flute was not an instrument of much antiquity 
 among the Greeks ; Homer only mentions it as used 
 by the Trojans." In the time of Hesiod it had been 
 introduced at the comus, the band of noisy revellers.** 
 But the cithara alone for a long time kept its place as 
 the instrument for the chorus : even in the time of 
 Alcman flute- players came mostly from Asia Minor ; 
 and their names (Sambas, Adon, Telos^) frequently 
 had, from this circumstance, a barbarous sound. Tliis 
 kind of music was principally adopted in phices where 
 
 * Plutarch de Music. 42. The accompaniments in the 
 
 1.1 • J^^^?;. Laert. VIII. 24. Jam- plate given by Tischbein IV. 6 
 
 bhchus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c. show that Phrygia, those in I 
 
 Hence no flute-player was 33. and Millingen pi. 6. that 
 
 allowed to enter the temple of Delphi is meant 
 
 Tennes the son of Apollo, Diod. - U. X. 13. The passaire 
 
 nf?ri.- f Ki ^ .u • ^^"^- ^^^' ^*^"»«t ^^ const 
 
 1 his fable, and the vanous dered as equally ancient, see 
 
 representations of it in ancient Eustathius and the Venetian 
 
 art, are well known. See Boet- Scholiast, 
 tiger in Wieland's Attisches <> Hesiod. Scut. 281 
 Museum, vol. I. p. 285. Vis- p Athen. XIV. p. 624 B 
 
 contiMuseoPio-ClementinoV. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6.* 
 
 4. Milhn. Vases vol. I. pi. 6. Fragm. 86. 
 
352 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II, 
 
 CH. 8, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 Dionysus was worshipped; for instance, in Boeotia. 
 It was of course also much used in the rites of the 
 Phrygian Magna Mater, and of the Phrygian Pan :'* 
 hence Pindar, who inherited the character of a flute - 
 player from his father, dedicated a shrine to the mother 
 of the gods, and to Pan/ When, however, it had be- 
 come common throughout Greece, it could not be ex- 
 cluded from a place so celebrated for music as Delphi, 
 and Apollo's ear became less fastidious. Alcman and 
 Corinna, indeed, were too partial to that art (the 
 former as being a Lydian, the latter a Boeotian), \vhen 
 they represented Apollo himself playing on the flute/ 
 This instrument, however, had at that time been 
 adopted even in the sacred exhibition of the Delphian 
 worship : a dirge on the death of the Python ' (nomi- 
 nally the production of Olympus a Phrygian musician, 
 contemporary with, or somewhat later than, Ter- 
 pander)," was played on the flute in the Lydian strain, 
 and probably formed a part of that dramatic represen- 
 tation. Moreover, this instrument was used to accom- 
 pany Prosodia (songs which were sung on the way to 
 a temple) in the procession to Tempe, and in the 
 Pentathlon at the gymnastic contests.'^ A peculiar 
 species of flute, from being used in paeans, obtained 
 the name of the Pythian :^ yet the music of the flute, 
 combined with singing (auXc^S/a), in lyric and elegiac 
 
 853 
 
 ^ See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. 
 and the commentators. 
 
 • ^ Boeckh ad Pindar. Fraem. 
 p. 292. 
 
 ^ Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. 
 Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14. 
 
 * Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch, 
 de Mus. 15. The same mu- 
 sician also composed the vo^og 
 UoXvKi<pa\oQm honour of Apollo, 
 
 Plut. ib. r Boeckh ad Pind. 
 Pyth. XII. p. 345. 
 
 " See the author's History of 
 Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6. 
 
 ^ Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. 
 V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. r6 mOior, 
 Athen. XII. p. 538 F. 
 
 y Or perfect (riXewi avXoi), 
 Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. 
 ed. Meibom. 
 
 measures, was excluded from the Pythian games, after 
 it had once been heard, as making too gloomy an im- 
 pression :' for all sadness, and therefore all plaintive 
 strains, were every where excluded from the worsliip 
 ot Apollo ; and the nmsic in his temples was always 
 intended to have an enlivening and tranquillizing eflect 
 upon the mind. 
 
 12. From this view of the subject we may explain 
 the singular story of the contest of Apollo with Linus, 
 and of the defeat and consequent death of the latter.* 
 For this purpose it will be necessary to state shortly 
 my ideas respecting the real character of Linus. 
 Linus, then, the subject of the song called by his 
 name, was originally a god of an elementary religion 
 (in which there were numerous symbols to signify the 
 death of all animated life) : he was nearly connected 
 with Narcissus (i. e., the Torpid), whose tomb was 
 shown at Thebes and Argos, at Avhich last place ma- 
 trons and maidens bewailed him in the month Arneius, 
 as a boy brought up among lambs and torn in pieces 
 by dogs.^ The song of lamentation for the untimely 
 death-of Linus, the much-loved boy,'^ was sung to the 
 
 'Paus. 11.22. 9. X. 9.3. 
 
 • Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philocho- 
 rus ap. Eustath. ad II. p. 1163. 
 57. ed. Rom. 
 
 ^ Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. 
 11. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the 
 temple of Ajwllo). comp. Pro- 
 pertius II. 10. 8. A Opiirog 
 'Apyeloc is mentioned by Aris- 
 tides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is 
 only his poetical father (A pol- 
 led. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eusta- 
 thius) ; but his mother Psamathe 
 and his brother Psamathus must 
 have some meaning. With the 
 ceremony mentioned in the text 
 
 was connected a festival called 
 Amis or Cynophontis, at which 
 a number of do^s were publicly 
 slaughtered, ^lian. N. A. XII 
 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Co^ 
 non ubi sup. Athen. III. p. 99 
 F. The dog, as was frequently 
 the case in ancient mythology, 
 evidently represents Sirius, and 
 generally the scorching heat of 
 summer, so fatal to all vegeta- 
 tion. It appears, therefore, that 
 they destroyed the emblem o^ 
 that power by which the death 
 of Narcissus was occasioned. 
 ''- Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup 
 
 2 A 
 
354 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 harp in a Ioav and subdued voice, and listened to with 
 pleasure in the times of Homer and Hesiod/ although 
 then, perhaps, the air was not always veiy melancholy. 
 But in after times this was its predominant character, 
 as is proved by the names Al-kmg and OiroXtvo^."' It 
 was a great favourite with the husbandmen/ who were 
 generally aboriginal inhabitants. In this point there 
 was a resemblance between the usages of ancient 
 Greece and Asia Minor, where religious dirges of this 
 description, different, indeed, in different districts, but 
 having every where the same mournful tune, were 
 customary.^' Such were, for instance, the lament ot 
 the tribe of Doliones ;'' the Hylas, sung at fountains 
 in the country of the Mysians and Bithynians^ (pro- 
 bably the same as the Mysian song) ;^ the song of the 
 beautiful Bormus, whose watery death was deplored 
 by the husbandmen of Mariandyne on the flute in the 
 middle of summer ;' of Lityerses, whom the Phry- 
 gians bewailed yearly during the time of harvest at 
 Celsense, the native place of Marsyas ;*" and Avhich, 
 with the melancholy Carian strain, was played to the 
 Phrygian flute." Besides these there were the Gin- 
 gras, or song of Adonis, and the Maneros, the rustic 
 song of Pelusium in Egypt, which Herodotus com- 
 
 d Horn. II. XVIII. 569. He- 
 siod ubi sup. Euripides ap. 
 Athen. XIV. p. 619 C. 
 
 « See Stanley ad ^sch. A- 
 gam. 123. The proper name 
 was perhaps olrot; Aivov, and 
 the first words al Aive. 
 
 ^Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. II. ubi 
 
 sup. 
 
 s Barbarian AtXtvot in Eurip. 
 
 Orest. 1402. 
 
 »' Schol. Apoll. I. 1135. 
 * Onhomenox, p. 293. 
 
 ^ iEsch. Pers. 1059 (where 
 it is a melancholy tune to the 
 lamentations of the chorus) and 
 Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Pe- 
 rieg. 791. 
 
 1 yEsch. Pers. 941 . and Schol. 
 Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 
 54. 
 
 ™ Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. 
 Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in 
 Mapiapcwwy dprjyog. 
 
 » Pollux IV. 10. 76. 
 
 en. 8, § J.3. OF THE DORIANS. 355 
 
 pares witli tlie Linus.^ And even at Cyprus the con- 
 test of the two opposite kinds of music was in some 
 measure renewed ; there being a tradition that Cinyras, 
 the priest of Aphrodite, and composer of the mourn- 
 ful strains in honour of Adonis, had, like Marsyas and 
 L«imis, been overcome and put to death by ApoUo.i^ 
 
 Thus we behold Apollo the representative of the 
 severe, even, and simple music of the Greeks, in con- 
 test with that impassioned spirit, alternating between 
 the extremes of fury and apathy, whicli the professors 
 ot an elementary religion sought to represent even in 
 their music ; and consequently this table also harmo- 
 nizes with the fundamental principles of the relJLnon of 
 Apollo. 
 
 13. Having now ascertained the general character 
 of the music emjdoyed in the worship of Apollo, we 
 shall endeavour to obtain a more accurate knowledfire 
 of its varieties. 
 
 One of the most ancient species of composition (in 
 which Chrysothemis the Cretan and Philammon were 
 said to have contended at Delphi) was a hymn to 
 Apollo ;^ which ^ve must suppose to have been com- 
 posed in the ancient Doric dialect, and sung simply to 
 the cithara. In reference to its musical execution 
 this hymn was also called a nome; the invention of 
 whicli was ascribed to Apollo himself^ At Delos 
 
 VfLllh ^l' ;^,^"'P- ^^e^'-chus ap. contests at Delphi see Plutarcli 
 Hesjch. Pollux ubi sup. Sympos. II. 4. I. p 83 Demc- 
 
 J> Eustath. ad II. A 20. The trius Phalereus quoted above 
 
 as t^ ?;Zhl T ^^^"nr P- ^^^' "^^^ '' PhHostrafvi : 
 InvP via' n'T"- ^^' ^P«"°»- Tvan. VI. 10. 
 
 fies that he wa^fLdTf nm^ S ""^'""' ^'^ ^'^r^'^"" 
 the antiquity of the musical « Suidas in .o>oc KSap^U,, 
 
 2a2 
 
356 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 also there were nomes, which were sung at the cyclic 
 choral dances, and were attributed to Glen, another 
 representative of the ancient poetry of hymns.* The 
 general character of these was composure and regu- 
 larity ;" the measure was anciently (as we know from 
 certain testimony) only hexameter:'^ which agrees 
 well with the fact that the origin of the hexameter 
 was derived from Pytho J In the account that Plul- 
 ammon, the ancient composer of hymns, had placed 
 choruses of young women round the altar, who sang 
 the birth of Latona and her children in lyric measures 
 (Iv ixeT^strO," the nomes of Philammon," as improved 
 by Terpander the ancient lyric poet, appear to be con- 
 founded with the original ones; since these, after the 
 fashion of the most ancient composers, contained only 
 hexameters.^ The ancient rehgious poets mentioned 
 in these accounts, Chrysothemis, Philammon, and 
 Glen, may be looked on as Dorians with the same 
 certainty as the founders of the temples of Tarrha, 
 Delphi, and Patara, to which they particularly be- 
 lono-ed.^ The language also of the poems ascribed to 
 
 *Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. 
 corap. ApoU. Rhod. I. 537. 
 
 '^ Proclus ubi sup. 
 
 "" Plutarch de Music. 4. from 
 Timotheus. 
 
 y See the passages quoted by 
 Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. 
 ed. Harl. It was also called 
 versus Deliacus.iHhe reading 
 in Atilius Fortunatus, p. 2690. 
 ed. Putsch, is correct. At Mi- 
 letus also there were ancient 
 hexameter hymns to Apollo and 
 Zeus, which were attributed to 
 Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 
 165. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom, 
 p. 647. 
 
 ^ Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch 
 
 de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. 
 XVI. 432. SynceUus Chronogr. 
 p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. 
 ed. Harles. 
 
 ^ Plutarch de Music. 5. 
 
 ^ Tlie hymns of Terpander 
 were, like the most ancient 
 songs, partly in hexameter me- 
 tre, tTTt) (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. 
 Proclus ubi sup.) : yet Terpan- 
 der was the first to introduce a 
 great variety of metre. 
 
 <= The reason of Thamyris the 
 Thracian being called the son 
 of Philammon (Pans. IV. 33), 
 is probably the near neighbour- 
 hood of the Delphians and 
 Thracians of Parnassus. 
 
 CH. 8, § 14. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 357 
 
 them must have been Doric ; though indeed the fact 
 of a poetical use of this dialect before the historic 
 times will not agree witli the predominant, though 
 perhaps not well-grounded notions respecting the pro- 
 gress of poetry in Greece. , 
 
 14. Tiiat the pcBan was a song of thanksgiving* for 
 deliverance has been mentioned above. With respect, 
 however, to the manner in which it was performed, we 
 learn from Homer that it was sung after the sacrificial 
 feast,^ when the goblets were carried round alter the 
 sacred hbation ; and this was also the case at Sparta 
 and Athens.^ It was generally sung in a sitting pos- 
 ture, although in the Homeric Hynm to Apollo that 
 god is represented as accompanying the Cretans wlio 
 sing in a measured step.^ At Sparta it was danced 
 in clioruses.^ On the whole it refpiired a regular and 
 sedate measure,'' even when it assumed a more hvely 
 air, as for the nome, and the solemn (nrov^eiaxov, mn<r 
 at libations.' 
 
 But the most lively dance which accompanied the 
 songs used in tlie Avorship of Apollo, was that termed 
 the hi/porcheme^ In this, besides the chorus of 
 singers who usually danced around the blazing altar, 
 
 **I1. 1. 473. cf. XXII. 391. 
 
 *" Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus 
 ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. 
 IV. p. 179. XI. p. 503 E. from 
 Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 
 
 1. Hence TtXtcrupoQ^ Hesych. 
 in V. 
 
 'Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 514 
 sqq. In Delos also paeans were 
 sung round the altars, Eurip. 
 Here. Fur. 690. 
 
 « Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The 
 passage of Athenseus XIV. p. 
 631 C. if properly written, does 
 not lefer to that point. There 
 
 was always a person named 
 i^aoyjiov who accompanied the 
 song on an instrument. Thus 
 Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. 
 Gaisford. avroc ii,dp\^l)v Trpoc 
 avXoy Aiaftiov 7Tan)oi'a (after 
 the time of Terpander), Vit. So- 
 phocl. ^era Xvpag toIq Traiavi- 
 ^ovcriv tlrjp^E. Compare the 
 verses on the chest of Cypselus 
 quoted above, p 349. note 2. 
 ^ Plutarch de Et 16. 
 ' Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25. 
 ^ See Menander de Encom. 
 p. 27. ed. Heeren. 
 
358 
 
 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 several persons were appointed to accompany tlie ac- 
 tion of the poem with an appropriate pantomimic dis- 
 play (67rop;^sT(r9aO . Homer himself bears witness to 
 the Cretan origin of this custom, since the Cnosian 
 dance, represented by Hephaestus on the sliield ol 
 Achilles, appears from the description to have been a 
 kind of hyporcheme,' and hence all dances of this 
 description were called Cretan.™ From that island 
 they passed at an early period over to Delos, where, 
 even in Lucian's time, the wanderings of Latona and 
 her island, with their final repose, were represented in 
 the above manner.^ At the same time also probably 
 took place the custom mentioned in the hymn to the 
 Delian Apollo as characterizing the songs of the 
 young women of that island ; viz., that they repre- 
 sented the voices and gestures of every nation :^ per- 
 haps they introduced the peculiar dances of the various 
 countries which Latona visited in her wanderings. 
 The ludicrous, and at the same time complicated dance 
 (yhoLvog) which Theseus is said first to have danced 
 with his crew round the altar at Delos,^ Avas probably 
 of the same description. All that can be clearly as- 
 
 ^ II. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 
 
 18. 
 
 ™ Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. 
 Pyth. II. 121. and Simonides 
 ap. Athen. V. p. 181 B. Plu- 
 tarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained 
 by Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. 
 
 59t 
 
 ^ Lucian. de Saltat. 16. 
 
 ° Horn. Hymn. ApoU. 162. 
 iravTioy 3' aydpwirojv (piorag Kal 
 Kpe^l3a\ia(TTvy Mineiffdai "taaaiv. 
 KpefifiaXLaorrvg means extrava- 
 gant gestures, such as clapping 
 of hands, striking of castanets, 
 &c. 
 
 P See Plut. Thes. 21. Cal- 
 lim. Hymn. Del. 317. with 
 Spanheim's note. The leader 
 of the dance was called ycpav- 
 ovXkoc (Hesych. in v.) Blows 
 also were given, and hence the 
 expression A^Xou kukoq /3w/itk 
 (Hesych. in v.) ; and there 
 were also various turnings and 
 windings, vrapaWa^etc and ave- 
 Xi^eig (Dicsearchus apud Plut. 
 ubi sup.) : when at rest, the 
 chorus stood in a semicircle^ 
 with leaders at the two wings, 
 Pollux IV. 4. 101. 
 
 CH. 8, § 14. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 359 
 
 certained respecting the rhythm of these compositions 
 is that the hexameter was altogether unfitted to their 
 playful and joyous character.'J But both the hypor- . 
 clieme and paean were first indebted for their syste- L 
 matic improvement to the Doric musicians, Xeno- 
 danius of Sparta, and Thaletas of Elyrus in Crete 
 (about 620 B.C.),^ who first brought the Cretic or 
 Pseonic metre into general use ; which names point 
 out beyond doubt its Cretan origin, and its use in 
 pseans.' Cretics form a quick and lively, though a 
 pleasing and by no means inharmonious' rhythm, bein(»- 
 particularly adapted to rapid motion. Thus a joyous 
 and agreeable harmony was added, at the festivals of 
 Apollo, to the serious and solemn music, although the 
 softness and insipidity of several Ionian and Asiatic 
 tunes were, without doubt, ahvays rejected. 
 
 Thus, if we except the purifying and propitiatory 
 rites, the festivals of Apollo bore the character of a 
 serene and joyful mind, every other attribute of the 
 deity being lost in those of victory and mercy. 
 Hence in his statues at Delphi" and Delos'' lie uas 
 
 1 Athen. XIV. p. 630. Com- the Schol. 
 pare the extant fragments of ^ There was at Delos an an- 
 the paeans of Pmdar. cieut statue, according to Plu- 
 
 '■Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. tarch de Music. 14. which Tec- 
 
 Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. taeus and Angelion appear to 
 
 Ihat the hyporcheme was na- have imitated (Pausan. IX 35 
 
 tivem Sparta may be seen from I.); whose work is perhaps 
 
 Pmdar Iragm. 8. p. 603. ed. copied in the Gem in Milhn's 
 
 s^vi, ^ 1 Galerie Mytholot!;ique, p. 33. 
 
 Plutarch de Music. 10. N^ 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I. 
 
 where for MAPftNA Kal Kprjn- 17. The Graces had a Hute, a 
 
 Koy pvdfioy should probably be Ivre, and a pipe in their hands 
 
 written nAlONA. A fragment there was another ancient sta- 
 
 ofa paean in paeons in Aristot. tue (^oaroy) at Delos, which 
 
 Kb. III. 7. 6. ^ was referred to Erysichthon, 
 
 It 18 called u/)p«V ti ixeKoq Pliitarcli, Fragm. 10. p. 291 
 
 by Bacchylides. ed. Hutten. 
 "Pind. Olvmp. XIV. 12.aiKl 
 
360 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 represented as bearing in liis hand the Graces, who 
 gave additional splendour and elegance to his festivals 
 by the dance, music, and banquet.' 
 
 15. We have as yet omitted the mention of two 
 great national festivals celebrated at Amyclse by the 
 Spartans in honour of the chief deity of their race,^ 
 viz., the Hyacinthia and the Carnea, from a belief 
 that they do not properly belong to Apollo. That 
 the worship of the Carnean Apollo, in which both 
 were included, was derived from Thebes, whence it 
 was brought over by the ^gidse to Amyclse, has been 
 proved in a former Avork ;* our present object is to 
 show, from the symbols and rites of this w^orship, that 
 it was originally derived more from the ancient reli- 
 gion of Demeter than from that of Apollo. The 
 youth Hyacinthus, whom the Carnean Apollo acci- 
 dentally struck with a quoit,^ evidently took his name 
 from tlie flower (a dark-coloured species of iris), 
 which in the ancient symbolical language was an em- 
 blem of death ; and the fable of his death is clearly a 
 relic of an ancient elementary religion. Now the 
 hyacinth most frequently occurs, in this sense, in the 
 worship of Demeter ; thus, for example, it wiis under 
 the name Koc/jtocavSaXo^ sacred to Demeter Chthonia 
 at Hermione.*" We find further proof of this in the 
 ancient sculptures with which the grave, and at the 
 
 y Orchomenos, p. 182. and is mentioned, instead of Hya- 
 
 see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. cinthus, by Simmias Trfpt/xiyvwv, 
 
 ed. Brunck. ap. Steph. Byz. in 'AyuvkXa. 
 
 * Also the Hyacinthia in the '^ Orchomenos, p. 327. The 
 
 Amyclseum, Strab. VI. p. 2*18. month Hyacinthus was also in- 
 
 Hyacinthus was the son of A- troduced into Sicily by the JE- 
 
 myclas and of Diomede the gidse, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74. 
 
 daughter of Lapithas (so named ^ Hyacinthus is himself called 
 
 from the Lapithseum in the Kapvciogin Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 
 
 neighbourhood), according to 237. 
 
 Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas ^ Paus. II. 35. 4. 
 
 cii. 8, § 15. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 361 
 
 same time the altar of Hyacinthus, was adorned : the 
 artists indeed appear to have completely comprehended 
 the spirit of the worship. We find Demeter, Cora, 
 Pluto, and the Cadmean Dionysus, with Ino and Se- 
 mele, and Hyacinthus himself, together with a sister 
 named Polyboea.^ Polyboea is hardly, if at all, dis- 
 tinct from Cora," whom Lasus of Hermione called 
 iVIeliboea. To this may be added the sacrifices to the 
 dead, and lamentations customary on the first day^ 
 (which were forbidden at all other festivals of Apollo) ; 
 nightly processions,*^' and several other detached traces 
 of the symbols of Demeter and Dionysus,'' which, by 
 an attentive observer, may be easily distinguished from 
 those of Ai)ollo. The time of the festival was also 
 different: it took place on the longest day of the 
 Spartan month Hecatombeus, which corresponds to 
 the Attic Hecatombaeon," at the time when Hylas was 
 invoked on the mountains of Bithynia, and the tender 
 productions of nature droop their languid heads. 
 
 The Carnean festival took place, as it appears, in 
 the following month to the Hyacinthian, equally in 
 honour of Apollo of Amyclse. But the Doric reli- 
 gion seems here to have preponderated, and to have 
 supplanted the elementary symbols so evident in tlie 
 Hyacinthia. The Carnea was, as far as we know, 
 altogether a warlike festival, similar to the Attic Boe- 
 
 •^ Paus. III. 19. of. IV. 33. 5. 
 
 ^ Hesychius in IloXv/jota; 
 and see below, ch. 10. § 3. 
 
 ^ A worship of the dead was 
 also offered to the irapdeyoi 'Ya- 
 kiydihg of Athea. 
 
 « Eurip. Hel. 1490. 
 Crowns of ivy were given 
 at the Hyacinthia, according to 
 Aristot. ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. 
 
 Hence perhaps the Kiaaevg 'A- 
 TToWwy of ^schylus ap. Ma- 
 crob. ibid, with Lobeck's cor- 
 rection ad Soph. Aj. 814. See 
 Classical Journal XIX. p. 111. 
 ' Man so, Sparta, vol. III. part 
 II. p. 201. has properly followed 
 Dodwell on this point, whose 
 arguments also convince me. 
 
362 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 dromia. It lasted nine days, during which time nine 
 tents were pitched near the city, in each of which 
 nine men lived, for the time of the festival, in the 
 manner of a military camp. There is no reference to 
 an elementaiy religion except some obscure cere- 
 monies of the priest Agetes and the Carneatse.^ This 
 leads us to suppose that at the union of the Amyclsean 
 worship, introduced by the ^gidse, with the Doric 
 worship of Apollo at Sparta, the Hyacinthia preserved 
 more of the peculiarities of the former, the Carnea of 
 the latter, although the sacred rites of both Avere com- 
 pletely united. At the same time we do not deny the 
 difl&culty of inquiring into the origin and primitive 
 form of ceremonies the history of which is so compli- 
 cated; and this alone must excuse the shortness of 
 our account respecting these two festivals. 
 
 16. Finally, the manner in which Apollo is repre- 
 sented in sculpture, particularly by the ancient artists, 
 may assist our investigation into the ideas and senti- 
 ments on which his worship was founded. Apollo 
 was a subject peculiarly adapted for sculpture. Since 
 his connexion with elementaiy religion was slight, and 
 there was nothing mystic in his character, the sculptors 
 were soon able to fix upon a regular cast of features, 
 to distinguish him from other deities : for Apollo, not 
 only in poetry, but in the fables most nearly connected 
 with his worship, is generally represented as a human 
 god, and in all his actions and suflFerings more nearly 
 connected with the heroes than any other divinity. 
 But before this perfection and conventional uniformity 
 of the art, the early sculptors were much assisted in 
 
 ^ Hesych. I,ra(pv\ocp6fioi ti- count is given in Bekker's 
 
 vet; TWf KapyeciTdHy Trapop/XiOVTEfj Anecd. p. 305. 
 TovQ £Tt Tpvyri, A different ac- 
 
 CH. 8, § 17. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 363 
 
 characterizing the statues of Apollo by his numerous 
 and significant symbols, such as the bow, the cithara, 
 the laurel, &c. : and thus they were able, in some 
 measure, to give an idea of the power and properties 
 of Apollo, though merely in stiff and rude images of 
 wood and stone. 
 
 17. The simple Cippus of Apollo Agyieus did not 
 represent any particular attribute, l)ut was merely in- 
 tended as a memorial of the presence of the protecting 
 god.^ In endeavouring more fully to express his 
 character, the symbols of power would naturally come 
 next. His attributes of vengeance doubtless preceded 
 those of mercy, although both, in fact, harmonized 
 together : it nuist, however, have been long, before the 
 surpassing beauty of the god (celebrated even in the 
 Theogony of Hesiod) could be the subject of sculpture. 
 The attribute, then, of strength, as also that of omni- 
 science, the ancient Lacedaemonians wished to repre- 
 sent by the Apollo with four hands and four ears at 
 Amyclse."' liut the chief statue on the above spot was 
 an image, wliich, besides the bow, bore a helmet and 
 lance : of the same nature was also the statue on mount 
 Thornax, the face of \vhich had been gilded by the 
 Lacedaemonians." The iMegarians also consecrated 
 at Delphi a statue of Apollo bearing a lance ;" and at 
 Tenedos he was armed with the double hatchet,^ like 
 
 * Clemens of Alexand. (Str. 
 I. p. 349.) infers from two 
 verses of the ancient poem Eu- 
 ropia that Apollo was also re- 
 presented at Delphi as a kiwp 
 vxpTjXos; but they prove nothing; 
 for the high column, on which 
 arms and trophies were hung, 
 was certainly not the god himself. 
 
 "" Called Kovpihofjj Hesych. 
 in V. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. 
 
 I. 54. Apostol. II. 54. 
 
 "Paus. III. 11. Perhaps 
 this was the regular form of the 
 Carnean Apollo, Paus.lll. 26. 5. 
 
 ^ xVbove, p. 195. note ^. 
 
 ^ Aristides aj). Steph. Byz. 
 comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. 
 p. 266. Apostol. XVIII. 28. 
 and the coins of Tenedos (Mi 
 onnet torn. II. p. 671.); those of 
 Pitana (torn. II. p. 627. N". 
 
364 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 the Labrandenian Zeus of the Carians."^ In a very 
 ancient bas-relief, discovered by Dodwell on the mouth 
 of a well at' Corinth, and which we shall hereafter 
 examine further, Apollo holds the cithara in his hand ;' 
 his whole form too, as in all the ancient sculptures, is 
 stouter and more manly than usual. 
 
 18. On inquiring concerning the artists of the most 
 ancient symbolical statues of Apollo, we find that the 
 Cretans were the first sculptors, as well as musicians, 
 of that worship. From Crete, an ancient wooden 
 statue of Apollo, of the rudest style of workmanship, 
 was brought to Delphi:' from hence, too (about 
 Olymp. 50, 580 B. C.), there came Dipoenus and 
 Scyllis the Dsedalidae, who made for the Sicyonians 
 statues of Apollo, Artemis, Hercules, and Athene, of 
 which we will speak hereafter. The Pythian oracle 
 greatly interested itself in the labours of these artists ; 
 for when the envy of the native artists had driven tliem 
 from Sicyon, it compelled the inhabitants to recall 
 them. The managers of the temple of Delphi appear 
 indeed to have been, from very early times, great 
 
 122.) of lasos (torn. III. p. dess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare 
 
 352.), and particularly those of Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad 
 
 Thyateira (Buonarotti Medaglie Horn. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh 
 
 Antiche IX. 9.), in which the Explic. Find. p. 293.) 
 symbol of the axe is variously ^ Travels in Greece, vol. II. 
 
 combined with Apollo. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-re- 
 
 ^ The latter god was called lievi della Grecia, Roma 1812. 
 
 by the title ofXpvaaopevg (Strab. The Apollo upon the Capitoline 
 
 XIV. p. 660.) ; and conse- Puteal appears to be a copy, but 
 
 quently the epithet xpvtrawp, as a far more modern copy, of the 
 
 applied to Apollo, originally same original. The same shape 
 
 (e. g. in II. V. 509. see Heyne's of Apollo may be also observed 
 
 note, and ad ApoUod. p. 274.) in the reliefs' with the carrying 
 
 signified his golden armour, al- off of the tripod, 
 though Pindar (Pyth. V. 104.) « Find. Pyth. V. 42. There 
 
 uses it for the golden ornaments was also shown at Tegea a s^ilt 
 
 of his cithara ; but in an oracle Apollo by Cheirisophus a Cre- 
 
 of Bacis it is again applied to tan, see Thiersch, Ueber die 
 
 Artemis, i.e. to the armed god- Kunstepochen, vol. II. p. 25. 
 
 CH. 8, § 18. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 365 
 
 patrons of the art of sculpture, particularly in brass. 
 The subterranean temple at Pytho (the existence of 
 which has been doubted, but, in my opinion, without 
 suiHcient grounds) was covered with brass, as were 
 several treasuries of the ancient princes of Greece. 
 The temples and courts were fitted w^ith numerous tri- 
 pods ; caldrons, goblets, and arms of brass were there 
 arranged promiscuously, from periods of the highest 
 antiquity. There was also a knife used in sacrifice 
 called the Delphian knife ;' nor do the singing golden 
 Kr^Xr^Sovsj, which Pindar represents as suspended from 
 the roof of the brazen temple, seem to be a mere 
 poetical fiction. 
 
 But the Cretan school of sculpture produced Tec- 
 teeus and Angelion, who erected the celebrated, and 
 pro])ably colossal statue of Apollo at Delos, which (as 
 was before mentioned) held the Graces in one hand 
 and a bow in the other. With the same school also, 
 though in a more distant degree, was connected Cana- 
 chus of Sicyon, who, about the seventy-third Olympiad, 
 made a famous bronze statue for the Didymseum," and 
 one of wood for the Ismenium. From the accounts 
 and various imitations of this Avork of art we are 
 enabled to form some idea of its character. The god 
 was represented with a manly form, his breast broad 
 and prominent, the trunk square, the legs almost like 
 pillars, and in a firm position, the left leg being a little 
 advanced. Tiie hair, encircled with a fillet, lay in 
 
 * Tryphiodor. 643. and see 
 book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concern- 
 ing the AfX^tkr) ^a\iupa see 
 Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and He- 
 sychius in v. Compare Horn. 
 Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos 
 also they used a sacred ^axaipa. 
 
 tempered in the water of Cyd- 
 nus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 
 41. p. 368. 
 
 " In this temple also there 
 was a wooden statue of Apollo, 
 Oviog (probably Ovivog) 'AttoX- 
 Xwj', Hesychius. 
 
366 
 
 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 slender twisted curls over the forehead ; over each 
 shoulder were three platted tresses, and behind the 
 hair fell in a broad cluster down the back. The 
 countenance nearly resembled those in the marbles of 
 JEgina. In the right hand, which was stretched 
 straight forward, was a fawn (an obscure symbol 
 which we shall not here attempt to explain) ; the left, 
 not quite so much elevated, grasped a bow. The 
 whole must have had an awful and hnposing appear- 
 ance, conveying the idea of sublimity and dignity far 
 more than of grace or loveliness.'' We cannot sup- 
 pose the style of the colossal statue of Apollo to have 
 been very different which, several Olympiads later, was 
 modelled in brass by Calamis for Apollonia on the 
 Pontus,^nd which was afterwards brought to Rome by 
 LucuUus J nor that of Apollo Alexicacus, erected at 
 Athens by the same artist at the beginning of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war.^ The Apollo which Onatas of jEgina, 
 the contemporary of Calamis, executed for the in- 
 habitants of Pergamus, was a colossal statue displaying 
 great beauty of form, and, as it appears, of a more 
 youthful appearance than was common for statues of 
 Apollo at that time.'' In this, Apollo was represented 
 
 ^ For this account see a paper 
 Ueber den Apollon des Kana- 
 cAo5, in the Kunstblatt for 1821, 
 N". 16. This also serves to 
 confirm the conjecture of Vis- 
 conti that the bas-relief of the 
 Museo Pio-Clementino V. 23. 
 represents Menelaus dedicating 
 the arms of Euphorbus to the 
 Didymsean Apollo ; for the god 
 upon the pillar has nearly the 
 form in question. To the copies 
 of this Apollo many might now 
 be added. 
 
 yStrab. VII. p.319B. comp. 
 
 Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 
 18. 
 
 '- Pausan. I. 4.3. The reader 
 should guard against supposing 
 with Visconti (Museo Pio-Cle- 
 mentino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. 
 p. 93.) that these statues of 
 Apollo in temples had the ele- 
 gant proportions and light cha- 
 racter of the later works of art. 
 
 * -^ginetica, p. 106. Con- 
 cerning the ancient statues of 
 Apollo see also Winckelmann's 
 Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. 
 note. vol. III. p. 548. 
 
 CH. 8, § 18. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 3G7 
 
 as xaxx/rfxvotr, as the beautiful son of Latona ; under 
 which name he was worshipped at Pergamus.^ It is 
 not improbable that the union of strength and beauty 
 so conspicuously exhibited in the ideal forms of the two 
 children of Latona was suggested by the peculiar 
 character of the Doric education ; and that the artist 
 represented the god as an Ephebus, whose skill in the 
 cliorus and on the field of battle was exactly equal. 
 
 But the figure which we are accustomed to consider 
 as proj)erly belonging to Apollo did not originate even 
 in the school of Polycletus and Myron,'^ but was the 
 creation of a later period ; since both the coins of a date 
 prior to the time of Alexander,*^ and single heads, wliich 
 must be referred to the same period," do not indeed 
 preserve the features ascribed to the work of Canachus, 
 but still are quite different from the most celebrated of 
 the statues now extant, having broader cheeks, a 
 shorter and thicker nose ; in a word, the proportions 
 are what the ancients termed quadrate, or square. It 
 was not till the times of Scopas, Leochares, Praxiteles, 
 and Timarchides, that the Apollo appeared whom we 
 may call the twin-brother of Venus, so similar are the 
 forms of both deities. The expression of inspiration 
 and ecstasy, which several of the best statues exhibit, 
 may also be shown to have first originated in the 
 school of Scopas, since the earlier artists aimed rather 
 at producing the appearance of tranquillity and com- 
 
 ^ This important statement is ron is mentioned by Cicero in 
 
 given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Verr. II. 4. 43. 
 Mai. Vet. Script. Nov. Syll. I. ^ j; ^ ^^^^^^ ^^ Mytilene, 
 
 3. .p. 41. It has first explained Croton, and also those of Philip 
 
 fully the epigram of Antipater the First. 
 
 to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck « E. g. the head in the Louvre, 
 
 Analect. vol. II. p. 14. N^ 30. N°. 133. Catalogue de Clarac. 
 
 '' A statue of Apollo by My- 
 
:368 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 posure than of transient excitement ; and the exquisite 
 taste with which these sculptors were able to express 
 inspiration without extravagance, deserves the highest 
 praise. Without detailing the particular productions 
 of these and later artists, we shall only show how they 
 may be best classified. The Apollo Callinicus of 
 Belvedere stands by itself, swelling with the pride of 
 victoiy 'J next comes the Apollo resting from the fight, 
 with the right arm bent over the head, the left leaning 
 on a pillar, holding the bow, which has evidently been 
 used, or a cithara : being evidently a statue of the resting 
 Apollo ('AttoXXcov ava7rayoju,£Vo^);but from the circum- 
 stance that a statue of this kind stood in the Lyceum 
 at Athens^ it is usually called the "Apollo of the 
 " Lyceum :" then follows the Apollo Citharoedus 
 (playing on the harp), either naked, in different posi- 
 tions, or covered with the Pythian stola, and in an 
 almost theatrical attitude.^ It would be foreign to our 
 
 * A bronze found at Argos, of 
 the same character, is mentioned 
 by Pouqueville, Voyage enGrece, 
 torn. IV. p. 161. Heads having 
 a great resemblance to the Bel- 
 vedere Apollo occur in many 
 collections, some of which have 
 even more heroic forms. 
 
 ^ Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In 
 a coin of Thessalonica the Py- 
 thian Apollo is represented in 
 this position, with the laurel in 
 his right hand, the cithara be- 
 side him, and the bow at his 
 feet (Mionnet N°. 396.) ; simi- 
 lar to those of Germe, ApoUo- 
 nia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and 
 Cos. 
 
 ^ The statue of this class in 
 the Museo Pio-Clementino I. 
 tav. 13. is, according to Vis- 
 
 conti's conjecture, a copy of the 
 Palatine Apollo of Scopas, Plin. 
 N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This 
 form of the Apollo Musagetes 
 was most in vogue in the time 
 of Nero. There is a remarkable 
 statue of this god described and 
 figured by Raftei in his Ricerche 
 sopra un Apolllne della villa 
 Alhani. He is represented as 
 sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod 
 covered with a skin, with his 
 right hand on his knees (to be 
 kissed, as was the custom in 
 temples) ; in his left hand is a 
 serpent ; and his feet rest upon 
 a Cortina^ also covered with a 
 skin : by the side of this is a 
 lion's skin ; the hair is inter- 
 woven with laurel leaves, and 
 falls in a broad cluster over the 
 
 CH. 8, § 20. OF THE DORIANS. 359 
 
 subject to enter into details respecting this class of 
 
 ctonus, Nomius, &c. 
 
 19. Finally, we would endeavour to trace the in- 
 nhiir I '^;V''''^*ij^ «f Apollo on the policy and 
 
 so wide a field, ly.ng, as it does in great measure 
 ^ond the confines of history. We may. howeve"' 
 e from what has been alrea^Jy said, as proofs of 
 the mfluence of th.s worship on political concerns, the 
 armistice connected with the festivals of A,,ollo the 
 truce observed in the sacre,l places and roads.' the 
 soot lung influence of the purifications for homicide, 
 together with the idea of the punishing and avengin^ 
 god. and tlie great influence of the oracles in the re- 
 gulation of public affairs.' It has. moreover, been fre- 
 quently remarked how by its sanctity, by the dignified 
 and severe character of its music, by all its symbols " 
 and rites this worship endeavoured to lull the minds 
 of individuals into a state of composure and security 
 consistently, however, with an occasional elevation to 
 a state of ecstatic delight. 
 
 20. Lastly, the worship of Apollo was so nearly 
 connected with a branch of Grecian philosophy that 
 the one frequently established and explained scien- 
 tifically that which the other left merely to the feelinjr- 
 I mean the P^//,«^,.,,„,, ,^,,,„, Pythagoras pos- 
 sessed hereditary rites of Apollo ; he dweltit Croton, 
 vyhere that god received such various honours ;" he 
 lived mostly among Dorians, who were everywhere 
 
 back. The style is neither vcir 
 ancient nor good, but the sym- 
 bols and i)osition are singular 
 m many respects. 
 
 ' See Ei)liorus ap. Strab. IX. 
 
 p. 42.3. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. 
 P- 153.) on this subject. 
 
 •' Above, ch. 3. § 7. and b<K)k 
 III. ch. 9. § 16. 
 
 2b 
 
370 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 partial to that worship ; and a Delphian priestess, by 
 name Aristoeleia, is mentioned among his followers.* 
 Thus it is not without reason that the Pythagorean 
 philosophy has in modern times been considered as 
 Doric : in its political doctrines it followed Doric prin- 
 ciples, and with the Doric religion it was united both 
 externally and internally : besides which, the attempt 
 to realize and disseminate national ideas and opinions 
 may perhaps illustrate the rapid growth of the power 
 of the Pythagorean league. The recondite principle 
 of this philosophy always is, that the essence of things 
 lies in their due measure and proportion, their system 
 and regularity ; that everything exists by harmony and 
 symmetry alone ; and that the world itself is an union 
 of all these proportions (xocr [xog, or order) . The same 
 abstraction from materiality also belonged to the re- 
 ligion of Apollo ; for this too suggests the idea of order, 
 harmony, and regidarity, and in these it makes the 
 nature and actions of the Deity to consist. Hence, 
 too, music was one chief ingredient of the Pythagorean 
 philosophy, as well as a necessary element of the wor- 
 ship of Apollo, as best expressing the harmony on 
 which both were founded. In both the soothing and 
 appeasing of the passions was aimed at and effected, 
 that the mind might be quieted and strengthened at 
 the same time.™ But we nmst leave the full investiga- 
 
 * Porph. Vit. Pythag. 4L 
 According to Aristoxenus apud 
 Diog. Laert. VIII. 21. he re- 
 ceived the fundamental doc- 
 trines of his philosophy from 
 Themistocleia, a Pythian priest- 
 ess. See Fabric. Bibl. Grace, 
 vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and 
 Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86. 
 
 ■" One of the irajwrtant parts 
 
 of the Pythagorean worship was 
 the pcean, which was sung to 
 the lyre, in spring-time, by a 
 person sitting in the midst of a 
 circle of listeners: this was 
 called the KaOapmg, or purifi- 
 cation. See Schol. Ven. II. 
 XXII. 391. Jamblich. Vit. 
 Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Py- 
 thag. 32. This is evidently an 
 
 -H- 9. § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 37, 
 
 tion of this subject to those who have acquired a pro- 
 founder knowledge of the philosopl^y of ^ythagora's 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 ^ A Jrf ? "' f "'""''■ § ^- '"'''= ^^'"^'^ '=''""«=«ed with 
 at ;:'""§ ^--''r -'-.goddesses of that na,„e. Her 
 
 Tk A . T Aretnusa. Ihe Peloponnesian Artemis 8 f^ 
 The Att,c Artemis. § 6. Artemis Orthia. or Iphige"^ I ' 
 
 a: fw T9'''/ ^"^'"' ''''"™- § '■ T-'^^-^^ of 
 
 Asia Mmor. § 9. Her connexion with the Amazons. 
 
 1. We now proceed to consider the worship of 
 Artenus ; a subject which need not be so fully ex- 
 anuned as that of Apollo, as it does uot, like the 
 worship of that god, everywhere present the same 
 fundamental notions, and therefore cannot, in all its 
 first begmnmgs, be derived from the religion of the 
 Dorians. But as in general the Grecian mythology 
 adopted the most various and inconsistent reli<,ious 
 views and ideas, so in the name of tlie single goddess 
 Artemis were united almost opposite branches of 
 ancien worship, which we must attempt to separate! 
 Lest hovvever, it should be supposed that we are 
 unable to trace the association of ideas, whicJi saw a 
 simple character in the « various forms of that great 
 goddess, who, having her origin in the interior of 
 
 t'ft1Zfort:L''%ki ^'^■y'o-gP-nsinthespring 
 Pvthian nrLi ,^P"' ■"■ ^"e as a means of atonement. Aris- 
 
 2b2 
 
372 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii 
 
 " Asia, passed from thence into Greece, and was wor- 
 " shipped as the moon, the goddess of the woods, the 
 " huntress, the nurse of children, and a nurse of the 
 " universe, as well by the choruses of the virgins of 
 " Caryse, as in the dances of the temples ;"* we uall 
 endeavour to ascertain some historical criterion, which 
 may distinguish the worship of Artemis from tliat of 
 any other deity, and which must not be one of the ideas 
 or symbols of the worship itself, since it is concerning 
 the possibility or impossibility of their connexion that 
 
 we are to inquire. 
 
 2. For this purpose it may be assumed, that the 
 Artemis connected with Apollo belongs alone to 
 the same system of religious notions : and conse- 
 quently, the Artemis of Ephesus, Artemis Orthia, 
 and Artemis Tauropolus, are of a different nature, as 
 Apollo is never represented as their brother : of this, 
 however, more hereafter. Here we will first show, 
 that in all the chief temples of Apollo, Artemis was 
 worshipped as his sister, as the partner of his nature 
 and of his actions, and, as it were, a part of the same 
 deity. Thus both were children of Latona, and were 
 equally the rulers of the temple of Delphi ;^ the 
 victory over the Python, the flight, and the expiation, 
 concern both ;^ both were honoured at the Pythian 
 games of Sicyon, together with Latona ; ^ as also in 
 
 * See Creuzer's Symbolik. 
 
 ^ Pindar. Nam. VL 42. IX. 
 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. 
 XXVII. 14. and the apa 'A^- 
 (biKTv6v(i)v in ^schin. Ctesiph. 
 p. 70. 36. 'ATToXXoji'og Tov Hv- 
 Oiov Kal Toc Aaroc ^al rdc'Apra- 
 fii[TOQ] in the great Delphian 
 inscription in Bocckh N". 1688. 
 
 The whole family was also in 
 the temple at Cirrha, Pausan. 
 X. 36. 7. 
 
 '^ See above, eh. 7, § 6. 
 
 *i Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At 
 Sparta also Apollo Pythaeus 
 was joined with Latona and 
 Artemis, Pausan. III. 11. 
 
 CH. 9, § -2. OF THE DORIANS. 373 
 
 Crete," Delos, LesWs/ at Carthaja/ in the Didv- 
 rnseu.,.,^ on the citadel of Troy,' in the worship of 
 i^ycia, as well as in that of Metapontuni.' The wor 
 ship both of Apollo and Artemis is said to have been 
 derived fron, the Hyperboreans ; - and the names of 
 the Hyperborean priestesses, who brought tl,e rites to 
 Delos, ^rge and Opis, according, to others Hecaer^re 
 and Lo^o, are only epithets of Artenns. Art-e pro- 
 bably means " tlie rapid :" Onis" m^.. r • 
 0.:r., the same as o;r.^) well characterises the spirit of 
 this rehgion, as it signifies the constant watch and care 
 of the goddess over human actions," while at the same 
 tnne she inspn-es fear and veneration of herself i' Slie 
 was known also by the same name among the Dorians 
 
 ^ Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 
 133. The Artemis Cnagia at 
 Sparta came from Crete, ac- 
 cording to Pausan. III. 18.3 
 Amnisian nymphs of Artemis, 
 CaHim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See 
 ahove, ch. 1. § 5. 
 
 *■ Above, p. 342, note ». 
 
 s Antonin. Liberal, c. 1. 
 
 ' Inscription in Walpole's 
 Travels, p. 578. Upo(l>6poi- 'Ao- 
 
 Tiflldog UvStTjr. '^ 
 
 ' Above, ch. 2. § 3. 
 
 ^J^apTTTj^opla in Cilicia, Strab. 
 XIV. p. 676. 
 
 ' Hyginus fab. 186. Whe- 
 
 rr^u ^*^^A'^^""' «^ Khegium 
 <J^"^; /J- 44.) came from 
 JLlelphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or 
 from Euboea (where she was 
 worshipped under the name of 
 TlfO(Trju)a at Artemisium, of A- 
 marynthia, near Eretria, on 
 mount Cotylaeum, and all aloiiL- 
 the Euripus, Callim. Hymn! 
 Dian. 188.) is uncertain. 
 
 "• Herod. IV. 33. where the 
 worship of the Hyperborean 
 
 Artemis is also ascribed to the 
 Thracian and Paionian women 
 Compare Tzetzes ad Lycophr! 
 936. The Hymn of Olen, 
 Pausan. V. 7. 4. represented 
 Uemeter Axatmascomin-rfrom 
 the land of the Hyperboreans 
 toDelos; but the Achaean De- 
 meter cannot be meant; and 
 therefore I would write A^AIA 
 
 as Artemis was called in ^gina! 
 iheaTTooz/^mf of Artemis in the 
 Argive legend (Menander de 
 I^ncom. 4 p. 38. ed. Heercn) 
 perhaps referred to this. 
 
 ooo ^^^. ^^"'"'- "y"^"- Del. 
 ^92. Melanopus of Cume ap. 
 Pausan. ubi sup. cf I. 43 4 
 Etymol. Mag. p. 641.56. Con- 
 cernmg ()^;r.c, see the English 
 edition of Stephens' Thesau- 
 rus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551. 
 
 ''Thus Apollo was called 
 i^Troxpioc, Hesychius. 
 
 P Thus Nemesis was also 
 called O^TT.c, as in the inscrin- 
 tion ofHerodcsAtticus. 
 
374 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 of Sparta,*^ and celebrated as such in sacred chants : ' 
 thus almost all the attributes and actions of Apollo are 
 referred also to Artemis. She is also the goddess of 
 sudden death ; * which she sometimes inflicts in wrath, 
 but sometimes without anger ; * and hence she is re- 
 presented as armed, not only with bow and arrows, but 
 in the Doric states with a complete panoply .'' In 
 ancient poets she is not only the destroyer of wild 
 beasts, but also, like her brother, of sacrilegious men/ 
 Thus, with Apollo, she killed Tityus, and, by herself, 
 the Aloid8e,y and Orion, who dared to violate Opis 
 when bringing the ears of corn to Delos.^ Hence she 
 
 1 Palfiephat. 52. Apostolius 
 VI. 44. 
 
 ^ Sung among the Troeze- 
 nians, by whom Lyceia was 
 worshipped, Schol. ApoU. Rhod. 
 I. 972. 
 
 "Od. XI. 171. Compare II. 
 VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The 
 reason why she kills Ariadne 
 (Od. XL 324.) is explained by 
 Pherecydes in the Scholia. 
 Aiiov yvvai^X (II. XXI. 483.) 
 probably only as a goddess of 
 death, and not as Pausanias 
 IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius ex- 
 plam it. A yvvaiKQv fiiy ^X^l 
 KpdroQ in the Attic Scolion is 
 ambiguous. 
 
 * Artemis in Homer is, in the 
 first place, the complete image 
 of her brother, as armed with 
 a bow (lo)(eaipa, '^(pvfTrjXnKarog, 
 
 To^o(t>6pog 11. XX. 39, 71. XXI. 
 483.' Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, 
 &c.) ; as a beautiful and strong 
 maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. 
 XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as kill- 
 ing women suddenly and with- 
 out sickness (II. VI. 428. XIX. 
 59. Od. XI. 171, 323. XV. 
 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes 
 
 mildly (Od. XV. 409. XVIII. 
 201.), at another time in anger 
 (II. VI. 205.) ; as punishing 
 with death the children of 
 Niobe (II. XXIV. 606.) and 
 Orion (Od. V. 123.) ; as kov 
 porpocpog, and therefore giving 
 height to virgins (Od. XX. 71. 
 cf. VI. 107.) ; as occasionally 
 healing (11. V. 447.); as ho- 
 noured by choruses of singers, 
 and herself leading the chorus 
 (II. XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. 
 XXVII. 18.). Now, besides 
 this, there is also the Arcadian 
 notion of Artemis, the wood- 
 nymph;, her chorus plays in 
 the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she 
 rejoices in wild boars and stags 
 (VI. 104.) ; and thus, being 
 armed with a bow, becomes a 
 huntress (II. V. 51. XXI. 485.). 
 The ^tolian Artemis, who re- 
 quires daXvffia (II. IX. 533.), 
 is as^ain of a different kind. 
 
 "Pausan. IV. 13. 1. 
 
 » Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124. 
 
 y Apollod. I. 7. 4. 
 
 ^ Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion 
 ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 
 108. ed.Meineke, &c. 
 
 CH. 9, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 375 
 
 was to be appeased by expiatory rites ; and had an 
 equal share in Thargelia, and similar festivals.'^ And 
 for the same reason the laurel was likewise sacred to 
 Artemis.^ She was honoured with the song of the 
 paean.^ She is at the same time the destroyer and the 
 Feserver (Xuxs/a'^ and oix/a).'' And even her name 
 ''Aprsfxig ' clearly corresponds with that of the pro- 
 tecting Apollo, since it signifies the '' healthy," the 
 "uninjured."^ Whether the art of music belonged 
 to Apollo alone is not certain ; at least the Lacedaemo- 
 nians celebrated in honour of Artemis a musical con- 
 test called xaXcLmUcL ; ^' and her singing is represented 
 m tlie Ihad as delighting both gods and men.' On 
 reliefs which represent the victors in musical contests, 
 Apollo is always accompanied by his mother and 
 sister.'' Artemis had also a claim to the gift of pro- 
 phecy, at least if we can attribute any antiquity to the 
 tradition of her being a sibyl.^ Like Apollo, she is 
 
 ^ Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. 
 At Melite in Phthia Artemis 
 was, in some particular worship, 
 called "AffTraXfc, 'A/i6iX»}ri/,'Ei.a- 
 ipyri, Anton in. Liberal. 13. 
 
 ^ She was worshipped under 
 the title of An(j)yaia at Las, 
 Pausan. III. 24. 6. and of 
 Aac^via at Olympia, Strab. 
 VIII. p. 343. 
 
 *= Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. So- 
 phocl. Trach. 210. according 
 to Seidler's punctuation ; above, 
 p. 309, note ^. 
 
 '^ At Troezen, Pausan. II. 31. 
 6. 
 
 « Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also 
 TTpodvpala and TrpoirvXaia, Span- 
 heim ad Callim. Dian. 38. 
 
 ^ Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10: 
 Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare 
 above, p. 372, note ^\ Ale- 
 man used the form 'Aprt/iiroc, 
 
 Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month 
 Aprafiinog in Crete, Chishull's 
 Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in 
 Sicily, see Castelli Proleg. ad 
 Inscript. Sic. p. 69. 'ApTaiiinog 
 in Corcyra, according to inscrip- 
 tions; 'Aprejdiria in Cyrene, 
 Thrige Hist. Cyren. p. 218. 
 Ap]ra^iTi in a Corcyraean in- 
 scription, Mustoxidi, Illustra- 
 zioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. 
 comp. Chandler. Inscript. p. 
 82. N«. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 
 305. Steph. Byz, in "ApTtfilmoy. 
 » See Plato de Rep. p. 406. 
 Strab. XIV. p. 635. 
 
 ^ Hesychius in KaXaol^ta, 
 41. XVI. 183. 
 '"Welcker ap. Dissen. Ex- 
 plic. Pind. p. 453. 
 
 ^ See the verses in Clem. 
 Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523 cf 
 Pausan. X. 12. 1. 
 
376 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 always represented as unmarried ; and therefore not 
 as the deity of an elementary religion, and originally 
 not as goddess of the moon, although it cannot be 
 denied that the worship of the moon was very nearly 
 connected with other branches of the worship of 
 Artemis. 
 
 But, it may be asked, if this Artemis always has 
 the same characteristics as Apollo, and has none that 
 are peculiar to herself, why should there be two deities 
 to express one idea ? Wherefore both a male and 
 female, if neither have any relation to sex? It is 
 difficult to give a satisfactory answer to these questions. 
 
 This consideration may, however, in some measure 
 assist ; namely, that as soon as Apollo was once sup- 
 posed to be as an earthly god, as the ideal of all human 
 strength, it was necessary to add also a female being. 
 And the near approximation of the male to the female 
 deity may be accounted for by the condition of the 
 Doric women, who were much more considered as 
 independent beings, and possessed a capability for all 
 those other things which adorn the other sex. 
 
 3. But the most difficult part of our problem still 
 remains unsolved; viz. to ascertain what was the 
 worship of Artemis, which had not the same origin 
 and nature with that of Apollo. First of all we 
 should mention the Arcadian. That goddess has 
 nowhere so many temples as in Arcadia; she was 
 there the national deity, and had been long revered, 
 under the title of '' Hymnia;' by all the races of that 
 people." She was also introduced under the name of 
 
 "» Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. also seen from Poly^n. VIII. 
 
 1, 4. The temple was on the 34. that the Tegeates sent sa- 
 
 confines of Mantinea and Or- cred processions to Artemis of 
 
 chomenos 12. 3. It may be Pheneus. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 CH.9,§3. OF THE DORIANS. 377 
 
 Callisto into the national genealogies, and called the 
 daughter of Lycaon'^ (i. e. of the Lyc^an Zeus), and 
 mother of Areas (i. e. of the Arcadian people). For 
 that Calhsto is only another form of the name of 
 Artemis Calliste, which is a common epithet of 
 Artemis, is plain from the fact that the tomb of thit 
 heroine was shown in the temple of the goddess,^ and 
 that Calhsto was said to be changed into a bear, which 
 was tlie symbol of the Arcadian Artemis p After 
 wards, indeed, the fable was much altered ; and it 
 was related that Artemis changed Callisto into a bear 
 merely from anger.<^ But that this ancient Arcadian 
 deity was not tlie Doric Artemis is proved by the 
 above-mentioned criterion ; viz. tliat she lias no con- 
 nexion with Apollo. 
 
 Another circumstance, however, speaks even still 
 plainer. Apollo and his sister seldom received any 
 particular surnames from places where they were 
 worshipped - whereas the other Artemis has almost 
 innumerable names from the mountains, hills, foun- 
 tains, and waters of Arcadia, and the other regions of 
 Fe oponnesus. Hence Alcman remarks that the 
 goddess bears the names of thousands of hills cities 
 and rivers.^ There must have been, therefore,' some-' 
 
 Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 
 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes 
 give a different account. 
 
 ° Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Com- 
 pare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 
 2. Mfjinetica, p. 31. Artemis 
 was called, Kar Hoxhy, the heau- 
 tiful, <i va\a, Feder ad ^Esch. 
 Agam. p. 9. 
 
 P Callisto was called even by 
 Hesiod the constellation of the 
 Bear, Hygin. Poet. Astron. I. 
 p. 356. Lactant. 6. 
 
 ** It IS easy to conceive that, 
 as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi 
 represented in the form of a 
 wolf, so likewise the bear was 
 made the symbol of Artemis by 
 the Arcadians. 
 
 The exceptions are few • 
 for instance, perhaps, Apollo 
 Cereatas in ^pytis, Pausan. 
 VIII. 34. 3. 
 
 ' Ap. Menand. de Encom. 
 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. 
 ^he was called Avkoutic oa 
 
378 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 thinor in the attributes of tliis Arcadian Artemis which 
 produced such a number of local names ; she must 
 have been considered as united and connected with 
 the country in which she was worshipped. Tliis 
 leads to the notion of an elementary goddess, of a 
 similar, though more universal nature than nymphs of 
 the mountains, rivers, and brooks. Accordingly we 
 find that this ancient Peloponnesian Artemis was 
 nearly connected with lakes, fountains, and rivers. 
 She was worsliipped in several places under the titles 
 of Limnatis and Heleia.' There were frequently 
 
 mount Msenalum, Paus. VIII. 
 36. 5. KyaKedTiQ near Tegea, 
 ib. 53, 5 ; Kedpsdnc at Orcho- 
 menos, ib. 13. 2. (so named 
 from a cedar on which the 
 statue stood) ; Srv/x^aX/a at 
 Stymphalus, ib. 22. 5. comp. 
 Eustath. ad II. II. p. 228. ed. 
 Basil; ^Kia^ing at Scia, near 
 Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 
 5 ; KvaKakrjcria and Kov^vXedng 
 at Caphyae, ib. 23. 3 ; Ne/xt^ta 
 at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 
 342 ; in Laconia AeppedTig, 
 Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. 
 in Aippa. The hymn to Arte- 
 mis Derrhiatis, or Aepedng, was 
 called KaXa/3tc ; there was also 
 an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. 
 Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesy- 
 chius. KapvdriQ at Caryse, Paus. 
 III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Ka- 
 pvat. 'larcTcjpia near Pitana, 
 Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyaen. II. 
 1. 14. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 
 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and 
 Hesychius (according to Pau- 
 sanias the Artemis Issoria or 
 Limnsea was not properly an 
 Artemis, but Britomartis) ; Ot- 
 vojdriQ near Argos, Steph. Byz. 
 in O'ivT], Hesychius in Otvwartc 
 ^piovig near Trcezen, Paus. II. 
 
 30. 7. Achseus tragicus ap. 
 Hesych. in Sapwv/c j Kopv^am 
 at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. 
 Steph. Byz. in Kopv<patoy 
 (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part 
 II. p. 603. found, by means of 
 an inscription, what are pro- 
 bably the ruins of the temple 
 upon mount Coryphaeum) ; — 
 'AX0£iam at Letrini, Paus. VII. 
 22. 5 ; KoKKOKa at Olympia, ib. 
 V. 15. 4; TpiKXapia at Patrse, 
 ib. VII. 19. 1. (an united tem- 
 ple of three ancient Kwfxai) ; 
 'A/crata at Pellene, Plutarch. 
 Arat. 32. 
 
 * As At/ii'driQ at Tegea, Paus. 
 VIII. 53. 5 ; at Epidaurus Li- 
 mera, ib. III. 23. 6. ; at Pitana, 
 near Sparta, ib. 14. 2 ; at At/x- 
 vaia at Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; 
 and particularly in the cele- 
 brated Xifipalov, on the frontier 
 of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. 
 IV. 4. 31. Tacit. Ann. IV. 43. 
 Hence, according to Strabo p. 
 362. the Limnseum in Laconia 
 was derived. At Troezen she 
 was liffTToiya Xifivrjg and of the 
 hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 
 230. As *EXc/a in Messene, 
 Hesych. in eXeia, probably 
 tXeia ; and at Alorium, on the 
 
 CH. 9, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 379 
 
 also fountains in the temples of Artemis : viz at 
 Connth, Marius, Mothone,- and near the district of 
 Derrhiatis in Laconia.'^ She likewise received ^reat 
 honours at the Clitorian fountain of Lusi.^ Among 
 rivers, those she was most connected Mdth are the 
 Cladeus and the Alpheus.^ The moist and watery 
 district, through which this latter stream flows into 
 the sea, was filled with temples of the nymphs of 
 Aphrodite and Artemis, among which the sanctuarv 
 ot the Alphean Artemis^ is most remarkable. There 
 were in that temple paintings of Cleanthus and 
 Aregon of Corinth, which were chiefly on subjects 
 relatmg to religion ; as, for instance, that of Poseidon 
 presentmg a thunny-fish to Zeus while in the act 
 of producing Athene.^ All this naturally suggests 
 tHe Idea of a goddess who produced a flourishing and 
 vigorous life from the element of water; and hence 
 we would not entirely reject the popular faith of the 
 Phigaleans, that Eurynome, the goddess of fish, and 
 herself represented as half a fish, was an Artemis ^ 
 
 borders of Arcadia, Strabo VIII. 
 p. 350. where for 'HXemc should 
 probably be written 'EXuag. 
 
 " Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. 
 IV. 35. 6. 
 
 "" Paus. III. 29. 7. 
 y Under the title of ijueprjma, 
 Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes 
 p. 132. ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn 
 Dian. 235. Polyaen. IX. 34. 6. 
 Concerning this fountain, see 
 Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. 
 Mir. Auscult. p. 1102 B. 
 
 ' Paus. V. 15. 4. At By- 
 zantium also there was in pis- 
 cina templum DiancE Luciferce 
 et Veneris Placidce, Dionys. 
 de Thrac. Bosporo. In Samos 
 also there was Artemis Xritndg 
 
 and 'IfA.Ppaorir), Callim. Hymn. 
 Dian. 228. Catullus calls her 
 amnium domina, XXX. 12- 
 Horace, IcEtam foliis et nemo- 
 rum coma, Carm. I. 21. 5. 
 
 Apollonius Rhodius also calls 
 her vrioaaoog, I. 569; Calli- 
 machus, XifiivitTrrtv tTriaKoiroQ, 
 Hymn. Dian. 39. 
 
 « Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paua. 
 VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. 
 Pmd. Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad 
 Nem. I. p. 350. Another tem- 
 ple of Artemis in this region is 
 mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4. 
 
 ^ As is shown by Strabo, ubi 
 sup. Comp. Demetrius Scep- 
 sius ap. Athen. VIII. p. 376 B 
 
 ^Paus. VIII. 41.4. 
 
380 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book h. 
 
 4. The mention of the river Alpheus reminds us 
 of Sicily, whither, in order to catch the fountain 
 Arethusa, which was swallowed up in the land of 
 Elis, he is said to have followed her under the sea, 
 and to have first reached her in the island of Ortygia, 
 near Syracuse.^ This singular fable may perhaps be 
 explained by the following considerations. Syracuse 
 was founded in the 5th Olympiad by Corinthians, 
 with whom were some settlers from the district of 
 Olympia, and particularly some members of the family 
 of the I amid 86, who held a sacred office at the altar of 
 the Olympian Zeus.^ These joint colonists ((ruvoixKr- 
 rrlpsg, according to the expression of Pindar) appear 
 to have had sufficient weight in the new city to intro- 
 duce their own religion and mythology. For, as we 
 have seen above, Artemis was worshipped at Olympia 
 as the goddess of the Alpheus, being generally consi- 
 dered in that country as presiding over lakes and 
 rivers. She had in the grove of Altis an altar, 
 together with Alpheus ; ^ and there was there a po- 
 pular legend, that Alpheus had once loved Artemis. 
 Now the settlers that went from this district to Syra- 
 cuse, in their first expedition, confined themselves to 
 the island of Ortygia. Here they built a temple to 
 the river-goddess Artemis ; a sanctuary of so great 
 fame, that Pindar calls the whole island "the seat 
 " of Artemis, the river-goddess.^" ITiere was, how- 
 ever, no river in Ortygia, and therefore Artemis was 
 supposed to regret her beloved Alpheus. Hence 
 arose the belief that Arethusa, a fountain near the 
 
 ^ Strab. VI. p. 270. Creu- Boeckh Exp. Find. p. 152. sq. 
 
 zer's Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, ^ Pans. V. 14. 5. Schol. Piud. 
 
 &c. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10. 
 
 « Pind. Oljmp. VI. 5. 6. See « Paus. VI. 22. 5. 
 
 cii. 9, § 4. 
 
 OF THK DORIANS. 
 
 381 
 
 W.C^*'-"^ 
 
 temple, contained the sacred water of tlie Alpheus ;^' 
 a belief which was strengthened by the circumstance 
 that large fish were found in the spring ;' and from 
 tliis arose the fable that Alpheus had followed the 
 goddess to Sicily. But Artemis was supposed to fly 
 from the pursuit of Alpheus.'^ This at least was the 
 fiction followed by Telesilla, a poetess who lived in 
 the 64th Olympiad ;' and the same fable was perhaps 
 adopted by Pindar.*" Afterwards, however, the pre- 
 cise meaning and origin of this fable were forgotten ; 
 and the fountain-nymph Arethusa took the place of 
 Artemis, and became the object of the pursuit of the 
 river-god." Such appears to have been the origin of 
 the elegant fable of Alpheus and Arethusa. 
 
 We now return to the Peloponnesian Artemis, and 
 will mention some of her other symbols and attri- 
 butes. Her statue stood next to that of Demeter, 
 at Megal opo lis, dressed in the skin of a deer, with 
 a quiver on her back, holding a torch in one hand, 
 and two serpents in the other, with a dog by her side." 
 The connexion which existed between her and tlie 
 Arcadian Demeter is probably more ancient than this 
 statue ; and indeed the symbol of the deer seems to 
 have been common in Arcadia to both Artemis and 
 
 hPind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. 
 Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concern- 
 ing the temple at Ortygia, see 
 D'Orville's Siculis, p. 196. and 
 Boeckh, ibid. p. 243. The 
 beautiful female heads on the 
 tetradrachms of Syracuse, with 
 the hair entwined with reeds, 
 surrounded by four fishes, pro- 
 bably represent the river Arte- 
 mis. 
 
 • Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. 
 1.117. 
 
 '^Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. 
 Nem. I. 2. 
 
 ^ Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18. 
 
 ™ Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls 
 Ortygia the resting-place of the 
 Alpheus; and he too, perhaps, 
 considers Artemis as the object 
 of pursuit. 
 
 " See the excellent note of 
 Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. 
 350. 
 
 ° Paus. VIII. 37. 2. 
 
382 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Cora, called in Arcadia despcena.^ She was also 
 worshipped with Bacchus ;*» and, like him, had phallic 
 festivals/ From her connexion with fountains and 
 rivers, and other rural objects, it was natural that this 
 Artemis should be considered as the patron of wild 
 animals. Thus iEschylus calls her "the protectress 
 "of young lions, and the whelps of other wild beasts.**' 
 In like manner she was supposed to preside over the 
 breeding of horses,* and generally over the nurture of 
 infants and children ;"" it was therefore by a perversion 
 of the original idea that she took the character of a 
 
 PSee Paus. VIII. 10. 4. 
 Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She 
 had the name of *EXa0m/a in 
 Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence 
 the *EXa(j)i]fi6\ia (Anecd. Bekk. 
 p. 249.), a festival widely ex- 
 tended (e. g. Plutarch. Virt. 
 Mul. p. 261) The symbol of 
 the deer, however, appears to 
 have been common to all the 
 dijBferent branches of the wor- 
 ship of Artemis ; thus there is 
 in Mr. Payne Knight's col- 
 lection a coin in which she is 
 represented bearing a stag's 
 horns, which he ascribes to De- 
 los. 
 
 1 Concerning human sacri- 
 fices to Artemis on the river 
 Ameilichus, which were abo- 
 lished by the worship of Dio- 
 nysus iEsymnetes, at Patrse, 
 see the description in Paus. V. 
 19. 1. Human sacrifices were 
 also offered to the same goddess 
 near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. 
 Grsecos I. p. 165 A. Compare 
 Knight on the Symbolical Lan- 
 guage of Mythology, § 143. 
 
 ' Aofjif^ai. ai Ty 'Aprc/it3i Ov- 
 (Ticjy ap-)(ovcrai airo rijg Kara r-^v 
 Trat^tctv erKEvrjg, ol yap ^aXrjTeg 
 
 ovru) KoKovyrai. Hesychius. 
 
 ^ Agam. 144. 
 
 * Evjo/TTTra at Pheneus, Paus. 
 VIII. 14. 4. linroffoa, Pind. 
 Olymp. III. 27. comp. Boeckh 
 Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. 
 Hence Artemis (-xpvariyioQ) is 
 frequently represented on vases 
 in a chariot with horses ; in 
 Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. 
 and in the bas reliefs of Phi- 
 galeia, she is attended by goats. 
 
 *^ Under the title of KopvOaX- 
 Xia at the Tiassa, near Sparta, 
 near the Cleta, A^hen. IV. p. 
 139; also KovpoTp6<poQ, (^uXoiiei- 
 pa^^ Diod. V. 73. (and see 
 Wesseling's note.) Paus. IV. 
 34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8. 
 comp. Spanheim ad Callim. 
 Dian. 6. These names may, 
 however, be referred to the 
 worship of Apollo; above ch. 
 8. § 7. She was worshipped 
 under the general epithet of 
 (Tu)TtLpa at Pegae (Paus. I. 44. 
 7.). Megara (I. 40. 2.), Bcefle 
 (III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27. 
 1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), 
 and at Syracuse, as we know 
 from its coins. Comp. Dor- 
 ville's Sicula, p. 327. sq. 
 
 CH. 9, §6. OF THE DORIANS. 333 
 
 liuntress, the enemy and destroyer of wild animals 
 
 An analogous inconsistency to that before pointed out 
 
 in the attributes of the Doric Apollo and Artemis 
 
 who were represented as both protecting and de- 
 stroying.' 
 
 5. By the mythological symbol of Artemis Callisto 
 the bear, we are reminded of some ceremonies at 
 Athens, where young girls, between the ages of five 
 and ten years (who were consecrated to the Munv- 
 chian and Brauronian Artemis), were called i.ar/y 
 and the goddess herself, in some singular traditions, 
 IS represented as a bear calling for human blood.' 
 When the lonians went from Athens to Asia thev 
 earned the worslnp of the Munychian goddess to 
 Miletus and Cyzicus ;' and to the former city tlie 
 kmdred worsliip of Artemis Chitone, as the goddess 
 presKhng over birth, wliose wooden statues were made 
 ol iructiferous wood.^ 
 
 6. The consideration of the Attic festival of Arte- 
 mis leads again to another variety of the worship of 
 Artemis ; viz., to that of Artemis Orthosia, Orthia 
 or Iphigenia. We will first give the traditions and 
 i^cts as we find them. Iphigenia, coming from 
 lauria to Attica, was supposed to have landed at 
 
 which was said to have been 
 built by Agamemnon, Strab. 
 XIV. p. 639. Also on coins of 
 Miletus, Mionnet Description 
 &c. torn. III. p. 186. 
 
 ^ Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. 
 ^chol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. 
 <7. XiTwvri "Apre^ig, Steph. 
 -oyz. in V. ; among the lonians 
 Kidmia (probably Kieiovirj)" Xp. 
 TEfiiQ, Hesych. in v. Also Arte- 
 mis XiTutvta at Syracuse, Athen 
 XIV. p. 629 E. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 6. § 2, 3. ch. 9. 
 § 2. 
 
 y Eurip. Hypsipyl. and Ari- 
 stoph. Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in 
 apKTexfffai. See Orchomenos, p 
 309. ' ^* 
 
 * Apostolius VIII. 19. 
 
 * Boeckh not. Crit. ad Find 
 Olymp. XIII. 109. There was 
 also at Miletus a festival of Ar- 
 temis called ^TiXrjk, Plutarch 
 Mul. Virt. p. 287. ed. Hutten. 
 There was also a temple of Ar- 
 temis at Pygela, near Ephesus, 
 
384 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Brauron, and at the neighbouring Halse Araphenides, 
 and left behind her the ancient wooden image of Ar- 
 temis.*" Here she was immediately interwoven with 
 the heroic genealogy, and called the daughter of The- 
 seus.*^ In Sparta there was a temple of Artemis 
 Orthia in a damp part of the city, called Limnseum, 
 where was also shown a wooden statue, which had 
 come from Tauria.® As to the introduction of the 
 worship, it is said that Astrabacus and Alopecus (the 
 ass and fox), the sons of Irbus, descendants of Agis 
 in the fourth generation (about 900 B.C.), had found 
 the image in a bush, and had been struck mad by the 
 sight of it ; that the Limnatae, and other villages of 
 Sparta, had upon this offered sacrifices to them, when 
 a quarrel arose, and murder ensued. A number of 
 men were killed at the altar ; and accordingly the 
 goddess called for victims to atone for the pollution ; 
 instead of which, in later times, the scourging of boys 
 was instituted, over the severity of which the priestess 
 presided.^ It is remarkable that this was immediately 
 followed by a ttoju-ttt^ AwSaJv, a Lydian procession.^ 
 
 "" Paus. I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. 
 cf. III. n. 6. Eurip. Troad. 
 1462. sqq. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 
 173. Euphorion also placed the 
 sacrifice of Iphigenia at Brau- 
 ron, fragm. 81. ed. Meineke. 
 
 ^ The Argives, Stesichorus, 
 and Euphorion, according to 
 Paus. II.- 22. 7. Antonin. Liber. 
 27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. 
 
 «Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. 
 fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer's 
 Comment. Herod, p. 244. From 
 this temple Helen was carried 
 away, according to Plutarch 
 Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; 
 whose name reminds us of the 
 
 'EXfv7/0opoi}rrfc of Artemis of 
 Brauron. 
 
 * The diafiaarrlycjeng was pre- 
 ceded by the (pova^ip, y IttI rrjc 
 )(a>pac (Tto^acrKia tQv ^eX\6yT(t}v 
 /jLafTTiyovrrdaiy Hesychius. The 
 word (pova^tp appears to be de- 
 rived from (bova. Laconian for 
 <pva, and djtp or a^it, contracted 
 ifrom affKijo-ic. See App. V. § 4. 
 Comp. Hemsterhuis and Valck- 
 naer adAdoniaz.p. 217. There 
 were also other games at this 
 festival, Bocckh. Inscript. N°. 
 1416. £7rt A\K(Tnrov vtKafra^ to 
 TzatdiKov KtXTjTt ^Apre^iTi ^Opdi^f. 
 
 8 Plutarch. Arist. 17. 
 
 CH. 9, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 385 
 
 From this narration it follows that the scourging was 
 considered as a substitute for human sacrifice^ and 
 further, that the worship was looked upon as of a 
 oreign ongm : not,vithsta„ding this, it was completely 
 interwoven mto the Lacedemonian mythology For 
 It can be shown that the pretended daughter of Aga- 
 «on, Iphigenia, is no other than the Taurian i- " 
 dess who was actually worshipped in several cities of 
 Gr ce under the name of 'I<p,,.',.a. Considered as 
 a herome. mdeed, she became first, instead of the Rod- 
 dess th.rstmg for hmnan sacrifice, the virgin sacrificed 
 her ; and, secondly, her sacrificing priestess." Ac- 
 cordmg to the Cyprian poems (for' Homer knew 
 nofungof her) Iphigenia was sacrificed toArtenns- 
 but was by her brought to Tauria, and made immortal 
 a deer (or, accordmg to others, a bear, and also a bull) 
 havmg been left in her place ;' Hesiod also represented 
 her as immortal, viz., as Hecate." The sacrifice was 
 supposed to have taken place at Aulis, because there 
 was a temple (probably of the Orthosian Artemis) 
 near the port, to whom sacrifices were made at the 
 passage.^ ^ 
 
 This worship probably came to Laconia from Lem- 
 
 nos, one of its principal seats. In early tradition 
 
 i^mnos was probably identical with Tauria," and the 
 
 atter country derived its poetical name from the sym- 
 
 til / ^ ^.""' ''' '^' ''"^^ ^^^""^^ -^ Lyeia in later 
 times took Its name from the symbol of the wolf. In 
 
 / Procl. Chrestomath. ap. 
 Hephaest. Gaisford. 
 
 ' Ap. Etym. Mag. in Tavp6- 
 
 ^ Paus. I. 43. 1. 
 
 ^Theognis Paraen. 11. Di- 
 caearch. Anagr. 88. Plutarch. 
 Ages. 6. Etymol. Magn. p. 747. 
 
 Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Sie- 
 behs ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9. 
 
 " See the confused account 
 m Plutarch. Mulier. Virt 7 
 Quffist. Graec. 21. Polv«en VJT* 
 49. * * ' 
 
 " Orchomcnos, p. 311. 
 
 2c 
 
386 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Lemnos also a great goddess was anciently worsliipped 
 with sacrifices of virgins ; to which place the wooden 
 image is said to have been brought from Bram-on. 
 This opinion becomes more evident by a comparison 
 with the worship of Chiyse. Agamemnon is said to 
 have been the father of Chryse as well as of Iphi- 
 genia,** and also, according to others, of a son Chryses, 
 who went to Tauria with Orestes.^ Now it is certain 
 that Chryse was a goddess, who had from early times 
 been worshipped both at Lemnos and Samothrace. 
 The Argonauts under Hercules and Jason were said 
 to have sacrificed to her; and her ancient wooden 
 image, raised over an hearth of unhewn stones, is 
 often represented on ancient vases.'' Philoctetes is 
 said to have been bitten by the viper' when he dis- 
 covered this altar.* This goddess Chryse, who is also 
 called Athene, was probably only a different form of 
 her sister Iphigenia. 
 
 The worship of both these goddesses spread to other 
 places, to the north of the ^gean sea. Thus on the 
 coast of Byzantium there was an altar of Artemis 
 Orthosia ;* and opposite to it, at Chrysopolis, was the 
 tomb of Chryses, the son of Agamemnon, who, in his 
 search after Iphigenia, was said to have died there." 
 It is evident that this system of religious names was 
 arbitrarily transferred to the genealogy of the Lace- 
 
 ° Etym. Magn. p. 815. sq. 
 
 P Hygin. fab. 121. on the two 
 Chryses. 
 
 ^ Uhden, Berlin Transactions 
 for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Di- 
 verses Peintures, planche 51. 
 Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. 
 p. 512. Compare Buttmann ad 
 Sophocl. Philoct. ad Argum. 
 Metr. p. 57. 
 
 ' The subject of a picture 
 mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. 
 17. Dio Chrysost. Or. LIX. 
 p. 577. 21. 
 
 ^ Millingen ibid, planche 50. 
 
 * Herod. IV. 87. 
 
 " Etym. Magn. ubi sup. Dio- 
 nysius de Bosporo Thracio p. 
 22. ed. Hudson. Hesychius 
 Milesius de Constantinopoli. 
 
 M 
 
 CH. 9, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. ^ 
 
 d^monian kings and most curiously interwoven with 
 the Trojan mythology. The Greeks first became 
 acquainted with Tauria by their voyages to Miletus- 
 and they gave it a name already celebrated in their 
 mythology. They found there some sanguinary rites 
 of a goddess, which, by partly softening the name, 
 ^ey c^yOretloche ;^ they also found human sacri- 
 fices, which they supposed to be offered to Iphigenia -y 
 thexr own worship of that deity bore so mLy „.arks 
 of ancient barbarism, that they were willing to con- 
 sider the northern barbarians as its authors Yet it 
 IS certain that the Tauric Artemis was no* more de. 
 rived from the Taurians, than the Ethiopian Artemis 
 from the ^thiopians,^ &c. In Asia Minor ^ also 
 there were modes of worship, which the Greeks com- 
 pared with the rites of the Orthosian Artemis, of the 
 similarity of which we shall presently treat. 
 
 7. Hitherto we have merely collected the fabulous 
 narrations of the ancients, and attempted to show 
 their connexion ; we shall next speak of the cere- 
 
 Se's'srs ^^'""^'"^ ^^^ "^""'''"^ ""*' ^^^ ^"^^^'^ ^^ 
 
 In the first place we will treat of the meaning and 
 
 character of this truly mystical worship.^' We have 
 
 tonin'^rbtr?"?'-- ^'" ^^^^ atTeuthrania on the 
 
 ad^liai'v'H n.2r"Hr th^T' "^^T^"' '' ^^"^'^ ^' 
 sterhuis ad Poll IX 12 n QsT . JT'" f'^'"'^' ^^ ^""'^^'^ 
 y Herod IV lol r ""^ ^^' Pactolus, ibid. ; of Arte- 
 ScymnusChusv^Ss' sZS* ^ ^^H^ ^" ^ ^adocia. Pans. 
 v/l. p. 508. XII. p ^35 nTn C '^' ^^ '"^ '' ^^^''^^"^'^ ^' 
 nert>8^Geographie,^vor. IV p" frT' ^^'^?"^^^^^^• 
 279. (ed. 1820) • p- "• fc ^^^p^- ^y^- '^ 
 
 z <?PA Pon- /T ^,»,v A^avov, Plutarch de Fluv • 
 
 »A temple of Artemis Or- .ol^:^'ZJf,^ tT. 
 
 2c2 
 
388 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 a goddess adored with frantic and enthusiastic orgies, 
 certain signs of an elementary religion, as well as 
 with human sacrifices, which the character of the 
 Greeks endeavoured only to moderate and to ennoble \ 
 it appears to have originally resembled the Arcadian 
 worship of Callisto ; but that it acquired at Lemnos, 
 from the proximity of the Asiatic religion, a wilder 
 and more extravagant form, which it retained after its 
 return to Attica and Laconia. It cannot be a matter 
 of doubt that Artemis Tauropolus is nearly identical 
 with the Taurian goddess ; this name of the goddess 
 was estabhshed in Samos (where cakes of sesamy and 
 honey were oflfered to her on solemn festivals),'^ in the 
 neighbouring island of Icarus,^ and at Amphipolis.^ 
 The ceremonies were undoubtedly enthusiastic, as the 
 goddess herself was considered as striking the mind 
 with madness;^ and bloody, because the worship at 
 Aricia was considered like it.* 
 
 8. We are now to consider those temples of Artemis 
 which had a purely Asiatic, and not a Grecian origin, 
 and are wholly distinct, not only from the Doric, but 
 also from the Arcadian worship of Artemis. 
 
 teries in the Iphigenia, Eustra- 
 tius ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IIL I. 
 See above, § 4. 
 
 " Herod. III. 48. Steph. Byz. 
 in TavpoTvoXiov. She was also 
 there called KaTrpo^ayoc, Hesy- 
 chius in v. Compare Panofka 
 Res Samiorum, p. 63. 
 
 d Strnb. XIV. p. 639. Cal- 
 lim. Hymn. Dian. 187. The 
 Tauropolium in the island of 
 Icaria in the Persian bay (where 
 Apollo Tauropolus was also 
 worshipped) was probably not 
 established till after the time of 
 Alexander, iElian. N. A. U. 9. 
 Dionys. Perieg. 611. 
 
 •^ Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. 
 Also in the neighbourhood of 
 Magnesia on the Sipylus, Marm. 
 Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60. 
 
 f Sophocl. Aj. 174. 
 
 ^ See particularly Strab. V. 
 p. 239. She is represented on 
 coins sitting on an ox running, 
 which Apollodorus explained of 
 the periodic course of the god- 
 dess, with reference to the moon, 
 p. 402. ed. Heyne. Comp. Ety- 
 mol. M. in TavpoiroXov. Apos- 
 tolius XVIII. 23. See also 
 Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. 
 Dian. 174, 187. 
 
 CH. 9, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 389 
 
 The Ephesian Artemis was douhtless found by the 
 lonians, when they settled on that coast, as alrea^ly an 
 object of worship, in her temple,'' situated in a marshy 
 valley of the Cayster/ From some real or accidental 
 ^semblance in the attributes of the Munychian and 
 i^phesian ^^oddesses, they called the latter "Artemis-" 
 yet, wherever her worship spread, she was always dis- 
 tinguished by the additional title of " Ephesian '"^ 
 Every thing that is related of the worship of this deity 
 IS singular and foreign to the Greeks. Her constant 
 symbol is the bee, which is not otherwise attributed 
 to Artemis ; the other attributes, which adorned her 
 statues in later times, are too far-fetclied to admit of 
 any conclusion being drawn from them. The bee 
 however, appears originally to have been the symbol 
 of nourishment ;> the chief priest himself was called 
 a^enjv, or the king-bee : some of the other sacerdotal 
 names are of barbarous, and not Greek derivation - 
 Ihe gods, by whom this great goddess" wa^ sur- 
 rounded, must also have been of a peculiar description 
 It IS not probable that Latona was originaUy caUed 
 
 *; Concerning the situation of ' Apicnapxeiov of Artemis at FIi« 
 which see Locella ad Xenoph. PIutarch'^Qu^st S 47) 
 &-d'e p1; f^^^%%^^'-^ ' Of a ;^culiar chrracfJAlso 
 
 428 441 rh' '""; F- PP- ^''^ '^' ^^^"fi^^« of parsley 
 428-441. Choiseul Gouffier and salt at Datis in Ephesus 
 
 Voyage pittoresque, torn. I. p. Etym. Mag. in Aa Jc^ ' 
 
 » Herod n 10 Aw. • • "^ ^^^ ^^g^^^yziy so called as 
 
 sited tie so";/ the tlZ' I^. Tlso^ /^^ '^^ ^' .^?^P^-- 
 
 cordmg to CallimLhr g„ fZfof% "44 ' ZT' ""f^ 
 102. ed. Bentl. ^ ofPfK L 1^^ servants 
 
 named Aristarche (compare the "^.w.^n ' n v ^r. ^ 
 
 vv^v^mpaic mc TrfHoroUponrjy raus. X. 38. 3. 
 
390 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii; 
 
 her mother," as Apollo is never joined with her.^ 
 Her nurse appears to have been called Ammas.'^ 
 Hercules is said to have proclaimed her birth from 
 mount Ceryceum/ This Hercules may perhaps be 
 some native demigod, possibly one of the Idsean Dac- 
 tyli, whose names were, according to some, contained 
 in Ephesian incantations, which were inscribed at the 
 foot of her statues.' 
 
 9. Thus much concerns the character of this wor- 
 ship, which appears, like an isolated point, projecting 
 from a religious system, otherwise confined to the 
 western parts of Greece. 
 
 As to its origin, the unanimous tradition of antiquity 
 is that it was founded by the Amazons. This legend 
 had probably been mentioned in some of the ancient 
 epic poems before it was alluded to by Pindar ;* and 
 that it was also preserved on the spot appears from the 
 celebrated contest of Phidias, Polycleitus, and other 
 artists, to make statues of Amazons for the Ephesian 
 temple: lately also a sarcophagus was found near 
 
 ^ Latona is said to have given 
 birth to her at Corissus in the 
 Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in Kopio-- 
 
 P The union of Apollo of 
 Colophon, of the Ephesian Di- 
 ana, and of the Nemesis of 
 Smyrna on coins of these cities 
 in the time of the emperors is 
 only a mutual compliment. In 
 the speech of the Ephesians in 
 Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is 
 evidently much inaccuracy. The 
 'ATroXXwv ^Afiai^oyiog in Paus. 
 III. 25. 2. is a singular curi- 
 osity. 
 
 '1 'A)U/Liac, // Tf>6(l>og 'Aprc'/xt^oc, 
 KOI fi fJii^TTjp Kai ij *Pia Kai rj Arj- 
 
 jiiflTTjp, Hesychius. 
 
 ' Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. 
 Gudian. p. 320. 26. 
 
 ^ Sec Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 
 vol. II. p. 1166. 
 
 *Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. Fragm. 
 Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See 
 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. 
 Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. 
 in "E^ftroc. cf. in ll/(rvp/3a, 
 Kvyya. Etym. Mag. in "E^coroc. 
 Plutarch Quaest. Graec. 56. p. 
 407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. 
 223, 225. The contrary is 
 stated in Eusebius Chron. n. 
 870. 'AfjLai^oyec to iv 'E^«V<f» 
 \tpov tviirprfffay. 
 
 CH. 9, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 391 
 
 Ephesus representing the battle of the Amazons.** 
 The traditions respecting the foundation of the cities 
 of Smyrna, Cume, Myrlea, Myrina, ^olis, Priene, 
 Mytilene, and Pitane also make mention of the Ama- 
 zons.'^ With respect to the meaning of Amazons, it 
 has rightly (in my opinion) been supposed that the 
 idea of them wjis suggested by the sight of the innu- 
 merable female slaves (IspoSouXo/) who were employed 
 about the temples of Asia Minor.^ According to Cal- 
 hmaclms also the Amazons danced to the sound of the 
 pipe round the statue which had been newly raised on 
 the trunk of an elm-tree. It is also stated as an his- 
 torical fact, that, even in the times of the lonians, 
 women of the Amazon race dwelt round the temple ;" 
 although virgins only were permitted to enter the sanc- 
 tuary itself^ It appears therefore that the goddess 
 upon whom these Amazons attended, being represented 
 as a beneficent and nourishing deity, was likewise sup- 
 posed to have the attributes of war and destruction ; a 
 double and opposite character, which we have traced'in 
 other branches of the worship of Artemis. As to the 
 native country of the Amazons, who were supposed to 
 have founded this worship, it does not seem to have 
 been Phrygia, as they are stated in the Iliad to have 
 come from the east of tlie Sangarius, and to have 
 
 " Moses' Vases, plate 133. 
 
 *Hecat«eus ap. Steph. Byz. 
 in ^Ajiiai;. According to Hera- 
 clides Ponticus 33. their settle- 
 ments reached from Mycale to 
 Pitane, Diod. III. 55. from 
 Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus 
 ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII. 
 p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. 
 in 'Avaia of a place called Anaea 
 op])osite Samos, where an Ama- 
 
 zon of that name was buried. 
 The inhabitants were called 
 ^AyaiTai. Perhaps an Artemis 
 Anaitis was here worshipped. 
 
 y Proposed byToIken, Ueber 
 das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and 
 approved by Boeckh in Hirt 
 Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55. 
 
 ^Paus. VII. 2. 5. 
 
 ■^Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. 
 p. 431. 
 
392 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 fought with the Phiygians.^ The Syrians, however, 
 bordered on that people : and Pindar, who says that 
 the Amazons led the Syrian army,*" fully coincides with 
 those who fix their origin on the banks of the Ther- 
 modon, Chadesius and Lycastus along the coast of 
 Themiscyra.'^ The striking agreement of several 
 authors in this statement, and its singular precision, 
 render it of double importance. And what country 
 could have been more probably the native place of the 
 Ephesian Artemis, as well as of the warlike Hiero- 
 dulee, than Cappadocia ; where there were, in the his- 
 torical age, large numbers of sacred slaves, both male 
 and female ; where also there was an elementary re- 
 ligion, with frantic rites, and the principal divinity was 
 at the same time a Bellona and a Magna Mater ? 
 
 This same oriental worship had also been in other 
 places adopted by the Greeks of Asia Minor. Among 
 these are Leucophrt/ne, who was worshipped in 
 Phrygia, near a warm spring,^ and thence particularly 
 honoured along the banks of the Mseander in Magnesia; 
 and therefore also by Themistocles/ She was repre- 
 sented in the same form as the Ephesian goddess.^ Her 
 sacred animal was the buflfalo.^ The Artemis of Sipylus 
 was" worshipped with wanton games, from which she 
 
 ^11. III. 185. 
 
 *" Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. 
 fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. 
 Boeckh. 
 
 *^ ^schyl. Prometh. 723. 
 Pherecvdes ap. Schol. ApoU. 
 Rhod. il. 370. Herod. IV. 110. 
 Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus 
 
 three cities of the Amazons ; not 
 far off was Alcmonia (Acmonia 
 Steph. Byz), where Harmonia 
 produced the Amazons to Mars. 
 
 •^ Xenoph. Hell. HI. 2. 19. 
 
 *'Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. 
 Pans. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6. 
 
 ^ Heyne Antiquarische Auf- 
 
 Chius V. 229. Creuzer Vet. satze, vol. I. p. 109. Compare 
 
 Histor. Graec. p. 80. According Paciaudi Monum. Pelop. vol. 
 
 to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. Ccf. II. p. 13. 
 
 990.) there were in the tteUov ^ See the coins in Mionnct 
 
 AolavTOQ in Phrygia (in the torn. III. p. 137. 
 neighbourhootl of Thermodon) 
 
 CH. % § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 393 
 
 was also called at Olympia (according to Pausanias) 
 Cordaca.' The Pergcean Aitemis known all over 
 Ixreece by her itinerant priests,^ and of the same form 
 as tlie Artemis Leucophryne ;» with many others ™ It 
 was in the true spirit of this worship that the musician 
 Jimotheus called Artemis " the raging and foaming, 
 like a Bacchanalian ;- and the tragic poet Diom 
 in a beautiful though not a very accurate passage of 
 his Semele speaks of the Lydian and Bactrian vir Jins 
 who with soft strains worshipped theTmolian Artemis' 
 on tiie banks of the Halys.° 
 
 I have now endeavoured to give the reader a general 
 yi^w of the different branches and forms of the worship 
 ol Artemis ; in which some difficult and doubtful ques- 
 tions have of necessity been passed over : but I have 
 preferred rather to reckon on the acquiescence of the 
 reader m some uncertain propositions than to weary 
 Ills patience by a detailed examination of all the de- 
 batable points. 
 
 ' yi. 22. 1. The Sicilian 
 trreeks also celebrated to Ar- 
 temis the effeminate Ionian 
 dance. Polhix IV. 14, 104 
 
 llpi^y^^^i p. 39. Strab. XIV. 
 P^;^^^- Callim. Hymn. Dian. 
 i«7. Cicero in Verr. I. 20. 
 m. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, 
 Photius, &c. in mpyaia 6,6^. 
 Apostohus IX. 91. where for 
 Travayaia read Trepyaia. At 
 l^erge also the Syrian Adonis 
 
 ^?l r'^^^^PP^^ "»^er the name 
 ot Aboba. Hesychius in 'Afiiofia. 
 , Represented on coins as a 
 signum infomie. 
 
 ^ For example, Artemis K.v- 
 bvac^ of Bargyliae, Polyb. XVI. 
 12. 3; Artemis 'EcmiiQ of las- 
 
 BU8, ibid. ASTIA2 Inscript. 
 Chandler, p. 19. n. 57; the 
 goddess of upa Kwfirj at Thya- 
 teira, called 'Opt'insy Polyb 
 XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in 
 Walpole's Travels, p. 575; the 
 Mysian Artemis, Pans. III. 20. 
 8. cfCallim. Hymn. Dian. 116; 
 the Astyrene Artemis under 
 mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, 
 613; the Boritine Artemis of 
 Lydia, Eckhel Doct Num. vol. 
 III. p. 121; Artemis Adrastcia 
 in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocra- 
 tion in 'A^pdareia, &c. 
 
 ^vafTa^a^ Plut. de Superst. 9. p. 
 to, 
 
 ^ Athen. XIV. p. 636 A. 
 
394 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 si 
 
 § 1 . On the worship of deities other than Apollo and Artemis in 
 Doric states. Worship of Zeus and Here. § 2. Of Athene. 
 § 3 and 4. Of Demeter. § 5. Of Poseidon. § 6. Of Dionj^ 
 sus. § 7. Of Aphrodite, Hermes, Hephaestus, Ares, and 
 iEsculapius. § 8. Of the Charites, Eros, and the Dioscuri. 
 § 9. General character of the Doric religion. 
 
 1. Having considered the worship of those deities 
 which either wholly or partially owed their origin to the 
 Dorians, we must now, in order to complete our ac- 
 count of the religion of that race, point out the various 
 worships which they adopted from other nations. 
 
 This inquiry will be of value in two other respects 
 than the plain and immediate result to which it leads ; 
 viz., from the light it throws on the history of the 
 Doric colonies, and likewise on the Doric character, 
 upon which the mode of worship had a most powerful 
 influence. 
 
 But since the subject embraced in its full extent 
 would be almost endless (there being no part of ancient 
 history on which there are such ample accounts as on 
 the local worships), we must give up all attempt at 
 completeness, and rest satisfied with a narrower view. 
 
 To begin then with Zeus. It is remarkable that 
 there was no great establishment of the worship of this 
 god (except the Phrygian in Crete) in any Doric 
 country, but wherever it occurred was connected with 
 and subordinate to that of some other deity. The 
 worship at Olympia "" appears to have been established 
 
 * From this temple was de- 
 rived the Olympieum at Syra- 
 cuse (see above, book I. ch. 6. 
 
 § T), the priest of which, called 
 'A/jLipiiroXog, was the highest an- 
 nual officer, Thucyd. VH. 65, 
 
 CH. 10, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 395 
 
 by the Achseans, who in other places (e. g., at .Egium) 
 consecrated temples t» Zeus alone : the worship of 
 Zeus Hellanius at ^Egina was introduced by the Hel- 
 lenes of Thessaly. But the whole of Argolis and also 
 Connth were, from early times, under the protection 
 of Here, the character of whose worship resembled 
 tJiat of Zeus, although it was more pronounced. The 
 chief temple was twelve stadia from Mycenee, and forty 
 from Argos, beyond the district of Prosymna;^ its 
 service was perfonned by the most distinguished priest- 
 esses, and celebrated by the first festivals and games, 
 l>eing also one of the earliest nurseries of the art of 
 sculpture. It appears that Argos was tlie original 
 seat of the worship of Here, and that there it first re- 
 ceived its peculiar form and character : for the worship 
 of the Samian Here, as well as tliat at Sparta,'^ was 
 supposed to have been derived from Argos, which 
 statement is confirmed by the resemblance in the cere- 
 monies ; and the same is true of the worship of the 
 same goddess at Epidaurus,'^ iEgina, and Byzantium. 
 
 70. Diod. XVI. 70. Exc. Virt. 
 et Vit. p. 558. Cic. Verr. II. 
 51. 
 
 ^ Creuzer Symbolik, vol. II. 
 p. 575. "llpag UpoffVfjLyaiag 
 lepov, Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluv. 
 Strab. p. 573, is probably not 
 correct in distinguishing the 
 temple of Here at Prosymna 
 from the celebrated one. The 
 names Prosymna and Prosym- 
 nus also occur at Lerna and at 
 Gortyna in Arcadia. Inscrip- 
 tion of Gortyna in Boeckh N«. 
 1535, a irarpa tu)v Trpocrv/jiyaiwy 
 yiKofiaxny apKnodt^noQ ^^^ov- 
 Xnf^o.oay. 
 
 "" Pausanias III. 13. Sturz 
 Pherecydes, p. 79. See parti- 
 
 cularly Heyne ad II. A. 52. En- 
 rydice the daughter of Acrisius 
 was said to have built the temple. 
 To the statement of Pausanias 
 III. 15. 7. ^ovoLQ he 'EXXr/i/wv 
 AaKE^aifwyloig KadE(rrTjKey''Hpay 
 iiroyofia^Eiy aiyo(f>ayoy Kal al- 
 yag rrj Oe^ dveiy (compare 
 Hesych. in Aiyo^ayoc X^pa 
 iy IiTraprri with Welcker on 
 Schwenck's Etymologische An- 
 deutungen, p. 294.), it may be 
 objected that the same custom 
 prevailed in Corinth ; see Pho- 
 tius Lex. in ^ ^e m^ Ttjv fia- 
 Xatpay, p. 613. Zenob. Pro- 
 verb. I. 27. Diogen. Prov. 1. 52 
 •^Thucyd. V. '75. 
 
396 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 In the early mytliology of Argos her name constantly 
 occurs ; and the traditions concerning lo, so far as they 
 were native, are only fabulous expressions for the ideas 
 •and feelings excited by this religion. Thus also the 
 Corinthian fables of Medea refer to the indigenous 
 worship of Here Acrsea.^ Hence the Corinthians in- 
 troduced into their colony of Corcyra, together with 
 the religion of Here/ the mythology and worship of 
 Medea.^ The peculiarities of the worship of Hert^ 
 must partly be looked for in the symbolical traditions 
 respecting lo and Medea, and other mythological 
 personages of the same description, and partly in the 
 various rites of the Samian festival. It was doubtless 
 founded on some elementary religion, as may be 
 plainly seen from the tradition that Zeus had on mount 
 Thornax in southern Argolis seduced Here in the 
 shape of a cuckoo (whose song was considered in 
 Greece as the prognostic of fertile rains in the spring) . 
 The marriage with Zeus (called Ispos yoLi^og) is always 
 a prominent feature in the worship of Here ; she was 
 represented veiled, like a bride ; and was carried, like 
 a bride, on a car, with other similar allusions.^ At 
 Samos it was related that the statue of the goddess had 
 been once entirely covered with branches ; and this, as 
 it appears, was also represented at festivals.' The 
 Argive festival of Ai^spvct, i. e., of the " bed of twigs," 
 had the same meaning.^ 
 
 ®. See Orchomenos, p. 267. called her goddess. 
 
 ' The chief temple at Corcyra *' She was worshipped under 
 
 was that of Here, Thucyd. L the titles of ElXrjdvia and Ta- 
 
 24. IIL 75, 79. Also at Syra- /ii/Xj), Hesychius in ElXridvia^ 
 
 cuse, ^lian. V.H. VL 11, &c. Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1156. 
 
 8 Orchomenosy p. 297. The ^ Athen. XV. p. 672. 
 divinity of Medea there asserted ^ Hesychius in v. See also 
 
 is completely proved by the tes- Creuzer's Symbolik, whose 
 
 timony of Athenagoras Legat. chapter upon Here contains 
 
 p. 14. that Hesiod and Alcman much in the spirit of the an- 
 
 OH. 10, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 397 
 
 2. In Argolis also the worship of Athene was of 
 great antiquity, and enjoyed almost equal honours with 
 that of Here ; her temple was on the height of Larissa : 
 and doubtless she had the same character and origin 
 as the Athene Chalcioecus of Sparta.' Their names 
 were in both places nearly the same, as at Sparta she 
 was called 'OwriT^irisr and in Argolis 'O^uSipxrjg, the 
 quick-sighted;" and though in both places the names 
 were explained from historical events, it seems more 
 accurate to compare them with the title of Athene at 
 Athens and Sigeum, T7,aoxdhris, and others of the 
 same kind. At Argos a large part of the heroic 
 mythology is associated Avith the worship of Athene : 
 for Acrisius was fabled to have been buried in her 
 temple on the citadel ;° and since 'AxpU was a title of 
 the goddess herself,^ it appears to me that the name 
 'Axpla-tos may be satisfactorily explained in this man- 
 ner : especially as it is plain from an analysis of the 
 mythology of Acrisius, Perseus, and the Gorgons, that 
 it is entirely founded on symbols of Athene. Corinth 
 also had a part in these fables, as is clearly shown by 
 the figures of Pegasus, of the head of Medusa and 
 AtJiene herself upon the coins of this state and of its 
 
 colonies Leucadia, Anactorium, and Ampliilochian 
 
 Argos.*" 
 
 cient religion, and Weleker on i But with a particular re- 
 
 te™^?f- , . ference to Bellerophon. From 
 At Sparta there was also the Pegasus was derived the god- 
 Arcadian worship of Athene dessHippia, Find. Olymp. XIII 
 Alea, Xenopk Hell. Vr 5. 27. 97, whoL ^Itar was^chiefly re- 
 
 ■'Pausan.III. 18. 1. Plutarch markable for the rite of incu- 
 
 opfZ ii ;-T> ''=^™ from the Scholiast of 
 
 29. s.%ib r "'■ '■ o^'f'thi ''V'- "" rt- 
 
 V 'aJ„ 'Afl - ' -A of light. There was also the 
 
 Also H^r A f ""' "., AJ"- '*""'"? "f A*'="'= «t Syracuse. 
 Also Here, Artemis, and Aphro- Diod. de Virt. ct Vit. p. 549 
 
 dite, sec Hesych. in 'AKpia. ed. Wesseling. ^ 
 
398 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 There is also another branch of the worship of 
 Athene in the Doric states, viz., that which extended 
 from Lindus in Rhodes to Gela in Sicily, and from 
 thence to Agrigentum and Camarina/ In all these 
 places Athene was the protectress of the citadel and 
 the town, and was associated with Zeus Polieus (also 
 with Zeus Atabyrius.^) As to the ceremonies with 
 which she was honoured, we only know from Pindar 
 that at Rhodes they oflfered fireless sacrifices to her, 
 and that the ancient sculpture of Rhodes was con- 
 nected with her worship. That of Hierapytna in 
 Crete (the coins of which city have the Athenian 
 symbols of Athene) more resembled the Rhodian 
 worship, if what the envoys from Praesus stated at 
 Rhodes was correct, viz., that at Hierapytna the Cory- 
 bantes were called the offspring of the sun and of 
 Athene.* 
 
 3. Although the worship of these deities, and of 
 Here in particular, had probably been more prevalent 
 before than after the Doric invasion, the religion of 
 Demeter was still more depressed. This worship 
 was nearly extirpated by the Dorians, a fact which we 
 know from Herodotus, who, in speaking of some rites 
 of Demeter Thesmophoria which were supposed to 
 have been founded by the daughters of Danaus, states 
 that when the Peloponnesians were driven out by the 
 Dorians, these rites were discontinued, and were only 
 
 ' Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. 
 Plymp. II. 1. p. 123. V. 9. p. 
 148, and particularly Polyb. IX. 
 27. 7. with Timseus in Steph. 
 Byz. in 'Arafivpoy. The Athene 
 PoHas of Troezen was introduced 
 by the lonians, as the other 
 worships of that city show. 
 
 ^ She was always called " the 
 
 " Lindian" even in the city of 
 Rhodes, Meurs. Rhod. I. 6. 
 Compare Apostolius XVII. 17. 
 * Strabo X. pag. 472. wc ehv 
 Kopvl3avT£Q daifiOPtQ riveg, ^AOtj- 
 vdg Koi 'liXlov irdi^eg. This is 
 the proper way of pointing these 
 words. 
 
 CH. 10,§3. OF THE DORIANS. 399 
 
 kept up by those Peloponnesians who remained 
 behind, and by the Arcadians." Consequently we meet 
 with few traces of the worship of Demeter in the chief 
 cities of the Doric name/ Thus it appears tliat in 
 Argos the ceremonies in honour of this goddess were 
 on one side driven into the marshes of Lerna, and on 
 the other to the eastern extremity of the peninsula, in- 
 habited by the Dryopes. In the fonner of these two 
 places some mystical rites were long performed, and 
 in tlie latter the chief worship was that of the deities 
 of the earth and the infernal regions (xd6y,o, Beoi) 
 Some inscriptions found at Hermione, which besides 
 Demeter and Cora mention the name of Clymenus > 
 an epithet of Pluto, agree well with tlie beginning Jf 
 the hymn which Lasus the Hermionean addressed to 
 the deities of his native city : " I sing of Demeter 
 "and the Melibaan Cora, the wife of Clymenus 
 " sounding the deep-toned ^olic harmony of hymns." ' 
 And tliat the Hermioneans considered the temple of 
 the earthly Demeter (which was connected with the 
 entrance of the infernal regions supposed to be at Her- 
 mione) as the first in the city, is also evident from the 
 fact that the Asinaeans, expelled from Argolis and re- 
 sident in Messenia, sent sacrifices and sacred missions 
 from thence to their national goddess at Hermione." 
 In ancient times also a worship was prevalent at 
 
 °ii. ni. 
 
 ' The Messenians alone made 
 Demeter of Andania the chief 
 goddess of the state : see book 
 
 I. ch. 5. § 16. 
 
 y Boeckh Corp. Inscript. N"" 
 1197,1198,1199. Comp.Paus! 
 
 II. 35. 3. Perhaps the name of 
 Hermione also refers to the wor- 
 
 ship of the x^oViot dtol, see 
 Hesych. in 'Epfuopr). 
 
 ' Athen. XIV. pag. 624 E. 
 Compare the hymn of Philicus 
 of Corcyra, Ilephaest. p. 53. 
 ed. Gaisford. and the verses of 
 Aristocles ap. /Elian, de N. A. 
 XI. 4. 
 
 " Boeckh Inscript, N". 1 193 
 
400 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ir. 
 
 Argos which we will designate by the name of the 
 Triopian Demeter.^ All the fables concerning Triopas 
 and his son Erysichthon (from Ipxxrl^ri, robigo) belong 
 to an agricultural religion, which at the same time 
 refers to the infernal regions. The places where this 
 religion existed in ancient times are the Thessalian 
 plains of Dotium, Argos, and likewise Attica ;*' and 
 from the first-mentioned place it was transmitted to 
 the south-western coast of Asia Minor by an early 
 national connexion which is indicated in the account of 
 an ancient Pelasgic colony from Dotium to Cnidos, 
 Rhodes, and Syme;*^ and here it formed the basis 
 of the Triopian worship, on which were afterwards 
 founded the federative festivals of the six Doric cities. 
 In front of Triopium is the small island of Telos, 
 whence a single family joined the Lindian colony that 
 founded Gela in Sicily, and carried with it the sacra 
 Triopia. A member of this family named Telines 
 advanced this private worship of the infernal gods so 
 greatly that it was incorporated in the national re- 
 ligion, and he was appointed to administer it as Hiero- 
 phant ; it was from this person that Hiero the king of 
 Syracuse was descended.® 
 
 4. By this history of the colonial connexions, well 
 attested from without, and having great internal pro- 
 bability, we have ascertained the origin of one of the 
 branches of the worship of Demeter in Sicily. Another 
 
 ^ Pausan. II. 22. 2. Arifir)Tp6g 
 effTiy 'upoy £7riK\rj(Tiv UeXaayi^og 
 ttTTO Tov iBpvarafiiyov HeXaayov 
 Tov TpioTra. 
 
 ^ Hellanicus ap. Athen. X. 
 p. 416 A. et Steph. Byz. in v. 
 Tpio-moy, Callimachus Hymn. 
 
 Cer. 24. Inscript. Herod. At- 
 tici ; and compare the excellent 
 explanation of Boeckh ad Schol. 
 Find. Pyth. II. 27. pag. 315. 
 
 •^ See Orchomenos, p. 195. 
 
 « Herod. VII. 153. Schol. 
 Find, ubi sup. 
 
 CH. 10. § 4. OF THE DORFANS m 
 
 was probably introduced by the clan of the Em- 
 menidse/ which being originally of Theban origin 
 came into Sicily with the colony of Gela : for it was 
 probably owing to the traditions of this family alone 
 that Agrigentum, as weU as ancient Thebes was 
 called "a gift from Zeus to Persephone at their nup- 
 tial lestival."e 
 
 But from neither of these two sources can the cele- 
 brated worship of Demeter at Syracuse and its colony 
 tnna (which in the eyes both of the inhabitants and 
 of tlie Romans had made Sicily the native country of 
 Ceres) be derived, since it differed in certain respects 
 from botli tlie above-named worships.'' From its im- 
 portance we may infer that it was one of tlie most 
 ancient religions of Syracuse, and established at the 
 first foundation of that town ; and since of these some 
 came from Olympia,' but the larger part from Corinth, 
 and there is no reason for supposing tliat it \vas de- 
 rived from the former place, it must have been brought 
 over from the parent state. Now it is true that there 
 was at Corinth a temple of Demeter and Cora, the 
 priestesses of which also prophesied l)y means of 
 dreams ;" but the worship of those goddesses was there 
 
 ' Orchomenos, p. 337. 
 
 » Ibid. pag. 257. afterwards 
 extended over the whole of 
 Sicily. Boeckh Explic. Find 
 Olymp. II. p. 123. Koprjg ^aph 
 SufAtwratc Otoyo/xm Kal 'A vdea- 
 (popia, Pollux I. 37. The Qw 
 yri/ita were probably connected 
 with the festival aiaKaXvirHipia 
 (Schol. rec. ad Olymp. VI. 160), 
 and this festival was derived 
 from Thebes. Cyzicus also, 
 founded by Tyrrhenian Pelasgi 
 (from Boeotia), was considered 
 Jis an i^npoUioy of Zeus for 
 
 Proserpine, Appian. Bell. Mi- 
 thridat. 75. comp. Steph. Byz. 
 in v. Biaj^iKOQ. 
 
 '' A festival Qe(rf.to(l>6pia at 
 Syracuse (Athen. XIV. p. 647 
 A. Oe(rfio(p6pu)y Ttfieyog^ Plu- 
 tarch Dio 56. a month Thesmo- 
 phorius, see Castelli), Kovpeia 
 Plutarch ubi sup. comp. Diod. 
 V. 4. sqq. 
 
 • See book I. ch. 6. § 7. and 
 above, § 1. 
 
 ^ Plut. Timoleon 8. Diod. 
 XVI. 66. Demeter eiroiKL^itf in 
 Corinth according to Hesychius 
 
 2d 
 
402 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 of far less importance than in Sicily, where its pre- 
 ponderance may perhaps be accounted for by the fer- 
 tility of the soil, which enabled it to produce wheat, 
 while the Greeks had in their own country been ac- 
 customed to eat barley, and therefore stimulated the 
 colonists to be especially thankful to the goddess of 
 corn. When, however, it is remembered that Megara 
 also had a large share in the colonising of Syracuse, it 
 will hardly be doubted that this state was the real 
 source from which the worship in question originated, 
 since Demeter was there an ancient national deity, and 
 was not disturbed in her sanctuary on the citadel of 
 Caria even by the Doric invaders.^ 
 
 In Laconia also the worship of Demeter had been 
 preserved from ancient times, although it could not 
 have been much respected by the Dorians in Sparta. 
 For the Eleusinia of that country were cliiefly cele- 
 brated by the inhabitants of the ancient town of 
 Helos, who on certain days carried a wooden statue 
 of Cora to the Eleusinium on the heights of 
 Taygetus."" The Lacedsemonians had also adopted 
 the worship of Demeter under the title of ;^9oj//a, or 
 earthly, from the Hermioneans, some of whose kins- 
 men had settled in Messenia." 
 
 5. Poseidon was not originally a god of the 
 Doric race, but was suited rather to the character of 
 
 ^ Pausan. The mystical wor- 
 ship of Damia and Auxesia at 
 Epidaurus and Troezen was also 
 connected with that of Demeter, 
 as the manuscript Scholiast ap. 
 Mitscherlisch ad Hymn, in Ce- 
 rer. 122. declares. But Ar/;u/- 
 Tr]p 'Ai^r)(Tia (Sophocl. ap. He- 
 sych. in v. comp. Valcken. Ado- 
 niaz. p. 292) and ArjfiiiTrjp 'A- 
 
 /itt/a (Suidas in v.) must not be 
 confounded with those god- 
 desses. 
 
 ™ Pausan. III. 20. 5. 6. com- 
 pare Hesychius, 'EXcvtrtVia nywy 
 dvfieXiKOQ ayofisvog Aii/iriTpi ira- 
 pa AaKioai. 
 
 ° III. 14. 5. Compare He- 
 sychius in 'ETTtTToXXa and 'Eti- 
 Kprjiai. 
 
 c". 10,§6. OF THE DORIANS. 403 
 
 the lonians, who, from dwelling near the sea, had ac- 
 quired a love for foreign communication and a great 
 spirit of enterprise. We therefore find it only in a 
 iew places, for example, at T^narum« (whence it was 
 carried to Tarentum), at Cyrene,P in ^gina,<i and 
 particularly on the Corinthian isthmus ; also at Troe- 
 zen and Calauria, which places (as has been already 
 shown) were among the ancient settlements of the 
 lonians on the Saronic gulf,^ to which the legends 
 concerning Theseus chiefly refer.' From Trcezen the 
 worship of Poseidon was transmitted to Posidonia in 
 Magna Graecia, and also to Halicarnassus, chiefly bv 
 the family of the Antheadse. 
 
 6. The worship of Dionysus did not enjoy equal 
 honours among aU the Dorians. It had indeed pene- 
 trated as far as Sparta, where it had driven even the 
 l^acedscmonian women to phresny ;^ and the Delphic 
 oracle itself had ordered the institution of a race of 
 i3acchanalian virgins.'^ But nothing is known of any 
 sumptuous or regular ceremonies in honour of Diony. 
 sus ; and we might indeed have supposed a priori that 
 the austere and rigid notions of the Spartans would 
 have been very averse to that deity. The same is 
 probably true of Argos, which had for a long time 
 whoUy abstained from the worship of Dionysus, but 
 
 ^ The priests were probably 
 called Taivapiaral, see Hesych. 
 in V. TaivapiaQ. 
 
 P 'A^0£/3aIoe,i.e. 'Afji(f>i—a7oc 
 Boeckh Explic. Find. Pyth. iv! 
 p. 268. also HeWayioc accord- 
 ing to Hesychius. 
 
 *» ^ginetica, p. 148. and see 
 Plat. Sympos. IX. 6. p. 410. 
 
 ' Hence also the sacred month 
 Oeraestius at Trcezen (A then. 
 Al\. p. 639), which points to 
 
 Euboea. 
 
 ^ See above, ch. 3. § 2. on 
 the ancient difference between 
 the Isthmian and Olympic 
 games. 
 
 ' mmn V. H. III. 42. Schol. 
 Anstoph. Av. 963. Pac. 1071. 
 
 " Pausan. III. 13. 4. Here, 
 too, as well as at Athens, there 
 was AiopvffoQ IV Ai^vaiQ, Strab. 
 VIII. p. 363. See above, ch. 9. 
 S 3. concerning the Dymsnee. 
 
 2 d2 
 
 
 m 
 

 404 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 afterwards dedicated to him a festival called rvp^rj 
 {turbo). ^ The conduct of Corinth and Sicyon was 
 in this respect altogether different. The former city 
 had received from Phlius^ the worship of this god 
 under the title of ^ax^sTog, i. e., " eocciting to 
 phrensy ;'* and also under that of Xuo-/o^, the " ap- 
 peasing" or '' soothing''* from Thebes, whence it 
 was said to have come at the time of the Doric inva- 
 sion/ and where it was celebrated with festivals, of 
 which we have very ample accounts.* In early times 
 some rude beginnings of tragedy had been formed 
 from the dithyrambic choruses^ there performed, as 
 the tradition of Epigenes informs us ; though these 
 were not regular dramas ; there were likewise the 
 trasric choruses transferred from Bacchus to some of 
 the heroes, and Adrastus had been made the subject 
 of these songs before the tyranny of Cleisthenes.'' 
 The worship of this god had also produced a native 
 kind of comic and ludicrous entertainment, the Phal- 
 lophori.'^ In the neighbouring city of Corinth, the 
 same worship, with its musical and poetical accom- 
 paniments, prevailed ;^ and it was in this town that. 
 
 CH. 10, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 405 
 
 * Pausan. II. 23, 24. 37. 
 Compare Hesychius in 'Yap- 
 
 y See above, book I. ch. 5. 
 § 3. Phlius, on account of this 
 worship, was the birthplace of 
 the (xarvpiKot Troirjrai Aristeas 
 and Pratinas. 
 
 * Pausan. II. 7. 6. Also Ato- 
 vvffog \oipo\pa\r)£ in that town, 
 Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 25. 
 
 * Concerning the crown mjc^a 
 see Athen. XV. p. 678. Com- 
 pare Hesychius in diaK-)(a and 
 
 ** The celebration of which 
 
 appears to be referred to in the 
 ancient epigram in Athen. XIV. 
 p. 629 A. 
 
 <^ Herod. V. 67. The word 
 cnri^tJKE proves that the tragic 
 choruses were originally cele- 
 brated to Bacchus. Perhaps 
 the Adrastea were engrafted 
 upon the Dionvsia. 
 
 'i Athen. XIV. p. 621, 622. 
 It is to these that the Epigr. 
 Onestae 2. refers. Comp. Her- 
 mann ad Aristot. Poet. 3. p. 104. 
 
 ® Worshipped under the titles 
 of BaKx^iog and Avaiog in that 
 town, Pausan. II. 2. 5. 
 
 according to Pindar,^ the dithyramb was first esta- 
 Wished, although indeed under the direction of a 
 foreigner (Arion). In the Doric colonies of Magna 
 Oreecia this worship preserved the same character of 
 irregularity and excess ; the whole town of Tarentum 
 was (as Plato says) drunk at the festival of Bacchus. 
 The painted vases give a perfect representation of the 
 antics and masques of this ancient carnival. 
 
 7. In Corinth, however, and Sicyon, the worship 
 of Aphrodite as well as of Dionysus was established. 
 It seems probable that the worship of that deity had 
 indeed a native origin in Greece, but that it had been 
 extended and modified by Phoenician settlers in some 
 of the maritime towns. The institution of the " hos- 
 pitable damsels,"^ whom the goddess their mistress 
 herself ordered to be at the disposal of strangers,'' 
 was undoubtedly of Asiatic origin, and unknown to 
 the ancient Greeks.* Sicyon, however, appears to 
 have derived the worship of these two deities from 
 Corinth, the coins of which city generally have a dove,'' 
 and frequently also a head of Aphrodite of ancient 
 workmanship ; and the native poetess Praxilla (452 
 B.C.) addressed Aphrodite as the mother of Dio- 
 nysus,^ and sang of the joys and woes of the Phoe- 
 
 ^Olymp. XIII. 18. and see 
 Boeckh*s Explic. 
 
 s TToXv^evoi veapi^eg, Pindar 
 Schol. Fragm. 1. 
 
 Pindar ibid. Concerning the 
 iepo^ovXoi see Hirt Ueher die 
 Hierodulen and others. I only 
 add that some of them were 
 called KaToxXiKTroi^ i. e., shut 
 up in single cells (Hesychius in 
 V.) ; but the reason of this name 
 
 is not evident. 
 
 * Aphrodite Ev^wtrw (Hesych. 
 in V.) and Aphrodite BaiQriQ 
 (ibid.) at Syracuse came from 
 Corinth ; see Clem. Alex. p. 25. 
 
 ^ That is, on those which are 
 falsely ascribed to the Siphnians 
 and Seriphians (2E or 21), but 
 are found in great numbers in 
 the district of Sicyon, 
 
 ^ Hesych. in BaKxov Aiutyr)^^ 
 
406 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 nician Adonis."* While again the Dorians of these 
 maritime cities had a certain susceptibility, flexible- 
 ness, and softness of character, the very contrary of all 
 these qualities distinguished the Spartans. For al- 
 though that state came into connexion with a Phoe- 
 nician establishment of the worship of Aphrodite in 
 the island of Cythera, they transformed it while they 
 adopted it, and had their own armed Aphrodite, and the 
 chained and veiled goddess of marriage." From the 
 same island also they received the god Adonis under 
 the name of Ciris.'' Aphrodite, however, enjoyed 
 greater honours in the Spartan colony of Cnidos, 
 whence she went to Halicarnassus under the title of 
 Acrsea, and from thence to the mother city Troezen.^ 
 The worship of Aphrodite at Selinus in the west of 
 Sicily** was doubtless derived from the neighbouring 
 town of Eryx, and was consequently also Phoenician ; 
 and the temple was probably one of the wealthiest of 
 that once flourishing city.'' 
 
 The worship of Hermes does not appear to have 
 prevailed in any Doric state ; in one respect he was 
 superseded by Apollo Agyieus. The same may nearly 
 be said of HEPHiESTUS and Ares, the latter of whom 
 
 ° Zenob. Prov. IV. 21. Dio- 
 gen. V. 21. 
 
 °Pausan. III. 15. 8. III. 23. 
 1. Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253. 
 Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 449. She 
 was, however, also represented 
 armed at Corinth, Pausan. II. 
 
 4.7. 
 
 ^ Hesychius in v. According 
 to the great etymologist Klppig 
 is merely Cyprian. Compare 
 Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. I. 3. 
 
 P Pausan. II. 32. 6. and con- 
 cerning the Troezenian worship 
 
 of Aphrodite see Valckenaer ad 
 Euripid. Hippolyt. 32. Con- 
 cerning the sacrifices of a sow 
 to Aphrodite in Argos at the 
 virrfipia see Athen. III. p. 96 
 A. Callimach. Fragm. 102 ed. 
 Bentl. Aphrodite was worship- 
 ped there with the title YlepiPa- 
 (Tiri, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 
 24. ed. Sylburg. 
 
 ^ See Timeeus apud Zenob. 
 Prov. I. 31. 
 
 ' Thuc. VI. 20. 
 
 CH. 10, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 407 
 
 was worshipped by the Spartans under the names of 
 Theritas and Enyalius. Of the worship of iEscu- 
 LAPius it has been already « mentioned tliat it was de- 
 rived to Cos, Cnidos, and Rhodes, from Epidaurus, 
 which state again had in ancient times received it 
 through the Phlegyans from Tricca.* From Epidau- 
 rus, according to Pausanias," also came the worship 
 of Sicyon, and the Cyrenoean at Balagrse,'' with which, 
 as at Cos, an ancient school of physicians was con- 
 nected.y 
 
 8. We will just notice the worship of the Cha- • 
 RITES established in Crete and Sparta; first, as a 
 fresh proof of the early religious connexion between 
 those two countries,^ and as a sign of that hilarity and 
 gladness which was the most beautiful feature of the 
 religion of the Greeks. These goddesses were at 
 Sparta called Cleta and Phaenna ; their temple was 
 on the road from the city to Amyclae, on the river 
 Tiasa.* Allied to this was the worship of Eros, as 
 practised by the Cretans and Spartans, with whom, 
 before every battle, the most beautiful men assembled 
 and sacrificed to that god :^ not as the great uniter of 
 heaven and earth, but as awaking mutual esteem and 
 affection, which produce that fear of the disapproba- 
 tion of friends which is the noblest source of valour.^ 
 
 The most obscure, perhaps, of all the branches of 
 rehgion whose origin we have to investigate is the 
 
 'Book I. ch. 6. § 1. 
 
 * Orchomenos, p. 199. 
 " Pausan. II. 10. 3. 
 
 * Paus. II. 26. 7. Tacit. An- 
 nal. XIV. 18. comp. Callimach. 
 Epigr. 58. 
 
 y Compare the somewhat dif- 
 ferent opinion of Boeckh Expl. 
 Find. p. 288. 
 
 ^ See Heyne ad Apollod. III. 
 15. 7. 
 
 ; Paus. HI. 18. 4. ib. 9.35. 
 
 ** Athen. XIII. p. 361. 
 
 " In an inscription found at 
 Sparta Eleutheria, Poseidcea, 
 and Erotidaea occur as festivals, 
 Corp. Inscript. 1430. and see 
 Boeckh's note. 
 
408 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 worship of the Dioscuri, or the sons of Zeus. It 
 appears probable that it had a double source, viz., the 
 heroic honours of the human Tyndaridae, and the 
 ancient Peloponnesian worship of the great gods or 
 Cabiri ; and in process of time the attributes of the 
 latter seem by poetry and tradition to have been trans- 
 ferred to the former, viz., the name of the sons of 
 Zeus, the birth from an egg, and the egg-shaped caps, 
 the alternation of life and death, the dominion over 
 the winds and the waves. As belonging to their 
 worship at Sparta I may mention the ancient images 
 called hoKOLVcty two upright beams with two others laid 
 across them transversely f the custom in military ex- 
 peditions of taking either one or both of the statues 
 of the Dioscuri according as one or both kings went 
 with the army ;® which places the Tyndaridse in the 
 light of gods of war ; and the belief that they often 
 appeared as assistants in time of need, or even merely 
 as friendly guests,^ which distinguishes them from most 
 other heroes. Upon the whole we know that the Do- 
 rians found the worship and mythology of the Tynda- 
 ridse established at Amyclse, Therapne, Pephnos, and 
 other places ; and they adopted it, without caring to 
 preseiTe its original form and meaning ; rather, in- 
 
 CH. 10, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 409 
 
 ^ Plutarch de Amore Pat. I. 
 p. 36. comp. Zoega de Obeliscis, 
 p. 225. above, p. 103. note ^. 
 In Argos there were ancient 
 figures of the AioffKovpoi by Di- 
 poenus and Scyllis, Paus. Clem. 
 Alex. Protrept. p. 31 A. 
 
 ® As £Tr ikXtjtoi in Herod. V. 
 35. so likewise the Lacedaemo- 
 nians probably sent the statues 
 of the Tyndaridse {ol enl Sayp^) 
 to the assistance of the Dorians, 
 as the ^ginetans sent the ^a- 
 
 cidae to Salamis, iEginetica, p. 
 163. The KaoTwp Mi^ap-)(aye- 
 rag of the Argives (Plutarch 
 Qusest. Gr. 23. p. 393.) is very 
 obscure. 
 
 ^ So among the Spartans 
 Phormion, Paus. III. 16. 3. at 
 the house of an Azanian of Pa- 
 gupolis, Herod. VI. 127. Hence 
 also the Oeo^evia of the Aiocr- 
 Kovpot at Agrigentum, Boeckh 
 Expl. Pind. Olymp. III. p. 135. 
 
 deed, attempting to give to the worship of the sons of 
 Tyndareus a military md political reierence, 
 
 9. Before we proceed to consider the heroic mytho- 
 logy of the Dorians, which is chiefly confined to Her- 
 cules, we will first attempt to sketch the principal 
 features of the religious character of the Dorians, as 
 seen in the several worships already enumerated. 
 Both in the development of modes of religion peculiar 
 to that race, and in the adoption and alteration of 
 those of other nations, an ideal tendency may be per- 
 ceived, which considered the deity not so much in 
 reference to the works or objects of nature, as of the 
 actions and thoughts of men. Consequently their 
 rehgion had httle of mysticism, which belongs rather 
 to elementary worships ; but the gods assume a more 
 human and heroic form, although not so much as 
 in the epic poetry. Hence the piety of the Doric 
 race liad a peculiarly energetic character, as their no- 
 tions of the gods were clear, distinct, and personal ; 
 and it was probably connected with a certain degree of 
 cheerfulness and confidence, equally removed from the 
 exuberance of enthusiasm and the gloominess of su- 
 perstition. Funeral ceremonies and festivals with 
 violent lamentations, as well as enthusiastic orgies, 
 were not suited to the character of the Dorians ; al- 
 though their reverence for antiquity often induced 
 them to adopt such rites when already established. 
 On the other hand, we see displayed in their festivals 
 and religious usages a brightness and hilarity, which 
 made them think that the most pleasing sacrifice 
 wliich they could offer to their gods was to rejoice in 
 their sight, and use the various methods which the 
 arts afforded them of expressing their joy. With all 
 this, their ^vorship bears the stamp of the greatest 
 
 { 
 
410 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 simplicity, and at the same time of warmth of heart. 
 The Spartans prayed the gods " to give them what 
 "was honourable and good;"^ and although they did 
 not lead out any splendid processions, and were even 
 accused of offering scanty sacrifices, still Zeus Amnion 
 declared that the "calm solemnity of the prayers of 
 " the Spartans was dearer to him than all the sacri- 
 " fices of the Greeks."^ They likewise showed the 
 most faithful adherence to the usages handed down to 
 them from their ancestors, and hence they were little 
 inclined to the adoption of foreign ceremonies ;' al- 
 though in commercial towns, as, for instance, at Co- 
 rinth, such rites were willingly admitted, from a regard 
 for strangers of other races and nations.^ 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 § 1. Legends respecting Hercules in the earliest settlements of 
 the Dorians. § 2. Servitude of Hercules. § 3. Legends re- 
 specting Hercules in the second settlements of the Dorians. 
 § 4. Legends respecting Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Phidippus. 
 § 5. Legend of Geryoneus. § 6. Legends respecting Hercules 
 in the neighbourhood of Thermopylae. § 7, 8, and 9. Boe- 
 otian legends respecting Hercules. § 10. Attic legends respect- 
 ing Hercules. 
 
 L In the following attempt to unravel the com- 
 plicated mythology of Hercules, we will begin with 
 
 g Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. II. p. 
 148. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253. 
 
 ^ Plat, ubi sup. cf. Plutarch. 
 Lycurg. 19. Compare the cor- 
 responding expression of the 
 Delphian oracle, Porphyr. de 
 Abstin. II. 15. 
 
 ^ The worship of Ammon 
 
 makes an exception, which was 
 brought into repute in Sparta 
 by Ly Sander, OrchomenoSf p. 
 359. 
 
 ^ Hence the Thracian Co- 
 tytto, Eupolis ap. Hesych. Suid. 
 in Oiaaojrrjc;^ KoVvc. 
 
 <-H. 11,§1. OF THE DORIANS 411 
 
 those fables in which this hero appears evidently as the 
 progenitor of the Doric Heraclidee,'^ as representative 
 of the heroes of the Hyllean tribe, the highest order in 
 the Doric nation. 
 
 We will first direct our attention to the locality de- 
 scribed in the beginning of the first book, the ancient 
 country of the Dorians in the most mountainous part 
 of Thessaly, where this nation was continually at enmity 
 with its immediate neighbours, the Lapithge. In this 
 war Hercules appears as the hero of the Hyllean tribe, 
 according to the epic poem iEgimius, and gained for 
 them a third part of the conquered territory. With 
 this contest is, as it appears, also connected the cele- 
 brated conquest of CEchalia, the subject of an epic 
 poem called Ol^i^aTilag ay^wa-ig, which was ascribed to 
 Homer or Creophylus.*^ In this poem it was related 
 how Eurytus of OSchalia, the skilful archer, who was 
 said to have surpassed Hercules himself in this mode 
 of fighting, and who dared to engage with Apollo,*^ 
 promised his daughter lole as a prize to the person 
 who should excel himself and his sons in archery ; but 
 Hercules having accepted the challenge, Eurytus 
 refused to perform his engagement : upon which Her- 
 cules collected an army, conquered (Echalia, killed 
 Eurytus and his sons, carried away lole prisoner, and 
 gave her in marriage to his son Hyllus.'^ 
 
 HpaKXiJQ yerap-^^ac in a 
 Spartan inscription, Boeckh, 
 N°. 1446. 
 
 ^ See Bentley Epistol. ad 
 Mill. p. 503. Jacobs Animadv. 
 ad Anthol. Gr. vol. I. 2. p. 286. 
 Weichert Ueber Apollonios, p. 
 246. The poem is called a 
 'HpatcXfia in Paus. IV. 2. 2. 
 
 ^ Od. VIM. 228. Thcocrit. 
 
 XXIV. 105. Apollod. II. 4. 9. 
 cf. 11.4. 11. 
 
 *^ The subject of the poem, the 
 misfortunes of lole, is given in 
 general by Callimachus Epig. 
 (Strab. XIV. p. 638). The de- 
 tail is given by Apollod orus II. 
 6. 1. II. 7. 7, who agrees with 
 Herodotup ap. Schol. Eurip. 
 Hipp. 550. where likewise the 
 
 I 
 
412 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii 
 
 The situation of this "well-fortified"* CEchalia is 
 an ancient subject of controversy. There were three 
 places of this name ; one on the banks of the Peneus 
 in Thessaly, in the ancient country of the Lapithse, 
 between Pelinna to the east and Tricca to the west, 
 not far from Ithome : ^ another in the island of Euboea, 
 in the district of Eretria.*^ The third was a town in 
 Messenia, which in latter times was called Carnasium, 
 upon the boundary of Arcadia ;^ in which region there 
 was also a town named Ithome ; and, as it is stated, 
 another named Tricca ; so that we must suppose that 
 there was some early connexion between the inhabi- 
 tants of this district and the tribes near the Peneus. 
 Now it may be presumed that each of these (Echalias 
 was considered by the respective inhabitants as the 
 celebrated town of the great Eurytus ; whence among 
 the early poets there was a diflference of statement on 
 the subject. For the Messenian CEchalia is called the 
 city of Eurytus in the Homeric catalogue,' and in the 
 Odyssey,'' which statement was follow^ed by Phere- 
 cydes ;' the Eubcean city was selected by the writer 
 
 Qr}j3ai(DV Trapado^a of Lysima- 2. 2. Strabo X. p. 448. 
 
 chus are cited, Soph. Trach. ^ Hence Pherecydes ap. 
 
 205. Schol. ad v. 358. which Schol. Soph. Trach. 354. places 
 
 follow Pherecydes and Mene- it in Arcadia, Ip QovXr} 'Apica- 
 
 crates, Diod. IV. 31, 37. Schol. ^mc, perhaps ev 60MHI, i. e. 
 
 II. V. 392. where for Botwrtac 'I0w/x?/. Demetrius of Scepsis in 
 
 write Ei;/3omc. comp. Scythinus Strabo VIII. p. 339. identifies 
 
 ap. Athen. XI. p. 461 F. Hy- CEchalia and Andamia, cf. X. 
 
 ginus Fab. 29, 35. Plutarch de p. 448. Strabo in this passage 
 
 Def. Orac. 13. p. 322. The also mentions an CEchalia in 
 
 names of lole's relations vary. Trachinia, and another in 
 
 See Hesiod ap. Schol. Trach. iEtolia, comp. Eustath. ad II. 
 
 266. as emended by Bentley, p. 298. ed. Rom. 
 
 Creophylus cited by Bentley and * II. 594. 
 
 Diod. ubi sup. ^ XXI. 13. 
 
 « Soph. Trach. 354, 858. ^ Ubi sup. Pausanias like- 
 
 c«)mp. Hermann ad v. 326. wise follows the local tradition, 
 
 ' Book I. ch. 1. § 4. IV. 33. 5. cf. 27. 4. 
 
 ^ Hecatacus ap. Pans. IV. 
 
 CH. 11, § I. OF THE DORIANS. 413 
 
 of the poem called the Taking of (Echalia ; » as also 
 prohahly in the ^gimius," and aftenvards by Heca- 
 taeus of Miletus ; « the Thessalian, in another passage 
 in the catalogue of the ships, apparently of consider- 
 able antiquity.P Since, then, this question cannot be 
 settled by authority, we can only infer (but with great 
 probability) from the connexion of tlie traditions that 
 the last-mentioned (Echalia was the city of the original 
 fable. The contest for this city is evidently closely 
 connected with the war with the Lapithee ; Eurytus, 
 as well as the Lapithae, was hated by Apollo. If 
 GGchalia is placed on the banks of the Peneus, the 
 conquest of it naturally falls in witli the other tradition ; 
 if not, it stands isolated and unconnected. Again ; 
 Hercules, according to all traditions, conquers lole for 
 his son Hyllus ; now Hyllus never occurs in mythology 
 except in connexion with the Dorians ; consequently 
 the place of the battle must be looked for in the vicinity 
 of the Doric territory. 
 
 Even before the time of this war (according to the 
 common narration) Hercules had embroiled liimself 
 with the (Echalians by killing Iphitus, the son of 
 Eurytus, who demanded of him the restitution of some 
 plundered cattle or horses. In the common version 
 of this story, Peloponnesus was the scene of the en- 
 counter ; for Hercules is said to have hurled him from 
 the walls of Tiryns.'^ But to expiate this murder, and 
 
 m 
 
 Schol. Soph, uhi sup. 
 
 "Bookl.ch. 1. §8. 
 
 ° Ubi sup. Also Scythinus, 
 Sophocles and ApoUodorus ubi 
 sup. According to Schol. Apoll. 
 Rh. I. 87. and Schol. Ven. ad 
 Catal. 103. the I'ewrtpot in ge- 
 neral. Probably all these placed 
 this exploit after the adventures 
 
 in Trachinia, and immediately 
 before his death, cf. Tzetz. ad 
 Lycoph. 50. 
 
 V II. B. 730. comp. Steph. 
 Byz. in Oi'xaXm. Eustath. ad 
 II. p. 330. ad Od. p. 1899. ed. 
 Rom. and see the local tradition 
 in Paus. IV. 2. 2. 
 
 *» Odyss. and Pherecyd. ubi 
 
414 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 the violation of the rights of hospitality, Hercules be- 
 came a slave ; and, in order to release himself from the 
 guilt, he was compelled to pay to the father of Iphitus 
 his own ransom. 
 
 2. The meaning of this servitude cannot be rightly 
 explained without observing the remarkable coincidence 
 between some parts of the mythology of Hercules and 
 Apollo, which we will here shortly elucidate. As 
 Eurytus is represented sometimes as killed by Apollo, 
 sometimes by Hercules, so in the poem of the Shield 
 of Hercules' this hero punishes Cycnus for profaning 
 the Pagassean temple ; thus, in another tradition, he 
 slays Phylas and Laogoras, princes of the Dryopes, for 
 violating the shrine of Delphi and other temples ; * and 
 consecrates the whole nation to the Pythian Apollo.* 
 Nor do I believe that Euripides invented the fable of 
 the restoration of Alcestis, and the contest between 
 Hercules and death." It is also perhaps fair to infer, 
 from the legends of epic poets, in which Hercules is 
 represented as a hero in brazen armour, who defended 
 the sacred roads with his sword, and overthrew the 
 violent sons of Ares that waylaid the sacrificial pro- 
 cessions in the narrow passes and defiles, that in ancient 
 fables he was considered not only as the defender of the 
 Doric race, but also of the Doric worship. 
 
 We may now proceed to consider the sale and ser- 
 vitude of Hercules ; a point of primary importance in 
 
 sup. cf. Soph. Trach. 38. The 
 Odyssey has, however, quite a 
 different story ; viz., that the 
 ^XjL^xM^ death of Ipfeitos (which was, 
 moreover, a peaceable death, 
 ty ^w/itto-ti/, XXI. 33. but in- 
 flicted by Apollo VIII. 227.) 
 preceded the slaughter of Iphi- 
 tus. 
 
 ''Above, ch. 1. § 3. 
 
 'Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. 
 IV. 37. 
 
 * Above, ch. 3. § 3. 
 
 •* Perhaps the 'Hpa/cX^c 'Uni- 
 dXrira Trviyuiv (the nightmare) 
 of Sophron was a parody of this 
 fable, Eustath. ad II. p. 571. ed. 
 Rom. 
 
 CH. 11, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 415 
 
 the various forms which the legends concerning this 
 hero assume. In the present instance this degradation 
 originated from the kiUing of Iphitus. Here also the 
 paraUel with the servitude of Apollo at Pherse cannot 
 iajl to strike every one. The god and the hero were 
 chosen, as examples, to impress the people in early 
 times with a strong sense of the sacred character, and 
 necessity of expiation for homicide.^ By whom Her- 
 cules was supposed to have been purchased in the ori- 
 ginal legend of northern Thessaly we know not • at a 
 later period Omphale was called his mistress,' who 
 (according to Pherecydes)> bought him for three 
 talents. 
 
 3. We will now proceed to the second settlements 
 ol the Dorians, Avhich comprehend the towns between 
 the ridges of (Eta and Parnassus ; viz., Erineus, Cyti- 
 nium, Bceum, and Pindus.^' 
 
 The neighbours of the Dorians in these settlements 
 were, as has been already stated, the Dryopes, the 
 JMehans of Trachis, and the ^tohans. The first were 
 hostile to the Dorians ; the other two were for the most 
 part friendly to them. These facts again are expressed 
 with much clearness in the mythology of Hercules. 
 
 *^^sch. Agam. 1038. kuI 
 
 TToica yap roi <pa(Tiv 'AXKfiiivrjQ 
 
 TTOTt Upaderra TXijyaiKai ^vyiov 
 
 Oiye'iy pi(^. Comp. below, § 8 
 ySchol. Od. XXI. 23. cf 
 
 Apollod. II. 6. 2. 
 
 ' Erineus was, according to 
 a fable preserved in a strange 
 and apocryphal inscription, the 
 place of a combat between 
 Hercules and Calchas Mops^us 
 Boeckh, N«. 1759. KaXx«vra 
 Md»//o>' BiKaiioQ 'llpaKXfjg x^^vfii- 
 yoQ^ (i. e. xoXov^epog) TTtol kpi- 
 reovy 7rX7/f oc ahrop ry KoXn(p^ /cat 
 
 cnroKTuyag TWa<p€y ey 'Epiyea}. 
 The transcript has ^iKaiog and 
 rtdaxley; for which Hermann 
 has emended as above. The 
 inscription itself is a fabrication 
 either of the latest period of 
 antiquity, or of the middle ages. 
 The same legend is told, with 
 additional circumstances, and a 
 different locality, by Tzetzes ad 
 Lycoph. 980. According to 
 Hesiod, the contest was between 
 the two prophets, Calchas and 
 Mopsus, fragm. 14. ed. Gaisford. 
 
416 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY rook ii. 
 
 Of the relation between the Dorians and Dryopians, 
 and the manner in which it is expressed in the fables 
 of Hercules, we have already given an account.* Ceyx, 
 the Trachinian, was a faithful friend of Hercules, and 
 of his descendants ; in one account, indeed, he is called 
 the nephew of Hercules,^ who is said.to have founded 
 for him his town of Trachis.*' In this place was shown 
 a grave of Deianira,^ the daughter of (Eneus, whose 
 marriage with Hercules is evidently a mythological 
 expression for the league which existed between the 
 iEtolian and Dorian nations before the invasion of 
 Peloponnesus." For Deianira was an inhabitant of 
 Calydon ; ^ and the Calydonians had the principal share 
 in this expedition. To this marriage is annexed a series 
 of connected uEtolian fables concerning Hercules. For 
 the peculiarity of this part of the heroic mythology is, 
 that they readily passed from one nation to another ; and 
 wherever they obtained a firm ground, formed a large 
 mass of traditions. Among these is the conquest of 
 the bull Achelous,^ and the adventure at the ford of 
 the Euenus,^ which afterwards occasioned the death 
 of Hercules. It is also probable that the residence 
 of Hercules at Olenus, in the house of Dexamenus, 
 was connected with the ^tolian adventures ; although 
 even Hesiod does not in this legend mention the ancient 
 ^tolian town Olenus in the neighbourhood of Calydon, 
 
 ^B. I. ch. 2. §4. B. II. ch. 
 3. § 3. 
 
 ^ Schol. Soph. Trach. 40. 
 
 •^ Steph. Byz. in TpaxiQ- 
 Marm. Fames. 1. 66. emended 
 by Heyne ad Apollod. p. 191. 
 
 •iPaus. 11.23. 5. 
 
 « B. I. ch. 3. § 9. 
 
 ^ Apollod. Diod. &c. Sopho- 
 cles, however, calls her a native 
 of Pleuron, Trach. 7. 
 
 s Described by Archilochus, 
 according to Schol. Ven. ad II. 
 XXI. 237. 
 
 ^ Archilochus ap. Schol. A- 
 poll. Rh. I. 1213. This scene 
 is vfcve ch. sely represented on 
 ai^ ^aps'it; vase (Hancarville 
 IV. o.^), with the inscription 
 AAIAKEIPA NESHOS, as 
 should be read. 
 
 CH. 1I,§3. OF THE DORIANS. 417 
 
 but the Achaean city of the same name on the banks of 
 the Pirn..' Now Dexamenus is frequently placed in 
 connex.o^ with the Calydonian family of (Eneus ; ^ the 
 wife of (Eneus can.e from Olenus, and was of the same 
 tamiiy. ihe ancient legend represented him as a hos- 
 pitable l^ro: which quality i. also expressed in his 
 name (A.|«^..^,, from S.|^^..o,) ; i„ return for 
 which, Hercules released him from his brutal quests. 
 the Centaurs ; ' to wliich fable the ancient battk of the 
 Centaurs m the mythology of Hercules probably an- 
 nexed Itself Lastly, Hercules is said to have led the 
 Atolians agamst the Tliesprotians of Ephyra This 
 expedition was perhaps as much celebrated in ancien't 
 lays as the taking of (Echalia. Ej.hyra, which is here 
 spoken of. ,s an ancient city of Thesprotia,- situated on 
 the spot where the Acherusian lake flows into the sea 
 through the river Selleeis (Acheron). I„ kter times 
 the name of this city was Cichyrus ; but even at the 
 present day remains of tlie original Cyclopian style of 
 building, not unUke those of Tiryns, are extant." The 
 whole district is celebrated in fables as the dwelling- 
 place of Aidoneus : as the seat of an oracle where de- 
 parted spirits were questioned, it was always re..arded 
 by the inhabitants with an awe, which was further in- 
 
 ' See the verse in Strabo 
 VIII. p. 342. Stepb. Byz. in 
 iUtrac, which, however, pro- 
 bably belongs to the story in 
 Apollod. I. 8. 4. 
 
 *■ According to Hyginus Fab. 
 31, 33. Deianira is the daugh- 
 ter of Dexamenus. The Schol 
 Callim. Hymn. Del. 102. call 
 Dexamenus himself a Centaur ; 
 and thus on a vase of the best 
 age Hercules is represented as 
 wrestling with him for Deia- 
 
 nira, with the inscription 01- 
 NEYS AESAMENOS 4EIAN- 
 EIPA from lefi to right, Millin- 
 geii Diverses Peintures 33. 
 
 Bacchylides ap. Schol. Od. 
 AXI. 295. with Buttmanns 
 note. 
 
 "■ Raoul-Rochette, Etabliss. 
 des Col. Grecques, torn. I n 
 219. '^' 
 
 " Hughes' Travels, vol. ri.p 
 313. Pouqueville, vol. I. p. 471. 
 
 •2 K 
 
418 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 creased by a belief that the natives were very skilful in 
 the preparation of poison.^ This city Hercules is said 
 to have attacked as an ally of the ^tolians ; whence it 
 appears probable that this circumstance gave occasion 
 for introducing his contest with Hades, and his adven- 
 tures in the infernal regions, such as the cariying away 
 of Cerberus, the liberation of other heroes,^ &c. It 
 must not, however, be thought, that in the style of 
 Euhemerus, I suppose a king Aidoneus to have really 
 once reigned in this district, who had a dog, or rather 
 a general, named Cerberus, whom Hercules overcame 
 in a battle, &c. The following appears to be a more 
 probable method of accounting for the origin of this 
 fable. The gloomy religious rites on the banks of 
 the Acheron, which had always deterred the neigh- 
 bouring nations from a participation in them, were 
 at an early period contrasted with the free and active 
 habits of the heroic tribes ; the awe inspired by the 
 presence of the unearthly spectres \vith the proud 
 spirit and bold thoughts of a military life. If now 
 the people themselves came into collision with each 
 other, their gods necessarily did the same ; the result 
 of which was traditions of contest and war between 
 themselves. On the other hand, it must not be thought 
 that the fable has a purely symbolical meaning; 
 and that Hercules was worshipped, together with 
 
 ° Heyne ad II. IL 659. Stra- 
 bo's opinion, that in Homer, and 
 the fable of Hercules, Ephyra in 
 Elis is meant (VH. p. 328. 
 VIIL 338.), is refuted by the 
 passages of Homer himself. 
 
 P Some of these fables were 
 mixed up with the war against 
 Pylos, and some (e. g., the al)- 
 duction of Cerberus) ttiken over 
 
 to Tsenarum and Heraclea Pon- 
 tica ; the latter probably first by 
 Herodorus, who was a native of 
 that Heraclea, see Heeren de 
 fontibus Plutarchi, p. n. Com- 
 pare the coin of Heraclea in 
 Mionnet, N«. 160, in which Her- 
 cules is represented as bringing 
 Cerberus to the statue of De- 
 meter. 
 
 CH Il,§4. OF THE DORIANS. 419 
 
 Hades, merely as an enemy of Death, as a deity 
 
 allemtmg and removing the terrors of the infernal 
 regions. 
 
 4. Tlie rest of tliis fable, however, entirely loses its 
 sj^bohcal character; viz., the manner in wliich tlie 
 birth of several Doric heroes is connected with the tak- 
 ing ot Ephyra; ;vho, though out of the confines of 
 history are nevertheless to be considered as real in- 
 dividuals. In the first place, Hercules is stated to 
 have begotten Tlepolemus on Astyocheia, M^hom ac- 
 cordmg to Homer, he carried away from Ephyra, on 
 the river Selleeis, after having destroyed many cities ;" 
 Antipluis and Pheidij.pus also were said to have come 
 from Ephyra in Thesprotia. the sons of Thessalus,' 
 and grandsons of Hercules, to whom the noblest 
 families of Tliessaly. as well as the Heradid(e of Cos 
 referred tlieir origin ;' the latter, however, according 
 to another and later tradition, sprang from the union 
 "LJr^lr '"!<'.»'- <|-ghter of Eurypylus in Cos 
 Itself I he origin of this intricate fable appears to be 
 as foUows : fliere were in the ancient country of the 
 Dorians some noble families which referred their origin 
 to the conquest of Ephyra ; and these were designated 
 by the names of Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Pheidip- 
 pus ; those families went with the other Dorians to Pe- 
 oponnesus, and passed through Argos and Epidaurus 
 to Rhodes and Cos, wliere tiiey partly new-modelled 
 their original family legends. Now it was always ad- 
 
 ■> Iliad. II. 657. 
 
 ' Strabo IX. p. 443. Polyain. 
 Stratcg. VII. 44. Veil. Paterc. 
 1. 3. 2. Schol. Apoll. Rh. Ill 
 1089. See Bocckh Exnl. Find 
 Pyth. X. p. 332. The kings of 
 the Molossi likewise supposed 
 
 themselves descended from a 
 certain Lanassa, the daughter 
 of Cleoda!us, of the Hyllean 
 ^'|;^'jP^"'""-<=hPyrrh. I.Justin. 
 
 : Iliad II. 678. Compare 
 b. I. eh. 6. § 3. ^ 
 
 "2e2 
 
?ffll" 
 
 M 
 
 4*20 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 mitted that the Thessalian people came also from 
 Ephyra and Thesprotia; and when it settled among 
 the Greeks, and sought to participate in their tradi- 
 tions, it was natural that Hercules, the conqueror of 
 Ephyra, should be placed at the head of its genealogies. 
 5. To the combat of Hercules and Pluto at Ephyra 
 we will now annex the legend of Geiyoneus. The 
 cattle of Geryoneus and Pluto grazed together in the 
 island of Erytheia ;* but they were supposed to belong 
 to the Sun," and therefore were of a bright red colour. 
 Now Erytheia was anciently believed to be near the 
 kingdom of Hades. For the statement of Hecataeus, 
 that Erytheia and Geryoneus belonged to Epirus and 
 the region of Ambracia,'' could not have been owing to 
 an attempt to give to mythology an appearance of 
 realit}^ : but he seems to have availed himself of some 
 real tradition. This is certain, from the datum of 
 Scylax, who would never have laid dow^n Erytheia in 
 his Periplus^ on the authority of a logographer. 
 According to this writer it is situated between the ter- 
 ritory of the Atintanes and the Ceraunian mountains, 
 north of Epirus, on the borders of Greece, at no great 
 distance from the earliest seats of the Dorians. Now 
 
 t Apollod. II. 5. 10. 
 
 " lb. I. 6. 4. where it is in- 
 cidentally mentioned from an 
 earlier tradition. 
 
 ^ Ap. Arrian. II. 16. frag. p. 
 50. ed. Creuzer. 
 
 y P. 23. ed. Gronov. The 
 mountain Abas and river An- 
 themoeis in Erythea, according 
 to ApoUodorus, should probably 
 also be referred to this district. 
 At least there were Abantes in 
 the exact spot where Erythea is 
 placed, on the Aous, near Ori- 
 cum. According to Aristot. 
 
 Mirab. § 145. Erythea was in the 
 territory of the JEnianes. Her- 
 cules stole the oxen there from 
 Cythera Persephassa. Compare 
 Antonin. Liberal, c. 4. ttoXe^//- 
 aavTaq yap avr^ RfXrovc *:«* 
 Xaovae KoX OEmrpojrovc kciI aufi- 
 Travrac 'liTTEiputrag vir' avrov 
 KpaTTjdrjvaiy on rag Tijpvorov 
 [iovg (TVPeXOovTig {yOeXov) cKpe- 
 XiffOai. The Celts are intro- 
 duced from some Geryonis ; see 
 Diod. V. 24. Etymol. M. p. 
 502 50. See also Appian, Bell. 
 Civ. 11.29. 
 
 ^H. 11, § G. OF THE DORIANS. 421 
 
 it is a remarkable fact, that, even in historical times, 
 there were in the same country, viz., near the Aous, a 
 river running from mount Lacmon, herds sacred to the 
 Sun, which were guarded in the daytime on tlie banks 
 of that river, and in the night in a cave of the moun- 
 tain, by men whom the inhabitants of the Greek city of 
 Apollonia intrusted with this office as a particular 
 lionour.^ It is not probable that the Corinthians, who 
 founded Apollonia, should have been the first to intro- 
 duce this usage, although there are traces of an ancient 
 worship of tiie Sun in the territory of Corinth ;■* but 
 we may fkirly assume that tlie colonists merely re- 
 tained a native custom. This hypothesis clears away 
 all difficulty. Tiie empire of Hades on this earth was 
 conterminous with a district in which the worship of 
 the Sun prevailed, and which contained innumerable 
 herds of cattle, under the protection of the god; but the 
 Greek hero, little caring for their sanctity, had driven 
 them away, and devoted tliem to his own gods. Epirus 
 was always distinguished for its excellent breed of 
 cattle, ^vhich were said to have sprung from the lierds 
 of Geryoneus, which Hercules offered to the Dodon^an 
 Zeus.^ 
 
 6. We were led to these considerations by the 
 ^tolian legends respecting Hercules, from which we 
 
 * Herod. IX. 93. Conon,Narr. 
 c. 30. Two legends connected 
 with this fable are remarkable ; 
 first, the punishment of blind- 
 ness for any one who had neg- 
 lected the worship of the Sun ; 
 secondly, the tale that the Greek 
 gods themselves had sent wolves 
 against their herds. The cattle 
 of the Sun in the Odyssey are 
 only those of Teenarum and 
 Epirus transferred to a greater 
 
 distance: there was likewise a 
 fabulous reason for the yrjcpaXioi 
 dvmai of the Sun, as they were 
 performed in many cities of 
 Greece, Od. XII. 363. 
 *Paus. II. 1.6, &c. 
 ^ Proxenus h 'H7rctpwra-otc 
 ap. Suid. et Apostol. in Xapiroi 
 (^oeg. Compare Lycus of Rhe- 
 gion ibid, ^han, N. H. XII. 
 11. III. 33. 
 
422 RELI<]HON AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 ■BIS* 
 
 will now return to the Dorians, who possessed the 
 mountainous tract along mount (Eta towards Ther- 
 mopylae. There was perhaps no region in the whole 
 of Greece which abounded more in local fables of Her- 
 cules. It was in the pass of Thermopylse that he 
 caught those strange monsters the Cercopes f here it 
 was that Athene caused a hot spring to issue for him 
 from the ground ;^ on the top of mount (Eta, on the 
 Phrygian rock,^ was raised the fatal pile, which the 
 brook of Dyras in vain strove to extinguish ;^and many 
 adjacent cities claimed a connexion with his exploits :*»' 
 even the ^nianes (who at a later period settled in this 
 district) attempted to appropriate to themselves these 
 traditions ;^ and Heraclea Trachinia, not founded till 
 the Peloponnesian war, and the neighbouring Cyli- 
 crani, were referred to the mythology of Hercules.^ 
 It is certain that local traditions of this kind nmst 
 have originated with the inhabitants of this district. 
 Is it at least probable that the natives of Argos would 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 216. 
 
 ** Peisander ap. Schol. Ari- 
 stoph. Nub. 1047. t-w h' e^ Gip- 
 IxoTvvXriaL dea yXavKwiriQ 'Adrivri 
 Tloiei depfjia. Xotrpa Trapa pr/yjuivt 
 daXaaffrjQ, which verses are re- 
 ferred to by Zenobius Prov. VI. 
 49. Compare Ruhnken ap. 
 Heyn. ad Mn. II. Exc. I. p. 
 287. Wessehng ad Diod. IV. 
 23. Herod. VII. 176. Phileas 
 ap. Harpocrat. in QepfxoTrvXcu. 
 The fable was carried over to 
 the hot spring near Himera in 
 Sicily, Boeckh Exphc. Pind. 
 Olymp. XII. p. 210. 
 
 « Callim. Hymn. Dian. 159. 
 Schol. ad 1. Arrian ap. Eustath. 
 ad Dionys. Perieg. p. 107. The 
 <i>piKioy opoQ should be distin- 
 guished from the place where 
 
 Hercules slew a Centaur, Steph. 
 Byz. in ^piKLov. 
 
 f Strabo IX. p. 428. The 
 part of CEta, where the funeral 
 pile is said to have stood, was 
 called Pyra : Theophrast. Hist. 
 Plant. IX. 10. Livy XXXVI. 
 30. 
 
 s Steph. Byz. in Tix^pr^arog. 
 The aaiXrjva opi] of Trachis 
 were mentioned in the four- 
 teenth book of the Heraclea of 
 Rhianus, Etymol. M. in v. 
 Suidas in 'Pmi^oc. 
 
 ^Strabo XIII. p. 613. Diod. 
 XII. 59. the coins in Eckhel 
 Num. Anecd. tab. 6. p. 89. 
 DodwelPs Travels vol. I. p. 76. 
 Clarke's Travels vol. IV. p. 197. 
 
 ^ Scythinus and Polemon ap. 
 Athen. XI.p. 461. 
 
 CH. 11, 5 7. OF THE DORIANS. 423 
 
 liave placed the death of their deified liero in a foreign 
 region, if they had been the original inventors of this 
 fiction ? The career of the Doric hero doubtless closed 
 on the funeral pile of CEta ; and this adventure ended a 
 series of fables, of which there are now extant only 
 some fragments. In this point of view we may per- 
 ceive a connexion between many of the legends detailed 
 above. 
 
 The general tendency and spirit of these legends 
 may be described in the following proposition : The 
 national hero is represented as everywhere preparing 
 the way for his people and their worship ; and as pro- 
 tecting them from other races. Thus he opens a com- 
 munication between Tempe and Delphi, between the 
 fabulous worshippers of Apollo, the Hyperboreans, 
 and the worshippers of his own age. At the same 
 time his own person is an outward symbol of the 
 national worship ; he complies with its rites of expia- 
 tion for homicide, being himself both the victim and 
 the sacrificer. 
 
 7. We will next consider the Theban legends of 
 Hercules; and will, for the sake of clearness, first 
 state the propositions which the following discussion is 
 intended to establish. 
 
 Hercules at Thebes is not to be considered as a 
 Cadmean ; and has no connexion with the ancient gods, 
 and traditions of the Cadmeans ; but Iiis mythologji 
 was introduced into Boeotia partly by the Doric Hera- 
 clidae, and partly from Delphi, together with the wor- 
 ship of Apollo. 
 
 To prove that Hercules has no connexion with the 
 Cadmean gods, temples, and i)rinces, it is only neces- 
 sary to refer to a genealogical table of the Theban 
 mythology, and a plan of Thebes sketched after 
 
lii 
 
 I 
 
 424 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 Pausanias. From the former we perceive that Her- 
 cules (whose father is represented as having arrived as 
 a fugitive from Mycenae) is not made the relation either 
 by blood or marriage of the Cadmeans, Creon (xpioov, 
 the ruler), his supposed father-in-law, being only a 
 fictitious personage, invented to fill up a chasm in the 
 pedigree ;^ from the latter, that the temples of Hercules 
 were not only not in the citadel (like those of Cadmus, 
 Harmonia, and Semele), or within the walls of the 
 city, but were all without the gates. This fact is of 
 great importance as to the antiquity of any worship in 
 a city. The ancient and original deities, which enjoyed 
 the honours of founders, possessed the citadel as their 
 ])irthright ; while all gods aftenvards introduced en- 
 joyed a less honourable abode in the suburbs of the 
 town. Now it is known that the house of Amphitiyon 
 and the Gymnasium of Hercules stood in front of tlie 
 gate of Electra, opposite the Ismenium ;^ and to this 
 we may add the account of Pherecydes"" respecting a 
 village near that same gate, wliich the Heraclidse had 
 founded before their invasion of Peloponnesus, and 
 where there was a statue of Hercules in the market- 
 place. What can be clearer than that these Heraclidee 
 established the worship of their hero at Thebes ? 
 Near this place (it should be observed) was the 
 Ismenian sanctuary of Apollo. Opposite to this 
 
 cull, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 425 
 
 ^ Heyne ad ApoUod. II. 4. 6. 
 remarks with judgment, " Her- 
 " culls Thehani facta et fata 
 " ad Thehanas historias accom- 
 " modare difficile est.'* 
 
 ^ Annual sacrifices were here 
 offered to the eight children of 
 Hercules. See Pausan. Pind. 
 Isthm. in. 79. and Chrysippus 
 in the Scholia. The graves of 
 
 Amphitryon, lolaus, and Ale- 
 mena, and the Gymnasium for 
 the lolaan or Heraclean games, 
 were in front of the gate of 
 Proetida, Pind. Pyth. IX. 82. 
 Nem. IV. 20. Schol. et Dissen. 
 Explic. p. 382. where the sub- 
 ject is very clearly explained. 
 ' Ap. Antonin. Liberal, c. 33. 
 
 temple Hercules was said to have been educated ; and 
 at a festival of Apollo to have carried the laurel before 
 the chorus of virgins ; and afterwards to have conse- 
 crated a tripod in the temple, as was the general custom 
 in Liter times. This tripod is represented on tlie 
 famous relief of the Argive apotheosis of Hercules, 
 with the inscription 'Ajucpirputov Oyrsp *AXxa/oy rp^TroS' 
 
 With this is evidently connected the story of the 
 robbery of the Delphian tripod, of which the common 
 version is as follows : Hercules was visited with a severe 
 illness, as a punishment for the nun-der of Iphitus ; 
 and, in consequence, he had recourse for relief to 
 Delphi ; but as the Pytliian priestess refused to answer 
 the questions of one guilty of homicide, he threatened 
 to plunder the temple, and carry off the tripod. 
 Apollo accordingly j)ursued liim, till Zeus separated 
 the combat of his two sons by lightning.^ The fable 
 went on to say that a new consecration of the Delphian 
 tripod took j)lace, and a reconciliation of the god and 
 hero : of this part we are only informed by works of 
 art, these being indeed of tolerable antiquity.P But it 
 
 m 
 
 " Marini Ville Alban. p. 150. 
 Compare Bcettiger's Amalthea, 
 vol. I. p. 130. 
 
 " Other versions of this story 
 may be seen in Cicero De Nat. 
 D. III. 16. where see Creuzer's 
 note, and in Paus. X. 13. 4. 
 See also Visconti, Museo Pio- 
 Clementino, II. 5. Zoega,Bas- 
 sirilievi, vol. II. p. 98. 
 
 ^ The reconsecration on the 
 foot of a candelabrum at Dres- 
 den. The atonement, on a Co- 
 rinthian puteal, in the genuine 
 archaic style, published by Dod- 
 well in his Travels and his col- 
 
 lection of Bas-reliefs, Rome, 
 1820. It afterwards came into 
 the possession of the late lord 
 Guilford. In this Apollo, Arte- 
 mis, and Latona are met by Pal- 
 las, Hercules, and Alcmena,or 
 some other woman : the Graces 
 follow behind. Perhaj)s this is a 
 copy of the Sicyonian group of 
 Dipoenus and Scyllis (Plin. H. 
 N. XXXVI. 4.) unless this also 
 represented the contest, as the 
 one in Paus. ubi sup. There is 
 a similar composition on a vase 
 in Millingen's Vases de Coghill, 
 pi. 11. Apollo ^a<ppri(f6poi;. 
 
 \ 
 
426 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 is manifest that this is not the genuine, ancient, and 
 sacred tradition. How could this hero, who in other 
 respects was entirely dependent on the mandates of the 
 oracle, and who in so many ways protected and pro- 
 moted the worship of Apollo,*^ suddenly become a 
 sacrilegious violator of his most holy and ancient 
 temple ? This carrying away of the tripod appears 
 from other traditions to signify nothing else than a 
 propagation of the worship of Apollo/ Whither, 
 then, is this tripod stated to have been first moved ? 
 By the Arcadians Hercules was said to have brought 
 it to Pheneus, but was compelled again to restore it to 
 Apollo.^ The hero, on his journey to Elis, is said to 
 have built a temple to the Pythian Apollo ;* which, 
 however, can scarcely be more ancient than the Doric 
 migration. The foundation of tliis temple, as depend- 
 ent on the Delphic oracle, was therefore by the tradi- 
 tion expressed under this image of the transportation 
 of the tripod, the bearer of it being Hercules. But it 
 is more important to our present purpose that, accord- 
 ing to the Boeotian account," Hercules was supposed 
 to have brought the tripod to Thebes, that is probably 
 to the Ismenium. This fable therefore shows the con- 
 
 sitting by the tripod with Ar- 
 temis and Latona, receives Her- 
 cules ; a goddess with a sceptre 
 (Vesta, according to Zoega), 
 and Hermes, are standing by. 
 Hercules is always drawn as a 
 youth in this subject. 
 
 ^ Hence also his labours were 
 represented on the metopes of 
 the Delphian temple, Eurip. 
 Ion. 196, 239. 
 
 •■ See the legend of Tripodis- 
 cus in Paus. I. 43. 1. comp. 
 above, p. 14. 
 
 ^ Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 
 
 12. p. 245. 
 
 * He erected three statues of 
 Demonesian brass; above, p. 
 250. note ^ Comp. Callim. 
 fragm. 15. v. 5. 
 
 " It can indeed be only col- 
 lected from coins. See Vis- 
 conti, Mus. Pio-Clement. tom. 
 VII. 4. b. N«. 11. Mionnet 
 Descript. tom. II. p. 109. N". 
 94. and Planches LIII. 4. 
 Pouqueville, Voyage, tom. IV. 
 p. 208. I likewise saw a simi- 
 lar coin in lord Northwick's 
 collection. 
 
 CH. 11, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 427 
 
 nexion between the Ismenium and the great sanctuary 
 oi Apollo; and represents Hercules as the intermediate 
 link between these two temples. 
 
 8. Several other traditions current in Bcieotia are 
 connected with the above explanation of this tradition. 
 The Cretan colony, which, setting out from Cirrlia, 
 estabhslied the Tilphosian temple at Ocalea in Bceotia' 
 was represented under the person of Rhadamanthus/ 
 Rhadamantlms is said to have there dwelt with Alc- 
 mene, and to have instructed the youthful hero in the 
 Cretan art of archery.> For this reason also Zeus 
 raised Alcmene from the dead, and conducted her to 
 the islands of the blest as the wife of Rhadamanthus. 
 A stone remained in her tomb, which was set up in her 
 sacred grove at Thebes/ 
 
 9. The Theban traditions of Hercules are not all 
 equally significant ; but some, such as those just men- 
 tioned, had a religious, some a political impoit, and 
 others only express the bodily strength of that hero. 
 The education of Hercules is confided to certain fabu- 
 lous personages, most of whom were supposed to 
 reside in Boeotia.*' His most remarkable instructor 
 is the minstrel Linus, whom (probably in execution of 
 the will of Apollo) he put to death,*^ justifying him- 
 
 '^ Above, ch. 2. § 11. Hence 
 the scene of the Rhadamanthus 
 of Euripides was laid in Boeotia, 
 fragm. 1. 
 
 y Plutarch, Lysand. 18. De 
 Socrat. Genio 5. Tzetzes ad 
 Lycoph. 50. Apollod. II. 4. 11. 
 Pherecydes ap. Anton in. Li- 
 beral, c. 32. fragm. 50. ed. 
 Sturz. comp. Visconti ad Herod. 
 Att. Inscript. Triop. fin. 
 
 ' Pherecydes ubi sui). Paus. 
 IX. 16. 4. 
 
 ^ Ore home nos, pj). 84. 208. 
 
 On Hercules 'IttttoccVt/c see the 
 story in Plutarch, Parallel, p. 
 416. 
 
 ** The passage most in point 
 is in the Theocritean poem 
 XXIV. 100. where, however, 
 nmch Alexandrine fiction may 
 be discerned. 
 
 ^ See, among other writers, 
 Alcidamas Rhetor adv. Palamed. 
 § 25. ed. Bekker. where for 
 TfVi'oc write Airof, with two 
 manuscripts. 
 
i 
 
 f^ 
 
 428 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 self by the law of Rhadamanthus. The destruction 
 of the lion of Cithseron is an imitation of the legend 
 of Nemea, of which we shall speak hereafter.*^ After 
 this adventure he went to Thespise, to the house of 
 Thestius, where he deflowers in one or in fifty- seven 
 nights the fifty daughters of his host, a fable which 
 has perhaps an astronomical reference.^ 
 
 With respect to the singular legend of Hercules 
 murdering his children by Megara by thro^ving them 
 into the fire/ it cannot be denied that this had some 
 symbolical meaning, derived from an ancient elemen- 
 tary religion. In general, however, this temporary 
 fury is merely an exaggerated picture of that heroic 
 mind whose courage and endurance had carried Her- 
 cules through so many dangers and difficulties for the 
 good of mankind." According to the Boeotian ver- 
 sion, it was a melancholy madness, in which Hercules, 
 regardless even of all that was most dear to him, 
 murdered his children, and was even on the point of 
 slaying his father.** Upon this the hero, oppressed 
 with a deep melancholy, turned for relief to the atoning 
 Apollo ; and either to the god of the Ismenium* or 
 of Pytho.^ The oracle commands him to serve as a 
 
 CH. 11, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 429 
 
 d Below, ch. 12. § 1. 
 
 ^ See Boeckh Explic. Pind. 
 Olymp. III. 18. above, ch. 3. 
 § 2. At Nemea honours were 
 paid to the 360 supposed com- 
 panions of Hercules, ^lian, V. 
 H. IV. 5 ; evidently referring 
 to the year of 360 days. 
 
 * Heyne ad Apollod. Dissen. 
 Expl. Pind. p. 509. 
 
 ^ The madness of Hercules 
 also occurred in the Kvirpia £7r»/, 
 as appears from the extract of 
 Proclus (at the end of Gais- 
 ford's Hephsestion) ; but in that 
 
 poem it was, if I rightly appre- 
 hend the context, represented as 
 caused by a love and seduction 
 of Hercules. 
 
 ^ Eurip. Here. Fur. Pans. IX. 
 11. 1. 
 
 ^ In this temple a Xidog aio- 
 (ppoviaHiQ^ which had restored 
 him to his senses, was shown 
 under the altar, Pans. IX. 11.5. 
 
 ^ It is to this that the verses 
 of Panyasis refer, in which Her- 
 cules is described as coming 
 over Parnassus to Castalia 
 (fragm. 7. ed. Gaisford). 
 
 slave, in the same manner as Apollo himself had 
 served after tlie destruction of the Python. In the 
 broken narrative of Apollodorus a remarkable trace 
 has been preserved as to the time during which, ac- 
 cording to the Boeotian tradition, the slavery of Her- 
 cules lasted, viz., eight years and one month.^ This 
 cannot be considered as an accidental numl)er; but it 
 is probable that the Ennaeteris is signified, which was 
 a period of eight years and three intercalary months ; 
 of which only the last month is here mentioned, be- 
 cause the two inserted in the middle were less con- 
 spicuous. Hercules, therefore, like Apollo at Pherse, 
 was supposed to have served for an at^iog svioturog, for 
 the octennial period of mythology and ancient astro- 
 nomy.™ 
 
 10. We will here add some observations on the 
 Attic worship of Hercules, which was celebrated 
 chiefly at Marathon in the Tetrapolis," in the three 
 villages of Melite, Diomea, and Collytus," which lay 
 close to one another in the vicinity of Athens ; at Cy- 
 nosarges^ in particular, which belonged to the denms 
 
 * Apollod. II. 5. 11. conf. 
 Heyn. According to Herodorus 
 apud Schol. Soph. Trach. 253. 
 Hercules afterwards serves an 
 eyiavTog of three years ; and so 
 also Apollod. II. 6. 4. See 
 above, ch. 11, § 2. 
 
 " Above, ch. 7. § 9. ch. 8. 
 § 4. The verses from the He- 
 raclea of Panyasis, Fragm. 4. 
 ed. Gaisford, appear to have 
 been spoken by Hercules as 
 a consolation for his slavery. 
 Comp. Iliad XXI. 443. They 
 seem to be incorrectly applied 
 by Heyne ad Apollod. II. 7. 3. 
 p. 188. 
 
 " Herod. VI. 116. Pans. I. 
 
 15. 4. 32. 4. Harpocrat. in 
 'UpaKXrir. Schol. Pind. 01. IX. 
 92. XIII. 184. cf. Boeckh Ex- 
 plic. p. 193. Elmsley ad Eurip. 
 Heraclid. 32. 
 
 « Aristoph. Ran. 504. Schol. 
 ad 1. et ad 664. Schol. Apoll. 
 Rh. I. 1209. Harpocrat. in Mf- 
 Xirrjj Hesych. in e\- MfXirrjij, 
 Mt]Xu)p et Ato^f/o, Suidas in 
 Ato/ifm. Tzetzes Chil. VIII. 
 192. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att. 
 II. p. 335. where, however, 
 there are some inaccuracies. 
 
 P Together with Hebe, Alc- 
 mene, and lolaus. Pans. I. 19. 
 3. This temple is frequently 
 mentioned. 
 
430 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii 
 
 of Diomea ; at Acharnse** and Hephsestia,' and in the 
 city itself; and likewise near the sea in the Tetra- 
 comee, or "Four Hamlets."' The circumstance that 
 those temples which were not situated in the vicinity 
 of the city were all in the northern part of Attica, 
 seems to prove that the worship was derived from the 
 northern frontiers ; and it was attributed to the pre- 
 sence of the Heraclidse in Attica, though the fable of 
 the great assistance which Athens lent to the Hera- 
 clidse was peculiar to the Athenians.* It is probable, 
 however, that at some early period a division of the 
 Doric people passed through Attica, and there founded 
 that worship which, by the supremacy of the Dorians 
 and their various connexions with other nations, in- 
 creased in character and importance. If the Lace- 
 daemonians really spared the Tetrapolis in the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war," their forbearance must be attributed 
 to the respect which they showed to their national 
 hero. There is a tradition worthy of notice, that 
 Theseus consecrated to Hercules all the temples which 
 had been dedicated to himself;'' whence it may be in- 
 ferred that the worship of the former demigod was 
 thus transferred at some early period; only not, it 
 should be observed, at the time of Theseus himself. 
 That the worship of Hercules was only half-nation- 
 alized may (as it appears) be inferred from the custom 
 of the Parasiti of that hero at Cynosarges being always 
 
 *iPaus. I. 3L 
 
 " Diog. Laert. III. 41. 
 
 ^ Steph. Byz. in 'ExeXiBai, 
 Hence, according to some writ- 
 ers, a dance called rerpatcofxog 
 derived its name, Pollux IV. 
 14. 99. 105. Athen. XIV. p. 
 618. Hesych. in TErpaKiofiog. 
 
 There was a temple of Her- 
 cules, not far off, on the road to 
 Salamis, Plutarch Themist. 13. 
 
 * Book I. ch. 3. § 5. 
 
 "Diod. XII.45. Schol.Soph. 
 GEd. T. 701. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, Thes. 35. Eurip. 
 Here. Fur. 1333. 
 
 CH. 11, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 431 
 
 Athenians, of whose parents one only was a citizen ; 
 a symbolical allusion to the half-foreign origin of their 
 worship. 
 
 Of the same description are the traditions which 
 were pecuhar to the villages of Aphidna, Decelea, 
 and Titacidse (likewise situated in the north of At- 
 tica), respecting the expedition of the Tyndaridse ; 
 who were said to have conquered Aphidna with the 
 aid of Decelus and Titacus.^ From this j)lunder, 
 according to a Spartan legend, the very ancient temple 
 of Pallas Chalcioecus at Sparta was built. In this 
 instance, likewise, the tradition was recognised as real 
 history ; for the Lacedaemonians always kept up a 
 friendly intercourse with Decelea; nor was it, we 
 may be assured, without some particular reason that 
 in the Messenian war at the command of the oracle 
 they called to their aid Tyrta^us, the man of Aphidna. 
 But as the Tyndaridae, i. e., their images (as was men- 
 tioned above),^ accompanied every Spartan army on 
 its marches, it is probable that these stories originated 
 in some Doric expedition into the northern parts of 
 Attica, which left behind it these permanent traces 
 and recollections. 
 
 y See the KvkXikoI in Schol. 
 Il.r. 242.Herod.IX. 73.Paus. 
 I. 41. 4. III. 18. 3. Isocrat. En- 
 com. Helen, p. 211 E. Plutarch, 
 Thes. 32. Steph. Byz. and Har- 
 pocrat. in TiraKl^ai. To this 
 also the verse of Callimachus 
 refers, ^Frag. 234. ay^p* eXaioi 
 (write "EXaoi^) ^eKiXeiodtv a^i- 
 TrpEvovTEQ^ " dragging Elatus 
 '^ from Decelea,'' i. e., as a 
 
 guide to Aphidna. According 
 to Alcman (Fragm. 3. ed. 
 Welcker) and the inscription, 
 on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. 
 V. 19. 1.) they even conquered 
 Athens. How this is connected 
 with the gloss in Hesychius, 
 Aaauaiojy noXiy rag 'A0/^j^ac, 
 which probably refers to Alc- 
 man, does not appear. 
 » Above, ch. 10, § 8. 
 
432 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK II, 
 
 CHAP. XIL 
 
 § I. Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules. Adventures of Her- 
 cules : his combats with wild beasts. § 2. His martial exploits. 
 § 3. His establishment of the Olympic games. § 4. Com- 
 plexity of the mythology of Hercules. § 5. Worship of Her- 
 cules carried from Sparta to Tarentum and Croton. § 6. Coan 
 fable of Hercules. § 7. Hercules and Hylas. § 8. Identifi- 
 cation of Hercules and Melcart. § 9. Human character of 
 Hercules. § 10. His joviality and love of mirth. 
 
 1. We must now entreat the indulgence of our 
 readers when we enter upon an obscure and difficult 
 part of our subject, and one lying beyond the limits 
 of historical record. We allude to the Peloponnesian 
 mythology of Hercules ; a collection of legends doubt- 
 less for the most part invented subsequently to the 
 Doric invasion, and intended by that nation in great 
 measure to justify their conquest of the peninsula, and 
 to make their expedition appear, not as an act of 
 wrongful aggression, but as a re-assertion of ancient 
 right. Some hero (perhaps even of the same name) 
 must have existed in the Argive traditions in the time 
 of the Persidse, and the resemblance may have been 
 sufficiently striking to identify him with the father of 
 the Doric Hyllus. We shall therefore consider the 
 destroyer of the Nemean lion as a native Argive hero ; 
 but the delay experienced at his birth, and his conse- 
 quent exposure to want and toil, evidently belong to 
 the Doric tradition, as well as the enmity of Here ; 
 fables which were partly borrowed from the worship 
 of Apollo, and may partly liave been intended to indi- 
 
 CH. 12, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 433 
 
 cate the contrast between the ancient worship of Argos 
 and that of the invading race.** 
 
 We shall now proceed without further preface to 
 consider the different adventures of Hercules, which 
 may be divided into two classes ; the first consisting 
 of his warlike exploits, the second of his combats 
 with wild beasts. We shall commence with the ex- 
 amination of the latter.^ 
 
 Nemea was separated from the Argive temple of 
 Here, the most ancient one in the country, by a chain 
 of mountains and a long rocky ravine. It cannot be 
 denied that the moon was often invoked in this wor- 
 ship, although it would not be safe to consider Here 
 as the goddess of the moon. Now Nemea is called 
 the daughter of the moon,^ from which deity the Ne- 
 mean lion is also said to have sprung ; the antiquity 
 of which fable may be inferred from the circumstance 
 that Anaxagoras availed himself of it, as being <rene- 
 rally received, to account for the physical hypothesis 
 of the Antichthon.' Connected with this is Hesiod's 
 tradition that the goddess Here had herself brouglit 
 
 "" See book I. ch. 3. § 2. 
 ^ The striking difference be- 
 tween the two has been re- 
 marked, amongst others, by 
 Dio Chrysost. Orat. 47. p. 523. 
 B.C. The Alexandrine fiction 
 of the twelve labours is satis- 
 factorily treated of by Zoega 
 (Bassiril. II. p. 46.) and also 
 by Oiiwaroff, Examen critique 
 de la Fable d'Hercule. 
 
 *= Schol. Find. Nem. Arg. p. 
 425. ed. Boeckh. Argus was 
 also fabled to have there pas- 
 tured the sacred cows of Here. 
 
 ^ Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 
 498. comp. Orph. Fragm. 9. 
 
 A fragment of Epimenides ap. 
 ^lian. Nat. Anim. XII. 7. also 
 mentions this fable, and Hero- 
 dorus apud Tatian. I. p. 164. 
 (ap. Justin. Martyr, ed. Col.), 
 where for 'llpo^vrov wc should 
 read H/oo^wpoi;, and again by 
 Euphorion Fragm. 47. p. 111. 
 ed. Meineke. To the passages 
 there collected add Hesiod. 
 Theog. 331. Pindar Fragm. inc. 
 100. p. 660. ed. Boeckh. Cal- 
 li^m. Fragm. 82. Plutarcli de 
 Facie in Orbe Luusc 24. de 
 Fluv. 18. 4. Steph. Byz. in 
 'ATrfVar. comp. Hygin. Fab. 30. 
 
 2f 
 
434 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 up the lion, which she is by that poet represented as 
 having done out of enmity to Hercules. Hence we 
 detect the symbolical character of the fable, which 
 resembles that of Perseus and Gorgo, &c. ; although 
 we can scarcely attempt to explain the whole legend 
 in a similar manner. The combat with the Lernsean 
 hydra may also be thus explained. Hercules is re- 
 presented as employing in this contest the same sickle 
 with which Perseus beheaded Medusa.* 
 
 Whatever meaning we may attach to these combats, 
 whether we consider them as symbolical, or as memo- 
 rials of a remote antiquity, in which it was the heroes 
 principal occupation to free Greece from monsters and 
 wild beasts, it is nevertheless evident that they are as 
 little adapted to the time assigned to them (shortly 
 previous to the Pelopidse) as to the character of the 
 other parts of the fable. A mere consideration of 
 Hercules' costume will sufficiently convince us of this 
 fact. It is certain that the Hercules of the early 
 poets was either a hero armed with a spear and 
 buckler, as in the poem attributed to Hesiod,*' or with 
 a bow and sword, as in the Odyssey.^ The latter de- 
 scription occurs particularly in the battle of the giants ; 
 the former is founded on all the traditions which re- 
 present Hercules as the first of vrarriors and conque- 
 rors. Pisander and Stesichorus were the first who 
 
 « Compare the vase published 
 by Millin. II. tab. T 5. with the 
 description of the metopes on 
 the temple at Delphi in Eurip. 
 Ion. 196. On the chest of 
 Cypselus, however, he is repre- 
 sented as slaying them with ar- 
 
 rows. 
 
 ^ Heinrich Proleg. in Hesiod. 
 Scut. pag. 69. Dissen. Explic. 
 
 Find. Isthm. V. p. 525. Butt- 
 mann ad Soph. Philoct. 726. 
 On the chest of Cypselus Her- 
 cules was represented with ar- 
 rows, and also with a sword: 
 he is called alxf^rjr^g in Archi- 
 lochus Frag. 60. ed. Gaisford. 
 
 KOdyss. XI. 600. cf. VIII. 
 224. II. V. 393. 
 
 CH. 12, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 435 
 
 introchiced him as a lialf-naked savage, with the lion's 
 skin round his loins, the jaws covering his head in- 
 stead of a helmet, and merely a club in his hand ^ 
 There were extant so late as the time of Strabo some 
 ancient wooden statues of Hercules very different from 
 this description. Pisander, too, was (as far as we 
 know) the first who represented in detail the combats 
 of Hercules with wild beasts, collected from scattered 
 accounts in the Theogony, and who composed the 
 ^ Labours of Hercules;' for which he perhaps 
 availed Iiimself of different local traditions. 
 
 2. We now come to the martial exploits of Her- 
 cules, which, as it appears, were intended to repre- 
 sent the conquests of the Dorians in Peloponnesus 
 We have only to direct our attention to the account 
 that Hercules, towards the close of his life, being 
 prince of Mycenae,' delivered Sparta from the Wippo- 
 contid^ into the hands of Tyndareus, and, after con- 
 quering Pylos from Neleus, transferred it to Nestor,*^ 
 in order to perceive the coincidence of tradition and 
 history. The circumstances which have chiefly con- 
 tributed to tlie formation of these traditions may best 
 be traced in the combat at Pylos. The share which 
 Hades had in this adventure, when that god was him- 
 self wounded by the bold son of Zeus,^ may bt^ con- 
 
 »'Athen.XII.p.512F.Strab. 
 XV. p. 688. Eratosth. Cataster. 
 12. Suid. in Ueitray^pog. comp. 
 Schol. Aj)oll. Rhod. II. 1197. 
 concerning the brazen club of 
 Hercules mentioned by Pei- 
 sander. 
 
 ' See above, b. I. ch. 3. § 5. 
 
 ^ Comp. Isocr. Archid. p. 1 19 
 D. Mann. Fames, p. 152. in 
 Marini and others. 
 
 ' I understand £»' HvX^ h 
 
 vEKveaai, II. III. 395 in the 
 same manner as Pausanias does 
 Vf. 25. 3. ApoUod. II. 7. 3. 
 The wounding of Hades was 
 also mentioned by Panyasis, 
 Arnob. adv. Gent. IV. 25. Ac- 
 cording to the same author (ap. 
 Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 25. ed. 
 Sylb.) Here was also wounded 
 at Pylus. The passage in the 
 Iliad V. 392. leaves this unde- 
 cided. Comp. Schol. Veuet. ad 
 
 2f2 
 
436 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 siclered, according to the connexion established above, 
 as having been transferred from Ephyra, where Hades 
 had a greater inducement to the protection of op- 
 pressed cities than at Pylos." But Hercules is said 
 to have destroyed Pylos because Neleus would not 
 purify him from the murder of Iphitus;° an act 
 which Deiphobus afterwards performed in the temple 
 of Apollo at Amyclse.*' Here it seems to be assumed 
 that CEchalia, the native city of Iphitus, was situated 
 in Messenia, which, as we have shown above,^ was 
 not the original tradition. 
 
 3. The influence of historical facts upon mythology 
 is most clearly perceivable in the legend of Hercules 
 having founded the Olympic games when he returned 
 victorious from his expedition against Augeas of 
 Elis.** Afterwards the same hero celebrates the first 
 Olympiad as a festival of all Peloponnesus, with 
 various combats, in which heroes from Tiryns, Tegea, 
 Mantinea, and Sparta were victorious/ It was also 
 Hercules who fixed the quinquennial period, and 
 established the sacred armistice.' His bringing the 
 wild olive-tree from the Hyperboreans, and planting it 
 
 II. XL 689. Lycophr. 39. with ^ Olymp. XL 51. The names 
 
 the Commentary of Tzetzes. of the conquerors were perhaps 
 
 The wounding of Ares is con- taken from public registers, 
 
 nected with the above by Hesiod ayaypacpal^ which usually went 
 
 Scut. 368. the battle with Apollo back to the mythical period, 
 
 and Poseidon by Pindar Olymp. like those of the priestesses of 
 
 IX. 33. Boeckh Expl. p. 189. Here at Argos (see book I. ch. 
 
 ™ Nevertheless there was also 7. § 2). Comp. with ibid. v. 
 
 near Pylos Triphyliacus a sane- 59. Etym. Mag. Aairrjpioy iv 
 
 tuary of Hades on mountMinthe. 'iXiah^ read HAEIAI ; the spot 
 
 " Schol. II. V. 392. Venet. 1 1, where Hercules distributed the 
 
 336. from the KaraXoyot of He- booty of the Elean war. 
 siod. Diod. IV. 31. ' Provided that Doryclus is 
 
 ° ApoUod. II. 6. 2. Schol. the \opvK\ivQ mentioned in 
 
 Venet. II. II. 88. Marm. Far- ApoUod. III. 10. 5. 
 nes. p. 151. "Polyb. XII. 26. 2 comp. 
 
 PCh. 11. § 1. above, ch. 3. § 2. 
 
 cu. 12, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 437 
 
 in the grove of Altis, was probably derived from the 
 traditions of Northern Greece ;' in which Hercules 
 was represented as more closely connected with 
 Ajwllo than in the common Peloponnesian legends. 
 It should, moreover, be remarked that Hercules in liis 
 expedition against Elis is reported to have founded or 
 visited several temples of Apollo at Pheneus and 
 Thelpusa ;" both lying on the road which connected 
 the isthmus and the north of Greece with Olympia." 
 It would, however, involve us in no slight difficulties 
 to date the tradition of Hercules founding the Olym- 
 pic games later than the Olympiad of Iphitus ; for 
 as since that period the Eleans conducted the festival, 
 and therefore showed a particular veneration for Her- 
 cules, it is scarcely probable that a war against Elis 
 should have been considered as the cause of the esta- 
 bhshment of this festival, had not the report been 
 handed down from an earlier period. The continual 
 claim of Pisa, that the presidency of the games should 
 be restored to her as an ancient right, is, however, 
 one of several circumstances which render it probable 
 that she had once enjoyed this privilege before the 
 festival had acquired its subsequent celebrity; and 
 that Hercules, to whom a very ancient wooden statue 
 had been erected at Pisa,^ was, even at this early 
 
 * See Pind. Olymp. III. 14. 
 where the connexion seems to 
 be as follows : Hercules, while 
 chasing the hind of Artemis, ar- 
 rives at the country of the Hy- 
 perboreans, at the source of the 
 Ister, and there sees the beau- 
 tiful olive-trees. Afterwards, 
 when alx)ut to found the^lyni- 
 pic games, he remembers these 
 trees, and procures sonte young 
 
 shoots to plant the bare and 
 sunny plains of Elis. On the 
 KOTLvoQ of Olympia see Schnei- 
 der Index Theophrast. vol. V. 
 p. 424. 
 
 "Pausan. VIII. 25.5. 15. 2. 
 comp. above, p. 220, note ^. 
 
 ^ See the map of Pelopon- 
 nesus. 
 
 y Apollod. II, 6. 3. 
 
438 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 period, regarded as the founder: to which facts the 
 story of a war against Elis was easily subjoined. 
 The combat with Augeas, a son of Helius, seems to 
 have been in great part borrowed from some Epirotan 
 fable respecting Geryon. 
 
 4. In tracing the various steps which led to the 
 formation of the Peloponnesian mythology of Her- 
 cules, it has by no means been our aim to enter mi- 
 nutely into the details of the subject, which would 
 carry us far beyond the limits of the present inquiry ; 
 the distinction between the ancient and recent parts 
 of the tradition being so undefined that an accurate 
 separation of the two is almost impossible. Enough 
 has been said to show how frequently the same legend 
 reappears in different shapes ; and consequently that 
 some original version was variously modified in dif- 
 ferent places. We shall once for all remind those 
 who imagine the northern legend of Hercules to 
 have been of later date than the Peloponnesian be- 
 cause the latter is mentioned by the early epic poets, 
 that some higher source must be sought for than a 
 few passages of those poets which have been acciden- 
 tally preserved : that it should be looked for (if any- 
 where) in some connected mythological tradition, to 
 which the particular fables owed their rise and deve- 
 lopment. 
 
 The task is comparatively easy to examine the his- 
 tory of fables, the scene of which lies in colonies or 
 countries with which the Greeks did not become ac- 
 quainted till a late period, as the events on which 
 they are founded took place within the era of our 
 historical knowledge. At the same time the analogy 
 of these facts, sufficiently ascertained, enables us to 
 conjecture as to those which are enveloped in fabulous 
 
 CH. 12, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 439 
 
 obscurity ; we can reason from what we know to what 
 we do not know. 
 
 5. From Sparta the worship of Hercules spread to 
 her colonies, particularly Tarentum* and Croton. In 
 the latter city Hercules enjoyed the honours of a 
 founder,^ being reported to have established it on his 
 return from Erythea.^ After\vards the tradition of his 
 purification and atonement was transferred from 
 Amyclee in Laconia to Croton, an event to which the 
 high reputation enjoyed by the worship of Apollo in 
 the latter town greatly contributed. Hence we per- 
 ceive on the coins of this place the youthful hero sitting 
 with a bow, quiver, and arrows before a blazing 
 altar, on which he scorches a branch of laurel.*^ Con- 
 nected with the above is the tradition of Philoctetes 
 having deposited the arrows of Hercules in the temple 
 of Apollo Alseus at Croton, from whence they were 
 said to have been brought by the Crotoniats into the 
 temple of Apollo within the precincts of their town.^ 
 On the coins of that city Hercules is frequently seen 
 with a goblet in his hand, either in a recumbent or 
 erect posture. The allusion is ^explained by the fol- 
 lowing story : Hercules, who was always thirsty, had 
 asked for some wine at Croton ; but the woman of the 
 house dissuaded her husband from tapping the cask 
 for a stranger; on which account the women of that 
 country never drank wine/ 
 
 6. Our readers are, we take for granted, well ac- 
 
 * See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad 
 JEn. III. From hence the co- 
 lony of Heraclea was sent. 
 
 '' OIKIMTAM on coins, i. e. 
 
 olKiffTTig. 
 
 *' Jamblich. Vit. Fythag. 10. 
 *^ Mus. Pembrock. P. II. tab. 
 
 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. 
 
 N°. 13, from whose explanation 
 
 mine differs in some respects. 
 ^ Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 1 15, 
 « Athen. X. p. 441 A. from 
 
 the 'iTaXiKri of Alcimus. 
 
438 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 period, regarded as the founder : to which facts the 
 story of a war against Elis was easily subjoined. 
 The combat with Augeas, a son of Hehus, seems to 
 have been in great part borrowed from some Epirotan 
 fable respecting Geryon. 
 
 4. In tracing the various steps which led to the 
 formation of the Peloponnesian mythology of Her- 
 cules, it has by no means been our aim to enter mi- 
 nutely into the details of the subject, which would 
 carry us far beyond the limits of the present inquiry ; 
 the distinction between the ancient and recent parts 
 of the tradition being so undefined that an accurate 
 separation of the two is almost impossible. Enough 
 has been said to show how frequently the same legend 
 reappears in different shapes ; and consequently that 
 some original version was variously modified in dif- 
 ferent places. We shall once for aU remind those 
 who imagine the northern legend of Hercules to 
 have been of later date than the Peloponnesian be- 
 cause the latter is mentioned by the early epic poets, 
 that some higher source must be sought for than a 
 few passages of those poets which have been acciden- 
 tally preserved : that it should be looked for (if any- 
 where) in some connected mythological tradition, to 
 which the particular fables owed their rise and deve- 
 lopment. 
 
 The task is comparatively easy to examine the his- 
 tory of fables, the scene of which lies in colonies or 
 countries with which the Greeks did not become ac- 
 quamted till a late period, as the events on which 
 they are founded took place within the era of our 
 historical knowledge. At the same time the analogy 
 of these facts, sufficiently ascertained, enables us to 
 conjecture as to those which are enveloped in fabulous 
 
 ^H. 12, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 439 
 
 obscurity ; vve can reason from what we know to what 
 we do not know. 
 
 5. From Sparta the worship of Hercules spread to 
 her colonies, particularly Tarentum^ and Croton. In 
 the latter city Hercules enjoyed the honours of a 
 founder,^ being reported to have established it on his 
 return from Erythea.^ Afterwards the tradition of his 
 purification and atonement was transferred from 
 Amyclae in Laconia to Croton, an event to which the 
 high reputation enjoyed by the worship of Apollo in 
 the latter town greatly contributed. Hence we per- 
 ceive on the coins of this place the youthful hero sitting 
 with a bow, quiver, and arrows before a blazing 
 altar, on which he scorches a branch of laurel.'^ Con- 
 nected with the above is the tradition of Philoctetes 
 having deposited the arrows of Hercules in the temple 
 of Apollo Alseus at Croton, from whence they were 
 said to have been brought by the Crotoniats into the 
 temple of Apollo within the precincts of their town.^ 
 On the coins of that city Hercules is frequently seen 
 with a goblet in his hand, either in a recumbent or 
 erect posture. The allusion is explained by the fol- 
 lowing story : Hercules, who was always thirsty, had 
 asked for some wine at Croton ; but the woman of the 
 house dissuaded her husband from tapping the cask 
 for a stranger; on which account the women of that 
 country never drank wine.* 
 
 6. Our readers are, we take for granted, well ac- 
 
 "■ See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad 
 Mii. III. From hence the co- 
 lony of Heraclea was sent. 
 
 ^ OIKIMTAM on coins, i. e. 
 oiKifTriiQ. 
 
 '» Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10. 
 
 ^ Mus. Pembrock. P. II. tab. 
 
 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. 
 
 N°. 13, from whose explanation 
 
 mine differs in some respects. 
 ^ Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 115 
 « Athen. X. p. 441 A. from 
 
 the 'IraXu^ of Alcimus. 
 
440 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 quainted with the fable of Hercules in the island of 
 Cos, as related by Homer/ The events which con- 
 tributed to its formation are, in the first place, the 
 existence of several noble families of Heraclide descent, 
 whose origin, according to ancient traditions, was con- 
 nected with the conquest of Ephyra, though they were 
 afterwards said to have sprung from the supposed 
 residence of Hercules in the island itself, where the 
 ancestor of these families sprang from his connexion 
 with a daughter of the king of the Meropians. This 
 fiction of his abode in Cos took its rise in a mistaken 
 view of certain ceremonies there practised : for the 
 peculiarity of the worship in question, in which the 
 priest at the festival aVT*]aa;^/a, celebrated in the 
 spring, put on a female dress (as Hercules is said to 
 have disguised himself in woman's clothes,)^ betrays 
 an Asiatic origin ; which induced the poets of ancient 
 times to consider Hercules of Cos as identified with 
 the Ideean Dactyli.^ This dress was also probably 
 worn in the Lydian worship of Sandon^ (who was 
 called Hercules by the Greeks) ; for Omphale is said 
 to have attired the effeminate hero in a transparent 
 garment dyed with sandyx, a custom which evidently 
 originated in the practice of some festival. The man 
 described as the slave of a lascivious woman was a 
 symbolical representation of a soft and voluptuous ele- 
 
 ^ See book I. ch. 6. § 3. 
 
 s Plutarch. Qusest. Grsec. 58. 
 p. 409. Nicomachus ap. Lyd. 
 de Mensibus, p. 93. 
 
 ^ Dissen. Expl. Find. Isthm. 
 V. p. 525. It may, perhaps, be 
 collected from Ovid. Metam. 
 VII. 369. that at this festival 
 the women were disguised as 
 cows. Perhaps the festival of 
 Hercules was connected with 
 
 that of Here, concerning which 
 see Athen. VI. p. 262. 
 
 i Laur. Lydus de Magistr. 
 III. 64. p. 268. On the con- 
 nexion between the Lydian wor- 
 ship of Sandon or Sandes and 
 the Hellenic worship of Hercules 
 see a paper by the author in the 
 Rheinisches Museum^ \o\. III. 
 p. 22—39. 
 
 CH. 12, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 441 
 
 mentary religion ; while the same allegory was by the 
 Greeks referred to the servitude of Hercules in the 
 house of Eurystheus. This legend is first mentioned 
 by Pherecydes, then by Hellanicus of Lesbos (who 
 refers to the traditions current in the city of Acele),'' 
 and also in Herodotus, whose genealogy of the ancient 
 kings of Lydia— Hercules, Alcaeus (from the Greek 
 mythology, Belus. the god of Babylon), Ninus (Ni- 
 neveh), Agron, &c., refers to the Assyrian origin of the 
 ancient Lydian kings, and agrees remarkably witli the 
 statement that Hercules- Sandon or Sandes, was ori- 
 ginally an Assyrian deity belonging to the same reli. 
 gious system as Belus.* 
 
 7. We now come to a fable of kindred origin, the 
 fable of Hylas. Hylas was invoked during midsummer 
 at the sides of fountains by the aboriginal inhabitants of 
 Bithynia,™ long before the Greeks founded their city of 
 Cios ; but the latter adopted the stoiyof the boy Mlin<r 
 into the water, connecting it (as they worshipped Her- 
 cules as theu- founder) " with the lable of that hero. 
 Indeed a legend very similar had previously existed, 
 the minion of Hercules being (according to Hellanicus) 
 Theiomenes, the son of Theiodamas the kmg of the 
 Dryopes.° The death of Lityerses was in Phrygia the 
 subject of an ancient song ; and who else should have 
 slain him, according to the tradition of the Greeks, than 
 he whose power was dreaded throughout the countries 
 of the barbarians ? ^ The Greeks introduced such 
 
 ^ Steph. Byz. in 'Aw'Xt/. 
 
 ^ Berosus ap. Agath. Hist. 
 Justin. II. p. 62. ed. Vulcan. 
 
 »" Strabo XII. p. 564 B. So- 
 linus 42, &c. comp. Orch&menos, 
 p. 293. 
 
 " Kriffrrig on the coins. 
 
 °Ap. Schol. Apoll. llhod. I. 
 
 131. Hence this genealogy was 
 afterwards transferred to Hylas. 
 In the Spartan fable, Elacatus 
 was represented as the TrmBiKo. 
 of Hercules (Sosibius ap. He- 
 sych. in 'llXakdria). 
 
 ^\ See the fragments of the 
 Lytierses of Sositheus, Her- 
 
442 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 heterogeneous matter without hesitation into their my- 
 thology. Hercules, even in the spot where his worship 
 originated, was represented as a hero of great power 
 abroad : he wag the protector of boundaries and (if I 
 may be allowed the expression) of marches : after- 
 wards, when his worship was adopted by the whole of 
 Greece, he was considered as the general guardian of 
 the Grecian colonists. Thus he is represented as con- 
 tending for the territory of Heraclea on the Pontus, 
 against the aboriginal Bebryces, and in defence of 
 Cyrene against the native Libyans. For it seems very 
 probable that the combat with Antaeus,"^ who derived 
 new vigour from touching the earth, was merely emble- 
 matical of the contests sustained by the Greek colonists 
 against the Libyan hordes, which, though often con- 
 quered, always sallied forth from the deserts in in- 
 creased numbers. Thus the fable of Hercules and 
 Busiris was invented at a time when the Greeks first 
 became known in Egypt, and had as yet only an im- 
 perfect acquaintance with that country; for which 
 reason Herodotus ridicules it as a silly invention of the 
 lonians. Busiris appears to me to have been the name 
 of the principal deity with the addition of the article. 
 In this story he is described as a ferocious tyrant, who 
 orders Hercules to be sacrificed, until the latter, re- 
 covering himself suddenly, slays the tyrant and his 
 cowardly retinue. 
 
 8. While attempting to reconcile these discordant 
 traditions, and mould them into one connected story, 
 it was natural that the Greeks should find some affinity 
 
 mann, Opuscula, vol. I. p. 54. p. 326. those of Pherecydes, 
 
 and above, ch. 8. § 12. Pindar, and Apollodoms should 
 
 1 Amongst the passages quoted be particularly noticed, 
 in Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. I. 
 
 <^H. 12, § a OF THE DORIANS. 443 
 
 of character behveen Hercules and the PhtEnician god 
 Melcart, the son of Baal and Astarte {^A<TT,ola) It 
 
 Tat th ' nfT" 1 ' *'"P'*^ ^^ "«'•*="'- ^t Gadira 
 that the fable of this hero having there terminated his 
 
 voyage after the battle of Geryon, owed its origin ; and 
 the neighbouring pillars of Hercules or Briareus' ivere 
 originally considered as the work of Melcart. The 
 Hercules of the Carthaginians was also represented as 
 a wanderer and conqueror ; ' his particular province w" 
 he island of Sardinia;' which island becanie alsoT" 
 eluded in the Grecian mythology : he is likewise s.dd 
 to have passed through Spain.- The discoverer of the 
 purple dye in the Tyrian tradition, is tlie same p 
 -age;Mhe quail was sacred to him, therelfof 
 tliat bird having resuscitated him from death.^ Great 
 as tlie confusion soon became between the Doric and 
 Rioenician traditions respecting Hercules, tliey may 
 
 fi ':;:^' >'/?^-«-'-<l from each otlier ; and tlie 
 firs effect o their union may perhaps be traced in tJie 
 wish of Dorieus, the son of Anaxandridas, to found a 
 kingdom near mount Eryx, because Hercules had for- 
 
 / Aristot. ap. ^Elian Var. 
 Hist. V. 3. comp. Schwarzde 
 Columnis Herculis, Opuscula, 
 vol. II p. 205. Peringer de 
 Templo Herculis Gaditani. Con- 
 cerning Hercules-Briareus, see 
 also Zenob. Prov. olro^ ^\\og 
 UpaKXyg. 
 
 *The African Hercules Ma- 
 ceris, according to Pausan. X. 
 17. 2; the Phoenician Aitutdc 
 according to Euseb. Seal, p 26* 
 m the Greek text. Islands of 
 Hercules near New Carthage 
 m Spain, Arhen. III. p. 121 A 
 We find also an lolaus connected 
 
 with the Carthaginian Hercules, 
 Polyb. yil. 9. 2. Eudoxus ap 
 Athen. IX. p. 392 D. 
 
 ^ Pausan. ubi sup. 
 
 " Sallust. Bell. Jugurth. 21 
 which passage also mentions his 
 
 * Pollux I. 4. 45. 
 
 y Eudoxus ubi sup. Eustath. 
 ad II. p. 1702. 50. Zenobius 
 m oprv^ ttTiaaev. Compare with 
 these passages the very ingeni- 
 ous explanation of this fable in 
 Heemi's Ideen, vol. I. part 2. 
 
444 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY book ii. 
 
 merly conquered that country ; * now the worship and 
 name of the Phoenician Aphrodite (Astarte) existed 
 on mount Eryx, and probably also that of her son 
 Melcart. 
 
 9. Notwithstanding the long digression into which 
 the examination of our subject has led us, we are 
 afraid that the following positions, attempted to be 
 established as the result of the preceding investiga- 
 tion, will by no means carry with them conviction 
 to all readers. We may, however, rest assured, that 
 whatever traces of an elementary religion can be 
 discovered in this fable, they were additions totally 
 at variance with its original structure. Tlie funda- 
 mental idea of all the heroic mythology may be pro- 
 nounced to be a proud consciousness of power innate 
 in man, by which he endeavours to place himself on 
 a level wdth the gods, not through the influence of 
 a mild and benign destiny, but by labour, misery, and 
 combats. The highest degree of human suffering 
 and courage is attributed to Hercules : his character 
 is as noble as could be conceived in those rude and 
 early times; but he is by no means represented as 
 free from the blemishes of human nature ; on the 
 contrary, he is frequently subject to wild, ungovern- 
 able passions, when the noble indignation and anger of 
 the suflering hero degenerate into phrensy.* Every 
 crime, however, is atoned for by some new suffering ; 
 but nothing breaks his invincible courage, until, puri- 
 fied from earthly corruption, he ascends mount Olym- 
 pus, and there receives the beauteous Hebe for his 
 
 * Herod. V. 43. Paus. III. Hercules was subject to epi- 
 16. 4. lepsy. 
 
 * Hence also the legend that 
 
 CH. 12, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 445 
 
 bride, while his shade tlireatens the frightened ghosts 
 in Hades.'^ As in the fable of Apollo, the godhead 
 descends into the circle of human life, so in Hercules 
 a purely human power is elevated to the gods. Her- 
 cules also corresponds to the last-mentioned deity, 
 m his divine attributes, as an averter of evil (aXs^/- 
 ^cLxos and frmri^q) ;^ which the (Eteeans carried so far 
 as to worship him as the destroyer of grasshoppers 
 {xo^vowimv), and the Erythraeans as the killer of the 
 vme-worm {WoKT6yog),' We cannot, however, agree 
 with Herodotus, who derives the deification of Her- 
 cules from a combination of the PJicenician or Idgean 
 god, and the hero of Thebes, since Hercules also 
 enjoyed divine honours at places (as Messene and 
 Marathon^ where such an amalgamation can scarcely 
 be imagmed. But he is a deity representing the 
 liigliest perfection of humanity, and therefore the 
 
 \Od.X 1.605. 
 *" Tin's worship certainly ori- 
 ginated at Delphi, since the 
 Delphic oracle in Demosth. in 
 Mid. p. 531. 7. orders the 
 Athenians to oflfer sacrifices 
 TTEpl vyieiag to the supreme 
 Zeus, Hercules, and Apollo 
 Trpoararvpiog. Concerning Her- 
 cules aXe^UaKOQ see Libanius 
 Ep. 12. Dio Chrysost. Orat. I. 
 p. 17. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 
 1375. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 
 1218. comp. Marini Ville Al- 
 ban. p. 141. No. 152. This 
 character of the hero is gene- 
 rally alluded to in the exclama- 
 tions 'Hpa^Xeig^ Mc Hercules; 
 and as such, representations of 
 sheep were offered to him (other- 
 wise the usual sacrifices were 
 swine) ; and he was called M»/- 
 \wi' at Thebes, Pollux I. I. 27. 
 
 30. and at Melite in Attica.— 
 See Apollod. ap. Zenob. V. 12. 
 Hesych. in MijXuiv. Schol. Ari- 
 stoph. Pac. 42. cf. 740. Suidas 
 in Mz/Xtof. 
 
 •^Strab. XlII.p. 613. This, 
 however, was not the original 
 Grecian Hercules ; above, § 8. 
 Hercules airo^vioq (the averter 
 of flies) was worshipped at 
 Rome, according to Clemens 
 Alexand. Protrept. I. p. 24. ed. 
 Sylb. a title of Zeus at Olympia.' 
 ^ According to Pausanias, who 
 also gives an account of several 
 Daedalian wooden images of 
 Hercules. The divine worship 
 at Sicyon (Paus. II. 10. 1.) 
 may, however, be referred to the 
 Idaean Dactylus, since this town 
 was anciently connected with 
 Phaestus. 
 
446 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 BOOK IT. 
 
 model and aim of human imitation ; and the summit 
 of heroic energy was seen where the human passed 
 into the divine nature. His life and actions on earth 
 are in ancient mythology perfectly human ; and those 
 fables, which raise him above humanity, for instance, 
 those alluding to the combat with the giants,^ betray a 
 later origfin. 
 
 10. How little the ancient mythology was desirous 
 of divesting Hercules of any feelings of humanity may 
 be collected from various features in his character. 
 Hercules, whether invited or not invited, is d jovial 
 guest, and not backward in enjoying himself. This 
 explains the frequent allusions to him as a great eater 
 (^ov^olvag) and tippler, and also the Herculean gob- 
 lets and couches. The original source of all these 
 fictions was the ancient tradition of the residence of 
 Hercules with Ceyx and Dexamenus : nay, they 
 may be traced to the ceremonies observed at his 
 worship and festivals.^ The Doric,^' like the Athenian 
 comic poets and satirists, merely adopted the general 
 outline of the story, filling up the details to suit their 
 own fancy and humour : the latter adding some jokes 
 upon the gluttony of their Boeotian neighbours.* It 
 was Hercules, above all other heroes, whom mythology 
 endeavoured to place in ludicrous situations ; and 
 
 ^Pind. Nem. I. 67. (cf.VII. 
 90 ) represents Hercules as en- 
 gaged in this contest with the 
 gods, probably a short time 
 before his deification. The first 
 representations of Hercules the 
 giant - destroyer occur on the 
 throne of the Amyclaean Apollo. 
 Pausan. III. 18. 7. and some 
 very ancient vases. 
 
 ^ In making libations to Her- 
 cules not a drop was left in the 
 
 goblet, Athen. XII. p. 1512 F. 
 Those who wished to make li- 
 bations brought him a measure 
 of wine, Hesych. in Olviorripia. 
 
 ^ For instance, Epicharmus 
 in the Busiris, and The Mar- 
 riage of Hebe (frequently quoted 
 in AthenfEus), and Rhinthon in 
 the Hercules. See Athen. XI. 
 p. 500 F. 
 
 * See e. g., Eubulus ap. Athen. 
 XIII. p. 567. 
 
 CH. 12, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 447 
 
 sometimes made the butt of the buffoonery of others 
 I his was the case in the fable of the Cercopes (treated 
 01 in a ludicrous epic poem ascribed to Homer) ^ 
 who are represented as alternately amusin^r and an- 
 noymg the hero. In works of ait they are often 
 represented as satyrs, who rob the Iiero of his quiver 
 bov., and club.^ Hercules, annoyed at their iisults,' 
 binds two of them to a pole, in the manner repre- 
 sented on the bas-relief of Sehnus,-" and marches 
 ,0ft with liis prize. Happily for the offenders, the 
 iimder parts of Hercules had become tanned by con- 
 tinned labours and exposure to tlie atmosphere: 
 vvhich reminded them of an old prophecy, warning 
 them to beware of a person of this complexion " and 
 the coincidence caused them to burst out into an 
 
 On this poem see Fabric. 
 Bibhoth. Gr, vol. I. p. 378. ed. 
 Harles. Thermopylae appears 
 to have been the earliest locality 
 of this fable (Herod. VII. 216 
 above, ch. U. § 5.), but in this 
 poem the scene was perhaps laid 
 in CEchalia in Eiiboea ; at least 
 Tzetzes, enumerating the poems 
 attributed to Homer, mentions 
 the KipkwTreg next to the 0(\a- 
 Xmc &\u,(nc (ap. Bentl. Epist. 
 ad Mill. p. 505. ed. Lips.).— 
 Hence Diotimus, in his poem 
 on the labours of Hercules, 
 called the Cercopes CEchalians, 
 viz., in Eulja^a, whence they ra- 
 vaged the territory of Bceotia 
 (Suidas in EvpvjSarog. Apostol. 
 IX. 33. Schol. Lucian. Alexand. 
 4. 71.) : iEschrion of Sardis, in 
 his Ephesis, was probably the 
 first who transplanted them to 
 I-ydia (Lobeck dc Ccrcojnbus 
 et Cobalis p. 7.), and Xenago- 
 ras to the Pithecusre (apparently 
 
 in his treatise irepX N»/ffwv, ap. 
 Harpocrat. in Ke^vwTrcr. Lac- 
 tant. Fab. XIV. 3. Zenobius, 
 Apostol. XI. 24.). Among the 
 Athenian comic poets Hermip- 
 pus and Plato treated this fable; 
 but the composition in Hancar- 
 ville III. 88. in which Hercules 
 reaches two monkev-shaped Cer- 
 copes in nets or cages to Eurys- 
 theus sitting on a throne, seems 
 to be a representation of an Ita- 
 lian farce. 
 
 ^ Millingen Peintures Intfditcs 
 pi. 35. Tischbein III. 37. See 
 Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 691. 
 
 ™ See Reinganum's Sclinus, 
 plate 3. (Leipsig. 1827). 
 
 Mv TEv fiEXafiTTvyov rvxoii'. 
 See the Paroemiographers, Pho- 
 tius, Suidas, &c., m this expres- 
 sion, Diod. IV. 31. and others. 
 The proverb occurred in Archi- 
 lochus, fragm. 106. ed. Gais- 
 ford. 
 
448 RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY, &c. book ii. 
 
 immoderate fit of laughter. This surprised Her- 
 cules, who inquired the reason, and was himself so 
 diverted by it, that he set both his prisoners at liberty. 
 And in general no company better agrees with the 
 character of Hercules, even in his deified state, than 
 that of satyrs and other followers of Bacchus, as 
 might easily be proved by many works of Grecian 
 art. It also seems that mirth and buffoonery were 
 often combined with the festivals of Hercules : thus 
 there was at Athens a society of sixty men, who, on 
 the festival of the Diomean Hercules, attacked and 
 amused themselves and others with sallies of wit.*" 
 We shall hereafter show how these exhibitions ori- 
 ginated in the propensity of the Doric race to the 
 burlesque and comic.^ 
 
 ° Athen. VI. p. 260. from demi. See Diodorus of Sinope 
 
 Hegesander, ibid. XIV. p. 615 in Athen. VI. p. 239 E. 
 D. from Telephanes. Perhaps p Book IV. ch. 6. § 9. 10. 
 
 Hercules had Trapao-troi here as ch. 7. 
 well as at Cynosarges and other 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 2g 
 
APPENDIX I. 
 
 On fh,~ .eUleviaits, origin, r,nd early history of ,he Macedo- 
 
 nian nation. 
 
 General outline of the country.- 
 
 three llor^ojc^^'f" n"''- *'" """'''" ^"'^"'^ '^«'""-A'. 
 three r.vers of considerable szze fall into the sea at very shor 
 
 distances from one another, but which meet in this phJe in 
 
 very d>frerent directions. The largest of the thrertm ^ 
 
 fi-om the north-west, and is now called (as indeed i TasT 
 
 ot Amus. Its stream .s increased by large tributary branches 
 on both sides, and chiefly by the Eris-on »,! ■ i, n """* 
 
 the mountains of Illyr.a.' The river Ix'in f 'r"" 
 
 the west; it is now called in r^te rio"°:?Th"" ""* 
 Poto.a..a on the coast Carasmac : TZil tn' Z 
 evtdent from passages in Herodotus andStrabo, was Ll^^ 
 or Ludtas. And, lastly, after many turnings and wi^"' 
 
 Our knowledge of Macedonia has 
 been much increased bytheTravelsof 
 t. C. H. L. Pouqueville from Janina to 
 Greveno ami (;astoria, of H. Pouque- 
 ville Irom Guilan to Mezzovo, Ind 
 Barbie du Boca^e's (the younger) 
 ijxamination of the Ruins of Pella- 
 a though in the Foj^offc dam la Grtce 
 (torn. II.) of the first-named writer 
 some singular notions, arising from 
 an imperfect knowledge of ancient 
 geography (e. g., of HaliacmonU\ 
 somewhat confuse the desc.iprioa. 
 
 by J J) Barbie du Bocage, is a work 
 of greu accuracy, and it has been 
 implicitly followed in the annexed 
 
 '' Its rise in these mountains, and 
 course through P»onia (Liv. 
 
 XXXIX. 53. Strabo VII n *^97 /.r 
 
 fi'itrn'^C:!^^^^^^ 
 
 .Jf''^!^^ VII. 9. p. 330. states that 
 
 which Pn '"•"' *^"* «^ t^« 1-ke on 
 which Pe la IS situated ; which is 
 
 nowthelakeofJenidge. (Acco ding 
 o modern maps it is Jottrue that the 
 ake IS formed by an «t«Vt«.^; of 
 
 he Axius; but in ancient time? also 
 the marshes reached to the east of 
 
 ^romHerodo^tu^-^i^^V\hart\1 
 Lydias was next to the Axius. 
 A..3.«, was the reading found by 
 Ha^rpocration in ^hi„es de Fali! 
 
452 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 the Haliacmon, now called Bkhlista, flows from the south- 
 west ; in the time of Herodotus it fell into the sea through 
 the same mouth as the Lydias, probably being widened by 
 marshes ; and in modern maps the interval between the two 
 rivers is represented as very small.*^ It may be easily con- 
 ceived that this whole maritime district must have been low 
 and marshy ; and by this means Pella, as Livy remarks, was 
 of all towns in the country best fitted for being the fortress 
 of the Macedonian kings, and the place of deposit for their 
 treasure, since it lay, like an island, in the morasses and 
 swamps formed by the neighbouring lakes and rivers. These 
 marshes were called by the expressive name of ^6§/3ogos-, or 
 
 mud.^ 
 
 2. Although the mouths of these rivers were so near to- 
 gether, the extent of mountains, valleys, and plains which 
 they encompassed in their course was very considerable, 
 amounting, according to modern maps, to 140 geographical 
 miles from north and south, and more than 60 from east to 
 west. The Axius, together with its minor branches, runs 
 from the great Scardian chain, which further on receives 
 the names of Orbelus, Scomius, and Haemus; while the 
 course of the Haliacmon is close to the heights of mount 
 Olympus (part of which ridge in later times was called the 
 Cambunian mountains), and therefore to the borders of 
 Thessaly. Both ridges run at right angles from the great 
 mountain-chain which cuts the upper part of Greece in a 
 direction from north-west to south-east, its southern parts 
 bearing the name of Pindus, the ridge towards Thessaly and 
 Epirus of Lacmon,^ and further to the north-west it is called 
 
 * Herod. VII. 127. Scylax agrees 
 with Herodotus, p. 26. ed. Hudson, 
 where the places come in the follow- 
 ing order : " Pydna, Methone, the 
 " mouth of the Haliacmon, Alorus, 
 " the Lydias, then Pella, the Axius, 
 '* the Echeidorus, and Therma." On 
 the other hand, Strabo, who represents 
 the Haliacmon as falling into the 
 sea near Dium (VII. 8. p. 330.), per- 
 haps confounding it with the Helicon, 
 (Pausan. IX. 30. 4.) is supported by 
 Ptolemy, p. 82. '* Thessalonice, the 
 
 *' Echeidorus, the Axius, the Lydias, 
 " Pydna, the Haliacmon, Dion, 
 ** Pharybas (read Baphyras), the 
 " Peneus." 
 
 "" Plutarch de Exilio 10. 
 
 ^ Or Lacmus, in which mountain 
 the Aous and the Inachus, a branch 
 of the Achilous, have their source, 
 Hecataeus ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. VII. 
 p. 316. Steph. Byz. in v. h.i,K[Mti. 
 Sophoclesap. Strab. VI.p. 271. Herod. 
 IX. 93. The Ungus of Livy XXXII. 
 13. is nearly the same mountain. 
 
 § 3. ON THE MACEDONIANS. 453 
 
 the Camlavian chains and mount Barnus.- It stretches 
 behmd the whole of the district just named, and forms, as 
 It were, thespme, to which the mountains of Illyria, Epirus 
 Macedonia, and Thessaly are attached like ribs. From this 
 Cham the two lines of mountains proceed, which separate 
 the valleys of the Haliacmon and the Axius. The name of 
 the ndge between the Haliacmon and the Lydias is known by 
 the mention of mount Bermius above Beroea;' and Beroea 
 IS certamly the modern Veria, or Cara Veria," near the 
 northern bank of the Haliacmon. It will be shown pre- 
 sently that Dysorum was the name of the mountain which 
 divided the Lydias and the Axius.' And the ridge which 
 stretching southward from the Scardian chain, par'ted the 
 valley of the Axius from the plains to the east, was called 
 (in one point at least), as we know from Thucydides'n. 
 account of the Odrysian king's march, Cercine. 
 
 3 The valleys beyond the last-mentioned ridge are those 
 of the Strymon and the Angites. As the Axius falls into 
 the sea m a gulf to the west, so does the Strymon join the 
 sea to the east of the Chalcidian peninsula. Not far from 
 Us mouth the Strymon forms a lake, into which the Angites 
 runs ; a stream of considerable size, its course lying west- 
 ward of the Strymon. For that the eastern stream is the 
 ancient Strymon (notwithstanding the opinion of most mo- 
 dern geographers) is, in the first place, evident from its 
 size ; secondly, from the name Struma, which it now bears ■ 
 and, thirdly, from the statement of Herodotus," that the 
 district of Phyllis reached southwards to the Strymon and 
 westward to the Angites; it lay, therefore, above the con- 
 
 » Ptolemy. It seems plain that 
 the KaKaXaat/ia o^rt of Ptolemy, in 
 which the Haliacmon rises, and the 
 Ka»Saat//a t^n before Ljclmidus, in 
 Strabo, Caesar, Cicero, and the Tab. 
 Peuting. are the same name^ and that 
 the passage of Ptolemy is corrupt. 
 'J he ridge is, indeed, broken by the 
 Genusus. 
 
 I" See next note. 
 Strabo VII. Exc. 11. p. 330. This 
 Bermius is a continuation of mount 
 Biimvs, at the foot of which the Via 
 
 Egnatia passes (Strab. VIL p. 323.), 
 and the same as the Bemus of Dio- 
 dorns, fragm. 27. p. 229. ed. Bipont, 
 or the Bora of Livy XLV. 29. 30 
 where it must be .listinguished be- 
 tween what properly belongs to a r^gio 
 and what adjidtur. See below, p. 
 459, note ". ^ 
 
 ^^^^ Mannert's Geographie, VII. p. 
 
 ' Below, §17. 
 ■» Below. 6 11. 
 "VII. 113. 
 
454 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 fluence of the two rivers and the lake which they formed 
 by their junction. The ridge which lies to the east of the 
 Strymon was called, at least where it widens along the coast, 
 Pangaeum.*' 
 
 Thus much is sufficient to give a general notion of the 
 geographical structure of the region, the ancient inhabitants 
 of which form the subject of the present inquiry. 
 
 Ancient names of the several districts. 
 
 4. We will now chiefly follow the full and accurate ac- 
 counts of Herodotus respecting the districts situated near 
 the mouths of the three rivers just mentioned. First, Myg- 
 DONIA, on the Thermaic bay, and round the ancient city of 
 Therma, extended, according to Herodotus, to the Axius, 
 which divided this district from Bottiais ; p and it agrees 
 with this statement that the small river Echeidorus (probably 
 the modern Gallico), which fell into the sea at the marshes 
 near the Axius, in the lower part of its course passed 
 through Mygdonia.i To the east this district extended 
 still further ; lake Bolbe, beyond Chalcidice, was either in 
 or near Mygdonia.' Thucydides, indeed, makes Mygdonia 
 reach as far as the Strymon ; ^ but this cannot be reconciled 
 with the account of Herodotus (who appears to have pos- 
 sessed a very accurate knowledge of this region), that both 
 the maritime district, west from the Strymon, in which was 
 the Greek city of Argilus, and the land further to the inte- 
 rior, was called Bisaltia.* On the other side, above Myg- 
 donia, was situated (according to Herodotus) the district of 
 Crestonica, from which the river Echeidorus flowed down 
 to the coast." 
 
 " Herodotus (ubi sup.) appears also 
 to call the mountain between the 
 Strymon and Angites, Pangaeum. 
 
 P Herod. VII. 123. cf. 127. 
 
 q Herod. VII. 124. 
 - ' Thuc. I. 58. 
 
 •11.99. 
 
 » Herod. VII. 115. Diodorus 
 XXVII. p. 229. also places the Bi- 
 saltae to the west of the Strymon ; 
 somewhat differently Liv. XLV. 29, 
 30. Compare Gaiterer's excellent 
 
 Dissertations de Herodoti et TAuct/di- 
 dis Thracta, and Commentat. Got- 
 ting. vol. 5. p. 33. 
 
 " Herod. VII. 124. cf. 127. It is, 
 however, singular that Xerxes should 
 go from Acanthus to Therma in 
 Mygdonia, beyond Paeonia (on the 
 Axius ?) and Crestonica. This Cres- 
 tonica is probably quite different 
 from the Crestonaei at the source of 
 the Echeidorus, and is a district of 
 Chalcidice. See the author's Etrus- 
 
 §6. ON THE MACEDONIANS. 455 
 
 5. Beyond the Axius, to the west of the stream, imme- 
 diately after Mygdonia, came Bottiais, which district was 
 on the other side bounded by the united mouth of the Ha 
 liacmon and the Lydias - and thus towards the sea it ter- 
 minated ,n a narrow wedge-shaped strip. On this tongue 
 ol land were the cities of Ichna3 and Pella,y the first of 
 which was celebrated for an ancient temple ; ^ while Pella 
 became afterwards the royal residence, situated on the lake 
 ol the Lydias, at the distance of 120 stadia from the river's 
 mouth,- and may now be recognised by these marks of its 
 position and some ruins. According to Strabo,-^ also, the 
 river Axius made the boundary of Bottia^a, and divided it 
 from the district of Amphaxitis, which was the name of the 
 opposite and more elevated side of the Axius.«^ Thucydides 
 also calls this tract of country Botti^a;^ and distinguishes 
 It ironi the more recent settlements of the Bottiaeans, near 
 Ulynthus, in Chalcidice," which he calls Bottica ' 
 
 6. The united mouth of the Lydias and Haliacmon, ac 
 cording to Herodotus,, divided Bottiais from Macedonis • 
 lor he can only mean this common mouth when he says 
 that "the rivers Lydias and Haliacmon divide the districts 
 
 *«•, vol. I. p. 96. 'Ev r? Ke.^T«v;« 
 ^a^a. m^ rcuv EtffccXrZy X'^^ctv, Pseud'- 
 Aristor. Mirab. Auscult. p. 710. ed. 
 Casaubon. 
 
 * Herod. VII. 127. 
 
 y yil. 123. Borrtutla, rnt 'ixcvtr, ro 
 
 IX^ct, rt xcc) UiXXcc. It dues not fol- 
 low that Pella was. i„ the opinion of 
 Herodotus, a coast-town. 
 
 ^ Of Apollo, according ii3 Hesv- 
 chius in •l;^.,«;„,. Macedonia had 
 been called from it 'l;^v«;„ by some 
 poet, Hesychius and Suidas in v. The 
 city IS mentioned by Eratosthenes an. 
 Steph Byz. Plm. H. N. IV. 17. and 
 Mela II. 3. Stephanns Byz. con- 
 founds with this town that in Thes- 
 saly. Themis was worshipped at 
 Jchnae, according to Strabo IX. p. 
 43.). *^ 
 
 • Strab. VII. 8. p. 330. compare 
 bcylax and .^schines above in 
 Dotes c and ^. 
 
 "Strab. VII.O.p. 330. 
 
 ' In Polybh.8 V. 97. 4. Bottia and 
 
 Amphaxitis are also mentioned to- 
 gether. 
 
 «* Borrlx in II. 99. should probably 
 be written Bomccla,, as in II. 100. (or 
 the reverse ; see notes " and f in this 
 page, and Etym. Mag. in v.) 
 ^ See below, p. 465, note ^. 
 Thucyd. 1.65,11.79. 101. The 
 passage of Theopompus ap. Steuh 
 «yz. m V. Al^x,c, should be thus 
 wntten: ^«'x. A.Va..v <r^; Borr,^;;, 
 Cyulg Att,kvs) f^i, oZffttf, ^oXirivo^ 
 ^i.',,, 3i f^.ra tZ, XaXx.SiW TJie in- 
 habitants, however, are always called 
 B.rT>«,« in Thucydides. B«rr.«/« for 
 ^;^'riKyi, Dionysius ad Amm. I. 9 
 Ihe great etymologist in B.rri/« also 
 notices the distinction between B.r- 
 Ti*n and Btrrnt'ta ; where write Bot- 
 riKfin XaXxihKh y^ (XAAKIAIKH for 
 XAAAAIKH). 
 
 „ * Vn- 1-^7. Compare the expression 
 >^}a, with VII. 123. Ss oua,iu y^,^. 
 
456 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I 
 
 " of Bottiais and Macedonis, uniting their waters in the 
 " same channel." Further on in the interior the Lydias 
 alone must have been the boundary of Bottiais, since other- 
 wise this district would not end in a narrow strip of land ; 
 Macedonis, therefore, began on the western bank of the 
 Lydias. In this place nothing more can be said as to the 
 meaning of the word Macedmis, before the precise significa- 
 tion of some other names has been determined. 
 
 7. Proceeding along the coast, Pieria borders upon Ma- 
 cedonis, the district under Mount Olympus,^' which ridge, 
 where it approaches this coast, splits into two branches, 
 the one stretching towards the mouth of the Peneus, the 
 other towards those of the three rivers. Herodotus cannot 
 make Pieria reach as far as the Haliacmon,^ as they are 
 here separated by Macedonis Proper ; ^ he probably sup- 
 poses it to begin just at the rise of mount Olympus, and 
 divides the narrow plain on the sea-coast from the tracts to 
 the interior. The southern boundary of Pieria is stated by 
 Strabo^ and Livy" to have been the district of Dium;" so 
 that these writers leave a narrow and mountainous strip of 
 land, stretching towards Tempe, which belonged neither to 
 Pieria nor Thessaly. The chief place in Pieria was Pydna, 
 also called Cydna (according to Stephanus Byz.), and in 
 later times Citron (according to the epitomizer of Strabo)," 
 which name still remains in the same place. 
 
 8. Now that we proceed from the divisions of the coast 
 to the interior, we are deserted, indeed, by the excellent ac- 
 count of Herodotus ; but there are nevertheless statements 
 
 h Pausan. IX. 30. 3. ;^<y^av rhv 
 vTo oooiy T»iv Ylnp'txv. Livy XLIV. 
 43. calls the mountain-forest above 
 Pydna Pie,ria sylvu. 
 
 i With Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. who 
 makes Paeonia extend to the Axius 
 (and so Ptolemy, p. 82.) ; though he 
 afterwards places Alorus to the south 
 of the Lydias, and yet in Bottiaea. 
 There is, however, much confusion in 
 this passage. 
 
 ^ See below, ^17. 
 
 >VIII.8. p. 330. 
 
 m Liv. XLIV. 9, 20. Hence also 
 Pdusauias (IX. 30. 3. X. 13. 3.) ap- 
 
 pears to distinjjuish Dium (ra v'to rn 
 Un^icf), and Strabo (IX. p. 410. X. 
 p. 471.) Leibethrum, from Pieria. Ou 
 the other hand, Arrian. Anab. I. 11. 
 places the Ioolmov of Orpheus at Lei- 
 bethra (Plutarch Alexand. 14.) in 
 Pieria. 
 
 " I have placed Dium at the ruines 
 in B. du Bocai^e ; Platamona is per- 
 haps the ancient temple of Hercules. 
 
 ** VII. 8. p. 330. comp. Wesseling 
 ad .A.nton. Itin. p. 328. and Drakenb. 
 ad Liv. XLII. fil. The Citium of 
 Livy must be sought for near Edessa. 
 
 I 
 
 ^0. 
 
 s 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 457 
 
 sufficiently accurate to determine the ancient name of each 
 district. The high and mountainous valley of the Haliac- 
 mon was, according to Livy,P called Elimeia ; the inha- 
 bitants Ehmiots, who are included by Thucydides^ among 
 the Macedonians : the district is also called after their name 
 Ehmiotis.' From thence proceeds the road to Thessaly 
 over the Cambunian mountains ;« and another almost im- 
 practicable road to ^toha over the mountainous country 
 to the south of Elimeia-t To Elimeia succeeded Parau;ea, 
 a fertile district, near the sources of the river called Aous' 
 ^as or Auus- and to the south again lav Paror;ea,' 
 which was crossed by the river Arachthus at the beginning 
 of Its course from under mount Stympha - the country 
 near this mountain was called Stvmpii^a (or Tymphaea) 
 extending to the sources of the Peneus and the land of thJ 
 iEthicians.y The Atintanians reached beyond the coun- 
 try of the Parauaeans, and within that of the Chaonians as 
 fo as Illyria.^ All these districts are indeed divided from 
 Ehmeia by the great chain of Pindus ; but, from their con- 
 nexion with that region, some account of them in this place 
 was indis])ensable. 
 
 9. A small valley in the district of Elimeia, which lay to 
 
 PXLIL 53. 
 
 1 II. 99. 
 
 ' Liv. XLV. 30. 
 
 " Liv. XLII. 53. Compare Plu- 
 tarch. Mnn\. 9. fi,a^ifci,t>, xxrk rki 
 'EXifi'ias (the passes of Elimea ?). 
 
 ' Liv. XLII I. 21. see above, $ 2. 
 
 " Steph. Byz. in Ua^avacToi. Ac- 
 cording to Arrian I. 7. the ciK^a Tvf^- 
 ^alas and Ua^ttvitlaf, between Elimea 
 and Thessaly. Plutarch Qu. Gr. 13. 
 cf. 2(f). places Parauaea in Molossis, 
 Stephanus in Thesprotis, as well as 
 Ty raphe. Comp. Thuc. II. 80. It is 
 now called Zagori. See Geogra- 
 phische Ephemeriden, vol. XVII. n 
 429. ^' 
 
 * Strab. VII. p. 325. cf. 32fi. The 
 ParoraDa in Paponia. Liv. XLII. 51. 
 Phn. IV. 17. should be digtiuguished 
 from it. 
 
 y Strab. VII. p. 327. cf. 326. Liv. 
 ALV. 3U. According to Marsyas in 
 
 Sfeph. Byz. in v. AiV/*/a, .^thicia lay 
 between Tymphaea and Athamania. 
 In Liy. XXXII. 13. should probably 
 be written, in Tymphaa terra Molot- 
 ttdiSf where yon would arrive by 
 mounting the course of the Aous. 
 Plutarch Pyrrh. 6. connects Stym. 
 phaea and Parauaea : r«v n •2rvf^(palav 
 
 Comp. Niebuhr's Romische Ge- 
 schichte, vol. IILp. 536. 
 
 ' See particularly Polyb. II. 5. 
 Scylax, p. 10. Comp. Thucydides, 
 Livy, and Strabo as above. In Prox- 
 enus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Xao.la, for 
 Ta^auXtot, 'Af^vftoHi read Uapaveuoij 
 'Arivrans. It is mentioned in Pseud- 
 Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 704. ed. 
 Casaub. that Atintania borders on 
 Apolloniatis ; and hence in p. 710. 
 
 for 'ArkavTivcuv read 'ArnTdvmv, or 'A- 
 
458 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 the north towards the Illyrian Dassaretians,* was inhabited 
 by the Orestian Macedonians,^ who doubtless were so called 
 from the mountains (6pn) in which they dwelt, and not from 
 Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. The valley of Orestis'^ 
 contained a lake, in which was the town Celetrum, situated 
 on a peninsula.*^ Its position coincides with that of the 
 modem Castoria;^ and it cannot be doubted that the wild 
 mountain-valley near the source of the Haliacmon was the 
 ancient Orestis. Another valley in Elimeia was called Al- 
 MOPiA, or Almonia, an ancient settlement dC the Minyans, 
 situated on the confines of Macedonia and Thessaly, appa- 
 rently not far from Pieria.^ 
 
 10. Elimeia, together with the surrounding highlands, 
 was cold and rugged, and difficult of cultivation.^ The 
 same was the case with the neighbouring district of Lyn- 
 CESTis, the country of the Lyncesta;, who had received their 
 name, according to a Macedonian inflexion,^ from Lyncus.' 
 Lyncus was the name of the whole district, and not of any 
 one city, as in early times there were only unfortified villages 
 
 a la Liv. XXXI. 40. Sulpicius goes 
 from Elimea to Orestis, and from 
 thence to Dassaretis (on the lake 
 Lychnidus, XXVII. 32. near Lyn- 
 cestis, XXXI. 33. XXXII. 9. cf. Po- 
 lyb. V. 108. Ptolem. p. 83,), and 
 conquers Pelion on the Erigon (see 
 Arrian I. 5.). 
 
 *' Maxihovuv ol 'O^ifrat, Polyb. 
 
 XVI II. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. cf. 
 XLII. 38. 
 
 <= Or 'o^iffTias, Strab. VII. p. 326. 
 
 d Liv. XXXI. 40. 
 
 * Mannert denies this (VII. p. 
 .519.); but without the authority of 
 any good map. See Pouqueville torn. 
 IL' p. 32'-^. Orestia was beyond 
 Macedonia, according to Steph. Hyz. 
 
 f This is evident from the following 
 passages, PUn. H. N. IV. 15. In 
 Thessalia aulem Orchomenos Minyeui 
 ante dictus, et oppidum Almon ab aliis 
 Salmon. Schol. Ai>ollon. 11. 1186^ 
 'huvara.i Ti xai 'Op^of^ivod fx,vnfionvuv tou 
 uihplou lAeixi^ovias xcci ^iiffiraXtas. 
 Steph. Byz. Mivva ToXii etffffaXiu; fi 
 
 'prportpov 'AX/Auvia ; Diod. XX. 110. 
 Where Orchomenus and Dium are 
 mentioned together as cities in ex- 
 istence in Olymp. 119. 3; Eustath. 
 ad II. IX. p. 661. 4. ed. Bas. (cf. IL 
 p. 206. 22.) who ^tates that the Thes- 
 salian or Macedonian Orchomenus 
 was in his time called Charraenas. 
 See Orchomenos, pp. 139, 249. 
 where it is also shown that the Hal- 
 mopians, or Salmonians, were an 
 ancient tribe of the Minyaj. 
 
 8 Livy XLV. 30. says ofEordaea, 
 Lyncestis, Pelagtmia, Atintania, 
 Tymphaea, and Kiimiotis./nviV/a Ihbc 
 omnis duraque cultu et asperaplaga est. 
 
 i» Among the Macedonian gentile- 
 names, such as Lyncestae, Oresta?, 
 Diastae (Steph. Byz. in iuov), may 
 also be included the Cyrrhestae (Plin. 
 H. N. IV. 17.) of the region Cvrrhus 
 (Thuc. II. 100. Diod. XVIII. 4. 
 Steph. Byz. in Mav5a^«/). 
 
 « Thuc. IV. 83. 124, 129. Liv. 
 XXVI. 25. XXXI. 33. see p. 459, 
 note ™, p. 460, note % and § 27. 
 
 § II. ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 459 
 
 in this part."^ It was surrounded on all sides by mountains ; 
 a narrow pass between two heights being the chief road to 
 the coast.' The position of Lyncus is accurately determined 
 by the course of the Egnatian Roman road from Dyr- 
 rachium, which, after crossing the Illyrian mountains at 
 Pylon (or the gateway), led by Heraclea Lyncestis, and 
 through the country of the Lyncestar and Eordians, to 
 Edessaand Pella;- as well as by the fact that the mms 
 Bora of Livy, i. e. the Bermius, lay to the south of it." Con- 
 sequently the Lyncestae must have inhabited the mountains 
 south of the Erigon, and a part of the valley in which that 
 river flowed ; which is confirmed by other accounts of ancient 
 writers.^ The country of the Eordians is also determined 
 by the direction of the Egnatian way; viz., to the east of 
 Lyncus and west of Edessa, and therefore in the valley of 
 the Lydias, to the north of Elimea p and the Bermius.^ In 
 order to go from the valley of the Erigon to Thessaly, the 
 way passed first through Eorda^a and then through Eli- 
 miotis.'^ 
 
 11. Deuriopus (ri AsuploTTo^) was the name of a tract of 
 country along the Erigon,^ which was considered as belong- 
 ing to Paeonia,t and probably lay to the east of Lyncestis 
 
 ^ Thuc. IV. 124. rat ToZ 'A^^,(ia!etJ 
 xufias. Heraclea Lyncestis aj'pears 
 to have been a late settlement. 
 ' Thuc. IV. 127. 
 
 «» Strab. VII. p. 323. This road, 
 which, according to the tab. Peutin- 
 ger. and the Itin. Anton, p. 318, 329. 
 passes through Lychnidus, Heraclea 
 Lyncestis, Cellae, Edessa, Pella, and 
 Therma, evidently in the higher 
 parts followed the direction of an 
 ancipnt pass, the iS^opof iios Iti rrt 
 Aaffffa^nri'hoi (see J). 458, note •) 
 xara. Avyxov, Pint. Flamin. 4. and 
 also Liv. XXXII. 9. where for Lych- 
 mdum read Lytuum. 
 
 " This follows from Liv. XLV. 29. 
 Quarta regxo trans lioram motitem 
 (with respect to which the tertia regw 
 Tvas versus sep/entrionem, and there- 
 fore versvs meridiem of this), and 
 XLV. 30. Quart am regionem Eordcpi 
 et Lynceitcc ct Pe/agones incolunt. 
 
 " For example, Ihe way in Livv 
 XXVI. 25. cf. XXXI. 33. where the 
 river Bevus is also mentioned, pro- 
 bably one of the branches, whicli, 
 according to Strabo VII. p. 327, fall 
 into the Krigon \x Xvyxmrruv. 
 
 Pin Liv. XLII. 53. Perseus goes 
 from Pella through Eordaea to Eli- 
 mea. The lacus Begorrites appears 
 to be the lake Citrini, 
 ^ See above, note ■• 
 ' Arrian I. 7. The river Eordai- 
 cus, ibid. I. 5, probably runs from 
 Eordaea into the Erigon. 
 
 • Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strab. VII. p. 
 327. Places, Bryanium, Alcomenae, 
 Stymbara (Stubera Livy. ^rvfiioget 
 Polybius). In Livy XXXI. 39, 40. 
 Sulpicius follows a mountain-road 
 from Stubera to Eordaea, and then 
 to Elimea; compare Polyb. XVIII. 
 r.. 3. 
 
 ' Liv. XXXIX. 53. 
 
460 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 §12. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 4GI 
 
 and north of Eordaea.'^ In Pseonia also was situated the 
 rugged district of Pelagonia, to the north of Lyncestis,* 
 having on its northern frontiers narrow passes, which pro- 
 tected it from the incursions of the DardaniansJ As to 
 other parts of the extensive territory of P^onia (in compa- 
 rison with which Macedonia was originally very inconsider- 
 able in size), it is only necessary to observ^e, that, beginning 
 near the source of the Axius, the banks of which river had 
 from early times been occupied by Paeonian tribes, a narrow 
 strip of land extended down to Pella and the coast ; ^ though, 
 according to Herodotus, it could not have actually reached 
 the edge of the sea, as the frontiers of Bottiais and Myg- 
 donia at this point came into contact with one another.* 
 Immediately to the north of Lower Macedonia, i. e., to the 
 north of Macedonian Paeonia, Bottiais, and Mygdonia, but 
 without the confines of these pro^^nces, was situated, as we 
 learn from Thucydides,^ the Paeonian city of Doberus.*^ 
 The king of the Odrysians arrived, according to the same 
 writer,*^ at this place after having come from his dominions, 
 which were bounded by the Strymon, over mount Cercine ; 
 in which passage he left the Paeonians to the right, and to 
 the left the Sintes and Maedi (Thracian races, supposed by 
 Gatterer to have penetrated hither when the Siropseonians 
 and others crossed over to Asia).« From which notices I 
 have ventured to set down the mountain, the city, and na- 
 tions just mentioned, as may be seen in the accompanying 
 map.^ 
 
 « See above, p. 459, note ". to make a descent into Lower Mace- 
 
 » By the road per Pelagomam et donia, the country ot Ferdiccas, from 
 
 Lyncum et Botticeam in Thessaliam, Doberus xara xopv^ri^. He then in- 
 
 Liv. XXVI. 25. That it borders on vades (II. 100.) Eidomene, Gortynia, 
 
 Deuriopus is shown by Liv. XXXI. Atalante, and Europus (Europos ad 
 
 39^ Jxium amnem, PUn. IV. 17.), pro- 
 
 y Liv. XXXI. 28, 33. comp. Gat- bably places in Paeonia, but certainly 
 
 terer Commentat. torn. VI. p. 67. nut Bottisea or Mygdonia. 
 
 » Thucyd.II. 99. rvs Uaitvias Ta^a, « II. 98. naions Afl/3»j^«;, Herod. 
 
 Toy'A|ioy TorafAOV ffTivr,v rtva xa^vxeuffav VII. 113. 
 
 ^va;<)£y r*«yoi nsXXn,- xai ^aXao-o-Mf . The ^ H. 98. 
 
 same strip of land was included by * Herod. V. 15. Concernmg the 
 yEmilius Paulus in his tertia regio, settlements of the Sintiaus, see Man- 
 according to Livy XLV. 29. Adjecta nert.vol. VII.p.502. 
 huic parti regio PcBonice, quaab occasu » Doberus coincides with the mo- 
 praterAxium amnem porrigitur. dern Doiran. The Ksgxii-rT/f Xi^y«, 
 
 • See above, p. 454. note v. Arrian I. 1 1, is probably the lake near 
 
 ^ 11. 99. where Sitalces is going Doiran. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Early history of the kingdom of Macedonia. 
 12. The subject of this dissertation made it necessary for 
 us to enter into the above detail as to the several provinces 
 and divisions of Upper and Lower Macedonia. We must 
 now proceed to inquire into the gradual extension of the 
 kingdom of Macedon ; an investigation in which we are for- 
 tunately assisted by the clear and accurate account of Thu- 
 cydides, who lived at no great distance from the country 
 which he describes ; and whose words I now transcribe as 
 follows (II. 99.): 
 
 - Accordingly, the subjects of Sitalces mustered at Do- 
 " berus, and prepared for a descent into Lower Macedonia, 
 '' which country was under the rule of Perdiccas. For to 
 " the Macedonians belong ^ the Lyncestac and the Elimiots, 
 '' and other nations in the upper parts of the country,' 
 " which are the allies and subjects^' of these Macedonians,'* 
 " but have nevertheless princes of their own. The present 
 " kingdom of Macedonia, extending along the sea,k was 
 first occupied by Alexander the father of Perdiccas, and 
 his ancestors of the family of Temenus, who came origin- 
 " ally from Argos ; and ruled over it, having by force of 
 " arms expelled the Pierians from Pieria,' and the Bot- 
 *' tiapans from the district called Bottiaea. They also ob- 
 " tained in Paeonia a narrow tongue of land, extending 
 " along the river Axius down to Pella and the sea : and on 
 " the further side of the Axius they possess the district 
 " called Mygdonia, as far as the Strymon, of which they 
 " dispossessed the Edones. They also dislodged the Eor- 
 " dians from the country still called Eordia, and from Al- 
 " mopia the Almopians. These Macedonians also subdued 
 " those other nations which they now possess ; viz., Anthe- 
 ^*| mus, together with Crestonia and Bisaltia, and a large 
 '' part of the Macedonians themselves. The whole of this 
 " country together is called Macedonia ; and Perdiccas, 
 
 (( 
 
 t( 
 
 ({ 
 
 « Tuv ykp Uaxihovuv ilff'i 
 
 1» c / • 
 
 ^«*»«, as the Magnetes to the 6^Xa,r<rrt, J, MaxilovUy. 
 
 Thessalians 
 
 Those of Perdiccas. 
 
 ^ rh Ta^a (according to Bekker) 
 
 ^ The substance of the clauses 
 omitted is given below. 
 
462 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 '' the son of Alexander, was king of it when Sitalces made 
 
 ** his invasion." 
 
 13. This chapter has not by any means been exhausted 
 by those who have written on the growth and size of Mace- 
 donia ; and therefore it will be convenient to set down some 
 of the chief inferences which may be drawn from it. 
 
 In the first place, it is plain that the Macedonians, who 
 made the conquest, and founded the kingdom of Macedon, 
 were not the whole Macedonian nation, but only a part of 
 it. There were in the mountainous districts Macedonian 
 tribes, which had their own kings, and originally were not 
 subject to the Temenidse. These are the Macedonian high- 
 landers of Herodotus,"" from whose district the road passed 
 over mount Olympus (the Cambunian chain) into the coun- 
 try of the Perrhaebians ; " and it began, as has been already 
 remarked, in Elimeia.'* The Elimiots were, according to 
 Thucydides, one portion of these Macedonians, the Lyn- 
 cestae another ; both which appellations were merely local, 
 and the full title was " the Macedonians in Lyncus,'' or 
 " the Macedonian Lyncestae." p Of the remaining Mace- 
 donian nations in the mountain-districts we only know the 
 name of the Orestae ; *i at least there are no others who can 
 with any certainty be considered as Macedonians. 
 
 14. The name of Macedonia was not therefore, as some 
 have supposed, confined to the royal dynasty of Edessa, 
 but was a natimal appellation ; so much so, that it is even 
 stated that those very kings subdued, among other nations, 
 a large portion of the Macedonians. The tribes of Upper 
 Macedonia were long governed by their own princes ; thus 
 Antiochus was king of the Orestae at the beginning of the 
 Peloponnesian war ; ' the Lyncestae were under the rule of 
 Arrhibaeus, the son of Bromerus,^ the great grandfather, 
 by the mother's side, of Philip of Macedon, who derived 
 
 •"VII. 128. cf. 131, 173. 
 
 " See book I. ch. 1. § 3. 
 
 " Above, p. 457, note '. 
 
 P Thus Thuc. IV. 83. comp, Xe- 
 noph. Hell. V. 2. 38. 
 
 1 Above, p. 458, note ^. Thucydides 
 II. 80. distinguishes the Orestce from 
 
 the Macedonians, viz., from those of 
 Perdiccas. 
 
 ' Thuc. II. 80. Perhaps from his 
 name he was of the family of the 
 Aleuadae. 
 
 * Thuc. IV. 79. 83. 
 
 § 15. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 463 
 
 his descent (not altogether without probability) from the 
 Bacchiadae, the ancient rulers of Corinth ;* and these kings! 
 though properly recognising the supremacy of the Teme- 
 nidae, were nevertheless at times their nearest, and therefore 
 most dangerous, enemies." 
 
 15. The Macedonian kingdom of the Temenidap, on the 
 other hand, began from a single point of the Macedonian 
 territory, concerning the position of which there are various 
 traditions. According to Herodotus, three brothers of the 
 family of Temenus, Gauanes, Aeropus, and Perdiccas, fled 
 from Argos to Illyria, from thence passed on to Lehcea in 
 Upper Macedonia, and served the king of the country (who 
 was therefore a Macedonian) as shepherds. From this place 
 they again fled, and dwelt in another part of Macedonia, 
 near the gardens of Midas, in mount Bermius (near Be^ 
 ra^a), from which place they subdued the neighbouring 
 country.'^ Thucydides so far recognises this tradition, that 
 he likewise considers Perdiccas as the founder of the kino-- 
 dom, reckoning eight kings down to Archelaus.y The 
 other account, however, that there were three kings before 
 Perdiccas, is unquestionably not the mere invention of later 
 historians, but was derived, as well as the other, from some 
 local tradition. According to this account the Macedonian 
 kmgdom began at Edessa,- which had been taken by Ca- 
 ranus, of the family of the Temenidap, and by him named 
 after a goatherd, who rendered him assistance, JRgx (or 
 ^geae).^ Both narrations have equally a traditional cha- 
 racter, and were doubtless of Macedonian origin, only that 
 the latter appears to have been combined with an Argive 
 
 * Strab. VII. p. 326. Comp. book 
 I.ch. 7. § ].-). 
 
 rm-3«»a^/» against Arrhibajus, Thuc. 
 •4 V. J ^4. 
 
 * Herod. VIII. 137, 138. 
 
 " II. 100. These were, according 
 1? .,^erodotus, Perdiccas, Argaeus, 
 Phi.ip, Aeropus. Alcetas, Amyntas, 
 Alexander, and Perdiccas. 
 
 * Edessa on the Via Egnatia, 28. 
 m. p, from Pella, 62-66. from Hera- 
 clea Lyncestis (Antonin. Itinerar. pp. 
 
 319, 330 ; the tab. Peuting. gives less 
 accurately 45 and 77 m. p.° is pro- 
 bably the modern Vodina. 
 
 " See Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 262. 
 Euseb. Seal. p. 47. cf. 37. Justin 
 VII. 1. Solin. IX. 14. Dexippus 
 quotes Theopompus for Caranus. 
 Marsyas (perhaps the cotemiK)rary 
 of Alexander and Antigonus) related 
 a lable concerning Ccenus, the suc- 
 cessor of Caranus, Etym. Majj. r. 
 523. 40. Etym. Gud. p. 332. 41. 
 
464 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. app. i. 
 
 legend of a brother of the powerful Phido having gone to 
 the north. The claim of Edessa is also confirmed by the 
 fact, that, even when it had long ceased to be the royal re- 
 sidence, it still continued the burial-place of the kings of 
 Temenus' race, and, as Diodorus says, the hearth of their 
 
 empire.^ 
 
 16. Edessa and the gardens of Midas were both situated 
 between the Lydias and the Haliacmon, in the original and 
 proper country of Macedonia, according to the account of 
 Herodotus.^ The manner in which the dominions of the 
 Temenidae were extended along the sea-coast, and towards 
 the interior, we learn from Thucydides, who comprises in 
 one general view all the conquests of these princes until the 
 reign of Alexander. For to suppose that Alexander, the 
 son of Amyntas, made all these conquests, is an error which 
 is even refuted by the words of Thucydides ; although it is 
 very possible that this prince, who began his reign about 
 488 B.C., at the time of the Persian power, and was the 
 brother-in-law of a Persian general,*^ added considerably to 
 the territory which he had inherited.^ But when Xerxes 
 undertook his great expedition against Greece, the power of 
 Macedon was as great as it is described by Thucydides ; nor 
 was its territory much enlarged during the interval between 
 the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.^ For at the time of 
 the Persian war (481 B.C.) the Pierians were already 
 settled in New Pieria, especially in the fortified towns of 
 Phagres and Pergamus, at the foot of mount Pangaeum,^ 
 whither they retired, after having been driven out of Old 
 
 b Diod. XIX. 52. XXII. p. 307. 
 Bip. Plin. IV. 17. Solin. IX. 14. corap. 
 Justin. VII. 2. 
 
 « See below, § 17. 
 
 d Herod. V. 21. VIII. 136. Justin 
 
 VII. 3. 
 
 « Consequently the story that 
 Xerxes gave Alexander all the coun- 
 try between mounts Olympus and 
 Haemus (Justin VII. 4.) is not en- 
 tirely fabulous. 
 
 ^Gatterer Commentat. vol. IV. p. 
 96. vol. VI. p. 1.5. is more accurate 
 on this point than Poppo Thucyd. 
 vol. IT. p. 421. 
 
 8 Herod. VII. 112. Although 
 •H/^y if) e^xxm in Thuc. IV. 7. can- 
 not be that on the Strymon, yet 
 Eustathius ad II. II. 566. p. 217. ed. 
 Bas. is incorrect in distinguishing 
 'Uiav in Pieria from that on the Stry- 
 mon (comp. Steph. Byz. in 'H/«v, 
 Schol, Thuc. I. 98.); and Raoul- 
 Rochette, Histoire des Colonies 
 Grecques, tom. III. p. 207, should 
 not have followed him, since Pieria, 
 viz. New-Pieria, reaches in this point 
 to the Strymon. But the 'Hi«y of 
 Thucydides is not in Pieria, but in 
 Chalcidice. 
 
 §16. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 465 
 
 Pieria by the Macedonian kings ;^ in fact, this extension of 
 the territory of Macedon must have taken place at an early 
 period.' Moreover, Olynthus was, according to Herodotus,^ 
 at least before 480 B.C., in the hands of the Bottia?ans, who 
 had, as we learn from both Herodotus and Thucydides, 
 expelled the Macedonians from the ancient Bottiais ; con- 
 sequently this district had been under the rule of the Mace- 
 donians before the expedition of Xerxes. Thirdly, Amyntas 
 the Macedonian, in 510 B.C., offered Anthemus in Chal- 
 cidice to the Pisistratidae ;i the same argument therefore 
 apphes in this case also. Anthemus, however, could hardly 
 have been obtained without Mygdonia : and that this district 
 was then a part of the Macedonian dominions is probable 
 also from the following reasons.'" According to Thucydides, 
 the Macedonians drove out the nation of the Edonians" from 
 Mygdonia, between the rivers Axius and Strymon; and 
 accordingly we find the Edonians always mentioned as 
 dwelling to the east of the Strymon, at the foot of mount 
 Pangajum. Now Ennea Hodoi, situated on the eastern 
 bank of the Strymon, was, according to Herodotus,-^ in the 
 possession of the Edonians in the year 481 B.C.; and 
 Myrcinus, in the same region, was found by Histiaeus, when 
 he visited it, to be an Edonian district,? as it was at a later 
 period by Brasidas.^i The latter argument is not indeed of 
 itself decisive, as it might be said that the Edonians were 
 
 ^ Thuc. II. 99. 
 
 ! 7^^ expression of Thucydides, 
 ««i tn xa.) *wv Un^ixls xikTof xxXurat, 
 proves that the circumstance had 
 taken place long before. Hence 
 arose the fabulous genealogies of 
 Pierus and Emathius, the sons of 
 Macednus, &c. ; Marsyas ap. Schol. 
 II. XIV. 226. comp. Pausan. IX. 29. 
 
 ^ VIII. 127. Thucydides also in- 
 cludes the Bottiaeans, I. 57. (cf. IV. 
 57.) among those W) G^axns. Bar- 
 TiaTt, (» e^axri, Callimachus frai^m. 
 75, 41. 
 
 ' Herod. V. 94. Concerning the 
 position of Anthemus, see Plin. H.N. 
 
 IV. 17. Hence the ray fia " \v6ifjL6vtrU 
 of the^Macedonian army, Hesychius 
 >n V. u«» irat^bDt ' Av6ifjt,ou(rlet, Arrian 
 
 II. 9. [See Thirlwall's Hist, of 
 Greece, vol. V. p. 194. note.] 
 
 " An objection which might be 
 derived from Thucyd. I. 58. where, 
 according to the old reading, Myg- 
 donia is distinguished from the king- 
 dom of Perdiccas, is removed by 
 omitting the n after Uvy'^ovtas, which 
 Bekker and Poppo have expunged, 
 with good MSS. 
 
 " The distinction taken by Tzetzes 
 ad Lycoph. 419. between the "Hluns 
 and 'hSwvoJ, viz., that the former dwelt 
 on the coast, tlie latter inland, can- 
 not be supported. For instance, 
 Thucyd. I. 100. calls those by Ara- 
 phipolis 'Uluvol. 
 
 ° VII. 114. 
 
 PHerod.V. 11,24. 
 
 *> Thuc. IV. 107. 
 
 2h 
 
466 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 only driven together by the conquests of the Macedonians, 
 and had previmsly been in possession of the further side of 
 the Strymon ; but when combined with the former facts, it 
 offers an almost certain proof that the whole country, from 
 lake Bolbe to within a short distance from the Feneus, was 
 subject to the Macedonians before the expedition of Xerxes.-^ 
 Methone^ was on this coast the only interruption to the 
 series of Macedonian possessions ; this Eretrian colony had 
 been, about 746 B.C./ together with the numerous Eubcean 
 settlements in Chalcidice,- at a period when the povver of 
 the Macedonians on this line of coast was very msigmficant ; 
 and it preserved its independence until the reign of Philip 
 
 the son of Amyntas.* 
 
 17 From the facts now ascertained, we may deduce a 
 result of some importance with regard to the language of 
 Herodotus. This historian clearly and precisely distin- 
 guishes between Bottiais and Macedonia in the time of 
 Xerxes,y although it is certain that Bottiais was then m the 
 power of the Macedonians - Macedonia he classes as a dis- 
 trict with Bottiais, Mygdonia, and Pieria. He uses the 
 word, therefore, not in a political but in a natimal sense; 
 i. e., he restricts it to the territory originally possessed by 
 the Macedonian nation, not applying it to countries which 
 had been obtained by conquest or political preponderance. 
 The Macedonia of Herodotus is consequently the territory 
 of the Macedonians before all the conquests of the Temenidae. 
 It extended, according to Herodotus, in a narrow tongue 
 down to the sea- a fact disregarded by Thucydides, when 
 
 Pydna and Methone Greek cities; 
 but that proves nothing for their in- 
 dependence. 
 
 y Above, p. 455, note «. No one 
 surely will distinguish between yti h 
 
 Maxtdavi; and fj Maxihvla. 
 
 » Above, § 16. Herodotus also 
 mentions together, among the allies 
 of Xerxes, VII. 185, the Eordians 
 (in Physca, see below, p. 468. note ), 
 the Bottiaeans (near Olynthus), and 
 the Chalcideaus. Concerning the 
 Brvgians, see below, & 30. 
 
 » Besides VII. 127. see also Vll. 
 173. concerning the road from Lower 
 Macedonia to Thessaly. 
 
 ' But rec tvTOf MuKtiovut i^yia, Hc- 
 
 Tod. VI. 44, are not the nations in 
 Macedonia (Heyne Opuscul. Acad. 
 IV. p. 164.) , but those between Mace- 
 donia and' Persia. See Boeckh's 
 Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 483. 
 
 note. 
 
 " Forty stadia beyond Pydna, 
 
 Strabo. 
 
 »PlutarchQu. Gr. 11. 
 
 "^ Aristot. ap. Strab. X. p. 447. 
 Conon Narr. c. 20. Raoul-Rochette, 
 Histoire des Colonies Grecques, torn. 
 
 III. pp. 198 sqq. 
 
 » Pydna, however, early belonged 
 to the Macedonians, Thucyd. I. 137- 
 Diod. XIII. 49. Scylax, p. 26. calls 
 
 §18. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 48r 
 
 he states that the coast of Lower Macedonia was first re- 
 duced by the TemenidcP.b Further from the sea, however 
 the ancient Macedonia had a much wider extent, and in- 
 cluded the districts of Edessa and Bercea, Lyncestis, Orestis, 
 and Ehmeia : for Macedonia is stated by Herodotus to have 
 been on the one side bounded by mount Olympus (which 
 ridge, where it borders on Pieria,<^ was called the Mace- 
 cloman mountains),^ and on the other by mount Dysorum. 
 1 his last fact is evident from the statement of the same 
 writer, that a very short way led from the Prasian lake to 
 Macedonia, passing: first to the mine from which Alexander 
 obtained an immense supply of precious metal; and then, 
 that having crossed mount Dysorum, you were in Mace- 
 doma;« i. e., evidently in the original Macedonia, since he 
 expressly excludes from it the mine which had been a sub- 
 sequent accession. The Prasian lake was in Paeonia / but 
 in what district of it is not known ;« mount Dysorum, how- 
 ever, can only be looked for to the north of Edessa and to 
 the west of the Axius, Macedonia Proper not extending so 
 far as that river. In this manner it is placed in the accom- 
 panymg map ; in which also the ancient boundaries of the 
 Macedonian race are laid down according to the results 
 obtained by these researches. 
 
 18. On the other conquests of the Macedonians little need 
 be said. The occupation of Bisaltia and Crestonica was 
 subsequent to the expedition of Xerxes. The Thracian 
 king of these districts fled away,i' and left his kingdom a 
 prey to the ambition of Alexander, who thus extended his 
 empire to the mouth of the Strymon, which was the boundary 
 of Macedonia in the days of Thucydides and of Scylax, and 
 remained so until the time of Philip. At what time the 
 Macedonian kings reduced that part of Paeonia which 
 stretched along the Axius, Eordaea, Almopia, and a large 
 part of the Macedonians themselves, we are nowhere in- 
 
 ^Ztm (t^Sto* Bekker) Ut>jV«»to • V 17 
 
 XT I V o ^\Pt^, Volustana, Liv. ' Herod. V. 15, 16. 
 
 ?5^ note\ "^"^ '"^ '' ^^^"^*^"' P- ,/,^^$,^«PP° Thucyd. vol. XL p, 
 d'vil ni ^^^' Mannert, vol. VII. p. 495. 
 
 ^"•''^'* »> Herod, VIII. 116. 
 
 2h2 
 
ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. 1. 
 
 468 
 
 formed ; and to infer from Thucydides that these conquests 
 succeeded that of Mygdonla and preceded that of An- 
 themus, would be laying too much weight upon the order m 
 which he arranges the events; in which, although he doubt- 
 less paid some regard to chronology, the context required 
 that the conquests on the coast should be mentioned before 
 those of the interior. Eord^ea was probably subjugated at 
 a very early period, since it lay, as it were, in a bay of the 
 Macedonian territory ; and a very credible tradition has been 
 preserved by Dexippus,^ that Caranus had in early times 
 made an alliance with the Orest^ against the Eordians, and 
 founded his kingdom by the subjugation of that nation. In 
 fact, the first nation with whom the king of Edessa had to 
 contend was these Eordians. They were, according to 
 Thucydides, nearly annihilated by a war of extermmation ; 
 a small number of them escaped to Physca in Mygdonia ; 
 which district therefore was not as yet under the power ot 
 
 the Macedonians. 
 
 19 Among those parts of Macedonia Proper which were 
 reduced by the Temenidae, Elimeia may be particularly 
 mentioned, as is evident from the following circumstances. 
 Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was at war with his brother 
 Philip, with whom he was to have divided his kingdom,^ and 
 also with Derdas.- The brothers of Derdas, before the 
 beginning of the Peloponnesian war, in alliance with the 
 Athenians, made a descent from the highlands, that is, from 
 one of the districts Elimeia, Orestis, or Lyncus, into the 
 dominions of Perdiccas." Now Derdas" was the son of 
 Arrhibaeus, and cousin of Perdiccas ; and it is plain that the 
 Temenidae reduced Elimeia ; and a branch of the same 
 family received this district as their peculiar possession.? 
 
 « In Syncellus and Eusebius Seal. 
 the reading is Dardanians for Eor- 
 dians; the latter, which is evidently 
 the correct reading, is preserved m 
 the Armenian Eusebms, p. 168. ed. 
 Mai. who follows Diodorus. 
 
 * According to Ptolemy, p. 83. In 
 Steph. Byz. it should probably be 
 
 written, 'EagSara^ Sua X'^i'^h Ma*&- 
 
 > Thuc. II. 100. cf. 1. 57. VI. 7. 
 
 m Thuc. 1. 57. 
 
 "1.59. 
 
 " According to Schol. Thuc. I. 57. 
 
 p Hence perhaps we might sepa- 
 rate ^vfAftax"' »«' vtrtJCM in the be- 
 ginning of the chapter, and refer the 
 latter rather to Lyncus, the latter to 
 Elimea. 
 
 §19. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 469 
 
 A separate king of EHmeia also existed in the time of 
 Archelaus,q who doubtless belonged to the same family. 
 For a later Derdas occurs as prince of the Elimiots in the 
 time of Agesilaus,' who perhaps was the same as, or rather 
 was the father of, the Derdas, whose sister Phila Philip 
 married.^ In like manner, there was a separate sovereignty 
 in Stymphcpa and the neighbouring iEthicia, which was 
 held by the family of Polysperchon, the general and 
 guardian of the kingdom.* Although in later times all these 
 separate sovereignties, both of the Temenidae and of other 
 princes, were suppressed, and Upper and Lower Macedonia 
 were equally ruled from the city of Pella ; yet the tribes of 
 the highlands still remained to a certain degree distinct. 
 Even at the battle of Arbela, the Elimiots, Lyncestae, 
 Orestap, and Tymphapans fought in separate bodies ;» and 
 several persons are denoted in the history of Macedon by 
 the surname of Lyncestes. Perdiccas came from Orestis, 
 Ptolemy from Eordaea.- Those in the lowlands, on the other 
 hand, were known by the general name of Macedonians ; 
 and it should be observed, that there were also Macedonians 
 dwelling in Pieria, Bottiais, Mygdonia, Eordaea, and Al- 
 mopia,y who had, according to Thucydides, driven out the 
 native inhabitants ; while Paponia and Bisaltia, together with 
 Anthemus and Crestonica, remained in the possession of 
 those tribes which had been settled there before the con- 
 quest of Macedonia.'' 
 
 1 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 
 
 ' Xen. Hell. V. 2. 38. 
 
 » Athen. XIII. p. 557. C. cf. X. 
 p. 436 C. 
 
 *■ To be inferred from Lycophron. 
 Cass. 802. with Tzetzes. 
 
 « Diod. XVII. 7. 
 
 * Arrian VI. 28. 
 
 'Pliny H.N. IV. 17. mentions 
 Atmopiana, together with Eordians, 
 on ihe banks of the Axius; and in 
 Pti.lemy p. 83. Aimoi)ia is the 
 country near Europus ; it was to this 
 place that the Almopians probably 
 fled. This also explains the genea- 
 logical connexion with I'ajon and 
 Edunus, Orchomenus,i^. 260, note 2. 
 
 'Of ancient wars of the Mace- 
 donians, not mentioned by Thucy- 
 dides, I may mention the fabulous 
 battle between Caranns and Ctsseus 
 (Pausan. IX. 40. 4.), probably a king 
 of Cissus, near Therma, which is the 
 explanation given by Strabo VII 
 exc. 10. p. 330. of Cisseus the Thrai 
 cian in II. XI. 221. Euripides trans- 
 lerred this war, as well as the story 
 of the goats, into his tragedy called 
 Archelaus, jjeihaps only written from 
 flattery, fragm. 33. ed. Musgr. Hy- 
 ginus Fab. 219. See also Lycophr. 
 1237. Concerning the supposed war 
 with the Phrygians, see below, § 30. 
 
470 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. !• 
 
 On the national affinity of the original Macedonians. 
 20. From what has been already said it is plain that there 
 was, independently of the extension of the empire of the 
 Temenidse, a Macedonian nation possessing from early times 
 a territory of considerable size, viz., the Macedoma of Hero- 
 dotus; the area of which in the accompanying map amounts 
 to 2400 geographical square miles. 
 
 We now proceed to the most important quesUon to be 
 considered in this treatise, viz., to what national family these 
 Macedonians belonged. 
 
 21. The ancient writers distinguish in these regions the 
 following nations; and in so marked a manner that it is 
 evident that they differed from one another in their costume, 
 language, and mode of living." 
 
 First, the Thracians. This great nation extended to 
 the north as far as the Danube, where it included the 
 Getse ;•> to the east beyond the sea, since the Thynians and 
 Bithynians were Thracians f to the west within mount 
 Ha-mus as far as the Strymon, where it bordered on the 
 PiEonians, widening still more as it receded from the coast, 
 since it also included the Triballians." On the west bank 
 of the Strymon the Sintians and Ma^dians were of Thracian 
 origin;" to which nation the BisaltiE and Edones must also 
 be referred.' Thrace is often represented as having in early 
 times extended to Thessaly and BcBOtia,8 but merely in 
 reference to the settlements of the Pierians at the foot of 
 Olympus and Helicon ; and there are many reasons against 
 considering these Pierians as of the same race as the other 
 
 . See Mannert, vol. VII. p. 281. to the north »' J-/'J|;^,'^'ytS 
 ^fcMU TiibaU.) a. .i.ed V. . a. prohably the .a.e peop.e._ 
 
 ^ fu^rnl VII 75 &c Thracians, were an Edoman nation 
 
 ''estb Vl'l. p.316. According to make this supposition, but perhaps 
 to which passage they extended more m Vll. p. ^^i- 
 
 §22. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 471 
 
 Thracians,*' altliough they were called Thracians at an early 
 periocJ.» Homer at least distinguishes between these two 
 nations when he makes Here go from Olympus to Pieria, 
 then to Emathia, and afterwards to the snowy mountains of 
 the Thracians ;^ by which he must mean the mountains of 
 the Bisalta; to the north of Edessa, since the goddess next 
 rests her foot on mount Athos and the island of Lemnos. 
 
 Secondly, the P^ONi ans. A numerous race divided into 
 several small nations/ inhabiting the districts on the rivers 
 Strymon and Axius and the countries to the north of Mace- 
 donia,™ together with Pannonia, according to the Greeks." 
 This race, according to their oivn traditim (if Herodotus's 
 account is correct)," derived their origin from the ancient 
 Teucrians in the Troad ; in their passage from which country 
 they had been accompanied, according to Herodotus, by the 
 Mysians, the same people that afterwards gave their name 
 of Moesians to a great province.? 
 
 Thirdly, the Illyrians extended southward as far as 
 the Acroceraunian mountains, eastward to the mountain- 
 chain known in its southern parts by the name of Pindus, 
 and northward as far as the Save and the Alps, if Herodotus 
 is correct in considering the Venetians as of Illyrian origin.^ 
 Fourthly, Nations of Grecian descent. 
 22. Since the Macedonians evidently belonged to some 
 one of these four races, our present object is to ascertain 
 whi^h. Now in the first place the Greeks may be excluded, 
 since, although it is certain that a large portion of the Ma- 
 cedonian nation was of Grecian origin, the Macedonians 
 were always considered by the Greeks as barbarians. — 
 Alexander the Pliilhellene,^ the father of Perdiccas, repre- 
 
 ** By Thucydides II. 29. and by 
 earlier writers. 
 
 ' See above, p. 11. 
 
 ' Iliad XIV. 22.). sqq. 
 
 ' Gatterer Commeutat. VI. p. 37. 
 Mannert, vol. VII. p. 487. 
 
 "» Solin. IX. 2, &c. 
 
 " See particularly Appian Illyr. I. 
 But as in later times Fseonians and 
 Illyrians were coulounded (Appian 
 Illyr. 14.) the Paunouiaus also were 
 
 called Illyrians. 
 
 " Herud. V. 13. comp. VII. 20, 75, 
 and see Prolegomena zur MytholoyiCy 
 p. 351. The legend concerning the 
 great expedition of the Teucrians is 
 well given in Lycophron v. 1341. 
 
 I' Yet Strabo VII. p. 295. has the 
 contrary tradition of the Mysians. 
 
 il. 196. 
 
 ' Gottleber ad Thucyd. I. 57. 
 
472 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I' 
 
 §24. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 473 
 
 sented himself to the Persians (according to Herodotus)- as 
 a Greek, and satrap over Macedonians ; the same person 
 who was driven off the course at Olympia for being a bar- 
 barian, until he proved his Argive descent.* The mouth 
 of the Peneus, or the Magnesian mountain of Homole, was 
 on the eastern side considered as the boundary of Greece," 
 unless Magnesia also was excluded. Fabulous genealogies, 
 representing Macedon as the son of Zeus and Thyia the 
 daughter of Deucalion, or of a descendant of ^olus, are 
 of no weight against the prevailing opinion of the Greeks ; 
 nor are they necessarily of greater antiquity than the fortieth 
 Olympiad (620 B.C.).'' at which time Danaus and iEgyptus, 
 and other races equally unconnected, were made the mem- 
 bers of the same family, when the Scythians were derived 
 from Hercules,y and even the whole known world was 
 comprised in extensive genealogies. It would be unrea- 
 sonable to suppose, on the credit of these genealogies, that 
 there was any other migration of Greeks into Macedonia 
 except that of the Temenidae. 
 
 23. Secondly, with regard to the P^onians : it may be 
 shown that the Macedonians did not belong to that nation.^ 
 The possessions of the Macedonians in Paeonia are accu- 
 rately described by ancient writers ; these were, until the 
 time of Perdiccas, only a narrow strip of land ;* Pelagonia 
 and Paeonia on the Axius were subdued at a later date. 
 As the Paeonian race was not aboriginal in this district, its 
 
 * Herod. V. 20. 
 
 * Herodot. V. 22. and see Valcke- 
 naer's note. The Attic orators evi- 
 dently exaggerate ; there is, however, 
 perhaps a .slight hyperl)ole in what 
 Weiske de Htfperboic, ^. H). says on 
 the other side. 
 
 « See Scylax, p. 12. and the metri- 
 cal Dicaearchus, p. 3. Comp.Salmas. 
 Exercit. Plin. p. 100 A. 
 
 * The passage of Hesiod appears 
 to be from the 'Ho7a.t (above p. 4. 
 note "), and these poems come down 
 as late as the 40th Olympiad {Orcho- 
 menos, p. 358). After' Hesiod Solinus 
 IX. 13. calls Macedo Deucalionis ma- 
 ternus nepos. comp. Eustath. ad Dio- 
 nys. Perieg. 427. 
 
 J The account of the Greeks living 
 on the Pontus, according to Herod. 
 IV. 8— 10. 
 
 « Although Mannert, vol. VII. p. 
 492. considers the Macedonians to be 
 of Illyrian and Paeonian descent. 
 Comp. p. 4?,1. 
 
 » See above, p. 460. note *. Pliny 
 H. N. IV. 17. appears to say that the 
 Eordi were Paeonians ; and it is not 
 improbable that this was the fact, 
 though the passage of Pliny is cor- 
 rupt. Herodotus VII. 185. mentions 
 together Thracians, Paeonians. Eor- 
 dians, Bottiaeans, Chalcidians, Bry- 
 gians, Pieriaus, Macedonians, and 
 Perrhacbiaus. 
 
 1 
 
 peculiarities were probably easy to be recognised in the 
 time of Thucydides, and hence this national name occurs 
 more frequently than those of the separate provinces. For 
 this reason great importance should be attached to the cir- 
 cumstance that the ancients never refer the Macedonians 
 themselves to the Paeonian race ; and it should perhaps be 
 considered as decisive. On the other hand, with aboriginal 
 races having a large territory and numerous connexions, 
 such a separation hardly warrants this inference, since 
 otherwise the Macedonians, whom both Herodotus and 
 Thucydides mention together with Thracians and Illyrians,^ 
 could not have belonged to either of those two tribes, and 
 therefore to no great national division of the human race. 
 It is, however, plain that the ancients frequently used the 
 national name in a limited sense, merely for the chief mass 
 of the people, and did not apply it to particular portions 
 of it which had acquired a character different from that of 
 the rest of their nation,*" without by this meaning to express 
 a diversity of origin. We have therefore now only to ascer- 
 tain whether the Macedonians were of Thracian or Illyrian 
 descent. 
 
 24. We shall gain one step towards a conclusion by in- 
 quiring in what region were the original settlenents of the 
 Macedonians ; a question which should carefully be distin- 
 guished from the former investigation as to the jfirst station 
 of the Temenidae. Now in pursuing this inquiry, we soon 
 perceive that even of Macedonia Proper, from which Bot- 
 tiapa, Pieria, and Eordapa were conquered, a large part was 
 not always in the possession of the Macedonians. Homer, 
 for example, places Emathia, not Macedonia, between Pieria 
 and Chalcidice.«i Several writers state in general that Ma- 
 
 *» E.g. Thuc. IV. 124. 
 
 *^ E. g. Thucydiiles II. 9o. mentions 
 Thracians between mounts Haemus 
 and Rhodope, Getae and mountain 
 Thracians togetlier, as if the Getae 
 were not Thracians. Instances of 
 this use are very common ; e. g. the 
 common case of lonians and Athe- 
 nians. 
 
 *» II. XIV. 226. And hence in the 
 
 Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 39. 
 (according to Mutthiii's and Ilgen's 
 conjecture), although Emathia does 
 not suit very well there, and the pre- 
 ceding word (neither Aivkov nor Aiyxov 
 is in its place) remains uncertain. 
 The Roman poets, as is well known, 
 use the name in a very wide sense, 
 Heyne ad Virg. Georg. 1. 492. 
 
474 
 
 ON T E MACEDONIANS. app. i. 
 
 cedonia had anciently been called Emathia f but, as will be 
 presently shown, they do not so much mean the highlands 
 as the country about the mouths of the three rivers and 
 near Edessa.^ The fabulous name was renewed in later 
 times ; and Ptolemy? even mentions the district of Emathia, 
 in which were the towns of Cyrrhus,^ Eidomenae, Gordynia, 
 Edessa, Berrhcea, and Pella. According to Thucydides^ 
 and others, Eidomen^ and Gordynia must have been situated 
 in the region near the Axius, in the early subdued country 
 of Paeonia;^ whence it may be understood how Polybius^ 
 could say that Emathia, at a distance from the coast, had in 
 early times been called Paeonia. For the ancient name of 
 Emathia had evidently been extended to a tract of land 
 belonging to Paeonia, which had, perhaps, previously to the 
 Paeonian conquests, once borne the name of Emathia. 
 
 25. Now although the country round Edessa, and nearer 
 to the sea, was not originally called Macedonia, yet we find 
 traces of the existence of the name of the Macedonians 
 under its ancient forms of Maxsrai and Maxs^vol, in the hill- 
 country near the ridge of Pindus. Herodotus says that the 
 Doric race, having been driven from Hestiaeotis, and dwell- 
 ing under mount Pindus, was called the Macednian natim."^ 
 By this statement he plainly means that the Dorians were 
 first known by that name in Peloponnesus ;» and indeed 
 his other notions on the progress of this people are only 
 
 « Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Justin. VII. 
 1. Gell. XIV. 6. 4. Solinus IX. 1. 
 distinguishes between the Edonian, 
 Mygdonian, Pierian, and Emathian 
 territory, and IX. 12. derives the 
 name of Emathia, as being that of 
 the most ancient Macedonia, from 
 an Autochthon Emathius. Tzetzes 
 ad Hesiod. Op. 1. Chiliad. VI. 90. 
 states, from the Delphica of Melis- 
 seus, that Aeropus, the eldest sou of 
 Emathion, had reigned over Lyncus, 
 which had previously been called 
 Pieria, — a very confused account. 
 
 f See Justin VII. 1. 
 
 « Pag. 84. 
 
 h In Ptolemy the word is Ku^iog. 
 See above, p. 458. note ^. 
 
 i II. 100. comp. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. 
 The tabula Peuting. which places 
 
 Idomenae 53 m. p. from Therma, and 
 35 from Stoboi (Istip), agrees very- 
 well with Thucydides, Ptolemy, and 
 Pliny. 
 
 ^ Since he entirely separates Bot- 
 tiaea from Pieria. 
 
 1 XXIV. 8. Liv. XV. 3. Justin VII. 
 1. says of Emathia, Populus Pelasgi, 
 regio Bceotia dicebatur, where Bottiaa 
 is a more probable correction than 
 Pceonia, and is confirmed by the Va- 
 tican fragments of Diodorus, p. 4. 
 
 Mai. 
 
 m I. 56. cf. VIII. 43. and see book 
 
 I. ch. 1. ^ 10. 
 
 n I. 56. AAi^ixev ixXri^n. And yet, 
 according to Herodotus himself, they 
 were governed by Dorus in Hestise- 
 otis. 
 
 §26. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 475 
 
 suited to the childhood of history. But notwithstanding 
 the erroneous conclusions of the narrator, it is allowable to 
 infer from his statement that the Macedonians had once 
 dwelt at the foot of Pindus— i. e., probably in one of the 
 districts of Upper Macedonia ; of which provinces Orestis 
 may be considered (on the faith of a conjectural emendation) 
 as the ancient Maceta.^ For it cannot be a Thessalian 
 district that is alluded to, since Maceta was, as we know 
 from certain testimony, in fact a part of Macedonia. This 
 hypothesis is also supported by the ancient patronymic 
 surname of the Macedonian kings, '' Argeadee ;" if it is 
 rightly derived by Appian from Argos in Orestis.P 
 
 The fact that the ancient country of the Macedonians 
 was near the ridge of mountains on the confines of Illyria, 
 and was at a considerable distance from Thrace, renders it 
 probable that the Macetae were of Illyrian blood; but this 
 probability would yield to arguments drawn from the lan- 
 guage, costume, and manners of the three nations. The 
 question therefore is, whom did the Macedonians in the 
 points most resemble, the Illyrians or the Thracians ? 
 
 26. There is a passage in Strabo*i which, on account of 
 its importance, I will give nearly at full length, omitting 
 only those parts which are not necessary to the context. It 
 contains an account of the population of Epirus. 
 
 " Of the nations of Epirus the Chaonians and Thespro- 
 " tians inhabit the coast from the Ceraunian mountains to 
 "the Ambracian gulf; behind Ambracia is Amphilochian 
 " Argos. The Amphilochians also are Epirots, together 
 *' with the tribes lying more in the interior, and joining the 
 "mountains of Illyria— viz., the Molotti, the Athamanes, 
 " the ^thices, the Tymphaei, the Orestae, the Parora?i, and 
 
 ° Constantin. Porphyrog. II. 2. 
 XiyirtLi Vi Kit) ^letKi^ov'tiXi f*.o7^m, ^tiKira, 
 *»f Ma^irvas i» t^utu ^ocKihovutKuv. xa) 
 Tnv 'OfiffTKx.'^a (vulg. 'H^iffruav li) Ma- 
 K'tTetv xiyovffn. See above, p. 458. note '^. 
 Scymnus calls the Macedonians yn- 
 yivus, and makes them come from 
 Macessa and Emathia, v. 657. 
 
 P Appian Syr. 63. "A^yos U 'o^io- 
 
 Tj/a (Johv ol ^ A^ytahat MaxiSovif). Con- 
 cerning the name of the Argeadae see 
 Pausan. VII. 8. 5. and the note of 
 Siebelis. Perhaps the entire legend 
 of the Argive origin of the Mace- 
 donian kings properly refers to this 
 Argos Orestikon. 
 «» VII. p. 324. sqq. 
 
476 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 " the Atintanes, some dwelling nearer to the Macedonians, 
 "and others to the Ionian sea. With these the Illyrian 
 " nations were mixed which dwelt to the south of the hill- 
 '' country, as well as those beyond the Ionian sea. For 
 "between Epidamnus and Apollonia and the Ceraunian 
 "mountains there are the Bylliones/ the Taulantii/ the 
 " Parthini/ and the Brygi ,^ and at a short distance, about 
 "the silver mines '^ of Damastium,^ the Perisadies have 
 " established their dominion ; the Enchelii * and Sesarasii * 
 " are also named as dwelling in these parts ; and besides 
 " these, the Lyncestae, the land of Deuriopus, the Pelago- 
 nian Tripolis,^ the Eordi, Elimea, and Eratyra.*^ Now in 
 early times these tribes had severally rulers of their own ; 
 "the Enchelians were governed by the descendants of 
 Cadmus, the Lyncestae were under Arrhibaeus, and of the 
 Epirots the Molotti were ruled by Pyrrhus and his de- 
 " scendants, while all the other nations of that tribe were 
 " governed by native princes. In process of time, however, 
 " as one nation obtained the dominion over others, the whole 
 "fell into the Macedonian empire, except a small tract 
 "beyond the Ionian sea. Also the country about Lyn- 
 "cestus, Pelagonia, Orestias and EHmea was once called 
 " Upper Macedonia, and at a later period the Independent. 
 " Some persons, moreover, give to the whole country as far 
 "as Corcyra the name of Macedonia, assigning, as their 
 " reason, that the inhabitants nearly resemble one another 
 " in the mode of wearing the hair, in their dialect, in the 
 
 ie 
 
 te 
 
 t( 
 
 St 
 
 ' Bulini, near the modern Valona, 
 Mannert, vol. VII. p. 388. 
 
 • Near Epidamnus, according to 
 Thuc. I. 24. Appian. Bell. Civ. II. 
 39. and extending as far as the Dal- 
 matians according to Appian Illyr. 
 
 24. 
 
 ^ Also near Epidamnus according 
 to Liv. XXIX. 12. XLIII. 21. to the 
 south of theTaulantiaus according to 
 Plin.H. N. III. 26. Mela. II. 3. The 
 country of the Parthiui was called h 
 Ui^6oi, Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. as h 
 Avyjcos (Thuc. IV. 83.) h Aiv^to-rof 
 above, § 11. « Kyggaj. 
 
 " See below, p. 481, note ^. 
 
 * Read TXt^riov St crov xara (vulg. 
 xaT) TO, oLPyvpta. 
 
 y Besides this passage Damastium 
 is only known by its silver coins, 
 Eckhel D. N. I. II. p. 164. Mionnet 
 Descript. torn. II. p. 54. 
 
 ^ Here those in the neighbourhood 
 of Apollonia are meant, see below, 
 p. 483, note *. 
 
 " Probably the Dassaretians (Sesa- 
 rethians) near Lychnidus. 
 
 ^ In Northern Sicily. 
 
 "^^ Not mentioned eli>ewhere. 
 
 §27. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 477 
 
 " use of the chlamys, and in other points of this kind : some 
 " of them likewise speak two languages." 
 
 27. Now, although the historical accounts of Strabo, 
 collected at a time when these regions had been ravaged by 
 conquest, and had undergone manifold changes, have not 
 the value which the statements of Herodotus and Thucy- 
 dides possess, yet it is possible to extract from them much 
 information. In the first place it should be observed that 
 the Epirots and the Illyrians are not considered as two 
 wholly distinct nations. The Epirots, although in early 
 times allied by blood with the Greeks, were always consi- 
 dered as barbarians,^ and Ambracia as the last city in 
 Greece f which fact, since the original inhabitants were the 
 same as in Arcadia, that is, Pelasgians, can only be ex- 
 plained by supposing that there had been a mixture of 
 Illyrians. Hence it might be at that late time difficult to 
 distinguish between the Epirots and the Illyrians; and 
 thus Strabo includes the Atintanes, who according to Scylax* 
 and Appian g were Illyrians, among the Epirot nations. 
 It is more singular that he should consider the Orestae, 
 whom Polybius'' recognises as a Macedonian people, as 
 Epirots ; but it may be probably accounted for by the cir- 
 cumstance of their separation from the cause of the Mace- 
 donian kings, which procured them their independence in 
 the year of the city 556. » But the other inhabitants of 
 Upper Macedonia, the genuine Macedonians, such as the 
 Lyncestae and Ehmiots (who probably, from being moun- 
 taineers, had preserved their national distinctions more than 
 the ciWlised tribes of the lowlands), were considered by 
 Strabo, as the context plainly shows, as original Illyrians; 
 and it can hardly be doubted that they still bore the charac- 
 teristic marks of that nation. 
 
 ^ See particularly Thuc. II. 80. 
 Scymn. 444. Concerninj^ their ix- 
 (iei^^ei^Mffis see Plutarch Pyrrh. 1. 
 
 * Scylax,p. 12. Dicaearchus, p. 3. 
 'Pag. 10. 
 
 « Illyr. 7. 
 
 ** See above, p. 458, note ^ 
 
 * Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 
 
 34. Libert Amantini el Orettep, Plin. 
 H.N. IV. 17. Hence Steph. Byz. 
 makes Orestis reach to Molossia, in 
 V. 'o^ia-rai. These have been gene- 
 rally followed by modern geogra- 
 phers. Lyncus alone is mentioned 
 by Steph. Byz. in v. tcX/k 'Htii^co, 
 
478 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 28. "Some again," as Strabo says, "give to the whole 
 country as far as Corcyra the name of Macedonia." What 
 country this is, is accurately known both from the testimony 
 of other writers, and even of Strabo himself. The Romans 
 called the whole region which opened to them the way to 
 Macedonia^ by the name of Macedonia ; and made it reach 
 from Lissus (now Alessio) on the river Drilon (now the 
 Drin) either to the Egnatian road,^ which begins between 
 Dyrrhachium (or Epidamnus) and Apollonia, or, as Strabo 
 states in the passage quoted in the text, for a short distance 
 beyond." The inhabitants of this tract of country were 
 beyond all question Illyrians (Taulantii, Parthini, Dassa- 
 retii, &c.° ) ; and it is of their dress and language that 
 Strabo here speaks. The importance of these points for 
 the discovery of national affinity is easily perceived. Indeed, 
 many Grecian tribes might be distinguished merely by 
 their mode of wearing the hair." The chlamys had come to 
 the Greeks from the Thessalians, and Sappho was the first 
 Grecian writer who mentioned it : p afterwards it became a 
 military dress, and supplanted the Ifxdriov, as in Italy the 
 sagum took the place of the toga, which was originally girt 
 up for military use.i From this passage of Strabo we learn 
 that it was the national habit of the Illyrian tribes above 
 Epirus. In like manner the broad-brimmed, low, flat fur- 
 cap, known by the name of causia, which was equally unlike 
 the conical' Kwiri of the Boeotians and the low, tapering* 
 Ttira.aos, was worn by these northern nations; it was the 
 
 ^ According to the probable sup- 
 position of Mannert, vol. VII. p. 390. 
 
 » Strab. VII. See Exc. 3. p. 329. 
 
 "" This usage first occurs in Caesar 
 Bell. Civ. III. 34. although there it is 
 not quite clear; on the other hand, 
 Dio Cassius XLI. 49. distinctly says, 
 h rri yrt rn Tponpov uiv 'iXXvpiuv ruv 
 IlaffViva/v, ywv it KUi rort yt nori Maxi- 
 ^ov'tet nvofiiffftivn : the boundaries are 
 given by Pliny N. H. III. 26. (from 
 Lissus to Oricura) and Ptolemy. — 
 Dexij-pus also, quoted by Constanti- 
 nus Porphyr. de Them. II. 9. includes 
 Epidamnus in Macedonia, and the 
 
 tabula Peuting. has only Macedonia 
 between Dalmatia and Epirus. 
 
 « See e. g. Thuc. I. 24. Liv. XLV. 
 26. 
 
 ° It would lead me too far to treat 
 here of the Thesean, Abantian, La- 
 conian, and ancient Ionian xevpx. 
 
 r Book IV. ch. 2. § 4. The proper 
 Thessalian appellation was, according 
 to the Great Etymologist, elxXni, 
 whence allicula. 
 
 q See Etrusker, vol. I. p. 265. 
 
 ' Theophrast. Hist. Plant. III. 9. 
 
 " Schneider's Lexicon in Tirartf. 
 
 §29. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 479 
 
 ancient dress of state among the Macedonians, and worn by 
 their kings ; * and it was likewise the dress of the .^tolians ** 
 and Molossians.'^ But the most remarkable circumstance 
 is, that the same cap which is borne by the riders on the 
 tetradrachms of the first Alexander also adorns the head of 
 the Illyrian king Gentius.> Lastly, the similarity of dialect 
 is a decisive proof. Now that all these things should have 
 been introduced by the Macedonian kings seems highly 
 improbable, when it is remembered that their rule did not 
 even extend over the whole of this tract, that it was also 
 often interrupted, and in general not of a nature to alter 
 the character, language, and costume of the natives.* 
 
 From these facts it may, I think, be safely inferred that 
 the Macedonians, viz., the people originally and properly so 
 called, belonged to the Illyrian race. 
 
 On the mixture of the Macedonians with other, particu- 
 larly Greek, races. 
 
 29. It is, however, certain, notwithstanding the result 
 which has been established, that the Macedonians in their 
 advance from the highlands dislodged, and partly incorpo- 
 rated other, and particularly Grecian, tribes. 
 
 The first to fall in their hands was the ancient Emathia, 
 near Edessa, and downwards to the sea, which Herodotus 
 
 * Plutarch Amat. 16. Pyrrh. 11. 
 Herodian. IV. 8. 5. Dio Chrysostom. 
 Or. 72. p. 628. ed. Reisk. Pollux X. 
 162. Valer. Max.V. 1. ext. 4. Antipa- 
 ter Thessal. apud Brunck. n. 10. 
 Suidas in Kaur'ni. Compare Valcke- 
 naer ad Adoniaz. p. 345. 
 
 " Polyb. IV. 4. 5. 
 
 * Heracl. Pont. 17. 
 
 y Eckhel Doct. Num. L 2. pp. 83. 
 155. 158. A clear notion of the causia 
 may be obtained from the representa- 
 tions of Macedonian coins in Pellerin 
 Recueil de M. de Rois PI. 1. n. I. of 
 ./¥ltolian in Combe Numi Mus. Bri- 
 tann. PI. 5. 24. 25. and of Illyrian in 
 Eckhel Numi. Vet. Anecd. (1775.) 
 PI. I. tab. 6. 22. 23. 
 
 " Philip, the sou of Amyntas, first 
 conquered the country as far as the 
 lake Lychnitis, Diod. XVI. 8. The 
 
 Taulantians in the time of Alexander 
 had their own king, Arrian I. 5. The 
 Illyrian king Argon ruled (about 240 
 B.C.) as far as Epirus, and the Atin- 
 tanes were his subjects, Appian lUyr. 
 7. 8. When the Romans first went 
 to lUyria they were joined by the 
 Parthini and Atintanes, Polyb. II. 
 1 1 . Atintania was first conquered 
 by Philip the son of Demetrius, 
 Schweighaeuser ad Polyb. II. 5. p. 
 356. In the peace he only lost Lych- 
 nidus (with Dassaretis, Polyb. V. 108.) 
 and Parthus (i. e. the Parthini), Po- 
 lyb. XVIII. 30. 12. Liv. XXXIII. 
 34. The only countries which even 
 Perseus possessed beyond the moun- 
 tains were Atintania and Tyraphaea, 
 Liv. XLV. 30. See also Palmer Grac. 
 Ant. I. 14. p. 78. 
 
480 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 §31 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 481 
 
 includes in his Macedonia. The name of the country ap- 
 pears to be Grecian ;" and since Justin*' distinctly affirms 
 that the ancient inhabitants of Emathia were Pelasgians, 
 and as ^schylus, a poet greatly versed in traditional lore, 
 also makes the kingdom of the Pelasgians extend through 
 Macedonia as far as the Strymon/ it must be considered 
 that, according to ancient tradition, the early inhabitants of 
 this country were of the Pelasgic race. It is likewise fair, 
 by the guidance of several parallel cases in the Greek my- 
 thology, to interpret the legend that Lycaon the Arcadian 
 hero had once ruled in Emathia, and was the father of Ma- 
 cedon,** as signifying merely the succession, according to 
 order of time, of the Pelasgians and Macedonians in the 
 occupation of this country ; which the language of mytho- 
 logy expressed by placing the respective races in a genealo- 
 gical connexion. So Thessalus is called a son of Jason, 
 although the Thessalians belonged to a different race from 
 the early rulers of the country, the Minyae of lolcus, of 
 whom Jason was one. Hence it is highly probable that at 
 the first conquest of this tract of land, viz., of Macedonia 
 Proper, nations akin to the Greeks were mixed with the 
 
 lUyrians. 
 
 30. One of the earliest conquests of the Macedonians was 
 the country of their neighbours « the Phrygians; i.e., ac- 
 cording to the most exact statements, the district about 
 mount Bermius, where in the ancient gardens of king 
 Midas, the son of Gordias (in which Silenus had been once 
 taken prisoner), the hundred-leaved rose still flourished at 
 the time of Herodotus.^ It is exceedingly probable that, as 
 Herodotus states, this district had been occupied by the 
 Macedonians before the arrival of the Temenidae;? with 
 
 ■ From a/Attfos, sea-sand. 
 
 bV.II. 1. 
 
 c Suppl. 257. 
 
 d Apollod. III. 8. 1. JE\\a.n de 
 Nat. An. X. 48. Steph. Byz. in 'flp*- 
 
 wos 
 
 * ffvvoixei, Herod. VII. 73. 
 
 f Herod. VII I. 1 38. Conon Narr. 
 I. Concerning these rosfs see also 
 Nicand. Fragm. 2. p. 278. ed. 
 
 Schneider. Conon ibid, and ApoUo- 
 dorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 680. also 
 speak of ancient mines near mount 
 Bermius. ^ 
 
 8 It might be inferred from Thuc. 
 I. 61. that Beroea had not even then 
 become a Macedonian possession ; 
 but it seems that aTavltrravren merely 
 signifies " they prepare to leave Ma- 
 " cedonia.** 
 
 which tlie tradition of an ancient migration of the Phry- 
 gians coincides :^ yet it is also stated that Caranus the Te- 
 menid expelled Midas.* That the Phrygians or Brygians 
 were entirely incorporated in the Macedonian nation csuinot 
 be supposed, as we hear quite in late times of a tribe of 
 Brygians (Bcvyoi) in these regions, who then dwelt near the 
 Illyrian mountains beyond Lychnidus, not far from the 
 Erigon, together with the Dassaretians.'' The tribe of 
 Mygdonians, which was allied to the Phrygians,^ must have 
 been lost in other nations at an early period, since their ter- 
 ritory had been occupied by the Edones before it became a 
 part of the Macedonian empire. 
 
 31. In their further extension the Macedonians fell in 
 with Grecian, with Paconian, and with Thracian tribes, 
 which they either subdued or dislodged ; but no expulsion 
 was probably so complete that some part of the former 
 population was not left behind. Among the tribes thus 
 driven out were the Bottiaeans, who were reported to have 
 come from Athens and Crete;"* a tradition which could 
 hardly have arisen, if they had not been a Grecian people. 
 Notice should also be taken of the Grecian and Pelasgic 
 names of the cities on the Axius, viz., Ichnae, Eidomenae, 
 Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus," which cannot have been 
 
 »> In Herod. VII. 73. Conon ubi 
 sup. Xanthus placed it after, but 
 probably soon after the Trojan war. 
 
 ^Justin VII. 1. 
 
 * Scymnns Chius v. 433. Strab. 
 pp. 326, 327. Tht?re were B^lyts in 
 Dyrrhachium, according to Appian 
 B. C. II. 39- who states that they re- 
 liirued from Phrygia; comp. Ste| h. 
 Byz. in B^t/'g, Herodotus indeed 
 plainly distinguishes from the Boiyis- 
 *puyis (VII. 73.) the B^Cyei s}^ikis 
 
 (VI. 45. VII. 185.) in Macedonia, 
 who revolted to Manlonius and came 
 with Xerxes; and Strabo also ap- 
 pears completely to separate the 
 B^oyu as an Illyrian people (in p. 
 327. write B^vyuv) from the Thracian 
 ^'lya, who are said to have entirely 
 left Europe (VII. p. 295) : still their 
 immes and settlements seem to esta- 
 blish a nntional affinity. 
 
 * Mygdon, a prince of the Phry- 
 gians, is mentioned in Iliad III. 18G. 
 Comp. Strabo VII. p. 295. 
 
 •" Aristotle i» rJj Bemaluv TeXirtlet 
 ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. Qu. Gr. 35. 
 A similar, though still stranger, le- 
 gend ct)nceriiing the Bottiaeans may 
 be seen in Strabo VI. pp. 279. 'J82. 
 Compare Ktymol. Magn. in Berruit. 
 The Cretan traditions may perhaps 
 have found a resting-place in the 
 temple at Ichnae. 
 
 "Thuc. II. 100. Plin. IL N. IV. 
 1 7- The name Europus (Justin. VII. 
 1. speaks of an ancient king Kuropus 
 in this country, and according to 
 Stej)h- Byz. 'Eu^wrot and 'il^wroi were 
 the sons of Macedon) reminds us of 
 Demeter Europa, the Hermionean 
 Eurcps, and the Cretan Eurupa. The 
 Ctetun 'l^eiAinus implies the existence 
 of a place named 'l^eyusvn. 
 
 2 I 
 
 \ 
 
482 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 APP. I. 
 
 given by the Pzeonians, and therefore must be referred to 
 the ancient Greek population of this region. Beyond the 
 Axius, according to Herodotus,^ was Creston, a settlement 
 of Thessalian Pelasgians, whence they do not appear to 
 have been expelled by the victorious Macedonians ; which 
 fate befell the Almopians, an ancient branch of the Minyae.P 
 It has been already shown that the common population of 
 Leibethrum and Pieria was at least nearly related to the 
 Greeks: the names of Asi^nO^ac, for a well-watered valley, 
 n//x9rXn for a full fountain, and of *EXixwv for a winding 
 stream, are evidently Grecian.^ 
 
 As to the Eordians, the ancient foes of Macedon, it is 
 uncertain whether they should be considered as belonging 
 to the lUyrian or the Pceonian race ;' of this latter tribe, in 
 earlier times, a small, and, in later, a considerable portion 
 obeyed the Macedonian kings. And, lastly, the subjection 
 of the Bisaltae, who even in the time of Perseus formed one 
 of the chief parts of the kingdom of Macedon,' joined to 
 that nation a people of purely Thracian descent ; and the 
 Macedonians, in the political meaning of the word, ceased 
 more and more to be a regular nation, or a body of men of 
 the same origin and language.* 
 
 On the custmns and language of the Macedonians. 
 
 32. In order to trace the national character and origin 
 of the Macedonians, it is necessary to distinguish three 
 things; first, their I llyrian descent; secondly, their exten- 
 
 ** I. 57. Compare Orchomenos, p. 
 444. note 1. 
 
 p See above, p. 458, note ^. 
 
 1 lluha occurs ajTjain in the sacred 
 Pytna of Crete. The poetical asso- 
 ciations chieily clung to the district 
 above Dium, where Pimple and Lei- 
 bethrum were situated. 
 
 ' See above, p. 472, note ». Strabo, 
 who calls the Eordi lUyrians (above, 
 § 26.), yet speaks only of the Mace- 
 donian inhabitants of Eordia. He- 
 sychius and Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 
 1342. call the Eordi Macedonians. 
 Stephanus Byz. in^Afiv^os has a con- 
 
 fused passage on the Amyri, who, 
 according to Suidas, were Eordi. 
 
 » Liv. XLV. 30. 
 
 * Compare now Heyne Opusc. A- 
 cad. IV. p. 165. Macedonas e mult is 
 barharorum populis, Thracum inprimis 
 et Pelasgorumy quibus Grcecorum ex- 
 igua pars accesserat, coaluisse. Schld- 
 zer VVeltgeschichte, vol. I. pag. 290. 
 The Macedonians^ brothers of the 
 Thracians, and entirely different from 
 the Greeks, among whom they were 
 long called barbarians, wandered about 
 their mountainous country, divided into 
 150 hordes, when a Heraelide, 8fc. 
 
 §33. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 483 
 
 sion over other, for the most part Grecian countries ; and 
 thirdly, the introduction by the ruling family, of the civilisa- 
 tion and refinements of the Greeks ; which must have gained 
 great ground when Alexander the Philhellene offered him- 
 self as a combatant at the Olympic games, and honoured 
 the poetry of Pindar;" and when Archelaus, the son of 
 Perdiccas, — the same person who first established many 
 fortresses and roads in his dominions, and formed a Mace- 
 donian army,'' nay, even had it in view to procure a navy,y — 
 had tragedies of Euripides acted at his court under the 
 direction of that poet. These changes must have chiefly 
 affected the regions near the sea ; for they could not have 
 equally extended to the Macedonians of Lyncus, &c., who, 
 even in the time of Strabo, had the greatest resemblance to 
 the Dassaretians, Taulantians, <&c., and, until the overthrow 
 of the Macedonian monarchy, preserved their ancient savage 
 habits ; which Livy only partially accounts for by their in- 
 tercourse with neighbouring barbarians.^ 
 
 33. Since the I llyrian tribes were never distinguished for 
 that original invention which imagined new gods and esta- 
 blished new modes of worship ; while, on the other hand, 
 they readily adopted strange deities;* we find among the 
 Macedonians more traces of foreign than native religion. 
 Certain deities which the Greeks compared with the Sileni 
 they called Sauada*,*^ as the Illyrians called them Deuada?;*^ 
 a native Macedonian god of health was named Darrhon ;^ 
 there was also a god called Deipatyrus among the neigh- 
 
 » Solinus, IX. 16. 
 
 «Thuc. II. 100. 
 
 y Solinus, IX. 17. 
 
 ■ XLV. 30. ferocinres eos et accol(r 
 barbari faciunt, nunc bello exercentes, 
 nunc tn pace miscentes ritus suos. An 
 intercourse in peace, among free and 
 hardy nations, presupposes a certain 
 degree of resemblance. At the pre- 
 sent time the wild Orestae are stated 
 to be very different from the mild 
 and social Zagoriots (Parauaeans). 
 Geographische Ephemeriden, vol. 
 XVII. p. 430. 
 
 • As the Encheleaus appear to 
 
 have carried from the Boeotian incur- 
 sion {Orchomenos, p. 231.) the wor- 
 ship of Cadmus and Harmonia both 
 to the region of Buthoii (Scylax, p. 
 9. Steph. Byz. in BouSon), and to the 
 Oeraunian mountains (Dionys. Pe- 
 rieg. V.391. Apoll. Rh. IV. filZ. for 
 there were Encheleans in both places). 
 Compare ApoUodorusIII.5.4. Scym- 
 nus Chius v. 437. Eustathius ad Dio- 
 nys. Perieg. v. 389, Interpret. Virg. 
 mx\. I. 243. ed. Mai. 
 
 '» Amerias ap. Hesych. in v. 
 
 ^ Hesychius in Ait/aSa/. 
 
 ^ Hesychius et Favorinus in v. 
 
 2 I 2 
 
484 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 A pp. I. 
 
 bouring Stymphaeans.^ The wide extension of the worship 
 of Bacchus must be ascribed to the vicinity of, and early 
 intercourse with Pieria : the Macetian women were cele- 
 brated as wild and raging Bacchantes/ The worship of 
 Zeus appears to have been early introduced among the Ma- 
 cedonians from mount Olympus.^' Hercules, the heroic 
 progenitor of the royal family, was worshipped in their first 
 residence at Edessa :^ he was called in Macedonia Aretus.' 
 The worship of Apollo, which was prevalent in Macedonia 
 at an early period,^ probably was introduced from Pythium 
 on mount Olympus :^ that of Pan, at Pella, was perhaps 
 derived from the Pelasgians.™ 
 
 34. Many barbarous customs of the northern nations, as, 
 for example, that of tattooing, which prevailed among the 
 Illyrians and Thracians," must have fallen into disuse in 
 Macedonia at a very early date : for the Greeks would not 
 have forgotten to mention such evident proofs of barbarian 
 descent. Even the usage of the ancient Macedonians, that 
 every person who had not killed an enemy should wear 
 some disgraceful badge, had been discontinued in the time 
 of Aristotle.^ Yet at a very late date no one was permitted 
 to lie down at table who had not slain a wild boar without 
 the nets.P It is greatly to be lamented that we know much 
 less of the ancient customs of the Illyrians than of the 
 Thracians, of whose singular and almost Asiatic usages we 
 are sufficiently well informed. The doctrine of the immor- 
 tality of the soul in the worship of Zalmoxis, the lamenta- 
 tions of the Trausi at the birth of a man,'i and the slaugh- 
 
 §36. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 485 
 
 • Hesychius in v. 
 
 f Plutarch Alex. 2. Polysen. Stra- 
 ta?. IV. .1. Compare Athenaeus V. p. 
 198 K. Etym. Maj^. et Suidas in KX/i- 
 Stfy»f, Lycoph. V. 1237. Conon Narr. 
 45. Creuzer's Synxbolik, vol. HI. p. 
 194. sq. 
 
 8 Jovis templum, veterrimte Mace- 
 donum reiigionis, Justin XXIV. 2. 
 Archelaus established Olympic games 
 (Arrian 1. 1 1.), who had himself been 
 a conqueror at the Olympic games at 
 Elis, Solin. IX. 18. Perhaps also 
 Musea in Macedonia, according to 
 Arrian ubi sup. 
 
 ** Hesycb. in 'Ehcffaios. 
 
 * Hesych. in "Apriroi. 
 
 ^ See above, p. 455, note *. 
 
 » Book II. ch. 1.6 2. 
 
 "> Eckhel D. N. 'l. 2. p. 74. The 
 Macedonian Venus, Zeirene (Hesych. 
 in V.) was perhaps the Zerynthian. 
 Mars, according to Hesychius, was in 
 Macedonia called Thaumus or Thau- 
 
 lus. 
 
 " Herod. V. 6. Strab. VII. p. 3ir>. 
 Comp. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 169 A. 
 
 ° Polit. VII. 2. 6. 
 
 P According to Hegesander ap. 
 Athen. I. p. 18 A. 
 
 •1 Herod. V. 4 ; accord ng to Soli- 
 nus X. 2. apml pliirimos. 
 
 ter of the dearest wife on the grave of her husband among 
 the Sintes nnd Ma?di,' point to a particular view of human 
 life, foreign to the Grecian character, but familiar to many 
 eastern nations.^ The prevaiUng custom of polygamy,* the 
 buying and inheriting of women, the selling of children as 
 slaves,** and the delight in intoxication,'^ are traces of a ge- 
 nuine barbarian character ; no one of which, as far as I am 
 aware, can be discovered among the Macedonians : with 
 whom, moreover, the Thracian names (e. g., Cotys, and 
 those ending in cetes and sades) never occur. 
 
 35. On the other hand, a military disposition, which still 
 distinguished the Macedonians in the time of Polybius, 
 personal valour, and a certain freedom of spirit, were the 
 national characteristics of this people. Long before Philip 
 organised his phalanx, the cavalry of Macedon was greatly 
 celebrated, especially that of the highlands, as is shown by 
 the tetradrachms of Alexander the First. In smaller num- 
 bers they attacked the close array of the Thracians of 
 Sitalces, relying on their skill in horsemanship and on their 
 defensive armour.y Teleutias the Spartan also admired the 
 cavalry of Elimea ;^ and in the days of the conquest of Asia 
 the custom still remained that the king could not condemn 
 any person without having first taken the voice of the people 
 or of the army." 
 
 36. It is difficult to treat of the Macedonian language, 
 as not only the ancient period of the native dialect must be 
 distinguished from the second, in which the Grecian lan- 
 guage was partially introduced, after Archelaus, Philip, and 
 Alexander made their people acquainted with Athenian 
 civilisation, but also from a third, in which many barbarous 
 words were adopted from the mixture of the Macedonians 
 
 Herod. V. 5. comp. Solinus X. 3. 
 
 * Solinus X. 1. concludes Thracibus 
 barbaris inesse contemturn vitce ex qua- 
 dam naturalis sapientice discip/tna. 
 
 *■ See besides Iltrod. V. 5. Hera- 
 clid. Pont. Polit. 27. Strab. VII. p. 
 297. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 1 12 A. 
 
 " Herod. V. C. Heraclid. ubi sup. 
 Solin. X. 4. 
 
 * Solin. X. 5. 
 
 y Thuc. II. 100. The ay«|J^^;^« 
 are the Lyucestae, &c. 
 
 « Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 41. V. 3. 1. 
 cf.Thuc. I. 61,62. 
 
 » Polyb. V. 27. 6. Curtius VI. 8. 25. 
 (with Freiusheim's note) VI. 9. 34. 
 Crophius Antiq. Mactd. 1. 6. II. 4. 
 
486 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. app. t. 
 
 with Indians, Persians, and Egyptians.^ Nevertheless it 
 is possible to form a well-grounded opinion as to the form of 
 the Macedonian language in the first period. In the first 
 place, they had many barbarous words for very simple and 
 common objects,*' which may be certainly considered as 
 Illyrian, since among the very scanty relics of the lUyrian 
 and Athamanian dialects'* there are some words which are 
 also mentioned as Macedonian.*' Indeed, without supposing 
 some barbarous foundation of this kind, we could hardly 
 account for the Macedonian language being still unintelli- 
 gible to the Greeks in the time of Alexander the Great/ 
 Yet it cannot be doubted that the Greek had passed into 
 the Illyrian dialect before the introduction of Athenian lite- 
 rature, and that their combination produced the mongrel 
 language which was afterwards called Macedonian. The 
 nominatives in a, such as lir'nora, iroXXroi, Sic, could not have 
 been derived from the Athenians ; but the Thessalians, the 
 Dryopians, and probably all the Pelasgians, used that 
 form. 8 That some mixture of Greek had taken place at an 
 early period seems also to be proved by the great and 
 almost inexplicable change which the Grecian words expe- 
 rienced in the mouth of the Macedonians, who appear to 
 have been unable to pronounce the letters O and 0, and 
 
 ^ Hence, for example, it cannot be 
 inferred trom the distinction between 
 the Illyrian and Macedonian lan- 
 guages in Polyb. XXVIII. 8. 9. that 
 the nations were originally of a dif- 
 ferent descent. Sturz De Dialecto 
 Macedonica et Akxandrina has not 
 sufficiently distinguished the third 
 period from the two first. 
 
 « For example, Steph. Byz. in v. 
 Bo^/u.'Krxes: — 6us Kvvas t>5 Tttr^Mct (fuv'^ 
 irrtpixas xaXovffiv oi Maxihotig. The 
 barbarous woid o-xeThs, signifying a 
 kind of steward, which was used by 
 Alexander in letters, and adopted by 
 Menander (Photius, p. 523. 5.) can 
 hardly be oriental. See also the col- 
 lection of Sturz in the words cifiayta, 
 clival, a^Vf KX^ia, a^o;, &C. 
 
 * The Athamanes were Epirots ac- 
 cording to Strabo, Illyrians according 
 to Steph. Byz. in v. The words are 
 
 not Grecian. 
 
 ® See above, lauothat, and Athe- 
 nseus III. p. 114 B. concerning the 
 Macedonian and Athamanian word 
 %pa(jLti or o^aju,t^, 
 
 ^ This fact may be believed on the 
 testimony of Curtius VI. 9. 35. 
 
 e ApoUonius de Construct. III. 7. 
 calls it the Macedonian or Thessalian 
 usage. Sturz, p. 28. 5. infers chitfly 
 from this that the Macedonian lan- 
 guage was originally nearly the same 
 as the Dorian. The coins, I may 
 remark incidentally, prove nothing, 
 as they were struck for intercourse 
 with the Greeks. Adelung. on the 
 other hand, considers the Macedo- 
 nians as Thracians (to which nation 
 he also refers the Illyrians), with a 
 tiuiie of Greek civilisation, Mithri- 
 dat, vol. II. p. 359. 
 
 §36. 
 
 ON THE MACEDONIANS. 
 
 487 
 
 hence they always substituted B for the former, and A for 
 the latter,'* perhaps from a peculiarity of the Illyrian nation. 
 On the other hand, the Macedonian language had a con- 
 sonant OT or V, as Volustana, the name of the country 
 round Olympus,' the Candavian mountains,*^ &c., prove; 
 and thus both in this and the former respect it approximated 
 to the vocal system of the Latin. 
 
 I* See above, p. 3. notes " and ^. 
 
 ' Above, p. 467. note *=. Hence 
 the Cambunian mountains are now 
 called Volutza. 
 
 ^ Above, p. 453. notf k. The first 
 syllable of this name appears to be 
 the same as of Cambunn monies, in 
 
 which the second part is probably 
 the word /Sauvaf, which in modern 
 Grtek still means *' a hill." In the 
 names of Macedonian mountains, 
 Barnus, Bermiu!t,'Mu\ Bertisctn (Pto- 
 lemy), there is probably the same 
 root. 
 
488 
 
 Note on the Map of Macedonia. 
 
 Since the annexed Map is entirely copied from that of 
 Barbie du Bocage, as far as the country is concerned, I will 
 only remark some important points in which Arrowsmith's 
 great Map of Turkey, which is in part founded on quite 
 different authorities, differs from it. In this Map the small 
 lake to the east of Lychnis, or Lychnitis (the lake of 
 Ochrida), is not connected with any river running to the 
 coast, and the mountains to the west of it stretch uninter- 
 ruptedly to the south. (Perhaps this is correct : see p. 453, 
 note 8.) The Haliacmon rises rather more to the north 
 than in Barbid du Bocage's Map. The Cara-Sou, which 
 is certainly the Erigon, runs into the lake of the Lydias. 
 (Incorrect, according to Strabo, quoted in p. 451, note ^.) 
 The Lydias has a longer course, and rises in the Illyrian 
 mountains. The modern river Gallico, which I make the 
 Echeidorus, flows at some distance from the sea through a 
 lake into the Axius. The tributary branch of the Achelous, 
 called by the ancients the Inachus, rises further to the south, 
 under the Pindus-chain (contrary to the authors quoted in 
 p. 452, note ^). Upon the whole. Barbie du Bocage's 
 Map is without doubt the more accurate. 
 
MACEDONIAE 
 
 
 -/'"«>• L&(»)i» /:^«, '■•^ft? f^ /V'^ 
 
 
 'I'o i* c-. Vol ^ . -p . ^j d '?" 
 
APPENDIX II. 
 
 Genealogy of Hellen. 
 
 There is a particular tendency which may be traced 
 throughout all the accounts that have come down to us of 
 early Grecian history, viz., of reducing everything to a genea- 
 logical form. It was much encouraged by the opinion of 
 the later historians, that every town and valley had received 
 its name from some ancient prince or hero ; thus even Pau- 
 sanias meets with persons who explained everthing by means 
 of genealogies ; =» who, for example, out of the Pythian temple 
 at Delphi made a son of Delphus Pythis, a prince of early 
 times. This tendency, however, is manifestly founded on 
 the genuine ancient language of mythology. With the in- 
 ventors of these fabulous narratives, nations, cities, moun- 
 tains, rivers, and gods became real persons, who stood to 
 one another in the relation of human beings, were arranged 
 in families, and joined to one another in marriage. Now 
 although such fictions are in many cases easily seen through, 
 and the meaning of the connexion may be readily deci- 
 phered, yet these genealogies, as there was nothing of arbi- 
 trary and fanciful invention in them, in after-times passed 
 for real history ; and were, both by early and late historians, 
 with full confidence in their general accuracy, made use of 
 for the establislmient of a sort of chronology. On these 
 principles, then, the genealogies which were formed in the 
 age of the later epic poets, and perhaps even of the early 
 historians, cannot be considered as pure invention; these too 
 must have been founded on certain arguments and facts, 
 which were generally believed at that time. We will en- 
 deavour to jwint this out in the famous genealogy of the 
 
 * "auban. X. 6. 5. ol filv ih ytviakeyttv ret ^dtr* %6ikovris^ &C. 
 
490 
 
 GENEALOGY OF HELLEN. app. u. 
 
 chief races of the Greeks, which was taken from the 'HoTai 
 of Hesiod.** 
 
 Prometheus — Pandora 
 
 I 
 Deucalion — Pyrrha 
 
 I 
 Hellen 
 
 Dorus 
 
 Xuthus 
 
 iEolus 
 
 y 
 
 Achseus 
 
 Ion. 
 
 Now the passage of Hesiod only mentions the three bro- 
 thers, Dorus, Xuthus, and iEolus, without naming the 
 sons of Xuthus ; but it is evident that in this series Xu- 
 thus must also represent some race or races ; and since no 
 tribe ever bore the title of Xuthi, this name must have 
 been used by Hesiod to signify the lonians and Achaeans, 
 as in Apollodorus, and other writers.*^ According to an- 
 other tradition, perhaps of equal antiquity, Zeus, the father 
 of gods and men, was, instead of Deucalion, the husband of 
 Pyrrha.*^ 
 
 It is evident that the above genealogy was intended to 
 represent the chief races of the Hellenes, or Greeks, as be- 
 longing to one nation; and consequently could not have 
 been made before the name Hellenes was applied to the 
 whole nation; which in the Iliad*' is only the name of a 
 small tribe in Phthia/ The more extended use of the 
 name falls in the period of the poems which went under the 
 name of Hesiod : ^ it is first thus used in the ' Works and 
 
 "EXXn^cs 6 iyivovTO hfctffro'roXou 
 ^xffikTJis Au^os ri BovSos rs xa/ A7okos 
 iT^to^d^/x.vs. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 
 284. and Schol. ApoU.Rh. III. 1085. 
 Other poems of Hesiod are made use 
 of by Schol. Hom. Od. x'' 2. 
 
 •= Apollodorus 1. 7, 3. Pausan. V. 
 1, 2. &c. from the circumstance that 
 Achaeus and Ion are represented as the 
 only sons of Xuthus, I have inferred 
 above that the lonians were probably 
 of an Acheean race. 
 
 d Schol. Horn. Od. x. 2. ol Ti xiyov 
 ftv oTi "EkXtjv yovcti |tt£» J» ^<oj» Xoyu })t 
 
 Awxakia/ves. Compare Pindar Pyth, 
 IV. 167. who alludes to this fable, 
 and Eurip Melan. IV. 2. 
 
 e II. II. 684. and compare IX. 
 395, 474. XVI. 595. The verse 
 
 'A;^aiouSf II. 530, has been properly 
 condemned by the Alexandrine critics. 
 
 ^ Or rather " near Phthia." Homer 
 distinguishes Hellas and Phthia (II. 
 IX. 395, 478, 479. Od. XI. 495.); 
 the tetrarchy of Phthiotis in later 
 times included both. 
 
 8 JEf;m^ticsL, p. 155. 
 
 GENEALOGY OF HELLEN. 
 
 491 
 
 Days' of the real Hesiod,^ before which time, therefore, the 
 above genealogy cannot have been formed. But that the 
 author of it did not make an arbitrary fiction is evident 
 from the circumstance that he put Xuthus instead of 
 Achapus and Ion ; by which he greatly deranged the sym- 
 metry of his genealogy. It is clear that he thought himself 
 bound to respect the tradition, that Acha^us and Ion were 
 the sons of Xuthus; which prevented him from making 
 Hellen their father. As yet, therefore, the other brothers 
 were not recognised in tradition as having any fathers ; and 
 some obscure legends, such as that of Dorus, the .son of 
 Apollo,' had not obtained a general belief. There can be 
 no doubt that Hellen was recognised in the most ancient 
 tradition. Now in the fictions of mythology the invention 
 was bound by a sort of fanciful regularity ; and in a fabu- 
 lous genealogy the part was deduced from the whole, the 
 species from the genus, as an inferior and subordinate being : 
 thus in the Theogony the hills are the children of the earth, 
 and the sun and the moon of light. ^ Accordingly the poet 
 (or whoever was his authority) sang of TEolus, Dorus, and 
 Xuthus, the progenitors of nations, being the sons of 
 Hellen, the son of Zeus, or grandson of Prometheus. It 
 is possible that before this entire genealogy others had 
 been invented, e. g., that Dorus was a son of Hellen ; since, 
 as early as the time of Lycurgus, the Spartans were com- 
 manded by the Pythian oracle to worship Zeus Hellanius 
 and Athene Hellania;^ and since both the judges in the 
 Spartan army*" and the judges of the Olympic games were 
 called Hellanodica^. And when I consider the celebrated 
 oracle just quoted, and the close connexion of Sparta and 
 Olympia with Delphi, the sacred families of the Delphians 
 (the o(jioi), who referred their origin to Deucalion," and on 
 
 ^ Hesiod. Op. et Di. 526. B^aJ/av Ti 
 TlaviXkrivtfffft <pa.itvu. Compare Strabo 
 VIII. p. 370. It may be observed, 
 that in the three most ancient pas- 
 sages in which the collective name 
 of the Greeks occurs, viz., the verse 
 in the Woiks and Days, the spurious 
 line in the Iliad, and the passage in 
 the 'He7ect referred to by Strabo, they 
 
 are called, not "EXXmif, but Uavix- 
 Xnvii. 
 
 » Apollodorus I. 7. 6. 
 
 ^ Hes.Theog. 129.371. 
 
 ' Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. accord- 
 ing to a certain emendation. See 
 book III. ch. 5. § 8. 
 
 •" Book III. ch. 12.^5. 
 
 "Book II. ch. l.§8. 
 
492 
 
 GENEALOGY OF HELLEN. apf. n 
 
 the other hand remember that a Boeotian poem, composed 
 in the neighbourhood of the Pythian oracle, first uses the 
 word " Hellenes " in this extended sense ; I cannot help 
 conjecturing that this national sanctuary of the Hellenic 
 name had a large share in the formation of that really beau- 
 tiful legend; by which all the different races of Greece, 
 separated for so many centuries by violent and unceasing 
 contention, were united into the peaceable fellowship of 
 brotherly affection and concord. 
 
 I 
 
 il 
 
 I 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 The mujration of the Dorians to Crete. 
 
 Cnosus,'^ the Minoian Cnosus, was, even so late as the 
 time of Plato, the first city in Crete, and the chief domicile 
 of the Cretan laws and customs : and Plato, in his Treatise 
 on Laws, takes a Cnosian as the representative and de- 
 fender of the Cretan laws in general ; ^ although Cnosus 
 about his time had declined from internal corruption, and 
 the fame of having preserved the good laws of ancient Crete 
 soon passed from her to Gortyna and Lyctus.*' In earlier 
 times, however, the Cretan laws (KpnTntol voixoi), wliich 
 Archilochus even mentions as being of a distinct character,'^ 
 were preserved in the greatest purity at Cnosus. Now 
 when modern writers admit indeed that the Cretan laws 
 were founded upon the customs of the Doric race, but afhrm 
 that this race did not penetrate into Crete before the expe- 
 dition of the Heraclidae, and that migrations subsequently 
 took place from Peloponnesus; it is necessary for them 
 first of all to show that Cnosus received its Doric inhabi- 
 tants from that country, that is, probably either from Argos 
 or Sparta. But had such been the case, the memory of these 
 migrations would assuredly never have been lost: Argos 
 and Sparta would have been too proud to possess such a 
 colony. Cnosus must therefore have received its Doric in- 
 habitants at an earlier date, in the dark ages of mythology ; 
 and the subsequent colonies from Pelojx)nnesus to Lyctus, 
 Gortyna, and other places, helped to increase the Doric 
 population, which in Homer's time® was confined to a part 
 of the island, over the ivhole of Crete ; as was the case in 
 
 ■ See book I. ch. 1. ^ 9. 
 *• See particularly Plato de Lep. I. 
 p. o36. V I. p. 732. Kvuffiovi Ti^ifffituuv 
 
 TAIV TaXku* TcXiOt*. 
 
 *^ See Strabo X. p. 476. compare p. 
 
 481. after Ephorus. 
 
 ^ Archilochus ap. Heraclid. Pont. 
 iroXtT. K^nriuv. irajjin. 8fi. Gaisford. 
 
 « Horn. Od. XIX. 175. sqq. 
 
494 MIGRATIOiN OF THE DORIANS, app. ih. 
 
 late ages. And at the time which Homer describes, not 
 only the language, but the customs and laws were probably 
 also different ; whereas Archilochus appears to mention the 
 Cretan laws as prevalent over the whole island. Upon the 
 whole, the Dorians in Crete — and this is a fact of great im 
 portance — never seem to stand, with regard to the Dorians 
 of Peloponnesus, in the relation of a colony to its mother 
 country. In Greece, the parent state — so great was the 
 pride of higher antiquity — never condescended to take the 
 institutions of a colony as models for its own, as was the case 
 with Sparta and Crete ; nor did the mother country ever 
 procure priests from its colony, as was the case when the 
 Pythian Apollo sent Cretan priests to Sparta.^ In short, 
 everything seems to prove that the Doric institutions were 
 of great antiquity in Crete, tand that the distinction which 
 has lately been taken between the laws of Minos and the 
 Doric institutions and customs of Crete — a distinction 
 directly opposed to the unanimous testimony of antiquity — 
 is false and untenable. 
 
 But in retaining his conviction respecting a Doric settle- 
 ment in Crete before the migration of the Heraclidap, and 
 in viewing it as the only means of explaining many facts in 
 the religious and political history of the Greeks, the Author 
 does not imply that this Doric colony was exactly similar to 
 a later migration of Dorians from Argos and Sparta. The 
 condition of the Dorians in Hestiaeotis must have been very 
 different from that to which the same race attained in 
 Peloponnesus. The mixture with other races, which had 
 gone so far, that the head of the mythical settlement bears a 
 Pelasgic name (Teutamus), docs not agree with the cha- 
 racter of the later Dorians. At that time no line of princes, 
 calling themselves Heraclidae, could have stood at the head 
 of the Dorians ; for in Crete, Heraclida? only occur in cities 
 which were colonised from Peloponnesus ; for example, they 
 do not occur in Cnosus. Moreover, a maritime, and espe- 
 cially a piratical life (upon which the maritime supremacy 
 
 See book III. ch. l.^S 8. 
 
 MIGRATION OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 495 
 
 of Minos was founded) does not agree with the principles 
 followed by the Dorians in Peloponnesus, where they relied 
 upon a tranquil and secure possession of land. These prin- 
 ciples, however, could not be developed so long as the 
 Dorians were excluded from the rich plain of Thessaly, 
 and were forced to eke out their scanty means by hunting 
 and piracy. How different was the rough and perilous life 
 of the ancient sea-kings of the Normans from the proud and 
 secure existence of the barons in Normandy ! Yet the eye 
 of the observant historian can trace a unity of national 
 character even in the most different circumstances. By a 
 similar analogy, this remarkable expedition of Doric adven- 
 turers from Hestiapotis to Crete will explain the zeal of the 
 Cretans for the worship of Apollo, the ancient connexion of 
 Crete and Delphi, and the early existence in Crete of 
 notions respecting a strict regulation of public life (xo-r/xof). 
 
APPENDIX IV. 
 
 History of the Greek congress or synedrim during the 
 
 Persian war. 
 
 1. In the present article it will be my object to trace the 
 foreig^n influence which Sparta possessed at the time of the 
 Persian war, and for what length of time her supremacy 
 in Greece remained uncontested and unshaken. This is 
 chiefly seen in the proceedings of the congress of the allied 
 Greek states : to ascertain which with precision, it will be 
 first necessary to fix the chronology of the successive stages 
 of the Persian war. 
 
 In the course of the year 481 B. C. (Olymp. 74.|) 
 Xerxes set out from his residence at Susa (Herod. VII. 
 20), found the great army assembled in Cappadocia, and 
 marched to Sardis, from which town he sent ambassadors to 
 the Greek cities (ib. 32). Having wintered here, the army 
 marched in the spring of 480 B. C. (Olymp. 74. 4) to 
 Abydos;^' when it had reached the passes of Pieria, the 
 Persian envoys returned (ib. 131). Soon after this they 
 met at Thermopylae the Greek forces, which had set out 
 before the 75th Olympiad and the Carnean games, about 
 June 480 B. C. Battles of Thermopylae and Artemisium 
 m pcE^ov Qipos (VIII. 12.) both perhaps a short time before 
 the Olympic festival (VIII. 26). Conquest of Attica, four 
 months after the beginning of the ^id^ams rov "EKKmirovrou 
 (VIII. 51). Battle of Salamis, a little after the time of the 
 laxxof, after the eWai of Boedromion Olymp. 75. 1., as the 
 Etesian winds were either blowing or had ceased to blow 
 
 * The eclipse of the sun, however, mentioned by Herodotus, does not 
 agree, and must he an error. VII. 37. 
 
 2 K 
 
498 
 
 THE GREEK CONGRESS 
 
 APP. IV. 
 
 (they last from the summer solstice to the rising of the dog- 
 star), VII. 168. Mardonius winters in Thessaly and Mace- 
 donia, the Persian fleet at Cume and Samos. Battle of 
 Plataea on the 26th or 27th of Panemus (Metagitnion), 
 Olymp. 75. 2. 479 B.C. at the same time as that of My- 
 cale. The year ends with the taking of Sestos. 
 
 2. The Greeks certainly received early intelligence of the 
 preparations in Persia (VII. 138), even if the story related 
 by Herodotus (VII. 239.) about the secret message of De- 
 maratus is not true. They either refused or gave earth and 
 water to the envoys late in the year 481 B.C. (VII. 138.). 
 The states which refused to submit held a congress ;^ and 
 they are now called by Herodotus, "the Greeks allied 
 " against the Persians," (ol (jvvcofxorai'KWriycuv M to/ Ilipffri, 
 VII. 148.). This assembly of course was formed by depu- 
 ties from the different cities : the manner of its formation 
 may be inferred from the place at which it sat ; and it will 
 be shown presently that it first assembled at Corinth, which 
 city belonged to the Peloponnesian confederacy. It appears 
 therefore that Sparta must have convened an assembly at 
 Corinth, to which the extra- Peloponnesian states, which 
 had refused earth and water, sent envoys. This congress 
 first put an end to the internal dissensions of Greece (VII. 
 145.), in which good service Chileus of Tegea and Themis- 
 tocles are said to have earned the gratitude of their coun- 
 trymen (Plutarch Themist. 6.). Secondly, when they heard 
 that Xerxes was at Sardis, they despatched spies thither, 
 and at the same time envoys to Argos, Sicily, Corcyra, and 
 Crete. (VII. 145. 199.) The envoys are stated by Hero- 
 dotus to have been sent by the Lacedaemonians and their 
 allies.'^ They also made a vow to decimate to the Del- 
 phian God all those Greeks who had unnecessarily given 
 earth and water to the Persians (VII. 132.) ; the persons 
 
 IvXXtyofi.ivuv is rulro riv Ti^) riiv ruv ffVfjLfAa^ot. The words includtid 
 
 '£XXAd« 'EXA.»)»«» <ruv to, afiilvu ^^o- in brackets are wanting in the family 
 
 ytevru¥, xa) ^ihovruv a-^ifft Xeyov xat of the Passioneus and Florence MSS., 
 
 fl-iVr/v, Herod. VII. 145. and appear to be interpolated from 
 
 •^ VII. 157. t'rifd,-4>av rtfiiecs Aaxt- C. 161, 
 ^eufAovui [ts xet) el '\6r)vec7et\ xeci el r»u- 
 
 §3. DURING THE PERSIAN WAR. 
 
 499 
 
 who made this vow are called by Diodorus XI. 3. "the 
 " Greeks assembled in congress at the Isthmus," o\ gy 'Ije^oJ 
 avvi^psvovTss ruv 'ExX^vo/y. 
 
 3. In this narrative taken from Herodotus there still re- 
 mains one contradiction, viz., that if the Greeks did not as- 
 semble till after they had refused earth and water (as ap- 
 pears from VII. 138. cf. 145.), the Argives had no longer 
 any option whether they would join the league or not. 
 Likewise the dismission of the Greek envoys would fall too 
 late in the unfavourable season for sailing, and there would 
 scarcely be time for the messages to the oracles (c. 148, 
 169.), and the other proceedings. It is therefore probable 
 that this congress was formed before the arrival of the Per- 
 sian envoys, which was late in 481 B.C.: and Diodorus 
 seems to be correct in stating that of the nations some gave 
 earth and water, while the Persian army was in the valley 
 of Tempe, and others after its departure (XL 3.); and 
 therefore none till early in 480 B.C. : previously the am- 
 bassadors were probably in the north; Herodotus in VI I. 
 138. appears to mean only the ambassadors of Darius. 
 With this the following statements agree, which he adds in 
 VII. 172. ''As soon as the Thessalians had heard that 
 *' the Persians wished to invade Europe "—which they must 
 have known in the winter of 481-80 B. C— -they sent en- 
 " voys to the Isthmus." 'Ev Si rS 'l.Qf^a; (i. e., in the village 
 which had grown up about the temple of Neptune), fWv 
 aX.a/XEvoi TTpojSovXoi (plenipotentiaries, VI. 7.) T^r'ExXaJor, 
 aqoLiqnfA.e\oi diro rwv iroXicov ruv ra dueivaf (ppovsovaim Tre^l rril 
 'Ewd^cc. Now this assembly, while the Persian king was 
 at Abydos, and therefore very early in 480 B. C, sent the 
 army to Tempe, which soon returned (VII. 173.), and in- 
 deed returned to the Isthmus, which must therefore have 
 been the head-quarters of the allied army. When it re- 
 turned, the congress was still sitting at the Isthmus.'^ This 
 synedrion or assembly (which is again mentioned in this 
 place by Diodorus XL 4.) now resolved to defend the 
 
 andfhe'^;,g^"; ^'^' "'^'"" '^" ^'^'^'^ "' ""^""""^ '"'^^"^^ ^"^^^ *^« *^-l'« 
 
 2k2 
 
500 
 
 THE GREEK CONGRESS 
 
 i 
 
 APP. IV. 
 
 §4. DURING THE PERSIAN WAR. 
 
 II 
 
 passes of Thermopylae and Artemisium : and when the in- 
 telligence arrived that the Persians were in Pieria, JiaXyfievrgy 
 ex. Tov 'loQfxov (i. e., departing from the Isthmus) s(yrparEvo)/ro 
 avruv ot ixh hs 0£^pi,o9riJXa5" Trs^rj, aXkoi Jg xara QaiX^aaocv stt 
 'A^Tf/xifftov. But that the Isthmus was still the place in 
 which the congress sat, is evident from the fact, that San- 
 doces, Aridolis, and Penthylus, who fell into the hands of 
 the Greeks before the battle of Artemisium, were sent 
 thither (VII. 195.). At this time indeed the Peloponne- 
 sians were celebrating the Olympiad, and the Spartans the 
 Carnea, at their respective homes,*' after which, as had been 
 previously arranged, they were to take the field with all 
 their forces (wocvUfMsl, VII. 206. VIII. 26.). Nevertheless, 
 the decree that the ships which came too late for Artemi- 
 sium should assemble in the Troezenian Pogon (VIII. 42.), 
 as well as the other, that the Isthmus should be fortified 
 (VIII. 40, 71.), which measure was not thought of before 
 the battle of Thermopylae, must have been passed in this 
 interval. Diodorus (XI. 16.) mentions the synedrion in 
 connexion with this decree. The fortification began after 
 the Carnea (VIII. 72.). The fleet was commanded (as is 
 evident from VIII. 2, 9, 56, 58, 74, 108, 111. IX. 90.) by 
 the Spartan admiral and a council, a (jwi^piov of the arqat- 
 rnyol or sv rsXei ovrss (IX. 106.), in which the admiral tov 
 "Koyov TrpoBriBsi (VIII. 59.) put the question to the vote 
 (l9r£\!/7j;pt^e, c. 61.), and gave out the decree. This com- 
 mander was armed with very large powers, and Leotychidas 
 concluded an alliance with the Samians (IX. 92.), and 
 even the captains of the fleet debated on the projected mi- 
 gration of the lonians (IX. 106.). Nor is it ever mentioned 
 that the fleet received orders from the Isthmus. But the 
 circumstance of the fleet's sailing to the Isthmus, after the 
 battle of Salamis, for the decree on the dpKJTsTac (VIII. 123.), 
 is a proof that the Isthmus was still the seat of the confe- 
 derate assembly. Diodorus likewise represents this decree 
 as proceeding from the (juvi^^iov (XI. 55.); probably the 
 
 - The former in the first lull-moon after the sulstice, the latter about the 
 second. Corsini Fast. Att. I. 2. p. 453. 
 
 " Greeks," who refused to confirm the vote of the com- 
 manders (VIII. 124.), were the members of the league. 
 The ships which had been engaged in the battle returned 
 home without any decision. Late in the year, after the 
 eclipse of the sun on the 2nd of October, Cleombrotus had 
 led the great allied army from the Isthmus, and soon after- 
 wards died (IX. 10.). The decree for the following year, 
 that the fleet should go to iEgina (VIII. 131.), may have 
 proceeded either from the synedrium of the preceding year, 
 or from Sparta. For that there were no longer any de- 
 puties a.ssembled at Corinth is evident from the circum- 
 stance that the Ionian envoys only went to Sparta and 
 iEgina(VIlI. 132.); nor is the Isthmus afterwards men- 
 tioned as the seat of an assembly, although it was fortified 
 until the middle of summer, till the time of the Hyacinthia 
 (IX. 7.)- After this time, Athens, Plataca, and Megara 
 sent their envoys to Sparta, where there were also Pelopon- 
 nesian envoys, as for instance Chileus of Tegea (IX. 9.), 
 who was mentioned above among the irpo^ovXot ; and all 
 these, together with the ambassadors of the three states just 
 mentioned, are, as it appears, called by Herodotus o] lyy^- 
 -Koi ol imy^ivoi dito ru>v 'jroXiajv, IX. 10. There must ])ro- 
 bably have been some joint act of the allies,' by virtue of 
 which Pausanlas was able to collect the great Peloponnesian 
 army. After the battle of Plata?a there was in the army 
 a kind of council of war, doubdess a ffvn^^m rm sv riXsi 
 oyrcov, which regulated the number of the sacred offerings, 
 divided the booty (IX. 81, 85.}, and determined (m the 
 expedition against Thebes (c. 86.) : the persons who were 
 given up, Pausanias seems at Corinth to have ordered to 
 execution on his own authority (c. 88.). 
 
 4. Such is the substance of the narrative of Herodotus; 
 in which we can only be surprised, that of the most remark- 
 able event, viz., the treaty of Pausanias, he should say not 
 a word : a silence which can only be explained by su])posing 
 
 n)ioaoiMs siH'j.ks of a decree of tliis nature, hut the oatli on the 
 iNthmus 18 a rhetorical invention, XI. 29. 
 
502 
 
 THE GREEK CONGRESS 
 
 APP. IV. 
 
 that he had intended to mention it in another passage of 
 his unfinished work. When Pausanias, with the assistance 
 of the allies, had won the battle of Plataea, he sacrificed 
 in the market-place of Plataea to Zeus Eleutherius, and 
 convened an assembly of all the Greeks, in which the Pla- 
 taeans (who annually performed certain honorary rites to 
 those who had fallen in the battle, Thuc. III. 58.) were 
 promised that their country and city should remain inde- 
 pendent, and that no one should attack them without lawful 
 reason, or with intention to reduce them to subjection : 
 and that, in case these conditions were not observed, all the 
 allies then present would protect them (Thuc. VI. 71. cf. 
 III. 56, 59.) ; an engagement which the Spartans themselves 
 afterwards broke, on the ground that the Plataeans had first 
 unjustly given up to ^vvoffxorov (II. 74.). For in "the an- 
 *' cient treaty of Pausanias after the Persian war," it was 
 ordered that the allies in general, and the Plataeans among 
 them, should remain at peace with each other (Time. III. 
 68. cf. II. 72.). The further conditions of this treaty may 
 be collected from Thucyd. I. 67, (for it is evidently this 
 treaty which is in question,) where the ^ginetans com])lain 
 that they are not independent, "according to the treaty;" 
 for the thirty years' truce (I. 115.) cannot be meant, as it 
 was not concluded till after the subjection of JEgina. (the 
 former in Olymp, 83. 3. the latter in Olymp. 80. 4.) ; 
 whence it is likewise evident that the treaty, which was vio- 
 lated by the siege of Potidaea, and the exclusion of the 
 Megarians from the market of Attica, (1. 67, 87. cf. c. 144.) 
 was the same ancient act, only renewed by later treaties. 
 Thus Plutarch states that the latter prohibition was " con- 
 " trary to the common principles of justice, and the solemn 
 ** oaths of the Greeks.''^ And in another place he men- 
 tions that, in a general assembly of the Greeks after the 
 battle of Plataea, Aristides proposed a decree that the 
 Greeks should annually send deputies and sacred mcssen- 
 
 *" Pexicl. 39. ^upa ra xoivcc ^tKccia »ui rohf yiyivtifi.Uoui opxiui fots "EXXtifi. 
 
 §5. DURING THE PERSIAN WAR. 
 
 503 
 
 gers to Plataea, and that the Eleutheria should be solem- 
 nised every five years.^ Also, that it was agreed that an 
 allied Greek armament should be organised against the 
 Persians, consisting of 10,000 heavy-armed infantry, 1000 
 cavalry, and 100 ships : and that the Plataeans should be con- 
 sidered sacred and invTlolable. From what has been stated 
 above, it is clear how much of this account is true, and how 
 much added by Athenian partiality. 
 
 5. In the following years, when Sparta still continued 
 the war against the Persians and their allies by means of 
 Pausanias and Leotychidas, there must have been a con- 
 gress, though not constantly sitting; since the Spartans 
 would not have determined the amount of '^ the war contri- 
 '' bution " » on their own authority ; and there is much pro- 
 bability in the account of Diodorus (XI. 55.), that the 
 Spartans summoned Themistocles for his share in the treason 
 of Pausanias before the common-council of the Greeks, 
 which used at this time to assemble at Sparta. At least it 
 is not^ contradicted by Thucydides ; indeed his narrative 
 (I. 135.) perfectly agrees in this point with that of Diodorus. 
 The words ev rrt lirdprri, which are omitted in some MSS. 
 of Diodorus, and suspected by Wesseling (yet, it should be 
 observed, only these words), cannot be well spared; and, 
 even if they were expunged, the whole chapter would show 
 that the congress was sitting at Sparta; for it was evidently 
 under Lacedaemonian influence, and therefore met in the 
 Peloponnese ; and, since the instance mentioned above, it 
 does not appear that any of its meetings were held at the 
 Isthmus. 
 
 This account likewise proves that, after Pausanias had 
 occasioned the defection of the lonians and Cohans from 
 Sparta, who were now considered as the separate allies of 
 Athens, a confederate council, which included other states 
 besides the Peloponnesians, continued to sit at Sparta ; and 
 
 't flrir- 
 
 t!ZXZT "*" • ' ^'•^'"^t' "'f . • '^'■T^'^ ''' ^^' -^A,^.v, Plutarch. 
 
 *»<frov inaurov rou; ei-ro rns 'EXXahes Aristid. 'J4. 
 
504 
 
 THE GREEK CONGRESS, 6ic. app. iv 
 
 affords fresh grounds for supposing that this abandonment 
 of the Spartan alUance was not considered as a transfer of 
 the chief command to Athens, but that Sparta only in- 
 trusted the Athenians, together with those Greeks who 
 dwelt in the territory of the Persian king, with the conti- 
 nuation of the war in Asia, and the management of all 
 affairs connected with it; and still considered Athens as 
 under her command, until that state revolted in Olymp. 79. 
 At last the internal wars of Peloponnesus, Olymp. 79 — 81, 
 subverted all the relations of Athens and Sparta. 
 
 KND OF VOL. I. 
 
 
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 £nglu^;La i.v i..u.< ai:v..S<; S.'.lamcss Stivrt 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 »■« 
 
 DORIC rage;,"^" , 
 
 I. IRK ART. 
 
 N YORK, y 
 
 C. O. MULLER, 
 
 PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTTINGEN. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY TUFNELL, ESQ. 
 
 AND 
 
 GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS, ESQ., A. M. 
 
 STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH. 
 
 SECOND EDITION, REVISED. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 LONDON . 
 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 .-.*a5»T 
 
 MOCCCXXXIX- 
 
t 
 
 CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 
 
 
 ? 
 
 S 
 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 Printed by W. Clowes and Sows, 
 
 Stamford-Street. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. End of the state according to the Doric notions. ^^ Dif- 
 ference between the political institutions of the Dori^ and 
 lonians. ^ Successive changes in the constitutions of the 
 Greek states; 1st, royal aristocracy of the heroic ages. § 4. 
 2nd, Timocracy, or aristocracy of wealth. § 5. 3rd. Tyranny. 
 § 6. 4th, Democracy. f^TPorm of government characteristic 
 of the Doric race. § 8. Supposed Legislation of Lycurgus. 
 §^ Derivation of Spartan laws from the Delphic oracle. 
 §(JQ.^ Characteristics of the Doric form of government. .Page 1 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 § 1. Origin and distribution of the Periceci of Laconia. §C^ 
 Their political condition and civil rights, (g) Their service in 
 war, and their occupation in manufactures, trade, and art. § 4. 
 Noble families in Sparta not of Doric origin. Trades and 
 crafts hereditary in Sparta p i^ 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 4JP' Helots of Sparta. Their political condition. § 2. Their 
 service in war. § 3. Treatment of the helots. § 4. The cryp- 
 teia. § 5. Various degrees of helotism. § 6. Number of the 
 helots. § 7. The phylae of Pitana, Limnaj, Mesoa, and Cy- 
 nosura 29 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § 1. Subject classes in Crete. § 2. In Argos and Epidaurus. 
 § 3. In Corinth and Sicyon. § 4. In Syracuse. § 5. In By- 
 zantium, Heraclea on the Pontus, and Cyrene. § 6. The bond- 
 slaves of Thessaly. § 7. Cities and villages of Arcadia. § 8. 
 The political opposition of city and country p/ 50 
 
 SS§2.G 
 
IV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 SI Three tribes of citizens in the Doric states. § 2. Additional 
 tribes, of inferior rank, in some Doric states. § 3. Each tribe 
 in Sparta was divided into ten ob^. § 4. Political importance 
 of the Spartan ob^. § 5. Harpac, in other Doric states, cor- 
 responding to the Spartan ob^. § 9- Number of Spartan yevr,. 
 f^ Distinction between Equals and Inferiors m Sparta. 
 fg5^owers of the assembly of citizens at Sparta. § 9. Names 
 ^ assembly of the citizens in the Doric states. § 10. Pro- 
 ceedings of the Spartan assembly. § 11. Public assembly of 
 Crete ^* 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 & 1. The Gerusia of Sparta, a council of elders. § 2. The 
 Spartan Gerontes were irresponsible. § 3. Functions of the 
 Spartan Gerusia. § 4. Gerusia of Crete and of Ehs. § 5. Cha- 
 racter of the Spartan royalty. § 6. Honours paid to the 
 Spartan kings, and the mode of their succession. § 1. Po>^ers 
 of the Spartan kings in domestic; § 8. and in foreign Affairs. 
 § 9. Revenues of the Spartan kings. § 10. Heraclide prmces 
 in Doric states other than Sparta P- 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 S 1 Origin of the office of Ephor in the Spartan state. § 2. 
 Period of its creation. § 3. Civil Jurisdiction of the Ephors. 
 § 4. Increase in the powers of the Ephors. § 5. Their trans- 
 action of business with the assembly of citizens, and with 
 foreign powers. § 6. The power of the Ephors, owing to 
 their ascendancy over the assembly of citizens. § 1. Miscel- 
 laneous facts concerning the office of Ephor. § 8. Titles and 
 duties ofother magistrates at Sparta p. 114 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 R 1 The Cosmi of Crete. § 2. Changes in their powers. § 3. 
 The Prytanes of Corinth and Rhodes. § 4. The Prytanes of 
 ancient Athens. § 5. The Artynae of Argos ; the Demiurgi in 
 several states of Peloponnesus p. 133 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 § 1. Constitutions of Argos. § 2. Epidaurus, iEgina, Cos. 
 
 CONTENTS. V 
 
 § 3. Rhodes. § 4. Corinth. § 5. Corcyra. § 6. Ambracia, 
 Leucadia, Epidamnus, Apollonia. § 7. Syracuse. § 8. Gela, 
 Agrigentum. § 9. Sicyon, Philus. § 10. Megara. § 11. 
 Byzantium, Chalcedon, Heraclea Pontica. § 12. Cnidos, 
 Melos, Thera. § 13. Cyrene. § 14. Tarentum. § 15. He- 
 raclea Sciritis. § 16. Croton; § 17. and Delphi. ^""11? 
 Aristocratic character of the constitution of Sparta . . p/T45 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 § 1 . Tenure of land in Laconia. § 2. Partition of the land into 
 lots, and their inalienability. § 3. Law of inalienability of land 
 repealed by Epitadeus. § 4. Lacedaemonian law respecting 
 marriage portions and heiresses. § 5. Similar regulations re- 
 specting landed property in other states. § 6. The syssitia of 
 Crete and the phiditia of Sparta. § 7. Contributions to the 
 public tables in Crete and Sparta. § 8. Domestic economy of 
 Sparta. § 9. Money of Sparta. § 10. Regulations respecting 
 the use of money in Sparta. § 11. Changes in these regula- 
 tions. Taxation of the Spartans. § 12. Trade of Pelopon- 
 nesus. Monetary system of the Dorians of Italy and Sicily p. 195 
 
 <& 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 JpSimplicity of the Law of Sparta. ^^Spartan System of 
 Judicature. § 3. Penal system of^5parta : fine, infamy. 
 § 4. Exile and death. § 5. Origin of the laws respecting the 
 penalty of death in the Doric states. § 6. Connexion of Locri 
 with the Doric race. § 7. Laws of Zaleucus p. 227 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 I L^tudy of the military profession at Sparta. Period of service. 
 if2] Arrangement of the army. Numbers of the military 
 divisions. § 3. Arrangement of the enomoty and military 
 evolutions. § 4. Arrangement of the Mora. § 5. Organization 
 of the Spartan army. Its officers. § 6. Cavalry in the other 
 Doric states. The Sciritae in the Lacedaemonian army. Light- 
 armed soldiers. § 7. Arms of the heavy infantry of Sparta. 
 § 8. Spartan tactics. § 9. Steady courage of the Spartans. 
 § 10. War considered as an art by the Spartans. Life of the 
 Spartans in camp p. 242 
 
▼1 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS, ARTS, AND LITERATURE OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. Subjects of the present 'book. §2. Simplicity of the dwell- 
 ings of the Dorians. § 3. Achaean style of buildings. § 4. 
 Character of the Doric architecture p. 265 
 
 CHAP. n. 
 
 § 1. General character of the Doric dress. § 2. Different dresses 
 of married and unmarried women among the Dorians. § 3. 
 Dress of the Spartan women. § 4. Dress of the Spartan men. 
 § 5. Simplicity of the Doric dress. § 6. Doric and Ionic 
 fashions of wearing the hair. Change of costume in many 
 Doric states. Baths . • • p. 271 
 
 CHAP. HI. 
 
 § 1. Syssitia of the Dm-ians and other Greek races. § 2. Simple 
 fare of Sparta, is) Public tables of Sparta and Crete. § 4. 
 Abandonment of the simple fare in some Doric colonies p. 283 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 reedom of intercourse between unmarried persons at Sparta. 
 ^^ Marriage ceremonies. § 3. Age of marriage. § 4. Re- 
 lations of husband and wife. §(5y Different treatment of 
 women among the lonians. § 6. Ilat^fpaoTta of Sparta. §7. 
 And of Crete. § 8. Origin of this custom p. 289 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 t|^l .^Education of the youth at Sparta. Its early stages. § 2. Its 
 ^continuation after^ilie twelfth year. § 3. Education of the 
 youth in Crete. §^../Nature of the education : gymnastic and 
 music. § 5. Influence of the Dorians upon the national 
 games. § 6. The Spartan youth trainedto hardships. § 7. 
 Military games at Crete and* Sparta. J^8^ Athletic exercises 
 of the women p 3q'j 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. Origin of the Doric musical mode. § 2. Character of the 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Vll 
 
 Doric mode. § 3. Progress of music in Sparta. § 4 Public 
 musical performances. § 5. Progress of music in other Doric 
 states. § 6. Connexion of dancing and music. Military 
 music of Sparta. § 7. Military dances. § 8. Connexion of 
 gymnastic exercises and dancing. § 9. Imitative dances. § 10 
 Dances of the Helots. Origin of bucolic poetry among the 
 subject classes.| § 11. Comedy connected with the country fes- 
 tivals of Bacchus .... \^^ 
 
 p. 323 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 § 1. Origin of comedy at Megara. § 2. Life and drama of Epi- 
 charmus. § 3. Traces of theatrical representations on painted 
 vases. § 4. Political and philosophical tendency of the drama 
 of Epicharmus. § 5. Mimes of Sophron. § 6. Plays of Rhin- 
 thon. § 7. Origin of tragedy at the city festivals of Bacchus 
 § 8. Eariy history of the Doric tragedy. § 9. Character of the 
 Doric lyric poetry. § 10. Doric lyric poets. § 11. Oridn of 
 the Doric lyric poetry. § 12. Character of the Doric stvle of 
 
 sculpture ^ 
 
 ^ p. 353 
 
 CHAP. VIII, 
 
 § 1. History and rhfetoric little cultivated by the Dorians § 2 
 Apophthegmatic style of expression used by the Dorians § 3 
 Apophthegms of the Seven Sages. § 4. Griphus invented by 
 the Dorians. § 5. Symbolical language of the Pytha^or. 
 philosophy 
 
 can 
 384 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 § 1. Difference between the life of the Dorians and lonians 
 Domestic habits of the Spartans. § 2. Opinions of the Dorians 
 respecting a future life. § 3. General character of the Dorians 
 § 4. Its varieties. § 5. Character of the Spartans. § 6 Cha- 
 racter of the Cretans, Argives, Rhodians, Corinthians, Corcy- 
 raeans, Syracusans, Sicyonians, Phliasians, Megarians, Byzan- 
 tians, iEginetans, Cyrenaeans, Crotoniats, Tarentines, Messe- 
 nians, and Delphians p 395 
 
VIU 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 ► 
 
 APPENDIX V. 
 On the Doric dialect p. 417 
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Chronological tables P- "^^l 
 
 Index • • P- 461 
 
 BOOK III.V ^ ^^OK^\. 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. End of a state according to the Doric notions. § 2. Dif- 
 ference between the political institutions of the Dorians and 
 lonians. § 3. Successive changes in the constitutions of the 
 Greek states; 1st, royal aristocracy of the heroic ages. § 4. 
 2nd, Timocracy, or aristocracy of wealth. § 5. 3rd, Tyranny. 
 § 6. 4th, Democracy. § 7. Form of government characteristic 
 of the Doric race. § 8. Supposed legislation of Lycurgus. 
 § 9. Derivation of Spartan laws from the Delphic oracle. 
 § 10. Characteristics of the Doric form of government. ' 
 
 1. Before we speak of the form of government 
 which prevailed in the Doric states, it will be neces- 
 saiy to set aside all modern ideas respecting the origin, 
 essence, and object of a state ; namely, that it is an 
 institution for protecting the persons and property of 
 the individuals contained in it. We shall approach 
 nearer to the ancient notion, if we consider the essence 
 of a state to be, that by a recognition of the same opi- 
 nions and principles, and the direction of actions to the 
 same ends, the whole body become, as it were, one 
 moral agent. Such an unity of opinions and actions 
 can only be produced by the ties of some natural 
 affinity, such as of a nation, a tribe, or a part of one : 
 although in process of time the meaning of the terms 
 state and nation became more distinct. The more 
 complete the unity of feelings and principles is, the 
 
 VOL. II. B 
 
1%: 
 
 2 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 more vigorous will be the common exertions, and the 
 more comprehensive the notion of the state. As this 
 was in general carried to a wider extent among the 
 Greeks than by modern nations, so it was perhaps no- 
 where so strongly marked as in the Dorian states, 
 whose national views with regard to political institu- 
 tions were most strongly manifested in the government 
 of Sparta. Here the plurality of the persons com- 
 posing the state was most completely reduced to unity ; 
 and hence the hfe of a Spartan citizen was chiefly con- 
 icerned in public affairs. The greatest freedom of the 
 Spartan, as well as of the Greeks in general, was only 
 to be a living member of the body of the state; 
 whereas that which in modern times commonly re- 
 ceives the name of liberty, consists in having the 
 fewest possible claims from the community; or in 
 other words, in dissolving the social union to the 
 greatest degree possible, as far as the individual is 
 concerned. What the Dorians endeavoured to obtain 
 in a state was good order, or xoV^o^, the regular 
 combination of different elements. The expression of 
 king Archidamus in Thucydides,* that " it is most 
 " honourable, and at the same time most secure, for 
 " many persons to show themselves obedient to the 
 " same order (xoVju.o^)," was a fundamental principle 
 of this race. And hence the Spartans honoured 
 Lycurgus so greatly, as having instituted the existing 
 order of things (xoVjuo^) :^ and called his son by the 
 laudatory title of Eucosmus/ For the same reason 
 the supreme magistrate among the Cretans was called 
 
 all. 11. Sparta, see also Clearchus ap. 
 
 ^ Herod. I. 65. Concerning Athen. XV. p. 681 C. 
 the expression KoV/ioc, with re- ^ Pausan. III. 16. 5. See 
 
 gard to the constitution of above, vol. I. p. 69, note «. 
 
 CH. 1, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 Cosmus; among the Epizephyrian Locrians, Cosmo-!/ 
 polis. Thus this significant word expresses the spirit of \ 
 the Dorian government, as well as of the Dorian music 
 and philosophy.'^ With this desire to obtain a com- 
 plete uniformity, an attempt after stability is neces- 
 sarily connected. For an unity of this kind having 
 been once established, the next object is to remove 
 whatever has a tendency to destroy it, and to repress 
 all causes which may lead to a change : yet an attempt 
 to exclude all alteration is never completely success- 
 ful : partly on account of the internal changes which 
 take place in the national character, and partly because 
 causes operating from without necessarily produce 
 some modifications. These states, however, endea- 
 vour to retain unchanged a state of things once esta- 
 blished and approved ; while others, in which from 
 the beginning the opinions of individuals have out- 
 weighed the authority of the whole, admit, in the 
 progress of time, of greater variety, and more innova- 
 tions, readily take up whatever is oflfered to them by 
 accident of time and place, or even eagerly seek for 
 opportunities of change. States of this description 
 must soon lose all firmness and character, and fall to 
 pieces from their own weakness ; while those which 
 never admit of innovation will at last, after having 
 long stood as ruins in a foreign neighbourhood, yield 
 to the jreneral tide of human aflfairs, and their destruc- 
 tion is commonly preceded by the most complete 
 anarchy. 
 
 2. This description expresses, though perhaps too 
 forcibly, the difference between the Doric and Ionic 
 races. The former had, of all the Grecians, the 
 
 ^ That is, of the Pythagorean philosophv- See below, ch. 9. § 16. 
 
 b2 
 
4 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 greatest veneration for antiquity ; and not to dege- 
 nerate from liis ancestors was the strongest exhorta- 
 tion which a Spartan could hear : ' the latter, on the 
 other hand, were in everything fond of novelty, and 
 delighted in foreign communication; whence their 
 cities were always built on the sea, whereas the 
 Dorians generally preferred an inland situation. The 
 anxiety of the Dorians, and the Spartans in particular, 
 to keep up the pure Doric character and the customs 
 of their ancestors, is strongly shown by the prohibi- 
 tion to travel/ and the exclusion of foreigners, an in- 
 stitution common both to the Spartans and Cretans, 
 and which has been much misrepresented by ancient 
 authors.^ It is very possible, as Plutarch thinks, 
 
 CH. 1, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 «Thucyd. II. 11. cf. I. 70. 
 71. Athen. XIV. p. 624 C. &c. 
 
 ^Plat. Protag. p. 342 C. 
 Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 14, 4. Plu- 
 tarch. Inst. Lac. p. 252. and 
 particularly Isocrat. Busir. p. 
 225 A. The Spartans were h'^rj- 
 fjLOTaroi, according to Thucyd. 
 I. 70. See below, ch. 11. § 7. 
 
 s From Thucyd. 1. 144. com- 
 pared with Plutarch's Life of 
 Agis, it may be seen that the 
 ^evrjXaffia was only practised 
 against tribes of different usages, 
 particularly Athenians and 
 lonians. See Valer. Max. 
 n. 6. ext. 1. Yet at the Gyra- 
 nopsedia (Plut. Ages. 29. cf. 
 Cimon. 10. Xenoph. Mem. 
 Socrat. I. 2. 61.) and other 
 festivals, Sparta was full of fo- 
 reigners, Cragius de Rep. Lac. 
 III. p. 213. Poets, such as 
 Thaletas, Terpander, Nymphae- 
 us of Cydonia, Theognis (who 
 celebrates his hospitable re- 
 ception in the ayXaov aarv, V. 
 785.) ; philosophers, such as 
 
 Pherecydes and Anaximander 
 and Anacharsis the Scythian, 
 were willingly admitted; other 
 classes of persons were exclud- 
 ed. Thus there were regula- 
 tions concerning persons, and 
 the time of admitting foreign- 
 ers : and hence the earlier 
 writers, such as Thucydides, 
 Xenophon, and Aristotle, al- 
 ways speak of ^^yrjXaffiai in the 
 plural number. (Compare Plut. 
 Inst. Lac. 20.) See also Plut. 
 Lye. 27. who refers to Thuc. 
 II. 24. Aristoph. Av. 1013. 
 and the Scholiast (from Theo- 
 pompus), and Schol. Pac. 622. 
 Suid. in dieipwvo^evoi and ^tvi/- 
 XfiTeiy, who, as usual, has co- 
 pied from the Scholiast to Ari- 
 stophanes, that the Xenelasia 
 was introduced ttote 2nOAIA2 
 Yevofxiyrjc, for which we should 
 clearly write 2IT0AEIA2. 
 Theophil. Instit. I. tit. 2. Comp. 
 de la Nauze Mem. de I'Acad. 
 des Inscript. tom. XII. p. 159. 
 It may be added that the nu- 
 
 that the severity of these measures was increased by 
 the decline of all morals and discipline, which had 
 arisen among the lonians from the contrary practice ; 
 that race having in the earliest times fallen into a 
 state of the greatest effeminacy and inactivity, from 
 their connexion with their Asiatic neighbours. For 
 how early was the pei-iod when the ancient constitution 
 of the Grecian family degenerated among the Ionian's 
 into the slavery of the wife ! how weak, effeminate, 
 and luxurious do their ancient poets Callinus^ and 
 Asius' represent them ! and if the legend describes 
 even the daughters of Neleus, the founder of the 
 colony, as completely destitute of morality,^ what must 
 have been the condition of this people, when the wives 
 of the lonians had mixed with Lydian women ! The 
 warning voice of such examples might well stimulate 
 the ancient lawgivers to draw in with greater close- 
 ness the iron bond of custom. 
 
 3. But with all this difference in the races of 
 
 merous ^eviai and Trpo^eriai, the 
 hospitable connexions of states 
 and individuals, served to alle- 
 viate the harshness of the insti- 
 tution. Thus the Lacedaemo- 
 nians were connected with the 
 Pisistratidac (vol. I. p. 188, 
 note 0> ^^d with the family of 
 Callias (Xen. Symp. 8. 39); 
 Endius with Clinias, the father 
 of Alcibiades (Thuc. VIII. 6); 
 king Archidamus with Pericles 
 (ib. n. 13) ; Xenias the Elean 
 with king Agis, the son of 
 Archidamus, and the state 
 of Sparta. (Pans. III. 8. 2.) 
 See B. III. ch. 6. § 7, and 
 vol. I. p. 209, n. *. The exchange 
 of names, occasioned by irpo- 
 ^eylaiy might be made the sub- 
 
 ject of a distinct investigation. 
 See the note last cited, and 
 Pans. III. 6. 41. Moreover the 
 Spartans sometimes gave free- 
 dom from custom duties, and 
 the privilege of occupying a seat 
 of honour at the games at 
 Sparta, to strangers, even of 
 Athenian race ; for example, to 
 the Deceleans, according to 
 Herod. IX. 73. 
 
 I' p. 100. ed. Frank. 
 
 * See Naeke's Choerilus, p. 
 74. 
 
 ^ Archiloch. p. 226. Liebel. 
 Lycoph. 1385. and Tzetzes, 
 Etym. in atreXyalyeiy and 'EXe- 
 yrjig. Concerning the effemi- 
 nacy of the Codridae, see He- 
 raclid. Pont. I. 
 
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 1, ^ 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 i 
 
 which the Grecian nation consisted, there was, in the 
 development of the constitutions of the Greek states, 
 a common progress, which extended a certain in- 
 fluence even to such as retained their earlier impres- 
 sions with a firm adherence to antiquity. As it is 
 our present object to give a general view of this ad- 
 vance, we will begin with the constitution of the 
 heroic age, so clearly described in Homer. This can 
 scarcely be called by any other name than that of 
 aristocracy, as its most important feature is the ac- 
 curate division between the nobles^ and the people. 
 The former composed the deliberative councils, and 
 the courts of justice ;" and although both were com- 
 monly combined with a public assembly (ayopa), the 
 nobles were the only persons who proposed measures, 
 deliberated and voted ; the people was only present 
 in order to hear the debate, and to express its feelings 
 as a body ; which expressions might then be noticed 
 by princes of a mild disposition." The chief ruler 
 himself was properly of equal rank with the other 
 nobles, and was only raised above them by the autho- 
 rity intrusted to him as president in the council, and 
 commander in the field. This form of government 
 
 ^ aptoToi, apiflrrclc, avaKTEq^ 
 (yaffiKtiQy ETTiKpariovTEQy Koipave- 
 
 OVT€£. 
 
 ™ On the Gerontes, see be- 
 low, ch. 6. § 1 — 4. 
 
 " We should particularly ob- 
 serve the assembly in the se- 
 cond book of the Odyssey, in 
 which, however, Mentor (v. 
 239.) wishes to bring about a 
 declaration of the people not 
 strictly constitutional. But that 
 the Homeric 'Ayop« indepen- 
 dently exercised the rights of 
 
 government, I cannot allow to 
 Platner, De Notions Juris apud 
 Homerum,^. 108. andTittmann 
 Griechischen Staatsver fas sun- 
 gen, p. 63. It was a species of 
 Wittenagemote, in which none 
 but the thanes had the right of 
 voting, as among the Saxons in 
 England. The people composed 
 a concio, but no comitia. My 
 opinion more nearly coincides 
 with that of Wachsmuth, Jus 
 Gentium apud Grcecos, p. 18, 
 sq. 
 
 continued to exist for a considerable time in the 
 Ionian, Acheean, and iEolian states ; but the power 
 of the cliief ruler gradually declined, and was at last 
 wholly abolished. With the Dorians, however, the 
 case was very different ; they were pecuhar in pos- 
 sessing a veiy limited nobility, for the Heraclidee had 
 nearly an exclusive right to that appellation : while, 
 on the other hand, a whole nation occupied by means 
 of conquest a station analogous to that of an aristo- 
 cracy, uniting military pursuits with independence 
 obtained by the possession of the land. 
 
 4. About the 30th Olympiad (660 B.C.), how- 
 ever, on account of the increased trade and intercourse 
 with foreign nations, and consequently of the greater 
 demand for luxuries, the value of wealth rose in com- 
 parison with the honour of noble descent. The land, 
 indeed, still remained for the most part in the hands of 
 the aristocracy ; but as it had at this time become more 
 easy to dissipate an inherited estate, and to obtain con- 
 sideration by the profits of trade, proj)erty was more 
 p, exposed to sudden changes. It is probable that the 
 u Geomori of the Ionic Samos, as well as the Hippo- 
 v^botse of Chalcis (which, as well ag Samos, had once 
 belonged to lonians), whose distinction was derived 
 fi-om the possession of land, also carried on the exten- 
 sive commerce of these two states ; otherwise the 
 wealth of the merchant would soon have exceeded that 
 of the landowner. In the Doric states also, which 
 were much engaged in trade, such as Corinth, iEgina, 
 &c., it was attempted to unite the government of here- 
 ditary aristocracy and of wealth. ° The new import- 
 ance attached to wealth, even at the time of the Seven 
 Sages, gave rise to the saying of Aristodemus the Ar- 
 
 "^ Mginetica, p. 133. 
 
 \ 
 
 s 
 
8 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. I, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 9 
 
 give, " Money makes the man ;'*p and at a later period 
 Theognis the Megarean complains that the pursuit of 
 riches confounds all distinction of rank, and that esti- 
 mation was derived from it.'* The ancient legislators 
 of Greece considered the power of money, or moveable 
 property (which is as changeable as property in land 
 is durable), most prejudicial to the safety of states ; 
 and they endeavoured by oppressing the commercial 
 classes, as well as by rendering the land inalienable, to 
 palliate a danger which they were unable wholly to 
 remove. Sparta alone, from the unchangeableness of 
 her institutions, remained free from these revolutions. 
 Solon, on the other hand, endeavoured to arrest and 
 perpetuate a state of things which was merely fleeting 
 and transitory. He left some remnants of the aristo- 
 cracy, particularly the pohtical union of the ysvea, or 
 houses, untouched ; while he made his government in 
 principle a timocracy, the amount of property deter- 
 mining the share in the governing power ; and at the 
 same time showed a democratic tendency in the low 
 rate at which he fixed the valuation. In his poetiy 
 also Solon considers the middle ranks as most valuable 
 to the state ; and therefore he endeavoured to give them 
 political importance."^ But the temperature which he 
 chose was too artificial to be lastmg ; and the constitu- 
 tion of Solon, in its chief points, only remained in force 
 for a few years. In other Ionic states also similar re- 
 conciliations were attempted, but without obtaining 
 any stabihty.^ The spirit of the age was manifestly 
 turned towards democracy; and though at Athens 
 
 '' Ap. Aristot. Pol. IV. 8. 7, 
 
 P XprjfiaTaxprjfiaT a vi)|0, Pin- 
 dar. Isth. II. 11. See Dissen 
 Explic. p. 493. Alcaeus ap. 
 Schol. et Zeeob. Prov. 
 
 •« V, 190. 
 
 Solon, as being the friend of the people, succeeded 
 perhaps in effecting a more gradual transition ; in 
 other places the parties were more directly opposed, as 
 is clearly shown by the contest between the parties 
 IlXouns and l^siqofxa^a at Miletus.* 
 
 5. At Athens however, and generally throughout 
 Greece, the first result of these democratic movements 
 was the establishment of tyranny or despotism ; which 
 may be considered as a violent revulsion, destined to 
 precede a complete subversion of all the existing in- 
 stitutions. It has been already shown that the tyrants 
 of Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and Epidaurus, were 
 originally leaders of the popular party against the 
 Doric nobility, or deinagogues, according to the ex- 
 pression of Aristotle ; and for this reason Sparta, as 
 being the protector of aristocracy, overthrew them, 
 wherever her power extended." In Ionia and Sicily 
 the tyrants found an oligarchical timocracy, which was 
 commonly opposed by a democratical party ;* and in 
 some instances, as in that of Gelon, the tyrant acted 
 against the popular faction. At the time of the 
 Persian war democracy had struck deep root among 
 the lonians; and Mardonius the Persian, after the 
 expulsion of the tyrants, restored it in their cities as 
 the desired form of government.^ In Athens Cleis- 
 thenes had deprived the union of the houses (the last 
 support of the aristocracy) of its political importance ; 
 
 10. 
 
 " See Hullraann, Staatsrecht, 
 103. 
 
 * Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 32. The 
 emendation YlXovn^ is confirmed 
 by the comparison of Athenaeus 
 XII. p. 524 A.B. 
 
 " See book I. ch. 8. 
 
 * See Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4. 
 Panaetius of Leontini was a 
 demagogue in a previously oli- 
 garchical state, of which the 
 
 constitution was similar to that 
 of the Hippobotae. See Polyae- 
 nus V. 47. 
 
 y Herod. VI. 43. - Pindar 
 (Pyth. II. 87.) supposes three 
 constitutions, Tyranny, Domin- 
 ion of the unrestrained Multi- 
 tude, and Government of the 
 Wise. 
 
 ( 
 
10 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 cii. 1, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 11 
 
 and Aristides was at length compelled by circum- 
 stances to chance the timocracy into a democracy. 
 For in the Persian invasion the lower orders had dis- 
 covered, while serving as rowers and sailors in the 
 fleet, how much the safety of the state depended upon 
 their exertions, and would no longer submit to be ex- 
 cluded from a share in the highest offices." The de- 
 mocracy flourished so long as great men understood 
 how to guide it by the imposing superiority of their 
 individual characters, and educated persons (ol 3sX- 
 riovsg) dared to take a share in public affairs ; it fell 
 when the greedy and indolent people, allured by the 
 prospect of rewards pernicious to the state, filled the 
 public assemblies and courts of justice. We will not 
 ^ carry on any further our picture of the ochlocracy , in 
 which all social union was entirely dissolved, and the 
 state was surrendered to the arbitrary will of a turbu- 
 lent populace. 
 
 6. The last of these changes, produced by what is 
 called the spirit of the times, we have illustrated by the 
 history of Athens, although the same course may be 
 shown to have taken place in other, even originally 
 Doric states. Thus in Ambracia, about the same time 
 as at Athens, the timocracy gradually passed into a 
 democracy,^ and at Argos also the democracy rose at 
 the same period. At the time of Polybius, the people 
 had in the Doric states of Crete so unlimited an au- 
 thority, that this writer himself wonders that his de- 
 scription of them should be so entirely opposed to all 
 former accounts.^ But since, in general, these altera- 
 tions threw down the Doric families from their hio-h 
 station, and put an end to the Doric customs, they 
 
 have not so strong a claim upon our attention, as the 
 peculiar system of the Doric form of government, 
 which was most strongly expressed in the ancient 
 Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions : the latter of 
 which, although in many points it yielded and adapted 
 itself to the progress of civilization, existed in its 
 essential parts for five centuries ;*' and by its durability 
 preserved Sparta alone among all the states of Greece 
 from revolutions and revolutionary excesses.*^ 
 
 7. But, it may be asked, what right have we to 
 speak of a Doric constitution in general; and why 
 sliould we select Sparta in preference to any other 
 state of the Doric race, as a model of that system ? 
 May not Lycurgus have formed his legislation from 
 reflection upon the condition and wants of his own 
 nation, or have conceived it from arbitrary principles 
 of his own, and have thus impressed upon Sparta the 
 character which it ever after retained, as an essential 
 element of its system?^ Against this opinion, not 
 unfrequently advanced, instead of bringing forward 
 any general arguments, we prefer adducing the words 
 of Pindar,^ who, beyond a doubt, was far l^etter ac- 
 quainted with the basis and origin of ancient constitu- 
 tions, than either Ephorus or Plutarch. Pindar men- 
 tions that Hieron, the Syracusan, wished to establish 
 the new city of ^tna (which was inhabited by 5000 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. V. 3. 
 
 6. with Schneider's notes. 
 '' VI. 46. 
 
 *^ Plut. Comp. Lycurg. 4. 
 According to Livy XXXVIII. 
 34. 700 years up to 190 B. C. 
 Cicero pro Flacco 26. also 
 reckons 100 years, but to a 
 different period. 
 
 *^ Isocrat. Panath. p. 285 C. 
 
 " Thus Schiller severely cen- 
 sures this lawgiver, for having 
 so selfishly for ever destined his 
 people to that course, which ap- 
 
 peared to his own narrow and 
 prejudiced mind to be the best. 
 ^ Qeo^fjiaTu avv iXevdtpiot 'Y\- 
 Xi^og <Tra0/xac 'lipwv tv yofioig 
 EKTKTff' idiXoyvL ^e ITa^^vXow 
 Kol fiav 'HpaicXct^dv tKyovoi 
 oydaig VTTO Tavyirov ralovrsQ 
 aiel fieyeiv TiB^oiatv tv Alyi^lov 
 
 i\ioploig. Pyth. I. 61. see 
 Boeckh's Explic. 
 
 I 
 
w,^''!«»*'*''t«; 
 
 12 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CH. 1, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 13 
 
 Syracusans, and the same number of Peloponnesians) 
 upon the genuine Doric principles ; as in later times 
 Dion wished to establish in Syracuse itself a Lacedse- 
 monian or Cretan constitution.^ He founded it " with 
 *' heaven-built freedom, according to the laws of the 
 " Hylean model ;" i. e., after the example of the 
 Spartan constitution. " For the descendants of 
 " Pamphylus, and of the Heraclidse, who dwell under 
 " the brow of Taygetus, wish always to retain the 
 " Doric institutions of Jilgimius." Now in the first 
 place, this passage proves that the laws of Sparta were 
 considered the true Doric institutions ; and, secondly, 
 that their origin was held to be identical with that of 
 the people. It proves that the Spartan laws (vo/to/) 
 were the true Doric institutions (vofxifta) , and indeed, 
 in no other nation was the distinction between usage 
 and positive law less marked; from which circum- 
 stance alone it is evident how little opportunity the 
 legislator had for fresh enactments, since custom can 
 never be the work of one person. From this view of 
 the subject we can also explain why Hellanicus, the 
 most ancient writer on the constitution of Sparta,^ 
 made no mention of Lycurgus (for which he is ignJ- 
 rantly censured by Ephorus),> and attributed what 
 are called the institutions of Lycurgus to the first 
 kings, Procles and Eurysthenes. It also follows, that 
 when Herodotus describes the Spart:ans before the 
 time of Lycurgus, as being in a state of the greatest 
 
 ^ Plutarch Comp. Tiraol. 2. the first writer on the subject, 
 
 Uion. 5 J. AaKwyiKov (rxfj/Jia — Herod. VI. 55. 
 
 Koor^ely. He was himself a citi- ' Strabo VIII. p. 366 On 
 
 zen of Sparta, Plut. Dion. 17. the other hand,Ephorus is pro- 
 
 h V . u .^ . . !l?^^y alluded to by Heraclides 
 
 Yet Herodotus cannot have Ponticus 2. when he says riiy 
 
 been acquainted with his work, AaKedaifioi'lioyTroXireiayTlNEj: 
 
 since he considered himself as AvKvvpy^ npoaA-^rovai irdaav 
 
 anarchy,^ he can only mean that the original constitu- 
 tion (the Te6jw.o< Al^ijxtou) had been overthrown and 
 perverted by external circumstances, until it was re- 
 stored and renewed by Lycurgus. Lycurgus, of 
 whose real or imaginary existence we have already 
 spoken,^ must at the time of Herodotus have been con- 
 sidered a mythical personage, as he had a temple, 
 annual sacrifices, and, in fact, a regular worship.™ 
 Now it is the tendency of mythological narration to 
 represent accordant actions of many minds at different 
 times under the name of one person : consequently, the 
 mere name of an institution of Lycurgus says very 
 little respecting its real origin and author. 
 
 8. The legislation of Lycurgus was, however, ac- 
 cording to ancient traditions, aided by the support of 
 Crete and Delphi, and the connexion between the 
 religious usages of these states thus influenced their 
 political condition. The form of government which 
 was prevalent throughout the whole of Crete, origi- 
 nated, according to the concurrent testimony of the 
 ancients, in the time of INIinos ; and it has been already 
 shown that tlie Dorians at that time extended their 
 dominion to this island, which thus received their 
 
 ^ I. 65. Aristotle Pol. V. 10. 
 3. also calls the kings of Sparta 
 before Lycurgus tyrants. On 
 the other hand, Strabo VIII. 
 p. 365. states, that " the con- 
 querors of Laconia were from 
 the beginning a nation subject 
 to legal and moral restraints ; 
 but when they had intrusted 
 the regulation of their govern- 
 ment to Lycurgus, they so far 
 excelled all others, that alone 
 among the Greeks they ruled by 
 land and sea." That this is 
 the meaning of the passage, is 
 
 proved by the word kuI in the 
 clause Kai Kar apy(ac ^ev kau)- 
 <pp6vovv. I Socrates d^ Pace, p. 
 178 C. also contradicts indi- 
 rectly the supposed anarchy of 
 the Spartans. But in Panath. 
 p. 270 A. he follows Thucy- 
 dides I. 18. araaiaffai </)a(Tti^ av- 
 TOVQ 04 ret tKdvitiv ai:pifiovyTiQ 
 dfs ovhiyac aXXovg ruiy *EXXi;- 
 
 ^ B. I ch. 7. § 3, 5. 
 
 *" Herod. I. 65 Ephorus ap. 
 Strab. VIII. p. 366. Plut. Ly- 
 curg. 31. Nicol. Damasc.p.449. 
 
 { 
 
14 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iir. 
 
 CH. 1, § 9. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 15 
 
 language and customs." In Crete therefore, the con- 
 stitution founded on the principles of the Doric race, 
 was first moulded into a firm and consistent shape, 
 but even in a more simple and antiquated manner than 
 in Sparta at a subsequent period."* Thus Lycur^xis 
 was enabled, without forcing any foreign usages upon 
 Sparta, to take for a model the Cretan institutions 
 which had been more fully developed at an earlier 
 period ; so that the constitutions of Crete and Sparta 
 had from that time, as it were, a family resemblance.^ 
 When therefore we are told that a psean singer and 
 expiatory priest of Crete, by name Thaletas of Elyrus,** 
 sent by the command of the Pythian oracle, composed 
 the troubles and dissensions of Sparta by the power of 
 his music, and that he was tlie instructor of Lycurgus ;' 
 it is easy to perceive that the latter part of this account 
 is an addition, made without any attention to chro- 
 nology ; but the operation of Cretan music upon the 
 regulation of political affairs, is strictly in the spirit of 
 an age, and of a race, in which religion, arts, and laws 
 conduced far more than among any other people to 
 attain the same end, and had their basis in the same 
 notions. 
 
 9. On the other hand, it was the pride of the 
 
 "^B. I. ch. 1. § 9. Comp. 
 b. II. ch. 2. § 2. 
 
 ° According to Aristot. Pol. 
 11. 7. 1. The meaning of this 
 writer appears to be, that the 
 Dorians had received these laws 
 from the early inhabitants, as 
 the Periceci had retained them 
 most truly ; but from the account 
 given in the text, we must reject 
 that idea. 
 
 P Plat. Leg. III. p. 685. 
 
 ^ This statement appears more 
 
 correct than of Gortyna or Cno- 
 sus. Comp. Meursius, Creta, 
 IV. 12. 
 
 ' See Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 5. 
 ^lian. V. H. XII. 50. Diog. 
 Laert. I. 38. Plut. Lye. 3. 
 Philos. cum princ. 4. p. 88. 
 Pausan. I. 14. 3. Philod. de 
 Mus. Col. 18, 19. Boeth. de 
 Mus. I. 1. p. 174. Sext. Empir. 
 adv. Math, p 68 B. Suid. vol. 
 II. p. 163. Compare b. II. 
 ch. 8. § 11. 
 
 Spartans, that their laws had proceeded from the oracle 
 of the Pythian god:' and Tyrtseus says, in some 
 verses of his Eunomia, that the fundamental principles 
 of the Spartan constitution had been laid down by 
 Apollo.* It is probable that these laws were really 
 composed in tlie form of injunctions to Lycurgus, or 
 I to the people." The oracle, however, continued to 
 possess a superintending power over the constitution, 
 chiefly through the intervention of the Pythians,* four 
 persons appointed by the kings as messengers to the 
 temple of Pytho, who delivered the oracles truly and 
 honestly to the kings,^ and were equally acquainted 
 with their purport. On account of the importance of 
 these oracles, the Pythians were the assessors of the 
 kings and the gerusia,' and were always the messmates, 
 both at home and in the field, of the kings. It is 
 probable that the three "Pythian interpreters" at 
 Athens, who, besides explaining the oracles, performed 
 public and domestic expiatoiy sacrifices,** once pos- 
 sessed a similar dignity, although they lost these 
 powers at a very early period. The theori of ^gina, 
 Mantinea, Messenia, Troezen, and Thasos, who com- 
 posed separate colleges, eat together, and who were 
 regular magistrates, not being like the theori of Athens, 
 
 * Xenoph. Rep. Laced. 8. 5. Polysen. I. 16. 1. Justin. III. 3. 
 According to whom Lycurgus * Called in the Lacedaemonian 
 asked the god, el \^oy Kal a/xei- dialect Uoidioi, Photius in v. 
 rov sir) rrj S7raj[)r»;---doubtless a ^ That this could not always 
 regular formula. This coin- be said of the OeonpoTroij may be 
 cides with the dictum of the seen from Theognis, v. 783. 
 Pythian priestess in Plut.Qusest. ' This, I infer, nearly agree- 
 Rom. 28. p. 329. ing with Cragius, from Cicero 
 
 * See below, ch. 5. § 8. de Div. I. 13. Conf. Herod. VI. 
 » B. II. ch. 7. § 4. Later his- 57. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 
 
 torians, from a mistaken ex- * See particularly Timseus 
 
 planation, suppose that the Lex. Plat, in v. i^rjyrjral Uvdo- 
 
 whole correspondence was a de- -^^rjaroi. 
 lusion, or a fraud of Lycurgus, 
 
 I 
 
16 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK Ml. 
 
 chosen for a single theoria, may be compared with the 
 Pythians.^ 
 
 10. This comparison again leads us back to our 
 former position, that in the genuine Doric form of 
 government there were certain predominant ideas, 
 which were peculiar to that race, and were also ex- 
 pressed in the worship of Apollo, viz., those of har- 
 mony and order (to sS^oo-juiov); of self-control and 
 moderation (o-ftxpgoo-yi/ij), and o^ manly virtue (apsTTj)." 
 Accordingly, the constitution was formed for the edu- 
 cation as well of the old as of the young, and in a 
 Doric state education was upon the whole a subject 
 of greater importance than government. And for this 
 reason all attempts to explain the legislation of Ly- 
 curgus, from partial views and considerations, have 
 necessarily failed. That external happiness and en- 
 joyment were not the aim of these institutions was 
 soon perceived. But it was thought, with Aristotle,** 
 that every thing could be traced to a desire of making 
 the Spartans courageous warriors, and Sparta a domi- 
 
 ^ See ^ginetica, p. 135. 
 Compare Dissen Expl. Pind. 
 Nem. in. p. 376. In the The- 
 arioii at Troezen there were ex- 
 piatory sacrifices, book II. ch. 2. 
 § 8. In Thasos they were 
 called Gfvjoot, Inscript. ap. 
 Choiseul. GoiifF. Voyage pit- 
 toresque, I. 2. p. 156. Here 
 also they were in connexion with 
 the temple of the Pythian 
 Apollo. 
 
 « See Thuc. I. 84. Plat. Al- 
 cib. I. c. 38. 
 
 ^ VII. 2. 5. Engel de Rep. 
 Tnil. Spar t J a Gottingen prize 
 Essay for 1790., where Cos- 
 sacks, Spartans, and Cretans 
 are classed together. Compare 
 
 Heyne de Spartan. Rep. Com- 
 ment. Gutting, torn. IX. p. 8. 
 It appears, indeed, from Aris- 
 totle Pol. VII. 14 (13) to have 
 been the opinion of the writers 
 who treated of the constitution 
 of Sparta during the predomi- 
 nance of that state, that "the 
 Lacedaemonians owed their ex- 
 ternal dominion to their consti- 
 tution, according to which they 
 had been trained to dangers and 
 exertions from their youth (on 
 cia TO yfyvpvarrBai -n-pog rovg 
 
 KlvlvVOVQ TTokkQy ^pX^*'*)" But 
 
 the intended effect of these in- 
 stitutions cannot be safely in- 
 ferred from their actual conse- 
 quences. 
 
 CH. 2, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 17 
 
 nant and conquering state ; whereas the fact is, that 
 Sparta was hardly ever known to seek occasion for a 
 war, or to follow up a victory ; and during the whole 
 of her flourishing period (that is, from about the 50th 
 Olympiad to the battle of Leuctra) did not make a 
 smgle conquest by which her territory was enlarged. 
 In conclusion we may say, that the Doric state was 
 a body of men, acknowledging one strict principle of 
 order, and one unalterable rule of manners ; and so 
 subjecting themselves to this system, that scarcely any- 
 tliing was unfettered by it, but every action was influ- 
 enced and regulated by the recognised principles. 
 Before however we come to the consideration of this 
 system, it will be necessary to explain the condition of 
 an order of persons, upon which it was in a certain 
 measure founded, namely, the subject classes in the 
 several Doric states. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 § 1. Origin and distribution of the Periceci of Laconia. § 2. 
 Their political condition and civil rights. § 3. Their service 
 in war, and their occupation in manufactures, trade, and art. 
 § 4. Noble families in Sparta not of Doric origin. Trades 
 and crafts hereditary in Sparta. 
 
 1. The clearest notion of the subjection enforced 
 by the dominant race of Dorians may be collected 
 from the speech of Brasidas to the Peloponnesians, 
 in Thucydides."^ "You are not come," he says, 
 " from states in which the many rule over the few, 
 "but the few over the many, having obtained their 
 
 * IV. 126. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
18 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 " sovereignty in no other manner than by victory in 
 "the field." The only right indeed which they 
 possessed was the right of conquerors ; the Dorians 
 had by the sword driven out the Achseans, and these 
 again could not rest their claim to Peloponnesus on 
 any better title. It seemed also like a continuation of 
 the heroic age, the existence of which was founded on 
 the rule exercised by the military over the agricul- 
 tural classes. The relative rights of the Dorians 
 and Achaeans appear, however, to have been deter- 
 mined by mutual compact, since the Dorians, ob- 
 taining the superiority only by slow degrees, were 
 doubtless glad to purchase the accession of each town 
 on moderate conditions ; and this was perhaps espe- 
 cially the case in Messenia.^' The native inhabitants 
 of the towns, thus reduced to a state of dependence, 
 were called HsptoixQi.'' The difference of races was 
 strictly preserved ; and was not (as elsewhere) obli- 
 terated by an union in the same city and political 
 community. The Perioeci were always considered as 
 Achseans, that people having in early times composed 
 the larger mass of the people thus subdued. So, for 
 example, the inhabitants of the maritime town of 
 Asopus were called by the title of ^kyaioi o\ Trapaxu- 
 Tapia-a-m.^ At a later date, when the power of 
 Sparta had been long broken, and her freedom anni- 
 hilated by the tyrant Nabis, Titus Quinctius de- 
 tached the hamlets (once called ttoXs/^, then xw/ta/, 
 vici) from all connexion with Sparta, and placed 
 
 ^ Pausan. IV. 3. 3. (Tvyxit)- historical ground. 
 povcny 'ANAAA2AS9AI irpoq « Why I take no further no- 
 
 TovQ AwpUa^ rijy yijy. Pausa- tice of the account of Ephorus 
 
 nias, however, very frequently is explained in hook I. eh. 5. 
 
 makes use of this expression, § 13. 
 and often perhaps without any *^ Pausan. III. 22, 7. 
 
 CH.2,§1. OF THE DORIANS. j^ 
 
 them under the protection of the Ach^an lea-ue « 
 Augustus confirmed the independence of twe^'ntv- 
 tour Laconian towns under the name of Eleuthero- 
 acones ; these, like the former, being entirely re- 
 eased from the power of Sparta, were governed by 
 their own laws,^ and formed a small distinct confede 
 ration. Hence it is evident that these Perioeci had 
 previously maintained a certain degree of independ- 
 ence, and composed separate communities. Of these 
 twenty-four towns eighteen are mentioned— viz Ge- 
 renia, Alagonia, Thalamae, Leuctra, (Etylus, Ceene- 
 pohs, Pyrrhichus, Las, Teuthrone, Gythium, Asopus, 
 Acri^ Boe. Zarax, Epidaurus, Limera, Pra;i«. 
 lieronthrae, and Marius;^ a small part only of the 
 coast near Cardamyle remained at that time under the 
 power of Sparta.'' The towns, however, belon.nn. 
 to the Perioeci did not lie merely on the coast, but 
 
 « Polyb. XX. 12. 2. with 
 bchweighaeuser's note, Liv 
 XXXiy. 29. XXXVIII. 30. * 
 avro>'o//ot,Pausan. III. 21.6 
 » HI. 21. 6. cf. 26. 6. The 
 other six were at the time of 
 Pausanias either again com- 
 prised in Messenia, as Phar^, 
 which Augustus had annexed 
 to Laconia, Pans. IV. 30. 2. 
 after it had at an earlier period 
 been separated with Thuria and 
 Abea from Messenia, Polyb. 
 XXV. 1. 1, or they had fallen 
 to decay, and were then unin- 
 habited, as Pephnos, Helos, 
 Cyphanta, and Leucffi. Whe- 
 ther Abea was included by 
 Augustus in Laconia is doubt- 
 ful, but it is probable from the 
 situation of the place. This, 
 ^vlth the other five mentioned* 
 above, would therefore make 
 the number twenty-four corn 
 
 plete. As proofs of the late 
 independence of these towns 
 we may mention decrees of 
 Abea Geronthrae, Gytheium, 
 Ui^tylus, and Taenarus (Boeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1307 
 1334, 1325, 1336, 1391, 1392! 
 1323, 1321, 1322, 1393, 1394). 
 Ihere are also inscriptions of 
 the Eleutherolacones jointly, 
 roKoiPoy Twp '"EXtvdepoXaKUiPoil 
 (lb. 1389). Likewise, accord- 
 ing to Eckhel, there are genuine 
 coins, belonging to this and the 
 Roman period, of Asine, Aso- 
 pus. Boeae, Gytheium, and Las: 
 those of Taletum and Cythera 
 are doubtful. 
 
 ^'Pausan. III. 26. 5. Sparta 
 must, however, have retained 
 some outlet to the sea. The 
 Lacedaemonian coast is also 
 called the territory of the Pe- 
 rioeci in Thucyd. III. 16. 
 
 c2 
 
20 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 also more . inland ; for example, Thuria and iEthsea, 
 which were in what had formerly been Messenia/ 
 This iEthsea is reckoned among the hundred cities 
 of Laconia,'' which Androtion had enumerated at 
 full length in his Atthis, and perhaps also Stephanus 
 of Byzantium, on the authority of Androtion ;^ the 
 epitome of whose work which we now possess only 
 mentions ^thsea, Amyclae, Crocese, Epidaurus, Li- 
 mera, Dyrrachium, Tenos, Aulon, and Anthana. 
 Now since two of these towns are known from other 
 authorities to have belonged to Perioeci, we may per- 
 haps infer the same of the whole hundred. The round 
 number of a hundred cannot however have been fixed 
 before the time when the whole of Messenia, as far as 
 the river Neda (on ^vhich Aulon was situated), as 
 well as Cynuria (to which Anthana, or Athene, 
 belonged), came finally under the dominion of Sparta, 
 that is to say, after Olymp. 58. 548 B.C.'" It must 
 therefore have been subsequent to this epoch that 
 Sparta fixed the exact number of the towns inha* 
 bited by her Perioeci, and somewhat arbitrarily set 
 i them at a hundred ; as Cleisthenes at Athens, though 
 ) by what means is indeed unknown, contrived likewise 
 to raise the number of demi in Attica to a hundred. 
 We have already ° taken notice of another division 
 
 »Thucyd. I. 101. The Sov- 
 piaTai of Thuria, near Calamae. 
 Welcker (Alcmanis Fragment. 
 p. 87.) proposes AWaitD for Arj- 
 dai^ in Theogris v. 12*16. Bek- 
 ker. 
 
 ^ Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. 
 
 in V. 
 
 ^ See also in AtrwX/a. They 
 are also mentioned by Strabo, 
 VIII. p. 362. (Eustath. ad II. 
 B. p. 293, 19. ad Dion. Perieg. 
 
 418). They had not however 
 any connexion with the Heca- 
 tombsea ; for Argos had the 
 same festival. 
 
 •" See book I. ch. 7. § 16. 
 Lysias ap. Harpocrat. also calls 
 Anthana a Lacedaemonian city. 
 See Mginetica^ p. 46, note % 
 p. 185. note ^. Siebelis ad 
 Pausan. II. 38. 6. 
 
 " Book I. ch. 5. § 10. 
 
 CH. 2, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 21 
 
 of Laconia besides that into towns, and sliown that the 
 Perioeci of this country had formerly dwelt in five 
 districts, of which the chief towns were Amyclse, Las, 
 Epidaurus Limera (or else Gytheium), iEgys, and 
 Pharis ; as also Messenia, in addition to the territory 
 round the city inhabited by Dorians, contained four: 
 provinces— viz., Pylos, Rhium, Mesola, and Hyamia. 
 For what length of time these districts were retained, 
 and what relation they bore to the division into a 
 hundred towns or hamlets, cannot now be determined. 
 2. It will next be necessary to ascertain what were 
 the pohtical rights and condition of the Perioeci. The 
 main circumstances are without doubt correctly given 
 by Ephorus. **They were," he says, '* tributary to 
 ** Sparta, and had not equal rights of citizenehip." J 
 If these words are taken in their literal sense, it is 
 plain that the Perioeci had not a share in the great 
 legislative assembly of the citizens. And in truth 
 the passages adduced by modern writers to show that 
 they had a vote in this assembly are not by any means 
 satisfactory.^ Perhaps the following considerations 
 are sufficient to convince us of the impossibility of 
 such general assemblies. Had the Spartan constitu- 
 tion permitted the whole people to hold large assem- 
 blies with the right of deciding on all public questions, 
 it would have been in principle completely democratic, 
 and would have had a perpetual tendency to become 
 
 ° See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. 
 p. 93. Tittmann, vol. I. p. 89. 
 That even the Lacedaemonian 
 irXiiQoQ did not comprise the 
 Perioeci, is shown, e. g., by Po- 
 lybius IV. 34. 7, where it re- 
 jects the alliance of the iEto- 
 lians, chiefly on account of the 
 fear that they would ilaylpa-rro' 
 
 Zi^icrQai tovq UepwiKovg. The 
 name AaKe^aifioyioi, which sig- 
 nifies all, Perioeci and Spartans, 
 and frequently the former, as 
 the early inhabitants, in opposi- 
 tion to the latter, is no more a 
 proof of political equality than 
 the appellation OeatraXoi of the 
 freedom of the Penestse. 
 
22 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 2, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 23 
 
 more so, in the necessary course of events. But, in 
 addition to this objection, let us only picture to our- 
 selves the absurdity of the Periceci, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Sparta, all flocking together between the 
 brook Babyca and the bridge Cnacion ! Where 
 again were those, who took several days to arrive at 
 Sparta from Cyphanta, Pylos, or Tsenarus, to find 
 houseroom and food? How could any of them be 
 ready to leave their homes and trades at such a sum- 
 mons ? It was esteemed a difficult matter even to 
 collect an armed force of Periceci at a short notice. 
 A city -community was doubtless everywhere requi- 
 site for a popular assembly ; and hence in the Athe- 
 nian, and every similar democracy, each citizen was in 
 some way settled in the town, and had the right of 
 there possessing an house (syxTT^cis o\xiag), which a 
 Perioecus most assuredly had not.^ 
 
 3. Now, if it is acknowledged that the distant 
 situation and state of the Periceci presented almost 
 insuperable objections to their possessing a share in 
 the general government, their political inferiority to 
 the Spartans will not appear very oppressive. They 
 were admitted equally with the Spartans to the ho- 
 nourable occupation of war, and indeed sometimes 
 served as heavy-armed soldiers, or as troops of the 
 line.^ There were at Plataea 5000 Dorian hoplitse, 
 
 P XtopiTTjgf as the Lacedaemo- 
 nians are often called, is pro- 
 bably identical with TrepioiKog, 
 iElian. V. H. IX. 27. Compare 
 X<*>ptTih£ BoKxaij in Hesychius. 
 Ot otTTo Trig x^jpaq in Athen. XV. 
 p. 674 A. from Sosibius are op- 
 posed role £f rrJQ ayuiyfJQ Traiatv 
 (those educated in Sparta), and 
 see Casaubon's note. The edu- 
 
 cation of the Periceci was there- 
 fore entirely different from that 
 of the Spartans. 
 
 1 I Socrates Panath. p. 271 A. 
 speaking of the Lacedaemonians 
 having compelled the Periceci 
 Kar avhpa (rvfiiraparaTrEtrBai 
 tT<f)laiv avToig, confounds the 
 Periceci with the Helots, as also 
 in what follows. 
 
 and the same number of Periceci; at Sphacteria 292] ^ 
 prisoners were taken, of whom only 120 were Spar- ( 
 tans.' How, if the Periceci had been an oppressed 1 
 ])eople, could Sparta have ventured to collect so 
 large a number into her armies ; and for what reason 
 should tlie Periceci have taken part in the heroic 
 devotion of that small band, if they had not the 
 victory and honour of Sparta as much at heart as 
 their own ? " Sparta," said the Spartan king Dema- 
 ratus, to Xerxes,' "contains 8000 Spartans, all of 
 " equal brayery ; the other Lacedaemonians, in many 
 " surrounding cities, are indeed inferior to them, but 
 *' yet not deficient in courage." Nor do we hear of) 
 any insurrection of Periceci (if we except the revolt > 
 of two Messenian towns in Olymp. 78. 468 B.C.) \ 
 until the downfall of the constitution.' Again, would 
 it be possible, on the assumption of an oppressive 
 subjection, to explain how the Asinseans and Naup- 
 lians, when deprived of their independence by Argos, 
 fled to Laconia, that they might occupy the maritime 
 towns of Mothone and Asine, manifestly as Periceci ? 
 Nor is it consistent with a general contempt of the 
 Periceci that xaXo/ xotyaSo) — "gentlemen" — are men- 
 tioned in their number " All trade and commerce, 
 of indispensable need to Laconia, were in the hands 
 of the maritime towns. Merchants from Libya and 
 Egypt brought their cargoes to the Periceci of Cy- 
 
 ' In later times very different 
 proportions occur, e.g.^ a very 
 small number of Spartans in 
 the army, when the city stood 
 in need of its own citizens, and 
 could not send them to a dis- 
 tance, or from other causes. 
 
 « Herod. VII. 234. 
 
 * No disobedience of the Pe- 
 
 riceci can be inferred from 
 Thucyd. IV. 8. Some Periceci 
 deserted to Epaminondas, Xe- 
 noph. Hell. VI. 5. 25. 23. 
 Xenophon expresses himself 
 more strongly, Hellen. VII. 2. 
 2. 
 
 " Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9. 
 
24 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. % § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 25 
 
 thera/ who, among other branches of trade, followed 
 the lucrative employment of the purple fishery. ^ All 
 manual labour in Sparta, not performed by slaves, 
 was in the hands of this class, since no Spartan, 
 before the introduction of the Achaean constitution, 
 
 / ' was allowed to follow any trade.* The low estimation 
 in which trade was held w^as founded on the ancient 
 Grecian customs and opinions, in departing from 
 which the Corinthians were nearly singular among 
 the Doric states, the productiveness of trade having 
 taught them to set a higher value upon it.* And 
 yet in their colony of Epidamnus public slaves were 
 the only manual labourers ;^ Diophantus wished to 
 introduce the converse of this system at Athens, and 
 to make all the manual labourers slaves. The Spar- 
 tans, moreover, appear to have admitted those alone 
 of the Perioeci who were engaged in agriculture to 
 serve among the heavy-armed, while artisans were 
 admitted only to the light-armed infantry.*' This 
 had been once the case at Athens, where the Thetes 
 (to which class the artificers belonged) served only 
 
 ; in that inferior rank. According to this, then, the 
 5000 Perioeci, who at the battle of Plateea were 
 allotted as light-armed to the same number of heavy- 
 armed soldiers, were in part perhaps artificers. The 
 
 « Thuc. IV. .53. cf. VII. 57. 
 
 ySee Plin. H. N. IX. 36, 
 60.21, 8. 36, 5. Comp.Meurs. 
 Misc. Lac. II. 19. Mitscher- 
 lisch ad Hor. Carm. II. 18. 7. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, Lye. 4. ^liau, V. 
 H. VI. 6. Nicolaus Damasce- 
 nus, and others. 
 
 ^ Herod. II. 167. cf. Cic. de 
 Rep. 11.4. Corinthum perverlit 
 aliquando—hic error ac dissi- 
 
 patio civium, quod mercandi 
 cupiditate et navigandiy et 
 agrorum et armarum cultum 
 reliquerant. Compare Hiill- 
 mann Staatsrechty p. 128. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13. 
 
 •^ This follows from Xenoph. 
 Rep. Lac. 11. 2. xai 'nnrevai icai 
 oirXiTatg, tTreiTa ce cat toIq yti' 
 poTiyi'aiQ. 
 
 industrious pursuit of trade did not, however, suffer so 
 much as might be supposed, from the low estimation 
 in which it was held ; for not only were many raw 
 conmiodities obtained in a high degree of perfection 
 in Laconia, but many Lacedaemonian manufactures 
 were also used and sought after in the rest of Greece. 
 The Laconian cothon^ a drinking vessel used in camps 
 and marches,*^ the bowl,® the goblet,*^ tables, seats, 
 elbow chairs,^' doors,^ and cars,* the Laconian steel,'^ 
 keys,^ swords, helmets, axes, and other iron fabrics," 
 the shoes of Amyclae," the Laconian mantles,*" and 
 woollen garments dyed with native purple, which 
 adorned alike the warriors setting out to battle and 
 the bloody corpses of the slain ; all these bespeak an 
 active pursuit of trade, and at the same time a peculiar 
 sense of propriety and comfort, which brought several 
 
 ^ Critias Aa/ec^. TroXir. ap. 
 Athen. XI. p. 483 B. and Plu- 
 tarch, Lycurg. 9. Pollux, VI. 
 46, 97. Hesych. Suid. Xenoph. 
 Cvrop. I. 2. 8. 
 
 *« Athen. V. 198 D. 199 E. 
 
 ' KvXil^ XcLKaiva^ Hesych. in 
 y}ov. 
 
 8 Plut. Lye. ubi sup. 
 
 ^'Meurs.II. 17. 
 
 ^Theoph. Hist. Plant. III. 
 17. 3. 
 
 ^ Daimachus ap. Steph. Byz. 
 in Aajcc^. and from him Eustath. 
 II. p. 294, 5. Rom. 
 
 ^ Salmas. Exer. Plin. p. 653 
 B. Moser in Creuzer's Init. 
 Philos. vol. II. p. 152. Com- 
 pare also Liban. Or. p. 87. e 
 cod. August, ed. Reiske. 
 
 " Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 7. 
 Plin. H.N. VII. 56. WX»? Aa- 
 KiaviKX] Pollux, I. 10, 137. con- 
 cerning wliich see Phot, and 
 
 Suid. in v., who refer to Xen. 
 Anab. IV. 8. 25. kyyEi^iliov^ I. 
 10, 149. ferrei annuli, Plin. 
 XXXIII. 4. fiaanyeg, Steph. 
 Eust. ubi sup. 
 
 ° Theocrit. X. 35. et Schol. 
 Athen. XI. p. 483 B. V. p. 215 
 C. Steph. ubi sup. Hesych. in 
 a/ivicXaidec, XaKijJviKa VTrolijfia- 
 
 ra, cf. in It^vqvffKXoi. Compare 
 the shoes of the Amyclaean 
 priestesses upon the monument 
 of Amyclac in Walpole's Me- 
 moirs, p. 454. Lacedaemonian 
 men's shoes (oiTrXai) are often 
 mentioned elsewhere, Aristoph. 
 Thesm. and Wasps. Schol. and 
 Suidas, Critias ubi sup. Pollux, 
 VII. 22,80. cf. Meurs. I. 18. 
 
 ° AcLKwyeg Iv-rrenXoi Epig. ap, 
 Suid. in AaKojviKai. Athen. V. 
 198. XI. 483 C. Compare book 
 IV. ch. 2. § 3. 
 
 .ns^-^^ 
 
26 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. 
 
 CH. 2, § 4. OF THE DORIANS 
 
 27 
 
 of these goods and implements into general use. 
 Many men were probably employed in the iron mines 
 and forges ;p stone quarries of Tsenarus had also been 
 worked from early times ;'* and that their industry 
 was not confined to the mere drudgery of manufac- 
 tures is shown by the schools of Lacedaemonian em- 
 bossers and brass-founders (probably a branch of that 
 in Crete), to which Chartas, Syadras, Dontas, Dory- 
 eleidas and Medon, Theocles, Gitiadas, and Cratinus 
 belonged/ all of whom were probably Perioeci, al- 
 though Pausanias, neglecting the distinction, calls 
 them Spartans. Upon the whole we may venture to 
 aflSrm that the Doric dominion did not discourage or 
 stifle the intellectual growth of her dependent sub- 
 jects, but allowed it full room for a vigorous deve- 
 lopment. My son, by many reckoned one of the 
 seven sages, was, according to some, and perhaps the 
 most credible accounts, a husbandman of the Laconian 
 town of Etia, and resided at a place called Chen in the 
 same country.* Even the highest honour among the 
 
 P These mines are not indeed ^ My opinion is, that in the 
 
 anywhere expressly mentioned, oracle (Diog. Laert. I. 106. 
 
 but we must infer their exist- Corap. Casaubon and Menage) 
 
 ence from the number of iron 'HreJog was the correct reading, 
 
 fabrics, and the cheapness of for which OWalog was long ago 
 
 iron. See below, ch. 10. § 9. substituted from ignorance. — 
 
 and book I. ch. 4. § 3. The point was doubted at an 
 
 ^ The stone quarries upon early period in antiquity ; even 
 
 mount Taygetus were, however, Plato, Protag. p. 343, appears 
 
 according to Strabo VIII. p. not to consider Myson as a La- 
 
 367, first opened by the Ro- cedsemonian. See also Diod. de 
 
 mans. Compare Xenoph. ubi Virt. et Vit. p. 551. Pans. X. 
 
 sup. Pollux, VII. 23, 100. 24. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 
 
 Interp. Juven.XI. 173. Meurs. 299. Sylb. Steph. Byz. in X^*' 
 
 II. 18. Pliny also mentions and 'Hn'a. There is a story in 
 
 Lacedaemonian cotes and sma- Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 84, of 
 
 ragdi. Myson making in winter a fork 
 
 . ' Compare Thiersch, Ueber for tossing the corn, and, when 
 
 die Kunstepochen, Abhandlung Chilon wondered at it, of his 
 
 II p. 51. justifying himself by an appo- 
 
 Greeks, the victory at the Olympic games, was not 
 denied to the Lacedaemonians ; an inhabitant of 
 Acriee was found in the list of the conquerors at 
 Olympia : * from which circumstance it is evident 
 that the Perioeci of Sparta were in all other parts 
 of Greece considered as free citizens. They must 
 also without doubt have possessed civil rights, but 
 only in those communities to which they immediately 
 belonged, and which would never have been called 
 cities (TToT^Big) unless they had to a certain point been 
 independent bodies. Isocrates," indeed, states tliat 
 they possessed less freedom and power than the demi 
 of Attica ; but no general comparison can be drawn 
 between the S^jaoi of Attica and tto'Kbis of Laconia. 
 Perhaps tliey had the power of electing their own 
 municipal magistrates, though we find that a Spartan 
 was sent as governor to the island of Cythera.'' The 
 same was the case in war. We find the command 
 at sea intrusted to one of the class of Perioeci,^ doubt- 
 less because the Spartans did not hold the naval service 
 in nmch estimation, and because the inhabitants of the 
 maritime towns were more practised in naval affairs 
 than the Dorians of the interior. Concerning the 
 tribute of the towns belonging to the Perioeci no accu- 
 rate account has been preserved. 
 
 4. Though for the most part the early inhabitants 
 were driven into the country by the Doric conquerors, 
 there still remained some families which inhabited the 
 
 site answer; where Myson is 
 opposed, as a Perioecian farmer, 
 to the noble Spartan. 
 
 * Pans. III. 22. 4. 
 
 " In a very rhetorical passage, 
 Panathen. p. 270 D. 
 
 * Thuc. iV. 53. 54. Hesych. 
 in KvBrfpociKrig. 
 
 y Thuc. VIII. 22. Manso, 
 Sparta, vol. II. p. 576. It does 
 not indeed follow that this Pe- 
 rioecus had authority over La- 
 cedaemonians; but Sparta must 
 have sent him out as a com- 
 mander to the Chians. 
 
 I.«»t»^:^' 
 
28 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 city conjointly with the Spartans, and were held in 
 equal consideration with them ; as at Athens, for ex- 
 ample, many families of the original inhabitants appear 
 to have had the rank of Eupatridse. Of this the Tal- 
 thybiadse are an instance. The office of herald was at 
 Sparta (as in the fabulous times) hereditary, and not, 
 as in other parts of Greece, obtained by competi- 
 tion.* The privilege of performing all foreign em- 
 bassies,* and a share in the sacred missions,^ were 
 assigned to the pretended descendants of the Mycenean 
 herald Talthybius, who also enjoyed especial honours 
 amongst the Achseans at ^gium ;'' and there is doubt- 
 less reason to suppose that this family belonged to the 
 Achaean race, without entering into the qujestion of the 
 correctness of their pedigree. The dignity attached to 
 their office was very great, especially if, as was the 
 case in the heroic ages, it was the custom for the 
 heralds to address the princes as " beloved sons." As 
 to property and effects, they ranked with the first 
 Spartans,^ if, as it appears, Sperthias and Bulis, who 
 offered themselves to the Persian king as an atonement 
 for the murder of his ambassadors,^ were of the family 
 of the Talthybiadse. 
 
 Indeed almost all the other trades and occupations, 
 besides that of herald, were hereditary at Sparta, as, 
 
 ^ Herod. VI. 60. ov Kara 
 Xafnrpo(f)ii)pir)V (in the aywvfc 
 KTipvKtovy comp. Faber Agonist. 
 II. 15. Boeckh, Staatshaus- 
 haltung, vol. II. p. 359.) cTrtrt- 
 dsfieyot aXXoi (T<piaQ TrapaKXrjlov- 
 <xiv aXXa Kara tcl Trarpia kiriTE- 
 Xiovai. 
 
 * Herod. VII. 134. rolaiy ai 
 KripvKrfiai ai Ik 27rapr»;c Trdcrai 
 yipaQ lihovTai. 
 
 ** QevKTipvKtg yivoQ to arro 
 
 Ta\0v/3tov irapa EAEY0EPI- 
 OIS. Hesych. Perhaps 'EXcv- 
 OepoXaKwai. Hemsterhuis sup- 
 poses that Eleutherna in Crete 
 is alluded to. The common 
 name of the herald in Sparta 
 was Movaai,. See Valck. ad 
 Adoniaz. p. 379. 
 
 '^Pausan. III. 12. 6,7. III. 
 23. 7. 
 
 ^ Herod, ubi sup. 
 
 « Herod. VII. 137. 
 
 CH. 3, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 99 
 
 for example, those of cooking, baking, mixing wine, 
 flute-playing, &c.^ The trade of cooks liad its parti- 
 cular heroes, viz., Dseton, Matton, and Ceraon, whose 
 statue stood in the Hyacinthian street.^ It is easy to 
 see how this hereditary transmission of employments 
 favoured the maintenance of ancient customs. In fact, 
 Sparta would not have so long remained contented 
 with her black broth, either if her cooks had not learnt 
 tlie art of dressing it from their youth upwards, and 
 continued to exercise their craft after the manner of 
 their fathers, or if this office could have been assigned 
 at will to those who were able by their art to gratify 
 the palate. It is not probable that any of these fa- 
 milies of artisans were of Doric origin, and they doubt- 
 less belonged to the class of Perioeci ; nor is it to be 
 supposed that, like the Talthybijulse, they possessed 
 the Spartan rights of citizenship.^' 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 § 1. Helots of Sparta. Their political condition. § 2. Their 
 service in war. § 3. Treatment of the helots. § 4. The cryp- 
 teia. § 5. Various degrees of helotism. § 6. Number of the 
 helots. § 7. The phylae of Pitana, Limnae, Mesoa, and Cy- 
 nosura. 
 
 1. The condition of the Perioeci and that of the 
 Helots must be carefully distinguished from each other ; 
 
 ^ VI. 60. Concerning the 
 o\//o7rotot see Agatharch. ap. 
 Athen. XII. p. 550 C. Perizo- 
 nius ad ^lian. V. H. XIV. 7. 
 
 ^ Compare Athen. II. 39 C. 
 with IV. 173 F. 
 
 ^ The Perioeci also took part 
 in the colonies of Sparta, e. g., 
 of Heraclea Trachinia, where 
 they probably belonged to the 
 TToWot' ; Thuc. 111.92,93. 
 
30 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 the latter state may be termed " villenage," or " bond- 
 age,*' to which that of the Perioeci had not the slight- 
 est resemblance.* The common account of the origin 
 of this class is, that the inliabitants of the maritime 
 town Helos were reduced by Sparta to this state of 
 degradation, after an insurrection against the Dorians 
 already established in power.^ This explanation, 
 however, rests merely on an etymology, and that by no 
 means a probable one ; since such a Gentile name as 
 E'lT^ms (Avhich seems to be the more ancient form) 
 cannot by any method of formation have been derived 
 from "Exo^. The word EtT^mg is probably a derivative 
 from'^EXft) in a passive sense, and consequently means 
 the priso7iers,'' Perhaps it signifies those who were 
 taken after having resisted to the utteraiost, whereas 
 the Perioeci had surrendered upon conditions ; at least 
 
 * Concerning the condition 
 of the Helots, see, besides the 
 more well-known books, Ca- 
 peronnier, Mem. de I'Acad. des 
 Inscript. torn. XXIII. p. 271. 
 Schlaeger, Dissert. Helmst. 
 1730. 
 
 ^ Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. 
 p. 365, according to Valcke- 
 naer's emendation, Theopom- 
 pus ap. Athen. VI. p. 272. 
 Even Hellanicus in Harpocra- 
 tion uses the word elXioTtvetv 
 p. 15. Fragm. 54. ed. Sturz.; 
 it is, however, uncertain whe- 
 ther the etymology there given 
 is from Hellanicus. Cf. Steph. 
 Byz. ^ 
 
 *^ This derivation was known 
 in ancient times, e. g., Schol. 
 Plat. Alcib. I. p. 78. Apo- 
 
 8t0l. VII. 62. EtXwTEg oi i^ 
 alxjJaXwTuiy dovXoi. So also 
 AfidUg comes from hafiaio (AE- 
 Mil). For the ^yuwce, of whom 
 
 there were large numbers (^oXa 
 ^ivpioi, Od. XVII. 422. XIX. 
 78.) in the house of every 
 prince (I. 397. VII. 225. II. 
 XIX. 333.), and who chiefly 
 cultivated the land, cannot 
 have been bought slaves (for 
 the single examples to the con- 
 trary are rather exceptions), as 
 this would suppose a veiy ex- 
 tensive traffic in slaves ; nor 
 could they have been persons 
 taken accidentally in expedi- 
 tions of plunder and war, as in 
 that case there could not have 
 been so large a number in every 
 house; but they are probably 
 persons who were taken at the 
 original conquest of the soil. 
 The passage, Od. I. 298. ovg 
 fioi Xrjlffffaro may be variously 
 applied. — Concerning the ety- 
 mology of ElXojg, compare Len- 
 nep, Etymol p. 257. 
 
 CH. 3, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 31 
 
 Theoponipus'^ calls them Achseans as well as the others. 
 It appears, however, more probable that they were an 
 aboriginal race, which was subdued at a very early 
 period, and which immediately passed over as slaves to 
 the Doric conquerors.® 
 
 In speaking of the condition of the Helots, we will 
 consider their political rights and their personal treat- 
 ment under separate heads, though in fact the two 
 subjects are very nearly connected. The first were 
 doubtless exactly defined by law and custom, thouo-h 
 the expressions made use of by ancient authors are 
 frequently vague and ambiguous. "They were," says 
 Ephorus,^ "in a cei-tain point of view public slaves. 
 " Their possessor could neither liberate them, nor sell 
 " them beyond the borders." From this it is evident 
 that they were considered as belonging properly to the 
 state, which to a certain degree permitted them to be 
 possessed, and apportioned them out to individuals, re- 
 serving to itself the power of enfranchising them. But 
 to sell them out of the country was not in the power 
 even of the state ; and, to the best of our knowledge, 
 such an event never occurred. It is, upon the whole, 
 most probable that individuals had no power to sell 
 them at all ; since they were, for the most part, 
 attached to the land, which was inalienable. On these 
 lands they had certain fixed dwellings of their own, 
 and particular services and payments were prescribed 
 to them.^ They paid as rent a fixed measure of corn ; 
 not, however, like the Perioeci, to the state, but tatheir 
 
 ^ Ap. Athen. VI. p. 265. where the depaTroyreg are Hc- 
 
 ® See book I. ch. 4. § 7. lots. 
 
 * Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365. s Ephorus ubi sup. Iiot(S 
 
 So also Pausanias III. 20. 6. sunt jam incle antiquUus cas- 
 
 calls all the Helots ^ovXoi tov iellani, aqresie genus, Liv. 
 
 Koivov. Comp. Herod. VI. 70. XXXIV. 27. 
 
32 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 masters. As this quantity had been definitively settled 
 at a very early period (to raise the amount being for- 
 bidden under heavy imprecations),^ the Helots were 
 the persons who profited by a good, and lost by a bad 
 harvest ; which must have been to them an encourage- 
 ment to industry and good husbandry ; a motive which 
 would have been wanting, if the profit and loss had 
 merely affected the landlords. And thus (as is proved 
 by the accounts respecting the Spartan agriculture),' 
 a careful management of the cultivation of the soil was 
 kept up. By means of the rich produce of the land, 
 and in part by plunder obtained in war,'' they collected 
 a considerable property,^ to the attainment of which 
 almost eveiy access was closed to the Spartans. Now 
 the annual rent paid for each lot was eighty-two me- 
 dimni of barley, and a proportionate quantity of oil 
 and wine - It may therefore be asked how much 
 remained to the Helots themselves, after paying this 
 amount of corn from each lot. Tyrtseus appears to 
 give some information, where he describes the Messen- 
 ian bondmen'^ "as groaning like asses under heavy 
 " burdens, and compelled by force to pay to their mas- 
 " ters a half of the entire produce of the land.°" 
 
 ^ Plut. Instit. Lac. p. 255. 
 where fxiaddiaai is an inaccu- 
 rate expression. 
 
 » See book L ch. 4. § 3. comp. 
 
 particularly Polyb. V. 19. 
 
 Hesiod the poet of the Helots, 
 according to the saying of the 
 Spartan. 
 ^ Herod. IX. 80. 
 ^ Plutarch, Cleomen. 23. 
 Manso, vol. I. p. 134. 
 
 "" Plut. Lye. 8. seventy for 
 the master, twelve for the mis- 
 tress of the house : compare ib. 
 
 ^4> 
 
 'irri; m, /iiyiXt,, i^(,„ rufS/tt- 
 
 Ml, 
 
 Xuypni 
 Sflfll Xi>, Smt XHfTSf ifcvfx f'tfli. 
 
 Fragm. 6. Gaisford. The pas- 
 sage is given in prose by yEiiau 
 V. H.VI. 1. ^ 
 
 " Of the two lines of Tyr- 
 tseus afterwards cited by Pau- 
 sanias,_^ hawoTae oJ^wfoirer, 
 ifuic^ aXoxoi re /cat aiirol, eJre 
 TO-' oiiXofiivi) fidipa ki'xoi BavaTov, 
 It may be observed, that this 
 duty of lamenting the king is 
 
 CH. 3, §1. OF THE DORIANS 33 
 
 According to this account, the families of the Helots 
 (of which many resided on one lot) would have retained 
 only eighty-two medimni on an average, and the whole 
 amount would have been one hundred and sixty-four 
 Hut this cannot be the institution of uhich Plutarch 
 speaks ; and Tyrtaeus doubtless describes some op- 
 pression much aggravated by particular circumstances 
 if or, assuming that the property of the Spartans 
 amounted to tno-thirds of the whole Laconian territory 
 which may be rated at three thousand eight hundred 
 and forty square miles English, and tliree-fouiths bein^j 
 deducted for hill, wood, pasture-land, vineyards, and 
 plantations, we have two thousand eiglit hundred and 
 eighty square miles for the nine thousand lots of the 
 Spartans ; each of which accordingly amounted to 
 w-T of a square mile, or one hundred and ninety-two 
 plethra; a space amply sufficient to have produced 
 four hundred medimni,'' which, after the deduction of 
 the eighty-two medimni, would have supplied twenty- 
 one men with double the common daily allowance, viz 
 one chcenix of bread. It is at least manifest that'each 
 lot would have been quite sufficient to maintain six or 
 seven families of Helots. It must not, however, be 
 supposed that the rent was precisely the same for all 
 the lots of the Spartan territory. The different qua- 
 lity of the land made such a strict equalization impos- 
 sible; not to mention that it would have entirely 
 destroyed all interest in the possession. We even 
 know that many Spartans were possessed of herds and 
 
 attributed to the Perioeci as well eijrtu ^cUrm, paid a sixth of 
 as the ««^<"» ■" Herod VI. 58. the produce to the Kupatridae. 
 f See Boeckh's Public Eco- (This is without a doubt the 
 nomy of Athens, vol. I. p. 109. corrupt supposition ) See Plu- 
 eighty-two ,8 about the fifth of tarch, Solon. 13. comp. Hem- 
 four hundred. In Athens the sterh. ad Hesych. in iH^u,pToc 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 D 
 
 / 
 
34 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 i 
 
 flocks, from which they provided young animals for 
 j, the public meals.** The proprietors, besides their share 
 of the harvest, received from their lands, at particular, 
 periods, the fruits of the season.' 
 
 There could not, on the whole, have been much in- 
 tercourse and connexion between the Spartans, as 
 possessors of the land, and the bondsmen upon their 
 estates. For how little interest would the Spartan, 
 who seldom left the town, and then only for a few 
 days,* have felt for Helots, who dwelt perhaps at Mo- 
 thone ! Nevertheless, the cultivation of the land was 
 not the only duty of the Helots ; they also attended 
 upon their masters at the public meal,* who, according 
 to the Laced semonian principle of a community of 
 goods, mutually lent them to one another." A large 
 number of them was also doubtless employed by the 
 state in public works. 
 
 2. In the field the Helots never seiTed as Hoplitse, 
 except in extraordinaiy cases ; and then it was the 
 general practice aftenvards to give them their liberty.'' 
 On other occasions they attended the regular army as 
 light-armed troops ; and that their numbers were very 
 considerable may be seen from the battle of Platsea, in 
 
 «i Athen. IV. 141 D. from the KXijpoi; see Hell. III. 3.5. 
 
 Molpis on the Lacedaemonian In the time of Aristotle (Polit. 
 
 state. II. 2. 11.) individuals had al- 
 
 ' Sphaerus, ibid. p. 141 C. ready begun to attend to agri- 
 Compare also Myron ap. A- culture; Maxim. Tyr. Diss. 
 then. XIV. p. 657. TrapaUyres XIII. p. 139, calls the Spar- 
 avrdtQ rrjv x^P^^ tra^av MOI- tans and Cretans in general 
 PAN ^v avroig ayoitrovtnv ael, yiwpyoi. 
 
 and Hesychius, yafitpyog (i. e. * Plutarch, Comp. Num. 2. 
 
 FAAEPrOD, ytwpyoc) tpyov Nepos, Pans. 3. 
 
 fiiffOwTog (which must be under- " Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3 Arist. 
 
 Btood as in the passage quoted Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Inst. Lac. 
 
 above, p. 32, note *».) AaKo*peg. p. 252. 
 
 ' In the time of Xenophon, * Compare Thuc. VII. 19. 
 
 however, Spartans resided upon with IV. 80. and V. 34. 
 
 CH. 3, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 35 
 
 which 5000 Spartans were attended by 35,000 He^ 
 lots.y Although they did not share the honour of the 
 heavy-armed soldiers, tliey were in i-eturn exposed to 
 a less degree of danger. For while the former in 
 close rank received the onset of the enemy with spear 
 and shield, the Helots, armed only with the sling and 
 light javehn, were in a moment either before or be- 
 hind the ranks, as Tyrteeus accurately describes the 
 relative duties of the liglit^armed soldier (yu/xv>3^), and 
 the Hoplite. Sparta, in her better time, is never re- 
 corded to have unnecessarily sacrificed the lives of her 
 Helots. A certain number of them was allotted to 
 ea^h Spartan ;^ at the battle of Plateea this number 
 was seven. Those who were assigned to a single 
 master were probably caUed (kfATrhTOLpeg,^ Of these, 
 however, one in particular was the servant (QipiTrmv) 
 of his master, as in the story of the Wind Spartan, 
 who was conducted by his Helot into the thickest of 
 the battle of Thermopylae, and, while the latter fled, 
 fell with the otlier heroes.^ eip^irwu, or seiTant, is 
 the appropriate, and indeed honourable, appellation 
 which the Dorians, particularly in Crete, gave to the 
 armed slaves f these in Sparta were probably called 
 fpuHTijpsg, m allusion to their duty of drawing (ipixnv) 
 the wounded from the ranks,«^ It appears that the 
 
 y Herod. IX. 10. 28. 
 
 * Herod. IX. 28. Thuc. III. 
 8. 
 
 * I. q. afKpiffTayrig Hesych. 
 m V. of. V088. Valcken. Ado- 
 niaz, p. 289. 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 229. compare 
 the passages quoted hy Sturz. 
 Lex. Xenoph. in dep&irwy. 
 
 *^ QepaTTuty CovXov OTr\o<p6pov 
 itiXoi Kara ri^y KprjrtSy yXwrray. 
 Eustath. ad II. p. 1240, 32. Bas. 
 
 ad Dion. Perieg. 533. Eusta- 
 thius frequently mentions this 
 peculiarity of the Cretan idiom, 
 and the names of slaves in ge- 
 neral ; also the Glossary in Iri- 
 arte, Reg. Bibl. Matritensis cod. 
 Gr. p I. p. 146, states that the 
 expression depdn-uty for ^o€\oc 
 it Cretan. 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 271 F, from My- 
 ron. Tliese are the persons of 
 whom Xenophon says (Hell. IV. 
 
 d2 
 
36 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book ni. 
 
 Helots were in the field placed more immediately 
 under the command of the king than the rest of the 
 army.® In the fleet, they composed the large mass of 
 the sailors/ in which service at Athens the inferior 
 citizens and slaves were employed ; when serving in 
 this manner they were, it appears, called by the name 
 of 8£a"7ro(novaiJTOLi. 
 
 These accounts are sufficient to give a tolerably 
 correct notion of the relation of the Helots to the 
 Doric citizens of Sparta. Although it does not fall 
 within the scope of the present work to enter upon a 
 moral or political examination of the condition of He- 
 lotism, I may be allowed to subjoin a few observations. 
 The Grecian states then either contained a class of 
 bondsmen, which can be traced in nearly all tlie Doric 
 states, or they had slaves, who had been brought either 
 by plunder or commerce from barbarous countries ; 
 or a class of slaves was altogether wanting. The last 
 was the case among the Phoceans, Locrians, and other 
 Greeks.^ But these nations, through the scantiness 
 of their resources, never attained to such power as 
 Sparta and Athens. Slavery was the basis of the 
 prosperity of all commercial states, and was intimately 
 connected with foreign trade ; but (besides being a 
 continued violation of justice) it was upon the whole 
 of little advantage to the public, especially in time of 
 war ; and, according to the doctrine of the ancient 
 politicians, it was both fraught with danger, and pre- 
 judicial to morality and good order. It must also be 
 remembered, that nearly all the ties of family were 
 
 CH. 3, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 5. 14.) TOVTOVQ tKeXevOV TOVQ 
 
 vTra(Tiri(TTae apafiivovg anotpi- 
 piiv. 
 
 « Herod. VI. 80, 8L cf. 75. 
 
 ^Xenoph. Hell. VII. 1. 12. 
 
 g Timaeus ap. Polyb. XII. 6. 
 7. frag. 17. p. 224. ed. Goetter. 
 Theopompus ap. Atheii. VI. p. 
 265. compare Orchomenosy p. 
 242. 
 
 37 
 
 broken among the slaves of Athens, with which the 
 institution of bondage did not at all interfere ;^> and 
 that in the latter the condition of the bondmen was 
 rather determined by general custom ; in the former, 
 by the arbitrary will of individuals. Sparta had, in- 
 deed, some foreign slaves, but their number was very 
 inconsiderable. Thus Alcman, the slave of Agesidas,* 
 was the son of a slave from Sardis,^ who had perhaps 
 been brought by Cretan traders to the coast of La- 
 conia. 
 
 3. It is a matter of much greater difficulty to form 
 a clear notion of the treatment of the Helots, and of 
 their manner of life ; for the rhetorical spirit with 
 which later historians have embellished their philan- 
 thropic views, joined to our own ignorance, has been 
 productive of much confusion and misconception. 
 Myron of Priene, in his romance on the Messenian 
 war, drew a very dark picture of Sparta, and endea- 
 voured at the end to rouse the feelings of his readers 
 by a description of the fate which the conquered un- 
 denvent. "The Helots," says he,^ "perform for the 
 " Spartans every ignominious service. They are com- 
 " pelled to wear a cap of dog's skin and a covering of 
 " sheep's skin, and they are severely beaten every year 
 *' without having committed any fault, in order that 
 
 ^* The wives and children of 
 Helots are often mentioned, 
 e g. in Thucyd. I. 103. At 
 Athens the marriage of slaves 
 was an uncommon event, and is 
 usually found among the x^P*^^ 
 oiKovvTiQ. It was cheaper to pur- 
 chase than to bring up slaves. 
 (See Hume on the Populousness 
 of Ancient Nations, Works, vol. 
 III. p. 431-440. See p. 438, 
 on the marriages of the Helots.) 
 
 * See Heraclides Ponticus. 
 
 ^ Welcker Alcman, Fragm. 
 p. 6. 
 
 ^ Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 657 D. 
 The Kvr^ is also probably signi- 
 fied as belonging to the dress 
 of the Helots, in the account of 
 the signal for conspiracy given 
 by Antiochus of Phalanthus 
 (Strab. VI. p. 278.), although 
 other writers (y^neas Poliorc. 
 1 1 .) mention a ttIXoq in its stead. 
 
 w- 
 
38 
 
 (( 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CH. 3, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 a& 
 
 they may never forget that they are slaves. In ad- 
 " dition to this, those amongst them who, either by 
 " their stature or their beauty, raise themselves above 
 " the condition of a slave, are condemned to death ; 
 " and the masters who do not destroy the most manly 
 " of them are liable to punishment/' The partiality 
 and ignorance of this writer is evident from his very 
 first statement. The Helots wore the leathern cap 
 with a broad band, and the covering of sheep's skin, 
 simply because it was the original dress of the natives ; 
 which moreover the Arcadians had retained from an- 
 cient usage f" Laertes the father of Ulysses, when he 
 assumed the character of a peasant, is also represented 
 as wearmg a cap of goat's skin.- The truth is, that 
 the ancients made a distinction between town and 
 country costume. Hence, when the tyrants of Sicyon 
 wished to accustom the unemployed people, whose 
 numbers they dreaded, to a country life, they forced 
 them to wear the xarayvaxTi, which had underneath a 
 lining of fur.° The Pisistratidse made use of the 
 very same measure.** Thus also Theognis describes 
 the countrymen of Megara (whose admission to the 
 rights of citizenship he deplores) as clothed with 
 dressed skins, and dwelling around the town like 
 frightened deer.^ The dipthera of the Helots there- 
 
 ° PoUux, VII. 4. 68. compare 
 Hesychius, Moeris, and Suidas 
 in KarutpuKrj. Theopc»mpus and 
 Menaechmus eV rolg ^iicvutviaxoig 
 ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. (cf. 
 Schweigh.) call the Karwrakoipo' 
 pot Sicyonian bondsmen. Comp. 
 Ruknkwi. ad Tim. p. 212. 
 
 P Aristoph. Ljsistr. 11S7. cf. 
 Palmer. Exercit. p. 506. 
 
 •^ V. 53. Bekker. 
 
 ™ Kwyif 'Apk-ac, Sophod. Ina- 
 chu8 ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 
 1203. Valcken. ad Theocrit. 
 Adoniaz. p. 345. the same as 
 the TTtXof 'ApKag in Poljaen IV. 
 14. galerus Arcadicus^ Stat. 
 Theb. IV. 299. VII. 39. Ki.^^ 
 Botwrta as the Country -dress, 
 Hesychius. The Arcadians went 
 into the fields in goats' and 
 sheep-skins, Pausan. IV. 11.1. 
 
 " Od. XXIV. 230. 
 
 fore signified nothing more humiliating and degrading 
 than their employment in agricultural labour. Myron 
 is doubtless right in stating that the Helots could not 
 lay aside this dress at pleasure ; indeed, a young Spar- 
 tan could not assume the dress of an older man. 
 Whilst in Athens the influence of democracy had pro* 
 duced an uniformity of dress, and even (according to 
 Xenophon)' of bodily form, in citizens, resident aliens, 
 and slaves ; in Sparta the several orders were charac- 
 terised by external differences. Now smce Myron 
 tlius manifestly mismterpreted this circumstance, it is 
 very probable that his other objections are founded in 
 error; nor can misrepresentations of this political 
 state, which was unknown to the later Greeks, and 
 particularly to the class of writers, have been uncom- 
 mon. Plutarch,* for example, relates that the Helots 
 were compelled to intoxicate themselves, and perform 
 indecent dances, as a warning to the Spartan youth ; 
 but common sense is opposed to so absurd a method 
 of education. Is it possible that the Spartans should 
 have so degraded the men wliom they appointed as 
 tutors over their young children? Female Helots 
 also discharged the olhce of nurse in the royal palaces,' 
 and doubtless obtained all the affection with which the ^ ■'"^ ^^> 
 attendants of early youth were honoured in ancient 
 times. It is, however, certain that the Doric laws did 
 not bind sei-vants to strict temperance;** and hence 
 examples of drunkenness among them might have 
 served as a means of recommending sobriety. It was 
 also an established regulation, that the national songs 
 and dances of Sparta were forbidden to the Helots,* 
 
 »-|av^ r 
 
 w 
 
 '3 
 
 ' Dc rep. Ath. I. 10. 
 
 ' Lycurg. 28. and elsewhere. 
 
 * Duris ap. Plutarch. Ages. 3. 
 
 " Theopomp. ap. Athen. XIV. 
 p. 657 C. 
 
 * Plutarch, ubi sup. 
 
40 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 3, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 41 
 
 who, on the other hand, had some extravagant and 
 lascivious dances peculiar to themselves, wliich may 
 have given rise to the above report.^ We must, more- 
 over, bear in mind, that most of the strangers who 
 visited Sparta, and gave an account of its institutions, 
 seized upon particular cases which they had imper- 
 fectly obseiTed, and, without knowing their real na- 
 ture, described them in the light suggested by their 
 own false prepossessions. 
 
 4. But are we not labouring in vain to soften the 
 bad impression of Myron's account, since the fearful 
 word crypteia is of itself sufficient to show the un- 
 happy fate of the Helots, and the cruelty of their 
 masters? By this word is generally understood, a 
 chase of the Helots, annually undertaken at a fixed 
 time by the youth of Sparta, who either assassinated 
 them by night, or massacred them formally in open 
 day, in order to lessen their numbers, and weaken their 
 power/ Isocrates speaks of this institution in a very 
 confused manner, and from mere report.** Aristotle 
 however, as well as Heraclides of Pontus,^ attribute it 
 to Lycurgus, and represent it as a war which the 
 Ephors themselves, on entering upon their yeai'ly 
 office, proclaimed against the Helots. Thus it was a 
 regularly legalised massacre, and the more barbarous, 
 as its periodical arrival could be foreseen by the un- 
 liappy victims. And yet were not these Helots, who 
 in many districts lived entirely alone, united by despair 
 for the sake of common protection, and did they not 
 
 ^ fjodojv (popTiKOh' 6p')(r)jia, Pol- 
 lux, IV. 14. 101. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, c. 28. Comp. 
 Num. I. Concerning the Cryp- 
 teia, see Manso, vol. I. part 2. 
 p. 141. Heyne, Comment. Got- 
 
 ting. vol. IX. p. 30. 
 
 *Panathen. p. 271 A. See 
 above, p. 22. note "i. 
 
 ^ Ap. Plutarch. Lye. 28. He- 
 raclid. Pont. 2. 
 
 every year kindle a most bloody and determined war 
 throughout the whole of Laconia ? Such are the in- 
 extricable difficulties in which we are involved by giv- 
 ing credit to the received accounts : the solution of 
 which is, in my opinion, to be found in the speech of 
 Megillus the Spartan, in the Laws of Plato," who is 
 there celebrating the manner of inuring his country- 
 men to hardships. " There is also amongst us," he 
 says, " what is called the crypteia, the pain of under- 
 " going which is scarcely credible. It consists in 
 " going barefoot in storms, in enduring the privations 
 " of the camp, performing menial offices without a 
 " servant, and wandering night and day through the 
 " whole country." The same is more clearly ex- 
 pressed in another passage,*^ where the philosopher 
 settles, that in his state sixty agronomi or phylarchs 
 should each choose twelve young men from the age of 
 twenty-five to thirty, and send them as guards in suc- 
 cession through the several districts, in order to in- 
 spect the fortresses, roads, and public buildings in the 
 country ; for which purpose they should have power 
 to make free use of the slaves. During this time they 
 Avere to live sparingly, to minister to their own Mants, 
 and range through the whole countiy in arms without 
 intermission, both in winter and summer. These 
 persons were to be called x^uttto), or ayopaviyioi. 
 Can it be supposed that Plato would have here used 
 the name of crypteia, if it signified an assassmation of 
 
 '^ I. p. 633 C. Justin says of 
 the same thing, III. 3. piieros 
 puheres non in forum, sed in 
 agrum deduct prcecepit, ut 
 primos annos nan in luxuria, 
 sed in opere et laboribus age- 
 rent, — neque prius in urbem 
 
 redire quam viri facti essent. 
 The same, with a few devia- 
 tions, is stated in Schol. Plat. 
 Leg. I. p. 225. Ruhn. 
 
 ^VI. p. 763 B Compare 
 Barthelemy, Anacharsis, tom. 
 IV. p. 461. 
 
 w 
 
42 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 the Helots, or rather, if there was not an exact agree- 
 ment in essentials between the institution which he 
 proposed, and that in existence at Sparta, although 
 the latter was perhaps one of greater hardship and 
 severity? The youth of Sparta were also sent out, 
 under certain officers,^ partly for the purpose of train- 
 ing them to hardships, partly of inspecting the territory 
 of Sparta, which was of considerable extent. These 
 emissaries may probably have kept a strict watch upon 
 the Helots, who, living by themselves, and entirely 
 separated from their masters, must have been for that 
 reason the more formidable to Sparta. We must al- 
 low that oppression and severity were not suflSciently 
 provided against; only the aim of the custom was 
 wholly different; though perhaps it is reckoned by 
 Thucydides^ among those institutions, which, as he 
 says, were established for the purpose of keeping a 
 watch over the Helots- 
 It is hardly necessary to remark that this established 
 institution of the crj^pteia was in no way connected 
 with those extraordinary measures to which Sparta 
 thought herself compelled in hazardous circumstances 
 to resort. Thucydides leaves us to guess the fate of 
 the 2000 Helots who, after having been destined for 
 the field, suddenly disappeared. It was the curse of 
 this bondage (of which Plato says that it produced the 
 greatest doubt and difficulty) » that the slaves aban- 
 doned their masters when they stood in greatest need 
 
 « Damoteles a Spartan, ettI note 40. Critias the Athenian 
 
 rift KpvTTTiiaQ rerayfiivog, Plut. also said, with more wit than 
 
 Cleomen. 28. truth, that in Sparta the free 
 
 IV. 80. were most free (cf. Diogen. Pror. 
 
 s Leg. VI. p. 116. cited by IV. 87. Apostol. VIII. 12.); 
 
 Athen. VI. p. 264. comp. Phi- and that the slaves were most 
 
 tarch, Lycurg. 28. See Philo- slaves, ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. 
 
 logical Museum, vol. II. p. 68. vol. II. p. 85. Reisk. 
 
 CH. 3, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 43 
 
 of their assistance ; and hence the Spartans were even 
 compelled to stipulate in treaties for aid against their 
 own subjects.^ 
 
 5. A more favourable side of the Spartan system 
 of bondage is, that a legal way to lil^erty and citizen- 
 ship stood open to the Helots.* The many interme- 
 diate steps seem to prove the existence of a regular 
 mode of transition from the one rank to the other. 
 The Helots, who were esteemed worthy of an especial 
 confidence, were called a^ysioi ; ^ the epuxTijps$ en- 
 joyed the same in war: the acplrai were probably 
 released from all service. The SscrTrocioyaurai, who 
 served in the fleet, resembled probably the freed-men 
 of Attica, who were called the out-dwellers (oi x^^h 
 olxoui/Tss)'^ When they received their liberty, tliey 
 also obtained permission " to dwell where they 
 wishedy''"^ and probably at the same time a portion of 
 land was granted to them without the lot of their 
 former masters. After they had been in possession of 
 liberty for some time, they appear to have been called 
 Neodamodea,^ tlie number of whom soon came near 
 to diat of the citizens,*" The Mothones, or Mothaces, 
 also, wei-e not Perioeci (of whose elevation to the rank 
 of Spartans we know nothing), but Helots, who, being 
 brought up together with tlie young Spartans (like 
 Eumseus in the house of Ulysses), obtained freedom 
 
 ^Thucl. 118.V. 14,23. cf. 
 Ari«tot. Pol. II. 6. 2. 
 
 * Although it ia denied by 
 Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVI. p. 
 448 B. Compare Manso I. 2. 
 p. 153. and I. 1. p. 234. 
 
 ^ Hesych. in v. 
 
 ^ Boeckh's Economy of 
 Athens, vol. I. p. 349. transl. 
 
 "• Thuc. V. 34. c£ IV. 80, 
 ° VII. 58. hwarai U rv rm- 
 
 ^ftw^cc tktvdtpoy m^ tlvai. 
 
 The opposite is ^a^«fffte(Steph. 
 
 AAMliAEli:) hrj^rai Jj oi ivrt- 
 Xcic Trapa AatCE^cuftoyioif^j He- 
 sychius. 
 
 « Cf. Plut. Ages. 6. 
 
 ^. 
 
44 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK lil. 
 
 CH. 3, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 45 
 
 without the rights of citizenship.^ For fxodwv means 
 a domestic slave, vema ; and Perioeci could never have 
 been called by this name, not being dependent upon 
 individual Spartans.** The descendants of the Mo- 
 thaces must also have sometimes received the rights 
 of citizenship, since Callicratidas, Lysander, and 
 Gylippus were of Mothacic origin.' Those citizens 
 who, in obedience to the ancient law of inheritance, 
 married a widow of a deceased person, were (if we 
 may judge from the etymology of the word) called 
 Epeunacti : that slaves were once employed for this 
 purpose is testified by Theopompus.' 
 
 6. The number of the Helots may be determined 
 with sufficient accuracy from the account of the army 
 at Platsea. We find that there were present in this 
 battle 5000 Spartans, 35,000 Helots, and 10,000 
 
 \ 
 
 PAthen. VI.271 E. Schol. 
 Aristoph. Plut. 279. Harpo- 
 cration, Hesychius. The deri- 
 vation from the town Mothone 
 is like that of the name of the 
 Helots from Helos. The Tpo- 
 (pi^oi became Spartans from 
 aliens by education, Xenoph. 
 Hell. V. 3. 9. To these the 
 confused account in Plut. La- 
 con. Inst, p. 252. probably re- 
 fers. 
 
 ^ In Athenaeus they are called 
 free, in reference to iheij future^ 
 not their fast condition. See 
 Hemsterhuis ap. Lennep. Ety- 
 mol. vol. I. p. 575. 
 
 ^ Athen. ubi sup. ^Elian, V. 
 H. XII. 43. Two avvrpocpoL or 
 fioQaKEQ of Cleomenes III. in 
 Plut. Cleom. 8. These were, 
 like Lysander, Heraclide Mo- 
 thaces. 
 
 « Ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. 
 
 where the comparison with the 
 KaTiovaKo<p6poL does not appear 
 to have sufficient ground. See 
 Casaub. ad Athen. VI. 20. In- 
 terp. Hesych. in v. kvivvakrai. 
 Diodorus, Exc. Vat. VII.— X. 
 n. 12., calls the Parthenians 
 who had been sent under Pha- 
 lanthus to Tarentum, sometimes 
 Epeunacti, sometimes Par- 
 thenians. Since they are con- 
 sidered as young men (for Pha- 
 lanthus has an kpatn^Q named 
 Agathiadas),they appear to have 
 been, not Helots who had be- 
 gotten children with Spartan 
 women, but the male offspring 
 of such unions. As the term is 
 used by Theopompus, these 
 would be called the sons of 
 Epeunacti. Hesychius like- 
 wise makes the kirevvaKToi equi- 
 valent to the Tapdeviai. 
 
 t 
 
 : 
 
 Perioeci.* The whole number of Spartans that bore 
 arms, amounted on another occasion to 8000, which, 
 according to the same proportion, would give 56,000 
 for the number of Helots capable of bearing arms, 
 and for the whole population about 224,000. If then 
 the state of Sparta possessed 9000 lots there were 
 twenty male Helots to each (although, as we saw 
 above, a single lot could probably maintain a larger 
 number) , and there remained 44,000 for the service of 
 the state and of individuals. The account of Thucy- 
 dides, that the Chians had the greatest number of 
 slaves of any one state after the Lacedaemonians," does 
 not compel us to set the amount higher, because the 
 great number of slaves in ^gina disappeared when 
 that island lost its freedom, and Athens during the 
 Peloponnesian war certainly did not possess 200,000 
 slaves. The number of Perioeci able to bear arms 
 would, according to the above proportion, only amount 
 to 16,000 ; but we must suppose that a larger portion 
 of them remained behind in Peloponnesus : for since 
 the Perioeci were possessed of 30,000 lots (though of 
 less extent), there must have been about the same 
 number of families, and we thus get at least 120,000 
 men ; and upon the whole, for the 3800 square miles 
 ofLaconia, a suitable population of 380,000 souls. 
 
 From this calculation it also results, that, according 
 to the population to be maintained, the estates of the 
 Spartans (ttoX/t^xv) ^wpaY must have amounted to 
 two-thirds of all the tillage-land in the country. This 
 arrangement could not have been attended with any 
 
 * According to the epitaph in of whom 2100 were perhaps 
 
 Herod. VU. 228. 4000 men Helots. See below, ch. 12. § 6. 
 were buried at Thermopylae, " VHI. 40. 
 i. e., 300 Spartans, 700 Thes- " Polyb. VI. 45. 
 pian Hoplitae, and 3000 ^t\ot, 
 
46 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK in. 
 
 cH. 3, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 47 
 
 difficulty after the conquest of the fertile ten-itory of 
 Messenia, when the number of lots was doubled,^ and 
 the area of each was perhaps mcreased in a still greater 
 proportion. For when the Spartans had (as it ap- 
 pears) dislodged the Doric Messenians, and conquered 
 their country, a few maritime and inland towns 
 (Asine, Mothone, Thuria, and iEthsea) were indeed 
 suffered to remam in the possession of Periceci ; but 
 the best part of a country so rich in tillage-land, plant- 
 ations, and pastures,' passed into tiie hands of Spar- 
 tan proprietors, and the husbandmen who remained 
 behind became Helots.^ It was these last in par- 
 ticular who, during the great earthquake in 465 B.C., 
 took possession of the towns of Thuria and iEthsea, 
 fortified the strong hold of Ithome, and afterwards 
 partially emigrated.^ If however this insurrection 
 had been common to all the Helots, as Diodorus re- 
 lates, how could the Spartans have afterwards allowed 
 the insurgents to withdraw from the country, without 
 entirely depriving the land of its cultivators ? After 
 the battle of Leuctra also, it was not the Laconian, but 
 the Messenian Helots who revolted,'^ and were without 
 
 y According to the most pro- 
 bable statement in Pint. Lye. 8, 
 viz., that Lycurgua made 4500 
 lots, and Polydorus the same 
 number. 
 
 ^ Plat. Alcib. L p. 122 D. 
 Tyrtffiua ap. Schol. p. 78. 
 Ruhnk. and ad Leg. I. p. 220. 
 See book I. ch. 4. § 3. The 
 valley of the Pamisus in many 
 places gives a return of thirty 
 times the seed, and is sown 
 twice in the year. Sibthorp in 
 Walpole's Memoirs, p. 60. 
 ^ * Pausan. IV. 24. 2. n)y /ifV 
 aWr}p ttXtiv Tfjg 'K(Tiyaim> avrol 
 
 ^uXayxavoy. Cf. IIL 20. 6. Ze- 
 nob.IIL39. Apostul. VIL33. 
 ^ovXoTepog Mea(Tr]piu}v : cf. Ety- 
 mol. in ElXu/reg, Etyra. Gudian. 
 p. 167,32. 
 
 _**Thuc. I. 100. 7r\u(Troi ^i 
 Tuv EtXwrwi/ kyivovTo oi rwv 
 TvakaiQy Meaarjyim' tote ^ovXoj- 
 SeyTioy cnroyoyoi. Plutarch, Ci- 
 mon, 16. Lye. 28, and Diodorus 
 XI. 53, sqq. incorrectly distin- 
 guish the Helots from the 
 Messenians. Compare book I. 
 ch. 9. § 10. 
 
 *= Compare Xen. Hell. VII. 
 2. 2. with VI. 5. 21. 
 
 doubt the chief promoters of the re-establishment of 
 Messenia, where they exercised the rights of citizen- 
 ship in the newly-founded democracy/ 
 
 7. In Laconia itself, according to the Rhetra of 
 Agis (which in all probability merely confirmed ex- 
 isting institutions), tlie territory belonging to Sparta 
 consisted of tlie inland tract, which was bounded by 
 part of mount Taygetus to the west, by the river 
 Pellene, and by Sellasia to the north, and extended 
 eastward towards Malea,* and this was therefore at 
 that time cultivated by Helots. Here it may be 
 asked, who were the inhabitants of the towns situated 
 in this district, for example Amyclae, Therapne, and 
 Pharis ? Certainly not Helots alone, for there were a 
 considerable number of Hoplitse from Amyclee in the 
 Lacedaemonian army,^ who must therefore have been 
 either Spartans or Perioeci. But whether the Periceci 
 inhabited small districts in the midst of the territory 
 immediately occupied by the Spartans, or whether 
 some Spartans lived out of the city in country-towns, 
 cannot be completely determined. The former is, 
 however, the more probable, since some Perioeci lived 
 in the vicinity of the city,^ and Amyclae is reckoned 
 among the towns of Laconia ;'' the Spartans also are 
 mentioned to have had dwellings in the country,^ but 
 never to have possessed houses in any other town ex- 
 cept Sparta, and a few villages in the neighbourhood. 
 
 This induces us to attempt the solution of the 
 difficult problem, of what is the proper signification 
 
 ^ Polyb. VII. 10. I. cf IV. ^Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 11. 
 
 32. 1, and Manso's Excursus ^ Thuc IV. 8. ol lyyvraTa 
 
 on the restoration of Messenia, TiHy TrepioiKwy. 
 
 vol. III. part 2. p. 80. ^ See above ch. 2. § 1. 
 
 ® Plut. Agis. 8. The word * err* ayp^, iy Tolg XiopioiQ. 
 
 MaXcav is perhaps corrupt. Compare above, p. 34. note '. 
 
48 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi 
 
 CH. 3, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 49 
 
 Pl^ 
 
 of the Phylse (as the grammarians sometimes call 
 them),^ of Pitana, Limnse or Limnaeum, Mesoa and 
 Cynosura, which Pausanias also mentions together as 
 divisions of the people.^ Now Pausanias calls them 
 divisions of the Spartans, and it appears that we must 
 follow his statement. For in an Amyclsean inscrip- 
 tion,*" Damatrius, an overseer of the foreigners at 
 Amyclse, is called a Mesoatan ; and in another in- 
 scription, a Gymnasiarch of the Roman time is desig- 
 nated as belonging to the Phyle of the Cynosurans ;° 
 and we cannot suppose these persons to have been 
 Perioeci.° And if Alcman, according to a credible 
 account, was a Mesoatan,^ we may understand by this 
 term a citizen of Sparta (although of an inferior 
 grade), without contradicting the authority of Hero- 
 dotus, who only denies that any stranger besides 
 Tisamenus and Hegias was ever made a Spartan.'i 
 Further, it is clear from ancient writers that Pitana, 
 Limnse, Mesoa, and Cynosura, were names of places. 
 We are best informed with respect to Pitana, an 
 ancient town, and without doubt anterior to the 
 Dorians,' which was of sufficient importance to have 
 
 Steph. Byz. IsUaoa tottoq krjrrig At/ivarwv) occurs. See 
 
 AaKwyiKijg. ^vXrj AaKLjytKti. Boeckh, ib. p. GIL 
 Hesychius, Kwoaovpa (pvXrj Aa- " Thrasybulus also (Epigr. 
 
 Kiovikv. Herodian Trepl juov Xi- Plut. Apophth. Lac. p. 242. 
 
 ^fwc p. 13. 23. Dindorf. ro Anthol. Palat. VII. 229.) was 
 
 KwocTovpa ETTi tJ] AaKioviK^ evidently a Spartan, brought 
 
 <pv\y. Cf. Schol. Callim. Diaii. 
 94. Hesych. »/ Uirdyr) (pvXif. 
 
 1 III. 16. 6. 
 
 ™ Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. N*'. 
 1338. 
 
 ° Boeckh, ibid. N°. 1347, 
 where it is written AIIO $Y- 
 AHS KYNOOYPEftN. Con- 
 cerning which see Boeckh, p. 
 609. In Inscript. 1241. a ^m- 
 fhTTjQ Aifii'aiijjp (perhaps cwi- 
 
 back to Pitana, and so also is 
 Archias, the Pitanatan, in He- 
 rod. III. 55. See Strabo. V. p. 
 250. 
 
 P Suid. Fragm. 2. Welcker. 
 
 'I IX. 35. At the same time, 
 Herachdes Ponticus says of Alc- 
 man merely, riXevOepwdr]. 
 
 ■■ Pindar. Olymp. VI. 28. 
 Eurip. Troad. 1116. MeviXaoQ 
 UirapaTTjG in Hesvchius. 
 
 ^ Its own gymnastic contests,' and to furnish a battalion 
 of Its own, called Pitanates.' Herodotus, who was 
 there himself, calls it a demus ;" and we know that it 
 was near the temple and stronghold of Issorium,' 
 which, according to Pausanias' topography of SpartI, 
 must have been situated at the western extremity of 
 the town.y This author also mentions, in the same dis- 
 trict of the city, the porch of the Crotanes, who were a 
 division of the Pitanatae. We therefore know that 
 Pitana lay to the west of Sparta, outside the town ac- 
 cording to Herodotus,^ inside (as it appears) according 
 to Pausanias. So Linmse likewise, as we learn from 
 Strabo, was a suburb of Sparta,*^ and at the same time 
 a part of the town, as also was Mesoa,^ whither how- 
 ever Pausanias relates that Preugenes the Achaean 
 brought the statue of Artemis, rescued from the 
 Dorians at Sparta.' It follows from these apparently 
 contradictory accounts, some including these places in 
 Sparta, and some not, that they were nothing else than 
 the hamlets (xdi[xoci), of which, according to Thucy- 
 
 ' Hesych. in Iliraparrjc. 
 * Herod. IX. 53. Thuc. I. 
 20. does not admit its existence. 
 But Caracalla, in imitation of 
 antiquity, composed a Xo'xoc 
 HiravaTTic of Spartans, Hero- 
 dian. IV. 8. The Tarentines 
 (who retained the memory of 
 the mother-city more in their 
 names of places than in their 
 customs) had a division of their 
 army which was called Pitan- 
 ates ; the TrEpl-rroXot lliraydrai 
 are mentioned upon a coin of 
 Tarentum: Millingen's Ancient 
 Coins, pi. 1. n. 19. 
 
 MIL 55. 
 
 ^Polyaen. II. 1. 14. cf. Plut. 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Ages. 32. 
 
 y Pausan. III. 14. 2.— (Enus 
 was situated in the vicinity ac- 
 cording to Athen. I. p. 31 C. 
 and this also was near the city, 
 Plut. Lye. 6. See the map of 
 Peloponnesus. 
 
 ^ Also according to Plut. de 
 Exil. 6. 
 
 * VIII. p. 363 A. Douhtless 
 the marshy grounds upon the 
 Eurotas, which in this part fre- 
 quently overflowed its banks. 
 Compare book I. ch. 4. § 6. 
 
 ^ P. 364 A. comp. Tzschucke, 
 p. 184. 
 
 « VII. 20. 4. 
 
50 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book m. 
 
 dides,*^ the town of Sparta consisted, and which lay on 
 all sides around the city (ttoX*^) properly so called, 
 but were divided from one another by intervals, until 
 at a late period (probably when Sparta, during the 
 time of the Macedonian power, was enclosed with 
 walls) they were united and incorporated together. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § 1. Subject classes in Crete. § 2. In Argos and Epidaurus. 
 § 3. In Corinth and Sicyon. § 4. In Syracuse. § 5. In By- 
 zantium, Heraclea on the Pontus, and Cyrene. § 6. The bond- 
 slaves of Thessaly. § 7. Cities and villages of Arcadia. § 8. 
 The political opposition of city and country. 
 
 1. After having thus separately considered the 
 two dependent classes in Sparta, the pattern state of 
 the Dorians, we will now point out the traces of the 
 analogous ranks in several other states of Doric origin. 
 
 The Doric customs were first established in Crete, 
 whose fortunate circumstances had given to that race a 
 [fertile country, and an undisturbed dominion. Accord- 
 ingly, the relative rights of the Dorians and natives 
 must at an early period have been fixed on a settled 
 basis in this island; and we may suppose that this 
 settlement was made on equitable terms, since Aristotle 
 was not aware of any insurrection of the slaves in 
 Crete against their masters.^ The Doric customs re- 
 quired here, as elsewhere, exemption from all agricul- 
 
 ^ I. 10. Pitana is called a 
 K^liri in Schol. Thucyd. I. 20. 
 and Limnee is called the At/i- 
 vaiov \(jjpiov in Pausan. III. 
 16. 6. 
 
 ^ 11.6.3. Concerning the slaves 
 of Crete, see Manso, Sparta, vol. 
 I. part 2. p. 105. Ste Croix, Sur 
 la Lt^gislation de Crete, p. 313. 
 has confused the whole subject. 
 
 CH. 4. § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 51 
 
 tural or commercial industry ; wliich is expressed in 
 a lively manner in the song of Hybrias the Cretan, 
 that " with lance and sword and shield he reaped and 
 " dressed his vines, and hence was called lord of the 
 " Mnoia." ^ In this island, however, different classes 
 of dependents must have existed. Sosicrates and 
 Dosiadas, both credible authors on the affairs of Crete, 
 speak of three classes, the public bondsmen (xoivi 
 SouXs/a), called by the Cretans fxvota, the slaves of in- 
 dividual citizens, acf^a^i^ra*, and the Perioeci, uttt^xooi, .\ 
 Now we kno^v that the Aphamiotee received their 
 name from the cultivation of the lands of private indi- 
 viduals (in Cretan acj^a/x/a*), and accordingly they 
 were agricultural bondsmen/ These latter are iden- 
 tical with the Clarotae, who, for this reason, were not 
 separately mentioned by the writers just quoted : for 
 although they are generally supposed to have taken 
 their name from the lot cast for prisoners of war, the 
 more natural derivation doubtless is from the lots or 
 lands of the citizens, which were called xXij^oi. But 
 whichever explanation we adopt, they were bondsmen 
 belonging to the individual citizens. Both the Clarotoe 
 and Aphamiotee have therefore been correctly com- 
 pared with the Helots;^ and as the latter were en- 
 tirely distinct from the Laconian Periceci, so were the 
 former from the Cretan, although Aristotle neglects 
 the distinction accurately observed by the Cretan writ- 
 
 ^ Similarly the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, according to Cicero de 
 Rep. III. 9. (cf. Plut. Lac. 
 Apophth p. 179, 201.) said pro- 
 verbially, suos omnes agroSy quos 
 spiculo possent aitingere. 
 
 «= Athen. VL p. 263 E. He- 
 sychius, Eustath. ad II. XV. p. 
 1024 Rom. Ruhnken ad Tim. 
 
 p. 283. Concerning a<papia or 
 a<l>ijfiia, see Schneider's Lexi- 
 con in afapiwrai. Hoeck's Kre- 
 ta, vol. III. p 36. 
 
 ^ Strabo XV. p. 701 . Etym. 
 Magn. in iriyitrrcu, Photius in 
 KXapiHrai and irevfarai. Lex. se- 
 guer. I. p. 292. emended by 
 Meinekc Euphor. p. 142. 
 
 e2 
 
52 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CII. 
 
 4, §1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 53 
 
 ers.* In the second place, the (jlvoIol (or [xvcool) was 
 by more precise historians distinguished as well from 
 the condition of Perioeci as from that of private bond- 
 age, and it was explained to mean a state of public 
 villenage ; whence we may infer that every state in 
 Crete was possessed of public lands, which the Mnotse 
 cultivated in the same relative situation to the com- 
 munity in which the Aphamiotse, who cultivated the 
 allotted estates, stood to the several proprietors. This 
 name, however, is sometimes extended to all forced 
 labourers, as in the song of Hybrias noticed above.' 
 Finally, the Perioeci formed in Crete, as in Laconia, 
 dependent and tributary communities : their tribute 
 was, like the produce of the national lands, partly 
 applied to the public banquets ; ^ to which also, accord- 
 ing to Dosiadas,^ every slave in Lyctus contributed in 
 addition one iEginetan stater. Now in this passage 
 we cannot suppose that the Perioeci are meant, be- 
 cause the exact author would not have called them 
 
 «Polit.II. 7. 3. cf. II. 2. 13. 
 
 ^So also in Strab. XII. p. 
 542 C. it is said that the slaves 
 of the Heracleotes served upon 
 the same conditions as rj Mvifa 
 avvohoQ idrjTEvey. Comp. Her- 
 mon ap. Athen. VI. p. 261 B. 
 where Eustathius ad II. XV. p. 
 1024. Rom. fiv^rai oi iyyeyelQ 
 olKerai (those born in the coun- 
 try as opposed to purchased 
 slaves) appears to have pre- 
 served the right reading, cf. 
 ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych. 
 vol. n. p. 611. Pollux III. 8. 
 23. /cXapwrat koi fivwirai. Steph. 
 Byz. (from the same source as 
 Pollux) ovroi ^£ TrpaJrot expri- 
 aavTO depdirovmy wc AaKe^ai- 
 fjLOvtoi roig eiXutai koi 'Apyctot 
 ToiQ yvfiprfffioig koi ^ikvijjvioi roig 
 
 Kopvyrj(p6poiQ Kol IraXcwrat toiq 
 IleXaffyolg, koi Kprjreg ^^anraig. 
 Write fjLytoiraigy in the more ex- 
 tensive signification of the word. 
 In the same manner Eustath. 
 ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has 
 been already corrected by Mei- 
 neke ubi sup. 
 
 8 Aristot, Polit. II. 1. 3. airo 
 irayrtoy rwv yiyyofiiycjv Kapwi^y 
 T£ KOi jSoffKrjfJLarbjy €K Tuiy hfjio- 
 ffiijjy Kai <p6p(t>y ovg (pipovaiy ot 
 "KtploiKoi, riraKTai fiipog, i. e. 
 " Of all the products of the soil 
 " and all the cattle which come 
 " from the public lands, a part 
 " is appointed.*' The arrange- 
 ment of the words is not more 
 careless than in other passages. 
 
 ^ Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. 
 
 slaves : nor yet the slaves purchased in foreign parts 
 
 (called apyupwvriToi m Crete), since it would have 
 
 been impossible to reckon with any certainty that i)er^ 
 
 sons in this situation possessed anything of their own ; 
 
 nor, lastly, can the Mnotse be meant, since these were 
 
 public slaves, having no connexion with individuals, 
 
 nor consequently with their eating clubs.* It remains, 
 
 therefore, that it was the Clarotse (or Aphamiotse), 
 
 who, in addition to the tax in kind, were also liable to 
 
 this payment in money, with which utensils for the 
 
 use of the public table were probably purchased. It 
 
 may be, moreover, observed that we have no reason to 
 
 suppose that the bondsmen were admitted to the daily 
 
 banquets.'' ^ ' 
 
 Perhaps, however, there was no Grecian state in 
 which the dependent classes were so little oppressed 
 as in Crete. In general, every employment and pro- 
 fession, with the exception of the gymnasia and mi- 
 litary service, was permitted to them.^ Hence also the 
 Perioeci held so firmly to the ancient legislation of 
 Minos, that they even then observed it, when it had 
 been neglected by the Dorians of the town of Lyctus ; " 
 and thus, as was frequently the case elsewhere, in the 
 decline of public manners the ancient customs were 
 retained among the lower classes of society longer than 
 amongst the higher. Upon the whole, Crete was the 
 most fortunate of all the Doric states in this circum- 
 stance, that it could follow up its own institutions with 
 
 » See below, ch. 10. § 7. p. 263 F. In Sparta, during 
 
 At the Hermapa, however, the Hyacinthia, the masters in- 
 
 the slaves feasted in public, and vitcd the slaves to be their 
 
 they were waited on by their guests, Polycrates ap. Athen. 
 
 masters, as at Troezen in the IV. p. 139 B. 
 
 month Gersestion; Carystius ap. ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1. 
 
 Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. cf. VI. ^ Polit. H. 8. 5. 
 
S4 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 4, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 55 
 
 ^: 
 
 energy and in quiet, without any powerful obstacle ; 
 although its very tranquillity and far-extended com- 
 merce at length occasioned a gradual decline of ancient 
 customs. The reverse took place at Argos, whose 
 Doric inhabitants, pressed on all sides, were at length 
 compelled to renounce the institutions of their race, 
 and adopt those of the natives. In the early history of 
 this state, therefore, the two classes of dependents and 
 bondsmen should be distinguished : this division was, 
 however, very early laid aside, and an entirely different 
 arrangement introduced. 
 
 2. There was at Argos a class of bond-slaves, 
 who are compared with the Helots, and were called 
 GymnesiiJ' The name alone sufficiently proves the 
 correctness of the comparison ; these slaves having 
 evidently been the light-armed attendants on their 
 masters (y()i^vt]Tsg). Hence also the same class of 
 slaves were in Sicyon called xopuvijc^u^o* ; because they 
 only carried a club or staff, and not, like the heavy- 
 armed Dorians, a sword and lance. It is to these Gym- 
 nesii that the account of Herodotus refers," that 6000 
 of the citizens of Argos having been slain in battle by 
 Cleomenes king of Sparta,^ the slaves got the govern- 
 
 ° Hesychius, Pollux and Ste- 
 phanus as before. 
 
 o VI. 83. 
 
 P VII. 148. In this passage 
 the battle, contrary to the cal- 
 culation before given (book I. 
 eh. 8. § 6.) upon the authority 
 of Pausanias, is brought down to 
 the time immediately preceding 
 the Persian war, as is evident 
 not only from the word vfwori, 
 but also from the circumstance 
 that the Argives desired a thirty 
 years' peace, to enable the chil- 
 dren of the persons who had 
 
 been slain to arrive at manhood. 
 From this, then, it follows that 
 the Gymnesii, expelled from 
 Argos, did not obtain possession 
 of Tiryns till after the Persian 
 war (for that they were not there 
 during this war may be inferred 
 from Herod. IX. 28.), and the 
 final victory over them would 
 then coincide with the conquest 
 of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § I).- 
 If the oracle in Herod. VI. 19. 
 had been accurately {koI TOTE) 
 fulfilled, the battle must fall in 
 Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but 
 
 nient into their own hands, and retained possession of 
 it until the sons of those who had fallen were grown 
 to manhood. From this narrative it is plain that the 
 number of Dorians at Argos was nearly exhausted by 
 the death of 6000 of their body ; and that none but 
 bondsmen dwelt in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
 city, sinca otherwise the sovereign power would not 
 have fallen into their hands. It would be absurd to 
 suppose that slaves bought in foreign countries can be 
 here intended, since these could have had no more no- 
 tion of governing a Grecian state than the bear in the 
 fable of managing the ship.** Afterwards, when the 
 young citizens had grown up, the slaves were com- 
 pelled by them to withdraw to Tiryns ; and then^ 
 after a long war, as it appears, were either driven from 
 the territory, or again subdued/ 
 
 The Argives, however, also had Perioeci,* who were 
 known by the name of OrneatcB. This appellation 
 was properly applied to the inhabitants of Orneae, a 
 town on the frontiers towards Mantinea, which, having 
 been long independent, was at last, about the year 580 
 B. C,* reduced by the Argives ; and afterwards the 
 whole class of Perioeci was so called from that place. 
 These Orneatse, or Perioeci, therefore, like those of 
 Laconia, formed separate communities of their own, 
 which indeed was the case so late as the Persian war. 
 
 no calculation can be founded 
 on this datum. 
 
 ^ The same argument applies 
 here as in the case of the slaves 
 who made themselves masters 
 of Volsinii. See Niebuhr's Ro- 
 man History, vol. I. p. 101. sq. 
 ed. 2. Engli'sh Transl. 
 
 ' The liberation of Argive 
 slaves is alluded to in a passage 
 
 of Hesychius in eXevdepov v^wp : 
 kv "Apyei airo tyjq ^vpayetag 
 (perhaps ^YSAAEIAS, cf. Cal- 
 lim. Lav. Pall. 47. Euphorion 
 Fragm. 19. Meineke) irivovcn 
 i:pi]vr\Q eXeudtpovfiiyoi TtHy oiKe- 
 Tijjy. 
 
 « Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8. 
 
 *Book I.ch. 7. § 16. 
 
56 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 For (as we have shown above) the Argives about this 
 time incorporated the surrounding towns belonging to 
 the Perioeci,'' for the purpose of replenishing and in- 
 creasing tlieir own numbers, and gave them the rights 
 of citizens. With this period an entirely new era in 
 the history of the constitution of Argos commences, 
 although this state of things has from its greater no- 
 toriety often been improperly applied also to earlier 
 times. Thus Isocrates* says that the Dorians of 
 Argos, like those of Messene, admitted the native in- 
 habitants into the city (as crivoixoi), and gave them 
 equal rights of citizenship, with the exception of 
 offices of honour ; contrasting with it the conduct of 
 the Spartans, in a manner which eveiy one now per- 
 ceives to have been entirely groundless. The change 
 in the constitution of Argos then introduced was no 
 less than if the whole body of Perioeci in Laconia had 
 declared themselves the sovereign community. For 
 the newly-adopted citizens appear to have soon de- 
 manded and obtained the full rights of the old ; and 
 hence, ever after the above epoch, democracy seems to 
 have had the upper hand in Argos. And this could 
 never be the case without the disappearance of the 
 Doric character, which showed itself in the diminution 
 of their militai-y skill. For this reason the Argives in 
 after-times were reduced to form a standing army of 
 a thousand citizens, of noble extraction, under the 
 command of generals who possessed great civil power.^ 
 
 " Not the Gymnesii. See 
 vol. I. p. 191, note p. 
 
 » Panathen. p. 270 A. B. cf. 
 286 A. I am also of opinion that 
 Pausaniaswas in error when (II. 
 19) he states that the Argives 
 had from an early period been 
 
 distinguished for their love of 
 equality and freedom. 
 
 y SeeThuc. V.67,12. Diod. 
 XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 1.5. 
 Pausan. II 20. 1. where the 
 leader of the 1000 Xoyahg is 
 called Bryas, and particularly 
 
 CM. 4, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 57 
 
 This body of men, however, immediately endeavoured 
 to set up an oppressive oligarchy, until they at length 
 yielded to the preponderating power of the democracy. 
 But of this more hereafter.* 
 
 It is not known for what length of time the Epi- 
 DAURIANS preserved the distinction between towns- 
 men and countrymen. The name xoviirohBg, i. e., dusty- 
 feet, which was applied to the lower classes, is a proof 
 of their agricultural habits," and is probably not 
 merely a term of reproach. That this class, however, 
 as at Argos, furnished citizens who were not originally 
 Dorians, is shown by the occurrence of a fourth tribe, 
 besides the three Doric.^ 
 
 3. Neither in Corinth nor in Sicyon does there 
 appear to have been any complete distinction between 
 the Doric and other races. The inhabitants, especially 
 those of the former state, must have lived on an equal- 
 ity with the aboriginal possessors, and were probably 
 only admitted by a fresh division (Itt' avaSaor/jia)) to a 
 joint possession of the lands. Hence it was that in 
 Corinth there were not only the tliree Doric tribes (of 
 
 Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp. 
 Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with the 
 remarks of Tittmann, p. 602. 
 
 * The Elean IXejOtoKcic may 
 serve for a comparison. This 
 was the name of all the terri- 
 tory which the Eleans had con- 
 quered in addition to their ori- 
 ginal land, the Kot'Xij ^HXtc. 
 (Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III. 
 2. 23.) It was, however, di- 
 vided into tribes, which in- 
 creased or diminished with the 
 loss or accession of territory. 
 The number of the Hellanodicse 
 was arranged according to that 
 of the tribes. The ancient ter- 
 
 ritory of the Eleans,Ko/\»; ^HXtc, 
 included four tribes ; Pisatis was 
 divided into an equal number ; 
 and if the whole of Triphylia 
 obeyed the Eleans, four more 
 were added. (See Paus. V. 9. 5.) 
 Compare Aristodemusof Elis in 
 Harpocration in v. 'EXXavo^t «•»/<,•, 
 Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For 
 further details see a paper by 
 the author in Welcker's and 
 Naeke's Rheinisches Museum, 
 vol. II. p. 161. 
 
 * Plutarch, Qusest. Grsec. I. 
 Hesychius. 
 
 ^ Below, ch. 5. § 2. 
 
58 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 which we shall speak hereafter), but eight, all of which 
 dwelt in the city.*" Nor were even the Cypselidse 
 Dorians; though, before they obtained the tyranny, 
 they had long been distinguished citizens. We may 
 discover a class of Corinthian Helots in the Cynophali,** 
 whose name was, as in a former instance, derived from 
 the dog-skin cap of the native Peloponnesians. But 
 regular slavery, as was natural in a commercial state, 
 soon prevailed at Corinth, and probably under very 
 nearly the same form as at Athens.® In Sicyon there 
 were bondsmen, of whom the names Corynephori^and 
 Catonacophori have been preserved.^ The first marks 
 them as light-armed attendants in war, the second as a 
 class always inhabiting the country. The citizens of 
 this state were divided into four tribes, of which three 
 were purely Doric, viz., the Hylleans, Dymanes, and 
 Pamphylians ; while the fourth tribe, the ^gialeans, 
 derived their name from the country which they had 
 inhabited before the Doric invasion.^ It is also cer- 
 tain that this fourth tribe possessed not merely some 
 civil privileges, but the complete rights of citizenship ; 
 
 ® Uavra okTw, Photius in v. 
 Suidas (in Schott's Prov. XI. 
 64.) Apostol. XV. 67. 
 
 ^ Hesychius. According to 
 Isaac Vossius Kvvo^vXot. The 
 Corinthian Kvvfjy Herod. IV. 
 180. was perhaps at an early 
 period the peculiar dress of this 
 class. See above, ch. 3. § .3. 
 
 ® Thus the harbour Lechaeum 
 was a place of refuge for mal- 
 treated slaves as well as Mu- 
 nychia, Hesych. in Af'xaiov. 
 
 ^Steph. Byz. in X/oc, Pol- 
 lux ubi sup. Etym. Gud.p. 165. 
 53. where 0^rec> yvfivrireg (for 
 yv^vr]aioi)y ireviaTaif TrtKarai 
 
 (erroneously for K\apCjraL)^ 
 Kopvvr)<p6poi<, and KaXKiKvpioi are 
 classed together. 
 
 8 See above, p. 38, note °. 
 
 ^ Herod. V. 68. where, how- 
 ever, it is difficult to believe 
 that this fourth tribe was not 
 established until after the time 
 of Cleisthenes. The tribe which 
 in Sicyon was called Alyiaktig 
 was perhaps in Phlius known 
 by the title of Xdoyo<pvXrl, the 
 mythical name of the daughter 
 of Sicyon, and the mother or 
 wife of Phlias, Pausan. II. 63. 
 12. 6. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 45. 
 
 CH. 4, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 59 
 
 since the family of Cleisthenes raised itself from it to 
 the royal dignity, which could scarcely have taken 
 place had their tribe stood in the same relation to the 
 citizens as the Perioeci or Helots did to the Spartans. 
 This Cleisthenes, with the arrogance of a tyrant, gave 
 to his own tribe the name of Archelai, or rulers ; while 
 he called the three Doric tribes after the sow, the 
 swine, and the ass (parai, ovsarai, ^otpaarai) We can 
 hardly, however, credit the assertion of Herodotus (who 
 too often seeks for the causes of events in the passions 
 and wishes of individuals, to the disregard of political 
 circumstances) that these were merely terms of abuse ; * 
 it is more probable that Cleisthenes wished to compel 
 the Dorians to retire into the country, and employ 
 themselves in the care of cattle and in agriculture, thus 
 bidding an entire defiance to all their principles. But 
 so arbitrary a subversion of all ancient customs and 
 habits could not endure for any length of time ; and, 
 after the downfall of that tyrannical dynasty, the for- 
 mer constitution was restored in its most essential 
 parts. 
 
 4. In the colonies of the Dorians the condition 
 of the conquered peasants and bondsmen was often 
 more oppressed and degraded than in the parent 
 states; since the ruling class were there placed in 
 
 * The able historian Thirlwall 
 thinks it more probable that 
 Cleisthenes united the three 
 Doric tribes in a single tribe, 
 and that the Hyatse, Oneatie, 
 and Choereatae, were the three 
 country tribes, iribus rusticce, 
 which Cleisthenes had admitted 
 into the dominant community. 
 But a measure of this kind ap- 
 pears to be unexampled in the 
 history of the Greek constitu- 
 
 tions, and could hardly have 
 been confounded by Herodotus 
 with a mere change of names. 
 It may be here mentioned that 
 the temple of Zeus the Enume- 
 rator y in Sicyon, was referred to 
 the establishment of the tribes. 
 Bekker's Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 
 790. XiKvu}ytoi Kara 0u\ac tav- 
 rovc ra^ayTEQ Kal a.pid^i)(TavT£S 
 Aiog Urct^e'we itpov i^pvcravro. 
 
60 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 4, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 61 
 
 «i 
 
 contact, not with Greeks, but with barbarians. In 
 their settlements the following ranks were generally 
 formed at successive periods of time. A Doric state 
 founded the colony; and its citizens constituted the 
 sole nobility in the new city; these parted amongst 
 themselves the conquered land into lots,^ and formed 
 the body of citizens, the TroX/rsu/ta strictly so called.^ 
 These colonists, however, soon endeavoured to 
 strengthen themselves by fresh numbers, and opened 
 their harbours to all exiled or discontented persons. 
 The motley population" thus formed, called by the 
 name of Demus, was generally excluded from the 
 body politic (or the ttoT^Itsvixo), until it obtained 
 admittance by force ; and at the same time constantly 
 pressed for a new division of the territory (avaSaer- 
 fioV)." Besides these, a third rank was formed by 
 the native inhabitants, who were compelled by the 
 new-comers to serve either as bondsmen or public 
 slaves. Thus, for example, the distinction at Syra- 
 cuse was — first, the Gamori, viz., the old Corinthian 
 colonists, who had taken possession of the large lots, 
 and divided the land;° secondly, a Demus; and, 
 
 ^ See, e. g., concerning the 
 KXrjpo^oaia of Cnidos, Diodor. 
 V. 53. That the lots were even 
 apportioned in the mother- 
 country may be seen from what 
 occurred at the founding of Sy- 
 racuse, book I. ch. 6. § 7. Com- 
 pare the account of the colo- 
 nization of Epidamnus, Thucyd. 
 1.21. 
 
 ^ This, e. g., was the case 
 in the Corinthian ApoUonia, 
 Herod. IX. 93. Aristot. Pol. 
 IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera, 
 Orchomenos, p. 337. 
 
 Thucyd. VI. 17. of the 
 
 m 
 
 cities of Sicily, ©xA^otc re yap 
 ^vnniKTOiQ TToXvav^povfTiy, &C. 
 
 " The clearest instance, al- 
 though not of a Doric city, is 
 in Thucyd. V. 4. The Leon- 
 tini had created a large number 
 of new citizens, who, partly 
 forming the popular party, 
 pressed for a redivision of the 
 lands (ava^aff^Sg). Upon this, 
 the nobles entirely expelled the 
 commons. See below, ch. 9. 
 
 § 15. 
 
 ° Herod. VH. 155. Aristot. 
 Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot, in v. 
 Dionys. Hal. VI. 62. p. 388. 
 
 thirdly, slaves on the estates of the nobles, whose 
 number became proverbial. These were, without 
 doubt, native Siculians, as is shown by the various 
 forms of their name (KyXXu^^oi, KiXXixt^^io*, KaXX<xu- 
 §101,) which cannot be explained from the Greek.^^ 
 The political condition of Syracuse was formed in a 
 manner essentially different from that of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian states, cliiefly from the circumstance that 
 the Demus (an unpkas ant fellow-lodger, according to 
 the expression of Gelon) was immediately received 
 into the city. Hence also the prodigious size of the 
 Sicilian and Italian towns in comparison with those of 
 Peloponnesus. The Gamori, together with their 
 Cyllyrians, stood in nearly the same relation to the 
 Demus as the patricians with their clients did to the 
 plebeians at Rome. The changes in the constitution 
 also had nearly the same course as at Rome ; for the 
 two classes first sought to compromise their preten- 
 sions in a moderate timocracy (the TroXirela of Aris- 
 totle), which subsequently passed (as we shall see 
 hereafter) into a complete democracy. 
 
 5. In the Megarian colony of Byzantium the 
 native inhabitants, the Bithynians, were in precisely 
 
 35. Marmor. Par. 1. 52. He- 
 sychius ya/xopoi — ij ol aizo twv 
 iyydiav rt/iT//Ltara;v (d censu 
 aqrorvrn) to. Koiya luTTOvrtg. 
 "Eyyeiov jcrr^^arwv, the correc- 
 tion of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex. 
 in V. ytwftopoj, is not needed. 
 The expression oiTro n/i/?/udru;v 
 apveiv, giou-etv, &c., occurs. See 
 Wesseliug adDiod. XVIIL 18. 
 P Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol. 
 II. p 260.), Photius, Suidas, 
 and Phavorinus in KaXKik-vpioL, 
 Etym. Gud. p. 165. Zenob. 
 I V . 54 . KaWidpLOi i v ^vpaKuv • 
 
 o-aic lK\r}dr](ray ol virEKreXdoyreg 
 rEilMOPOIS, as it should be 
 written (see below, ch. 9. § 7.). 
 Plut. Prov. Alex. 10. p. 588. 
 Eustathius ad II. p. 295. Rom. 
 KiXKiKvptoi U IV Rp^T-p, Maptav- 
 Ivvoi U iv 'lipaKXeiif ry Uovriic^ 
 KoX 'Aporrai h ZvpaKovffaig 
 should be written KiXXiKvpwi U 
 iv SypakoWme — KAAPOTAI 
 AE tv Kpvrri. Dionysius ubi 
 sup. calls them ireXaTai. KaX- 
 XiKvpioL seems to be a mere cor- 
 ruption of foreigners, who tried 
 to make a Greek word of it. 
 
m 
 
 62 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 4, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 63 
 
 11 
 
 the same condition as the Helots. *» Tlie same was 
 likewise the fate of the nation of Mariandynians in 
 Heraclea on the Pontus, which city also was 
 founded by the Megarians conjointly with the Boeo- 
 tians. They submitted under the stipulation that 
 no Mariandynian should be sold beyond the borders/ 
 which was a fundamental rule of the ancient system 
 of bondage ; and that they should pay a tribute to be 
 settled once for all, this being called by the mild 
 name of presents (SoJ^a'). The great number of 
 these native slaves, who never suffered the country to 
 want for sailors, was very favourable to the commerce 
 and naval power of Heraclea.* 
 
 At Cyrene also the several classes were formed 
 in a similar manner. In Thera, the mother-country 
 of Cyrene, the families of the original colony from 
 Laconia had once alone possessed the full rights of 
 citizenship, and held the oflSces of state." Thus also 
 at Cyrene the families from Thera at first were sole 
 possessors of the governing power, and did not admit 
 the after-comers to a full participation of it. It was 
 the natural course of events, that they who first caused 
 the Grecian name to be respected amongst the savages 
 of Libya should be supposed to have a greater claim 
 
 *i Phylarch. ap. Athen. VI. 
 p. 271 C. The jitffQuiTol were 
 called trpovviKOL in Byzantium, 
 according to Pollux VII. 29. 
 132. 
 
 ' Strab. XII. p. 542 C. 
 
 ^ Euphorion ( Fragm. 73. 
 Mein.) and Callistratus 6 'Api- 
 (TTo^avELOQ ap. Athen. VI. p. 
 263 D. E. Hes)'chius in ^u)po- 
 <l>6poi. The masters are called 
 by Euphorion avaKng, accord- 
 ing to the Homeric idiom. 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7. 
 where the Perioeci of Hera- 
 clea, who served in the fleet, 
 are probably the Mariandyni. 
 In this passage Heraclea Pon- 
 tica is meant, whereas in V. 4. 
 2. {fiera top a7roiKi<Tfx6v evdvg) 
 Heraclea Trachinia is evidently 
 intended — compare Schlosser; 
 and the same town is probably 
 signified in the other passages. 
 
 ^ See above, p. 60, note\ 
 
 to honour and property than those who had flocked 
 together to a town already established and securely 
 defended. But the Cyrenseans having in the reign of 
 Battus the Second proclaimed throughout Greece a 
 new division of their lands ^ (which, however, they 
 had first to gain from the Libyans), and many fresh 
 citizens having collected together, a new constitution 
 became in time necessary: and this, Demonax of 
 Mantinea established for them on democratic princi- 
 ples. He abolished the old tribes, and created in 
 their place three new ones, in which the entire Grecian 
 population of Cyrene was comprehended. The divi- 
 sion of the people was into three parts, viz., one con- 
 sisting of the Therseans and Perioeci, the second of 
 Peloponnesians and Cretans, and the third of all the 
 islanders.^ From this it is evident that the original 
 colonists still continued to keep Perioeci under their 
 power, while the other citizens did not enjoy this 
 right ; and that the former were a kind of privileged 
 class, who probably were in a great measure relieved 
 from any personal attendance to agriculture : in this 
 manner the wise Demonax respected the institutions 
 of antiquity. Of the origin and condition of these 
 
 * The oracle in Herod. IV. 
 159. 
 
 %Xh 
 yas ivaiaiefjtifast f^'ret •< *•«« ^«A*' 
 fitXnfUv. 
 
 Compare vartpeiy ttjq KXripo^o^ 
 amc, Diod. V. 53, 
 
 y Herod. IV. 161. The most 
 probable explanation of this 
 passage seems to be that given 
 in the text, viz., that Demonax 
 left to the first conquerors the 
 possession of their subjects, and 
 
 did not divide them equally 
 among the new colonists ; and 
 this is approved by Thrige, 
 Res Cyrenensium, p. 148. Nie- 
 buhr,however,History of Rome, 
 vol. I. note 708. ed. 2, under- 
 stands it to mean that the Pe- 
 rioeci were the original subjects 
 of the Therseans in their island, 
 who in the colony stood on an 
 equal footing with their former 
 masters : an equality which is 
 not necessarily implied by an 
 union in the same tribe. 
 
64 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 4, § G. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 G5 
 
 Periceci, not only have we no direct account, but not 
 even an indirect trace. 
 
 6. We have now finished our comparison of the 
 different subject classes in the Doric states. It has 
 been clearly proved that a class of Periceci, and also 
 of Helots, was the basis of the Doric form of govern- 
 ment, insomuch that the abolition of servitude gene- 
 rally occasioned a subversion of the Doric institutions. 
 Hence the Dorians generally, and above all the Spar- 
 tans, were distinguished for the obstinacy with which 
 they retamed it. But this species of sei*vitude may 
 .be said to have existed in ancient times, wherever a 
 warlike nation had obtained a settlement by con- 
 quest ; for example, in Thessaly, Boeotia, and even 
 among the lonians of Athens. Now as the dis- 
 tinction of subjects and bond-slaves was kept up for 
 a longer time in Thessaly than in any other state, 
 those of the Dorians alone being excepted, we will 
 include that country in the present inquiry. The 
 following classes may be there distinguished : First, 
 a number of small nations were under the dominion of 
 the Thessalians, to whom they paid a fixed tribute, 
 and were also probably bound to assist in war ; but 
 they nevertheless still retained their national divisions, 
 and a certain degree of independence. This must 
 have been the state of the Perrhaebians to the north 
 of Larissa, the Magnesians to the east of mount Pe- 
 lion, and the Phthiotan Achseans to the south of mount 
 Othrys and the Enipeus. For all these were indeed 
 subject to the Thessalians,* but had not ceased to be 
 
 "Concerning the Achseans, lipp. II.p. 71. Olynth.II. p. 20. 
 
 Thuc. VIII. 3. cf. Liv. XXXIII. Concerning the Perrheebi, Thuc. 
 
 34. Of the Magnetes and others, IV. 78. Strab. IX. p. 440. — 
 
 Thuc. II. 101. Demosth. Phi- Compare Orchomenos, p. 25?. 
 
 distinct, nay, even Amphictyonic nations.* Their tri- 
 bute had been accurately fixed by Scopas, prince of 
 Pharsalus. They were also called Periceci.^ Ex- 
 cluding then this tract of countiy, we retain for Thes-« 
 saly Proper the region between the Perrlisebians to- 
 wards the north, and the Acheeans towards the south, 
 in which direction the Enipeus forms the boundary ,*" 
 comprehending the valley of the Peneus (the ancient 
 Pelasgic Argos), and a district towards the Pagassean 
 bay, called by Herodotus ^olis.^ Tlie Thessalians, 
 therefore, held this territory under their iunnediate 
 government, and had the towns of Larissa, Crannon, 
 Pharsalus, lolcus, and others, in their own possession ; 
 the land being cultivated by the Penestse, who were 
 the early Pehisgico-^Eolian inhabitants.^ For, ac- 
 cording to Archemachus,^ the JEolian Boeotians had 
 in part emigrated from their country, leaving some of 
 their numbers behind, who submitted conditionally, as 
 Penestse : amongst these Theopompus^ also includes 
 the Magnesians and Perrhaebians ; but this statement 
 can only hold good of a part of these two races, since 
 they were (as has been already shown) dependent, but 
 not entirely subject.^ The fundamental laws of the 
 
 * Tittmann. Amphictyonen 
 bund, p. 35. see particularly 
 Herod. VII. 132. 
 
 ^Xen. Hell. VI. 1. 1. where 
 the irepioiKoi must not be con- 
 founded with the Penestse ; see 
 Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. V. 
 5. 9. 
 
 *^ According to Thucyd. IV. 
 
 78 
 
 «i VII. 176. 
 
 ® There were also Penestse 
 among the Macedonians, ac- 
 cording to Eustathius ad Dio- 
 nys. Perieg. 533. But with 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 those mentioned in Livy XLIII. 
 20. sqq. we have here no con- 
 cern. 
 
 ^ Euboica ap. Athen. VI. p. 
 264 B. cf. Eustath. II. XIII. 
 p. 954, 38. Rom. Phot. Lex. in 
 V. TTf rtVrat, where read, aTro ruip 
 
 VTTO AlfJLOVOQ IV 'APNHI VlKTlQiv- 
 
 TUiv Botwrwv (see Orchomenos, 
 p. 378.) as in Suidas. 
 
 g Athen. VI. p. 265 C. 
 
 ^ According to Aristot. Pol. 
 II. 6. 3. the Penestae revolted 
 from the Thessalians when the 
 latter were waging war with 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book tit. 
 
 CH. 4, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 67 
 
 ii' 
 
 ancient Greek bondage applied also to the Penest«e. 
 They could neither be put to death without trial, nor 
 be sold out of the country.' Thus they stood in an 
 intermediate position between freemen and purchased 
 slaves,^ like the Mariandynians of Heraclea, the Cla- 
 rotse of Crete, and the Helots of Laconia, with whom 
 they are generally compared.^ For, like these, they 
 were reduced to servitude by conquest, although they 
 cannot properly be called slaves taken in war." Fur- 
 ther, they were not subject to the whole community, 
 but belonged to particular houses and families :° hence 
 also they were called Qsa-craXoixiron.^ They were 
 particularly numerous in the great families of the 
 Aleuadse and Scopadse.^ Their principal employ- 
 ment was agriculture,"^ from the produce of which 
 they paid a rent to the proprietors of the soil.' At 
 the same time this did not prevent them from gaining 
 
 m 
 
 the Acheeans, Perrhsebians, and 
 Magnetes. 
 
 * Archem. ubi sup. Strab. 
 XII. p. 542 C. Eustath. p. 954. 
 Photius, ETTt T^ fJ-T^TE iraQtlv ri 
 epya^OfiEPoiy fi^re EKftkridrjyai. 
 
 k Pollux III. 83. 
 
 ^ Theopompus ap. Schol. 
 Theocrit. XVI. 35. Aristot. 
 Pol. II. 2. 13. Staphylus Tvepl 
 GfrraXwj/ ap. Harpocrat. Am- 
 monius, Photius, Hesychius, 
 Etym. in v. 
 
 ™ Heraclid. Pont. 2. In Eu- 
 stathius ad II. II. p. 295, Pho- 
 tius (ubi sup.), and Hesychius, 
 they are called ol fir) yoyo) ^ov- 
 Xoij a very obscure expression. 
 The explanation of another 
 writer, iXevBepoi fiiaQiD ^ovXiv- 
 oyT££, is entirely false. 
 
 " Euripid. Phrix. ap. A then. 
 p. 264 C. Aarpig Treyiarrrjg 
 
 (hence Hesychius Trci^corat Xa- 
 rpeig) a/xoe npxaiujy ^ofujjy. 
 
 ° In the QeaaaXiKo. of Philo- 
 crates (tt yyijarta) ap. Athen. p. 
 264 A. Staphylus ubi sup. Pho- 
 tius, in TTEylarai. 
 
 P Theocrit. XVI. 35. (see 
 Meineke Comment. Miscell. I. 
 p. 53.) But when Theocritus 
 says that " they received pro- 
 " vision for a month measured 
 *' out," he evidently confounds 
 them with common slaves. — 
 Menon brought 200 Penestae 
 of his own to the Athenians, 
 Pseudo-Demosth, TTEpl trvyral. 
 p. 173. 6. or 300, according 
 to the speech in Aristocrat, p. 
 687. 2. 
 
 ^ Athen. p. 264 B. Hesych. 
 
 in TTEyitTTriQ. 
 
 '^ Timseus in V. ireyEtmKbv, 
 Eustath. 11. XIII. p. 954, &c. 
 
 property of their own, and they were frequently richer 
 than their masters.* In war they attended their lords, 
 protecting and fighting before them, like knights and 
 their squires ; generally, however, contraiy to the cus- 
 tom of other Greeks, on horseback.* All these ac- 
 counts respecting the Penestae agree sufficiently well 
 with one another, and refer to one and the same class ; 
 although it is certain that the attempts to obtain civil 
 liberty had much increased amongst the Penestae at 
 the time of the Peloponnesian war, and were now and 
 then, though not constantly, supported by Athens." 
 The other internal affairs of the Thessalians do not 
 lie within the range of our inquiry. They had little 
 adapted themselves to a quiet course of events, nor in- 
 deed did the turbulent and haughty disposition of their 
 race allow of a life of inactivity. In each town of 
 Thessaly we find a constant struggle between the 
 commons and a number of oligarchical families ; from 
 these arise several princely races, such as the Aleu- 
 adse, Scopadse,"" &c. The states themselves were ge- 
 nerally at war with one another : thus their political 
 constitution, as well as the want of steadiness and for- 
 bearance in the national character, must be regarded 
 as the chief reasons why Thessaly was of so little im- 
 portance in Greece. The external means which a 
 wide territory and militaiy power afforded them were 
 here doubtless present in a greater degree than in any 
 
 * Archemachus and Eusta- 
 thius as above — although the 
 name is evidently derived from 
 
 TrEyr}Q. 
 
 * Demosth. in Aristocrat, p. 
 
 687. 1. 
 
 " Aristoph. Vesp. 1263. 
 
 * All three together in Ari- 
 
 stot. Pol. V. 5. 9. cf. Thuc. 
 IV. 78. At the time of Alex- 
 ander of Pheree it is probable 
 that there were tyrants in Thes- 
 saly who had risen from dema- 
 gogues, and were therefore hos- 
 tile to the Aleuadae, Diodor. 
 XVI. 1. 
 
 ¥2 
 
68 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 4, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 69 
 
 other countiy ; the Thessalians were also distinguished 
 for their bravery, and the ancient fame of the country 
 would have supported claims in themselves well 
 founded ; how came it then that the history of Thes- 
 saiy was a blank in the annals of Greece, while Sparta 
 was so long its veiy soul ? The only answer is, that 
 the national character of the Thessalians was altoge- 
 ther different; for wisdom they had only cunning; 
 for rational valour only a restless love of war; for 
 strict self-command only unrestrained passions. 
 
 7. It appears, therefore, that foreign conquest uni- 
 versally in Greece gave birth to that pohtical condition, 
 which may be compared with the villenage or serfage 
 of the Germanic nations ; and indeed it does not seem 
 that such a state of society could have any other origin. 
 There would accordingly be matter for surprise if we 
 found a class of bondsmen among the Arcadians, a 
 nation which neither gained its territoiy by conquest,^ 
 nor was ever conquered itself: and, accordingly, it 
 can scarcely be doubted that the nation described by 
 Theopompus as possessing 300,000 Prospelatse, whom 
 he compares with the Helots, is not the Arcadians, 
 but the lUyrian Ardiseans." The distinction of ranks, 
 which we find existing in the Arcadian towns, may be 
 satisfactorily explained by the opposition between the 
 city, properly so called (ttoXi^), and the country vil- 
 
 y The statement of Aristotle 
 ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397. 
 concerning an ancient expulsion 
 of the Barbarians from Arcadia, 
 was merely made for the pur- 
 pose of explaining the name 
 UpoaiXrjvoi. 
 
 * In Athen. VI. p. 271 D. 
 and X. p. 443 B. Casaubon 
 reads 'Apdiaiovg and 'Apdiaioi 
 
 for 'Ajo/ca^/ovr and Apialoi. See 
 Clinton Fast. Hellen. vol. II. 
 p. 420. note p. ed. 2. Wach- 
 smuth, Hellenische Alterthum- 
 skunde, vol. I. p. 323. Boeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. ult. 
 The Greek name for the Arca- 
 dians is not 'ApKa^ioi but "ApKa- 
 
 lages (hrifjLoi, xajfxai) , which in later times most of the 
 Arcadian cities, for example, Mantinea, Tegea, and 
 Hereea, incorporated with themselves. For although 
 it is asserted that these and other towns were made up 
 of separate villages, it must not be supposed that they 
 had no previous existence as cities. The account is 
 to be understood in the same manner as that of the 
 congregating of the people of Attica to Athens, which 
 is stated to have taken place in the time of Theseus. 
 Nearly all the towns of Arcadia possessed citadels of 
 extreme antiquity, in and near which many princely, 
 sacerdotal, and military families had dwelt from an 
 early period. These formed a nobility, with reference 
 to the agricultural classes in the country^ which, how- 
 ever, included by far the greater portion of the Arca- 
 dians. If then one large town was formed of several 
 villages, the constitution at the same time necessarily 
 became more democratical, which was the result at 
 Argos of the incorporation of the Perioeci,* and at 
 Megara also of the same measure.^ For so long aS 
 the people inhabited a particular village, they inte- 
 rested themselves in its affairs alone, and the persons 
 in the chief city managed the concerns of the whole 
 community. But from the moment that they began 
 to live together, every person considered himself enti- 
 tled to a share in the public councils. Hence it was 
 the interest of the head of the Peloponnesian confede- 
 racy again to separate the inhabitants of the towns 
 (hoixl^siv) ; of the Athenians, to keep them together. 
 The Argives first effected the union of the boroughs 
 
 * See above, § 2. Megara with four hamlets (book 
 
 ^ See above, ch. 3. § 3. What I. ch. 5. § 10.) I have not been 
 
 connexion there was between able to satisfy myself. 
 
 this measure and the union of 
 
70 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 cH. 4, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 71 
 
 at Mantinea, doubtless not until they had seen other 
 instances of the same proceeding, that is, after the 
 Persian war. They united four hamlets with the an- 
 cient city,'' which made the fifth ; the Lacedaemonians 
 after some time restored the ancient villages, and with 
 them the aristocracy. The territory of Tegea was 
 also divided into eight hamlets, which w^ere afterwards 
 united to make the city, viz., the Gareatse, Phylaceans, 
 Caryatae,*^ Corytheans, Botachidse, Manthyreans, Eche- 
 neteans, and Apheidantes : to these were added, as the 
 ninth, the Tegeatans of the ancient town,* who had 
 previously been the citizens properly so called, while 
 the former had been the inhabitants of the open couii- 
 tiy; a distinction, which, upon their union, must 
 either instantly or very soon have disappeared. 
 
 8. Since it has been ascertained in the course of 
 these inquiries that the distinction between ttoA*^ 
 and ^[Jiog, that is, town and counti-y, was of great 
 political importance in the ancient states, we will con- 
 clude this chapter with some remarks upon those 
 terms. 
 
 The word hrjfxog originally signified the ground and 
 soil on which the people lived/ and afterwards the 
 
 ^ This enables us to recon- 
 cile Xen. Hell. V. 2. 7. (cf. VI. 
 4. 18. Ik Tuiv KiofiQv — apiorofcpa- 
 rovfieyoi, and VI. 5. 3.) with 
 Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 337. 
 Harpocration in v. Ma vrtvtwv 
 dioiKifffiogy and Isocrat. nepl el- 
 pi7»'77c in Harpocration. Cf. Diod. 
 XV. 5. 12. Polyb. IV. 27. 6. 
 Pausan. VIII. 8 
 
 ^ Therefore before Caryae fell 
 under the power of Lacedaemon ; 
 for it is evident that the Arca- 
 dian Caryae, close to Laconia, 
 and belonging to the territory of 
 
 Tegea, and the Lacedaemonian 
 Caryse, are the same place. Pho- 
 tius in V. rcic Kapvag 'Aptcalutv 
 ovcrag aTrerifjiyovro AaicE^aifio- 
 I'loi. Compare Meineke Eu- 
 phorion, p 96. That this had 
 taken place before the second 
 Messenian war, I can hardly 
 believe from the narrative in 
 Pausan. IV. 16. 5. 
 
 *^ See Pausan. VIII. 45. 1. 
 Comp. Strabo VIII. p. 337. 
 and Aristot. Pol. II. 1. 5. 
 
 ^ Hence Homer calls it " the 
 " fertile demus," rinya ?^//ov. 
 
 whole number of persons inhabiting it. IIoXi^, on 
 the contrary, means the city, which in the time of 
 Homer was probably always fortified. Now with the 
 city everything that concerned the government of a 
 state was connected, and those exempt from all per- 
 sonal share in the labours of the field, namely, the 
 military families and the nobles,^ dwelt in it ; hence 
 it is viewed in Homer as a disgrace or a misfortune, 
 for a noble to live among the bondsmen in the country.'' 
 This is the state of things described by the most an- 
 cient poet ; and particular accounts of an historical 
 nature present the same picture. When the Achseans 
 settled on the coast of ^Egialea, they fortified them- 
 selves in the towns and strongholds, and kept entirely 
 aloof from the natives ; at least we kno\v this to have 
 been the case at Patree ; ' so that the same race here 
 inhabited the principal city as conquerors, who in 
 Laconia were scattered about in the country-towns as 
 a conquered people. Hence also the town of Dyme 
 was originally called Stratos ;^ that is, the station of 
 the army, the abode of the male population who had 
 the means and the privilege of bearing arms. It was 
 not till a later period that the Achaean towns, Patrse, 
 Dyme, and ^Egium, incorporated their villages.' At 
 Athens the Eupatridee are stated to have had pos- 
 session of the city ; ^ an account which is strikingly 
 
 « Od. XXIV. 414. Kara Trro- 
 Xi»'. 
 
 ^Od. XL 187. 
 
 i Pausan. VII. 18. 3. 
 
 ^ According to Steph. Byz. 
 in y. the district was originally 
 called Av^rj, and the city I>Tpd- 
 
 TO£. 
 
 ' Strab. ubi sup. cf. VIII. p. 
 386. oi yiiv ovv''\i»)vt£ KU)^r)l6v 
 
 ^Kovv (the cities were unwalled, 
 Thuc. 1 1 1* 33.), oi^ 'A)(atot TTo- 
 Xctc tuTKTav. Concerning the 
 (TvvoLKKTfibg of Patrae, Dyme and 
 ^gium. See Strabo VIII. p. 
 337. 
 
 "" EvTrarp/^at at nvro to ckttv 
 olKovyrer, Bekk. Anecd. p. 257. 
 Etym. M. in v. 
 
 li 
 
72 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 confirmed by the circumstance that Cydathenseum, one 
 of the Attic demi, was situated within the city," and 
 it had evidently taken its name from Cydathenseus, i. e., 
 a nolle and illustnms Athenian!' Hence is explained 
 the distinction between the terms "Athenian," and 
 " inhabitant of Attica ('Att*xo^)/* which was still 
 preserved in common language after it had been in 
 fact abolished by the democracy. Thus Plato uses 
 the former, as a more honourable appellation than the 
 latter ; ^ and when Dicsearchus, describing the man- 
 ners of Greece, contrasts the inhabitants of Attica as 
 loquacious, sycophantic, and fickle, with the noble- 
 minded, simple, and honest Athenians, by the latter he 
 means the ancient families, and by the former the 
 Demus, which, since the time of Cleisthenes, had been 
 compounded of the most heterogeneous elements. 
 Thus the TroXf^ and SyJjuo^ became identical in Athens, 
 and the latter word was used by preference to signify 
 the whole community. But in other states, the irl'Kis 
 was opposed to the 8^/xo^, as the ruling aristocratical 
 power.^ Thus Theognis the Megarian says of his 
 native town, with aristocratical feeUngs — 
 
 ITaTpi^a ytoafxriGOJ, Xmotpm IIQAIN, ovr IttI AHMON 
 
 Hence, also, states not under a democratical govern- 
 ment used the word iro'kig in their public documents, 
 to signify the sovereign power ; for instance, the Cretan 
 
 " l\v^aQi]vaiov cijfioQ kv acTTti 
 Hesychius. Schol, Plat. Symp. 
 p. 43. Iluhnken. 
 
 ° Kvdadr)ya7og ty^o^og 'A0i?- 
 vatoc, Hesychius. 
 
 P Leg. I. p. 626 C. 
 
 *^ In Homer there is no trace 
 of a crjfioQ as a political power 
 opposed to another. The pas- 
 
 sage in II. II. 546., in which 
 the ^fj/jioc of Athens is mention- 
 ed, is as late at least as the age 
 of Solon. 
 
 ' V. 948. Thus ^schy). 
 Suppl. 375. concerning the mo- 
 narch, (TV TOl TToXlC, (TV ^£ TO 
 Zrj^iov^ Trpvrarig aKi:iTO£ u>y. 
 
 CH. 4, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 73 
 
 1 I 
 
 towns, so late as the second century after Christ.' The 
 Spartan community, however, deviating from this 
 usage of the word, calls itself 8a^o^ in ancient laws ; * 
 because it never thought of opposing itself as a body 
 to the Perioeci. 
 
 Democracies then were frequently formed by col- 
 lecting the inhabitants of the country into the city 
 (when the Svjjao^ and ttoX*^ coincided), by the union of 
 single villages, and ]>y the admission of the Perioeci to 
 the rights of citizenship. At Athens, in order to give 
 the democracy the highest possible antiquity, this 
 change was dated as far back as the mythical age of 
 Theseus. In Peloponnesus, the first movements tend- 
 ing to it htid perhaps begun before the time of the 
 tyrants ; these very persons, however, though they had 
 in most cases risen from demagogues, still, for the 
 purpose of securing a more tranquil dominion, sought 
 again to remove the common people from the city, and 
 to bind them down to the country. Instead of the 
 town-costume, they forced them to resume their former 
 dress of sheep's skins, as has been remarked above of 
 the tyrants of Sicyon ;'* for this purpose likewise they 
 
 ' See particularly such pas- ^€ avToig kui KToiroXireiav Kat 
 
 sages as that in Chishull's Ant. yag /cat oiKiag £yiCTrj(Tiv Kai arc- 
 
 Asiat. p. 1 13. ^v(3piTL(t)v a TroXtg Xtiav, &c. 
 
 Kai ol KO(Tfioi TT)i(t}y t^ /3ovX^ * See the Rhetra cited below, 
 
 icai T(f ^aji(^ ^aipiiv, p. 137. ch.5.§8 The citizens of Sparta 
 
 AXkupLwray oi KO(Tfioi tcai a TroXig were called dajjcj^tiQ (alx>ve, 
 
 Tlaptioy Tq. ttoKu kul T(f lafi(^. p. 43, note ") ; yeoda^oj^Eig, i. e., 
 
 Sometimes, however, especially *' new Spartans " answers to 
 
 in inscriptions of late date, the Syracusan ytoxoXirai, Diod. 
 
 ^Tj^og also occurs, as in Pococke XIV. 7. laiio(Tiay the train of 
 
 IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which should the king in war; below, ch. 12. 
 
 be restored nearly as follows : § 5. A measure ratified by the 
 
 ayaSq rv^q.. tlo^e Tcf. (3ov\q Kai community was called Ba/^axn**:- 
 
 r^ ^a/.i<D KXsKTdeyea Iiiyuj- rog ', below, ch. 5. § 11. 
 
 TTta. AyTioxoy tcai Ayadoi:XT}y " Ch. 3. § 3. On Periander, 
 
 'Lio(Tiy€ytog'lipoTroXiTagnpo^tyoc sec Diog. Laert. I. 98. from 
 
 fjfjtey avTog Kai eyyoya, vTrap^ey Ephorus and Aristotle, Nicolaus 
 
 iJlL 
 
M 
 
 POtlTICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 cii. 5, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 75 
 
 very prudently encouraged agriculture in all its 
 branches.'^ Trade and commerce, by collecting men 
 together in large towns, promoted the principles of de- 
 mocracy. It was in the wealthy and populous cities 
 of the Greeks in the Ionian territory that a popular 
 government was first established. Where, on the 
 other hand, the courts of justice were at a distance, 
 and there was no other inducement to mechanical in- 
 dustry and internal commerce, the ancient habits of 
 life continued much longer in existence ; as for ex- 
 ample, among the shepherds of Meenalia and Par- 
 rhasia : these, as late as the founding of Megalopolis, 
 lived in villages, amongst which particular boroughs 
 (as Basilis) were distinguished as the abodes of sove- 
 reign families ; such a state was altogether suited to 
 the interests of the aristocracy or oligarchy. In oli- 
 garchical states, as in Elis, the people in later times 
 remained almost constantly in the country ; and it 
 frequently happened that grandfathers and grandchil- 
 dren had never seen the town : there were also countiy 
 courts of justice, and other regulations, intended to 
 make up for the advantages of a city life.^ But even 
 in the democratic states, as at Athens, there was 
 among the people a constant struggle of feeling be- 
 tween the turbulent working of the democracy, and 
 the peaceful inclination to their ancient country life. 
 
 Damascenus, Heracl. Pont. 5. excellent note of Meier de bonis 
 
 on the Pisistratidse, above p. 38. damnat. p. 185. 
 
 note P. Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf. ^See also Diod. XIV. 10. 
 
 Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav. >' Polyb. IV. 73. 6. ol xoXt- 
 
 Concerning Gelo, Plutarch, revofievoi — oi ettI rrjg x^P^^ '^«'"" 
 
 Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty, oiKovpreg. Oxylus also, accord- 
 
 Xenoph. Hell. II. 4. 1. a Ce- ing to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incor- 
 
 phallenian tyrant, Heraclid. porated a number of hamlets 
 
 Pont. 31. See in general with the city. 
 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 § 1. Three tribes of citizens in the Doric states. § 2. Additional 
 tribes, of inferior rank, in some Doric states. § 3. Each tribe 
 in Sparta was divided into ten obse. § 4. Political importance 
 of the Spartan obae. § 5. Ilarpat, in other Doric states, cor- 
 responding to the Spartan obee. § 6. Number of Spartan yeyri. 
 § 7. Distinction between Equals and Inferiors in Sparta. 
 § 8. Powers of the assembly of citizens at Sparta. § 9. Names 
 of the assembly of the citizens in the Doric states. § 10. Pro- 
 ceedings of the Spartan assembly. § 11. Public assembly of 
 Crete. 
 
 1. Having considered the subject classes in the 
 several Doric states, we come to the free citizens pro- 
 perly so called, who, according to an old Grecian 
 principle,* which was actually put in practice in 
 Sparta, were entirely exempted from all care for pro- 
 viding themselves with the necessaries of life. The 
 exact distinction between these ranks, and the advan- 
 tageous position of the latter class, increased the value 
 of the rights of citizenship ; hence Sparta showed pecu- 
 liar reluctance to admitting foreigners to share in them.^ 
 Before, then, we consider the body politic of free 
 citizens in its active dealings, it will be proper first to 
 direct our attention to its component members, to its 
 division into smaller societies, such as tribes, phratrise, 
 houses, &c. 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where 
 the TToXirov npirri is restricted to 
 those offoi TUiv tpyuiv ilalv a<l>£i- 
 fiivoL Tbjy arayKaiojv. 
 
 ^ The instances of admission 
 of foreigners to the rights of 
 Spartan citizens (of which 
 some are verv uncertain), col- 
 
 lected by Tittmann, p. 641. prove 
 nothing against Herodotus, IX. 
 35. Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. 
 p 364. speaks of the reception 
 of aliens as Perioeci. Concern- 
 ing the strictness of the Mega- 
 rians as to this point, see Plu- 
 tarch, dc Monarchia 2. p. 204. 
 
 li 
 
 }i 
 
 at 
 
76 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 In every Doric state there were three tribes, Hyl- 
 leis, Dymanes (or Dymanatae), and Pamphyli. This 
 threefold division belonged so peculiarly to the nation 
 that even Homer called it " the thrice -divided" 
 (rpi^aixsg), which ancient epithet is correctly ex- 
 plained in a verse of Hesiod, as implying the division 
 of the territory among the people/ Hence in the 
 ancient fable which this poet has expressed in an epic 
 poem, three sons of the ancient Doric king ^Egimius 
 were mentioned, namely, Dyman, Pamphylus, and the 
 adopted Hyllus; and the same is confirmed by the 
 direct testimony of Herodotus, who states that the 
 Doric nation was divided into these three tribes.*^ 
 Hence also Pindar comprehends the whole Doric 
 nation under the name of the sons of ^gimius and 
 Hyllus.® Thus we should be warranted in putting 
 forth the proposition stated above in these general 
 terms, even if in the several Doric states there had 
 been no particular mention of all these tribes. The 
 fact, however, is, that there are sufficient accounts of 
 them. Pindar' bears testimony to their existence in 
 Sparta ; and from an expression of a grammarian, it 
 may be conjectured that they were also divisions of the 
 city/ Herodotus states that these tribes existed at 
 Sicyon and Argos.^ In Argos, the city was doubtless 
 
 <= Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron 
 (ap. Strab. X. p. 4*75.) explains 
 it from the Tripolis near mount 
 Parnassus. 
 
 ^ V. 68. cf. Steph. Byz. in 
 'YXXfte, Au/zav. Hemsterh. ad 
 Aristoph. Plut. 385. 
 
 «Pyth. I.6L V. 71. and in 
 the fragment of the 'lo-O^tovT/cat, 
 *'YX\ow T€ KOL Alyifiiov Aojpuvg 
 tXTparoQ. 
 
 f Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth. 
 
 I. 121. 
 
 S Hesychius Av^r} kv STraprj; 
 <pv\ri KoX roTTog, which is not in- 
 deed a decisive testimony. 
 
 ^' V. 68. All the three tribes 
 occur in Argive inscriptions of 
 late date; see Boeckh ad In- 
 script. 1123. the Ua/i^vXoi how- 
 ever are introduced on conjec- 
 ture. "YXXtc ctTTO 'Apyeias fj.idg 
 T<Siv vvfx^Qy^ Callimachus ap. 
 Steph. in 'YXXcTe, unless it 
 
 CH. 5, § 2. OF THE DOmANS. 77 
 
 divided according to them ; and Ha^acptjAtaxov is men- 
 tioned as a district of the town/ The Doric tribes 
 were transmitted from Argos to Epidaurus and 
 jEgina.'' Hylleis occur also in the ^ginetan colony 
 of Cydonia.^ The same name is found in an inscrip- 
 tion of Corcyra:" consequently they also existed in 
 the mother-countiy, Corinth. It occurs likewise in 
 another inscription of Agrigentum;^ they must 
 therefore have also been in existence at Rhodes, as 
 indeed is declared by Homer.° The Pamphylians 
 occur at Megara as late as at the time of Hadrian.^ 
 These tribes existed also at Troezen;'* but the Troe- 
 zenian colony Halicarnassus seems to have been almost 
 exclusively founded by Dymanes.'^ On the whole it 
 appears that wherever there were Dorians there were 
 also Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes. 
 
 2. Wherever the Dorians alone had the full rights of 
 citizenship, no other tribes of the highest ranks could 
 exist ; but if other persons were admitted in any con- 
 siderable number to a share in the government, there 
 were necessarily either one or more tribes in addition 
 to these three. Thus a fourth, named Hyrnathia,^ is 
 
 should be written Atyomc, or 
 some such word. See Intro- 
 duction, § 9. 
 
 » Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p. 
 
 269. 
 
 ^ Pindar, ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Hesych. in 'YXXttc Com- 
 pare ^ginetica, p. 140. 
 
 ^ Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, 
 
 vol.11, p. 404. 
 
 " Gruter p. 401. Castelli In- 
 script. Sic. p. T9. 
 
 ° II. II. 668. book I. ch. 6. 
 
 §3. 
 
 P Boeckh Corp. Inscript. N°. 
 1073. and see his Explic. ad 
 
 Pind. Pyth. I. p. 234. 
 
 ^ Charaxap. Steph. in'YXXttc. 
 
 'Bookl. ch. 6. § 1. 
 
 ^ ^ginetica, pp. 40. and 140. 
 note ^. Steph. Byz. Av^dy, 0v- 
 Xov Awptewv, ^(Tav ^c Tpeig, 'YX- 
 XcTc Kai UaiAdvXoi kol Avfidyeg, 
 l^ 'HpaK-XeovCi f^al irpoffETidr) >/ 
 'Yprrjdia, a»c " E^opoc a : which 
 passage should be understood 
 thus : " There were origi- 
 " nally three tribes, Hylleans, 
 "Pamphylians, and Dymanes, 
 '* which go back to the time 
 " of Hercules ; and to these 
 " the Hyrnathian tribe was 
 
78 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iir. 
 
 CH. 5, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 79 
 
 known to us in the states of Argos and Epidaurus ; 
 in JEgina also an additional tribe of this kind must 
 have existed, for in this island there were distinguished 
 families not of Doric origin.* In Sicyon the fourth 
 tribe was called the iEgialean. In Corinth also it 
 appears that there were altogether eight tribes." But 
 in Sparta, the city of pure Doric customs, we cannot 
 suppose the existence of any other than the three 
 genuine Doric tribes. At first sight, indeed, it might 
 appear that the great and distinguished house of the 
 JEgidx, of Cadmean descent, was without the pale of 
 these tribes ; but it must have been adopted into one of 
 the three at its admission to the rights of citizenship.'' 
 For the number of the Spartan obse, the gerontes, the 
 knights, the landed estates, viz., 30, 300, 9000, &c., 
 manifestly allow of division by the number 3, while 
 they have no reference to the number 4. 
 
 3. The tribes of Sparta were again divided into 
 obse, which are also called phratrise.^ The term 
 phratria ((pparpia) signified among the Greeks an 
 union of houses, whether founded upon the ties of 
 
 " afterwards added," viz., at 
 Argos, where it occurs in in- 
 scriptions, Boeckh Corp. In- 
 script. NO. 1130, 1131. The 
 name is obscure, and particu- 
 larly its connexion with the 
 heroine Hyinetho, the daughter 
 of Temenus. See Pans. II. 26. 
 Steph. Byz. in 'X^viQiov. 
 
 * Ibid. p. 140. 
 
 " See above, p. 58, note ^. 
 
 * See Orchomenos, p. 329. 
 Tribes with patronymic termi- 
 nations occur, however, else- 
 where, as in the great Tenian 
 inscription in the British Mu- 
 seum the tribes of the Hera- 
 clidse, the Thestiadse, and these, 
 
 together with several others 
 also, as divisions of the country. 
 The name of the Heraclidse in 
 the Ionian island of Tenos is 
 not easily accounted for ; on the 
 presence of Hercules there, see, 
 however, Schol. ApoU. Rhod. I. 
 1304. from the Ti/vmKa of iEne- 
 sidemus. 
 
 y Athen. IV. p. 141 F. from 
 Demetrius Scepsius, comp. Or- 
 chomenos, p. 328. Hesychius 
 incorrectly interprets w/3ar»/c as 
 (pvXirrjQ. The name a>/3a was re- 
 tained till the Roman time, 
 Boeckh Inscript. N°. 1272, 
 1213, 1274. 
 
 actual relationship, or formed for political purposes, 
 and according to some fixed rule, for the convenience 
 of public regulations. Thus the word oba comprehends 
 houses (7SV73, gentes)y which were either really founded 
 on descent from the same stock, or had united them- 
 selves in ancient times for civil and religious purposes, 
 and afterwards continued to exist as political bodies 
 under certain regulations.* The Spartan obae appear 
 to have likewise been local divisions, since the name 
 o>^a, i. e., oifa, signifies single hamlets or districts of a 
 town ; although in the case of Sparta it is not evident 
 what relation they bore to the five divisions of the city, 
 of which we have spoken above.* It should be, more- 
 over, observed, that this does not prevent us from sup- 
 posing that, as in the parallel case of the phratrise, the 
 obse contained the houses ; since we may be allowed to 
 infer with great probability, from the simple and co- 
 herent regularity of the Spartan institutions, that the 
 tribes had taken possession of particular districts of 
 the town, and that these were again divided into smaller 
 partitions, according to the obse ; a conjecture which, 
 perhaps, will be confirmed by the statement, that a 
 place in Sparta was called Agiadae : ^ now this was the 
 name of one of the royal families, which, as being an 
 oba, appears to have given its name to one district of 
 the town. 
 
 * The yiyr} of the mechanics 
 and peasants in Athens often 
 had a patronymic name from 
 their occupations. Compare 
 Buttmann on the meaning of 
 the word phratria, in the Berlin 
 Transactions for 1818-19. p. 12. 
 
 * The five divisions of the city 
 are the four »cw/iat, Pitana, Me- 
 soa, Cynosura, and Limnse (see 
 above, ch. 3. § 7)i and, fifthly, 
 
 the TTo'Xcc itself, the hill on 
 which the temple of Athene 
 Chalcicecus stood. 
 
 ^ Hesychius and Etym. in 
 'Aymcut, where, however, Laco- 
 nia is put for Sparta. Probably 
 in Pitana. See Pausanias III. 
 14. 2. where iv 'Ayia^wp has 
 been correctly edited by Bek- 
 ker, after Heeringa and Porson. 
 
 I 
 
80 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIOx\S book hi. 
 
 CH. 5, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 81 
 
 The obae ^v^ere thirty in number ; "" that is, there were 
 ten of the Hyllean, ten of the Dymanatan, ten of the 
 Pamphylian tribe. Of the Hyllean, two must have 
 belonged to the royal families of the Heraclidse. For 
 since the councillors, together with the kings, amount- 
 ed to thirty, and as this number doubtless depended 
 upon and proceeded from that of the obae, it follows 
 that the two royal families, although springing from 
 one stock, must nevertheless have been separated into 
 two different obae, of which they were in a manner 
 the representatives. And if we proceed to conclude 
 in this manner, we shall be obliged, since there were 
 Heraclidee, exclusive of the kings, in the gerusia,"^ to 
 suppose that there were, besides these, other Hera-r 
 elide obse in Sparta ; although I am not of opinion 
 that all the Hyllean houses derived themselves from 
 Hercules, and were considered as Heraclidae. 
 
 4. With respect to the influence and importance 
 of the obse in a political view, it was equal to, or even 
 greater than, that of the phratriee in ancient Athens. 
 For, in the first place, the assembly of the people, in 
 obedience to a rhetra of Lycurgus, was held ac- 
 cording to tribes and obse ; afterwards the high 
 council was constituted, and probably the 300 knights 
 were chosen, upon the same principle. At the same 
 time, all public situations and offices were not filled 
 in this manner, but only where distinguished dignity 
 and honour were required : this mode of election, as 
 will be shown below, had always an aristocratic tend- 
 ency. Magistrates, on the contrary, of a more 
 democratical character, particularly the ephors, were 
 nominated without regard to the division of tribes, as 
 
 <= Below, § 8. 
 *» Diod. XL 50. See also Plut. Lys. 24. 
 
 their number alone shows : it is probable that this had 
 some relation to the number of the divisions of the 
 city, of which, as was shown above, there were five. A 
 striking analogy, with regard to this numerary re- 
 gulation, is afforded by Athens, while yet under an 
 aristocratic government. The tribe of the nobles 
 and knights was in this state divided into three phra- 
 trise, which may be compared with the three tribes of 
 the Doric Spartans. Now, when the nobility (like 
 a chamber of peers) constituted a court of justice 
 over the Alcm^eonidae, 300 eupatridae, 100 out of 
 each phratria, composed the court.'' And when Cleis- 
 thenes the Alcmaeonid had been expelled by the 
 aristocratic party, and the democratic senate (^ouXtj) 
 overthrown, Isagoras established a high council of 
 300.' Whereas the senate, to which Cleisthenes 
 gave existence and stability, consisted of 500 citizens, 
 and was chosen, without any regard to the ancient 
 division into phratrise, according to the new local 
 tribes. 
 
 5. No Doric state, with the exception of Sparta, 
 
 i appears to have given the name of oba to a division of 
 
 ^ the people. But neither can the name phratriay so 
 
 \i I common in other places, be proved to have been used 
 
 7y ^ by any Doric people. On the other hand, phratrise 
 
 occur at Athens, in the Asiatic colonies,^' and in the 
 
 Chalcidean colony of Neapolis, that is, chiefly in 
 
 Ionic states ; and Neapolis affords a solitary instance of 
 
 their being distinguished by certain proper names, such 
 
 * Plut. Solon. 12. 14. In Byzantium also there 
 
 ^ Herod. V. 72. were patriasy probably the same 
 
 8 See the Sigean inscription as phratriaSy as Pseud-Aristoi. 
 
 in Clarke's Travels, vol. II. sect. CEcon. 11. 2.3. mentions tto- 
 
 1. p. 162. Compare Walpole's rpnoriKo. ^rjp,aTa in that town. 
 
 Memoirs, p. 103. Epigr. Hom. 
 
 VOL. II. G 
 
82 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 as Eumelidse, Eunostidse, Cymseans, Aristseans, &€.** 
 Pindar however mentions patrce (jrarqai) in the Doric 
 states of Corinth and ^gina ; an expression wkich, 
 according to the precise definition of Dicsearchus, is 
 equivalent to houses or yevr}, signifying persons de- 
 scended from the same ancestor (Trarr^q). It was 
 indeed, although not at Athens, in use among the 
 lonians of Asia Minor and the islands, who appear 
 however to have also employed the terms Trarpa or 
 Trarp/a for the more extensive word phratria/ In 
 iEgina and Corinth it will be safest to consider the 
 patrse as houses, since they are always denoted by 
 patronymic names, going back to fabulous progeni- 
 tors ; and by Pindar himself they are also called 
 "houses." Since however, as being not only a 
 natural, but also a political division, the patree may 
 sometimes have comprised several houses, and as there 
 was probably in these states no intermediate division 
 (like the phratria at Athens and the oba at Sparta) 
 between them and the tribes, the ancient commenta- 
 tors have neglected their more restricted and original 
 sense, and have compared and identified them with 
 phratrise.'' 
 
 ^ See Ignarra de Pkratriis. 
 Comp. Buttmann, p. 36. 
 
 ^ iElius Dionysius ap. Eus- 
 tath. II. II. p. 363. Orus ap. 
 Etym. Mag. Buttmann indeed 
 denies the truth of this remark, 
 but it must not be given up 
 hastily. For, in the first place, 
 the Ionic festival 'Airarovpia is 
 manifestly an union of the ira- 
 rpai, yet it is always represented 
 as a festival of the phratrias; 
 and secondly, in the Thasian 
 decree in Choiseul Gouffier I. 2. 
 
 p. 156. it is permitted to newly- 
 created citizens to be admitted 
 into a TTUTpr} ; but we never find 
 that new citizens were elected 
 into ancient yevrj. It is also 
 confirmed by the words in the 
 Tenian Inscription from Choi- 
 seul's collection (in the Louvre, 
 No. 566.), Koi [etc] 0vX))y Kai 
 (f>parplav Trpoaypa \y^a(r&\ ai [fjy 
 ap /SovXwvrat], and the same 
 in the inscription quoted in 
 p. 81. note ^. 
 
 ^ The names of the larger 
 
 CH. 5, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 83 
 
 6. The name which the houses or yivea bore at 
 Sparta, and the number of them which was contained 
 in an oba, may be perhaps ascertained from a passage 
 of Herodotus,^ in which he mentions the Enomoties, 
 Triacades, and Syssitia, as military institutions es- 
 tablished by Lycurgus. Other inferences from this 
 passage we shall not anticipate, remarking only that 
 the Syssitia appear to have answered to the obse, from 
 wliich it is probable that the Triacades were contained 
 in these latter divisions. Now in Attica, at an early 
 period, a triacas was the thirtieth part of a phratria, 
 and contained thirty men, the same number as a yevo^." 
 Following then the argument from analogy (by which 
 we are so often surprised and guided in our inquiries 
 into the early political institutions), triacas was in 
 Sparta also the name of a house, which was so called, 
 either as being the thirtieth part of an oba, or, as 
 appears to me more probable, because it contained 
 thirty houses. The relation of the triacas to the 
 enomoty, — a small division of warriors, which originally 
 contained twenty-four men, — is quite uncertain. The 
 basis of the whole calculation, and in this case a suffi- 
 ciently fixed standard, was found in Sparta in the 
 families (olxoi) connected with the landed estates; 
 indiffi^rently whether these contained several citizens. 
 
 division or tribe were the same 
 at Sparta and Athens, viz., (pvXrj; 
 but the Spartan wfla corre- 
 sponded with the Athenian 
 ^parpia, the Doric irarpa with 
 the Athenian yivog. See Schnei- 
 der's Lexicon in v. narpa, 
 Boeckh Not. Crit. ad Find. 
 Nem. IV. 17. and Dissen Expl. 
 Nem.VlII.p.450. JEginetica, 
 
 p. 139. 
 
 * I. 65. 
 
 ™ Pollux VIII. 111. Hcsych. 
 in (irpiaKaaTOL. But in Boeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. N**. 101. rpiaKaq 
 is a division of a borough. See 
 Boeckh, vol. 1. p. 900. — 
 Whether the rpiaKaliQ of Epi- 
 charmus (Hesych. in ^Kwpw- 
 (piiiiv) are families, is uncertain. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. 
 
 or whether they had become extinqt and been united 
 
 with other families." 
 
 7. We now proceed to mention another division of 
 the citizens of Sparta, which concerns the difference 
 of rank. In a certain sense indeed all Dorians were 
 equal in rights and dignity ; but there were yet mani- 
 fold gradations, which, when once formed, were re- 
 tained by the aristocratic feelings of the people. In 
 the first place, there was the dignity of the Heraclide 
 families, which had a precedence throughout the whole 
 nation;^ and, connected with this, a certain pre-emi- 
 nence of the Hyllean tribe ; which is also expressed in 
 Pindar. Then again, in the times of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, " men of the first rank " are often men- 
 , tioned in Sparta, who, without being magistrates, had 
 ' a considerable influence upon the government.^ 
 ^ Here also the difference between the Equals (o[xom) 
 and Inferim-s (vTroixslovsg) must be taken into con- 
 sideration ; which, if we judge only from the terms, 
 would not appear to have been considerable, yet, 
 though it is never mentioned in connexion with the 
 constitution of Lycurgus, it had in later times a certain 
 degree of influence upon the government. According 
 to Demosthenesj'i the prize of virtue in Sparta was to 
 become a master of the state, together with the Equals. 
 
 " Perhaps the persons oiTro 
 yevovQi whom Leonidas wished 
 to send back from Thermopylae 
 (Plut. Herod. Mai. 52.), were 
 the only surviving members of 
 their families. 
 
 o Yet they had not any essen- 
 tial privilege in Sparta, Plut. 
 
 Lys. 24. 
 
 P 01 irpwTOL cij'^pecThucyd.IV. 
 108. V. 15. apitrroi Plut. Lys. 
 
 30. The KaXoL Kctyadoi in Ari- 
 stot. Poll. II. 9. are in general 
 persons of distinction ; there 
 may undoubtedly have been per- 
 sons of this description among 
 the Perioeci (Xen. Hell. V. 3. 
 9.)» but in this passage of Aris- 
 totle these do not come into 
 consideration. 
 
 *i In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Wolf. 
 
 cu. 5, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 85 
 
 Whoever neglected a civil duty, lost, according to 
 Xenophon,' his rank among the Equals. Cinadon 
 wished to overthrow the government, because, although 
 of a powerful and enterprising mind, he did not belong 
 to the Equals." About the king s person in the field 
 there were always three of the Equals, who provided 
 for all his wants.* It also appears that there were 
 many peculiarities in the education of an Equal." 
 Whoever, during his boyhood and youth, omitted to 
 make the exertions and endure the fatigues of the 
 Spartan discipline, lost his rank of an Equal.* In 
 hke manner, exclusion from the public tables was 
 followed by a sort of diminutio capitis, or civil degra- 
 dation.y This exclusion was either adjudged by the 
 other members of the table, or it was the consequence 
 of iuabiUty to defray the due share of the common 
 expense. To them the Inferiors are most naturally 
 opposed ; and if the latter were distinct from the 
 Spartans, by the Spartans, in a more limited sense of 
 the word, Equals are sometimes probably understood.* 
 From these scanty accounts the unprejudiced reader 
 can only infer that a distinction of rank is implied. 
 
 ' Rep. Laced. 10. 7. 
 
 ^Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. cf. 
 Aristot. Pol. V. 7. From this 
 it is probable, that in Xenophon 
 ^TrapTiaraL is used in a limited 
 sense for "Ofioioi. cf. Schneider, 
 ad loc. et ad V. 3. 9. 
 
 * Rep. Laced. 13. 1. 
 
 " Anab. IV. 6. 14. Xenophon, 
 who imitates the Lacedaemonian 
 spirit in so many different man- 
 ners in the Cyropeedia, here also 
 mentions ofioioi and ufioTifjioiy I. 
 5. 5. II. 1,2. 
 
 * Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 7. cf. 
 33. and see B. IV. ch. 5. § 1. 
 
 y Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. ac- 
 cording to the reading fjirj jie- 
 rt'^ELV avTfig, i. e., ZTJg TroXiTeiac. 
 
 See B. IV. ch. 3. § 3. Concern- 
 ing the grounds of the distinc- 
 tion of the Equals, see C. F. 
 Hermann I)e Conditione atque 
 Origine eorum qui Homoei 
 apud Laced, appellati sunt. 
 1832. 
 
 ^ See above, note ". 
 
8G 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 r which depended not upon any charge or office, but 
 continued through life, without however excluding the 
 i possibility of passing from one rank into the other, any 
 I Equal being liable to be degraded for improper con- 
 *v duct, and an Inferior, under certain circumstances, 
 being enabled to procure promotion by bravery and 
 submission to the authorities ; but if this degradation 
 did not take place, the rank then remained in the 
 family, and was transmitted to the children, as other- 
 wise it could not have had any effect upon education.* 
 8. After these preliminary inquiries concerning the 
 divisions and classes of the citizens, we have now to 
 examine the manner in which the political power w^as 
 distributed and held in Spai-ta and the other Doric 
 states. 
 
 As the foundation of these inquiries, we may pre- 
 mise a rhetra of Lycurgus, which, given in the form 
 of an oracle of the Pythian Apollo,^ contains the 
 main features of the whole constitution of Sparta.*" 
 
 * Aristotle says, probably 
 without any reference to the 
 more definite expression, that 
 the Parthenians were Ik rwv 
 ofiotiovy Polit. V. 6. 1. See aho 
 Manso, vol. I. part 1. p. 231, 
 238. vol. III. part 1. p. 217. 
 
 ^ See book I. eh. 1. § 4. 
 above, ch. 1. § 9. 
 
 ^ Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. 
 Aioc 'EXXav/ov Kal 'A6r/rae 'EX- 
 \avlag iepov idpvaajiEVoy, (^vXag 
 ^vXa^ayra Kal u)f3aQ w/3a^avra 
 rpiaKovray yipovaiav (tvv np-^a' 
 yiraiQ Karatrrijcrayra, wpag i^ 
 ApaQ cLTTEWai^ELV fj^Ta^v Baftv- 
 Kag T£ Koi KvaKiwvog, ovrwg 
 ti(T(l)ip€iv T£ Kal a0/oTC£<r0at. 
 la^^ hi KvpLav ^fiey Kal Kparoc, 
 
 *A7r£XXa<^£i>' means " to summon 
 " the people to an assembly," 
 " in concionein vocare" See 
 Hesychius in v. Valcken. ad 
 Theocrit. Adon, p. 209. Lennep 
 Etymol. vol. I. p. 152. Plutarch 
 evidently derives the word from 
 'AtteXXw*', Apollo. The words 
 wpag ti, wpag are nearly inexpli- 
 cable, and Mazochi's alteration, 
 Tab. Herac. vol. I. p. 149, d>/3ac 
 (or Mflav) does not much dimi- 
 nish the diflBculty. The best 
 explanation of wpag il &pag 
 seems to be, " one month after 
 another," i. e. monthly. To- 
 wards the end, Kvpiay ^jiey 
 seems to be the best reading; 
 one MS. has yvpiuyrjiiriy. Vale- 
 
 CH. 5, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 87 
 
 ** Build a temple to Zeus Hellanius and Athene 
 '* Hellania; divide the tribes, and institute thirty/ 
 " abas ; appoint a council, ^ith its princes ; convene 
 " the assembly between Babyca and Cnacion ; pro- 
 " pose this, and then depart ; and let there be a right 
 " of decision and power to the people'' Here then 
 there is an unhmited authority given to the people to 
 approve or to reject what the kings proposed. This 
 full power was, however, more nearly defined and 
 limited by a subsequent clause, the addition of which 
 was ascribed to kings Theopompus and Polydorus : 
 " but if the people should follow a crooked opinion, 
 " the elders and the princes shall dissent''^ Plu- 
 tarch interprets these words thus ; " That in case the 
 " people does not either approve or reject the measure 
 ** in toto, but alters or vitiates it in any manner, the 
 " kings and councillors should dissolve the assembly, 
 " and declare the decree to be invalid." According 
 to this construction, indeed, the public assembly had 
 so far the supreme power, that nothing could become 
 a law without its consent. But it probably could not 
 originate any legislative measure ; inasnmch as such 
 a power would have directly contravened the aristo- 
 cratical spirit of the constitution, which feared nothing 
 so much as the passionate and turbulent haste of the 
 populace in decreeing and deciding. The sense of 
 the rhetra of Lycurgus is also given in some verses 
 from the Eunomia of Tyrtseus, which, on account pf 
 their antiquity and importance, we will quote in their 
 original language : — 
 
 kenaer, ib. p. 291. proposes ^a- 
 fi(D 3' ayijjyav iifj-sy. 
 
 ^ lb. at he (TKoXiciy 6 cdfj-og 
 'iXoiTOf Tovg TrpealJvytviag Kal 
 
 apx"7^^"S aTroarrarripag i^fiey. 
 Compare Plutarch. An Seni sit 
 ger. Resp. 10. 
 
8S 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 5, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 89 
 
 fX(XVTsia^ T£ Qsov x.a.1 reXeevT eTTsac. 
 aq%siv fXiv ^ovKriS Osoti/xyitouS ^aoikrlhas, 
 olai (xiXsi ^itaipms lfxsp6e<y<7a, 'JTo'KiSy 
 
 ^infJiou Tg 9rX»jOet v/xiov upcl Kxpros t'jr£(jQaiJ 
 
 By the sixth line Tyrtseus means to say that the po- 
 pular assembly could give a direct answer to a law 
 proposed by the authorities, but not depart from or 
 alter it. 
 
 9. The usual name of a public assembly in the 
 I Doric states was ax/a. This is the name by which 
 the Spartan assembly is called in Herodotus f and it 
 is used also in official documents for those of Byzan- 
 tium,^ of Gela, Agrigentum,' Corcyra,'' and Heraclea ;^ 
 ct\ia7oL was the term employed by the Tarentines"™ and 
 Epidanmians ;" the place of assembly among the Si- 
 
 j 
 
 * For tvdeiaLQ pijrpaic, which 
 is read both in Phitarch and 
 Diodoms, Frank, p. 173. 199, 
 corrects EvQdaig yjoi^otc, and 
 explains it to mean the pro- 
 I)osal made to the people. But 
 both the context and syntax re- 
 quire, not that to which they 
 answer, but that which they an- 
 swer; i. e., they simply approve 
 or reject the proposed law. Both 
 ro^oQ and prirpa are used for a 
 decree in its imperfect stage 
 (below, ch. 9. § 11. Plutarch 
 Agis 8.) ; nor is p//Vpa applied 
 only to the laws of Lycurgus. 
 
 * Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. 
 Diod. Vat. Excerpt. VIL— X. 
 3. p. 3. Mai. Instead of the 
 two first verses Diodorus has 
 Av yhp apyvpoToioQ ava^ tKcttp- 
 yog AttoXXwi' ^pvaoKO^iriq fXPH 
 rrioios «4 alvTovy but these do 
 
 not connect with what follows 
 so well asTthose'jn Plutarch. In 
 the fifth line Plutarch has irpea- 
 l3vTU£, Diodorus Trpeaftvyeveig : 
 which is the word in the law 
 cited in the last note but one. 
 The last verse, which agrees with 
 the final sentence of the original 
 rhetra, is preserved in Diodorus, 
 who has three more. 
 
 g VII. 134. 
 
 '' Demosth. de Corona, p. 255. 
 
 ^ Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79, 
 84. Gruter, p.401. 
 
 ^ Dodwells Travels, vol. II. 
 p. 503. Boeckh, Staatshaushal- 
 tung, vol. II. p. 403. sqq. 
 
 'AXt'a KarcLKXrjrog (compare 
 Schoemann de Coniitiis, p. 291 .) 
 Tab. Heracl. p. 154, 260. ed. 
 Mazoc. cf. Ind. p. 281. 
 
 ™ Hesychius. 
 
 " Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6. 
 
 cilian Dorians was called aXiaxi-r'p." In Crete it 
 was known by the ancient Homeric expression of 
 ayoqoL.^ In Sparta the ancient name of an assembly 
 of the people was a^reXXa, whence the word oLwsXKa- 
 ^eiv in the rhetra quoted above. In later times the 
 names sxx7\,r^a'ioi, and ol exxXrjtoi appear to have been 
 chiefly in use, which do not, more than at Athens, 
 signify a select body, or a committee of the citizens ;** 
 although in other Doric states select assemblies some- 
 times occur under similar names.' There was also an 
 assembly of this last kind at Sparta, but it is expressly 
 called the small ecclesia ;^ and, according to a passage 
 in which it was mentioned, was chiefly occupied con- 
 cerning the state of the constitution, and perhaps 
 consisted only of Equals ; for it can hardly be sup- 
 posed that an assembly was convened of magistrates 
 alone.* To the regular assembly, however, all citizens 
 
 ** Hesychius. The Athenian 
 yfXiaia is the same word. Com- 
 pare below, ch. 11. § 2. and, 
 in general, Dorville ad Charit. 
 p. 70. Taylor ad Demosth. p. 
 227. Reisk. In Aristoph. Ly- 
 sist. 93. avvaXia^u) is the word 
 used by the Lacedaem. woman 
 for to convene^ to assemble. 
 
 P Bekker Anecd. p. 210. 
 'EkvXijtTia is however the word 
 always used in the Inscriptions 
 published by Chishull. 
 
 ^ The dwdijg ^vXKoyog in 
 Thucyd. I. 67. transacts busi- 
 ness with the ^i;/z^a)(ot, as the 
 eKKXriffia or ikkXtj-^^oi in Xen. 
 Hell. V. 2. 11. VI. 3.3. Com- 
 pare Cragius de Rep. Lac. IV. 
 17. Morus Ind. Xenopli. and 
 Sturz. Lex. Xen. in v. tKKXrfffia. 
 
 ' "EffKXrjTog in Syracuse oc- 
 curs in Hesychius. The same 
 grammarian has, aieKKXrirui' t^- 
 
 aipEfftp TToteiadai Trapa 'Po^ioig. 
 
 ^ Xen. Hell. UI. 3. 8. 
 
 * As Tittmann, p. 100. sup- 
 poses, who also states that by 
 ikkXt]toi and etcKXijaria (which 
 are evidently synonyms) the 
 small assembly is often (but 
 query when?) meant, as riXrt 
 are mentioned instead, Xen. 
 Hell. II. 2. 23.— Thus in an 
 EKKXrjfria in Thuc. VI. 88. the 
 ephors and reXr] are alone men- 
 tioned as deliberating. Thus 
 in Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 2. Cleom- 
 brotus sends from the army to 
 ask the TiXri in Sparta, and the 
 eKKXrjffla answers. The peace 
 after the battle of ./Egospotamos 
 was concluded by the iicKXriala 
 and the confederate assembly at 
 Sparta, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19. 
 sqq. ; and yet in the document 
 in Plut. Lys. 14. the riXri alone 
 are named. In innumerable 
 
 h 
 
 P 
 
90 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 above the age of thirty were doubtless admitted, who 
 had not been deprived of then- rights by law.'' The 
 place of meeting was in Sparta, between the brook 
 Cnacion"" and the bridge Babyca, where afterwards 
 was a place called OEnus, near to Pitana, and therefore 
 situated to the west of the city ;^ but, whatever might 
 have been the precise spot, it was in the open air.^ 
 The time for the regular assembly was each full moon ;* 
 yet, for business of emergency, extraordinary meet- 
 ings were held, often succeeding one another at short 
 intervals.^ 
 
 Our chief object now is to ascertain what were the 
 subjects which, according to the customs of Sparta, 
 required the immediate decision of the people. In 
 the first place, with regard to the external relations of 
 the state, we know that the whole people alone could 
 proclaim war, conclude a peace, enter into an armis- 
 tice for any length of time, &c. ;"" and that all nego- 
 
 instances the riXr) do what on Scias. Pau8. III. 12. 8. 
 
 other occasions the whole ttoXiq * Schol. Thiicyd. I. 67. where 
 
 performs, Xen. V. 3. 23, 25. it should be observed that ctw- 
 
 see below, ch. 7. § 5, 8. The Qora does not refer to time. 
 
 simple solution of this difficulty ^ Herod. VII. 134. 
 
 is, according to ray view, given ^ Herod. VII. IA^.oIttXevveq. 
 
 in § 10. Thucyd. I. 67, 72. ^vWoyoc 
 
 " Plut. Lye. 25. cf. Liban. £tw0wc or ro ttXt/Goc V. 77^oice7 
 
 Or. Archid. vol. IV. p. 420. rq. EKKkrfffii^; cf. VI. 88. Xen. 
 
 ^/3wv7£c also were prohibited Hell. IV. 6. 3. edo^e toIq £(f>6- 
 
 from filling any public situation poig kuI t^ EKKXrjarig. ; cf. VI. 88. 
 
 out of the country, Thucyd, IV. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. e^o^e ro7e 
 
 132. The Parthenians, accord- ecpopoig Kal rfj tKKXricri<^ avayKoiov 
 
 ing to Justin. III. 4. quit their eli^ai errparfvtcr^at. Compare III. 
 
 country at the age of thirty, be- 2. 23. and V. 2. 23. t(popoi koX 
 
 cause their civic rights begin at to TrXrjdog ttjq iroXeiog. The t<l>o- 
 
 that time. See also Clinton F. poi and tKKXrjToi gave audiences 
 
 H. vol. II. p. 386. to ambassadors, II. 4. 38, as 
 
 '^ Cf. Plut. Pelop. 17. Schol. the TrXiidog in Polyb. IV. 34. 7. 
 
 Lycoph. 550. The strict mean- Campaigns were decided on by 
 
 ing is the "Saffron river." the et^t^Xrjala, Xen. VI. 4. 2. cf. 
 
 y See above, ch. 3. § 7. Plut. Ages. 6. 
 
 ^ Not till late times in the 
 
 CH. 5, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 91 
 
 : 
 
 ciations with foreign states, although conducted by the 
 kings and ephors, could alone be ratified by the same 
 authority. With regard to internal affairs, the highest 
 offices, particularly the councillors, were filled by the 
 votes of the people ;'^ a disputed succession to the 
 throne was decided by the same tribunal ;^ clianges 
 in the constitution were proposed and explained, and 
 all new laws (as often as this rare event took place), 
 after previous examination in the council, were con- 
 firmed in the assembly/ Legally also it reijuired the 
 authority of the assembled people to liberate any con- 
 siderable number of Helots, as being their collective 
 owner.^ In short, the popular assembly possessed the 
 supreme legislative authority ; but it was so hampered 
 and restrained by the spirit of the constitution, that it 
 could only exert its authority within certain prescribed 
 limits. 
 
 10. This circumstance was shown in an especial 
 manner in the inethod of its proceedings. None but 
 public magistrates, chiefly the ephors and kings, to- 
 gether with the sons of the latter,'' addressed the peo- 
 ple without being called upon, and put the question to 
 the vote ;' foreign ambassadors also being permitted 
 to enter and speak concerning war and peace '^ but 
 that citizens ever came forward upon their own im- 
 pulse to speak on public affairs, is neither probable, 
 nor do any examples of such a practice occur. A 
 privilege of this kind could, according to Spartan 
 
 ^ Plut. Lye. 26. Justin. III. ^ Plut. Ag. 9. (compare Titt- 
 
 3> &c. mann, p. 94. note 25.) Lye. 29. 
 
 ® A litigation generally pre- ^ Thucyd. V. 34. 
 
 ceded (Herod. VI. 65. Plut. »> Libanius ubi sup. 
 
 Agid. U.), and after its termi- > Thucyd. I. 80. Xen. Hell, 
 
 nation the people passed their IIL 3. 8. Plut. Ag. 9, &c. 
 
 decree, Plut. cf. Xen. Hell. III. ^ Thuc. 1. 67. and frequently. 
 3. 3. also Polyb. IV. 35. 9. 
 
 A 
 
92 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 principles, only be obtained by holding a public office.^ 
 As therefore the magistrates alone, (rsT^r}, a§;^al) were 
 the leaders and speakers of the assembly, so we often 
 find that stated as a decree of the authorities (espe- 
 cially in foreign affairs),™ which had been discussed 
 before the whole community, and approved by it." 
 The occasional speeches were short, and spoken ex- 
 tempore; Lysander first delivered before the people 
 a prepared speech, which he procured from Cleon of 
 Halicarnassus.'' The method of voting by acclama- 
 tion has indeed something rude and barbarous; but 
 it has the advantage of expressing not only the number 
 of approving and negative voices, but also the eager- 
 ness of the voters, accurately enough, according to the 
 ancient simplicity of manners. 
 
 11. The public assembly of Crete was, if we 
 may judge from some imperfect accounts, similar 
 to the Lacedaemonian. It included all the citizens, 
 strictly so called ; and likewise had only power to 
 answer the decree of the chief officers (cos mi or 
 gerontes) in the negative or affirmative.^ In the 
 
 ^ The story in iEschin. in Ti- 
 march. p. 25, 33. Plutarch Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 239. prsec. Reip. 
 4. p. 144. and Gellius N. A. 
 XVIII. 3. that the people once 
 wishing to accede to the opinion 
 of an immoral person, a coun- 
 cillor proposed " that if it was 
 brought forward by a man of 
 blameless character it should 
 then pass, proves s nothing, as 
 the account is entirely uncon- 
 nected, and we do not know by 
 what right the original proposer 
 had spoken. The same story is 
 alluded to by Isiodorus Pelus. 
 Epist. III.232. Lysander (Plu- 
 
 tarch. 25.) probably spoke in 
 a public capacity. 
 
 ™ See above, p. 89. note *. 
 
 " ^ajjLcja-iKToVy hihoKi^aff^ivovy 
 Hesychius. 
 
 ° Plutarch Lys. 25. Ages. 20. 
 
 P Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. Kvpm 
 
 \lrj<pi(Tai TO. lu^arra roig yipovai 
 KOL roig Kocrfxoiqy which must be 
 taken cum grano salts. Aris- 
 totle II. 8. says that the erepai 
 TToXirEiai, i.e., Crete and Sparta, 
 differed from Carthage in this 
 respect, that in them only the 
 magistrates spoke, while in the 
 latter state any person could 
 
 CH. 6, § 1 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 93 
 
 other Doric states the influence of the assembly is 
 too closely connected with the historical epoch to 
 allow the collection of the scattered accounts in this 
 place to form an uniform whole. There were every- 
 where popular assemblies, as long as they were not 
 suppressed by tyrants; nor indeed did every tyrant 
 suppress them ; in every state also they represented 
 the supreme power and sovereignty of the people; 
 its will was the only law. That this will, however, 
 should be properly directed, and that the supreme 
 decision should not be intrusted to the blind impulse 
 of an ignorant or excited populace, was the problem 
 which the founders of the Doric governments under- 
 took to solve. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. The Gerusia of Sparta, a council of elders. § 2. The 
 Spartan Gerontes were irresponsible. § 3. Functions of the 
 Spartan Gerusia. § 4. Gerusia of Crete and of Elis. § 5. 
 Character of the Spartan royalty. § 6. Honours paid to the 
 Spartan kings, and the mode of their succession. § 7. Powers 
 of the Spartan kings in domestic ; § 8. aud in foreign affairs. 
 9. Revenues of the Spartan kings. § 10. Heraclide princes 
 in Doric states other than Sparta. 
 
 1. This result was chiefly brought about by the 
 aristocratical counterpoise to the popular assembly, 
 the gerusia, which was never wanting in a genuine 
 Doric state, the "council of elders," as the name 
 signifies.* In this respect it is opposed to the senate 
 
 come forward and oppose the Cretans used, according to He- 
 public officers ; but he makes sychius, the form ytptoria (the 
 no difference between Sparta same grammarian has, however, 
 and Ci;ete. See above, § 8. ytpwa also), where Valckenaer 
 * The Lacedaemonians and appears rightly to read yep^la 
 
94 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 6, § I 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 95 
 
 (3oyXr|), which represented the people ; although the 
 latter name, as being the more general term, is 
 sometimes used for the council, but never the con- 
 verse. Thus in the Persian war a senate assembled 
 at Argos, which had full powers to decide concerning 
 peace and war ;^ this was therefore of an aristocratic 
 character, since the government of Argos had not 
 then become democratical. The Homeric assembly, 
 which was of a purely aristocratical form, is called 
 3ot>X^ yepovrcov or yspoua-ia f it consisted of the older 
 men of the ruling families, and decided both public 
 business and judicial causes conjointly with the kings, 
 properly so called,*^ frequently, however, in connexion 
 with an ayopa. In this assembly lay, but as yet 
 undeveloped, the political elements of the Doric 
 gerusia. At Sparta the name was taken in the 
 strictest sense, as the national opinion laid the greatest 
 importance upon age in the management of public 
 affairs ; the young men were appointed for war ;® 
 
 (Epist. ad Roever. p. 323. ad 
 Adoniaz. p. 271. Kuster ad 
 Hesych. p. 822.), which by a 
 more guttural sound of the as- 
 pirate is called ytpw^/a in Ari- 
 8toph. Lys. 980, probably the 
 correct form. Ttpovria is the 
 office of a geron, in Xen. Rep. 
 Lac. 10. 1, 3. See Nicolaus 
 Damascenus. 
 
 b Herod. VII. 148. In the 
 Cretan states, yepovma was the 
 common form (see also the in- 
 scription in Montfaucon Diar. 
 Ital. p. 74.) as well as /3ovX^ 
 (/^wXaKoen ad Gregor. p. 639.) 
 according to Arist. Pol. II. 7. 3. 
 and late inscriptions; the mem- 
 bers of which are called yipov- 
 TiQ by Aristotle and Strabo X. 
 p. 484. In Cos /3oi;Xo occurs 
 
 in the time of the emperors, 
 Villoison Mem. de PAcad. des 
 Inscript. tom. XLVII. p. 325. 
 Spon, Misc. Erud. Ant. X. 51. 
 as well as yepovma, Spon., n. 
 57, 58. 
 
 *^ This appellation may be 
 perceived in the yepoixriog opKog^ 
 II. XXII. 119, yipOVTEQ jjov- 
 Xevrai, II. VI. 113. 
 
 ^ Who were also of the num- 
 ber of the gerontes, Od. XXI. 
 21. see above, ch. I. § 3. 
 
 ® Which is beautifully ex- 
 pressed by Pindar ap. Plutarch. 
 Lye. 21. An seni sit ger. Resp. 
 10. kpda fiovXal yepovroJUj teal 
 viiav cipcpdiy apLortvovTiv atY- 
 /xa/, KoX xopol KoX fjiovcra Kai ay 
 \aia. (Fragm. p. 663. Boeckh). 
 
 and accordingly none but men of sixty or more 
 years of age had admission to this council/ The 
 office of a councillor was, however, according to the 
 expression both of Aristotle and Demosthenes,'^ the 
 prize of virtue, and attended with general lionour;^ 
 none but men of distinguished families, blameless 
 lives, and eminent station, could occupy it.' Being 
 an office which was held for life,*' it never could 
 happen that more than one individual was elected at a 
 time, and the eyes of the whole state were directed 
 towards the choice of this one person. Distinguished 
 men, therefore, bordering upon old age, probably 
 always from the oba to which the person whose place 
 was vacated had belonged,^ offered themselves upon 
 their own judgment™ before the tribunal of the public 
 voice. Their advanced age enabled the electors to 
 consider and examine a long public life, and ensured 
 to the state the greatest prudence and experience 
 in the elected. To provide against the weakness of 
 age, which Aristotle considers as a defect attendant 
 on this mode of election, was unnecessary for a time 
 and a state whose inhabitants enjoyed the highest 
 bodily health. Tlie aristocratic tendency of the office 
 required that the candidates should be nominated by 
 
 ^ Plut. Lye. 26. of. Xenoph. 
 de Rep. Lac. 10. 1. 
 
 sPol. II. 6. 15. In Leptin. 
 p. 489. of. Xenoph. ubi sup. 
 
 '• Which was also testified 
 by the presents made by the 
 king, Plut. Ages. 4. the double 
 portion at the syssitia, Plut. 
 Lye. 26. Concerning the pub- 
 lic repasts of Homeric gerontes, 
 see II. IV. 344. IX. 70. 
 
 ^"Ofioioij KaXoi Kayadoij see 
 above, ch. 5. § 7. 
 
 ^ Aristot. ubi sup. Plutarch. 
 Lye. 26. Ages. IV. Polyb. VI. 
 45. 5. Some late inscriptions 
 indeed mention persons who 
 had three and four times filled 
 the office of geron (Boeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1261. and 
 1320.) ; but in that age the 
 whole institution had been 
 changed. 
 
 ^ See above, ch. 5. § 3. 
 
 •" Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 18. 
 
 I 
 
96 POLITICAL INSTITUTIOiNS book hi. 
 
 vote, not by lot, but yet by the whole people ;° and 
 that they themselves should meet with the good-will 
 of every person ; which was particularly required for 
 this dignity. 
 
 2. When they had passed through this ordeal 
 they were for ever relieved from all further scru- 
 tiny, and were trusted to their own conscience.** 
 They were subject to no responsibility, since it 
 was thought that the near prospect of death would 
 give them more moderation,^ than the fear of in- 
 curring at the cessation of their office the displea- 
 sure of the community; to whom in other states 
 the power of calling the highest officers to account 
 was intrusted. The spirit of this aristocratic insti- 
 tution was, that the councillors were morally per- 
 fect, and hence it gave them a complete exemption 
 from all fear as to the consequences of their actions. 
 To later politicians it appeared still more dangerous 
 that the councillors of Sparta acted upon their own 
 judgment, and not according to written laws; but 
 only because they did not take into account the power 
 U of custom and of ancient habit (the aypacpa vofxifxot, 
 -I Trarpm vo^o/),'^ which have an absolute sway, so 
 long as the internal unity of a people is not sepa- 
 rated and destroyed. Upon unwritten laws, which 
 were fixed in the hearts of the citizens, and were 
 there implanted by education, the whole public and 
 legal transactions of the Spartans depended; and 
 these were doubtless most correctly delivered through 
 
 "IV. 5. 11. 
 
 ^v 
 
 vvafxiv. 
 
 « For what follows compare ^ Plato has perhaps treated 
 
 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 17. II. 7. 6. this question better than any 
 
 Plut. Lye. ubi sup. other ancient writer, ibid. VII. 
 
 P Plato Leg. III. p. 692 A. p. 793. 
 calls it riiv Kara yijpa^ auxftpoya 
 
 H. 0, §3. 
 
 OF THE DORIAxNS. 
 
 97 
 
 the mouths of the experienced old men, whom the 
 coninuinity held voluntarily selected as its best citi- 
 zens. Thousands of written laws always leave open 
 a door for the entrance of arbitrary decision, if tliey 
 have not by their mutual connexion a complete 
 power of supplying what is deficient ; this power 
 is, however, alone possessed by the \iiw\ connate with 
 the peo|)le, which, in the ancient simple times, when 
 national habits are preserved in perfect purity, is 
 better maintained by custom fixed under the inspec- 
 tion of the best men, than by any writing. 
 
 To me, therefore, the gerusia appears to be a 
 splendid monument of early Grecian customs : and, 
 by its noble openness, simple greatness, and pure 
 confidence, shows that it was safe to build upon tlie 
 moral excellence and paternal wisdom of those who 
 had experienced a long life, and to whom in this in- 
 stance the people intrusted its safety and welfare. 
 
 3. The functions of the gerusia were double, it 
 having at the same time an administrative and a 
 judicial authority. In the first capacity it debated 
 u ith the kings upon all important affairs, preparing 
 them for the decision of the public assemldy, and 
 passed a decree in its first stage by a majority of 
 voices,' the influence of which was doubtless far 
 greater than at Athens : in the latter capacity it had 
 the supreme decision in all criminal cases, and could 
 punish with infamy and death.* Since, however, in 
 
 "■ Plutarch. Agid. 11. tovq Hal. Archaeol. II. 14. h yepovfria 
 yepovraCy oig to Kparog ^y iy iray fl\t ruiy Koivwy to KpciTOQ. 
 ify irpojiovXeveiy. Comp. De- " .-- .- .^ 
 
 mosth. in Leptin. p. 489. 20. hrr- 
 TTorjyc ifTTi Tbiy TToWuir. JEiSchm. 
 in Timarch. p. 25. 35. Dion. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Paus. Ill 11. 2. Cic. de 
 Senect. (3. amplissimus magis- 
 frahis. 
 « Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 2. 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS rtooK in. 
 
 both these directions the power of the council gra- 
 dually came in conflict with that of the ephors, we 
 must first enter into an investigation concerning these 
 officers, before it will be possible to speak of the 
 extent of the functions of the council at different 
 periods. Another circumstance also, which renders 
 a separate inquiry into the nature of the ephoralty 
 requisite, is the inspection which it exercised over 
 the manners of the citizens,* in which it manifests a 
 great similarity with the ancient Athenian court of 
 the Areopagus. As every old man had the right 
 of severely censuring the habits of any youth, so 
 every citizen was a youth in comparison with these 
 aged fathers of the state. Hence the awe and vene- 
 ration with which they were commonly regarded at 
 Sparta. That, however, to an Athenian orator of 
 the democratic times, the gerusia should appear 
 possessed of despotic authority, is not surprising ; for 
 it is so far true, that this institution, if transplanted 
 to Athens, would necessarily have caused a tyrannical 
 dominion. In Sparta, however, so little was known 
 of any despotic measure of the gerontes, that, on the 
 contrary, the constitution was impaired when their 
 antagonist office, the ephors, gained the ascendency in 
 influence and power. The institution of the gerusia 
 was in fact, in its main features, once established at 
 Athens, w^hen Lysander nominated the Thirty, who 
 were to be a legislative body, and at the same time 
 the supreme court of justice ; with how little suc- 
 
 Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 4, 9. Plut. plincp publicee, Gell. N. A. 
 
 Lye. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. XVIII. 3. ^schin. ubi sup. 
 
 see below, ch. 7. § 11. Hence auxppotrvvr) was in parti- 
 
 * Arbitri et magistri disci- cular required of them. 
 
 cii. 6, § 4. OF THE DORIANS 
 
 99 
 
 cess is well known; so true is it, that cveiy insti- 
 tution can only flourish in the soil in which it is first 
 planted." 
 
 4. In early times every Doric state must have had 
 a gerusia ; but Crete is the only place of whose 
 council accounts have been preserved, and these re- 
 present it in precisely the same light as that of Sparta. 
 It was, we are informed, armed with large political 
 and legislative powers, and laid its decrees in a ma- 
 tured state before the general assembly, for its ap- 
 proval or rejection.'^ It decided, without appeal to 
 written laws, upon its own judgment, and was re- 
 sponsible to no one.y The members were chosen from 
 those persons who had before filled the supreme 
 magistracy (the cosmi), not, however, until after a 
 fresh examination of their fitness/ The office lasted 
 for life, as at Sparta.* The princeps aenatun wa?.; 
 styled ^ouX^g wpBlyia-rogy 
 
 In Ems, also, whose government resembled that 
 of Sparta, a gerusia was a very important part of the 
 constitution. It consisted of ninety members, who 
 were chosen for their lifetime from oligarchical fa- 
 milies:*' but in other respects the election was the 
 
 " That the parallel between 
 the Thirty at Athens and the 
 Spartan gerusia fails in many 
 points, has been justly remarked 
 in the Philological Museum, 
 vol. II. p. 54; yet the gerusia 
 must have served as a model 
 for the establishment of this 
 body, since there is nothing 
 similar in the Athenian institu- 
 tions. The oligarchical faction 
 in Athens, after the battle of 
 ^gospotamos, and before the 
 surrender of the city to Ly- 
 sander, had also procured the 
 
 election of Jive ephors. Sec 
 Lysias cont. Eratosth. § 43. 
 
 * Ephorus ap. Strab X. p. 
 484 (p. 171. Marx.); above, 
 ch. 5. § 11. 
 
 y Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. It 
 acted also without doxibt in t 
 judicial capacity. 
 
 ^ Strabo, 01 r^g ruiy notTfJLwr 
 apxfJQ 7]^iu>nepoi k-al ra aXXa 
 ^oKifjLoi tcpivofieioi. Cf. Aristot. 
 Pol. II. 7. 5. 
 
 * Aristot. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ See above, p. 94, note^. 
 *^ Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 8. These 
 
 h2 
 
100 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 same as at Sparta, and therefore they were chosen 
 by the whole people. Yet there was also a larger 
 council of 600/ which may have been an aristocratical 
 committee selected from the popular assembly. Thus 
 much at least is clear, that the power of the people 
 was very limited ; and that, as Aristotle says, there 
 was one oligarchy within another.® 
 
 5. To the consideration of the gerusia may be 
 joined the inquiry concerning the kingly office in 
 Sparta and other Doric states, as being a cognate 
 element of the constitution. The Doric royalty was 
 a continuation of tlie heroic or Homeric ; and neither 
 in the one nor in the other are we to look for that 
 despotic power, with which the Greeks were not 
 acquainted until they had seen it in foreign countries. 
 In those early times the king, together with his 
 council, was supreme ruler and judge, but not without 
 it ; he was also chief commander in war, and as such 
 possessed a large executive authority, as circum- 
 stances required. On the whole, however, his station 
 with regard to the nobles was that of an equal ; and 
 his office, although for the most part hereditaiy, could 
 yet be transferred to another family of the aristocracy. 
 
 remains of the ancient oligar- 
 chy at Elis were deprived by 
 Phormio of a part of their power, 
 as Ephialtes weakened the Are- 
 opagus at Athens, according to 
 Plutarch Reip. gerend. Pisecept. 
 10. vol. XII p 155. 
 
 d Thuc. V. 47. Compare Plu- 
 tarch Proec. Reip. 10. 
 
 « The lepal yepovtriai, for ex- 
 ample, of Eleusis in later times, 
 we have here no concern with ; 
 yet we may notice the following 
 monument, as belonging to the 
 Peloponnesus (Boeckh Inscript. 
 
 N^. 1395). >/ lepa ovTnf)(na 
 (Boeckh conjectures yepwo-eVt) 
 
 r. 'lovkiov 'E7ra0(7o^firov aype- 
 Ttvanvra (difficult of explana- 
 tion) TO PqA iTOQ (accordmg to 
 Visconti Mus. Pio-Clem. II. 
 p. 66. from thj liberation of 
 Greece bv Flamininus) koX loy- 
 ra EKafTTi^ yipovTi vo^rjc crjvapia 
 ^fVa, &c. Perhaps this Upa ys- 
 cwfTia is the 'OXvixTTiaKt) ftovXr} 
 of the Eleans. See Pausan. V. 
 6. 4. VI. 3.3. Perizon. ad JE\^ 
 V. H.X. 1. Seeb. I.ch. '7.§7. 
 
 tii. 6, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 101 
 
 He ruled over the common people either in an arbi- 
 trary manner, as the suitors in Ithaca, or as a mild 
 father, like Ulysses.^ His office on the whole bore an 
 analogy to the power of Zeus ; and it received a re- 
 ligious confirmation from the circumstance of his pre- 
 siding at and performing the great public sacrifices 
 ^^'it]l the assistance of sootlisayers. 
 
 6. These are the principal features of the kingly 
 office at Sparta, where, according to Aristotle, as 
 well as among the IMolossi in Epirus, it acquired 
 finnness by the limitation of its [)ower ; it also de- 
 rived an additional strength from the mythical notion 
 that the conquest of tiie countiy had originated from 
 the royal family.^ The main support of the dignity 
 of the kings, was doubtless the honour paid to the 
 Heraclidse, which extended throughout the whole of 
 Greece, and was the theme of many fables ; even the 
 claim of the Spartans to the command of the allied 
 Grecian armies was in part founded upon it. These 
 princes, deriving their origin from the first of the heroes 
 of Greece, were in many respects themselves considered 
 as heroes,^ and enjoyed a certain religious respect. 
 Hence also we may account for their funeral cere- 
 monies, so splendid, when compared ^vith the sim- 
 plicity of Doric customs ; for the general mourning of 
 ten days,' to which a fixed number of Spartans, 
 
 ' See above, ch. I. § 3. Plat- 
 ner de Notione Juris^ p. 90. 
 
 « Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 5. V. 
 9. 1. Dionys. Rom. Archaeol. 
 V. 74. says that the Spartan 
 monarchy was k-rrl frjTolg Tialy 
 ^loiKovfjieyoy, as Thucydides calls 
 the Homeric, I. 13. 
 
 *• Xen. de Rep. Laced. 15. 
 cf. Hell. III. 3. 1. Gfjivoripa f/ 
 KUT aiBpujirov ruiprj. 
 
 * According to Herod. VI. 
 50. for ten days after the king*s 
 death there was no assembly 
 of the people or officers of state 
 (ayopa or apxaiptairi) ; and the 
 nomination of the new king did 
 not take place until this period 
 had expired ; the regularity of 
 which public mourning may be 
 inferred from the expression al 
 i}^ipai in Xenoph. Hell. III. 3 
 
102 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 CH. 6, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 103 
 
 Perioeci and Helots came, together with their wives, 
 from all parts of the country into the city, where they 
 covered their heads with dust or ashes with great 
 lamentation, and on each occasion praised the dead 
 king as the best of all princes;'' as well as for the 
 exposure of those kings who had fallen in battle, 
 whose images were laid upon a state-couch : ^ usages 
 which approximate very closely to the worship of an 
 hero (ti[xou -^qw'ixal). The royal dignity was also 
 guarded by the sanction of the sacerdotal office : for 
 the kings were priests of Zeus Uranius and Zeus Lace- 
 dsemon, and offered public sacrifices to Apollo on 
 every new moon and seventh day (Nsofxriviog and 
 'E^Sojaa7£Ta^) ;™ they also received the skins of all 
 sacrificed animals as a part of their income. From 
 
 1. [where L. Diiidorf ingeni- 
 ously reads £7r£t ^£ wcnwdrfffay 
 ai rifiipai Koi t^ei j^aaiXla Kcidi- 
 (TTaaQaL for mq tibjdeaav at >/^. 
 TraprjXdoVf comparing Photius 
 and Suidas vai(i)6fj)ai rjjLiepag 
 Xiyovffiv ETTi Qai'CLTto ritog, oiop> 
 /iJ7 Upag aW oaictg vofiicrdrjyai.^ 
 Heraclides Ponticus, has, how- 
 ever, onlv three davs. 
 
 ^ Herod. VI. 58. Ik irafTTjg Ctl 
 AuKt^aifioiog (i. e., AaKO)ri- 
 kijc, as in VII. 220, &c.) x'^P*^ 
 ^irnpTiTjTiojp (in addition to the 
 Spartans^ api0/jw rwy Trepi- 
 oiKUJv (a fixed number of Peri- 
 ceci ; the dative depending on 
 Iti ; otherwise Werfer Act. 
 Monac. vol. II. p. 241 ) aray 
 KaarovQ ig ro Krjcog iipai. rov- 
 T(av S)v Koi rwv eiXbjTiov (see 
 above> p. 32. note *'.) ical ah-uiy 
 ^TTupriTjTiiov, &c. Compare the 
 oracle in VII. 220. Trevdljaei 
 (jaaiXrj (pdifxevoy AaKt^alfJioyog 
 ovpoc, "the furthest boundaries 
 
 " of Lacedsemon." The jiiaiv- 
 effOai w as the more imposing, as 
 it was strictly interdicted in 
 private mourning, Plut. Inst. 
 Lac. p. 252. The generality 
 of this mourning for princes of 
 the Heraclidoe in early times is 
 rendered probable by the fact 
 noticed in vol. I. p. 98, note *''. 
 
 ^ The eicojXa were probably 
 preserved ; for they could not 
 have been meant merely to 
 represent the corpse, since the 
 body of the king was almost 
 always brought home even from 
 a great distance, as in the case 
 of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was 
 to the ei^wXoy that the prohibi- 
 tion of Agesilaus referred, ptfre 
 TrXacrray prjre fiiprjXay riva 
 TToirjaaadai avroif elKoya. Plu- 
 tarch Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth. 
 p. 129. Lac. Apophth. p. 191- 
 
 ™ Concerning the public sa- 
 crifices of the king, see Xen. 
 Hell- III. 3. 4. 
 
 this circumstance, added to the fact that in war they 
 had a right to the back of every victim, and had liberty 
 to sacrifice as much as they wished," it follows that 
 they presided over the entire worship of the army> 
 being both priests and princes, like the Agamenmon 
 of Homer.*' Their power, however, most directly 
 required that they should maintain a constant inter- 
 course between tlie state and the Delphian oracle; 
 hence they nominated the Pythians, and, together with 
 these officers, read and preserved the oracles. ^ As 
 then it appears from these facts that the dignity of the 
 kings was founded on a religious notion, so it was also 
 limited by religion ; although the account we have is 
 rather of an ancient custom, which was retained when 
 its meaning had been lost, than an institution of real 
 influence. Once in every eight years (S*' erwv evvia) 
 the ephors chose a calm and moonless night, and 
 placed themselves in the most j)rofound silence to 
 observe the heavens : if there was any appearance of 
 a shooting star, it was believed that the kings had in 
 some manner offended the Deity, and they were sus- 
 pended until an oracle from Delphi, or the priests at 
 Olympia, absolved them from the guilt.** If this 
 custom (doubtless of great antiquity) is compared 
 with the frequent occurrence of this period of nine 
 years in early times, and especially with the tradition 
 preserved in a verse of Homer, " of Minos, who reigned 
 " for periods of nine years, holding intercourse with 
 
 " Herod. VI. 46. ^ia/3aTrjpia on other occasions, 
 
 ° A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor Plutarch. Ages. 6, where the 
 at the first departure (Xenoph. parallel with Agamemnon is re- 
 
 Rep. Lac. 13. 2. see below, ch. 
 12. § 5.) ; then on the boundary 
 liaParjjpia to Zeus and Athene 
 (ibid. cf. Polyaen. I. 10); also 
 
 markably striking. 
 
 P See above, ch. 1. § 9. 
 1 Plut. Agis 1 1 . 
 
101 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iiu 
 
 " Zeus,"' it is easy to perceive that the dominion of the 
 ancient Doric princes determined, as it were, at the 
 period of every eight years, and required a fresh re^ 
 ligious ratification. So intimate in early times was 
 the connexion between civil government and religion. 
 It is clear, from what has been said, that the Do- 
 rians considered the kingly office as proceeding from 
 the Deity, and not as originating from the people ; 
 which Avould, I believe, have seemed to them in no- 
 wise more natural, than that the liberty of the people 
 shoukl be dependent on the king. But tliey were well 
 aware that the elements of the constitution had not 
 been formed by a people consisting, like the Ame- 
 rican colonists after their defection from the mother- 
 country, of individuals possessed of equal rights : but 
 they had existed at the beginning, and grown with tlie 
 growth of the nation. For this reason the people were 
 not empowered to nominate the king (from which 
 disputes concerning the rightful succession to the 
 throne should be carefully distinguished ;) ^ but the 
 royal dignity passed in a regular succession to the 
 eldest son, with this exception, that the sons \)Ovn 
 during the reign of the father had the precedence of 
 their elder brothers : if the eldest son died, the throne 
 passed to his next male descendant ; and on failure of 
 
 ' Which point is more fully 
 discussed by Hoeck, Krela, 
 vol. I. p. 245. 
 
 Mt isa ^Ur} Plut. Agis 11. 
 ye'iKog Herod. VI. 66. with the 
 preceding Kurijj^oaia of the ac- 
 cuser VI. 65. which is followed 
 by a decree in the name of the 
 whole community {noXic Xen. 
 Hell. III. 3. 3. oi XuKtlai^ovioL 
 Herod. V. 42) See above, eh. 
 
 5. § 9. Cleonymus also was 
 not declared to have a worse 
 claim than Areus, by a free se- 
 lection, founded on comparative 
 merit (as it appears from Plu- 
 tarch. Pyrrh. 26.) but the gem- 
 sia merely declared at the a/z^ta- 
 f3})rr](Tir^ that he, as the younger 
 son, came after the heir of the 
 elder son, P.iusan. III. 6. 2. 
 
 cii. 6, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 105 
 
 his line, to the younger brothers in succession ; if 
 there was no male issue of the kin^j, the office went to 
 his brother* (who also, during the minority of the son 
 of the late king, was his natural guardian)," and his 
 heirs ; or, lastly, if the whole line was extinct, to 
 the next of kin." The anxiety of the Spartans for 
 the legitimacy of tlieir kings, also serves to prove 
 the high importance which was attached to the ge- 
 nuineness of their birth. Notwithstanding these 
 large privileges, the people believed its liberty to be 
 secured by the oath which was taken every montli 
 by the kings, that they would reign according to the 
 laws ; a custom also in force among the IMolossi ; ^ in 
 return for which, the state engaged through the ephors i 
 to preserve the dominion of the kings unshaken (ao-ru- 
 (psTiixTog), if they adhered to their oath. ' 
 
 7. The constitutional powers of the kings of Sparta 
 were inconsiderable, as compared with their dignity 
 and honours. In the tirst place, the two kings were 
 members of the gerusia, and their presence was recpii- 
 site to make a full council ; but as such they only had 
 single votes,** which in their absence were held by the 
 
 * See, e. g., Herod. V. 42. 
 VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III. 
 3. 2. Nepos Ages. I. 3. 
 
 " As Lycurgus of Charilaus, 
 Nicomedes of Pleistoanax. 
 
 * As Demaratus was suc- 
 ceeded by Leutychides, whose 
 right to the throne went back 
 to the eighth ancestor of Theo- 
 pompus, if with Palmerius we 
 correct Herod. VIII. 131. ac- 
 cording to Pausanias' genealogy 
 
 I of the Kings. 
 
 ^ y Plutarch. Pyrrh. 5. 
 
 '■ Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 7. from 
 whom Nicolaus Damasccnus 
 
 AaK£C. See an allusion to the 
 oath of the Ephors in Julian. 
 Or. I. p. 14 D. 
 
 * Thucyd. I. 20. who contra- 
 dicts the statement of other his- 
 torians ; but probably refers to 
 Hellanicus (see above, ch. 1. 
 §7.) rather than Herodotus, 
 whose work he could scarcely 
 have read. Herodotus (VI. 57.) 
 however appears to me to have 
 followed the opinion generally 
 received in Greece, of the two 
 votes of eacli king, although the 
 expression is not quite clear. 
 The notion of the Scholiast to 
 
106 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 cii. 6, § a OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 107 
 
 councillor who was most nearly related to them, and 
 therefore a Heraclide.^ If they were present, they 
 presided at the council, and accordingly, in the ancient 
 rhetra above mentioned, they are styled princes 
 (a^yoLykrai) in reference to the council ; it was also 
 their especial office to speak and to propose measures 
 in the public assembly. When the council sat as a 
 court of justice, the kings of course presided in it ; 
 besides which, they had a distinct tribunal of their 
 own,*" for in Sparta all magistrates had a jurisdiction 
 in cases which belonged to the branch of the adminis- 
 tration with which they were intrusted : the only 
 remnant of which custom, spared by the democracy at 
 Athens, was, that the public officers always intro- 
 duced such suits into the courts. This coincidence of 
 administrative and judicial authority also existed at 
 Sparta in the person of their kings. They held a 
 court in cases concerning the repair and security of 
 the public roads, probably in their capacity of generals, 
 and as superintendents of the intercourse with foreign 
 nations. It is remarkable that they gave judgment 
 in all cases of heiresses, and that all adoptions 
 wxre made in their presence.*^ Both these duties re- 
 garded the maintenance of famihes, the basis of the 
 ancient Greek states, the care for which was therefore 
 intrusted to the kings. Thus in Athens also, the same 
 duty had been transferred from the ancient kings to 
 the archon eponynms, who accordingly had the super- 
 
 Thucydides, adopted b) Larch er, is followed by Lucian Harm. 3. 
 that each king had only one ^ See above, ch. 5. § 3. 
 vote, though it had the force of "" Herod, ubi sup. ^t^a^ctv II 
 
 two, is ridiculous. The yepovaia jxovvovq rovg fiaaiXijag roadie 
 
 was i(T6\ln]<f)og ra fxiyiffra with fiovya. cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. 
 
 the kings, according to Plat. Agesil. p. 187. 
 Leg. in. p. 692. Herodotus ^ Herod. VI. 57. 
 
 intendence, and a species of guardianship over all 
 heiresses and orphans.® 
 
 8. The greater part of the king's prerogative was 
 his power in foreign affiiirs. The kings of Sparta 
 were the connnanders of the Peloponnesian confe- 
 deracy. They also went out as ambassadors ; although 
 at times of mistrust companions were assigned, who 
 were known to be disinclined and hostile to them.' 
 By the same power the kings also nominated citizens 
 as proxeni, who entertained ambassadors and citizens 
 of foreign states in their houses,*'' and otherwise pro- 
 vided for them ; it appears that the kings themselves 
 were in fact the proxeni for foreign countries, and that 
 those persons whom they nominated are only to be 
 considered as their deputies. 
 
 As soon as the king had assumed the command of 
 the army, and had crossed the boundaries, he became, 
 according to ancient custom, general with unlimited 
 power ((TTpaTr^yos auToxparwg)''. He had authority 
 to despatch and assemble armies, to collect money in 
 foreign countries, and to lead and encamp the army 
 according to liis own judgment. Any person who 
 dared to impede him, or to resist his authority, was 
 outlawed.' He liad power of life and death, and could 
 
 ^ Lysias in Evand. p. 176. 
 22. Pollux. VIII. 89. 
 
 f Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 20.— An 
 example in Xen. Hell. VI. 5. 
 4 Agesil. 2. 25. 
 
 8 Herod. VI. 57. Kal irpold- 
 vovq cnrohtiKvvvaL tovtoktl rrpocr- 
 Kelcrdai rovg av edtkuKTi T(Jjy 
 dtrruiy. In Other places the 
 proxeni were appointed by the 
 states whose proxeni they were : 
 for example, a Theban was 
 proxenus of the Athenians at 
 
 Thebes : but in Sparta, as the 
 connexion with foreign nations 
 was more restricted, a state, 
 which wished to have a proxenus 
 there, was forced to apply to the 
 king to nominate one. This 
 appears to be the meaning of 
 the above passage of IIerodotu». 
 
 '• Aristot. Pol. Ill, 9. 2. cf. 
 III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p. 
 31 D. 
 
 * Herod. VI. 56. who must 
 not be understood to refer to the 
 
108 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi 
 
 C-H. 
 
 6, §9. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 lOD 
 
 execute without trial (Iv ;^e/§o^ vo/x(o); although, from 
 the well-known subordination of the Spartans, such 
 cases were probably of rare occurrence. Rut it is 
 manifest that the king, upon his return, was always 
 responsible and liable to punishment, as well for an 
 imprudent, as for a tyrannical use of his powers. His 
 political was separated with sufficient accuracy from 
 his military authority, and the king was not permitted 
 to conclude treaties, or to decide the fate of cities, 
 without communication with and permission from the 
 state.^ His military power was, however, thought 
 dangerous and excessive, and was from time to time 
 cui-tailed. This limitation was not indeed effected 
 by the arrangement which originated from the dissen- 
 sion between Demaratus and Cleomenes, viz., that 
 only one king should be with the army at the same 
 time^ (for this regulation rather increased the powder 
 of the one king who was sent out); but chiefly by the . 
 law, that the king should not go into the field \A'ithout(, 
 ten councillors (a rule which owed its origin to thej 
 over-hasty armistice of Agis)", and by the compulsory j 
 attendance of the ephors." 
 
 declaration of war, Xen. Rep. marks the opposition to the 
 Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs preceding purely military duties 
 m Thucyd. VIII. 5. o yap of the king. 
 "Aytc.t'xwv tJiv jdeff eavrov ^v- 1 Herod. V. 75. Both kings 
 va/xiy, KvpioQ i)y Kai aTrotrriWeiv were rarely out of Sparta, Xen. 
 I'l Trot Tiva efyovXero aTpariay, Hell. V. 3. 10. 
 
 '"Thuc. V. 63. where the 
 words tV wapovTi do not prove 
 that they passed the law for 
 only one campaign. See Manso, 
 Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 231. 
 vol. II. p. 378. note K Con- 
 cerning the Thirty about the 
 king's person, see below, ch. 1 2, 
 §5. 
 " See below, ch. 7. § 5. 
 
 Kai 
 
 ^vvayeipeiy, kuL y^pi^^ara 
 Trpa(T(T£iv. cf. V. 60. ^la tov 
 vofioy. 
 
 I' Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3. 
 24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was 
 however permitted to the king 
 to send ambassadors, e. g., to 
 mediate, according to Xen. 
 Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do 
 not perceive the necessity of 
 changing av into ov ; ^ivrot 
 
 < 
 
 9. The investigation concerning the revenue of the 
 kings is not in itself so important as it is rendered 
 interesting by the parallel with the same office in the 
 Homeric age. In Homer the kings are represented 
 as having three sorts of revenues ; first, the produce of 
 their lands (rsju-evT))," which often contained tillage 
 ground, pastures, and plantations ; secondly, the fees 
 for judicial decisions (SoJ^a); and, thirdly, tlie public 
 banquets, which were provided at the expense of the 
 community.^ To these were added extraordinary 
 gifts, shares of the booty, and other honorary presents. 
 The case was nearly the same at Sparta, except that 
 they received no fees for judicial decisions. But in 
 the first place, the king in this country had his landed 
 property, which was situated in the territory of several 
 cities belonging to the Periceci,"^ and the royal tribute 
 (J^aa-i'Kixog <^opog) was probably derived from the same 
 source.' This ^\'as the foundation of the private wealth 
 of the kings, which frequently amounted to a con- 
 siderable sum ; otherwise, how could it have been pro- 
 posed to fine king Agis a hundred thousand drachmas,** 
 that is, doubtless, ^ginetan drachmas, and therefore 
 about 5800/. of our money ? Also the younger Agis, 
 
 « 
 A 
 
 o Od. XI. 184. II. XII. 312. 
 cf. IX. .578. Find. Olymp. 
 XIII. 60. i^aQvQ KXapoQ. 
 
 V This is called ^//^tm iriyeiv 
 in II. X\U. 250. {cf. rriTfo^epoi 
 ra drffjoma Herod. VI. 57.) In 
 Crete foreigners were fed ^77- 
 fioOer, Od.^XlX. 197. cf. ^s- 
 chyl. Suppl. 964. and Platner, 
 uhi sup. p. 100. The passage 
 in Od. XI 184. should be thus 
 rendered. " Telemachus enjoys 
 " in quiet the foyal lands, and 
 ^^ feasts on the banquets, ivhich 
 " it is proper that a man ofj'u- 
 
 " dicial dignity should eat, for 
 " all invite him.*^ Concerning 
 the last words, see p. 110. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Laced. 15.2. 
 
 ' Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 
 A. 01 AaKtiaipoyioi is equivalent 
 to TrepiviKOL. 
 
 « Thucydid. V. 63. [An 
 iEginetan drachma contains on 
 an average ninety-five English 
 grains of pure silver (see Knight 
 Proleg. Hom. § 56.), accordnig 
 to which its value would be 
 about fourteen jKiice in our 
 money.] 
 
no 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 [ the son of Eudamidas, was possessed of six hundred 
 / talents in coin ;* and in a dialogue attributed to Plato, 
 the king of Sparta is declared to be richer than any 
 private individual at Athens." But besides these re- 
 venues, the king received a large sum from the public 
 property ; a double portion at the public banquets,* 
 an animal without blemish for sacrifice, a medinmus of 
 wheat, and a Lacedsemonian quart of wine on the first 
 and seventh days of each month ;y the share in the 
 sacrifices above mentioned, &c. It was, moreover, 
 customary for private individuals who gave entertain- 
 ments, to invite the kings, as was the practice in 
 the Homeric times ;^ on these occasions a double por- 
 tion was set before them, and when a public sacrifice 
 took place, the kings had the same rights and prefer- 
 ences.* In war, also, the king received a large portion 
 of the plunder ; thus the share of Pausanias, after the 
 battle of Platsea, was ten women, horses, camels, and 
 talents '} in later times it appears that a third of the 
 booty fell to the lot of the king.*^ Lastly, it is proper 
 to mention the official residence of the two kino's of 
 Sparta, built, according to tradition, by Aristodemus 
 the ancestor of the two royal families.*^ In addition 
 
 * Plutarch. Ag. 9. 
 ''Ale. I. 38. p. 122 E. 
 
 * Compare Herod. VI. 57. 
 (where the word IeIttvov also 
 refers to the o-vo-o-tna) with 
 Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 4. quoted 
 bySchol. Od. IV. 65. In Crete 
 the cosmus on duty (o ap^wj') 
 had four portions, Heracl. Pont. 
 3. 
 
 y Herod, ubi sup. According 
 to Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14. and 
 Plut. Ages. 17. the king sent 
 to whom he pleased a share of 
 his sacrifices. According to 
 
 Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 5. he 
 also had a little pig out of every 
 brood for sacrificing. 
 
 ^ See p. 109. note p. 
 
 * Herod. VI. 57. f/v dvmrjv 
 rig (not a private individual, 
 but a person appointed by the 
 public) ^TjfioreXfi TroUrfrai. 
 
 ^ Herod. IX. 81. 
 
 " According to Phylarchus in 
 Polyb. II. 62. 1. These are 
 the fxeyiarai Xri\Pei<^ in Plat. Al- 
 cib. I. 39. p. 123 A. 
 
 ^ Xen. Ages. 8. Plutarch 
 Ages. 19. (see vol. I. p. 100. 
 
 CH. 6, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 to this d^velling, they had frequently private houses of 
 their own/ and a tent was always built for them with- 
 out the city, at the public expense.^ 
 
 In taking a review of all these statements, it appears 
 to me that the political sagacity was almost past belief, 
 with which the ancient constitution of Sparta protected 
 the power, the dignity, and welfare of the office of 
 king, yet without suflFering it to grow into a despotism, 
 or without placing the king in any one point either 
 above or without the law. Without endangering the 
 liberty of the state, a royal race was maintained, which, 
 blending the pride of their own family with the na- 
 tional feelings, produced, for a long succession of years, 
 princes of a noble and patriotic disposition. Thus it 
 was in fact With the two Heraclide families, to which 
 Theopompus, Leonidas, Archidamus II., Agesilaus, 
 Cleomenes III., and Agis III. belonged; and the 
 greater number of the later kings retained, up to the 
 last period, a genuine Spartan disposition, w hich we 
 find expressed in many nervous and pithy apoph- 
 thegms. 
 
 10. It may be inferred that it was the case in all, 
 as we know it to have been in many Dorian states, 
 with the exception of later colonies, that they were 
 governed by princes of the Heraclide family. In 
 Argos, the descendants of Temenus reigned until after 
 
 note °.) Hell. V. 3. 20. comp. 
 Nepos Ages. 7. The fjoofyrjra 
 in Pausanias III. 12. 3. are of 
 a different nature. 
 
 ^ As Manso shows, vol. III. 
 2. p. 330. 
 
 *De Rep. Lac. 15. 6. Ac- 
 cording to the same writer (15. 
 2.) three ojjloioi provided in war 
 for all the necessities of the 
 
 king, who are considered by 
 Raoul-Rochette, Deux Lettres 
 sur fauthenticite des Inscrip- 
 tions de Fourmont, 1819.p.l36. 
 
 as a part of the six ejunraaayreg 
 in a (spurious) inscription of 
 Fourmont*s (JfxiracrEVTtQ in He- 
 sychius), Boeckh Corp.Inscript. 
 NO. 68. The point is by no 
 means clear. 
 
112 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 the time of Phiclon, and the kingly office did not expire 
 till after the Persian war f in Corinth, the successors 
 of Aletes, and afterwards of Bacchis, reigned until 
 about the 8th Olympiad. How long the Ctesippidse 
 
 g Herod. VII. 149. Aristot. 
 Pol. V. 8, 4. See ^ginetica, 
 p. 52. Plutarch Lycurg. 7. 
 (comp. Plato Leg. III. p. 692.) 
 states generally that the power 
 of the kings at Argos and Mes- 
 sene had been at first too ex- 
 tensive, and that by the violence 
 of the governors, and disobe- 
 dience of the governed, it was 
 at last destroyed, without men- 
 tioning any time. The words 
 of Diodorus (Fragm. 5, p. 635.) 
 I*/ (iaffiXeia jfTOi TOTrapyia rrjg 
 Apyei'tic tTTj (pfid. (comp. Eu- 
 sebius, Malelas and Cedrenus), 
 cannot be referred to this : he 
 reckons this number of years 
 from Inachus to Pelops (160 — 
 705 Euseb.). — I may be per- 
 mitted in this note to subjoin 
 the best arrangement of the 
 Argive kings which the scanty 
 accounts of antiquity seem to 
 furnish. I. Heraclidse. Te- 
 menus, the father of Ceisus, the 
 father of Medon (What Pau- 
 sanias II. 19. 2. says of the 
 limitations imposed upon this 
 king, must be judged of from 
 what has been seen above, p. 
 56. note ^ ; according to the 
 Pseudo-Platonic Epistle VIII. 
 p. 485 Bekk. the kings of Argos 
 and Messene were about the 
 time of Lycurgus tyrants). 
 Then about four kings are 
 wanting after the ^etcaroQ cltto 
 Trjfjiivov of Ephorus, ^ginet. p. 
 60. After the beginning of the 
 Olympiads Eratus (Pans. 11.36. 
 5. IV. 8. 1.) who was probably 
 succeeded immediately by Phi- 
 
 don, the son of Aristodamidas 
 (according to Satyrus and Dio- 
 dorus, ^ginetica p. 61 .), before 
 and about the 8th Olympiad. 
 At a later period Damocratidas, 
 about the 30th Olvmpiad 
 (Pausan. IV. 35. 2. cf.' 24. 2. 
 This date is too low, according 
 to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 190; 
 but not according to my date 
 for the Messenian wars, nor 
 according to that of Pausanias.) 
 Phido II. confounded by Herod. 
 VI. 127. with the earlier king 
 of the same name (iEginetica, 
 p. 60.) father of AaKi'idrjg (in 
 Ionic Aewjor/^r/c, as in Hero- 
 dotus,) who wooed the daughter 
 of Cleisthenes (about Olymp. 
 45. 600 B. C), and when "king 
 made himself despised by his 
 effeminacy (Plutarch, de cap. 
 ex hoste util. p. 278. where 
 Aa^.•vcr)g should be corrected.) 
 His son Meltas (Mt'Xrav ray 
 Aai:r]()eu)y as should be written) 
 was deposed by the people, ac- 
 cording to Pausan. II. 19.2.; 
 but according to Plutarch. Alex. 
 M. virt. 8. p. 269. the family 
 of the Heraclidae expired. He 
 was succeeded, according to 
 Plutarch, (ubi sup.) and Pyth. 
 Orac. 5. p. 254. II. by ^Egon, 
 of another family, about Olymp. 
 55. 560 B. C. and it was proba- 
 bly the descendants of this king, 
 who still reigned in Argos at 
 the time of the Persian war. 
 According to Schol.Pind.Olymj). 
 VI. 152. x\rchiniis was a king 
 of Argos ; but he was a tyrant, 
 Polyfcn. III. 8. 1. 
 
 cn. 6, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 113 
 
 reigned in Epidaurus and Cleonee,^' we are not in- 
 formed. In Megara we find the name, but the name 
 only, of a king at a very late period.' In Messenia 
 the iEpytidse ruled as kings until the subjugation of 
 the country ; and when Aristomenes was compelled to 
 quit it, he took refuge with Damagetus, the king of 
 lalysus, in the island of Rhodes, of the Heraclide 
 family of the Eratid^e.'' Also the Hippotadse at Cnidos 
 and Lipara,^ the Bacchiadae at Syracuse and Corcyra,™ 
 the Phalantidse at Tarentum," probably had in early 
 times ruled as sovereign princes, as well as the Hera- 
 clidae at Cos, A\'ho derived their origin from Phidippus 
 and Antiphus." In Crete we find but little mention 
 of the Heraclidae, the only exceptions being Althse- 
 menes of Argos, and Phaestus of Sicyon.^ In this 
 island the family of Teutamas had reigned from a re- 
 mote period : with regard to the time during which 
 kings existed in this country, it can only be conjec- 
 tured from the circumstance that a king named 
 Etearchus reigned at Oaxus not long before the build- 
 ing of Cyrene."* Cyrene, as has been already shown. 
 
 '' See vol. I. p. ro. note ". 
 
 * *E7rt ftaariXing Ilao-ya^a, or 
 Haauidaj acconh'ng to Boeckh, 
 Corp. Inscript. N°. 1052. of 
 about the time of Alexander. 
 
 ^ See b. I. ch. 6. § 1. and 
 ch. 7. § 11. 
 
 ^B. I.ch. 6. §10. 
 
 ™ lb. § 7, 8. According to 
 several writers, Pollis was one 
 of the kings of Syracuse, who 
 by others is calle<l an Argive, 
 from whom the UoXioc olioc is 
 derived, Athen. I. p. 31 B. Pol- 
 lux VI. 2. 16. from Aristotle, 
 .Elian, V.H. XII. 31. In the 
 Etymologist, the correct reading 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 is probably vtto UoWi^oc rov 
 2YPAK02I0Y rvpcwyov : com- 
 pare Mazocchi Tab. Heracl, 
 p. 202. 
 
 "B. I. ch. 7. §11. A king 
 named Aristophilidas in Herod. 
 III. 136. 
 
 ° lb. c. 7. § 3. and the pas- 
 sage of Aristides quoted there 
 in § 1. In Halicarnassus an 
 Antheus is mentioned as of a 
 royal family (Parthen. 14.), 
 probably one of the Antheadae ; 
 see ib. § 3. 
 
 i» B. I. ch. 5. § 2. 
 
 *» Herod. IV. 154. 
 
114 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 was under the dominion of a Minyean, its mother-city 
 Thera, under that of an ^gide family/ Delphi was 
 also at an early period under the rule of kings." Of the 
 aristocratic offices, which were substituted in the place 
 of the royal authority, we shall presently speak, when 
 treating of the power of the cosmi. 
 
 CHAP. VIL 
 
 § 1. Origin of the office of Ephor in the Spartan state. § 2. 
 Period of its creation. § 3. Civil jurisdiction of the Ephors. 
 § 4. Increase in the powers of the Ephors. § 5. Their trans- 
 action of business with the assembly of citizens, and with 
 foreign powers. § 6. The power of the Ephors, owing to 
 their ascendency over the assembly of citizens. § 7. Miscel- 
 laneous facts concerning the office of Ephor. § 8. Titles and 
 duties of other magistrates at Sparta. 
 
 1. Before we treat of the powers of the cosmi, 
 it will be necessary to inquire into an office, which 
 is of the greatest importance in the history of the 
 Lacedaemonian constitution; for while the king, the 
 council, and the people, preserved upon the whole 
 the same political power and the same executive 
 authority, the office of the ephors was the moving 
 principle by which, in process of time, this most per- 
 fect constitution Avas assailed, and gradually over- 
 thrown. From this remark three questions arise: 
 first, what was the original nature of the office of 
 ephor ? secondly, what changes did it experience in 
 the lapse of time? and, thirdly, from what causes 
 did these changes originate ? 
 
 ' See b. I. ch. 6. § 11. * Plutarch. Quaest. Grsec. 12. p. 383. 
 
 CH. 7, § 1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 115 
 
 There is an account frequently repeated by ancient 
 ^vriters, that Theopompus, the grandson of Charilaus 
 the Proclid, founded this office in order to limit the 
 authority of the Kings. « He handed down the royal 
 ** power to his descendants more durable, because he 
 -had diminished it."^ If, however, the ephoralty 
 was an mstitution of Theopompus, it is difficult to 
 account for the existence of the same office in other 
 Doric states. In Cyrene the ephors punished liti- 
 gious people and impostors with infamy :^ the same 
 office existed in the mother-city Tliera,<= which island 
 had been colonised from Laconia long before the time 
 of Theopompus. The Messenians also would hardly, 
 upon the re-establishment of their state, have re- 
 ceived the ephoralty into their government,'^ if they 
 ha^l thought it only an institution of some Spartan 
 king. The ephors of the Tarentine colony Heraclea 
 may be more easily derived from Sparta and the 
 tune of Theopompus.^ It is however plain that 
 Herodotus^ and Xenophon« placed the ephoralty 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. V. 9. I. Cic. 
 ^eLeg. in. 7. de Rep. II. 33. 
 Plutarch. Lye. 7, 29. ad princ. 
 I. p. SO. Euseb. ad Olymp. IV. 
 4. Val. Max. IV. 1. Compare 
 Maiiso, vol. I. p. 243. 
 ^ Heraclid. Pont. 4. 
 ^ They are en-Mr v/jim in the 
 Therscan Tcstamentum Epic- 
 tetce ; iirl c^o'pwi/ rwv trvv (ftoi- 
 fioriXei. Bocckh. Corp. Inscript. 
 Gr. No. 2448. 
 
 /Polyb.IV.4.2. 31. In the 
 cities of the Eleutherolacones, 
 there were also ephors, as at 
 Oeronthrae in the decree in 
 Boeckh. Inscript. 1334. and at 
 Taenarum, il). N'\ 1321, 1322 i 
 and in the time of Gordian, i> 
 
 noXig rwy BeirvXeioy i. e., GEty- 
 his, the BirvXa of Ptolemy, now 
 Vituio, ib. 1323. For Cyriacus 
 (ap. Reines. p. 33.5.) is proba- 
 bly incorrect in stating that the 
 inscription was found in Pyh 
 Messeniaca. 
 
 Mn which city an ephor is a« 
 ETTuiyvfiog of the TToXig in the 
 Heraclean Tables. 
 ^ I. 65. 
 
 ^ De Rep. Lac. 8. 3. So also 
 Plutarch. Agesil. 5. Pseudo- 
 Plat. Epist. 8. p. 354 B. Sui- 
 das in AvKovpyog^ also Satyrus 
 ap. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 1. Ac- 
 cording to others, it was intro- 
 duced by Cheilon, who, accord- 
 ing to Pamphila and Sosicrates, 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 among the institutions of Lycurgus, with as much 
 reason as other writers attributed it to Theopompus ; 
 and it will probably be sufficient to state that the 
 ephors were ancient Doric magistrates. 
 
 The ephoralty, however, considered as an office 
 opposed to the kings and to the council, is not for 
 this reason an institution less peculiar to the Spar- 
 tans ; and in no Doric, nor even in any Grecian state, 
 is there any thing which exactly corresponds with 
 it. It is evident, therefore, that it must have gra- 
 dually obtained this peculiar character by causes whicli 
 operated upon the Lacedsemonian state alone. Hence 
 it appears, that tlie supposed expression of Theo- 
 pompus referred rather to the powers of the ephors 
 in later times, than to their original condition. At 
 least Cleomenes the Third was ignorant of this ac- 
 count of them ; since, after the abolition of these 
 magistrates, he proposed, in a speech to the people, 
 that the ephors should again be what they were 
 origmally (when they were elected in the first Mes- 
 senian war), viz., the deputies and assistants of the 
 king. In this proposal indeed a very partial view 
 is displayed ; for every magistrate must necessarily 
 
 was ephorus e-rrwyv^og in Olymp. ^ 
 .56. I. 556 B.C. (according to 
 Eusebius Olymp. 55. 4. 551 
 B. c.) Compare Manso, vol. 
 III. 2. p. 332. The passage of 
 Diog. Laert. I. 3. 1. (68) creates 
 no difficulty according to the 
 reading of Casaubon; yiyoye 
 Ce e(f)opog Kara tijv 7r£PTT]k:ocrrr)y 
 7rifX7rTT}u 'OAv^TTtct^o' Tlaii(J)i\rj 
 ci ^r](TL Kara ttiv ikttiv. Ka\ TrptU- 
 Toy e(j)Opoy ytviaQai knl l^vOv^if 
 fiov (Olymp. 56. 1.), wg (prjm 
 ^wmKpnTTjg. kqi irpiOTOQ elaqyr)- 
 
 craro l(f)6pove toIq (^atnXEVffi wa- 
 pa^EvyvvvaC ^arvpoQ le. Av- 
 Kovpyov. The first irpuiTov refers 
 to the office of the ephor epo- 
 nymus; and hence appears to 
 have originated the mistake 
 which is contained in the words 
 Ka\ TrpwTOQ eltTTfyija-aro, &c., viz., 
 that Chilon first introduced the 
 practice of associating ephors 
 with the kings. Manso, ubi 
 sup., has taken the same view 
 of the passage. 
 
 cH. 7, §2. OF THE DORIANS. 1J7 
 
 choose his own deputy ; whereas the democratic elec- 
 tion of the ephors was, as we shall presently see, an 
 essential part of their office. From the accounts 
 just adduced, ^ve do not however wish to infer any 
 thing further, than how variable were the opinions, 
 and how little historical the statements, concerning 
 the original object of the ephoralty. 
 
 2. In the constitution of Lycurgus, as it has been 
 hitlierto developed, the ephoralty of later times would 
 not only have been a superfluous, but a destructive 
 addition. For hi this the king, the council, and the 
 people constituted the chief authorities ; and to sup- 
 pose that any part would require either check or 
 assistance, Avould have been inconsistent with the 
 plans of the legislator. A counter-authority, sucli as 
 the ephoralty, in which the mistrust of the people 
 was expressed in a tyrannical manner, was iiir re- 
 moved from the innocence and simplicity of the 
 original constitution, and could not have been intro- 
 (Uiced, until the connexion and finnness arising from 
 the first laws had been loosened and enfeebled. The 
 Roman office of tribune had, doubtless, a certain 
 similarity in its first origin with the ei)horalty ;'' yet 
 the former was more imperatively re(iuired, as' by it 
 an entire people, the plebs Tlomana, obtained a neces- 
 sary and lair representation ; whereas in Sparta the 
 gerusia, although chosen from the most distinguished 
 citizens, belonged nevertheless to the whole Spartan 
 people, and the democratic influence of the popular 
 assembly served as the basis of the whole constitution.' 
 
 '' Cic. de Leg. and de Rep. nions on the ephors, as well as 
 
 ubi sup. Valer. Max. IV. 1. on the government of Sparta in 
 
 Compare Niebuhr's Roman general, the views taken in this 
 
 History, vol. I. p. 436. ed. 1. work generally disagree, 
 i^ngl. Iransl. with whose opi- 
 
118 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 If then the extended political power of the epliors 
 
 did not belong to the constitution of Lycurgus, neither 
 
 can we suppose that it originated in the time of Theo- 
 
 pompus. For the statement is worthy of credit, that 
 
 Theopompus and Polydorus added the following 
 
 words to the rhetra above quoted : " If however the 
 
 " "people should follow a crooked opinion, the coun- 
 
 ** cillors and princes shall dissent^ Now in the 
 
 first place, the ephors are here wholly omitted, 
 
 although in the Peloponnesian war they put the vote 
 
 to the people, and frequently made proposals in the 
 
 assembly ; and, secondly, the tendency of this clause 
 
 is manifestly to diminish the power of the people ; 
 
 whereas it will be more clearly shown below, that 
 
 the authority of the ephors rested upon democratical 
 
 principles. 
 
 It is evident that these supposed historical tradi- 
 tions, instead of aflfording any clear explanation, lead 
 to contradictions ; and in order to obtain any distinct 
 knowledge of the history of the ephoralty, we must 
 proceed rather upon the evidence furnished by the 
 nature of the office itself, and the analogy of similar 
 offices in other states. 
 
 3. For this reason we will first consider the judi- 
 cial authority of the ephors, a power which we know 
 to have belonged also to the ephors of Cyrene. Now 
 Aristotle'' describes their judicial powers by saying, 
 that they decided causes relating to contracts, while 
 the council decided causes of homicide.^ The latter 
 
 ^ Polit. III. 1.7. according 
 to which passage the ephors 
 allotted themselves to different 
 branches of the liKai nay avfi- 
 (ioXaiwy. 
 
 * Compare Plutarch. Lac. 
 
 Apophth. p. 196. Anaxandri- 
 das. kpu)TtjivTOQ })i. tivoq avrov, 
 dia n rag Trepi rov davdrov iiKag 
 irXtioaiv yjfitputg ot yipovTiQ Kpi- 
 
 vovffiy and p. 20*7. Eurycra- 
 tidas — irvOofitPOv riyoi;, ^la ri 
 
 CH. 7, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 119 
 
 was therefore a supreme criminal court, with power 
 of life and death ; the former a civil court, which 
 gave judgment concerning contracts and property. 
 Its influence upon the Spartans would appear to have 
 been mconsiderable, from the opinions entertained by 
 them on the division of property and exchange of 
 money, perhaps less than it really was ; but however 
 this may be, the Periceci and Helots, when they were 
 in Sparta, were under its jurisdiction. Now we 
 have already shown, that it was a principle of the 
 Lacedaemonian government so to divide the juris- 
 diction amongst the diffi^rent magistrates, that the 
 administration and jurisdiction belonged to the same 
 officers.*" Hence a superintendence over sales and 
 over the market must have been the original duty 
 of the ephors, forming the basis of their judicial 
 authority." The market, as being the central point 
 of exchange, was no unimportant object of care:^ 
 every Spartan here brought a part of the corn pro- 
 duced by his estate, in order to exchange it for other 
 commodities : it was in a certain manner disgraceful 
 not to have the power of buying and selling ;p a privi- 
 lege which was also interdicted to youths : moreover, 
 in the days of mourning for the king, the market was 
 shut up and scattered with chaff.^ The day upon 
 
 'TTipl TO. Ttoy (TV^(io\aiu)y ZiKata 
 eKCKTTTjg yfiepag Kpivovcriv ol t(po- 
 poi. Here, however, ^iKai airo 
 (TvfiPoXwv appear to be meant, 
 as the answer shows ; which is 
 doubtless a mistake. 
 
 «» Aristot. Pol. IJ. 8. 4. III. 
 1.7. says, as it appears to me, 
 most^learly, that while in Car- 
 thage a certain board or court 
 of public officers decided all 
 iaw-suits, in Sparta the public 
 
 officers indeed alone acted as 
 judges, but decided only those 
 cases which belonged to their 
 respective departments. Cf. Jus- 
 tin. III. 3. 
 
 ° According to the Etymol. 
 Gudian. erpopoi are ol ra Ttop 
 TToXiwy &via l7ri(TKE7rr6u£voi. 
 
 « Cf. Herod. I. 153. 
 
 P Thucyd. V. 34. 
 
 *i See above, p. 101. note \ 
 
120 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book irr. 
 
 en. 7, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 12! 
 
 which Cinadon, according to the description of 
 Xenophon/ secretly endeavoured to inflame the minds 
 of the lower classes, was evidently a market-day, 
 and also, in my opinion, a great day of justice. A 
 king,, the ephors, the councillors, and about forty 
 Spartans (o/jlo/o/), were in the market-place, all pro- 
 bably in a judicial capacity: besides whom, there 
 were about four thousand men, chiefly occupied in 
 buying and selling, as is seen from the fact that in 
 one part of the market a large quantity of iron fabrics 
 was heaped up. The ephors were therefore £<popoi 
 (inspectors) over the market, and for this reason they 
 met regularly in this place," where was also situated 
 their office. 
 
 The number of the college of ephors (five),* which 
 it had in common with some other magistrates of 
 Sparta,'^ appears, as I conjectured above,'' to imply a 
 democratic election — a fact which is also stated by 
 the ancients. We know from Aristotle, that persons 
 from the people, without property or distinction, could 
 fill this office 'J in what manner, indeed, is not quite 
 manifest. Properly indeed, no magistrate in Sparta 
 was chosen by lot ;* but it appears that election by 
 choice and by lot were combined. "^ In this case we 
 
 ' Hell. III. 3. 5. 
 
 «^lian. V. H. II. 15. 
 
 * See Tittmann, p. 107, n. 4. 
 where some contradictory state- 
 ments are also noticed. 
 
 " Sparta also frequently ap- 
 pointed five judges for extraor- 
 dinary cases, as for example, 
 concerning the possession of 
 Salamis, the fate of the Pla- 
 taeans, Thucyd. III. 52. The 
 same number were also ap- 
 pointed by the lasians to de- 
 
 cide the lawsuits of the Calym- 
 nians, Chandl. Inscript. p. 21. 
 LVIII. 
 
 "^ Ch. 5. § 4. 
 
 y Polit. II. 3. 10. II. 6. 14, 
 15. II. 8. 2. IV. 7. 4. 
 
 ^ firfhiiiay /cXT^pwrifv, Aristot. 
 
 Pol. IV. 7. 5. 
 
 ^ Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. calls 
 the power of the ephors tyyvg 
 rrjg KXrjptjorrjg. Without an 
 election, however, Chilon could 
 not have attained the ephoralty. 
 
 see displayed a principle of the ancient Greek states, 
 which achninistered the criminal jurisdiction on aris- 
 tocratic principles, while civil causes were decided by 
 the whole community, or its representatives. At 
 Athens, Solon gave the popular courts a jurisdiction 
 only in civil suits; all criminal cases were decided 
 by the timocratic Areopagus, and the aristocratic 
 Ephetae. In Heraclea on the Pontus, the chief 
 officers were chosen from a small number of the 
 citizens, the courts of justice from the rest of the 
 people.^ And in Sparta also the civil judges were 
 the deputies of the assembly — the ax/a/a,"^ which in 
 Athens itself acted as a court of justice under the 
 name ofrfhlaia. 
 
 4. From the view of this office now taken, the 
 
 continued extension of the powers of the ephors may 
 
 be more easily accounted for. It was the regular 
 
 /^course of events in the Grecian states, that the civil 
 
 1 courts enlarged their influence, while the power of 
 
 j tlie criminal courts was continually on the decline. 
 
 As in Athens, the Helisea rose, as compared with 
 
 the Areopagus, so in Sparta the power of the ephors 
 
 increased in comparison with that of the gerusia. 
 
 In the first place, the jurisdiction of the ephors 
 was extended** chiefly by their privilege of instituting 
 scrutinies (siffluva*) into the official conduct of all 
 magistrates, with the exception of the councillors.® 
 By this indeed we are not to understand, that all 
 magistrates, after the cessation of their office, ren- 
 
 nor his brother have been able '' Aristot. Pol, V. 5. 6. 
 
 to complain that he was post- *^ See above, ch. 5. § 9. 
 
 poned. Diog. Laert. ubi sup. ^ Kpiaewv fieyaXoju kv^hoi^ 
 
 The nomination by the kings Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 16. 
 
 (Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. "^ lb. II. 6. 17. 
 197.) is an error. 
 
 
 &Vlj 
 
122 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 dered an account of their proceedings, but only that 
 the ephors could compel them to undergo a trial, if 
 there had been any thing suspicious in their admi- 
 nistration ; a right, however, as it extended over the 
 ephors of the preceding year,^ which restrained the 
 power that it bestowed. But the ephors were not 
 compelled to wait for the natural expiration of an 
 oflSce, they could suspend or deprive the officer by 
 their judicial powers.^ Now in this respect the king 
 was in the very same situation with the remaining 
 magistrates, and could, as well as the others, be 
 brought before the tribunal of the ephors. Even 
 before the Persian war, Cleomenes was tried before 
 them for bribery.^ The king was always bound to 
 obey their summons :' but the fact of his not being 
 compelled to yield till the third time, was used by 
 Cleomenes III. as an ai-gument to prove that the 
 power of the ephors was originally an usurpation.'' 
 At the same time, their power extended in practice so 
 far, that they could accuse the king, as well as the 
 other magistrates, in extreme cases, without con- 
 sulting the assembly, and could bring him to trial 
 for life and death.' This larger court consisted of 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Agis 12. Compare 
 Aristot. Ret. 111. 18. 6. 
 
 s Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. 
 
 ^ Herod. VI. 82. 
 
 ^ Xen. Agea. 1. 36. Plutarch. 
 Ages. 4. Cleom. 10. An Seni 
 sit ger. Resp. 27. Praec. Reip. 
 ger. 21. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Cleom. 10. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. ap- 
 Xovra Kvpiot sip^ai re Kai irepl 
 rrJQ 4'^%^^ ^*C aydipa Karatrrrjaai. 
 cf. Plut. Lys. 30. The same in 
 reference to the king, Thucyd. I. 
 
 131. Nepos (Paus. 3. 5.) pro- 
 bably adds the words ''cuivis 
 "ephoro" ex suo. Libanius 
 Orat. I. p. 86. Reisk. is incor- 
 rect in stating that the ephors 
 had power to imprison the king, 
 and put him to death Qijffai Kal 
 KTavtlv). Thus the ephors only 
 seized and detained Pausanias ; 
 the sentence was passed by the 
 Spartans (ot ^Traprtarat), i. e., 
 the court of justice, concerning 
 which see the next note. 
 
 CH. 7, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 123 
 
 all the councillors, of the ephors, who thus came 
 before it as accusers, besides having the right of 
 sitting as judges, of the other king, and probably of 
 several magistrates, who had all equal votes."" From 
 this court there was no appeal; it had power to 
 condemn the king to death;" although, until later 
 times, it was prevented by a religious scruple from 
 executing this sentence.*' That its proceedings were 
 commonly carried on with great propriety and com- 
 posure, is stated upon the occasion of an instance 
 to the contrary.^ This great court of magistrates 
 we frequently find deciding concerning public crimes 
 with supreme authority ,** and the ephors acting in it as 
 accusers J but that the ephors had power of them- 
 selves to punish with death, I deny most decidedly :." 
 whether they had authority to banish, I even doubt.' 
 The inaccuracy of later writers has confounded the 
 steps preparatory to the sentence, with the sentence 
 itself; a power of life and death in the hands of the 
 ephors would have been worse than tyranny. The 
 
 m 
 
 AiKaarrjptoy (TvyayayoyreCy 
 Herod. VI. 85. See particu- 
 larly Pausan. III. 5. 3. and 
 Plutarch Agis 19. Less accu- 
 rately, Apophth. p. 195. 
 
 ° Xen. Hell. III. 5. 25. 
 
 ** Plutarch. Ag. 19. 
 
 P Thucyd. V. 63. 
 
 1 Xen. Anab. II. 6. 4. edapa- 
 Twdi] VTTO Tijjy iy tj) ^naprrj re- 
 XtUv cjg aTreiddiyj where to. TiXr) 
 must signify this supreme court. 
 
 *■ 'Yvriyuy Oayarov^ Xen. Hell. 
 V. 4. 24. The ephors did not 
 seize Cinadon till after a secret 
 conference with the gerusia; 
 his punishment was probably 
 fixed by the supreme court; — 
 see Xen. HeU. III. 3. 5. Po- 
 
 lyaean. If. 14. 1. 
 
 * This is apparently affirmed 
 (in addition to Libanius quoted 
 in p. 122. n. ^) by Plutarch. 
 Periol. 22. Lysand. 19. and Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 209 ; but it can be 
 only inaccuracy of expression. 
 
 * Plutarch. Erot. 5. p. 77. 
 where a very fabulous story is 
 related of an event, which is 
 reported to have taken place 
 before the earthquake in the 
 78th Olympiad. In Polybius 
 V. 91. 2. the ephors are repre- 
 sented as recalling banished per- 
 sons. Concerning the punish- 
 ment of exile at Sparta, see 
 below, ch. 11. § 4. 
 
124 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 ephors, when they judged for themselves, were only 
 able to impose fines, and to compel an instantaneous 
 payment." Their power of punishing the kings in 
 this manner, or by a reprimand, was doubtless very 
 extensive, and appears to have been subject to no 
 limitation. Agesilaus was fined by them for endea- 
 vouring to make himself popular,'^ and Archidamus 
 was censured for having married too small a wife/ 
 which implies the opinion, that the community had 
 a right to require their kings to keep up a robust 
 family/ The kings, however, were compelled to 
 submit to this treatment, in a state in which every 
 magistrate exercised the full powers of his office with 
 a certain degree of severity. We find, however, 
 that the ephors had also jurisdiction in cases which 
 were neither civil actions nor the scrutinies of public 
 officers ; for example, they punished a man for having 
 brought money into the state ;^ another for indolence ;^ 
 a third from the singular reason that he was generally 
 injured and insulted:*' and their share in the superin- 
 tendence of public education,** as well as over the 
 celebration of the public games," gave them a juris- 
 diction in causes relating to these points. In cases 
 
 "^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. cf. 
 Polysen. 11.26. 1. 
 
 "" Plutarch. Ages. 2. 5. cf. de 
 Am. Frat. 9. p. 46. 
 
 y Theophrast. ap. Plutarch. 
 Ages. 2. de Educ. Puer. 2. 
 Otherwise Heraclides Lembus 
 ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A. 
 
 * For this reason the ephors 
 compelled Anaxandridas to 
 marry two wives, Herod. V. 
 39-41., and watched the wives 
 of the kings, Plat. Alcib. I. 36. 
 p. 121 B. See above, ch. 6. 
 §6. 
 
 * Plutarch. Lys. 19. They 
 decided in the case of Gylippus', 
 according to Posidonius ap. 
 Athen. VI. p. 234 A. as ra^iai 
 of the state, as they appear to 
 have been from notes ^ and ^ 
 p. 127. 
 
 ^ At least accordinir to Schol. 
 Thucyd. I. 84. 
 
 *" Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 254. 
 
 ^Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 3. 6. 
 iElian.V. H. III. 10. XIV. 7. 
 
 «Xen. Hell. VI. 4.16. Plut. 
 Ages. 29. the history of Timo- 
 theus. 
 
 CH. 7, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 125 
 
 of this kind, however, we are ignorant how far they 
 acted as a separate board, and liow far in connexion 
 with other magistrates, for example, as assessors of 
 the kings.^ They judged according to unwritten laws, 
 as Sparta knew no others. Aristotle calls this, de- 
 ciding according to their will and pleasure.^ 
 
 5. Another more important circumstance, as affect- 
 ing the extension of the power of the ephors, was, that 
 these officers (from what time we are not informed) 
 placed themselves in connexion with the popular as- 
 sembly, so that they had a right to transact business 
 with it in preference to all other magistrates. They 
 had power to convene the people,^' and put the vote to 
 them.' They must in early times have had the privi- 
 lege of proposing laws ^ (but doubtless not till after 
 they had passed through the gerusia), if the ephor 
 Chilon is correctly called a legislator.^ They also pos- 
 sessed great authority in transactions with foreign 
 nations. They admitted ambassadors, and had also 
 power to dismiss them from the boundary,"" likewise 
 to expel suspected foreigners from the state," and 
 therefore they were probably the chief managers of 
 the Xenelasia. They frequently carried on the. nego- 
 tiations with foreign ambassadors, with full powers of 
 treating ;" and had great influence, especially of a pre- 
 paratory nature,^ upon declarations of war, as well as 
 armistices and treaties of peace,*! which the ephors, and 
 
 f Herod. VI. 63. Apophth. p. 214. 
 
 gPol. II. 6. 16. «See, for example, Herod. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Ag. 9. IX. 8. Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17. 
 
 » Thucyd. I. 87. III. 1. 1. Polyb. IV. 34. 5. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Ag. 5. prirpav Thuc. I. 90. apxai and teXt) are 
 
 iyoa\pE' generally mentioned. 
 
 ^ iElian. V. H. III. 17. p Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19. 
 
 ™ Xen. Hell. II. 2. 13, 19. ^ See particularly Thuc. V. 
 
 » Herod. III. 148. Plut. Lac. 36. Cf. Xen. Hell. V. 2. 9. 
 
126 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 particularly the first among them, swore to and sub- 
 scribed in presence of other persons/ To them also 
 was intrusted the right of dismissing ambassadors." 
 In time of war they were empowered to send out 
 troops (cppoupav cpalusiv^) on whatever day seemed to 
 them expedient ;'' and they even appear to have had 
 authority to determine the number of men/ The 
 army they then intrusted to the king, or some other 
 general/ who received from them instructions how to 
 act ;' sent back to the ephors for fresh instructions ;' 
 were restrained by them through the attendance of 
 extraordinary plenipotentiaries;^ were recalled by 
 means of the scytale ;" summoned before a judicial 
 tribunal ;^ and their first duty after their return was to 
 visit the office of the ephors." These officers also sent 
 commands, with respect to discipline, to standing 
 armies abroad/ Now in these cases the ephors nmst 
 
 That in these cases they always 
 recurred to the public assembly 
 is evident, Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23. 
 IV. 6. 3. 
 
 'Thuc. V. 19. 24. 
 
 ' Thuc. VI. 88. 
 
 * Xen. Hell. II. 4. 29. Uav- 
 
 2. 6. 
 
 ^ Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. 7r£>;//ac 
 
 Trpog Tovg e.<p6povg ripojra tL yjpij 
 noitiv. Hence they were espe- 
 cially 01 OLKOiy ra oiKoi riXr), 
 Sturz Lex. Xenoph. vol. HI. 
 p. 254. Compare Plutarch. 
 
 aaviaq irdtrag rdv k<p6pwv rptiq Lys. 14. Cleofn. 8. and the 
 
 lUiyti tppovpdy. cf. III. 2. 25. spurious letters of Brasidas 
 
 J7' H;,^' ^' ^* ^^- ^^^^' ^y^' ^"^ Lysander in Lac. Apophth. 
 
 20. Thuc. VIII. 12. See also pp. 203, 227. 
 
 Anab. II. 6. 2. Hell. V. 1. 1. »> Xen. Hell. III. 2. 6. Plut. 
 
 where they grant permission to Pericl. 22. 
 
 P^^jVr^- ,^ , ^Thuc. I. 131. Plut. Lys. 
 
 Herod. IX. 7. 10. Plut. 19. Agesilaus was recalled, ac- 
 
 -^"s^- 1^- , cording to Xenophon Hell. IV. 
 
 * npoKiipvTTOvtri ra eTrj, Xen. 2, 3. by "the state," Ages. 1. 
 
 Rep. Lac. 11. 2. (ppovpdv t<pai- 36. by rd oIkoi rAi;, according 
 
 vov^Explrdv TETTapuKovra a(f to Plutarch Affes. 15. bv the 
 
 ijftm. Hell. VI. 4. 17. ephors. 
 
 >' That is, authorized by the •* Xen. Hell. V 4 24 
 
 state, as Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. « Plut. Lvs. 20. Xen. Ages 
 
 shows. I. 26. ' 
 
 ^Xen. Hell. III. 1.8. III. ^ M,) TrepLTrartire, the com- 
 
 CH. 7, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 127 
 
 have acted, not upon their own authority, but as the 
 agents of the public assembly ;« it was their duty to 
 execute the decrees of the people, the mode being left 
 in some degree to their discretion. For this reason 
 the assembly is frequently mentioned, together with 
 the ephors, in the same cases in which on other occa- 
 sions the ephors alone are represented as acting. The 
 ephors were often manifestly mediators between the 
 generals and the assembly. In the field the king was 
 followed by two ephors, who belonged to the council 
 of war ;^ it is probable that they had the chief care of 
 the maintenance of the army, as well as the division of 
 the plunder:' those ephors who remained behhid in 
 Sparta received the booty in charge, and paid it in to 
 the public treasury.'' We also find the ephors decid- 
 ing with regard to conquered cities, whether they 
 should be dependent or independent ;^ they suppressed 
 the ten governors appointed by Lysander, nominated 
 harmosts,"* &c. ; all evidently in the name and authority 
 of that power, which it would have been against aU 
 principles of a free constitution to intrust to the college 
 of ephors. 
 
 6. Although we are prevented from obtaining an 
 entirely clear view of this subject, and particularly 
 from pointing out all the collisions between the au- 
 
 mand to the army at Decelea, 
 i*:iian. V. H. II. 5. 
 
 ^ This is seen most clearly 
 from Thucyd. VI. 88, where the 
 ephors and tIXt] send ambassa- 
 dors, i. e., wish to persuade the 
 public assembly to do this, and 
 from Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17—19. 
 VI. 4. 2. 3. Compare p. 89. 
 note *. 
 
 ^ Herod. IX. 76. Xen. Rep. 
 Lac. 13. 5. Hell. II. 4. 35, 36. 
 
 cf. Thuc. IV. 15. 
 
 ' Herod. IX. 76. 
 
 ^Plutarch. Lys. 16. Diod. 
 XIII. 106. 
 
 ^ Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. t^opot 
 
 rac TrarpiovQ TroXiTeiag naptiy- 
 yeiXay. Thus the riXr] guaran- 
 tee their independence to what- 
 ever allies Brasidas could gain 
 over, Thuc. IV. 86, 88. 
 »" Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 32. 
 
128 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 thority of the ephors and other magistrates, by the 
 secret nature of the Spartan constitution," it is yet 
 evident that the powers of the ephors were essentially 
 founded upon the supreme authority of the popular 
 assembly, whose agents and plenipotentiaries they were. 
 Eveiy popular assembly is necessarily an unskilful 
 body, and little able to act both with energy and mode- 
 ration ; least of all was the Spartan assembly capable 
 of transacting and executing any complicated busmess. 
 For this reason it intrusted to the ephors, who were 
 chosen upon democratic principles from among the 
 people, a power similar to that which the public leaders 
 or demagogues of Athens exercised in so pernicious 
 / a manner. Plato and Aristotle compare their au- 
 \ thonty with a tyranny :^ and it is to be remembered that 
 / in Greece tyrants continually rose from demagogues. 
 I Accordingly the ephors reached the summit of their 
 power when they began to lead the public assembly : 
 \ it is probable that this was first done by the ephor 
 Asteropus, who is one of the first persons to whom 
 the extension of the powers of that office is ascribed,^ 
 and who probably lived not long before the time of 
 Chilon. The extensive political influence of Lacedse- 
 mon also contributed to give a greater importance to 
 the ephoralty. Chasms arose in the constitution of 
 Lycurgus, which had been intended for a simpler state 
 of things, and were filled up by the ambition of these 
 magistrates. The transactions with foreign states re- 
 quired a small number of skilful and clever men ; the 
 gerusia was too helpless, simple, and antiquated for 
 this purpose ; and accordingly the sphere of its opera- 
 
 " rnc JuAtTEJac to K'pvwror, 
 Thucyd.(yra§3 
 
 "Leg. lYTp. 112 D. Polit. 
 
 II. 6. 14. 
 
 P Plutarch. Cleom. 10. 
 
 CH. 7, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 129 
 
 tions appears to have been confined to domestic affairs. 
 And lastly, as the finances of Sparta became con- 
 tinually an object of greater and greater importance, 
 the influence of the officers necessarily increased, who 
 had, as it appears, at all times the management of the 
 treasury. 
 
 7. There are some other fa^ts which may ho added 
 respecting the official proceedings of the epliors. 
 They commenced their annual office with the autuumal 
 equinox, the beginning of the Lacedaemonian year.'' 
 The first of them gave his name to the year, which was 
 called after him in all public transactions. They com- 
 menced their official duties with a species of edict, l)v 
 which the secret officers (xpuTrro)) were sent out : it 
 appears from this that they also exercised a superin- 
 tendence over the discipline of the Helots and Perioeci.'^ 
 In the same edict it was ordered " to shave the beard, 
 " and obey the laws^^ the former being a metaphorical, 
 and indeed rather a singular expression for subjection 
 and obedience. They held their daily meetings in the 
 ephors' office, in which they also ate together.' In 
 this house foreigners and ambassadors were introduced, 
 and hospitably entertained." Next to the Ephoreum 
 stood a temple of Fear, which the dictatorial power of 
 
 •1 Dodwell de Cyc. Diss. VIII. « See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. 
 
 .5. p. 320. Manso,vol.II.p.379. p 237. Comp. ^lian. V. H. 
 
 ■■Which also explains the IL 15. This building therefore 
 
 affair with the Aulonitae in Xen. corresponds to the Prytuneum 
 
 Hell. III. 3. 8. at Athens, in whicli the civil 
 
 * Aristot. ap. Plutarch.Cleom. laws (a^ov£c) were kept, and 
 9. de sera Nuni Vind. 4. p. ambassadors entertained, to- 
 222. Ke/pfo-Qai Tov ^varaka vai gether with certain distinguished 
 TTpoai^tiv To'tQ tofioig. Concern- citizens : indeed the prytanes 
 ing the Laconian word ^inra^, of Athens themselves, as* being 
 see Hesychius and Valcken. ad presidents of the public assem- 
 Adoniaz. p. 288. bly, have some similarity to the 
 
 * Pausan. III. 11. 2. Plu- ephors. See also Proclus ad 
 tarch. Cleom. 8. Ag. 16. Hcsiod. Op. et Di. 722. 
 
 VOL. II. K 
 
130 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIOiNS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CH, 
 
 7, §8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 these magistrates doubtless inspired in the citizens.* 
 Lastly, these officers also required a religious founda- 
 tion for tlieir dignity. The ephors at certain periods 
 saw dreams in the temple of Pasiphaa at Thalamse, 
 and tiieir visions were politically interpreted : we know 
 that a dream of this kind stimulated the Spartans- to 
 return to their ancient equality.^ Of their periodical 
 inspection of the heavens we have already spoken, 
 when treating of the kingly office - and it is remark- 
 able that this custom, which was doubtless of great 
 antiquity, occurs first in very late times, and was used 
 in support of the tyranny of the ephors over the kings. 
 It is these later times in particular which confirm the 
 assertion made in the beginning of the chapter, that 
 the ephoralty was the moving element, the principle of 
 change, in the Spartan constitution, and, in the end, 
 the cause of its final dissolution ; for the ephors, being 
 brought by means of their jurisdiction and their poli- 
 tical duties into extensive intercourse with foreign 
 nations, were the first to give up the severe customs of 
 ancient Sparta, and to admit a greater luxuiy of 
 nianners. Even Aristotle censures their relaxed mode 
 of hfe.'* It is still more to our purpose that the de- 
 crees which undermined the constitution of Sparta 
 originated irom these magistrates : it was tlie ephor 
 ^pitadeus who first carried tlirough the law permitting 
 the free inheritance of property. For this reason it 
 was necessary for the royal heroes Agis and Cleo- 
 menes, when, in a IVuitless but glorious struggle with 
 the degenerate age, they undertook to restore the con- 
 
 J31 
 
 ^ Plutarch Cleom. 8, d. 
 
 y Plut. Ag. 9. Cic. de Div. 
 I. 43, 96. Compare Manso, 
 vol. III. 1. p. 261. Siebelis ad 
 Paiisan. III. 26. 1. 
 
 ' Above, eh. 6. § 6— The 
 
 ephors also had certain duties 
 to perform at the sacrifices of 
 Athene Chalcioecus, Polvb. IV. 
 35. 2. 
 
 ■^ 'Am^«Vj/ ^/atra, II. 6. 16. 
 
 stitution of Lycurgus, to begin with the overthrow of 
 the ephors.^ 
 
 8. The undefined and vague nature of the authority 
 of the ephors*' is strongly opposed to the accurate 
 designation of the duties of the other annual officers. 
 Although there were many officers of this description 
 at Sparta, we seldom find any mention of them, as they 
 rarely overstepped the legal bounds of their authority. 
 Yet it is possible that the name tIxtj,*^ which is so fre- 
 quently used for the presidents of the assembly, and 
 the high court for state offiinces, and ^vhich to a 
 foreigner rather concealed than explained the internal 
 affiiirs of Sparta, comprehended other magistrates, 
 according to the circumstances of the case, besides the 
 kings, councillors, and ephors. The nomophylaces 
 and bidisei,^ as well as the ephors, had their offices in 
 the market-pLice. The duties of the former officers 
 are declared by their name, of their numl)er we know 
 nothing ; of the latter there were five, and their busi- 
 ness was to inspect the gymnastic exercises.^ Tiie 
 harmosyni were appointed to superintend the manners 
 of the women;" the buagi regulated a part of the edu- 
 cation ; to the empelori belonged the market-police.^ 
 
 ^ Which Paiisanias had once 
 wished to effect, Aristot. Pol. V. 
 1. 5. 
 
 ^ See the comparison of Philo 
 de Provid. 2. p. 80. Auchcr. 
 
 ^ Compare also the Scholiast, 
 and Ducker ad Thucyd. I. 58. 
 Sturz Lex. Xen. IV. p. 276. 
 At ap^^at, ra apx(^~ia is the same, 
 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 800. In 
 the army ol kv tiXu are the offi- 
 cers down to the Pentecoster, 
 Xen. Hell. III. 5. 22,23. 
 
 ♦• Pausan. III. 11. 2. 
 
 A Trpiajwg vo^o(pv\aKU)v 
 
 in recent inscriptions, Boeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1363,1364. 
 So also a Trpiarpvg fttciu)v in N°. 
 1364 (hence fiihoi irtpl tov in 
 inscriptions of late date), and 
 there were six bidei inclusively 
 of this one, as the inscription 
 last quoted, and another of Four- 
 mont's, prove. See above, p. 
 94. note •'. Why I pass over 
 Fourmont's pretended ancient 
 inscriptions it is needless to say. 
 
 ^ Hesvch. in v. 
 
 ^ Hesych. in v. In later times 
 also ayopavo^oiy in the inscrip- 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 The polemarclis also, in addition to their military func- 
 tions, had a civil, together with a certain judicial power. 
 In some Laconian inscriptions, belonging to the 
 Roman time, many names of nomophylaces, buagi, 
 and o-da-tTiTQi of the magistrates are recorded ; the 
 meaning of the latter distinction is obscure. The 
 election of regular nomophylaces was an occurrence 
 somewhat unusual/ With regard to later times we 
 may further observe, that the ephoralty, which was 
 abolished by Cleomenes, was re-established under the 
 Roman dominion ;^ and that the same king instituted 
 a college of 7raTpovo[xoi in the place of the gerusia,^ 
 although Pausanias again mentions gerontes ; unless 
 it is possible that the two councils coexisted. An in- 
 scription of the second century of the Christian era "" 
 mentions a (r6vhxog at Sparta, a public advocate, and 
 ictixoa-ioixaa-rrig, a public inquisitor, and interpreter of 
 the laws of Lycurgus, concerning whom, as well as 
 others of the magistrates here mentioned, we will say 
 more hereafter." 
 
 CH. 8, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 133 
 
 tion N°. 1364. Hesychius's 
 translation ^rj^ap-^oi does not 
 even explain the name of the 
 yepoaKTai. 
 
 ' Plut. Ages. 30. Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 189. 
 
 ^Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 4. 
 
 ^ Corsini Not. Graec. Diss. V. 
 p. 95. 
 
 "" Boeckh No. 1364 ; compare 
 Boeckhp. 611. 
 
 ° Since the first appearance 
 of this work, Boeckh, in his 
 Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. 605, 
 has shown that the Trarporofioi 
 obtained indeed the power of 
 the gerusia ; but that the latter 
 body still possessed an honorary 
 dignity, comp. ib. p. 610. He 
 further proves, p. 606, that the 
 frrst pafmnnmus was the tVw- 
 
 yvfiO£ of the state ; and that the 
 expression fVi rov hiya, in the 
 lists of magistrates, refers to 
 him. The regular number of 
 the nomophylaces, according to 
 Boeckh's references to Four- 
 mont's Inscriptions, }). 609, was 
 also five. There was however 
 sometimes a sixth. The bidiaii 
 are called in the inscriptions 
 iSideoi^ OT fti^voi 'y this, according 
 to Boeckh's ingenious explana- 
 tion, is the Laconian form of 
 'icvoi, fi^voi, and signifies wit- 
 nesses and judges among the 
 youth. Compare the 'irrrajp Hom. 
 II. XVIII. 801. XXIII. 486. 
 and concerning the uvoi in an- 
 cient laws, see ^lius Dionysius 
 quoted by Eustuthius on the 
 first passage. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 § 1. The Cosmi of Crete. § 2. Changes in their powers. § 3. 
 The Prytanes of Corinth and Rhodes. § 4. The Prytanes of 
 ancient Athens. § 5. The Artynae of Argos ; the Demiurgi in 
 several states of Peloponnesus. 
 
 ] . The cosmi of Crete are compared by Aristotle, 
 Ei)honis and Cicero, with the epliors of Lacedgemon.'^ 
 We are first led to suspect the correctness of this 
 comparison by the fact, that tlie larger part of the 
 extensive power of the ephoralty did not exist in the 
 ancient constitution of Sparta, and consequently there 
 could not have been any thing corresponding with it 
 in the sister constitution of Crete. This conjecture 
 is still further confirmed when we remember that the 
 cosmi were chosen from particular families, rather 
 according to their rank than their personal merits.^ 
 For to take away from the office of ephors their 
 election from among the people would be to give up 
 its most essential characteristic. If then we abandon 
 this comparison, it wdl be necessary, on account of 
 the great similarity between the two constitutions, 
 to find some other analogous office, and it ^vill then 
 appear tliat the parallel magistrates to the cosmi in 
 the Spartan government were the kings ; whom 
 indeed the cosmi appear to have succeeded, like the 
 pi-ytanes, artynee, &c., in other states, the expiring 
 
 * Polit. II. 7. 3. — ap. Strab. in his Dissert. Antiquar. 
 X. p. 482 A.— de Rep. II. 33. ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. 
 Van Dale dc Ephoris et Cosmis 
 
134 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CH. 8, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 135 
 
 monarchical dignity having been replaced by an aris- 
 tocratical niao-istrate. 
 
 This assertion is confirmed by whatever know- 
 ledge we have of the powers of the cosmi, which 
 indeed chiefly regards their influence in foreign 
 affairs. They were commanders in war, like the 
 kings of Sparta.^ They conducted the negotiations 
 with foreign ambassadors (although these last some- 
 times spoke before the public assembly) ; and they 
 affixed their official name to the treaties, as well as to 
 all decrees of the state."^ Tliey provided for the am- 
 bassadors during their residence/ and prepared for 
 them the necessary documents/ They appear to 
 have themselves gone as ambassadors to neighbouring 
 and friendly states.^ For the internal government 
 and administration of the state they shared the power 
 of the senate, with which body they consulted on 
 important affairs.^^ The decrees passed in this council 
 were then laid before the public assembly for its deci- 
 sion, according to the manner above stated.' On an 
 occasion of the connexion of two Cretan cities by 
 iflroTToXiTs/a, the cosmi of the one state, who were 
 resident in the other city, went together into the house 
 of meeting of the cosmi and of the senate (as it ap- 
 pears) and sat among them in the public assembly.*^ 
 
 I Aristot. Pol. II. 1. 3. ra, r^ la^^oaic^ ^^^ayll, i^,,,,. 
 
 '^^e^' . u . ^ .X. ^ As it appears from the treaty 
 
 Treaty between the Hi era- of the Hierapytnians, p. 130. 
 
 pytnn and Priansii m ChishulPs h Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 484 
 
 Ant. Asiat. pag. 130. Trpetyrjia B. 
 
 (7rpeiyEiaJegatio)S^<^Kct')(peiay ^ Aristot. Pol. II 7 4 
 
 ex*) TTopriKo, TraptxoiTujy oi k6(T' ^ Treaty of the Hierapyt- 
 
 ^''f'p^. -A •i.-i "^^"^' P- ^3^- A different re- 
 
 Cnosian decree, ibid. p. 121. gulation in that of the Latians 
 
 roQce KO(TfioQ to^eu airiypatpoy and Oloiltians, p. 134. 
 note rui \La(l>tfr/naToc o-^pay/car- 
 
 The conmion routine of business they appear to have 
 conducted with a large executive power ;^ they must, 
 for example, have had a compulsive authority, in 
 order to force a person who had kidnapped citizens of 
 a foreign state, against the right of asylum, to restore 
 them."" In judicial matters they performed, in the 
 times at least subsecjuent to Alexander, certain duties 
 which had a resemblance to the introduction of the law- 
 suits by the Athenian magistrates." They themselves, 
 however, were notonly subject to certain punishments 
 for omission of their duties, but they could also be hii- 
 peached, apparently during the continuance of their 
 office." Upon the whole, without having equal dignity, 
 they had more power and more extensive duties than 
 the Spartan kings ; yet both were limited by the large 
 number of the college of cosmi, for it contained ten 
 members. The college had power to degrade indi- 
 viduals, although the office was limited to a year, 
 each individual being also permitted to tender his 
 resignation Avithin that period.^' The first of them 
 gave his name to the year; he was called proto- 
 
 ^ Vid. ibid. p. 130. 
 
 ™ Decree of the Istronians 
 and Sybritians, p. 113, 114. ol 
 kocTfxoi — tTrayayKU^oyrcji' uTrodi- 
 COfiey TOVQ t')(pyTaQ. 
 
 "Ibid. p. 131. The Hiera- 
 pytnians and Priansians had for 
 a time had no commercium Juris 
 dandi repetendique {Koiyo^i- 
 ktoj') ; in this treaty it is agreed 
 that the cosmi of the year shall 
 bring before a court appointed 
 by both cities those lawsuits 
 which had l)ecn interrupted by 
 the want of a common tribunal ; 
 that they shall carry them 
 through during the term of 
 
 their office, and give sureties 
 for this in a month after the 
 conclusion of the treaty. Then 
 follow similar stipulations for 
 the future. 
 
 " In the treaty of the Hiera- 
 pytnians, p. 131, it is permitted 
 that a ypu(l)rj rifjTjrijj according 
 to the Athenian custom, should 
 be instituted against the cos- 
 mus; in the decree of the Sy- 
 britians (p. 114.), however, the 
 cosmi are uuarantced for a par- 
 ticular exercise of their power, 
 to be ai^a^Loi Koi ayviroliKoi 
 
 r Aristot. Pol. II 7. 7. 
 
136 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III 
 
 CH. 8. § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 cosmus,'! although he had probably no distinct privi- 
 leges. Tlie senate was chosen from persons who 
 had filled the office of cosmus ; it was not, however, 
 so arranged that each cosmus, on the cessation of his 
 office, became a senator (as at Athens, after the time 
 of Solon, eveiy archon, if no complaint was made 
 against him, became a member of the Areopagus), 
 but the senators were selected from among the former 
 cosmi, after a fresh examination. For the number 
 of the senators was, doubtless, limited, and was not 
 sufficiently great to comprehend all the cosmi. 
 
 2. In the time of Aristotle the power of the cosmi 
 had acquired a despotic character. The number of 
 the families from which they were chosen had become 
 less numerous; individual ftmiilies had acquired an 
 nnmediate influence upon the government, and their 
 disputes had created parties, in which the whole 
 nation took a share. The constitution had been tlms 
 converted into a narrow oligarchy; the democratic 
 element, the public assembly, being too feeble to 
 put an end to these dissensions. To this was added, 
 at a time when men had ceased to venerate ancient 
 customs, a want of written laws. Wlien powerful 
 families feared for the issue of a lawsuit, they pre- 
 vented the election of the cosmi, and an Scxogixla, as it 
 was called, arose,^ in which the chief families and 
 their dependents were opposed to one another as 
 enemies. This state of things liad at that time 
 
 137 
 
 '' Lyctian Inscript. Gniter. 
 
 p. 194. 15. Ol (TVy Till KOafiOL 
 
 frequentlv occurs. Cf. Polvb. 
 XXIII. 15. 1. ^ 
 
 ^ This sense is required by 
 the context in Aristot. Pol. II. 
 '7-7; so that after the words 
 
 rwj/ Ivyarwy, riyeg should be 
 restored, and the passage be 
 written thus : Traj^rwi/ U (pavXo- 
 TciTov TO rfjc aKOfTfxiac, fjv awi- 
 fTTuai TToWrtKLq, oray /uj) ciKag 
 liovKwrTui covyai^ rCoy ^vyaruiy 
 TiyiQ. 
 
 been introduced in several of the chief cities of 
 Crete: at tiie time, however, when the alliance 
 between the Priansii and Hierapytnii (which is still 
 extant) was agreed to, the gt^vernment appears to 
 have been better regulated, and the powers of the 
 aristocracy to have been considerably diminished. 
 But before the time of Polybius a comjdete revo- 
 lution had taken place, by Avhich the power of the 
 aristocracy w^as abolished, and the election of all 
 magistrates founded on democratic principles;' a 
 revolution which gradually overthrew all the ancient 
 institutions ; so tliat the writer just mentioned cannot 
 discover the least resemblance bet^veen the Spartan 
 and Cretan governments, the original similarity of 
 which cannot be doubted. It is worthy of remark 
 that cosmi, as far as we know, were the chief magis- 
 trates in all the cities of Crete ; and their consti- 
 tutions were in all essential j)oints the same : a proof 
 that these cities, although originally founded by 
 different tribes, were in their political institutions 
 determined by the governing, that is, the Doric race.' 
 In the time of Plato, Cnosus was still, as in the 
 time of JMinos, considered the chief seat of ancient 
 Cretan institutions ; Ephorus, on the other hand, 
 observes that they had been less preserved in this 
 town than among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and other 
 small cities." 
 
 3. With the Cretan cosmi may be compared the 
 magistrates named prytanes, who in Corinth, as well 
 as in other states, succeeded in the place of the 
 kings. The numerous house of the Bacchiadse were 
 
 ** VI. 46. 4. From the con- in Crete. 
 text it is plain that the senate * Similarly Tittmann, p. 413. 
 was at that time chosen annually " Strabo, p. 481 B. 
 
138 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 not content that certain individuals of their number 
 should exercise tlie government as an hereditary right 
 for life, but wished to obtain a larger share in it, and 
 to give the enjoyment of the supreme power to a 
 greater number. The only difference, however, which 
 existed between a prytanis and a king was, that the 
 former was elected, and only held his office for a 
 year, by which he \\as compelled to administer it 
 according to the will of his house, into the body of 
 which he was soon to return. In this state, doubtless, 
 there was also a gerusia, but perhaps only consisting 
 of Bacchiadse. As the Bacchiadae only intermarried 
 with persons of their own house, they formed an 
 aristocratic caste, whose government, which lasted 
 for ninety years, must have been exceedingly oppres- 
 sive.* As Corcyra was founded from Corinth before 
 the commencement of the tyranny of the Cypselidse, 
 we find that in the latter state annual prytanes, chosen 
 apparently from among the aristocracy, remained the 
 supreme magistrates even in a democratic age J 
 
 The power of the prytanis, as has been already 
 mentioned, came next in order in that of king, and 
 hence the ancient Charon of Lampsacus called the 
 Spartan kings prytanes ;'^ which was also the proper 
 name of one of them. The early kings of Delphi 
 
 ^ See Herod. V. 92. Paiisan. 
 II. 4. See book I. ch. 8. § 3. 
 
 ^ See the great inscription, 
 earlier than the Roman times, 
 in Boeckh*s Staatshaushaltiing, 
 vol. II. p. 403, in which Ari- 
 stomenes the prytanis, the son 
 of Aristolaidas, a Hyllean, is 
 mentioned, whose head occurs 
 on a coin in connexion with 
 the head of Hercules. Another 
 
 inscription in the same book 
 also mentions four prytanes to- 
 gether. At that time, however, 
 the government was democratic, 
 since the aXia was also a court 
 of justice, p. 406. 
 
 * Suidas : Xapwv Trpvrayeiq ri 
 apxorrsc Aawcai^/oiiwi'. It is 
 also used for king by Pindar 
 and /Eschvlus. 
 
 CH. 8, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 139 
 
 were also, at least about 360 B.C., called prytanes;* 
 in wliich state there was for a long time an aristocratic 
 government, similar to that wliich prevailed in the 
 Homeric age.^ The number of the prytanes was in 
 general only one or two.'^ At Rhodes there were t^vo 
 in a year, each of whom had the precedence for six 
 months f so that sometimes one, sometimes two pry- 
 tanes are mentioned : they managed the public affairs 
 with great power in the Prytaneum, in which building 
 the archives of the city were preserved, and foreign 
 ambassadors received." Yet their powers cannot have 
 been excessive in the free constitution, which Rhodes, 
 at its most flourishing period, enjoyed. For the se- 
 nate, which was chosen on purely democratic prin- 
 ciples, as we shall see below, shared the management 
 of all public affairs with the prytanes ; the people, 
 however, exercised the supreme power in the general 
 assembly, voted ]}y cheirotonia,^ and does not appear 
 to have been even led in its deliberations by the magis- 
 trates alone.s Yet the government of Rhodes was 
 never, up to the time of the Roman dominion, a com- 
 plete democracy;*' perhaps it approximated at the 
 
 * lipaKXei^ov Trpvravevoyrog, 
 Paus. X. 2. 2. 
 
 ^ See b. II. ch. 1. § 8. Com- 
 pare the history in Aristot. Pol. 
 V. 3. 3. Plut.'Praee. Rep. ger. 
 52. p. 200. sq. 
 
 ^ See Dissents Commentary 
 and my note to Pindar Nem. 
 XI. 4. where now I agree with 
 Boeckh, that the trdipoi com- 
 pose the i3ov\t)y over which the 
 TpvraviQ presides. 
 
 ^ This I infer from Polyb. 
 XX > II. 6. 2. ^rparoicXiovc npv- 
 Tai'Evoi'TOQ r>)v civTipay Itc^rjvoy. 
 Comp. Paulsen de Rhodo, p. 56. 
 
 •• See particularly Polyb. XV. 
 
 23. 3. XVI. 15. 8. XXIII. 3. 
 10. XXIX. 4. 4. XXIX. 5. 6. 
 
 a.p\ii fjLuXKTra avroKparwp, Ap- 
 pian. Bell. Civ. IV. 66. Comp. 
 Plut. Praec. Rep. ger. 17. p. 
 113. Liv. XLII.45. Poseidonius 
 the historian was prytanis at 
 Rhodes, Strabo VII. p. 316. 
 
 f Polyb. XXIX. 4. 1. 
 
 s Polybius and Appius ubi 
 sup. mention crj/jLayioyol; the 
 former writer had also explain- 
 ed the rpoirog rrJQ ^rjfiTfyopiaCj 
 but the passage is lost. 
 
 h Strabo XIV. p. 652. See 
 below, ch. 9. § 3. 
 
140 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 period of the greatest power of these islanders to the 
 poUteia of Aristotle/ But the power of the prytanes, 
 who were also the chief magistrates in Ionian, and 
 especially iEolian^ states, was not everywhere so 
 wisely restrained; in Miletus their authority was 
 nearly despotic.^ In all places the prytanes inherited 
 from the kings the celebration of public sacrifices, 
 which they generally performed in particular build- 
 ings in the market-place, on the common hearth of 
 the state. So the piytanis of Tenedos, to w^hom Pin- 
 dar has composed an ode for the sacrifice upon en- 
 trance into his office {sWir-fipm) . In Cos a divination 
 from fire was prolmbly connected with the sacrifices 
 of the prytanis." These sacrifices, the public ban- 
 quets, together with the reception of foreign ambassa- 
 dors, belonged at Athens to the fifty prytanes, as was 
 the case at Rhodes and Cos. But the political signi- 
 fication of the name had, under the democratic go- 
 vernment of Athens, become entirely different from 
 that which it bore in other more aristocratic constitu- 
 tions. 
 
 4. The striking dissimilarity in the duties of the 
 piytanes in the Athenian and in the early constitu- 
 tions of Greece, and a conviction that the democracy 
 of Athens, although relatively modern, had so com- 
 pletely brought into oblivion the former institutions, 
 that they can be only recognised in insulated traces 
 
 ' See Ubbo Emmius de Rep 
 Rhod. ^* 
 
 ^ Ad Find, ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3.— The 
 prytanes of Cyzicus were on 
 the other hand democratic. 
 
 ™^ Hesychius KepKOQ—i^nro 
 U av-rj fidWoy 6 Iv K^ Trpvrayic. 
 Compare with this the sacrifice 
 
 m the Peace of Aristophanes. 
 The prytanis in the city of Cro- 
 tona, sacred to Apollo, went 
 every seventh day about the 
 altars, Athen. XII. p. 522 C. 
 Concerning the care of the pry- 
 tanes for the Kotp^ Itrria, see 
 Aristot. Pol. VI. 5. 
 
 CH. 8, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 141 
 
 and names which had lost their ancient meaning, en- 
 courage me to offer some conjectures on the original 
 nature of the office held by the prytanes of Athens. 
 There was at Athens a court of justice in the pryta- 
 neum {hiri Trpuravsim), which, in the times of which 
 we have an historical account, only possessed tlie 
 renmants of a formerly extensive criminal jurisdic- 
 tion." Now that this liad once been the chief court 
 m Athens is proved by the name prytanea, nhich 
 were fees deposited by the parties before each law- 
 suit, according to the amount of value in question, 
 and w^hich served for the maintenance of the judges." 
 The name })roves that these monies had at one time 
 been the pay of the prytanes, in their judicial capa- 
 city, like the gifts in Homer and Hesiod. Further^ 
 more we know that the ancient financial office of the 
 colacretse at one time, as their name testifies, collected 
 their share of the animals sacrificed (which exactly 
 resembles the perquisites of the kings at Sparta), and 
 that they always continued to manage the banquets in 
 the Prytaneum, and at a later time collected the jus- 
 tice-fees, for example, these very prytanea.^' From 
 the connexion between these functions, which has not 
 been entirely obliterated, it is manifest that the ancient 
 judicial prytanes formed a company or iiysaition, dined 
 m public, were fed at the public expense, and, with 
 regard to their revenues, had stept into the rights of 
 the kings, whose share in the sacrifices and justice- 
 fees had formerly been collected by the colacretse. 
 
 ° See particularly Andoc. de 
 Myst. p. 37. 
 
 " Boeckh's Economy of A- 
 thcns, vol. II. p. 64. 
 
 P Ibid. vol. I. p. 232. where 
 the nature of this office was 
 
 first explained. The Areopa- 
 gites also probably received 
 their Kpiuc through these of- 
 ficers. Comp. Hesych. and 
 Photius in Kpiar. 
 
142 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 
 Although there appears to be nothing inconsistent in 
 this account, it is nevertheless singular that a whole 
 court of justice bore the name of prytanes, whereas 
 in other states the number of these magistrates was 
 always very small ; and hence we are led to conjecture 
 that the prytanes, as in other places, were merely the 
 leaders and presidents of this supreme court. It is, 
 however, certain that in later times the phylobasileis 
 presided in the Prytaneum, four eupatridee, who were 
 at the head of the four ancient tribes ; and doubtless 
 performed other duties than the sacred functions which 
 are ascribed to them ;^ like the phylarchs of Epidam- 
 nus, whose extensive duties were in later times trans- 
 ferred to a senate/ We must therefore suppose that 
 these phylobasileis, who, in consequence of political 
 changes, had at an early period fallen into oblivion, 
 were once, under the name of piytanes, one of the 
 highest offices of the state. Now these four prytanes, 
 or phylobasileis, were assisted in their court by the 
 ephetse, who, as I have already remarked,' were before 
 the time of Solon identical with the court of the 
 Areopagus, when they had the management of the 
 criminal jurisdiction, and a superintendence over the 
 manners of the citizens in an extended sense of the 
 word. Both these were also duties of the Doric ge- 
 rusia, to which the kings stood in nearly the same re- 
 lation as the prytanes of Athens to the areopagites or 
 ephetse. Their number was fifty-one, which probably 
 includes the basileus : there could not, however, have 
 been fifty previously to the new division of the tribes 
 
 ^ ^1 Hence Solon ap. Plut. 19. tice. Pollux VIII. Ill 120 
 
 eic Trpvraydov KaTa^iKaffdivTEQ Hesych. in <i>v\ofta(n\{iQ! 
 
 viro TU)v ^atrtXfwy.— They also ^ Aristot. Pol V I 6 
 
 sat together in the royal porch, « Book IL ch. 8 § 6 * 
 probably also as a court of jus- 
 
 CH. 8, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 143 
 
 by Cleisthenes, l)efore wliich change their numl^er 
 was forty-eight, according to the four tribes, either with 
 or without the phylobasileis. 
 
 If this view of the subject is correct, there is a 
 remarkable correspondence, both in their respective 
 numbers and constitutions, between the criminal court 
 and the first administrative office in the ancient state 
 of Athens. These latter were the naucrari. The 
 naucrari, wlio were also anciently forty-eight in num- 
 ber, and fifty after the new division of the tribes, in 
 early times managed the public revenue, and theref^ore 
 fitted out armies and fleets.^ Now Herodotus also 
 mentions prytanes of the naucrari, who in early times 
 directed the government of Athens." Unless we sup^ 
 pose the existence of two kinds of prytanes (which 
 floes not appear suitable to the simplicity of ancient 
 institutions), the same persons must have presided 
 over both colleges, and have had an equal share in the 
 jurisdiction and government. The regularity of these 
 institutions ^voul(l appear surj)rising, if ^ve were not 
 certain that the same order existed in all the ancient 
 political establishments ; at the same time we must 
 leave the relative powers of many officers, such, for 
 example, as those of the arclions and prytanes, vvith- 
 out any attempt at elucidation. 
 
 5. More obscure even than the condition of the 
 cosmi and prytanes are the origin and powei-s of the 
 ARTYN^ at Argos." They cannot have arisen at a 
 late period, for example, after the abolition of the 
 royalty, since the same office existed in their ancient 
 
 ^Boeckh in several places, ^ Olymp. 90. 1. 420 B C ' 
 
 Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 364. mentioned by Thuc. V. 47. Cf! 
 
 "V. 71. Compare Schoe- ^ginetica, p. 134. 
 mann de Comitiis, p. 12. 
 
144 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book m. 
 
 colony, Epidaurus, whose constitution resembled that 
 of Argos only in the more ancient period. Since it 
 did not originate from the downfall of the royalty, its 
 origin may, perhaps, have been owing to a division of 
 the regal authority, perhaps of the civil and military 
 functions. In Epidaurus the artynee were presidents 
 of a large council of one hundred and eiglity mem- 
 bers 'J in Argos they are mentioned in connexion w ith 
 a body of eighty persons, and a (democratic) senate, 
 of whose respective powers we are entirely ignorant.^ 
 
 The present is a convenient occasion for mentioning 
 the DEMiURGi, as several grammarians state that they 
 were in particular a Doric magistracy,* perhaps, how- 
 ever, only judging from the form ^a^ioupyog. These 
 magistrates were, it is true, not uncommon in Pelo- 
 ponnesus,^ but they do not occur often in the Doric 
 states. They existed among the Eleans and Manti- 
 neans," the Hermioneans,'^ in the Achaean leacjue," at 
 Argos also,^ as well as in Thessaly ;« officers named 
 epidemiurgi were sent by the Corinthians to manage 
 the government of their colony Potidgea.^ The state- 
 ments and interpretations of the grammarians afford 
 little instruction : among the Achseans at least, their 
 
 y Plut. Qusest. Grffic. I. 
 
 * A very numerous synedrion 
 in the Prytaneum at the time of 
 Cassander, Diod. XIX. 63. 
 
 ^ ^1. Dionys. ap. Eustath. 
 ad Od. XVII. p. 1285. Rom. 
 Hesych. in v. 
 
 ^ Hence Philip (ap. Demosth. 
 de Corona, p. 280.) writes to 
 the demiurgi and synedri of the 
 Pelopounesians. 
 
 ^ Thuc. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Boeekh Corp. Inscript. No. 
 1193. and see Boeekh, pp. 11. 
 and 594. 
 
 « Polyb. XXIV. 5. 16. Liv. 
 XXXII. 22. XXXVIII. 30. 
 
 and Drakenborch*s note, Plut. 
 Arat. 43. AAMIOPrOI in a 
 Dymaean inscription, ib. 1543. 
 
 ^Etym. Mag. p. 265, 45. 
 Zonaras in v. 
 
 Mbid. Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 
 
 '* Thuc. I. 56. with the Scho- 
 lia. Compare Suidas in ^rj^iovp- 
 yog. ^7nCr]fjiiovpyoi are uppet' 
 demiurgi, as the tViorpar^yot in 
 Egypt, in the time of the Pto- 
 lemies, were upper or superior 
 (TTparrjyoi. 
 
 CH. \K § J 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 145 
 
 chief (hity was to transact l)usiness with the people ; 
 which renders it probable, that at Argos they were 
 identical with the leaders of the people ;' of whom, as 
 well as of some other public officers, whose functions 
 admit of further explanation, we will speak in the 
 following chapter. 
 
 CHAP. IX 
 
 § 1. Constitutions of Argos. § 2. Epidaurus, JEghm, Cos 
 § 3. Rhodes. § 4. Corinth. § 5. Corcyra. § 6. Ambracia, 
 Leucadia, Epidamnus, ApoUonia. § 7. Syracuse. § 8. Gela 
 Agrigentum. § 9. Sicyon, Phlius. § 10. Megara. § 11. By- 
 zantium, Chalcedon, Heraclea Pontica. § 12. Cnidos, Melos 
 Thera. § 13. Cyrene. § 14. Tarentum. § 15. Heraclea 
 Sciritis. § 16. Croton. § 17. And Delphi. § 18. Aristocra- 
 tic character of the constitution of Sparta. 
 
 1. It is my intention in the present chapter to col- 
 lect and arrange the various accounts respecting the 
 alterations in the constitution of those Doric states^ 
 which deviated more from their original condition 
 than Crete and Sparta : having been more affected by 
 the general revolutions of the Greek governments, and 
 drawn with greater violence into the strong current of 
 political change. 
 
 And first, with regard to Argos, J will extract the 
 follo\ving particulars from former parts of this work. 
 There were in this state three classes of persons ; the 
 inhabitants of the city, who ^^ ere for the most part 
 Dorians, distributed into four tribes; a class of 
 
 • As in Mantinea, Xen. Hell, yiai were of considerable dura- 
 
 V. 2. 3. 6. They were different tion, Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 3. Com- 
 
 from the regular W\i;,Thuc. V. pare vEginetica, p. 134. 
 47. In early times the ^afnovp- 
 
 VOL. II. L 
 
146 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK in. 
 
 Perioeci, and also a class of bondslaves, named ^ym- 
 nesii.* The kings, who were at first of the Heraclide 
 family, and afterwards of another dynasty, reigned 
 until the time of the Persian war ;^ there were also 
 officers named artynse, and a senate possessing extensive 
 powers. All these are traces which seem to prove a 
 considerable resemblance between the constitutions of 
 Argos and Sparta, at least they show that there was 
 no essential difference. But this similarity was put 
 an end to by the destruction of a large portion of the 
 citizens, in the battle with Cleomenes, and the conse- 
 quent admission of many Perioeci to the rights of 
 citizenship.*^ Soon after this period, we find Argos 
 flourishing in population, industry, and wealth ;^ and 
 in the enjoyment of a democratic constitution.^ The 
 latter, however, was ill adapted to acquire the ascend- 
 ency in Peloponnesus, which Argos endeavoured to 
 obtain after the peace of Nicias. Hence tlie people 
 appointed a board of twelve men, with full powers to 
 conclude treaties with any Greek state that was willing 
 to join their party ; but in case of Sparta or Athens 
 proposing any such alliance, the question was to be 
 first referred to tlie Avhole people.' The state also, in 
 order to form the nucleus of an army, levied a body of 
 well-armed men,^ who were selected from the higher 
 ranks.^ It was natural that these should endano-er 
 the democracy; and after the battle of JMantinea 
 (B.C. 418.) they overthrew it, in concert with the 
 
 * See above ch. 4. § 2. 
 
 ^ Seech. 6. § 10. The no- 
 tions of the ancients, on the 
 subject of the Argive kings, 
 seem very vague and doubtful. 
 
 •= Book I. ch. 8. § 7. 
 
 ^ Diod. XII. 75. 
 
 •' See particuh.rly Thucyd. V. 
 
 29. 41. 44.— TO TrXijdog i^^rj- 
 (plaaro (404 B.C ). Demosth. 
 de Rhod. Libert, p. 197. 
 
 ^Thuc V. 27,28. 
 
 s See the passages quoted 
 above, p. 56. note >. 
 
 ^ Aristotle Pol. II. 3. 5. calls 
 them rovg yvijjpifiovr. 
 
 CH. 9, § J. OF THE DORIANS. 147 
 
 Lacedsemonians, after having put the demagogues to 
 deatli.' Their dominion, however, only lasted for 
 eight months, as an insurrection and battle within the 
 city deprived them of their power, and reinstated the 
 democracy.^ Alcibiades the Athenian completed this 
 change by the expulsion of many oligarchs, who were 
 still remaining in the city ;^ afterwards he wished to 
 overthrow the democracy ])y means of his friends,"* in 
 consequence of which they were all killed. Two 
 parties, however, must have still continued to exist in 
 this state, ^neas the Tactician relates, that the rich 
 purposing to attack the people for the second time, 
 and on a certain night having introduced many soldiers' 
 into the city, the leaders of the people hastily sum- 
 moned an assembly, and ordered that every armed man 
 should that night pass nuister in his tribe," by which 
 means the rich were prevented from uniting themselves 
 in a body. The leaders of the people (%ot> wpofrri^ 
 rai^) are here manifestly democratic magistrates, who 
 rose to power during the contests between the opposite 
 factions, and differed chiefly from the demagogues of 
 Athens, in that their authority was official^ without 
 which they would not have been able to convene an 
 
 * Aristot. ubi sup. Diod. XII. 
 80. Thuc. V. 81. t6p ip^hpyu 
 hijfwy KariXvaaVy vat oXiyufi^^ia 
 KarifTTrj. cf. 76. 
 
 ''In Julvof417B.C. Thuc. 
 V. 82. Diod XII. SO. 
 
 ^ Thuc. V. 84. Diod. XU 
 81. 
 
 •"Thuc. VI. 61. Diod. XIII. 
 5. 
 
 " C. 11. — Trai^rac, oirat, eva- 
 Toy, the emendation of Casau- 
 bon, who wishes to introduce 
 the word eKaroarvc, does not 
 agree with what follows. Per- 
 
 haps there were at that time ten 
 triUes at Argos, as in Athens, 
 and the x^^toi XoyaBet: are here 
 meant : but even then it would 
 be difficult to fix the time of 
 this event. 
 
 ° Compare Plut. Alcib. 14. 
 Nicostratus, who according to 
 Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 
 252 A. was Trpovrarrjg rijg tto- 
 Xeujg at the time of Artaxerxes 
 Ochus, was probably an officer 
 of this description. Compare 
 what was said on the demiuriri, 
 ch. 8. § 5. 
 
 l2 
 
148 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi 
 
 CH. 9, § 2. OF THK DORIANS. 
 
 149 
 
 m 
 
 assembly of the people. For although the appellation 
 of hrjfjLQu Trpoa-rarrig in the Doric states, as well as at 
 Athens, sometimes denotes merely a person who by his 
 character and eloquence had placed himself at the head 
 of the people ; we shall produce hereafter certain 
 proofs, when we speak of Gela and Calymna, that it 
 was also the title of a public officer.^ 
 
 When, during the peace of Artaxerxes, the Lace- 
 daemonians had ceased to possess any extensive share 
 in the direction of public affairs in Peloponnesus, a 
 spirit of ungovernable licentiousness and ochlocracy 
 arose in those cities which had hitherto been under an 
 oligarchical rule ; everywhere there were vexatious 
 accusations, banishments, and confiscations of property, 
 especially of the property of such persons as had filled 
 public offices under the guidance of Sparta, though, 
 even during that period, (B.C. 374.) Argos had been 
 a place of refuge for banished democrats.^ But after 
 the battle of Leuctra, when the power of Lacedeemon 
 was completely broken, and Peloponnesus had for a 
 certain time lost its leader, the greatest anarchy began 
 to prevail in Argos. Demagogues stirred up the 
 people so violently against all privileged or distin- 
 guished persons, that the latter thought themselves 
 driven to plot the overthrow of the democracy."^ The 
 scheme was discovered, and the people raged with the 
 greatest ferocity against the real or supposed con- 
 spirators. On this occasion, more than 1200 of the 
 chief persons (many upon mere suspicion) were put to 
 death ;* and at length the demagogues, fearing to carry 
 
 P Below, § 8. 
 1 Diod. XV. 40. 
 •^ Diod. XV. 57, 58. 
 * Plutarch (PnTc. Reip. 
 
 ger. 
 
 17. p. 175.) reckons 1500 in all. 
 He is followed by Helladius 
 Chrestom. p. 979. in Gronov. 
 Thesaur. Gr. vol. X. 
 
 through the measures which themselves had originated, 
 suffered the same fate. This state of things was called 
 by the name of <r;<'jTaXi<r/xo^, or club-law ; it appears 
 to have been a time when the strongest man was the 
 most powerful. Wlien the Athenians heard of these 
 transactions, they purified their market-place, thinking 
 that the whole of Greece was polluted by sucli atro- 
 cities :* it was probably at the same time that the 
 Argives themselves offered an expiatory sacrifice to the 
 mild Zeus (Zshg Mi/X/;^<o^), for the free blood which 
 had been shed." Notwithstanding these proceedings, 
 the rich and distinguished continued to be persecuted at 
 Argos with the greatest violence ;'' for wliich the os- 
 tracism, a custom introduced from Athens,^ together 
 with other democratic institutions," was the chief in- 
 strument. In times such as these, the chief and most 
 noble features of the Doric character necessarily dis- 
 appeared ; the unfortunate termination of nearly all 
 military undertakings " proves the decline of braveiy. 
 In so unsettled a state of public affairs, sycophancy and 
 violence became prevalent:^ notwithstanding which, 
 their eagerness and attention to public speaking pro- 
 duced no orator, whose fame was sufficient to descend 
 to poster ity.*" 
 
 2. In Epidaurus, on the other hand, the ari- 
 stocracy continued in force, and accordingly this city 
 
 * Plut. ubi sup. compare also 
 Dionys. Hal. Archaeol. Rom. 
 VII. 66. 
 
 "Paiisan. II. 20. 1. 
 
 * Isocrat. ad Philipp. p. 92 
 C. D. Even however after this 
 time princiues occur, Liv. 
 XXXII. 38. 
 
 y Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5. Schol. 
 Aristoph. Ecj. 851. Phavorinus 
 
 in ocTTpaKiv^a. Compare Para- 
 dys de Ostracismo in the Clas- 
 sical Journal, vol. XIX. p. 348. 
 
 =^ See Aristid. II. p. 388. 
 
 * Isocrat. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ 'Apyeia <popa ap. Diogenian. 
 11.79. Apostol. IV. 28. Eu8- 
 tath. ad II. /3'. p. 286 Rom. 
 
 *= Cicero Brut. 13. 
 
150 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi 
 
 CH. 9, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 151 
 
 tip 
 
 was as much attached to tlie Spartans, as Argos was 
 disinclined to them. Of the artynse in this state, and 
 of the senate of 1 80, as well as of the class of culti- 
 vators, and of the tribes^, we have spoken in former 
 parts of this work.*^ 
 
 As long as ^Egina remained an independent state, 
 the government was held by the hereditary aristocracy, 
 whose titular dignity was probably increased by the 
 power derived from the possession of great wealth. 
 The insurrection of a democratic party remained fruit- 
 less, ^gina and Corinth are decisive proofs, that 
 under an aristocratical government an active and enter- 
 prising spirit of commerce may arise and flourish. 
 
 The Epidaurian colony, Cos, without doubt, ori- 
 ginally adopted the constitution of its mother-state. 
 Before the 75th (probably about the 73rd or 74th) 
 Olympiad, we find a tyrant appointed by the king of 
 Persia reigning in this island, Cadmus, the son of 
 Scythes of Zancle ;" after some time, however, he 
 quitted Cos, having established a senate, and i^iven 
 back the state its freedom ; yet the island appears to 
 have immediately aftenvards fallen under the dominion 
 of Artemisia.^ At a later period, the influence of 
 Athens opened the way to democracy, but it was over- 
 thrown by violent demagogues, who compelled the 
 chief persons in self-defence to combine against it.^ 
 The senate Oot>Xr, or ycpo'jarla) of the Coans, as well 
 as their prjianes, have been mentioned above ;^ the 
 nominal magistrates under the Roman dominion need 
 not be here treated of. 
 
 3. In the Argive colony of Rhodes, it may be sup- 
 
 ^^Ch. 5.§l.ch. 8. §5. 
 ^ See vol. I. p. 1S7. note ». 
 ^ Herod. VIl. 99. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 2. 
 *• P. 94. note ". and p. 140. 
 note ™. 
 
 }>osed that an ancient Doric constitution existed ; for 
 tliere were kings of the Heraclide family, and probably 
 also a council with the same j)owers as the Spartan 
 gerusia. The royalty expired alter the 30th Olympiad 
 (660 B.C.); but the ancient family of the Eratida? at 
 lalysus, retained a considerable share in the govern- 
 ment ; probably exercising nearly the powers of a 
 prytanis. Pindar shows that the frame of justice 
 belonged to this once royal family,' when he says, 
 ** Give, O father Zeus, to Diagor an favour both with 
 " citizens and with strangers, i^ince he walks- con- 
 " stantly in the way opposed to violence, knowing 
 " well what the JiiH minds of noble ancestors have 
 " inspired in him. Destroy not the common progeny 
 ** of Calliana.v. At the solemnities for the victory 
 *' of the Eratidce, the whole city rejoices in banquets, 
 " Yet in a moment of time many winda meet from 
 ''many quarters^ Tiudar thus early (461 B.C.) 
 predicts the dangers that then awaited the ancient 
 family, to ^\hich Rhodes owed so nmch, from the 
 growing influence of Athens;^ througiiout the whole 
 ode he cautions the citizens against precipitate inno- 
 vation, and prays for the continuance of the ancient 
 firmly-seated constitution ^ Both prophecies were 
 fulfilled, llie sons of Diagoras were condemned to 
 deiith, and banished by the Athenians, as heads of the 
 aristocracy ; but the hero Dorieus returned to his 
 country from Thurii, with Thurian ships, and fought 
 with them against the enemies of his family, as a faith- 
 
 * Olymp. VII. 87. Callianax the proceedings of Themisto- 
 
 was one of the ancestors of Di- cles in this and in other islands, 
 
 agoras of the yiroc *EtxiTUuiy. Plut. Them. 21. 
 
 *^ Compare what Timocreon ' See Boeckh's masterly ex- 
 
 the Rhodian said in OhTnp. planation of this ode atthe end. 
 75. 4. 477 B. C. concerning 
 
152 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CH. 9, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 153 
 
 ful partisan of the Spartans. He was taken by the 
 Athenians in the year 405 B.C., who, when about to 
 condemn liim, were moved by the appearance of the 
 noble son of Diagoras (whose boldness of spirit cor- 
 responded with the size and beauty peculiar to his 
 family), to release him from imprisonment and death.*" 
 The ancient fortune of the Rhodians, which was owing 
 to their strict adherence to the Doric customs, and 
 to their great commercial activity, was interrupted by 
 tlie troubles of the Peloponnesian war, in which the 
 alternation of the Athenian and Lacedaemonian in- 
 fluence by turns introduced democracy and aristocracy. 
 At the time of the Sicilian expedition, Rhodes was 
 under the power of Athens ;" but the Spartans having 
 m 412 B.C. obtained the superiority in this island," 
 and Dorieus having been recalled by them (413 B.C.) 
 m order to suppress internal dissensions, the govern- 
 ing power again reverted to the nobles : these latter 
 having been compelled to unite against the people by 
 the demagogues, who, while they distributed the public 
 money among the people in the shape of salaries, had 
 not repaid the sums due to the trierarchs, and at the 
 same time vexed them by continual lawsuits.^ Soon 
 
 ™ See Thucyd. VIII. 35, 84. 
 Xen. Hell. I. 1, 2. I. 5. 19. 
 Diod. XIII. 38, 43. Pausan. 
 VI. 7. 2. The correctness of 
 what Androtion relates in this 
 passage is very doubtful. 
 
 ° Thuc. VII. 57. 
 
 ° Thuc. VIII. 44. 
 
 P Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5, 6. V. 
 5. 4. These three passages ap- 
 parently refer to the same event; 
 which (if this is the case) must 
 have taken place at the time to 
 which I have in the text re- 
 
 ferred it ; for in the middle one 
 the popular party is said to have 
 been defeated by the nobles, 
 Trpo Tfjg iTravaaTaffewg, which 
 cannot signify '* before the re- 
 " volution," a meaning which 
 neither the words nor the con- 
 text will admit j but "before the 
 " congregation of the inhabitants 
 " of the three small towns to the 
 " city of Rhodes," the avaaro- 
 o-tC (TTt fiinv 'Pd^o»'. Goettling 
 indeed (ad. I.) is of opinion, 
 that the two first passages can- 
 
 after this period (408 B.C.),^ the large city of Rhodes 
 was founded, by collecting to one spot the inhabitants 
 of the three small cities of the island, Lindus, lalysus, 
 and Camirus. But in 396 B.C. Rhodes was again 
 recovered by Conon to Athens, and became demo- 
 cratical;^ yet in five years (391 B.C.) the Spartan 
 party was again victorious ;« and the Social War finally 
 [>ut an end to the influence of the Atlienians. From 
 this time the interference of the Carian rulers, 
 Mausolus and Artemisia, commenced, by whicli the 
 oligarchy was greatly raised, and the democratical 
 party driven out; to restore which, and to regard rather 
 the cause of popular freedom in Greece, than the in- 
 juries received from the Rhodians, was the advice of 
 Demosthenes to the Athenians.* At that time a 
 Carian garrison was in the Acropolis of Rhodes. 
 Out of these troubles and dissensions a constitution 
 arose, in which, as far as we are able to ascertain, 
 democracy prevailed, although the small number and 
 extensive powers of the prytanes prove that it was not 
 unmixed m ith aristocratical elements. According to 
 the description which Cicero puts in the mouth of the 
 younger Scipio, at this time all the members of the 
 
 not refer to the same event, 
 since in the first the constitution 
 of Rhodes is stated to have 
 perished through 0o/3oc, in the 
 latter through KaTufpoyrjaic. 
 But the same example might 
 have been strictly applicable to 
 both ; the ytutpi^oi dreaded the 
 disturbances of the dema- 
 gogues, and at the same time 
 despised the irregular proceed- 
 ings of the people, and therefore 
 overthrew the democracy. 
 
 'I Diod. XIII. 75. See also 
 Boeckh, Public Economy of 
 Athens, vol. II. p. 155. 
 
 ' Diod. XIV. 79. 
 
 « Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 20—22. 
 Diod. XIV. 97. 
 
 * In the speech concerning 
 the freedom of the Rhodians, 
 cf. irepi Hvyra^twc, p. 194. The 
 oligarchy of Hegesilochus (The- 
 opompus ap. Athen. X. p. 444.) 
 perhaps belongs to tliis period. 
 
]54 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CH. 9, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 155 
 
 senate belonged (in the same year) to the public 
 assembly, and sat in alternate months (probably periods 
 of six months, like the prytanes) in the senate and 
 among tJie people ; in both capacities they received pay 
 {eonventicmn): the same persons also sometimes sat 
 as judges among the people in the theatre, sometimes 
 in the senate in criminal and other cases." These 
 statements cannot be easily reconciled with Strabo's 
 view of the constitution, and yet there can be no doubt 
 that he, as well as Cicero, speaks of the time preceding 
 Cassius' conquest of Rhodes. " The Khodians," he 
 says, "though not under a democratic government, 
 " took great care of the people; in order to support 
 '' the number of poor in the state, tiiey provided them 
 " with corn, and the rich maintained the poor accord- 
 " ing to an ancient custom ; there were also liturgies, 
 ** by which the people were furnished with meat, &c."^ 
 Notwithstanding the democratic institution of the se- 
 nate, many offices, those perhaps in particular which 
 were connected with the administration, such for ex- 
 ample as the superintendence of the marine, were 
 managed on oLgarchical principles ; the internal quiet 
 of Rhodes at this period is also a proof against the 
 existence of an unmixed democracy. Accordingly, the 
 true Doric characteristics were here retained for a 
 longer time than in most other Doric states ; viz., 
 courage, constancy, patriotism, with a haughty stern- 
 
 Mfl correctly understand de states, that in Rhodes rich and 
 
 Kepub. Ill 35. cf. I. 3L and poor sat together in judgment 
 
 the traces of the later constitii- on both important and unim- 
 
 tion in Aristid. Rhod. Cone II. portant affairs. Tacitus also in 
 
 p. 383. and Dio Chrysost. Orat. Dial, de CI. Orat. 40. represents 
 
 31. passim.— With the passage the Rhodian constitution as de- 
 
 m Cicero compare particularly mocratic. 
 Sallust. de Rep. Ord. 2., who ^ Strab. XIV. p. 653 A. 
 
 ness of manners, and a certain temperance, which was 
 indeed in some manner contrasted with their magnifi- 
 cence in meals, buildings, and all arts.^' 
 
 4. Corinth, delivered by Sparta from its tyrants, 
 had again reverted to its former constitution, which 
 liowever was not so oligarchical as the hereditary ari- 
 stocracy of the Bacchiadae. Some noble families, as 
 the Oligsethidse,* had a priority, probably the gerusia 
 was composed of them ; and the public assembly was 
 restricted in a manner similar to that of Sparta. But 
 at the same time Pindar celebrates Corinth as " the 
 " city in which Eu?iomia (or good government) dwells-, 
 " and her sisters, the frm supports of cities. Justice 
 " and Peace, the hestowers of riches, who know how 
 " to keep off Violence, the holdmother of Arrogance,"" 
 From these words it may also be conjectured, that the 
 aristocratical party was compelled to resist the en- 
 deavours made by the pt^ople to extend their power : 
 it remained, however, unshaken up to the date of the 
 Peloponnesian war, and Corinth, with the exception of 
 a short time, continued the faithful ally of Sparta, and 
 foe of Athens.'' At a later period, a democratic party, 
 which relied upon Argos, rose in Corinth, by the as- 
 sistance of Persian money : this at first obtained the 
 supreme power, and afterwards attacked the Lacedae- 
 monian party, consisting of the noble families, at the 
 festival of the Euclea ; and at last proceeded so far, as 
 to wish to abolish the independence of Corinth, and to 
 
 y Meurs. Rhod. c. 20.— The ^ Find. Olymp. XIII. 2. ol- 
 
 supposed letter of Cleobulus to koq a^epoc aaro7g. 
 Solon, in which he says that "" In early times a close 
 
 Lindus ^a/io»:|oa7£t (Diog. Laiirt. friendship existed between Co- 
 
 I. 93. Suidas in KXeofyovXoc) Vinth and Athens, Herod. V. 
 
 evidently cannot l)e used for the 75. 95. Thuc. I. 40, 41. 
 constitutional hi«torv of Rhodes. 
 
 f 
 
156 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book mi. 
 
 ^ 
 
 incorporate it completely with Argos (B.C. 395 and 
 394.)^ The banished aristocrats, supported by some 
 Lacedaemonians who were quartered at Sicyon, con- 
 tinued nevertheless to keep up a contest, and main- 
 tained themselves at Lechaeum f after this they must 
 have returned and restored the ancient constitution : 
 for we find Corinth again true to the Lacedaemonian 
 alliance.'^ In the time of Dion (356 B.C.) Corinth 
 was under a government nearly oligarchical, little 
 business being transacted in the popular assembly f 
 and although this body sent Timoleon as general of 
 the state to Sicily (B.C. 345.), there was then in 
 existence a gerusia (a name completely aristocratic), 
 which not only treated with foreign ambassadors, but 
 also, which is very remarkable, exercised a criminal 
 jurisdiction.^ The tyranny of Timophanes, who v.as 
 slain by Timoleon, was, according to Aristotle, a shoii; 
 interruption of the oligarchy. ^ 
 
 5. From the moderate and well-balanced constitu- 
 tion, which Corinth had upon the whole the good for- 
 tune to possess, its colony Corcyra had at an early 
 period departed. Founded under the guidance of 
 Chersicrates, a Bacchiad, it was for a time governed by 
 the Corinthian families, Avhich had first taken posses- 
 sion of the colony. At the same time, however, a 
 popular party was formed, which obtained a greater 
 power by the violent disruption of Corcyra from its 
 
 ^ See Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 3. 
 
 sqq. 
 
 « IV. 4. 6. sqq. 
 
 ^ See particularly VII. 4. 6. 
 The refugees from Corinth to 
 Argos in Olymp. 101. 2. 375 
 B.C. (mentioned by Diodorus 
 XV. 40.) were therefore demo- 
 crats. 
 
 « Plut. Dion. 53. No conclu- 
 sion can be drawn from the 
 word IrifAOKpaTia in Plutarch. 
 Timol. 50. for it is there used 
 only to signify the contrary of 
 Tvpai'vlg. 
 
 '^Diod. XVI. 65, 66. 
 
 « Polit. V. 5. 9. 
 
 cii. 9, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 157 
 
 mother-country, and the hostile relation in which the 
 two states were thus placed. In addition to these 
 differences, the connexion between Corcyra and the 
 Peloponnesian league had been relaxed, and was re- 
 placed by a closer intimacy with Athens ; so that while 
 the aristocratic party had lost its hold, the democratic 
 influence had taken a deep root. The people also 
 strengthened themselves by the union of a numerous 
 class of slaves.^ By means of this combined force, the 
 aristocratical i)arty was overthrow^n, whose expulsion 
 was attended w^ith such scenes of blood and atrocity, as 
 were hardly known in any other state of Greece.' But 
 even before these occurrences the constitution had been 
 democratical.^ The popular assembly had the supreme 
 power ; and although the senate had perhaps a greater 
 authority than at Athens,^ it was manifestly only a part 
 of the demus ;" leaders of the people appear to have 
 been in this, as well as in otlier states, a regular office." 
 From this time the most unbounded freedom prevailed 
 at Corcyra, of which the Greek proverb says coarsely 
 indeed, but expressively, 'EXsuSi^a Kopxupa, ^i^' ottou 
 flixsi*;.'' The Corcyreans w^ere active, industrious, and 
 enterprising, good sailors, and active merchants ; but 
 they had entirely lost the stability and noble features 
 of the Doric character. In absence of all modesty 
 they even exceeded the Athenians, among whom the 
 very dogs, as a certain philosopher said, were more 
 
 J» Thuc. III. 73. « Thuc. III. 70. IV. 46. 
 
 * SeeDionys. Halic. Archeeol. ^Eneas Poliorc. II. Diodorus 
 Rom. VII. 66. Diod. XIII.48. XII. 57. however says only, 
 
 ^ Thuc. III. 81. Tovg ^TjfAayu)ye7y tltodorag Kai 
 
 * For n f3ovXevTT]g could hope, fiaXiarra rov ttXi^Qovq npoiaraa- 
 by virtue of his office, to per- Qai- 
 
 suade the people to an alliance ° Strabo lib. VII. Excerpt. 2. 
 with Athens, Thuc. III. 70. Proverb. Metric, p. 569. Schott. 
 
 °»Thuc. III. 70. 
 
158 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIOXS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 impudeDt than in any other place: fabulous reports 
 were circulated in Greece, respecting the excessive 
 luxury t)f the successors of tlie Ph^acians-^ Yet even 
 in this state an antidemocratic part)', inclined to the 
 Lacedaemonians, was never entirely expelled ; and it 
 frequently rose against the people without success,** 
 but in the tune of Chares with a fortunate result/ 
 The four or five ' prytanes, who were at a later period 
 the chief magistrates of Corcvra, seem not to have 
 been entirely democratic magistrates, although the go- 
 vernment was deuKHrratical; besides these officers, there 
 occur in an im^x>rtant monument,* x^<xoi 3ovXa^, 
 who appear as accusers in a lawsuit which has refer- 
 ence to the administration; also x^^'a<>t>Xoi » with a 
 xpo<rraTT;j?, who brings a lawsuit of the same descrip- 
 tion betbre the courts ; besides which we learn, that 
 from time to time revisions (oio/^<i<r£ij) of the laws 
 took place, for which certain persons named oios/iwri-' 
 ^g were appointai ; and that a ratJag and a Oioijnjr^ 
 were among the financial autliorities. 
 
 6. Another colony of Corinth, Ambracia, had 
 been ruled by a tyrant of the fimiilv of the Cvpce- 
 lidae, muned Gorgus (Gorgias), wb^ was succeeded 
 by Periander, evidently a member of t'je same 
 
 ' CoDcwning thccXc^t-i.tii 
 KmxuM of the Corcrnean whips, 
 «e Armoph. ap. H«Tch- m 
 K^pcwocua ikLsttic, Schol. Ari- 
 ••81*- At. 1463. Zenob. IV 
 49- 
 
 * In OlTmp. 92. 3. 410 B.C. 
 Diod. XML 4S. and in Olrmp. 
 101.a374B.C. Diod. XY. 46. 
 
 ' -$n«s I\)liorr. II. 
 
 * Scr p. laa Dole T. IVriiaps 
 five pmaaes in dw inscriptm 
 » M»rto3ddi, lUiBtr. Consica^ 
 
 torn. 11. p. 87. [A«^]«e€rt>cMi>. 
 *^*'^^ «•}>••.- u*t»«ttc cat M #vra*-> 
 XC4 [Aa|i]«r >laJU#ra Inra«c«c 
 ^r^<x]fX^ Aforroc 
 
 ' The inecription qaoted 
 aboTp, p. 13S. n^jtg y, 
 
 o«vr in another iiBcriptioii,iiol 
 ^rmen m the Dovic dialect, in 
 MwtnxidL tom. if. p.92. n. 43L, 
 in which aa mm^r^k^^ tfm. m 
 
 IS 
 
 cii. 9. § G. 
 
 OF THE DORIAXS. 
 
 159 
 
 house:* this latter tyrant, having insulted one of 
 the subjects of his illicit pleasures, was put to death 
 by the relations of the latterJ The people had 
 taken a share in the insurrection, and obtiiined tlie 
 supreme power: * the first chanjre havincr, however, 
 been into a government founded on property, which 
 insensibly passed into a democracy, on account of 
 the low rate of property which qualified a person for 
 public offices.* 
 
 In the Corinthian colony of Leucadi.%, the large 
 estates were originally inalienable, and in the pos- 
 session of the nobles : when the inalienabilitj- was 
 abolished, a certain amount of prof>erty was no lontjer 
 required for the holding of public offices, by which 
 the government became democratic.^ 
 
 Epid.\3Im:s was founded by Corinthians and Cor- 
 cyr^ans, and a Heraclide, Phalias, from the motaer- 
 eountr), was leader of the colony. It cannot be 
 doubte 1 that the founders took possession of the best 
 lands, and assumed the powers of government, only 
 
 * If Periander was the ton of Erot. 23. p. 60. 
 Gorgus, and the latter (accord- « Arbtat. Pul. V. 3 6 The 
 
 To!li£l'''^^^-^ ^ ^^^^ Spaitans alio aniated in orcr- 
 Of Crpsehis, Ncandics of Crzi- thnmin? the tnanDT, b I ch 
 w (ap. Diog. LmBn. L 98) 9. § 5. ' ' ' 
 
 ^^ *^!r^ J™ ***^ ^^''^ ^ * Aristo:. PoL V. 2. 9. Ac- 
 two Ftnandcra were ^rrS^oi. cardinz to Anton. liber 4 a 
 Irt the hypotheaiB adoptel in tyTant'Hial««M aho fojoaed at 
 iJ:^- ^ 5 ^^ "* naaona. Ambrada, ajraintt whomWin- 
 Aacorfmg to that, the gencap unrectiou was caosed br an 
 *ogy would be o^fe of Aprfki, whom* the 
 Gmm CGa^paa) AmhracioU coDsidercd as the 
 ^^ ^Iwr of their cirn^^oo. This 
 \~~- .^ Phahwis (as k er dent hmm 
 z^. t^ '. P«minetichos the pasaagRs qooied) is called 
 mig^t he coBsidcied as sod of Pharihis br ^liaa. de Kat. 
 the aaM Goigias ((iwdia.). Aniial XIL 40. Coinaie the 
 
 ^"' ^ ,'*P> !!™g ^ ""^^ MSS. of OTid's IbisTi^ 
 m Henrfat. V. 92 to he frbe. * Ariaioi. PoL I T 4. 4 
 y Annat. Pil. V. a 9. PbL 
 
 I 
 
160 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 ii 
 
 i\ 
 
 admitting persons of the same race to a share. A 
 single magistrate, similar to the cosmopolis at Opus, 
 was at the head of the administration ; "^ the phy- 
 larehs composed a species of council. But in the 
 second period of the constitution, the phylarchs were 
 replaced by a senate OowX^), chosen on democratic 
 principles : a remnant, however, of the early consti- 
 tution was preserved, in the regulation that all ma- 
 gistrates, who were chosen from the ancient citizens 
 (the proper Troxlrsufxa), were compelled to be present 
 in the public assembly, if a magistrate required it ; ** 
 the highest archon also alone remained.*" The Pelo- 
 ponnesian war was occasioned by a contest between 
 the popular party at Epidamnus, and the nobles, in 
 which the Corinthians, from jealousy against Cor- 
 cyra, unmindful of their true interests, supported 
 the former : of the issue of this contest we are not 
 informed. The number of resident and industrious 
 foreigners was very great : ^ besides this class of 
 persons, none but public slaves were employed in 
 mechanical labour, and never any citizen.^ 
 
 Of all the Corinthian settlements, Apollonia 
 kept the nearest to the original colonial constitu- 
 tion,^' upon which its fame for justice is probably 
 founded.* The government remained almost ex- 
 clusively in the hands of the noble families and 
 
 " Ibid. III. 11. 1. V. 1. 6. 
 
 ^ This I conceive to be the 
 meaning of Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 
 6. according to the reading of 
 Victorius, 'llXiala is only a 
 different form of aXtam. See 
 above, p. 88. note ". The oc- 
 casion of the revolution is per- 
 haps related in V. 3. 4. 
 
 ^ In the clause apxwi- 6 tig ^y 
 iv (V. 1. 6.), it appears to me, 
 
 that the word eorJv, in III. 11. 
 1. and the context, require the 
 omission of ^v. [This conjec- 
 ture has since been confirmed 
 by the best manuscript of the 
 Politics. See Goettlmg's edi- 
 tion, p. 391.] 
 
 f^lian. V. H. XIII. 5. 
 
 s Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13. 
 
 ^ See above, ch. 4. § 4. 
 
 »StraboVII. p. 316 C. 
 
 CH. 9, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 161 
 
 descendants of the first colonists, to whom the large 
 estates doubtless Ijelonged.^ Perhaps Apollonia was 
 indebted for the stability of its government to the 
 Xenelasia;^ an institution which was of the first 
 importance for the preservation of ancient Greek 
 customs, to a state closely ])ordering on barbarous 
 nations. 
 
 7. That we may not disturb the order of the Co- 
 rinthian colonies, we will immediately proceed to 
 consider the state of Syracuse. In tlie Syracusan 
 constitution the following were the chief epochs. In 
 the firat, the government was in the hands of the 
 gamori,™ originally together with a king," whose 
 office was afterwards abolished. These we Iiave 
 already stated ° to have been the original colonists, 
 who took possession of the large estates cultivated 
 by native bondslaves, and exercised the chief go- 
 verning power. It is probable that the magistrates, 
 and the members of the council,^ who were leaders 
 of the people in the assembly {akla), were chosen 
 from this body ; in the same manner as the geomori 
 of Samos formed a council, which after the subver- 
 sion of the royalty governed the state.'' Against 
 these authorities, the people, having gradually be- 
 come more pressing in their demands, at length re- 
 belled, and expelled them, by combining with their 
 slaves the Cyllyrii (before B.C. 492.') ; but the de- 
 
 '^ Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. of, Reip. 32. p. 201. In the ac- 
 
 Herod. IX. 93. count of the confiscation of 
 
 ^ TElian. ubi sup. Agathocles ' property ( Diod. 
 
 ™'E»/ ^vQaKovnaiQTtovTuoiJLo- Exc. 8. p. 549 Wess.) the geo- 
 
 pu)v mr«xoVrwj' ti)v apx'i^ are mori appear as the supreme 
 
 the words of the Parian Marble, court of justice. 
 
 Ep. 37. ad Olymp. 41. i Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 57. 
 
 " See above, p. 113. note ". ' Herod. VII. 155. Dion 
 
 ° Ch. 4. § 4. Hal. VI. 62. Compare Zeno- 
 
 PSee also Plutarch. Praec. bius, quoted above, p. 61. note p, 
 VOL, II. 31 
 
 i^ 
 
162 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. 
 
 CH. 9, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 163 
 
 mocracy which succeeded was so irregular and law- 
 less, that it was of very short duration ;' the people 
 therefore voluntarily opened the gates to Gelon, 
 when he came to restore the gamori, and gave them- 
 selves entirely into his power/ in 485 B.C. The 
 rule of Gelon, and of his successor, was, although 
 monarchical, yet not oppressive, and upon the whole 
 beneficial to the state : as the former allowed an ex- 
 traordinary assembly of the people to decide concern- 
 ing his public administration," it may be perhaps sup- 
 posed that he wished to be considered an .^symnetes, 
 to whom the city, overcome by difficulties, intrusted 
 the unlimited disposal of its welfare. With the 
 overthrow of this dynasty, the second period begins, 
 during which there was upon the whole a moderate 
 constitution, called by most writers democracy ,"" and 
 by Aristotle distinguished from democracy as a po- 
 liteia, in his peculiar sense of the word.^ Imme- 
 diately after the downfall of Thrasybulus an assembly 
 was convened, in whicli it was debated concerning 
 the constitution. The public offices were only 
 to be filled by the ancient citizens ; while those 
 who had been admitted by Gelon from other cities, 
 together with the naturalized mercenaries,* were not 
 
 ^ This is stated by Aristot. 
 Pol. V. 2. 6. The story in 
 Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 1. Plut. 
 Praec. Reip. ubi sup. refers to 
 the dissolution of the ancient 
 hereditary aristocracy, which 
 Plutarch calls ctplff-rjv ttoXl- 
 reiay. 
 
 * Herod, ubi sup. 
 
 "Diod.XI. 26. ^lian.V.H. 
 XIII. 36. 
 
 ^ Thuc. VII. 55. Demosth. 
 Leptin. p. 506, &c. 
 
 yPol. V. 3. 6. Compare, 
 
 however, V. 10. 3. 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 156. Diod. 
 XI. 25. The reason why there 
 was so srreat a number of fo- 
 reign mercenaries in Sicily, is, 
 that the native Sicilians would 
 not serve as hired troops (He- 
 sychius and Apostolius in 2t- 
 KtXoQ (rrpar. Toup in Suid. vol. 
 II. p. 614 ) ; the tyrants were 
 therefore compelled to hire Con- 
 dot tieri, as for instance Phormis 
 the Mtcnalian. 
 
 to enjoy the complete rights of citizenship:* mea- 
 sures which occasioned a war within the walls of 
 Syracuse. Lastly, in this, as well as in the other 
 states of Sicily, peace was re-established by the resto- 
 ration of the ancient citizens, a separation of the fo- 
 reigners, who found a settlement at Messana, and a 
 new allotment of the lands,^ in which the estates of 
 the nobles were probably divided anew. At the same 
 time, by the violence of these proceedings, the states 
 of Sicily were reduced to a feeble condition, which 
 occasioned numerous attempts to set up a tyranny. 
 As a security against this danger, the people (in 454 
 B. C.) established the institution called petaihm, in 
 imitation of the ostracism of Athens ; but they had 
 sufficient discernment soon to abolish this new form 
 of tyranny, as all distinguished and well educated men'' 
 were deterred by it from taking a part in public affiiirs. 
 Syracuse suffered at that time, as well as Athens, by 
 the intrigues of demagogues and cabals of syco- 
 phants.*^ In this city, at an early period, a talent for 
 the subtleties of oratory had begun to develope itself. 
 Avhich owed its origin to Corax, a man employed by 
 Hieron as a secret spy and confidant, and celebrated 
 among the people as a powerful orator and sagacious 
 
 ^Diod.XI. 12, 73. 
 
 ^ Diod. XI. 76. cf. Aristot. 
 Pol. V. 2. 11. This is the tto- 
 \iToypa(f)ta and the npa^aa/idg, 
 Diod. XI. 86. Compare Goeller 
 de Situ Syracusarum, 3. p. 9. 
 
 •^ 01 xapdfTTaroL Diod. XI. 
 87. Compare the x«p*f>'"c in 
 Plutarch Phocion. 29. Dion. 28. 
 Aristot. Eth. Nic. I. 4. 2. I. 5. 
 4. IV. 8. 10. Concerning the 
 Petalismus, see, besides Diodo- 
 rus, Hesychius in v. Rivinus in 
 
 Schlaeger's Dissert. 1774. vol. 
 I. p. 107. 
 
 '* What sycophants were in 
 a democracy, were the wraKov 
 (Trai and Trnrayioyihc in the tv- 
 ranny of Hieron. (Aristot. Pol. 
 V. 9. 3. comp. the vetus inter- 
 pres ap, Schneider.), and of the 
 Dionyi^ii (Plut. Dion, de Curios. 
 16. p. 147. who supposed that 
 the latter were men). Compare 
 vol. I. p. 183. note °. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iir. 
 
 CH. 9, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 165 
 
 councillor.^ The naturally refined, acute, and lively 
 temperament of the Sicilian Greeks^ had already 
 turned towards cunning and deceit ; and in particular 
 the young, eager after all novelty, ran counter to the 
 temperance and severity of the ancient customs and 
 mode of life.^ As to the constitution at the time of 
 the Sicilian war, we know that all public affairs of 
 importance were decided in the popular assembly,^' and 
 the management of them was in great part confided 
 to the leaders of the people (^fxau TrgocTarai), who 
 seem to have been regular public officers.' In what 
 manner the people was led, is shown by the instance 
 of Athenagoras, who represents the expedition of the 
 Athenians, when already approaching the shores of 
 Sicily, as a story invented by the oligarchs to terrify 
 the people. To what extent a complete freedom of 
 speaking before the people existed, is not altogether 
 clear.^ That persons of an aristocratic disposition 
 still continued to possess political power, is evident 
 from the speech of Athenagoras ;^ and it is probable 
 from Aristotle, that they had an exclusive right to 
 
 « See the mutilated Scholia 
 to Hermogenes in Reiske's Ora- 
 tors, vol. VIII. p. 196. together 
 with Aristotle ap. Cic. Brut. 
 XII. 46. 
 
 ^ Siculi acutiy Cic. Verrin . Ill . 
 8. acuta gens et controversana- 
 tura. Brut. XII. 46. dicaces, 
 Verr. IV. 43. faced, Orat. 11. 
 54. 
 
 8 Diod. XI. 82. probably from 
 Philistus. 
 
 i» Thuc. VI. 32 sqq. 72 sq. 
 Diod. XV. 19. 95. 
 
 i Thuc. VI. 35. 
 
 k Thuc. VI. 32, 41. Diod. 
 XIII.19. 
 
 ^ Hermocrates, of an aristo- 
 
 cratic disposition, filled a pub- 
 lic office. The pecjrepoi in 
 
 Thucyd. VI. 38. cannot, from 
 the context, be generally the 
 young men of the city ; they 
 must be a party of youthful 
 aristocrats, who were peculiarly 
 hostile to the people, and, ac- 
 cording to the statement of 
 Athenagoras, wished to take ad- 
 vantage of the fear of a war and 
 the blockade of Syracuse, for 
 the purpose of regaining their 
 lost privileges. In this sense 
 01 Te ^vyafxeyoi Kal oi vioi are 
 combined in VI. 39. [See Ar- 
 nold's History of Rome, vol. I. 
 p. 332, note 29.] 
 
 certain offices. The third period begins with the 
 victory over the Athenian armament. As this was 
 decided by the fleet of the Syracusans, the men of 
 inferior rank, ^vho served as sailors, obtained a large 
 increase of importance in tlieir own sight, and were 
 loud in their demands for admission to the highest 
 offices ; in the very same manner as at Athens, after 
 the battle of Salamis. In 412 B.C., upon the pro- 
 posal of ]3iocles the demagogue,"' a commission was 
 appointed for the arrangement of a new constitution, 
 in which the original contriver of the plan had himself 
 the first place. The government was thus converted 
 into a complete democracy, of which tlie first prin- 
 ciple was, that the public offices should be filled not 
 by election, but by lot." There was formed at the 
 same time a collection of written laws, which were 
 very precise and explicit in the determination of 
 punishments, and were doubtless intended, by their 
 severity, to keep off those troubles, which the new 
 constitution could not fail to produce. This code, 
 which was also adopted by other Sicilian states, was 
 written in an ancient native dialect, Avhich seventy 
 years aftenvards (in the time of Timoleon) required 
 an interpreter." Notwithstanding these precautions, 
 we find the democracy an Olympiad and a half later 
 fallen into such contempt,^ that the people, utterly 
 incapable of protecting the city in tlie dangers of 
 the time, appointed a general with unlimited power : 
 
 ™ Diodorus XIII. 19, 55. Apophth. p. 89, 90. The gene- 
 calls him a demagogue rals were still chosen from 
 
 " Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. Diod. among the hviarwraroiy Diod. 
 
 XIII. 35. The IriixrjyopovvTeu XIII. 91. 
 
 cast lots merely for the succes- ° Diod. XIII. 33, 35. 
 
 sion in which they were to ad- P Plut. ubi sup. p. 92. 
 dress the people, Plut. Reg. 
 
 I 
 
f I 
 
 'J t 
 
 lee 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 •1 . 
 
 which measure, though always attended with bad 
 success, they repeatedly had recourse to. Dionysius, 
 a man powerful as well from his talents, as from the 
 means which his situation as demagogue afforded him 
 of keeping the people in continual dread of the 
 nobles,'" soon became tyrant ;' but he still allowed an 
 appearance of freedom to remain in public assemblies, 
 which he summoned, conducted, and dismissed.* 
 Dion restored the democracy for a short time, and 
 only partially ;* for it was his real intention to intro- 
 duce a Doric aristocracy upon the model of those in 
 Sparta and Crete.'* Timoleon with more decision 
 abolished the democracy, and restored the former 
 constitution,^ as may be supposed, not without syco- 
 phants and demagogues, who were not slow to turn 
 their arms against the founder of the new liberty.^ 
 A mixture of aristocracy is discernible in the office of 
 amphipolus of the Olympian Zeus, which lasted three 
 centuries from 343 B. C. and probably combined po- 
 litical influence with the highest dignity ; the person 
 who filled it gave his name to the year. Three can- 
 didates were chosen for this office from three families 
 by vote, and one of the three was selected by lot.' 
 
 •» Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 5. V. 8. 
 4. Diod. XIII.96. 
 
 'Diod. XIII.94. cf. Polysen. 
 V. 2. 2. 
 
 "^ biod. XIV. 45, 64, 70. See 
 several passages in Pseud-Aii- 
 stot. (Econ. II. 2. 20. The as- 
 semblies summoned by Dion, 
 for example, against Dionvsius 
 the Second (Diod. XVI. lo', 17, 
 20. Plut. Dion. 33, 38.), must 
 not be considered as in any way 
 connected with the tvrannv. 
 Cicero de Rep. III. 31. denies 
 
 that Syracuse in the reign of 
 Dionysius was a Respubtica at 
 all. 
 
 * Plutarch. Dion. 28. 
 
 ^^ Ibid. 53. ayiijxa — apiaroKpn- 
 riav f)(ov Tr}v tiriaTaTovaav koX 
 fipaftevovffav ra ^liyiara. See 
 above, ch. I. § 7. 
 
 "^ Diod. XVI. 70. 
 
 y Plutarch. Timol. 37. 
 
 ^ Diod. XVI. 81. with Wes- 
 seling's note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2. 
 51. 
 
 CH. 9, § 7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 167 
 
 It may be observed, that Timoleon caused a revision 
 of the laws to be made by Cephalus, a Corinthian, 
 who, however, was only called an interpreter of the 
 code of Diodes, although, as it appears, he entirely 
 remodelled the civil law."" We must pass hastily over 
 the later times, remarking in general, that a feeble 
 democracy continued to exist, frequently contending 
 with clubs of oligarchs,^ and afterwards falling into 
 the hand of tyrants who had risen from demagogues ; 
 such, for instance, as Agathocles, who undertook to 
 brin«: about a redivision of the lands, and an abolition 
 of all claims of debt.'' Hiero II. did not suj)press the 
 council of the city, which Hieronynms never con- 
 sulted ; but as it again returned into existence imme- 
 diately after tlie deatli of the latter prince, it appears 
 that it could not have been a body chosen annually, 
 but a board appointed for a considerable period.*^ The 
 generals had at all times very large powers, especially 
 in the popular assembly, in which, however, persons 
 of the lowest condition had liberty to speak.^ Another 
 military office also, that of the liipparchs, exercised a 
 superintendence over the internal affairs of the state, 
 in order to guard against disturbances.^ 
 
 «^ Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70. newly appointed by election or 
 
 ^ Diod. XIX. 3 — 5. Aftei- lot at the death of llieronymus, 
 
 a democracy of this kind, and of which Livy XXIV. 22 says 
 
 before the time of Agathocles, not a word. The seniores (c. 
 
 the state was legally governed 24.) are probably members o 
 
 by a synedrion of 600 of the this senate; a yepovaia aXs.j 
 
 most distinguished persons (xa- probably existed at that time 
 
 piicTTaToi), XIX. 6. which occurs in a late inscrip 
 
 <= Diod. XIX. 4. 6 — 9. He tion in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V. 
 
 also sometimes convened public 5. p. 44. 
 
 assemblies, when it pleased him 
 to play the hrtfioriKog. Diod. 
 XX. 63, 79. 
 
 ^ Otherwise it must have been 
 
 Liv. XXIV. 27. 
 
 ' See Hesychius, Suidas, an(' 
 Zenobius in iTnrapxov Trtra^; 
 on this tablet were entered ra 
 
 1 WW, I 
 
168 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 8. After this account of the constitution of Syra- 
 cuse, we may proceed to notice those of Gel a, and 
 its colony Agrigentum ; as these cities, though de- 
 riving their origin from Rhodes, perhaps took Syra- 
 cuse for their model in the formation of their govern- 
 ment. In both states the noble and wealthy first 
 held the ruling power ; which was afterwards for a 
 long time possessed by tyrants.^ Agrigentum, after 
 the overthrow of Thrasydseus in 473 B. C, received 
 a democratic constitution:^ we know, however, that 
 at that time an assembly of a thousand, appointed for 
 three years, governed the state. This assembly was 
 suppressed by Empedocles the philosopher ;' who ob- 
 tained so large a share of popular favour that he was 
 even offered the office of king.'' The assembly of 
 a thousand also occurs in Rhegium and Croton, in 
 speaking of Avhich city we will again mention this 
 subject. Further than this all information fails us. 
 Scipio established anew the senate of Agrigentum, 
 and ordered that the number of the new colonists of 
 Manlius should never exceed that of the ancient citi- 
 
 Tbiv aTaKTOvyrtjy Svofiara. In 
 Diod. XIV. 64. 'nnrelt; appears 
 to be the name of the class of 
 knights. 
 
 ^ At Gela Oleander was ty- 
 rant, after a period of oligarchy 
 (Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4.), from 
 505 to 498 B. C. (Herod. VII. 
 151. Dion. Hal. VII. 1. Pau- 
 san. VI. 9.); then his brother 
 Hippocrates 498 — 491 B. C. 
 Gelon in 491 B. C. At Agri- 
 gentum there was a timocracy 
 (Arist. Pol. V. 8. 4.), then Pha- 
 laris 555 — 548 B. C. according 
 to Eusebius and Bentlev, then 
 
 Alcmanes and Alcander (He- 
 racl. Pont. 36.), Theron 488— 
 473 B. C. according to Boeckh, 
 and Thrasydseus, who was ex- 
 pelled in the same year. 
 
 ' Diod. XI. 53. Ko^iacLfXEVot 
 
 ^ See Diogen. Laert. VIII. 
 66. Timeeus Fragm. 2. ed. Go- 
 eller. Sturz Empedocles, p. 108. 
 
 ^ Aristot. ap.Diog. VIII. 63. 
 The words, ware ov jxovov ijv 
 tQv nXovffiiov aXXa koi twv rd 
 crj^oTiKa ((>povovyr(t)v, do not 
 present any difficulty. 
 
 CH. 9, § 9. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 169 
 
 zens.^ The same senate, in an inscription of the 
 Roman time," is called (ruyxXTjro^, a-DvkZpiov, and 
 3ot>x>3, and appears to have consisted of 110 mem- 
 bers ; the day of meeting is stated : it appears that 
 the senate then alternated every two months;" the 
 decree of the senate is referred to the popular assem- 
 bly (aX/a) ; over which a Trpoayopog presided" (which 
 was also the name of the supreme magistrate at Ca- 
 tana in the time of Cicero) ;p the Hyllean tribe has 
 tlie precedency on the day of this assembly. A hiero- 
 thytes gives his name to the year, corresponding to the 
 amphipolus at Syracuse ; in whose place a hierapolus** 
 is mentioned in a similar decree of Gela,' together 
 with whom a xarevioLua-ios, an annual magistrate (per- 
 haps archon), is mentioned. In this state the senate 
 (/SouXtj) appears to have been changed eveiy half 
 year,' their decrees being also confirmed by the as- 
 sembly (aXi'a) ;* the assembly is led by a Trpoa-rarrjgy 
 the same magistrate whom we have already met with 
 in nearly all the democratic states of the Dorians, in 
 Argos, Corcyra, and Syracuse." 
 
 9. We now return to Peloponnesus. In Sicyon 
 the tyrants had, as in other states, been the leaders of 
 a democratic party ;* but their dominion put an end 
 
 » Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50. ' Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329. 
 
 "^ Gruter, p. 401. Castelli, Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello, 
 
 p. 79, &c. p. 84. of. ibid. p. 25. 
 
 ^'AXiaafiaeKraQ^ilJLriyovKap- ^ BovXag aXiaafxa (vulg. aXe- 
 
 veioy t^TjKoyrog UEMUTAl. See aafjiaTti) hvrepag k^ufxrjyov Kap- 
 
 above concerning Rhodes, § 3. yeiov rpiaKa^t. 
 
 ° The Hierothy tes was the Tra * Edo^e iq. hXiq. Kada Kai rg. 
 
 paTrpocTTaraQ of the fiovXrl (IIA- /3ou\^, as the sense requires us 
 
 PAHPOSTATA TAS should be to read with Castello. 
 
 written). " See also the Calymnian de- 
 
 P Verr. I. 4. 23, 39. cree (Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.) 
 
 ^ Concerning the hpairoXoL t^o^e t</l fiovX<jf. kul t^ ^afji^ 
 
 see Boissonade in the Classical yyio^a irpoaTaray. 
 
 Journal, vol. XVII. p. 396. * B. I. ch. 8. § 2. 
 
170 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 9, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 171 
 
 in 
 
 « 
 
 to the times of disturbance and irregularity, which had 
 occasioned the Pythian priestess to say, that " Sicyon 
 " needed a disciplinarian. "^ After their overthrow 
 an early constitution was restored, which remained 
 unshaken duriiifi; the Peloponnesian war. We are 
 only informed that in 418 B. C. the Lacedaemonians 
 made the constitution more oligarchical •/ that it had 
 not p^e^^ously been entirely democratical, is shown by 
 the lidelit}^ with which Sicyon adhered to the head of 
 the Peloponnesian league. After the battle of Leuctra 
 we find that Sicyon possessed an Acheean constitution, 
 i. e., one founded on property, in which the rich were 
 supreme f Euphron, in 369 B. C, undertook to 
 change this into a democracy, and thus obtained the 
 tyranny, until the party of the nobles, whom he per- 
 secuted, overtlirew him.^ Plutarch states most clearly 
 the chancres in this constitution ; " after the unmixed 
 " and Doric aristocracy'' had been destroyed, Sicyon 
 " fell from one sedition, from one tyranny into an- 
 " other;'* until, at the time of Aratus, it adopted the 
 almost purely democratical institutions of the Achaeans. 
 As Phlius during the whole Peloponnesian war 
 remained faithful to the interest of Sparta and hostile 
 to Argos, it is evident that the state was under an 
 aristocratic govermnent.*^ In a revolution which took 
 place before 383 B. C. the Lacedaemonian part)^ had 
 been expelled, but were in the same year again re- 
 ceived by the people ; the government, however, did 
 not become democratical, until Agesilaus, introduced 
 by the former party, conquered the city, and remo- 
 
 y Plutarch, de sera Num. '"Atcparoq lai ^topiici) apiffro- 
 
 Vind. 7. p. 23L cpaWa, Plutarch. Arat. 2. 
 * Thucyd. V. 81. ^ Some members of the oli- 
 
 '^ Xeu. Hell. VII. 1. 44. garchical partv of Argos also 
 
 ^ VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4. fled to Phlius,'Thucvd. V. 83. 
 
 delled the constitution*' (379 B.C.). Before this 
 period the democratic assembly consisted of more 
 than oOOO members, those who were inclined to the 
 Lacedaemonians furnished above 1000 heavv-armed 
 soldiers. A very regular system of government is 
 proved to have existed, by the patience and heroism 
 mth which the Phliasians, in 372—370 B. C, de- 
 fended their city and country against the attacks of 
 the Argives, Arcadians, Eleans, and Tliebans, until, 
 without breaking their fidelity to Sparta, they con- 
 cluded a peace with Thebes and Argos (366 B. C). 
 
 10. In Megara the tyranny of Theagenes, to 
 which he rose from a demagogue, was overthrown 
 by Sparta, and the early constitution restored, whicli 
 for a time was administered with moderation,^ but 
 even during the Persian war it had already l^een 
 rendered more democratical by the admission of 
 Perioeci.^ Tlie elegiac poet Theognis shows himself 
 about this time the zealous friend of aristocracy ; ^ he 
 dreads in particular men who stir up the populace 
 to evil, and, as leaders of parties, cause disorder and 
 dissension in the peaceful city ; he laments tlie dis- 
 appearance of the pride of nobility, the general eager- 
 ness for riches, and the increase of a crafty and de- 
 ceitful disposition.' These struggles after popular 
 
 ' Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. gqq. « See above, ch. 3. § 3. It 
 
 V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq. appears to me nearly certam 
 
 Fifty persons of each party that the passage refers to Me- 
 
 made a plan for a new consti- gara near Corinth, 
 
 tution. Hell. V. 3. 25. The *» See above, ch. l.§4. ch.4. 
 
 refujrees residing at Argos, in § 8. 
 
 315^B. C. were manifestly de- » V. 43, 66, 847- ed. Bekker. 
 
 mocrats, the same as in Xeu. [See generally on the aristocra- 
 
 Hell. VII. 2. 5. in 369 B. C. tical tendency of the i)oetry of 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18. M£- Theognis, and the constitution 
 
 yapi'iQ QeayivT} — €r/3aX6»'r£c, of Megara, Welcker, Proleqo- 
 
 oXiyov '^(povof irruMppoyriaay mena ad TkeOffnin^ \)p. 1. — xli.] 
 Kara rify —oXiriiay. 
 
172 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 * 
 
 liberty, promoted by demagogues, soon produced the 
 greatest disturbance ; the people no longer paid the 
 interest of their debts, and even required a cession of 
 that which had been already paid (jrctXivroxlot) ; the 
 houses of the rich, and the very temples, were plun- 
 dered ; many persons were banished for the purpose 
 of confiscating their property."" It was perhaps at this 
 time that the Megarians adopted the democratic in- 
 stitution of ostracism.^ The nobles, however, soon 
 returned, conquered the people in a battle, and re- 
 stored an oligarchy, which was the more oppressive, 
 as the public offices were for a time exclusively filled 
 by persons who had fought against the people." It 
 is probable that the consequence of this return was 
 the revolt of Megara from Athens, in 446 B. C.;° 
 m the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Lace- 
 daemonian party was predominant. But in the eighth 
 year of the war the aristocratic party of Megara was 
 in banishment at Pegae ; and when they were about 
 to be recalled, and restored to their city, the leaders 
 of the people preferred to have the Athenians in the 
 town rather than the citizens whom they had driven 
 from their walls. By the influence of Brasidas, how- 
 ever, they returned, upon a promise of amnesty, which 
 they did not long observe. For having first obtained 
 the supreme offices (to which they must therefore 
 have had a particular claim) , they brought a hundred 
 of their chief enemies before the people, and forced 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4. to the Peloponnesian theori, 
 3. Plut. uoi sup. I suspect that Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59. 
 Theognis (v. 671.) speaks of ^ Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. 
 this period, xpnt^ara K apTra- 
 i^ovffi I3i(f, kOfffiOQ ^' cnroXioXep, 
 and in the whole political alle- 
 gory of the passage. This was 
 the time of the violence done 
 
 Phavorinus in ocTrpadyda. 
 
 ™ Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3. 
 12. 10. 
 
 "Thud. 114. cf. 103. 
 
 IV. 
 
 CH. 9, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 173 
 
 them to pass sentence upon the accused with open 
 votes. The people, terrified by this measure, con- 
 denmed them to death. At the same time the domi- 
 nant party established a close and strict oligarchy ,° 
 which remained in existence for a very long period.^ 
 In 375 B.C., we again find tliat democracy was the 
 established constitution, and that the attempts of the 
 oligarchs to change it were defeated. ** Demosthenes'" 
 mentions a court of three hundred in this state, sit- 
 ting in judgment on public offi^nces ; and at this time 
 nobility and wealth were frequently united in the same 
 persons. Of the Megarian magistrates we have 
 already mentioned a king,* to which may now be 
 added the hieromnamon, an office always held by the 
 priest of Poseidon,^ and probably having the same 
 duties and privileges as the amphipolus, hierapolus, 
 and hierothytes in the Sicilian states. The antiquity 
 of this office is evident from its occurrence in the 
 colonies of IMegara, Byzantium and Chalcedon. In 
 the former a hieromnamon is mentioned in a decree 
 quoted by Demosthenes," who gives his name to the 
 year ; in the latter, a decree now extant '^ mentions first 
 a king, then a hieromnamon, then a prophet, together 
 with three nomophylaces, all administering the public 
 
 '5 
 
 ° Thuc. IV. 66, 74. 
 
 P Thuc. ubi sup. et V. 31. 
 In this aristocratic period the 
 7rpd/3ov\oi were magistrates of 
 high authority in Megara, Ari- 
 stoph. Acharn. 755. 
 
 "i Diod. XV. 40. 
 
 ' TTtpl TrapaTrpeo-pfmc, pp. 
 435, 436. 
 
 ■ Above, p. 113, note \ 
 
 * Plutarch. Symp. VI 1 1. 8. 
 4. p. 379, where indeed the ex- 
 pression is very indefinite. 
 
 " De Corona, p. 255. and in 
 another decree in Polyb. IV. 
 52. 4. They also occur in coins. 
 
 '^ InCaylus, Recueil, II. pi. 
 55. in the king's library at Paris. 
 It is the same which Corsini 
 F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered 
 as Delphian. It decrees a crown 
 to a 'Ayt^iov /3oi;\ac, and the 
 eight persons whose names are 
 subscribed are probably se- 
 nators. 
 
174 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 9, §11 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 175 
 
 affairs (aia-ufxvMVTss) for the appointed term of a 
 month. The two first we have already seen united 
 in the very same manner at Megara ; the third refers 
 to the worship of Apollo, of the transfer of which from 
 the mother-state to Chalcedon we have already spoken, 
 and pointed out an oracle of Apollo which was de- 
 livered there ; ^ the nomophylaces also occur at Sparta. 
 The hieromnamon was probably priest also of Posei- 
 don in the colonies, the worship of which god, deriving 
 its origin from the Isthmus of Corinth, was at least 
 more prevalent than any other.^ 
 
 11. The constitution of Byzantium was at first 
 royal,"" afterwards aristocratical,^ and the oligarchy, 
 which soon succeeded, was, in 390 B.C., changed by 
 Thrasybulus the Athenian into democracy.*^ Equal 
 privileges were at the same time probably granted to 
 the new citizens, who, on account of their demands, 
 had been driven from the city by the ancient colonists.*^ 
 After this, the democracy appears to have continued 
 for a long time ; ^ but on account of the duration of 
 this form of government, and the habit of passing their 
 
 y Vol. I. p. 250, note \ 
 ' See, besides other writers, 
 Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p. 
 304. — Of the hieromnemoiis 
 Letromie has treated at full 
 length, Mem. de PAcad. des 
 Inscriptions, torn. VI. p. 221, 
 but without remarking that, 
 besides Delphi, they are pecu- 
 liar to Megara and its colonies. 
 ^ At least if Dineus , Dinseus) 
 was king, see book I. ch. 6. 
 § 9; this Dineus is, however, 
 called by Hesychius Milesius, 
 § 20, only general of the Byzan- 
 tians, and roTrapxv^ of Chalce- 
 don. He appears, nevertheless, 
 to be an historical personage. 
 
 Concerning the bondslaves, see 
 above, ch. 4, § 5. 
 
 ^^ According to Hesychius 
 Milesius, Aeu)y Tig tQ>v ^vl,av- 
 Tiwv apicTTOKpariav e^i^aro. 
 
 *= Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27. 
 What the Thirty in Diodorus 
 XIV. 12. are, whom Clearchus 
 put to death after the magi- 
 strates, we are entirely igno- 
 lant, since the right explanation 
 or emendation of the word 
 Bohjjtovq is still a desideratum. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10. 
 
 ® Theopompus ap. Athen. 
 XII. p. 526 E. cf Memnon. 
 23. ap. Phot. Bibhoth. p. 124. 
 
 time in the market-place and the harbour, which the 
 people had contracted from the situation of the town, 
 a great dissoluteness of manners existed ; and this 
 was also transferred to the neighbouring city of Chal- 
 cedon, which had adopted the Byzantine democracy, 
 and, together with its ancient constitution, had lost the 
 temperance and regularity for which it had been dis- 
 tinguished. In these times the Byzantians were fre- 
 quently in great financial difficulties, from winch they 
 often endeavoured to extricate themselves by violent 
 measures.^ In the document quoted by Demosthenes, 
 the senate (3wXa) transfers a decree in its first stage, 
 called p-fiToa,^ to an individual, in order to bring it 
 before tlie peo[)le in the assembly (ax/a), nearly in 
 the same manner as was customary at Atliens ; tiie 
 existinir constitution is called in this document a 7ra- 
 rpiog TToT^iTBia. The office of archon was perhaps 
 introduced together with the democracy;'' the civil 
 authority of the generals existed in many states in 
 later times. The hundreds (^exoLToa-rug) occur ap- 
 parently as a subdivision of the tribes,' and therefore 
 as a species of phratriee ;^ they were probably com- 
 mon to all the colonies of JNIegara, since we find them 
 in Heraclea on the Pontus. In this city we know to 
 a certainty that the hundreds were divisions of the 
 tribes, of which there w^ere three ;' the rich (i. e., the 
 
 f Pseud- Aristot. GEcon. II. 
 2. 3. The transit duties levied 
 at the Bosporus are well known, 
 Boeckh's Economy of Athens, 
 vol. II. p. 40. 
 
 ^ A decree of the senate be- 
 fore it had received the sanc- 
 tion of the people was also call- 
 ed pijTpa in Sparta ; see above, 
 ch. 5. § 8. 
 
 ^ It occurs on coins. See 
 
 Hevne Comment, rec. Gotting. 
 vol. I. p. 8. 
 
 » Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Chandler. Inscript. App. 
 12. p. 94. 
 
 ^ iEneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad 
 calc. Polyb.) ovctw v avTolc rpidjy 
 </)i»\w>' Koi TETTapWV ttcarofTTvuiv. 
 
 There must evidently have been 
 more than four hundreds to 
 three tribes, as Casaubon re- 
 
176 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 possessors of the original lots) were all in the same 
 hundred ; but the demagogues, intending to destroy 
 the aristocracy, divided the people into sixty new hun- 
 dreds, independent of the tribes, in which rich and 
 poor were entered without distinction : nearly the 
 same measure as that by which Cleisthenes had so 
 greatly raised the democracy at Athens. 
 
 This Heraclea Pontica, a settlement in part 
 of Boeotians, but chiefly from Megara,™ had doubtless 
 originally possessed the same constitution as other 
 Doric colonies ; and the different classes were, first, 
 the possessors of the original lots ; secondly, a demus, 
 or popular party, who had settled either at the same 
 time or subsequently ; and, thirdly, the bondslaves, 
 the Mariandynians." Although we are not able to 
 give any detailed account of the changes in the go- 
 vernment of this state, it may be observed, that for a 
 time the citizens alone had political power (the ttoX/- 
 Tsuixa) ; but that the people had the privilege of judg- 
 ing (that is, probably in civil cases), which occasioned 
 a change in the constitution." Before 364 B.C. the 
 popular party demanded with violence an abolition of 
 debts, and a new division of the territory ; the senate, 
 which at that time was not a body selected from the 
 people, but from the aristocracy,^ at length, being 
 unable to act for itself, knew no other means than to 
 call in the assistance of Clearchus, an exile, who im- 
 
 marks. Perhaps we should 
 read TerTapojv Kai eiKotn tKaro- 
 trrv(oy, or with Goettling (Her- 
 mes, vol. XXV. p. 155.) TET- 
 
 Tcipwv kv EKnffTrj iKaToarvwv. 
 Casaubon's emendation of rer- 
 TapaKOVTa for TiTTapiM)v is not 
 admissible, as forty is not divi- 
 sible by three without a re- 
 
 mainder. The event probably 
 took place before the 104th 
 Olympiad, 364 B.C. 
 
 ™SeebookI.ch. 6. § 10. 
 
 ° See above, ch. 4. § 5. 
 
 ° Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6. 
 
 PThis is evident from the 
 context of the passage in Jus- 
 tin. XVI. 4. 
 
 cn. 9, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 177 
 
 mediately marched with a body of soldiers into the 
 city. But, instead of protecting the dignity of those 
 who had called him in, he became a leader of the 
 people, and, what in fact he is already, who sets the 
 blind fui*y and physical force of the nmltitude in action 
 against justice and good order — a tyrant.'^ Clearchus 
 put to death sixty of the members of the senate, 
 whom he had seized," liberated their slaves, i. e., 
 the Mariandynians ; and compelled their wives and 
 daughters to marry these bondsmen, unquestionably 
 the best means of extirpating an hereditary aristocracy ; 
 but the pride of noble descent was so strong in the 
 breasts of these women, that the greater number freed 
 themselves from the disgrace by suicide. It must be 
 supposed, that a tyranny administered in so violent 
 a spirit, and continued through several generations, 
 destroyed every vestige of the ancient constitution." 
 
 12. In the Spartan colony of Cnidos the govern- 
 ment was a close aristocracy. At the Iiead of the 
 state was a council of sixty members, who were chosen 
 from among the nobles. Its powers were precisely 
 the same as those of the Spartan gerusia, from which 
 its number is also copied. It debated concerning all 
 
 ^ Compare with Justin ^neas 
 Poliorc. 12. 
 
 ' According to Polysenus II. 
 30. 2. Clearchus caused the 
 whole senate of 300 to be put 
 to death, which is here repre- 
 sented as a standing body. 
 
 ^ Of the Megarian colony 
 Astypalcpa we have inscriptions 
 in tolerable preservation, but not 
 until the last times of indepen- 
 dence, when the constitution be- 
 came similar to that of Athens. 
 An inscription, already quoted 
 in vol. I. p. 116, note y, be- 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 gins e^o^E rq. /3ou\^ kul ra 
 
 hajiij) <pi\ eptvg ETreararei 
 
 yyio^a TrpvlravKoy eTrei'\^ri Ap- 
 KttrtXac Moipayevevc ai[ptd£ig'\ 
 ayopayofiOQ nreyLtXr^Qr} tov Baixou 
 /xtra irarraQ ^iXortfjiLac, &c. An- 
 other contains (rvyOfiicai between 
 the ^rjfiOQ Tuiv A(Trv7raXaUojy and 
 the ^rjixoc rtjjy 'Ftofiaiior ; in this 
 also we read, eco^e toj tij/jiu) 
 Ei/^wi't^ac; Ei/^Xcfc tTrtararct 
 Trpi/rartw*' [yi'w^a]. SeeBoeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2483. 
 2485. 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 public aflfairs, previously to their being laid before the 
 assembly of the people, and had the superintendence 
 of manners. The office lasted for life, and was sub- 
 ject to no responsibility.* The members were styled 
 aiMVTiixovss, and the president was called a<ps(rrrip, who 
 inquired the opinion of each councillor. Only one 
 person from each family was eligible to the council 
 and public offices, younger brothers being excluded. 
 This occasioned dissensions between members of the 
 same family ; those who were not admitted joined the 
 popular party, and the oligarchy was overthrown.'* 
 This event probably took place a short time before the 
 life of Aristotle. Eudoxus the philosopher, and Ar- 
 chias, a person of whom little is known, are mentioned 
 as legislators of the Cnidians.'' 
 
 In the Spartan island of IMelos we find nothing 
 remarkable, except that the power of the magistrates 
 was at least greater tlian at Athens.^ Of the ancient 
 constitution of Thera, and of its ephors, we have 
 already spoken.^ 
 
 13. The changes in the government of Cyrene 
 we pointed out when speaking of the Perioeci. Ori- 
 ginally the constitution was perhaps nearly similar 
 to that of Sparta. Afterwards the ancient rights of 
 the colonists came into collision with the claims of 
 the later settlers, and at the same time the kings 
 obtained an unconstitutional and nearly tyrannical 
 power. It appears that they were stinmlated by 
 their connexion, both by friendship and marriage, 
 with the sovereigns of Egypt, to change the ancient 
 
 t All this is stated in Plutarch. The latter by Theodoretus 
 
 Qu Gr 4. Graec. Aff. IX. 16. 
 
 " Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 3. 11. > Thiicyd. V. 84. 
 
 ^ The former by Hermippus * Above, eh. 6, § 10, and ch. 
 
 ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 88. and 7, § 1. 
 Plutarch, in Colot. 32. p. 194. 
 
 CH. 9, § 13. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 179 
 
 royalty into an oriental despotism. Hence, in the 
 reign of Battus III., Demonax the Mantinean, who 
 was called in to frame a constitution for this city, 
 restored the supremacy of the community ; he like- 
 wise gave to the new colonists equal rights of citi- 
 zenship with the ancient citizens, althougli the latter 
 doubtless stiU retained many privileges. Tiie power 
 of the kin^fs was limited within the narrowest bounds ; 
 and they were only permitted to enjoy the revenues 
 flowinor from the sacerdotal office and their own 
 lands,"" whereas they had before claimed possession of 
 the whole property of the state ;^ they had, like the 
 Spartan kings, a seat and vote in the council, and 
 prol^ably presided over it, which duties were performed 
 by Pheretime, the mother of Arcesilaus III., during 
 the absence of her son.*" These restrictions were, 
 however, violently opposed by the princes just men- 
 tioned, as well as by their successors, \vho thus drew 
 upon themselves their own ruin. Arcesilaus also, to 
 whom Pindar addressed an ode, the fourth of the name, 
 ruled with liarshness, and protected his power by fo- 
 reign mercenaries :^ and the poet doubtless advised him 
 with good reason, although without success, " not to 
 ** destroy with sharp axe the branches of the great 
 " oak (the nobles of the state), and disfigure its 
 " heautifid form ; for that, even when deprived of its 
 " vigour, it gives proof of its power, when the de- 
 
 * Tefiivta in the Homeric 
 sense, Herod. IV. 161. Cf. 
 Diod. Exc. 8. vol. II. p. 551. 
 Wesseling. Ta riiv irpoyoyuy 
 yipea in Herodotus, IV. 162. 
 which Arcesilaus wished to re- 
 gain, refers to the revenues, as 
 well as to the privileges of which 
 
 the kings had been deprived. 
 Compare Thrige, Res Cyrenen- 
 sium, p. 154. note. 
 
 »>Diod. vol. II.p. 550.We8fc 
 
 « Herod. IV. 165. 
 
 ^ Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. 
 Pyth. IV. p. 266. 
 
 n2 
 
180 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iir 
 
 " structivefire of winter (of insurrection) snatches it ; 
 " or, having left its own place desolate, serves a 
 " wretched servitude, supporting with the other 
 " columns the roof of the royal palace'' (i. e., if the 
 people in despair throws itself under the dominion of a 
 foreign king).^ But the soothing hand with wliich 
 the poet advises that the wounds of the state should be 
 treated Avas not that of Arcesilaus, celebrated only for 
 his boldness and valour. For these reasons he was 
 the last in the line of the princes of Cyrene (after 
 457 B.C.), and a democratical government succeeded. 
 His son Battus took refuge in the islands of the Hes- 
 perides, where he died ; and the head of his corpse was 
 thrown by these republicans into the sea.^ The new 
 fomi of government obtained stability and duration by 
 an entire change ; the number of the tribes and phra- 
 trias w^as increased, the political union of the houses 
 destroyed, the family rites were incorporated in the 
 public worship/ &c. Some element of disturbance 
 and revolution must, however, have been still left in 
 the constitution,^ if the Cyreneeans requested Plato to 
 contrive for them a temperate and well-ordered go- 
 vernment, which the philosopher is said to have de- 
 clined, on the ground that they seemed too prosperous 
 to themselves. At a later period, LucuUus the Roman 
 
 « Pyth. IV. 263. according to 
 Boeckh's explanation. 
 
 ^ Heracl. Pont. 4. 
 
 8 Aristotle Pol. V. 2. 1 1. says, 
 that the founders of the de- 
 mocracy at Cyrene established 
 other and more tribes; which 
 statement must be referred to 
 this time ; for that by the tov 
 ^rjfwy KadicrravTeg Demonax is 
 not meant, is evident from the 
 
 circumstance that this person 
 only instituted three tribes, and 
 therefore could hardly have in- 
 creased their number. See 
 Thrige, Res Cyrenensiura, pp. 
 103—192. 
 
 ^* See also concerning the con- 
 test between a democratic and 
 aristocratic party in Olymp. 
 95.1. 400 B.C. Diod.XIV.34. 
 
 CH. 9, § 14. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 181 
 
 is said to have restored the city to tranquillity, after 
 many wars and tyrannies.' 
 
 14. In the constitution of the Lacedaemonian co- 
 lony of Tarentum there were two chief periods. In 
 the first we must infer, from the analogy of the other 
 Doric colonies, that there was the same division of 
 ranks, viz., noble citizens, governing the state under a 
 king ;^ the people, to whom few and limited powers 
 were allowed ; and aboriginal bondsmen, chiefly resid- 
 ing upon the lands of the highest class.^ This con- 
 stitution must, however, have been gradually relaxed ; 
 for Aristotle calls it a politeia in the limited sense, 
 which, as he informs us, lasted over the Persian war, 
 and did not pass into a democracy until a large part of 
 the nobles had been slain in a bloody battle against the 
 lapygians (474 B.C.)™ The transition was intro- 
 duced without any violent revolution, by some measures, 
 in which the aristocracy submitted to the claims of 
 the people. First of all, according to Aristotle," they 
 
 ^ Plut. Lucull. 2. — Concern- ^trt'xj?, rag ^ alperdQ, tva rroXi- 
 
 ing the ephors of Cyrene see reviorrai j^iXnov. These insti- 
 
 above, ch. 7. § 1. tutions can only be referred to 
 
 ^ Ch. 6. § 10. this period, for the present tense 
 
 ^ Concerning these see above, irapaaKivaCovcn shows their ex- 
 page 52. note ^ From these istence when the author was 
 Pelasgian bondsmen, bands of writing ; kizoir]rTav refers only to 
 robbers, called ireplhiroi, pro- the time of the institution, and 
 ceeded, according to Plato Leg. the words tva ^crc'xj; again prove 
 VI. p. 717. Cf. Athen. VI. their actual existence. — As to 
 p. 267. the interpretation of the words 
 
 ™ Polit. V. 2. 8. See Heyne tcoivd iroiovvTtg rd KTTjfiara eirl 
 
 Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 221. rrjy XP^jcnv, it is known that at 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. VI. 3. 5. oi Rome, when the ager pxihlicus 
 
 Tapavrii/ot, koivcl ttoiovvteq to. was divided among the plebeians, 
 
 Krti^ara toIq atropoiQ ent rj)v it was either given them by as- 
 
 Xpfjffiyj evvovv TrapatrKevai^ovtri signation as absolute property 
 
 TO ttXtjOo^. tri ^c rac apx«C {mancipium, dominium)^ in 
 
 iraaaQ eTroir]<Tav lirraQ, raq pev which case it ceased to be pub- 
 
 alpeTag.Tag de KXrip(t)Tag' rac pev licus ; or it was held by pos- 
 
 KXrtputTag, oirutg 6 crjpog aifTuip sessiones, in early times by the 
 
182 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 divided the public property among the poorer classes ; 
 but only gave them the use of it ; i. e., apparently the 
 public lands were apportioned out to them ; but at the 
 payment of a small rent, in token that they had not the 
 absolute property in the soil. Besides this popular 
 measure, the number of all the public offices was 
 doubled ; and one half was filled by election, the other 
 by lot ; in order, by the latter mode of nomination, to 
 open a way to their attainment by the lower orders. 
 This democracy at first promoted to a great degree the 
 prosperity and power of the state,** while persons of 
 character and dignity were at the head of the govern- 
 ment ; for example, one of the first men of the time, 
 Archytas the Pythagorean, a man of singular vigour 
 and wisdom, who, as well as all adherents of the 
 Pythagorean league (of which he could not then have 
 been a member), was of an aristocratical disposition. ^ 
 He was general seven times, although it was prohibited 
 by law that the same person should hold this office 
 more than once,** and never suffered a defeat / the 
 people with a noble confidence entrusted to him for a 
 
 ])atricians, who only occupied it 
 with an usufructuary right, while 
 the land remained publicus, was 
 not murked out with limits, and 
 could be at any time reclaimed 
 by the state (See Niebuhr's 
 Roman History, vol. II. p. 363. 
 sqq. ed. 1. Eng. Transl. com- 
 pare vol. I. note 443. ed. 2.). 
 The occupation of the public 
 lands of Tarentum was probably 
 allowed to the poor on similar 
 conditions. As to the dtrTag 
 TzoLiiv rag apx"^' Aristotle seems 
 to mean, that if, for example, 
 there had been two agoranomi, 
 four strategi, &c. they then made 
 four agoranomi, eight strategi. 
 
 &c. : of whom two and four 
 were chosen by lot, two and 
 four by election. 
 
 ° Straho VI. p. 280. 
 
 P Which would also be proved 
 by the Fragment of Archytas 
 concerning the Spartan consti- 
 tution (Stobseus Serm. 41. 
 Orelli Opusc. Moral, vol. II. 
 p. 254.), if it were genuine. 
 
 ^Dio^. Lacrt. VIII. 79. six 
 times, according to ^Ehan. V. H. 
 
 VII. 14.cf. III. 17. 
 
 ^ Aristoxenus ap. Diog. L. 
 
 VIII. 82. See Jamblich. Py- 
 thag. § 197. Hesych. Miles, in 
 Vit. Archyt. 
 
 CH. 9, § 15. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 183 
 
 considerable time the entire management of public 
 affairs.^ At a subsequent period, however, as there 
 were no longer any men of this stamp to carry on the 
 government, and the corruption of manners, caused by 
 the natural fruitfulness of the country, and restrained 
 by no strict laws, was continually on the increase, the 
 state of Tarentum was so entirely changed, that every 
 trace of the ancient Doric character, and particularly 
 of the mother-country, disappeared ; hence, although 
 externally powerful and wealthy, it was from its real 
 internal debility, in the end, necessarily overthrown, 
 particularly when the insolent violence of the people 
 became a fresh source of weakness.* 
 
 15. On the constitution of the Tarentine colony 
 Heraclea (433 B.C.) the monuments extant, al- 
 though important in other respects, afford little infor- 
 mation. In tlie well-known inscription of this city, an 
 ephor gives his name to the year, five chosen surveyors 
 (o^KTraY) are to value the sacred lands of Bacchus, 
 and to measure it according to the rules of Etruscan 
 agrimensores, upon the decree of the public assembly," 
 in order to ascertain what had been lost in the course 
 of time, and to secure the remainder. After this, the 
 state, two polianomi, and the horistse, let the sacred 
 land according to a decree of the Heracleans, and state 
 the conditions ; in which certain officers named (rira- 
 
 * Strab. p. 280. Demosth. 
 'Epwr. p. 1415. Plut. de Educ. 
 lib. 10. p. 28. Preec. ger. Reip. 
 28. p. 191. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. 
 Gr. ed. Harles. vol. II. p. 30. 
 
 t Concerning the aaiXyua 
 and v/3pic of the Tarentines, see 
 particularly Dionys. Hal. ed. 
 Mai. XVII. 5, 7.— A ^ov\^ 
 atTarentumjWhose irpoihifXevfia 
 
 was necessary for a declaration 
 of war, in Livy VIII. 27. A 
 public assembly deciding con- 
 cerning peace and war, Diod. 
 XIX. 70. Plut. Pyrrh. 13. 
 Cheirotonia of this assembly, 
 Plut.iQu. Gr. 42. from Theo- 
 phrastus. 
 
 " See above, p. 88. note ^ 
 
184 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 ys^ra) are mentioned as inspectors of the public corn- 
 ma o^azine. The annual polianomi are bound to take 
 care that the contracts of lease shall be observed ; they 
 carry on inquiries upon this subject jointly with ten 
 sworn colleagues, elected by the people, in case of any 
 breach of contract, collect the appointed fines, and 
 refer, in cases of singular importance, to the public 
 assembly, they themselves being subject to the re- 
 sponsibility. 
 
 16. To these we may add Croton, since this city, 
 founded under the authority of Sparta by a Heraclide, 
 and therefore revering Hercules himself as its founder,* 
 must be considered as belonging to the Doric race, 
 although at a later period the more numerous Achaean 
 portion of the population appears to have prepon- 
 derated. Croton was the soil upon which Pythagoras 
 endeavoured to realise his notions of a true aristocracy, 
 an endeavour in which he succeeded. This, however, 
 we cannot comprehend, unless we consider his ideal 
 state as no airy project or phantom of the brain, but 
 rather as founded upon national feelings, and as being 
 even the foundation of the governments of Sparta, 
 Crete, and the cities of Lower Italy, in which Pytha- 
 goras first appeared : and for this reason he is de- 
 scribed as in part merely to have restored and 
 renewed ; for example, to have destroyed tyrannies, 
 quieted the claims of the people, and re-established 
 ancient rights,^ &c. Croton, however, he selected 
 as the centre of his operations, as being under the 
 protection of Apollo, his household god;^ and, se- 
 condly, as being the "city of the healthy,'* an advan- 
 
 ^ See b. I. ch. 6. § 12. and 15. p. 25.5, 257. Cf.Porph.Py- 
 b. II. ch. 12. § 5. thag. 21. 22. 
 
 y Jambl. Pythag. 7. p. 33. * B. II. ch. 3vS 7 
 
 CH. 9, § 16. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 185 
 
 tage which it owed to its climate, to gymnastic 
 exercises, and to purer morals than were prevalent 
 at least in the neighbouring cities of Tarentum and 
 Sybaris. The government of this city was, when the 
 philosopher came forward, in the hands of the senate 
 of a thousand,'' which formed a synedrion ; the Cro- 
 toniats are reported to have offered to Pythagoras the 
 presidency of this senate,^ probably as prytanis." A 
 similar senate of a thousand existed at Agrigentum in 
 the time of Empedocles ; the same number of persons, 
 elected according to their property, were sole gover- 
 nors at Rhegium.*^ This council of a thousand mem- 
 bers also existed at Locri.** From this we may infer 
 that the thousand of Croton were the most wealthy 
 citizens : who in states of which the power is derived 
 from the possession of land are, before the government 
 is disturbed by revolutions, generally identical with 
 the noble families. At Croton they had power to 
 decide in most affairs without the ratification of the 
 popular assembly,^ and also possessed a judicial au- 
 thority.^ Now the council instituted by Pythagoras 
 (which appears not to have been formed of members 
 elected according to property, but to have been chosen 
 on purely aristocratical principles) only contained three 
 hundred members,^ a number which frequently oc- 
 curs under similar circumstances;' at the head of 
 this council was Pythagoras liimself. One of the 
 most remarkable phenomena in the political histoiy 
 
 ^ Jambl. Pythag. 9. p. 45. * Heraclid. Pont. 25. 
 
 and Dicffiarchus ap. Porphyr. « See below, ch. 11. § 6. 
 
 18. who calls the members yi- ^ Jamblich. 35. p. 260. 
 
 povTEQ. Perhaps the crvyKXrirog ^ See b. I. ch. 6. § 12. 
 
 in Diod. XII. 9. is the same. '* Diog. Laert. VIII. 3. See 
 
 ^ Valer. Max. VIII. 15. Apollon. ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 
 
 ext. I. 254, 261. Justin. XX. 4. 
 
 ^- See above, p. 140, note ". ' See above, ch. 5. § 4. 
 
186 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 of the Greeks is, that the philosophy of order, of uni- 
 son, of xoa-fjLogy expressing, and consequently enlist- 
 ing on its side, the combined endeavours of the better 
 part of the people, obtained the management of pubUc 
 affairs, and held possession of it for a considerable 
 time ; so that the nature and destination of the poli- 
 tical elements in existence being understood, and each 
 having assigned to it its proper place, those who were 
 qualified both by their rank and talents were placed at 
 the head of the state ; a strict self-education having in 
 the first place been made one of their chief obligations 
 (as it was of the <puXax£^ of Plato), in order by this 
 means to prepare the way for the education of the 
 other members of the community. At present it is 
 generally acknowledged that the Pythagorean league 
 was in great part of a political nature, that its oljject 
 was to obtain a formal share in the administration of 
 states, and that its influence upon them was of the 
 most beneficial kind, which continued for many ge- 
 nerations in Magna Graecia after the dissolution of 
 the league itself" This dissolution was caused by the 
 natural opposers of an aristocracy of this description, 
 the popular party and its leaders ; for in this cha- 
 racter alone could Cylon have been the author of the 
 catastrophe w^hich he occasioned ; it is recorded, that 
 the opposition of this order to an agrarian law, which 
 referred to the division of the territory of the con- 
 quered Sybaris among the people, served to inflame 
 
 ^ The elucidation of this fact 
 is -without doubt the work of 
 Meiners, Geschichte der Wis- 
 senschaften, vol. III. ch. 3. The 
 reason why Plato, de Rep. X. 
 p. 600, represents Pythagoras 
 as one who had been a master 
 of education not in a public 
 
 but a private capacity, is, that 
 the Pythagorean discipline and 
 mode of living, the /5toc tTi 
 (TTaQjjiri^ was only kept up as a 
 private institution, while the 
 public regulations of Pythago- 
 ras had long fallen into oblivion. 
 
 CH. 9, § 16. OF TFIE DORIANS. 
 
 187 
 
 their minds .^ The opposite party demanded that the 
 whole people should have admittance to the public 
 assemblies and to public oflices, that all magistrates at 
 the expiration of their offices should render an account 
 to a tribunal composed of members elected by lot," 
 that all existing debts should l>e cancelled, and 
 that the lands should be newly divided : ° from 
 which we must infer, that the highest officers of the 
 Pythagoreans were, according to the Spartan and 
 Cretan principle, irresponsible, and that they con- 
 sidered election by vote as necessary for all such situa- 
 tions. How fatal to the quiet of Lower Italy were 
 the convulsions which followed the destruction of this 
 league (about 500 B.C.), is proved by the large share 
 which tlie whole of Greece took in their pacification. 
 This was at length effected by the Italian cities en- 
 tirely giving up the Doric customs, and adopting an 
 Achaean government and institutions ; ° which they 
 were afterwards, first by the power of Dionysius of 
 Syracuse, and then of the neighbouring Barbarians, 
 compelled to surrender. Now tlie Achaean constitu- 
 tion, according to Polybius,^ had become a democracy 
 immediately after the overthrow of the last king 
 Ogyges; and retained the same general character, 
 though some subordinate parts experienced very great 
 alterations : we also know that it was very unlike the 
 Spartan government.^ I cannot, liowever, refrain 
 from doubting whether it could properly be termed 
 democracy at so early a period, since Xenophon states, 
 that in Sicyon, in 368—365 B.C., timocracy was the 
 
 ^ Apollonius ap. Jamblich. p. 263. See Heyne Opuscul. 
 
 35. p. 255. Acad. II. p. 178. 
 
 "> Ibid. p. 257. cf. 260. p II. 41. 5. and f>asum. Pau- 
 
 " Jambl. 35. p. 262. san. V. 7. 1. 
 
 « Polyb. II. 39. Jambl. 35. i Thucyd. V. 80. 
 
I8S 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 prevailing form of government, " according to the 
 " laws of the AchcuansT^ which words cannot be re- 
 ferred to a mere transitoiy condition of that race. 
 There also was always among the Achseans an eques- 
 trian order (iVTrsT^), of greater consideration and in- 
 fluence on the government than can be reconciled with 
 complete democracy.' So also at Croton, in the year 
 of the city 637 (117 B.C.), there was a complete 
 democracy; but (as in all the cities of the Italian 
 Greeks at this period) a senate of nobles existed, which 
 was frequently at open war with the people.* 
 
 17. Lastly, it is proper to mention the constitution 
 of Delphi, if our supposition is admitted to be cor- 
 rect, that the most distinguished Delphian families 
 were of Doric origin." It was also shown that these 
 families composed at an early period a close aristo- 
 cracy ; the priests were chosen from among the nobles, 
 to whom the management of the oracle belonged ; 
 from their body was taken the Pythian court of justice 
 (which may be compared with the Spartan gerusia, 
 and the Athenian court of the ephetse), as well as the 
 chief magistrates, among whom in early times a king,* 
 and afterwards a prytanis, was supreme.^ At a later 
 period we find mention of archons who gave their name 
 to the year.^ At the same time a popular party was 
 formed (perhaps from the subjects of the temple), 
 which in a later age at least exercised its authority in 
 
 'Hell. VII. 1.44. sted. 
 
 ^ See, for example, Plutarch. y Above, ch. 8. § 8. 
 
 Philopoemen. 7, 18. ^ Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 
 
 * Liv. XXIV. 2,3. Nos. 1688, 1689, 1694, 1705. 
 
 " B. II. ch. 1. § 8. Above, The Delphian archons Gylidas 
 
 ch- 8. § 3. and Diodorus in Olymp. 47. 3. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 6. § 10. From 590 B.C. and 49. 3. 582 B.C. 
 
 the passage quoted it is seen (Argument. Schol. Find. Pyth.) 
 
 that even in Plutarch's time a were, however, perhaps, pry- 
 
 fiaai\ev£, in name at least, ex- tanes. 
 
 CH. 9, § 18. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 189 
 
 a public assembly." The senate {^ouXri) of Delphi 
 was at this period, as in Gela and Rhodes (according 
 to the hypothesis before advanced), renewed every half 
 year; but it appears to have consisted of very few 
 members, for only one senator (^ouXsucou) , or at most 
 a few, in addition to the archon, are named in the 
 donatory decrees of Delphi.^ Many particulars which 
 belong to a later date we pass over, as our only object 
 is to point out the characteristic points of the ancient 
 constitution. 
 
 18. From these various accounts it follows, that 
 although there was no one form of government com- 
 mon to the Doric race in historic times, yet in many 
 of these states we find a constitution of nearly the 
 same character, which preceded and caused the sub- 
 sequent changes and developments ; and was of un- 
 equal duration in different states. This constitution, 
 which we, with Pindar, consider as most strongly 
 marked in the Spartan form of government, was of a 
 strictly aristocratic character;*' hence Sparta was the 
 basis and corner-stone of the Greek aristocracies, and 
 in this country alone the nobility ever retained their 
 original dignity and power. Hence also Sparta, dur- 
 ing the flourishing period of her history, never had a 
 large number of exiles on political grounds, while in the 
 other Grecian states the constant revolutions to which 
 they were subject generally kept one party or other 
 of the citizens in banishment ; nor did she ever ex- 
 
 ^ Ibid. No. 1693. 
 
 ^ Ibid. Nos. 1702. sqq. 
 
 *^ Avarripa cat apitTTOKpariKrl 
 TToXtre/a, Plutarch. Comp. Ly- 
 curg. et Num. 2. According 
 to Plutarch de Monarchia 2. 
 p. 205. the government of 
 
 Sparta was an apiaroKpanict) 
 oXiyap-^ia Kai avdeicaoTO^. Iso- 
 crates Nicocl. p. 31. D. says 
 of the Lacedaemonians, o'ikol 
 fiEv oKiyap^ov^EVOL, irtpl ^e tov 
 TToXefjiop (^(TiXevofjiet'oi. Comp. 
 Cragius I. 4. 
 
190 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 perience any violent disturbances or changes in her 
 constitution/ until the number of the genuine Spar- 
 tans had nearly become extinct, and the conditions 
 necessary for the permanence of tlie ancient govern- 
 ment had in part been removed. Now I call the 
 Spartan constitution an aristocracy, without the least 
 hesitation, on account of its continued and predominant 
 tendency towards governing the community by a few, 
 who were presumed to be the best, and as it inculcated 
 in the citizens far less independent confidence than 
 obedience and fear of those persons whose worth was 
 guaranteed by their family, their education, and the 
 public voice which had called them to the ofl&ces of 
 state. The ancients,^ however, remark, that it might 
 also be called a democracy, since the supreme power 
 was always considered as residing in the people, and 
 an entire equality of manners prevailed ; that it might 
 be called a monarchy on account of the kings ; ^ and 
 that in the power of the ephors there was even an 
 appearance of tyranny: so that in this one consti- 
 tution all forms of government were united.^ But the 
 animating soul of all these forms was the Doric spirit 
 of fear and respect for ancient and established laws, 
 and the judgment of older men, the spirit of implicit 
 
 •^ Isocrat. Panath. p. 287 A. 
 Crete also was free from 
 tyranny, according to Plato 
 Leg. IV. p. 711. 
 
 ® Isocrates Areopag. p. 152 
 A. says that the Lacedaemo- 
 nians were vaXXtora iroXiTtvo- 
 fiEvoi, because they were fia- 
 Xiara ^rjiiOKparovfiEyoi. Plat- 
 Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Aristot. 
 Pol. II. 3. 10. IV. 5. 11. IV. 6. 
 4, 5. and compare Cicero de 
 Rep. II. 23. who states that the 
 
 respublica Lacedtsmoniorum 
 was mixta, but not temperata ; 
 and on the other side the pre- 
 tended Archytas in Stob. Serm. 
 41. 
 
 ^ The king in the Doric con- 
 stitution was said to honour 
 the people, lapov y^paipuv, 
 Pmd. Pyth. I. 61. 
 
 ^ The Cretan constitution 
 also, according to Plato (ubi 
 sup.), united every form of go- 
 vernment. 
 
 CH. 9, § 18. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 191 
 
 obedience towards the state and the constituted autho- 
 rities (TrsiSap^tot) ;^ and, lastly, the conviction that 
 strict discipline and a wise restriction of actions are 
 surer guides to safety, than a superabundance of 
 strength and activity directed to no certain end. 
 
 The relation which, according to these Doric ])rin- 
 ciples, existed between an inferior and a superior, 
 between the private citizen and the magistrate, also 
 extended to the Spartans and other states, as the former 
 were for a long time considered as aristocrats when 
 compared Avith the other Greeks. This superiority 
 was not caused by external preponderance and com- 
 pulsion, but by the internal acknowledgment that strict 
 laws and a well-ordered discipline belonged to tliem 
 above all. It is often curious to remark how great 
 was the power of a Lacedaemonian cloak and stick 
 (jrxrjToky] xai r^i^cov, as Plutarch says) among the 
 other races of the Greeks :' how, as it Avere by magic, 
 the single Gylippus, although by no means the best of 
 his nation, brings union and stability into the people at 
 Syracuse, and first gives all their undertakings force 
 and effect ; on more than one occasion a single Spartan 
 was enough to unite squadrons of iEolians and lonians 
 of Asia, and make them act in common ; and even at 
 the times of the dissolution of the Grecian name, we 
 see Spartans acting as the generals of mercenaries 
 
 ^ To this, and not to con- 
 quests, the expression of Simo- 
 nides, ^apaari^fipOTO^ ^-rrapra, 
 
 refers, according to Plutarch 
 Agesil. 1. Compare Polyb. IV. 
 22. 2. Plut. Lycurg. 30. Prsec. 
 Ger. Reip. 20,21. p. 181, 182. 
 Lac. Apophth. p. 246. the 
 verses of Ion the tragic poet 
 in Sextus Enipiricus adv. Ma- 
 
 them. p. 69 A. and a Spartan 
 inscription of late date, Boeckh 
 Corp. Inscript. No. 1350. f/ 
 TToXig M. AvjO. ^ A<ppo^ei(Tiov — ttjq 
 kv toIq narpioiQ AvKovpyeioig 
 tdeciy EV'd/vxiag teal Treidap'^iag 
 ■^apiv. 
 
 * See Plutarch. Lycurg. 29, 
 30. 
 
192 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS rook iti. 
 
 bound by no other law than the firm and decided will 
 of their leaders. 
 
 Many of the noblest and best of the Athenians 
 always considered the Spartan state nearly as an ideal 
 theory realised in practice ; and, like Cimon and Xeno- 
 phon (whose decided preference for Sparta, though 
 perhaps sometimes prejudicial to his own country, 
 must not be called folly), joined themselves to this 
 state with zeal and eagerness, even to the prejudice of 
 their own interests. The preference of all the follow- 
 ers of Socrates for Sparta is well known ;^ and Ly- 
 curgus, the most just of financiers, united to an aristo- 
 cratical disposition an admiration for the laws of 
 Lacedfiemon.^ It is singular that men of such emi- 
 nence, both in a practical and theoretical view, should 
 express their admiration of a state,™ which modern 
 writers" have often represented to us as a horde of half 
 savages. Nor must the judgment of the persons above 
 mentioned, who were without doubt sufficiently ac- 
 quainted with the object of it, be attributed to a morbid 
 craving after a state of nature which the Athenians 
 had for ever lost. 
 
 We moderns, on the other hand, on account of our 
 preconceived notions with respect to the advancement 
 of civilization, do not read ^vithout partiality the lessons 
 which history affords us ; we refuse to recognise the 
 
 ^Compare the Platonic So- ™PolybiusIV. 8L 12. also 
 
 crates, Criton. 14. Protag. p. calls the Spartan constitution 
 
 342 C. Repub. VIII. p. 544 C. mXXiVj; TroXireia. 
 with the Socrates of Xenophon, ° As, for example, the igno- 
 
 Mem. III. 5. 15. and what An- rant de Pauw, who was pre- 
 
 tisthenes says in Plut. Lye. 30. ceded among the ancients in 
 
 ^ In Leocr, p. 166. 5. The an attempt to decry Sparta by 
 
 wordsof iEschines, dW 01/ Aa- Poly crates (probably the ora- 
 
 KE^aifioyioi (in Timarch. 25. tor), Heyne de Spart. Rep. 
 
 32.), are merely a ridiculous Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. 
 
 imitation of Cimon. p. 2. 
 
 CH. 9, § 18. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 193 
 
 most profound political wisdom in an age which we 
 believe to have been occupied in rude attempts after 
 the formation of a settled form of government. Far 
 otherwise the political speculators of antiquity, such as 
 the Pythagoreans and Plato, who considered the 
 Spartan and Cretan form of government, i. e., the 
 ancient Dorian, as a general model of all governments ; 
 and, in fact, the ideal constitution which was realized 
 in Sparta approaches most nearly to that which Py- 
 thagoras attempted to establish in Lower Italy, and 
 \vhich Plato brought forward as capable of being put 
 in practice, viz., a close communion, nearly similar to 
 that of a family, having for its object nmtual instruc- 
 tion. For the regulations of P} thagoras have many 
 things besides their aristocratic spirit in common with 
 the Spartan form of government, such as the public 
 tables, and in general the perpetual living in public, 
 with the number of laws for the maintenance of public 
 morality {disciplina moruni); and tlie comnmnity of 
 goods, which existed among the Pythagoreans, is 
 nearly allied to the Doric system of equalizing the 
 landed estates. And Plato, although he at times 
 criticises the Spartan and Cretan constitution in a 
 somewhat unfair manner, has evidently derived his 
 political notions, mediately or immediately, from the 
 consideration of that form of government :° for it is 
 hardly possible that any person should speculate upon 
 government, without proceeding upon some chosen 
 historical basis, however he may endeavour to conceal 
 it. But the Athenian and Ionic democracy he alto- 
 gether despises, because that appeared on his princi- 
 ples to be an anniliilation of government rather than a 
 
 ° Concerning the similarity of monian government, see Mor- 
 Plato's state, and the Lacedae- gensttrn de Platon. Rep. p.305. . 
 
 VOL. II. O 
 
194 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 10, § L OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 195 
 
 government, in which every person, striving to act as 
 much as possible for himself, destroyed that unison and 
 harmony in which each individual exists only as a part 
 of the whole. 
 
 It would be interestin<y to know what were the 
 opinions and judgments of Spartans of the better time 
 concerning these relaxed forms of government. We 
 may well suppose that they did not view them in a 
 favourable light. The people of Athens must indeed 
 have appeared to them in general, as a Lacedaemonian 
 in Aristophanes^ expresses himself, as a lawless and 
 turbulent rabble. For this reason they refused in the 
 / 1 Peloponnesian war to negociate with the \\'hole com- 
 munity ; and would only treat with a few selected in- 
 dividuals.'' Upon the whole, the state of Sparta, 
 being, in comparison with the general mutability of the 
 Greeks after the Persian war, like the magnet, which 
 always pointed to the pole of ancient national customs, 
 became dissimilar, both in political and domestic 
 usages, to the rest of Greece -^ and for this reason the 
 Spartans who were sent into foreign parts either gave 
 affront by their strangeness and peculiarity, or, by their 
 want of consistency and firmness, forfeited that con- 
 fidence with which they were everywhere met. 
 
 P puaxfroc, Lysistrat. 170. ^ Thuc. IV. 22. Compare the 
 Compare the Xa/3,ooc frr^aroQ of excuses of Alcibiades VI. 89. 
 Pindar quoted above, p. 9. note >. "^ Thuc. I. 77. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 § 1. Tenure of land in Laconia. § 2. Partition of the land into 
 lots, and their inalienability. § 3. Law of inalienability of land 
 repealed by Epitadeus. § 4. Lacediemonian law respecting 
 marriage portions and heiresses. § 5. Similar regulations re- 
 specting landed property in other states. § 6. The syssitia of 
 Crete and the phiditia of Sparta. § 7. Contributions to the 
 public tables in Crete and Sparta. § 8. Domestic economy of 
 Sparta. § 9. Money of Sparta. § 10. Regulations respecting 
 the use of money in Sparta. § 11. Changes in these regula- 
 tions. Taxation of the Spartans. § 12. Trade of Pelopon- 
 nesus. Monetary system of the Dorians of Italy and Sicily. 
 
 1 . Having now considered the individuals compos- 
 ing the state in reference to the supreme governing 
 power, we will next view them in reference to pro- 
 I)erty, and investigate the subject of the pubhc 
 economy. It is evident that this latter must have been 
 of great simplicity in the Doric states, as it was the 
 object of their constitution to remove everything acci- 
 dental and arbitrary; and by preventing property from 
 being an object of free choice and individual exertion, 
 to make it a matter of indifference to persons who were 
 to be trained only in moral excellence; hence the 
 dominant class, the genuine Spartans, were almost 
 entirely interdicted from the labour of trade or agri- 
 culture, and excluded both from the cares and pleasures 
 of such occupations.'' Since then upon this principle 
 it was the object to allow as little freedom as possible 
 to individuals in the use of property, while the state 
 gained what these had lost, it is manifest that under a 
 government of this kind there could not have been any 
 
 % 
 
 =* Above, ch. 2. § 3. 
 
 0-2 
 
196 
 
 POLITICAL LNSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 accurate distinction between public and private eco- 
 nomy; and therefore no attempt will be made to 
 separate them in the following discussion. 
 
 All land in Laconia was either in the immediate 
 possession of the state, or freehold property of the 
 Spartans, or held by the Perioeci upon the payment of 
 a tribute. That there were flocks and lands belonging 
 to the state of Sparta, is evident from facts which have 
 been already stated ;^ although perhaps they were not 
 so considerable as in Crete f the large forest, in which 
 every Spartan had a right of hunting, must also have 
 belonged to the community. There can be no doubt 
 that this property of the state was different from the 
 royal lands,^ which were situated in the territory of the 
 Perioeci : it is probable that these (as well as the rest 
 of that district) were cultivated by the Perioeci, who 
 only paid a tribute to the king. The rest of the ter- 
 ritory of the Perioeci was divided into numerous but 
 small portions, of which, as has been already remarked, 
 there were 30,000 ;^ a number which was probably 
 arranered at the same time Avith that of the hundred 
 towns. ^ In each lot (xXrjpos) only one family resided, 
 the members of which subsisted upon its produce, and 
 cultivated it, to the best of our knowledge, without 
 the assistance of Helots. For this reason the 9000 
 lots of the Spartans, which supported twice as many 
 men as the lots of the Perioeci,^' must upon the whole 
 have been twice as extensive ; each lot must therefore 
 have been seven times greater. Now the property of 
 
 ^ Herod. VL 57. Compare 
 above, ch. 6. § 9. 
 
 ^ See ch. 4. § 1. concerning 
 the nvoia. Compare the re^eyrj 
 lr)ix6fna of Byzantium in Pseud- 
 Aristot. CEcon. IL 2. 3. 
 
 ^ As also in Cyrene. 
 9. § 13. 
 
 « Ch. 3. §6. 
 * Ch. 2. § 1. 
 ^Ch. 3. §6. 
 
 See ch. 
 
 H. 10, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 197 
 
 the Spartans was, according to the united testimony of 
 all writers, set out in equal lots ; probably according 
 to some general valuation of the produce ;^' for the area 
 could not have l)een taken as a standard in a country 
 where the land was of such diflFerent degrees of good- 
 ness. Yet even this method of allotment might not 
 have precluded all inequality : which, on account of 
 the natural changes of the soil, nmst in the course of 
 time have been much augmented ; and to this result 
 the variable number of the slaves, which were strictly 
 connected with the land, necessarily contributed. 
 Nevertheless this fact proves that there existed a 
 principle of equality in the contrivers of the regula- 
 tion : for, as we remarked above, this division was in 
 strictness only a lower degree of a community of 
 goods, which the Pythagoreans endeavoured to put in 
 practice, on the principle of the possessions of friends 
 being common -; and which actually existed among tlie 
 Spartans in the free use of dogs, horses, servants, 
 and even the furniture of other persons.^ The whole 
 institution of the pubhc tables in Sparta and Crete 
 was, indeed, only a means of producing an equal dis- 
 tribution of property among the members of them.' 
 2. Although similar partitions of land had perhaps 
 ^ been made I'rom the time of the first occupation of 
 ' Laconia by the Dorians, the later division into 9000 
 lots cannot have taken place before the end of the 
 
 '' Compare the supposed 
 apophthegm of Lycurgus con- 
 cerning the equal ricks of corn, 
 Plut. Lye. 8. 
 
 * See, among others, Timneus 
 ap. Schol. Plat Phaed. p. 68. 
 Ruhnk. and ap. Diog. Laert. 
 VIII 10. Meiners, Geschichte 
 der VVissenschaft, III. 3 Cicero 
 
 deR^p. IV. (p. 281. Mai) ap. 
 Non. in v. proprium, p. 689. 
 Gothofr. compares Plato's Com- 
 munilas honorum with the in- 
 stitution of Lycurgus. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3, 4. 
 Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Lac. 
 Inst. p. 252. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 10. 
 
198 
 
 POLITICAL IiNSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 first Messenian war."* There is something vei*y re- 
 markable in the historical account, that Tyrtseus by 
 means of his poem of Eunomia repressed the desire 
 of many citizens for a redivision of the lands." It 
 may be explained by supposing that the Spaitans, 
 who before that time had possessed allotments in 
 M essenia, from which they then obtained no returns, 
 wished that new estates in Laconia should be assigned 
 to them.° At the time, however, of that division 
 Sparta must in fact have had about 9000 fathers of 
 families (or, according to the ancient expression, so 
 many olxoi), of which each received a lot ; for families 
 and lots were necessarily connected.'^ If then we 
 suppose that every family of a Spartan was provided 
 with a lot, the chief object was to keep them to- 
 gether for the future by proper institutions : and to 
 ascertain the means which were employed to attain 
 this end (for they ^^ ere upon the whole successful) is 
 a problem which has never yet been satisfactorily 
 solved.'' The first part was the preservation of fami- 
 lies, in which the legislator was in ancient times as- 
 sisted by the sanction of religion. Nothing was more 
 dreaded by the early Greeks than the extinction of 
 
 m 
 
 The apophthegm of Poly- 
 dorus ap. Plutarch, p. 223. 
 shows that this king set on foot 
 a K\r]p(t)(Tig of Messenia. 
 
 ° Aristot. Pol. V. 6. 1. 
 
 ° This agrees completely with 
 a fact mentioned by Pausan. 
 IV. 18. 2. that Tyrtseus ap- 
 peased the internal troubles, 
 which arose from Messenia 
 having been left uncultivated, 
 on account of the incursions of 
 the Messenians from Eira. — It 
 was doubtless on this occasion 
 that the Spartans, who had lots 
 
 in Messenia, called for a fresh 
 division of the Spartan terri- 
 tory; and to quiet these com- 
 plaints Tyrtseus composed his 
 Eunomia. 
 
 P Plut. Agis b. Kttl TWV o'lKU)V 
 
 ov 6 AvKovpyoc Cjpiffe ^vXarrov- 
 Tb)v apidfioy iv Toig ^iaEo')(aig, 
 krat Trarpog TraiSl tov Kkripov otTro- 
 
 Xlttovtoq. See Heyne ut sup. 
 p. 15. 
 
 ^ The difficulties have been 
 well perceived by Friederich 
 von Raumer, Vorlesungen fiber 
 alte Geschichte, vol. I. p. 236. 
 
 CH. 10, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 199 
 
 the family, and the destruction of the house ;^ by which 
 the dead lost their religious honour, the household 
 gods their sacrifices, the hearth its flame, and the an- 
 cestors their name among the living. This was in 
 Sparta provided against by regulations concerning 
 heiresses, adoptions, introductions of mothaces, and 
 other means which will presently l)e mentioned : 
 those persons also who had not as yet any children 
 were sometimes spared in war.^ The second means 
 was the prohibition to alienate or divide the family 
 allotment,* which necessarily recjuired the existence of 
 only one heir," who probably was always the eldest 
 son.* The extent of his rights, however, was perhaps 
 no further than that he was considered master of the 
 house and property ; while the other members of the 
 family had an equal right to a share in the enjoyment 
 of it. The head of the family was styled in Doric 
 sfTTioTraixcov, the lord of the hearth;^ the collective 
 members of the family were called by Epimenides the 
 Cretan bfxoxaTroiy that is, literally, eating from the 
 same crib '^"^ and by Charondas o [xogtittuoi, or ''living 
 
 ^Thus Herodotus VI. m. 
 says of Glaucus the Spartan, 
 ovTE Ti airoyovov, ovt laTiT] ovci- 
 f.ua I'oi-ui^ojjiti'fi eiyai TXavKov. 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 205. Compare 
 Diod. XV. 64. also Tliucyd. V. 
 64. 
 
 * Heraclid Pont. 2. irwXelt^ 
 C£ yijy AnKECaifjiovioig at<r)^)o»' 
 vEvofjufTTai (cf. Arist. Pol. II. 6. 
 10 ), Tijg ap\aiag jxoipaQ aynri- 
 l.ua6aL ovcev tEsari. Cf. Plut. 
 Inst. Lac. p. 252. 
 
 " This is quoted as a lyxco- 
 nian law by Proclus ad Hes. 
 Op. 374. p. 198. Gaistbrd. 
 
 * Younger brothers, however, 
 inherited immediately, if the 
 
 elder died without lawful issue, 
 Plutarch. Ages. 4. 
 
 > Pollux I. 8. 75. X. 3. 20. 
 with Hemsterhuis' note. Con- 
 cerning the words derived from 
 TTciw, see Valckenser. ad Am- 
 nion. 3, 7. 
 
 ^' The members of a family 
 might be said to eat together, 
 to be 6/io«:a7rot, notwithstanding 
 the institution of the syss.tia, 
 for the public tables did not 
 furnish all the food. 'O/jLOKaTrvoL 
 (ihe reading of the best MS.) 
 comes to the same thing; as 
 the fire of the hearth was used 
 by the Greeks more for cooking 
 than for warmth ; and in the 
 
200 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 10, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 201 
 
 " upon the same stock ;'^ and by the Spartans per- 
 haps TTOLwrai.^ The master of the family was there- 
 fore obliged to contribute for all these to the syssitia, 
 without which contribution no one was admitted ;" we 
 
 - shall see presently that he was able to provide this 
 contribution for three men and women besides him- 
 self; the other expenses were inconsiderable.'^ If, 
 however, the family contained more than three men, 
 which must frequently have been the case, the means 
 adopted for relieving the excessive number were either 
 to marry them with heiresses, or to send them out as 
 
 I {colonists; or the state had recourse to some other 
 means of preventing absolute want. This would have 
 been ejQfected with the greater ease, if it were true, as 
 Plutarch relates, that immediately after the biilh of 
 every Spartan l)oy, the eldest of the tribe, sitting 
 together in a lesche, gave him one of the 9000 lots.*" 
 For this, however, it must be assumed that the state 
 or the tribes had possession of some lots, of those per- 
 haps in which the families had become extinct ; but 
 we know that these lots went in a regular succession 
 to other families,' by which means many became ex- 
 ceedingly rich. These elders of the tribe, mentioned 
 by Plutarch, were therefore probably only the eldest 
 of the house or yivog, who might take care that, if 
 several sons and at the same time several lots had 
 fallen together in one ftimily, the younger sons should, 
 
 summer for the former exclu- 
 sively. 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. I. 1. 6. 
 
 ^ Hesychius, nadHrai : <yi;yy£- 
 reigy oiKsioi. 
 
 <= Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. 
 
 ^ The fiiKpa t')(ovTeg in Xe- 
 noph. Rep. Lac, 7. 4. must be 
 those who possess no A:\j7p0t of 
 
 their own, like the fiticpay ovmuv 
 K£KTr}fiiyoi in Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 
 10. 
 
 ® Lycurg. 16. 
 
 * When a family was entirely 
 extinct, probably they passed 
 to that next in order in the 
 
 TpiaKUC. 
 
 as far as was possible, be in the possession of land, 
 without however violating the indivisible unity of an 
 allotment. 
 
 In this manner at Sparta the family, together with 
 the estate, formed an undivided whole, under the con- 
 trol of one head, who was privileged ])y his birth. 
 But if the number of persons to be fed was too great, 
 as compared with the means of feeding them, the 
 natural consequence was, that the privileged eldest 
 brother could afford to many, while the younger 
 brothers remained without wives or children. This 
 natural inference from the above account is strikingly 
 confirmed by a most singular statement of Polybius,^ 
 wiiich has lately been brought to light, viz., that "in 
 " Sparta several brothers had often one \vife, and that 
 " the children were brought up in common." If we 
 may here infer a misrepresentation, to which the Spar- 
 tan institutions were particularly liable, it is seen how 
 the custom just described might cause several men to 
 dwell in one house, upon the same estate, of whom 
 one only had a wife. But it must be confessed that 
 the Spartan institution was very likely to lead to the 
 terrible abuse which Polybius mentions, particularly 
 as the Spartan laws, as we shall see presently,'' did 
 not absolutely prohibit the husbimd from allowing the 
 j procreation of children from his wife by strangers, 
 i It is therefore possible that the Hebrew institution of 
 the Levirate-marriage (viz., that if a man died with- 
 out leaving children, his widow became the wife of 
 her former husband's brother, who was to raise up 
 seed to his brother)' was extended in Sparta to the 
 lifetime of the childless elder brother. 
 
 I 
 
 8 Mai Nov. Collect. Vet. 
 Scriptor. vol. II. p. 384. 
 
 ^ Below, § 4. near the end. 
 ' See Deuteron. xxv. 5 — 10. 
 
202 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 cii. 10, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 203 
 
 3. This whole system was entirely broken up by 
 the law of the ephor Epitadeus, which permitted any 
 person to give away his house and lot during his life- 
 time, and also to leave it as he chose by will.^ 
 Whence, as might have been expected, the practice 
 of legacy-hunting rose to a great height, in which the 
 rich had always the advantage over the poor. This 
 law, which was directly opposed to the spirit of the 
 Spartan constitution, was passed after the time of Ly- 
 sander, but a considerable period before Aristotle ; 
 since this writer, manifestly confounding the state of 
 things as it existed in his tune with the ancient legis* 
 lation,^ reckons it as an inconsistency in the constitu- 
 tion of Sparta, that buying and selling of property 
 was attended with dishonour,"" but that it was per- 
 mitted to give it away, and bequeath it by wiU.° 
 From that time we find that the number of the Spar- 
 tans, and particularly of the landed proprietors, con- 
 tinually decreased. The first fact is very remarkable, 
 and can hardly be accounted for by the wars,*' in which 
 moreover the Spartans lost but few of their number ; 
 it was perhaps rather owning to the late marriages, 
 
 Michaelis on the Laws of Mo- that the destructive law of Epi- 
 ses, vol. II. p. 21 — 33. Engl, tadeus (for such in fact it was, 
 translation, which Ei^oycu Kal KaraXnTreip 
 ^ Plutarch Agis 5. k^ovaiav ecmke toiq fiovKop-ivoio) 
 ^ This circumstance is other- was a part of the ori<iinal con- 
 wise understood by Manso, vol. stitution, as well as the corre- 
 I. 2 p. 133. Tittniann, p. 660. sponding laws respecting sacri- 
 Gottling ad Arist. Pol. p. 467. fices. 
 
 endeavours to exculpate Aris- ™ This also occurs in later 
 
 totle from this charge by sup- times, Plut. Agis 13. iElian. 
 
 posing that under the word ro- V. H. XIV. 44. 
 fjiodtTTjc lie also comprises the ° II. 6. 10. To give away 
 
 later innovators of the constitu- xpV"^"» ^^ Kei/itjXia, was also 
 
 tion ; but the author nowhere permitted in early time, Herod, 
 
 shows that he had any know- \T. 62. Plut. Ages. 4. 
 ledge of these changes: other- " See Clinton, F. H. vol. II. 
 
 wise he could not have stated p. 383. ed. 2. 
 
 which also frequently took place between members of 
 the same family. After all, it must be confessed that 
 the constitution of Sparta too much restrained the 
 natural inclination of the citizens ; and by making 
 every thing too subservient to public ends, checked 
 the free growth of the people, and, like a plant 
 trimmed by an unsparing hand, destroyed its means 
 both of actual strength and future increase. At the 
 time of Aristotle they endeavoured to increase the 
 population by exempting the father of three sons from 
 serving in war, and the father of four sons from all 
 taxes. P But even Herodotus only reckons 8000 
 Spartans in the 9000 families : in the middle of the 
 Peloponnesian war Sparta did not send quite 6000 
 i> heavy-armed soldiers into the field.** Aristotle states 
 that in his time the whole of Laconia could hardly 
 furnish 1000 heavy-armed men ;'^ and at the time of 
 Agis the Third there were only 700 genuine Spar- 
 tans.^ Even in 399 13. C the Spartans who were in 
 possession of lots^ did not compose a large number in 
 comparison w ith the people ; for the numerous Neo- 
 damodes must not be included among them, who it 
 appears could not obtain lots in any other manner 
 than by adoption into a Spartan family, before which 
 time they were provided for by the state. We are 
 entirely uninformed in w^hat manner the loss of Mes- 
 senia was borne by Sparta ; it cannot be supposed 
 
 ^'AtsXtj Trarrtjy,e. g., of the Macrobius (Sat. I. 11.) at the 
 
 contribution to the syssitia, time of Cleomenes there were 
 
 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 13. ./Lilian only mille et quingenii Lacedcv- 
 
 (V. H. VI. 6.) mentions five moniit qui arma f err e pos sent. 
 
 instead of four. Manso (I. 1. * These only are called by 
 
 p. 128.) remarks that the law Xenophon (Hell. III. 3. 5.) 
 
 can hardly have proceeded from 2n-oprtdrat, as is plain from the 
 
 Lycurgus. words ; oaot. iv toiq ywpioLQ 27rap- 
 
 1 See below, ch. 12. § 2. Tiardv rvypuv oirtQ^ ira fxtv tvo- 
 
 ' Pol. II. 6. 11. Xifiioy rov csaTrortiy, 
 
 " Plut. Ag. 5. According to 
 
204 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 en. 10, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 205 
 
 that whole families coiiipletely lost their landed pro- 
 perty ; for they would have perished by famine. No 
 writer has, however, preserved a trace of the mode 
 in which these difficulties were met by the state. At 
 the time of Agis the Third we know that of the 700 
 Spartans, about 100 only were in possession of the 
 district of the city." 
 
 4. From this view of the times, which succeeded 
 the innovation of Epitadeus, we will now turn to the 
 original system, which indeed we are scarcely able to 
 ascertain, from the feeble and obscure indications now 
 extant. In the first place, we know with certainty 
 that daughters had originally no dowiy (in Doric 
 §«>Ti'v7j),^ and were married with a gift of clothes, 
 &c. 'J afterwards, however, they were at least pro- 
 vided with money and other moveable property.^ At 
 the time of Aristotle, after the ephoralty of Epitadeus, 
 they were also endowed with land.* This was the 
 regulation in case of the existence of a son ; if there 
 
 " Plut. Agis 5. 
 
 * Dionys. Byz. de Bosp. 
 Thrac. p. 17. Hudson. Also 
 Varro de Ling. Lat. V. (IV.) 
 36. p. 48. Bipont. says that the 
 Sicilian Greeks (who were 
 chiefly Dorians) used Ztorivn 
 for dowry. 
 
 y Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. 
 ^lian. V. H. VI. 6. Justin. 
 III. 3. Compare the corrupt 
 gloss of Hesychius in ayptn;- 
 fiara. 
 
 ^ Plut. Lysand. 30. Apophth. 
 p. 229. iElian. V. H. VI. 4. 
 With regard to the story of 
 Lysander's daughters, it should 
 be remarked, that the suitors 
 could not have been deceived 
 as to whetlier they possessed 
 landed property or not ; but 
 
 they thought that the father 
 had large personal property, 
 and that this would be divided 
 among them. — Lysander also 
 left male issue, as appears from 
 Pans. III. 6. 41. of whom one 
 was named Libys, in memory 
 of the proxenia of Lysander 
 with the Aramonians.' The 
 name could hardly have been 
 transmitted through Lysander's 
 daughters, since it is certain 
 that they were not heiresses. 
 
 ^ See Polit. II. 6. 10. In 
 Plutarch (Agid. 6.) a very rich 
 sister of a poor and distressed 
 brother occurs. See also Plu- 
 tarch Cleomen. L concerning 
 the wealth of the women in 
 Sparta. But the rich wife of 
 Archidamus U. (Athen. XIII. 
 
 was none, the daughter, and if there were several 
 daughters, j>robably the eldest, became heiress (Itt/- 
 xT^Tjpos, in Doric sTrtTra^arls) '^ that is to say, the 
 possession of her was necessarily connected with that 
 of the inheritance. Regulations concerning heiresses 
 were an object of chief importance in the ancient 
 . legislations, on account of their anxiety for the main- 
 tenance of families, as in that of Androdamas of Rhe- 
 gium for the Thracian Chalcideans,*" and in the code 
 of Solon,* with which the Chalcidean laws of Charon- 
 das appear to have agreed in all essential points.® 
 We will mention the most important of these regula- 
 tions. The heiress, together with her inheritance, 
 belonged to the kinsmen of the family (ayp^io-rsr^)-^ 
 so that in early tiii^ies^ the father could not dispose of 
 his daughter as he liked without their assent. But, 
 accordinir to the later Athenian law, the father had 
 power either during his life or by will to give his 
 daughter, with her inheritance, in marriage to whom- 
 ever he wished. If, however, this power was not 
 exercised, the kinsmen had a right of claiming the 
 daughter by a judicial process; and the right to 
 marry her went round in a regular succession.^ But 
 
 p. 566 D.),Eupolia, the daugh- 
 ter of Melesippidas, must have 
 been an heiress. 
 
 ^ Compare Bunsen De Jure 
 Hered. Attico I. 1. p. 18. 
 
 ♦^ Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 9. 
 
 ^ See, besides Bunsen, Plat- 
 ner, Beitrage, p. 117. sqq. Slui- 
 ter Lect. Andoc. 5. p. 80. sqq. 
 
 ^ Diod. XII. 18. Hevne O- 
 pnsc. Acad. IL p. 119. 
 
 * This is evident from the 
 Supplicesof i^schylus, particu- 
 larly v. 382. 
 
 ti roi xpetrovfft Taints AiyvTrov aiitvy 
 vofAm ToXiUi (pccffKovTis iyyurxTot y't- 
 vevf 
 
 s Is8Pus de Pyrrhi Hered. p. 
 54. — The Jewish law was strik- 
 ingly similar. See Numbers 
 xxvii. 1 — 11. The daughters 
 had the inheritance of their fa- 
 ther, but they were not permit- 
 ted to marry out of the family; 
 the nearest relation had the first 
 claim to her, if he relinquished 
 it, the next followed, and so on, 
 Ruth iv. 
 
 V; 
 
 I 
 
 il' 
 
 I 
 
206 
 
 POLITICAL IxNSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III, 
 
 the unmarried man, to whom of all her kinsmen she 
 was allotted, was not only privileged, but also com- 
 pelled to marry her.^ The laws also exercised a fur- 
 ther superintendence over him, and enjoined that he 
 should beget children from his wife,^ which then did 
 not pass into his family, but into that of his wife, and 
 became the successors of their maternal grandfather. 
 Now there is no doubt that in Sparta the family was 
 continued by means of the heiresses; but it is pro- 
 bable that they always chose for their husbands per- 
 sons who had no lots of then- own, such as the de- 
 scendants of younger brothers, and, first, persons of 
 the same family,^ if there were any, then persons 
 connected by relationship, and so on. If the father 
 himself had made no disposition concerning his 
 daughters, (in which respect, however, his choice 
 was limited,) it was to l>e decided by the king's court 
 who among the privileged persons should marry the 
 heiress.^ It was not until after the time of Epitadeus 
 that the father could betroth his daughter to whom 
 
 ^ See the law in Demosth. the heiress, and to endow her 
 m bteph. p. 1134. 15. which I if poor, Diod. XII 18. 
 interpret tims : « Whatever wo- » Plutarch Solon 20 
 
 man is betrothed bv her father, ^ Thus Leonidas ' married 
 
 ^^ her brother by the same fa- Gorgo, the heiress of Cleo- 
 
 ^^ thcr, or her paternal grand- menes, as being her nearest 
 
 father IS a legitimate wife : relation {uyxiarev,). It was 
 
 If neither of these is living, however a common practice in 
 
 and the woman is an heiress, Sparta to marry in the oIko,. 
 
 ^^ she shall marrv the nearest Thus Archidamus married his 
 
 relation, the Kvptog ; but if aunt Lampito, Herod VI 71 • 
 
 ^^ she IS not an heiress (e. g., if thus Anaxandridas married his 
 
 there are grandsons of the sister's daughter, V 39 Thus 
 
 'I deceased alive), that relation the wife of Cleomenes (Plut 
 
 shall give her in marriage to Pyrrh. 26.) was of the same 
 
 whom he pleases»-besides family as her husband; and so 
 
 which it is his duty to portion with regard to the wife of Ar- 
 
 her according to his valuation, chidamus V. Polyb IV 35 15 
 
 The laws of Charondas also Plut. Ag. 6. 
 
 compelled the relation to marry ^ Herod. VI. 57. 
 
 CH. 10, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 207 
 
 he pleased ; and if he had not declared his intention, 
 his heir had equal right to decide concerning her.°* 
 
 If, however, the family was without female issue, 
 and the succession had not been secured during the 
 father^s lifetime by adoption in the presence of the 
 king. It IS probable that the heads of houses related to 
 the surviving daughter married her to a son of their 
 own, who was then considered as successor of the 
 family into wliich he was introduced— a means em- 
 ployed at Athens," and probably therefore at Sparta 
 also, for preventing the extinction of families. But 
 there were two customs peculiar to the Lacedaemo- 
 nians ; in the first place, a husband, if he considered 
 that the unfruitfiilness of the marriage was owincr to 
 hmiself (for if he considered his wife as barren heliad 
 power immediately to put her away),^ gave his matri- 
 monial rights to a younger and more powerful man 
 whose child then belonged to the family of the hus- 
 band, ahhough it was also publicly considered as re- 
 hited to the family of the real father.i' The second 
 institution was, that to the wives of men, who, for ex- 
 ample, had fallen in war before they had begotten any 
 children, other men (probably slaves) were assigned, 
 in order to produce heirs and successors, not to them- 
 selves, but to the deceased husband.'* Both these 
 customs, which appear to us so singular (though si- 
 milar regulations existed in the constitution of Solon), 
 originated from the superstitious dread of the destruc- 
 tion of a family. AV^ien this motive lost its power 
 
 #-| 
 
 "^ Aristot. Pol. II. 6. U. 
 Compare Manso I. 2. p. 131. 
 
 See Demosth. in Macart. 
 P- 1077. Compare Platner; Bei- 
 trage, p. 139. 
 
 •'Herod. V. 39. VI. 61. 
 
 I'Xen. Rap. Lac. I. 7—9. 
 From Xenophon Plut. Lye. 15. 
 Comp. Num. 3. 
 
 •* The iTTtvyuKTOL mentioned 
 above in ch. 3. § 5. 
 
 ij 
 
 i! 
 
208 POLITICAL IIVSTITUTIONS book rir. 
 
 upon the mind, these ancient institutions were probably 
 also lost, and the population and number of families 
 were continually diminished. 
 
 5. In Sparta, however, the principle of community 
 of goods was carried to a further extent than in any 
 other nation, although it was the principle on which 
 the legislation of many other Grecian states was 
 founded. Phaleas the Chalcedonian had made it the 
 basis of his laws.' The prohibition of Solon, that no 
 citizen should possess more than a certain quantity of 
 land, appears to have been a remnant of a former 
 equality in the lots of the nobles.' In cases, however 
 in which the restoration or introduction of equality 
 was not possible, the legislators endeavoured to make 
 the landed estates inalienable. For this reason the 
 mortgaging of land was prohibited in Elis ;* and 
 among the Locrians land could not be alienated without 
 proof of absolute necessity." We have already spoken 
 of the inalienability of the lots at Leucas.^ The an- 
 cient Corinthian lawgiver, Phidon, made no alteration 
 in the unequal size of landed estates, but he wished to 
 restrict their extent, as well as the number of the 
 landed proprietors, who were all citizens.^ Philolaus 
 the Corinthian, who gave laws to Thebes in the 1 3th 
 Olympiad, went still further ; ' since he not only en- 
 deavoured to retain the same number of lots, by laws 
 
 'Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 1. In 
 this passage it appears to rae 
 that the context requires Trpw- 
 roy, not Trpuirog. " By some 
 " the division of property has 
 " been considered a point of 
 " first importance in legisla- 
 " tion ; for which reason the 
 " first laws which Phaleas pro- 
 " mulgated were on this sub- 
 ject 
 
 (( 
 
 
 « Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4. 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. VI. 2. 5. 
 
 " Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4. 
 
 '^ Ch. 9. § 6. 
 
 y Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 7. 
 
 ^ Orchomenos, p. 407, 408. 
 where, however, Aristot. Rhet. 
 II. 23. is incorrectly applied 
 (the passage refers to Epami- 
 nondas). 
 
 c". JO, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 209 
 
 concerning tlie procreation and adoption of children * 
 bu endeavoured to restore the original equality from 
 tme to tmie, perhaps m a manner similar to the jubi- 
 
 effected by the Illyrian Dalmatians, who made a nevv 
 division of the tillage-land every .even years.« If th 
 Done leg.kt.on of Crete had originali; a tendency of 
 hiskmd, Its adoption in practice Iiad evidently been 
 liindered by pecuhar circumstances. For Polybius'* 
 ^tt least knew of no Cretan laws which laid any restric- 
 tion upon the purchase of land, nor indeed upon ^ain 
 in general :« the landed estates were divided amon^ 
 the brothers th^ sisters receiving half a brother'! 
 snare. In this manner, in the narration of Ulysses « 
 the sons of Castor, the son of Hylacus, made a division 
 of their patrimony ; the illegitimate son receiving onlv 
 a small share (uodela). But the poor frequently, bv 
 marriage ^vith wealthy wives, attained to riches to. 
 gether with personal distinction. In addition to 'this 
 privateering expeditions, sometimes as fkr as Egypt' 
 lor which individual adventurers frequently equipped 
 whole flotillas, gave an opportunity for a more rapid 
 acquisition of wealth. 7^his habit of living in ships 
 
 * Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 7. With 
 regard to the y6,^oi deriKol of 
 Philolaus, I also remark, that 
 the ovx vTr€pp)v ovniav Troultrdai 
 TovQ TToihaQ is often recommend 
 ed among the Greeks. See 
 Plato de Rep. R. p. 372. with 
 Hesiod^ Op. et Di. 374. This 
 is the " liherorum numerum fi- 
 "mre'» of Tacitus, German. 19. 
 ^ ^Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. where 
 upo^aXiofTif: appears to signify a 
 fresh equalization, as nra^afr^ioc 
 signifies a fresh division, Got- 
 
 voL. ri. 
 
 tling writes ^aXiov for OtXo- 
 Xaov: concerning which it is 
 difficult to decide, as the passage 
 IS evidently much mutilated. 
 •^ Strab. Vll. p. 315. 
 ^Vl.46. 1. 
 
 ^ This, however, does not dis- 
 agree with the accurate sepa- 
 ration of the rulers and the 
 countrymen, which still existe<l 
 in the time of Aristotle, Pol 
 Vll. 9. 1. 
 
 * Straho X. p. 482. 
 ^ Od. XIV. 206. 
 
 I 
 
 '.t 
 
210 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 and at the same time the variable condition of the 
 different states, necessarily produced a frequent change 
 of property, and soon put an end to all firmness and 
 equality wherever they existed. 
 
 6. But the Cretan institution of the syssitia was, 
 at least according to the judgment of Aristotle^ 
 founded more upon the principle of community of 
 goods than the same establishment in Sparta, since in 
 the former country the expenses of it were defrayed 
 by the state, and not by tlie contributions of the ci- 
 tizens.^ This institution of the ancient Dorians, or 
 rather of the ancient Greeks in general, we will con- 
 sider in a subsequent part of this work, with reference 
 to manners and taste; here it must be viewed as 
 aflFecting the public economy. In Sparta every mem- 
 ber of the phiditia contributed to them, as has been 
 already stated, from his own stock ;' the amount re- 
 quired was about one Attic medimnus and a half of 
 barley-meal, eleven or twelve choeis of wine,'^ five 
 minas of cheese, with half the same quantity of figs, 
 together with dates,^ and ten ^ginetan oboli for meat."* 
 The approximate statement of one Attic medinmus 
 and a half is probably meant as an equivalent to one 
 iEginetan medimnus ; ° the ten oboli are equal to a 
 Corinthian stater, or a Syracusan decalitre ; the whole 
 IS doubtless the monthly contribution of an individual," 
 and is amply sufficient for the consumption of one 
 person. For the daily allowance beinij elsewhere 
 
 ^ Pol. II. 6. 21. II. 7. 4. ^ Dicaearchus ap. Athea. IV. 
 
 ' Kara K€<f>a\yy, Aristot. Pol. p. 141 B. 
 
 ^^'k'^^^'u t. . ° See iEginetica, p. 90. For 
 
 hight choeis, according to this reason Plutarch ubi sup. 
 
 Plutarch. Lye. 12. mentions one medimnus. 
 
 Accordm- to Schol. Plat. « See the Scholia quoted in 
 
 Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnk. note ' 
 
 cii. 10, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 211 
 
 reckoned at two choenices, and one cotyla of wine 
 (although the latter is an extremely small quantity),^ 
 this contribution would give rather more than two 
 choenices, and five cotylas for each day. There ap- 
 pears to have been only a small allowance for meat 
 but the want of it was partly supplied by the frequent 
 sacrihces, and partly by the excellent institution of the 
 exaixXa, wliich were additions to the regular meal or 
 a?xXov. The poorer members of the syssition fur- 
 nished these from the proceeds of the chase, while 
 wealthier persons supplied wheaten bread (the com- 
 mon provision being barley cakes, ^a^a/), with young 
 cattle from their flocks, birds prepared as ^arr^a 
 and the fruits of the season from their lands.^ Volun- 
 tary gifts of this kind were probably seldom wanting, 
 so long as the spirit of community influenced their 
 minds ; it was also natural that they should contribute 
 largely, in order to give variety and grace to their 
 otherwise unif jrm banquet. 
 
 7. In the Cretan institution, however, the state pro- 
 vided for all tlie citizens and their wives.^ The reve- 
 nues received by the community from the public lands, 
 and from the tributes ot the Perioeci, were divided 
 according to the months of the year into twelve parts ;• 
 and also into two according to the purpose to which it 
 was appropriated ; so that one half defrayed the sacri- 
 fices and the expenses of the government, the other 
 
 P Herod. VI. 57. 
 
 ** See Spliaerus (the Borys- 
 thenite and Stoic, who had seen 
 Sparta before the time of Cleo- 
 menes, Plutarch. Cleomen. 2.) 
 Aaic. TToX. ap. Athen. IV. p. 
 141 B. Molpis, p. 141 D. cf. 
 XIV. p. 664 E. Nicocles the 
 Laconian, IV. p. HO E. Per- 
 
 seus Aa^:. TToX. ibid. Xen. Rep. 
 Lac. 5. 3. 
 
 J Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. k- koi- 
 vov (i. e. from the public reve- 
 nue) rpe<l>eordai xdrrag teal yv 
 va'iKac Kai nal^ag Kai arlpag. 
 
 " According to the Kp^/n^oc 
 to^oi^ in Plat. Leg. VIII. p. 847. 
 
 p2 
 
 I 
 
 ff 
 
 • 
 
212 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 went to the public banquets.* Now this latter half 
 was divided among the different families, and each gave 
 his share into the company of syssitia (sraipta) to 
 which he ])elonged." It may be asked why the state 
 did not allot these sums directly among the syssitia, 
 instead of making the payment indirectly through the 
 members: it is, however, probable that these com- 
 panies were formed at will by the several messmates. 
 The division of the public revenue is in some measure 
 similar to the proceeding of the Athenians with re- 
 spect to the Laurian silver-mines.^ In addition to 
 this, every citizen furnished a tenth of the produce of 
 his lands, and every Clarotes an iEginetan stater for 
 his master.^ 
 
 Although the meaning and object of this institution 
 is quite intelligible, it is not easy to obtain a clear 
 notion of the Lacedaemonian system. The produce 
 of a lot amounted for the Spartans, according to a 
 passage above quoted, to 82 medimni. If we suppose 
 these to be Attic medinmi, as was there assumed upon 
 a mere approximate calculation, each lot would have 
 enabled three men to contribute to the syssitia (54 
 medimni), and would also have furnished a scanty 
 subsistence at home to three women. But this would 
 leave a surplus, in addition to whatever money was 
 
 ^ Aristot Pol. II 7. 4. passage just quoted from Aris- 
 
 i^Q^''''^ P-^^^^°'^^-P- ^«^^^- The am^.>uv ecV rovg 
 
 14d B. eK-ncrroc noy ytvo^ivoiv L^rrrojy oIkov^ must have pre- 
 
 Kap7ru>y ^ya(l>epei rrjy hK^TTjy alg ceded the liya(pipuv, and the 
 
 TTjy trcupiay. Every one {'La- oIkol are manifestly the citizens' 
 
 (TToc) was therefore a member families included in the com- 
 
 of an eraipia, a company of per- panics. 
 
 sons who always ate together, ^ See Boeckh's Public Eco- 
 
 whichconsistedof citizens; con- nomy of Athens, vol. II. p 462 
 
 sequently he is speaking of citi- Engl, trans!. 
 
 zens, and not of the Perioeci, y See above, ch. 4. § 1. 
 
 and therefore agrees with the 
 
 cii. 10, §8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 21 3 
 
 required as a subscription to the syssitia, for all other 
 household expenses. Now it is true that among the 
 poorer citizens these could not have been considerable, 
 since the younger children went with their fathers to 
 the public tables, and the elder were educated and 
 maintained by the state ; to which might be added the 
 produce of the chase, and the charity of other persons. 
 But after making all allowance for these causes, the 
 expenses for dwellings, clothing, furniture, and partly 
 for food not provided by the syssitia, stUl remain unde- 
 frayed. It is, however, evident that there would have 
 been sufficient income to meet these demands, if we 
 suppose that the 82 medinmi were not Attic, but 
 ^ginetan, which were considerably larger/ ' But 
 even upon this supposition one lot could not have 
 maintained more than six persons, unless the rent of 
 the Helots is assumed higher : and it might also be the 
 case (which however, according to Aristotle, appears 
 to have been of rare occurrence), that they were not 
 able to pay their contributions. 
 
 8. Of the domestic economy of Laced^emon we 
 have little kno^vledge ; althougli Aristotle, or rather 
 TJieophrastus (who is now known to be the author of 
 the first book of the Economics), gives it a separate 
 place in treating of this subject. Every master of a 
 family, if he received his share of the produce of the 
 soil, laid by a portion sufficient for the year's consump- 
 tion, and sold the rest in the market of Sparta :^ the 
 exchange being probably efi'ected by barter, and not 
 
 ^ In that case, Plutarch in the taken from some Lacedaemonian 
 
 IJth, as well as in the 8th writer, such as Nicocles, Hip- 
 
 chapter of the Life of Lycurgus, pasus, Sosibius, or Aristocrates 
 means ^gmetan medimni ; and '' See above, ch. 7. § 3 
 
 both passages were probably 
 
 I 
 
 f: ! I 
 
 -i 
 
fill 
 
 214 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 by the intervention of money .^ It should be observed, 
 that the system of keeping the fruits in store had some- 
 thing peculiar/ and the regularity was celebrated, by 
 which every tiling could be easily found and made use 
 of.** We are also informed that the Spartans had 
 granaries (rctfjusToL) upon their estates, which, accord- 
 ing to ancient custom, they kept under a seal ; it was 
 however permitted to any poor person, who for ex- 
 ample had remained too long in the chase, to open the 
 granary, take out what he wanted, and then put his 
 own seal, his iron ring, upon the door."* 
 
 9. In the market of Sparta, money was employed 
 more often as a medium of comparison than of ex- 
 change ; small coins were chiefly used, and no value 
 was attributed to the possession of large quantities.^ 
 This usage Lycurgus had established, by permitting 
 only the use of iron coin, which had been made useless 
 for common purposes, by cooling in vinegar, or by 
 some other process.^ In early times iron spits or bars 
 had been really used as money,^ which after the time 
 of Phidon the Argive were replaced by coined metal. 
 The chief coin was called from its shape, and perhaps 
 
 ^ Polyb. VI. 49. 8. 7 nHy 
 tTVETEHjJv Kapirtop aXXayi) Trpog to. 
 XeiTTovTa rrJQ XP«''«C — vara Trjv 
 AvKOvpyov POfioOeaiay. The case 
 was probably the same among 
 the Locrians of Italy. Heracl. 
 Pont. 29. KavTjjXelioy ovk eari 
 fxerapoXtkoy Ip avTo'ig, aW 6 
 yewpyoQ xuiXei ra 'i^ta. 
 
 "^ Pseud-Aristot. CEcon. I. 6. 
 
 ^ Ibid, ad fin. Compare 
 Schneider ad Anon. CEcon. 
 Prsef. p. 16. 
 
 ** See the passages quoted 
 above, p. 201. note % 
 
 ' The leathern money is pro- 
 
 bably a mere fable; Nicolaus 
 Damascenus, Senec. de Benef. 
 V. 14. Boeckh's Economy of 
 Athens, vol. II. p. 389. Engl. 
 transl. Concerning the money 
 of Sparta, see Oudinet in the 
 Memoires de TAcadt^mie des 
 Belles Lettres. torn. I. p. 227. 
 
 ^Plut. Lye. 9. Lysand. 17. 
 Comp. Arist. et Cat. 3. Pollux 
 IX. 6. 79. Pseud -iEschin. 
 Eryi. 100. and see Fischer ad c. 
 24. 
 
 '' Plut. Lys. 17. Compare 
 Pollux VII. 105. 
 
 CH. 10, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 215 
 
 also from its size, xgAavop, the cake used in aacriflcen; 
 its value was equal to four chalcils, that is, to a half 
 obolus, or the twelfth of a drachma ' (manifestly of the 
 ^ginetan standard, as the Spartan coinage must 
 necessarily have been adapted to this measure), and 
 weighed an iEginetan mina.^ Now as a mina of silver 
 contained 1200 half oboli, the price of silver must have 
 been to that of iron as 1200 to one; an excessive 
 cheapness of the latter metal, which can only be ex- 
 plained by the large quantity of iron found in Laconia, 
 and the high price of silver in early times. Ten 
 -*^ginetan minas of money were, according to this 
 calculation, equal in weight to 1200 minas, and it is 
 easy to see that it would have required large carriages for 
 transport, and an extensive space when kept in store.^ 
 
 10. That, liowever, the possession of gold and silver 
 money was expressly interdicted to the citizens of 
 Sparta, 'is abundantly proved by the prohibition re - 
 newedj at the time of Lysander by Sciraphidas or 
 Phlogidas :™ and how strong was the hold of this 
 ancient custom is seen from the punishment of death 
 which was threatened to those who secretly transgressed 
 it. The possession of wrought precious metals does 
 not appear to have been illegal. This decree, however, 
 expressly permitted to the state the possession of gold 
 and silver:" M'hich enactment was also doubtless a 
 
 ' Hesych. in niXavop. The 
 Scholia ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 
 488. incorrectly explain TrtXavov 
 pjupoQ to be the weight of an 
 obolus. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 
 220. TO Giirfpovy 6 ioTL fiid oXktj 
 
 Alyivaia, hvvdfxei ^c x'^^'^'o* ^^T' 
 TapiQ. 
 
 * Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 5. 
 
 Plut. Lye. 9. 
 
 ™ Ephorus and Theopompus 
 ap. Plut. Lys. 17. Xenoph. de 
 Rep. Lac. 7. 6. ^vaioy ye urjy 
 Kai apyvpiov kpivvarai kol rjy ri 
 TTov (pavn^ 6 t\(t)y ^ij/jLiovrai. 
 Comp. Nicolaus Damascenus, 
 and ^lian. V. H. XIV. 29. 
 
 " ^TffiofTi^ fiiy tho^EP elffayt- 
 aOai rofufffxa Tviovroy^ yy H 
 
 l« 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 j 
 
216 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III, 
 
 !lii 
 
 restoration of ancient custom. Without the possession 
 of a coin of general currency, Sparta would have been 
 unable to send ambassadors to foreign states, to main- 
 tain troops in another countiy, or to take foreign, for 
 instance Cretan, mercenaries into pay. We also know 
 that the Lacedaemonians sent sacred offerings to 
 Delphi, as for example, the golden stars of the Dioscuri 
 dedicated by Lysander;" and Lacedeemonian artists 
 made for the state statues of gold and ivory.^ This 
 took place about the time of the Persian war. A 
 century indeed earlier, Sparta had not enough gold to 
 gild the face of the statue of Apollo at Thornax, and 
 endeavoured to buy it in Lydia, probably in exchange 
 for silver.'^ It follows from this, that in Sparta the 
 state was sole possessor of the precious metals, at 
 least in the shape of coin (though it did not coin any 
 money of its own before the time of Alexander)/ 
 which it used in the intercourse witli foreign nations. 
 The individual citizens however, who were without 
 the pale of this intercourse, only required and pos- 
 sessed iron coin ;^in a manner precisely similar to that 
 proposed by Plato in the Laws, viz., that the money 
 
 rig aXw KiKTr}^hog lli(^, ^rj^iav ch. 3. § L ch. 8. § 17. The 
 
 Apiaav bavarov. Cf. Polyb. VI. story in Herodotus III. 56. we 
 
 "^^'^ ^ will not make use of, since He- 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Lys. 18. Comp. rodotus himself rejects it. 
 Herod. I. 51. Posidonius ap. >• King Areus appears to have 
 
 Athen. V I. p. 235 F. I do not been the first who coined silver 
 
 mention the Thesaurus of Bra- money, and he imitated without 
 
 sidas (Plut. Lys. 18.), because exception the method employed 
 
 this general dedicated it, toge- by the kingsof Macedon,EckheI 
 
 ther with the inhabitants of D. N. I. 2. p. 278. 281. 
 Acanthus in Thrace, and more- « Thus far Boeckh has* carried 
 
 over from Athenian plunder the investigation, Public Eco- 
 
 (Olymp. 89. 1.). See Plutarch, nomy of Athens, vol. II. p. 385 
 
 Pyth. Or. 14. p. 269. 15. p. 271. sq. Engl, transl. Compare vol 
 
 *^y^^"f ^ I. p. 43. Heeren, Ideen, vol. 
 
 P Above ch. 2. § 3. HI. part 1. p. 294. ed. 2. 
 
 ^ Herod. I. 69 Sec book II. 
 
 CH. 10, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 217 
 
 generaUy current should be at the disposal of the state, 
 and should be given out by the magistrates for the 
 purposes of war and foreign travel, and that within the 
 country should be circulated a coinage in itself worth- 
 less, deriving its value from public ordinance.* 
 
 Still, however, some difficult questions remain to be 
 considered. In the first place, it is evident that what- 
 ever commerce was carried on by Laconia," could not 
 have existed without a coinage of universal currency. 
 Now it is impossible that this trade could have been 
 carried on by the state, since it would have required a 
 proportionate number of public officers ; consequently 
 it was in the hands of the Perioeci. We must there- 
 fore suppose that the possession of silver coin was 
 allowed to this class of persons ; in general, indeed, the 
 Spartan customs did not without exception extend to 
 the Perioeci. Nor could this have had nmch inliu- 
 ence upon the Spartans, since they had not any per- 
 sonal connexion with the Perioeci, the latter being 
 only tributary to the state. In the market of Sparta, 
 in wliich the Spartans and Helots sold their corn, and 
 the products of native industry were exposed, all 
 foreigners being entirely excluded," doubtless none but 
 the iron coin was used ; and so also in the whole of 
 Laconia it was current at its fixed value ; but those 
 Lacedaemonians who ^vere not of Doric oricrin must 
 have possessed a currency of their own, probably under 
 
 * The latter however accords * The Epidamnians also, who 
 
 better with tlie Byzantine <rt- retained much of ancient cus- 
 
 ^apfot, which were tokens, than toms, paid great attention to 
 
 with the Lacedaemonian coins, the intercourse with foreigners, 
 
 which were really worth what They held once in each year, 
 
 they passed for. under the superintendence of a 
 
 " See above, ch. 2. § 3. and ttwXt/djc, a great public market 
 
 concerning the corn trade down with the neighbouring Illyrians 
 
 to Corinth, b. I. ch. 4. § 7. Plutarch. Qu. Grscc. 29. p. 393* 
 
 It) 
 
 d 
 
 Hi 
 
218 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi 
 
 r 
 
 certain restrictions. And the tributes of these persons 
 were doubtless the chief source from which the state 
 derived its silver and gold coins. Besides this, the 
 kings must also have been privileged to possess silver 
 and gold. If some permission of this kind had not 
 existed, Pausanias (who was in strictness only guardian 
 of the king) would not have been able to receive among 
 other spoils ten talents from the plunder of Platiea;^ 
 and Pleistonax and Agis the First could not have been 
 fined in the sums of fifteen talents, and 100,000 
 drachmas :^ at a later time also, as has been already 
 remarked, Agis the Third was possessed of six hundred 
 talents.^ The estates of the kings were also situated 
 in the territory of the Perioeci, in which silver money 
 was in circulation, and it is at least possible that tlie 
 payments may have been made to them in this coin- 
 age. Herodotus states that every king at the beginning 
 of his reign remitted all the debts of the citizens both 
 to the state and to the kings :^ they therefore cancelled 
 all certificates of debt, which in Sparta were called 
 xT^apia, or mortgages, probably because the land (and 
 in early times the produce of the land only) was as- 
 signed as security .*= This was a wise institution, by 
 
 y Herod. IX. 81. 103. before the 66th Olympiad, 
 
 ^ See above eh. 6. § 9. and according to Pausan. VI. 10. 2. 
 
 Plut. Pericl. 22. Schol. Ari- According to Pausanias VI. 2. 
 
 stoph. Nub. 855. from Ephorus. 1. the Lacedsemonians incurred 
 
 Proofs of wealth, if not of great expenses for horses after 
 
 the possession of money, are the the Persian war; he mentions 
 
 i7nroTpo<piay and the maintenance Xenarges, Lycinus, Arcesilaus, 
 
 of race-horses for the Olympic and his son Lichas, as conquer- 
 
 games. King Demaratus had ora, and cap. 1. Anaxander and 
 
 conquered m the chariot-race Polycles. Concerning the fe- 
 
 (apfxari), and allowed Sparta to male victors, see b. IV. ch. 2. 
 
 be proclaimed conqueror, Herod. § 2. 
 
 VL 70. The horses of Eua- ^ V. 59. 
 
 goras had won three times at * Plut. Agis 13. 
 the Olympic games. Herod. VI. 
 
 oil. 10, § 11. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 219 
 
 which those persons in particular were relieved who 
 had, for a particular object, received from the kings 
 or the state, gold or silver, which on account of the 
 small value of the iron coinage they were seldom able 
 to repay. Now gold and silver were, for example, 
 necessary to all persons who had to undertake a 
 journey out of Laconia, and these they could not ob- 
 tain otherwise than from the magistrates or the king,*^ 
 a measure which must have placed great obstacles in 
 the way of foreign travel. 
 
 1 1 . It is, however, well known that in this respect 
 the ancient severity of custom was gradually relaxed. 
 Even in the third generation before the Persian war, 
 the just Glaucus \vas tempted to defraud a Milesian of 
 a sum of money deposited with him. The Persian 
 war only increased the public wealth, and the Persian 
 subsidies were confined to the payment of national ex- 
 penses. When at length Lysander brought vast sums 
 of money into Sparta, and made this state the most 
 wealthy in Greece,^ the citizens are reported still to 
 have maintained the same proud indigence. But was 
 it possible for individuals to despise what the state 
 esteemed so highly, and would they not naturally en- 
 deavour to found their fame upon that on which the 
 pouer of the nation depended ? Even Lysander, who, 
 with all the artfulness and versatility of his manners, 
 had a considerable severity of character, was still un- 
 willing to enrich himself;^ a credible witness^ indeed 
 
 ^ Herod. VI. 70. Kal IvoBia Boeckh, Public Economy of 
 Xa/3wi/ erroptvero eg ^IlXiv. 
 
 « Which Plato Alcib. I. (cf. 
 Hipp. Maj. p. 283 D.) says of 
 earlier times. Compare Bitaub^ 
 8ur les Richesses de Sparte, Me- 
 moires de Berlin, tom. XII. p. 
 559. Manso, Sparta, II. p. 372. 
 
 Athens, vol. I. p. 43. Engl, 
 tr. 
 
 ^ See above, p. 204. note '. 
 s Anaxandridas {xepl riiiy cV 
 
 ap. Plut. Lys. 18. 
 
 ■ f 
 
 w 
 
 1 
 
 III ^ 
 
 
 > r 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 i 
 
 ■ 
 
 ' 
 
220 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK 111. 
 
 i 
 
 I: 
 
 relates, that he had deposited a talent and fifty-two 
 minas of silver, together with eleven staters, probably 
 in case he should have occasion for them when out of 
 tlie country ; but how small is this sum ^^hen compared 
 with the acquisitions of others in similar situations ! 
 ^ It appears, however, to have been at that time cus- 
 tomaiy to deposit money without the boundaries, 
 especially in Arcadia, and this was the first means 
 adopted for evading the law.^ Lysander, however, 
 was far exceeded by Gylippus in love for money, in 
 whose family avarice appears to have been heredi- 
 tary ; for his father Cleandridas had been condenmed 
 for taking bribes.' Lastly, after the death of Lysan- 
 der, the possession of precious metals must have been 
 allowed to private individuals, under certain conditions 
 with which we are unacquainted. At least some sup- 
 position of this kind must be adopted, to enable us to 
 account for the fact, that Phcebidaswas fined 100,000 
 
 ^ Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. 
 p. 233 F. 
 
 ^ He had been bribed by Pe- 
 ricles as being the adviser of 
 Pleistonax. See Plut. Pericl. 
 22. Nic. 28. de Educ. Puer. 14. 
 Timaeus ap. Plut. Compar. Ti- 
 mol. 2. Ephoriis ap. Schol. 
 Aristoph. Nub. 855. Diodorus 
 XIII. 106. calls him Clearclms. 
 He was afterwards banished, 
 and went to Thurii (Thuc. VI. 
 104. see Wesseling ad Diod. 
 XII. 23.), fought with the in- 
 habitants of that town, against 
 the Tarentines, but afterwards 
 had a share in the foundation 
 of their cohjny Heraclea. See 
 B. I. ch. 6. § 12. Polyaenus 
 II. 10. 1. 2. 4. 5. relates several 
 martial exploits of this Clean- 
 dridas, in the wars which he 
 
 waged with the Thurians against 
 Terina and the Lucanians. Nie- 
 buhr, in the 3rd vol. of his Ro- 
 man history, considers the Cle- 
 andridas, who took a part in the 
 foundation of Heraclea, as the 
 same person as Leandrias the 
 Spartan, who, according to Diod. 
 XV. 54, fought at Leuctra on 
 the side of the Thebans. This 
 supposition, however, cannot be 
 reconciled with the chronological 
 succession of the events ; since 
 the battle of Leuctra was 75 
 years later than the colony of 
 Thurii. The political contriv- 
 ances, which Cleandridas, ac- 
 cordmg to Polyaen. II. 10. 3, 
 practised against Tegea, must 
 fall in the war between Sparta 
 and Arcadia, which ended in 
 Olymp. 81. 
 
 CH. 10, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 221 
 
 drachmas for the taking of the Cadmea, and Lysan- 
 oridas an equally large sum for his weak defence of 
 *^he same citadel.^ 
 
 No regular taxation of the citizens of Sparta ex- 
 isted in any shape.^ Extraordinary contributions and 
 taxes were, however, raised for the purposes of war, 
 wliich, on account of their unusual and irregular oc- 
 currence, were collected with difficulty.™ This will 
 serve to explain the exemption from duties (areXsia) 
 that is sometimes mentioned.*^ When in the time of 
 Agis the Third the ephor Agesilaus extended the 
 annual period of his office for a month, in order to 
 increase his receipts,*^ it is probable that he reckoned 
 upon large fines ;p of which he, as it seems, would 
 receive a part. Tliere was no public treasure at Sparta 
 up to the time of the Peloponnesian war ;•' the re- 
 venue and expenditure w^ere therefore nearly equal ; 
 and the Spartans were honest enough to require from 
 the allies only the sums which were necessary/ The 
 altered state of these circumstances in later times lies 
 without the sphere of our inquiries. 
 
 12. I shall equally abstain from collecting the 
 
 ^ Plut. Pelop. 6. 13, &c. not so unfairly as at first sight 
 
 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. it appears, since these did not 
 
 TTvvdapo^eiov rnog cta ri xpv- furnish any armed man, and 
 
 fiara ov avvayovcriv iIq to crj- would therefore have an advan- 
 
 H^f^tov. tage, if their concerns were ho- 
 
 ™ Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 23. sitr- nestly managed. 
 tpipovm K-akCJc. The most opu- ° See above, p. 203. note p. 
 
 lent were bound to provide and concerning the family of 
 
 horses for military service (Xen. Anticrates, Plut. Ages. 35. 
 Hell. VI. 4. 11.), which burden « Plut. Ag. 16. 
 was in Corinth, according to an p Above, ch. 10. § 3. 
 ancient usage, imposed upon ^ Thucyd. I. 80. xpijfinra 
 
 the famihes of orphans and ovreiy koiv^ 'ixo^ieyovre Iroi^ioj.: 
 
 heiresses (Cic. de Rep. 11.20. Ik rwr lUuiy (pepo/jtey. Aristot. 
 
 and compare Niebuhr's Roman ubi sup. 
 History, vol. I. p. 408. ed. 2.) ; ' B. I. ch. 9. § 2. 
 
 ^ 
 
 if 
 

 222 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III 
 
 It- 
 
 ! I 
 
 various accounts respecting the finance and trade of 
 other Done states; since the inLand countries, in 
 which many peculiarities may perhaps have existed, 
 are little known ; and the commercial cities, such as 
 ^gina, Corinth, Rhodes, and Cyrene, gave up their 
 national customs for the sake of trade. In Pelopon- 
 nesus, however, the cities on the coast of Argohs were 
 adapted by nature for exclmnging tlie products of the 
 agricultural nations of the interior for foreign com- 
 modities ;« and thus they established a connexion and 
 intercom-se between Laconia and Arcadia, and other 
 countries.* In these cities also there were many com- 
 mercial establislnnents, which did not manufacture 
 only for the interior.'^ In Corinth, the duties from 
 the harbour and market had in the time of Periander 
 become so considerable, that the tyrant limited his re- 
 ceipts to that one branch of revenue ; "^ althougli, ac- 
 cording to a fabulous tradition, the golden colossus of 
 Cypselus at Olympia was consecrated from a tax of 
 a tenth upon all property continued for ten years J 
 
 The strongest proof of the ancient commerce of 
 Peloponnesus, and of its great extent, is the iEginetan 
 money ; the standard of which was in eariy times pre- 
 valent in Peloponnesus, in Crete, in Italy,' and even 
 
 ' Thucyd. I. 120. 
 
 * The Arcadian commerce of 
 ^gina (^ginetica, p. 74.) was 
 the basis of its other trade. 
 
 " Coucerning iEgiua, see ^- 
 ginetica, p^ 79. Megara manu- 
 factured it,u)ixihQ in particular, 
 Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. Ill 7. 
 6. Compare Aristoph. Acharu. 
 519. 
 
 "" Heraclid. Pont. 5. Con- 
 cerning the trade of Corinth, 
 see above, p. 24. note *. 
 
 y Pseud- Aristot. CEcon. 1 1. '2. 
 Suidas in Kv\p. avadijiia. See 
 also vol. I. p. 184. note p. and 
 Schneider Epimetr. ad Xen. 
 Anab. p. 473. The tithe paid 
 by the Syracusans for the build- 
 ing of temples was something 
 extraordinary. Prov. Vatic. IV. 
 20. from Demon. 
 
 " ^ginetica, p. 89. Accord- 
 ing to Lucian rtpi ttevQovq 10. 
 the iEginetan obolus was in liis 
 time still in circulation, as also 
 
 CH. 10, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 223 
 
 in the noi-th of Greece, since the early Boeotian, 
 Thessalian, and Macedonian coins were before the 
 time of Philip adapted to it.* In Italy the monetaiy 
 system was arranged in a peculiar manner, for the 
 convenience of intercourse with the natives ; and as 
 this subject is of much importance in a historical point 
 of view, we will now examine it briefly, witliout at- 
 tempting a complete investigation. If we consider 
 the names of the coins in use among the Dorians of 
 Italy and Sicily, for example, at Syracuse and Ta- 
 rentum (as they had been collected by Aristotle in his 
 Constitution of the Himerseans from Doric Poets ),** 
 viz., -klrpa for an obolus, rJjOt/X/Tpov for six, wsyroyxiov 
 for five, TBTpag for four, r^^oig for three," k^dg for tAVO, 
 
 among the Achaeans, according 
 to Hesychius in Traxtitf. (^gi- 
 netica, p. 90.); nevertheless, 
 ever after the foundation of 
 Megalopolis and Messene in 
 Peloponnesus, the Athenian 
 standard seems to have pre- 
 vailed. 
 
 ** I am unwilling to make use 
 of Romt? de Tlsle's valuations 
 of Greek coins, as in his Me- 
 irologie he shows such a com- 
 plete want of historical talent 
 and knowledge. It is at once 
 evident that his 14 different 
 kinds of drachmas are a mere 
 absurdity ; the very first of 60 
 grains, which he calls drachme 
 (I'Mgium on du Peloponnese, is 
 nothing more than a half JEiii- 
 netan drachma, which should 
 properly, according to the ratio 
 to the Attic drachma (of 82 
 grains), contain 137 grains, but 
 they are generally much rubbed 
 on account of their great an- 
 tiquity. To these belong the 
 ancient x^^f^^^h the coins with 
 
 the Boeotian shield in the early 
 style, the Corinthian coins with 
 the Coppa and Pegasus, also the 
 early Thessalian coins, more es- 
 pecially those found in Thrace, 
 and generally marked Lete ; 
 together with those of the Mace- 
 donian kings prior to Philip. 
 To the drachme d*Egine he 
 only assigns three coins. 
 
 '^ Followed by Pollux IV. 24. 
 173. IX. 6. 80. The names 
 frequently occurred in Sophron 
 and Epicharmus as coins and 
 weights, as may be seen from 
 Pollux; cf. Phot, in Xirpa et 
 oyicia. 
 
 *^ I am of opinion, in opposi- 
 tion to Bentley Phalarid. p. 419, 
 that the testimony of Pollux 
 must be followed. In Hesychius 
 also in v. rpidiTOc nopi'Ti^ ^ rpidg 
 is reckoned equal to 20 XeTrra ; 
 now the oyKia is generally made 
 equal to the x^^'^^^s 'Amuoe 
 (Aristot. ap. Poll.), and a rpidc 
 is in that case equal to 21 XfTrra, 
 which Hesychius gives in round 
 
 'i I 
 
 I 
 
224 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book nr. 
 
 oyxla for a twelfth ; it is at once evident that these 
 Greeks had adopted the Italian and Roman duodenary 
 system, in v/hich the libra, the pound of brass, was the 
 unit/ a system which was originally unknown to the 
 Greeks, and accordingly the word x/rpa has no root 
 in their language. Now, together with these coins in 
 the Greek states, the vofxos,^ among the Latins nmnus, 
 occurs ; manifestly, as Varro says, a word belonging 
 to the former people, and signifying a coin current by 
 law ; whence it is evident that the Italians, in the re- 
 gulations of their monetary system, did not merely give 
 to the Greeks of Italy, but that they also received 
 something in return, and that one standard was com- 
 pounded, partaking in some measure of both methods 
 of computation. If we, then, consider the form and 
 value of these coins, it is plain that the Greek colo- 
 nies retained the system of money which they brought 
 with them from Peloponnesus ; and that they did not 
 till subsequently adapt their coinage to the native 
 standard. They then made the litra equal to the 
 obolus, i. e., to the ^Eginetan, which was also the 
 Corinthian / so that a Corinthian stater often oboli 
 was called in Syracuse a SsxaX^r^ov, or piece of ten 
 litras. At the time, therefore, when this system was 
 
 niimhers. Diodoriis' estimate 
 of the TrevTr]KoyTaXiTpoy at 10 
 drachmas, which is otherwise 
 very inexact, is explained by 
 Boeckh, Economy of Athens, 
 vol. t. p. 37. from the different 
 prices of gold in Attica and 
 Sicily. 
 
 ^ Since copper was the basis 
 of all coins in Italy, Epicharmus 
 (but not an Athenian or Pelo- 
 ponnesian) could sav x^^'^'o*' 
 6(pd\€iv^ rps alirnvm habere. 
 
 Pollux IX. 6. 92. 
 
 ^ That vofioc^ not vov^fioc, is 
 the proper Greek form, is shown 
 by Blomfield ad i Sophronis 
 Fragm. Classical Journal vol. 
 V. p. 384. (See also Knight, 
 Proleg. Homer, p. 29. note 4.) 
 
 ^ Aristot. in Acragant. Polit. 
 ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. 'iEginetica, 
 p. 91. Bentley, from not tak- 
 ing this statenient as his foun- 
 dation, has given a false direc- 
 tion to his inquiries. 
 
 CH. 10, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 225 
 
 formed, the lb. of copper must have really been equal 
 m value to a silver obolus. Now since the former 
 weighed 6048,^ the latter nearly 23 French grains,^ 
 the ratio of silver to copper must at the time of this 
 arrangement have been as 1 to 263 ; the commerce of 
 these regions having in early times determined tliis 
 proportion. But as more silver was gradually intro- 
 duced by the trade with the west of Europe, and pro- 
 bably at the same time some native copper-mines were 
 exhausted, copper, which was the circulating medium 
 of Italy, rose in comparison with silver, the circulatin^r 
 medium of Greece ; and this was the principal cause 
 of the constant diminution in the weight of the as in 
 Etruria and Rome. But a detailed examination of 
 this subject, so important in the history of the com- 
 merce of Greece and Italy, does not fall within the 
 plan of the present work.' 
 
 What was the value of the vo>o^ of the Sicihan 
 Greeks we are not informed by any decisive testi- 
 mony : the name, however, proves that it was a cur- 
 rent coin, and not of very inconsiderable value. For 
 this reason I cannot assume that it was equal to a 
 litra;'' Aristotle' also states that the impression of 
 the Tarentine coins was Taras sitting upon the dol- 
 phin ; now, in the first place, this device does not oc- 
 cur on any litras or oboli of Tarentum ; and, secondly, 
 the coin would not be of sufficient size to contain it : 
 for which reason the Greeks, whenever they stamped 
 so small a coin of silver, always made use of the 
 simplest devices. If, however, the Tarentine numus 
 
 « According to Rome de I'Isle, vol. I. p. 309—329. 
 
 P'hA A- r. , '^ Which is Boeckh's opinion, 
 
 \ Accordmg to Rome de I'Isle, Public Economy of Athens, vol 
 
 ij; but see p. 223. note a. I. p. 27. Engl. tr. 
 See the author's Ffrii«i-*>r r a„ d.oi tv /> r.^ 
 
 (r 
 
 9^ 
 
 ' See the author's Etrusker, f^Ap. Poll.^IX. 6. 80. 
 
 Q 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
226 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 t! 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 had the same ratio to the litra as the Roman numus 
 sestertius to the as,"" the former would have been a 
 large coin ; and we are also on the same supposition 
 enabled to explain how it came that in Sicily an 
 amount of 24, and afterwards of 12 numi, was called 
 a talent ; " for in that case 24 numi would be equal 
 to 60 lbs. of copper, which was the same number of 
 minas that the .^ginetan talent of silver contained. 
 It is also confirmed by the fact mentioned by Festus, 
 that this talent in Neapolis amounted to six, and in 
 Syracuse to three denarii, by which he means deca- 
 litra." And therefore, although other circumstances 
 tend to shake the certainty of this supposition,^ it 
 will be better to acquiesce in these arguments, on 
 account of the harmony of the different statements. 
 
 m 
 
 As Bentley supposes, ibid. 
 p. 410. 
 
 "SeeAristot. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 
 87. ApoUodorus iv rolg irepi 
 ^bxppoyoQ ap. Schol. Min. et 
 Venet. ad II. V. 576. and Schol. 
 Gregor. Nazianz. in Montfauc. 
 Diar. Ital. p. 214. according to 
 the correction of NOMON for 
 MNi2N, also Suidas in raXayroy 
 according to Scaliger, likewise 
 Bentley p. 409. The Venetian 
 Scholia on II. XXIII. 269. 
 mention several other talents, 
 but without specifying the places 
 where they were current. 
 
 ° Aristotle, as well as Apol- 
 lodorus, states in the passages 
 just quoted, that the yo/uog was 
 equal to Tpia 7ifii(jjl36\ia, which, 
 according to the probable sup- 
 position of Salmasius and Gro- 
 novius, is a mistake for rpiroy 
 flfiiu)(3u\ioy. 
 
 P These reasons are, 1st, that 
 the coins with the figure of 
 Taras generally weigh 72 and 
 140 — 155 grains, and therefore 
 
 they are manifestly not sesterces, 
 but rather quinarii and denarii, 
 as determined by the depreciated 
 litra; which would therefore 
 have been about equal to an 
 Attic obolus. 2dly, that the 
 great Inscription of Taurome- 
 nium in DOrville and Castello 
 without exception contains ta- 
 lents of 120 litras (according to 
 which the voyuoc would have 
 been again equal to 5 or 10 
 litras), as may be seen at once 
 from an item in the account: 
 " ttrocoQ 56,404 talents, 88 It- 
 " tran, Uo?.og 30,452 talents, 
 'I 42 litras, Xoinoy 4935 talents, 
 " l\2 litras, and ^ij^ara ^a- 
 " yEii^o^eya 20,016 talents, 54 
 *' litras (x^Xia should be suppli- 
 " ed)," therefore 56,404 talents 
 88 litras, are equal to 56,403 
 talents 208 litras, i. e., 1 talent, 
 88 litras. The well-known 
 Epigram of Simonides, on the 
 tripod of Gelon, also contains 
 talents of more than 100 litras 
 (fragm. 42. Gaisford.). 
 
 CH. JJ, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 227 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 § 1. Simplicity of the Law of Sparta. § 2. Spartan System of 
 Judicature. § 3. Penal system of Sparta : fine/ infamy, 
 § 4. exile and death. § 5. Origin of the laws respecting the 
 penalty of death m the Doric states. § 6. Connexion of Locri 
 with the Doric race. § 7. Laws of Zaleucus. 
 
 1. The law, as well as the economy, of the Dorians 
 seems to bear a character of very great antiquity, as 
 lar as our scanty means of information permit us to 
 judge. It exhibits strong marks of the early time at 
 which it originated, and it is impossible not to recognise 
 m It a certain loftiness and severity of character. For 
 this reason it was ill suited to the circumstances of the 
 more unrestrained and active manners of later times, 
 and only owed its continuance to the isolated situa' 
 tion m whicli Sparta succeeded in keeping herself. 
 Thus the civil law was less definite and settled here 
 than in any other part of Greece in early times, a^ 
 property was, according to the Spartan notions, to be 
 looked upon as a matter of indifference ; in the de- 
 crees and institutions attributed to Lycurgus, no men- 
 tion was made of this point, and the ephors were 
 permitted to judge according to their own notions of 
 equity. Tlie ancient legislators had an evident re- 
 pugnance to any strict regulations on this subject ; 
 thus Zaleucus, who, however, first made particular 
 enactments concerning the right of property,^ ex- 
 pressly interdicted certificates of debt.^' The laws of 
 that early period had a much more personal tendency, 
 and rather regulated the actions of every individual by 
 means of the national customs. It was nearly in- 
 
 - Strab. VI. p. 398. h ^enob. Prov. V. 4. 
 
 q2 
 
 I V 
 
228 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iir. 
 
 different whether those actions immediately concerned 
 other persons or not ; the whole state w^as considered 
 as injured and attacked when any individual did not 
 comply with the general principles. Hence the 
 ancient courts of justice exercised a superintendence 
 over the manners of the citizens, as, for instance, the 
 Areopagus at Athens, and the Gerusia at Sparta : 
 hence the extensive interference of the law with the 
 most private relations, such, for example, as marriage. 
 But the history of nations is a history of the progress 
 of individual liberty ; among the Greeks of later times 
 the laws necessarily lost this bindins: force, and ob- 
 tained a negative character, by which they only so far 
 restrained the actions of each individual, as was neces- 
 sar}' for the co-existence of other members of the state. 
 In Sparta, liowever, law and custom retained nearly 
 equal power ; it will therefore be impossible to treat 
 of them separately, and we must be satisfied with 
 some observations upon the judicial system in Sparta 
 and other Doric states. 
 
 2. The courts of justice in Sparta have already 
 been spoken of in several places.'^ The Gerusia de- 
 cided all criminal causes, together with most others 
 which affected the conduct of the citizens ; the other 
 jurisdiction was divided among the magistrates ac- 
 cording to the branches of their administration.'* The 
 ephors decided all disputes concerning money and 
 property, as well as in accusations against respon- 
 sible officers, provided they were not of a criminal 
 nature ; the kings decided in causes of heiresses and 
 adoptions, and the bidisei in disputes arking at the 
 gj^mnasia. Public offences, particularly of the kings 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 6. § 3, 7. ch. 7. ^ ^^^ jg ^^^ proposed by Plato 
 f^*-*- Leg. VL p. 767. 
 
 CH. II, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 220 
 
 and other authorities, were decided by a supreme court 
 of judicature.'' 'Tlie popular assembly had probably 
 no judicial functions ; disputes concerning the succes- 
 sion to the throne were referred to it only after inef- 
 fectual attempts to settle them, and it then passed a 
 decree.^ The assembly took the case of those who fled 
 from their ranks at the battle of Leuctra out of the 
 hands of the regular court, by nominating an extra- 
 ordinary^ nomothetes for the occasion, and aftenvards 
 confirming his proposal.*^ It does not appear that the 
 practice of ostracism was known in the Doric states 
 before the destruction of the early constitution.'' 
 Arbitrators were also employed at Sparta for the de- 
 cision of private cases, as in the Homeric time ;' but 
 whether they were publicly appointed, as in Athens, is 
 not known. 
 
 At Sparta, as well as at Athens, the parties inter- 
 ested were, of course, entitled to accuse in private 
 causes ; and in criminal cases the next of kin ; it 
 cannot however be supposed that in Sparta, as in 
 Athens, eveiy citizen of tlie state was empowered to 
 institute a pubhc action ; as a regulation of this kind 
 
 * According to Plutarch de 200.— Of the courts of justice 
 
 Socrat. Daem. 33. p. 365. the at Argos, we only know of that 
 
 gerontes fined Lysanoridas (see upon fhe Pron (Dinias ap. Schol. 
 
 above, ch. 10. § 11.), but it was Eurip. Orest. 669, from which 
 
 probably the supreme court of Scholia it is also seen, that the 
 
 public magistrates. 
 
 ^ See above, ch. 5. § 8. p. 
 104. note ". 
 
 ^ Plut. Ages. 30. 
 
 ^ See above, ch 9. §1. 7.10. 
 But in Crete, and perhaps in 
 ^giua (.'Eginetica, p. 133), 
 
 there were similar oligarchical before which generals after their 
 institutions. return were "arraigned (Thuc. 
 
 • Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. V. 60.). 
 
 place of the public assembly, 
 dXtaac, whence ijKiaia, was in 
 the neighbourhood ; see above, 
 ch. .5. §9), which was perhaps 
 similar to the Aeropagus of 
 Athens, together with the court 
 Xnpacpu without the citv, 
 
 ty 
 
230 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 11, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 231 
 
 « 
 
 appears too inseparably connected with democracy. 
 
 Private individuals were therefore only permitted to 
 
 lay an information before a magistrate, which was also 
 
 allowed to the Helots ;^ the action being conducted, 
 
 as we find to have been so frequently the case vnth 
 
 the ephors, by some public officer. In the judicial 
 
 procedure of Sparta, it is probable that much of the 
 
 ancient Grecian simplicity remained, which Aristotle 
 
 for example remarks in the criminal proceedings of 
 
 the ^olic Cume, where in trials for murder witnesses 
 
 from the family of the murdered person were sufficient 
 
 to prove the offence.^ In the ancient laws of Rhada- 
 
 manthus, disputes were generally decided in a very 
 
 summary manner by oath,™ and the legislation of 
 
 Charondas for the Chalcidean colonies was the first 
 
 that instituted inquiries concerning false testimony." 
 
 The laws by wliich the decisions were regulated 
 were supposed to live in the breasts of the magistrates 
 themselves ; nor was there any written law during the 
 flourishing times of Sparta. The interpreters of the 
 laws of Lycurgus, who occur at a late period,"" appear 
 to imply the existence of a written code, if they are 
 compared with the Syracusan interpreters of the code 
 of Diodes ;p yet it is possible that they may have 
 merely given answers from an innate knowledge of 
 
 ^ Thuc. I. 132. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 5. 12. This 
 may be compared with the Cu- 
 maean law, that the neighbours 
 of a person who had been robbed 
 should replace the stolen pro- 
 perty (Heraclid. Pont. II. comp. 
 Hesiod. Op. et Di. 348. and see 
 strabo. XIIT. p. 622.). Yet 
 Ephonis (ap. Steph. miSoiutrla) 
 
 praises the yofiutp tvraUa of his 
 countrymen. 
 
 "* Plat. Leg. XII. p. 948. 
 
 "Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. 
 
 ^^ly^lTYiQ tCjv AvKovpyeiioy, 
 in a late inscription, Boeckh 
 N«. 1364. 
 
 P See above, ch. 9. § 7. and 
 Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 111. 
 
 I 
 
 the traditional law, like the e^Tjyyjra* rdiv TroLTpicov at 
 Athens.'* Thus also it was allowed to the judges to 
 impose punishments according to their own pleasure ; 
 the laws of Sparta contained no special enactments on 
 this point, which were first added by Zaleucus to his 
 code.' 
 
 3. Among the various punishments which occur, 
 fines levied on property would appear ridiculous in 
 any other state than Sparta on account of their ex- 
 treme lowness. Perseus in his treatise on the La- 
 cedaemonian government, says, that "the judge im- 
 " mediately condemns the rich man to the loss of a 
 "dessert (sTraixXov); the poor he orders to bring a 
 " reed, or a rush, or laurel-leaves for the public ban- 
 " quet." Nicoclesthe Lacedaemonian says, upon the 
 same subject, " when the ephor has heard all the 
 " witnesses, he either acquits the defendant or con- 
 " denms him : and the successful plaintiff slightly 
 " fines him in a cake, or some laurel-leaves," whicli 
 were used to give a relish to the cakes.' From this 
 it is evident that actions were heard before the ephors, 
 and probably in private cases, in which the plaintiff 
 assessed the fine {oLywvsg TifxrjTol). Large fines of 
 money in early times only occur as being paid by the 
 kings, but afterwards by generals, harmosts, &c.* 
 The defendant was frequently condemned to leave the 
 countiy."^ It is hardly possible that a complete confis- 
 cation of property, extending to land, could have been 
 
 ^ Meier de bonis damnatis, 
 praef. p. 7. 
 
 ' Strabo VI. p. 260 A. comp. 
 Heyne Opuscula II. p. 37. 
 
 ' Ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 E. 
 141 A. 
 
 * Above, ch. 10. § 11. See 
 Meier p. 198. 
 
 " For example Thimbron, as 
 appears from Xen. Hell. III. 
 1.8. 
 
 I i 
 
 II 
 
 I' 1 
 
 jr i 
 
# 
 
 i 
 
 232 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book „,. 
 
 permitted in Sparta/ although it 5. mentioned in 
 Argos and Phlius. Imprisonment was never em- 
 ployed m Sparta as a penalty for a free citizen, but 
 only as a means of preventing the escape of an accused 
 person Corporal punishment preceded, as in the 
 case of Cmadon, tl,e infliction of deatli ; but was not a 
 separate penalty." On the other hand, infamy (dr,u.!a) 
 vvas the more frequently used as a punishment, from 
 the deep impression which it made on the mind of 
 a Spartan.^ The highest degree of this infamy as 
 It appears, fell upon the coward, who either left the 
 ranks and fled from battle, or returned without the 
 rest of the army, as Aristodemus from Thermo- 
 pylae « A person thus excommunicated could fill 
 no pubhc office ; had the lowest place in the choruses • 
 in the game of ball neither party would have him on 
 their s.de ; he could find no competitor in the gym- 
 nasia, no companion of his tent in the field. Ti,e 
 flame of his hearth was extinguished, as he was 
 unable to obtain fire from any^erson. He 1 
 compelled to maintain his daughters at home, or if 
 unmarned, to live in an empty house, since ^o ;„e 
 would contract any alliance with him. In the street 
 
 ^ Concerning the account in 
 Plutarch. Amator. 5. see above, 
 P-J23. note*, comp. Meier p! 
 
 >' According to Polvfenus 11. 
 21. defendants were heard in 
 chains at Sparta, a statement 
 which IS not true in a general 
 sense. 
 
 ' Isocrat. Archidam. p. 134 
 B sqq. 
 
 * Concerning the in^ia of 
 this person, see Herod. VII. 
 
 231. Plut. Ages. .30. Xenoph. 
 Rep. Lac. 9. 4, 5., who by The 
 «<^oc chiefly means the rpi^ar. 
 According to TzetzesChilfxri 
 
 death '""rr*"' ''"" P"' '" 
 aeatn. Ihe assertion of Lv- 
 
 curgus in Leocrat. p. 166. ]3. 
 that ,n Sparta all persons „A 
 ee\o.rec v^ep rm Tarpiio, kJZ 
 *■'""." ""'ght be executed, is 
 ambiguous, since the law to 
 which he refers is lost 
 
 CH. H, §3. OF THE DORIANS. 0.33 
 
 he yielded to every one the way, and gave up his seat 
 to an inienor in age ; his lost honour was at first 
 sight evident to eveiy one from his ragged cloak, and 
 1U.S half slaveiy, from iiis half-shorn head. Hence 
 niany persons have asked, wiiat merit it was in a 
 Spartan ,f he preferred death to flight, since a punish- 
 ment far worse than death awaited the coward ' It 
 IS indeed true, that the merit of each individual 
 Spartan was less if he preferred dying at hi.s post 
 to saving himself by flight, than if public opinion had 
 not affixed so severe a penalty to the offence of the 
 cowardly soldier. But this argument would be equally 
 good against «// public laws and ordinances, and even 
 against the expression of national feelings and opinion 
 1-or the looser the bond of social union, and the more 
 anarchical the condition of any state, the greater 
 IS the mdividual merit of any citizen who nevertheless 
 observes the rules of morality and justice, and the 
 praise of virtue is more considered as his particular 
 due. Wliereas, when each citizen listens to tlie voice 
 ot pubhc opmion, and feels himself, as it were, bound 
 to support the national pov.-er, a large part of the 
 merit of individual excellence is taken away from the 
 individual, and bestowed on the public institutions. 
 
 A less severe description of infamy was the lot of 
 prisoners taken in war, who were not subject to the 
 imputation of cowardice, as, for instance, the captives 
 at Sphacteria. They were not allowed to fill any 
 public office, and were deprived of the privilege of 
 buying and selling. The otlier degrading restric- 
 tions were not, however, enforced, and the time of 
 the punishment was limited.'' 
 
 >■ Thuc. V. 34. 
 
 ■ 
 
 i 
 
 '|i 
 
 I'P,' 
 
234 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 \ 
 
 Among this class of punishments may be included 
 the penalty of the unmarried, who were deprived of 
 the customary honours of old age. Young men were 
 also punished for various offences, by being compelled 
 to sing defamatory songs against themselves, a custom 
 corresponding with the inclination of the Doric race 
 to mirth and merriment, under which a very serious 
 character was frequently concealed. In the code of 
 Charondas, public ridicule was also assigned as the 
 penalty of the adulterer and busybody (ttoXutt^ ciy- 
 ,aa>v),^ and that for sycophants and cowards was of a 
 similar character.** 
 
 4. Banishment was probably never a regular pu- 
 nishment in Sparta, for the law could hardly have 
 compelled a person to do that which, if he had done 
 it voluntarily, would have been punished with death.« 
 Murderers, particulariy if their crime was unpre- 
 meditated, were sometimes forced to fly the country ;^ 
 but this cannot be considered as a case in point, for 
 the flight only took place for the purpose of avoiding 
 the revenge of relations. On the other hand, banish- 
 ment exempted a person from the most severe punish- 
 nients,^ and, according to the principles of the Greeks, 
 
 *= Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 139; 
 Heyne, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 94' 
 
 ^Diod. XIL 12. 
 
 ^Flat.Ag. 11. The meaning 
 ofJEMm. V. H. III. 12. probably 
 is, that a person convicted of the 
 oflfence in question would be 
 punished with death, if he did 
 not voluntarily quit the country. 
 (See B. IV. ch. 4. § 8.) Aris- 
 totle. Pol. IV. 8., indeed says, 
 that the Spartan constitution 
 was oligarchical, because a few 
 persons had, as judges, the power 
 of inflicting death or banish- 
 
 ment; yet in this passage also 
 banishment may be considered 
 as a means of escaping from 
 the penalty of death before the 
 final passing of the sentence; 
 for Aristotle's only purpose is 
 to show that the decision of a 
 few persons could deprive a 
 citizen of life, or force him to 
 quit the country. Concerning 
 the power of the ephors to ba- 
 nish, see above, ch. 7. § 4. 
 
 *^For example, the boy in 
 Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25. 
 
 ^ The polemarchs, who, ac- 
 
 CH. 11. §4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 235 
 
 preserved him from eveiy persecution ; so that even a 
 person who was declared an outlaw by the Amphic- 
 tyons was thought secure when out of the country.^ 
 Tiiere is no instance in the history of Sparta of any 
 individual being banished for political reasons, so long 
 as the ancient constitution continued. 
 
 The punishment of death was inflicted either by 
 strangulation in a room of the public prison called 
 Asxag,' or by throwing the criminal into the Cceadas, 
 a ceremony which was always performed by night.'' 
 It was also in ancient times the law of Athens, that 
 no execution should take place in the day-time.^ So 
 also the senate of the JEolic Curae (whose antiquated 
 institutions have been already mentioned) decided 
 criminal cases during the night, and voted with co- 
 vered balls," nearly in the same manner as the kinoes 
 of the people of Atlantis, in the Critias of Plato. '^ 
 These must not be considered as oligarchical con- 
 trivances for the undisturbed execution of severe 
 sentences, but are to be attributed to the dread of 
 pronouncing and putting into execution the sentence 
 of death, and to an unwillingness to bring the terrors 
 of that penalty before the eye of day. A similar 
 
 cording to Thucyd. V. 72, fled 
 on account of disobedience in 
 battle, and cowardice {co^ayreg 
 fiaXaKKTdrjpai), probably saved 
 themselves from death : comp. 
 Plut. Pericl. 22. Moreover, 
 Clearchus, the leader of the 
 mercenaries under Cyrus the 
 Younger, was only an exile in 
 this manner. He had been dis- 
 obedient to the ephors at a mili- 
 tary post, and on that account 
 condemned to death. See Xe- 
 noph. Anab. I. 1. 9. 11. 6.4. 
 ^ Herod. VII. 213. 
 
 ' Plut. Ag. 19. At Corinth 
 the name of the public prison 
 was Kwe, Steph. Byz. 
 
 ^ Herod. IV. 146. Valer. 
 Max. VI. 6. 
 
 ^ Plat. Phaed. 116. Olympio- 
 dorus ad loc. 
 
 °; Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. The pro- 
 hibition at Rhodes, that the crj- 
 fioaiog should not enter the citv, 
 rests on a similar principle, Dio 
 Chrjsost. Or. 31. p. 632 Reisk. 
 SeeWessel. ad. Diod. I. p. 624 
 Aristid. II. 44. 5. 
 
 "P. 120(171 Bekker.). 
 
 I 1 
 
236 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 J(i 
 
 repugnance is expressed in the practice of the Spartan 
 Gerusia, which never passed sentence of death without 
 several days' deliberation, nor ever without the most 
 conclusive testimony ; the person who was acquitted 
 could however be always subjected to a fresh examina- 
 tion.° Notwithstanding this horror of shedding blood, 
 the punishments in the early Greek states were more 
 severe than under the Athenian republic. The orator 
 Lycurgus ^ ascribes to the ancient legislators in ge- 
 neral the principle of the laws of Draco, to punish 
 all actions with the same severity, whether the evil 
 which they caused was great or small. This severity 
 partly owed its origin to a supposition that the public 
 rights were injured, and not the property or the peace 
 of an individual. Thus the ancient law of Tenedos 
 (which, together with the worship of Apollo there 
 established, appears to have been derived from Crete) 
 punished adulterers by decapitation with an axe ;'J the 
 same offence was punished, according to the 'code 
 of Zaleucus, by the loss of an eye,' and in Sparta 
 It was guarded against by laws of extreme severity.^ 
 
 ° Plut. Lac. Apophth.p. 197. 
 
 See Thuc. 1. 132. 
 P In Leocrat. p. 156. (§ 65. 
 
 ed. Bekker.) 
 
 ^Heracl. Pont. 1. Miscell. 
 
 Lips. Nova. T. X. 3. p. 392. 
 
 dfi Tenedia securi. Compare 
 
 Meineke ad Menand. p. 70. 
 
 See also the story in Nicolaus 
 
 Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales. 
 
 (Comp. book n. ch. 2. § 3.) 
 and the account of the punish- 
 ment of the fioixk at Gortyna 
 in ^lian. V. H. XIL 12. Also 
 the strange account of a Cretan 
 festival in Plutarch de Defect. 
 Orac. 13. proves that ra})e was 
 in that island once punished hv 
 
 decapitation. The very strict 
 sumptuary and disciplinarian 
 laws of Ceosvi ere, in my opi- 
 nion, of Cretan origin, and cer- 
 tainly not of Ionic. See ^gi- 
 netica, p. 132., and Jacobs ad 
 Meleag. Anthol. Palat. I. p. 
 449. Meineke ad Menand. 
 Fragm. 135. p. 237. The ex- 
 istence of Cretan institutions in 
 the islands of the ^gsean is 
 made probable by the report 
 that Rhadamanthus was legis- 
 lator of the islanders, Apollod. 
 111.1,2. ^ 
 
 '^lian. V. H. XIII. 24. 
 Valer. Max. V. 5. 3. 
 
 ' See Bonk IV. ch. 4. § 3. 
 
 cii. 11, §5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 237 
 
 5. The laws respecting the penalty of death, w^iich 
 prevailed in the Grecian, and especially in the Doric 
 states, were derived from Delphi. They were entirely 
 founded upon the ancient rite of expiation, by which a 
 limit was first set to the fury of revenge, and a fixed 
 mode of procedure in such cases established.* Any 
 person killing another without premeditation in the 
 gymnastic contests and pubUc Ijattles was, according 
 to the law which (as Plato states)" came from Delpht 
 immediately released from all guilt, when he had been 
 purified : it is however probable, that much of A\'hat 
 the philosopher recommends in other cases was derived 
 from the institutions of Draco, as well as from the 
 Delphian laws, which were actually administered in 
 the latter state by the Pythian court of justice.* To 
 what extent reconciliation with kinsmen by the pay- 
 ment of a fine was permitted, and in what cases the 
 punishment of death was made compulsory, cannot be 
 ascertained. The Delphian court having unjustly 
 condemned ^sop to death, sentenced itself to the pay- 
 ment of a fine, and discovered some descendants or 
 kinsmen of their victim, to whom the money was paid.^ 
 The Delphian institutions were doubtless connected 
 with tliose of Crete, where Rhadamanthus was reported 
 
 and compare the degradinir pu- of Tenedos (B. II. ch 8 S n^ 
 
 nishments for adulter^^ Wears likewise to be" not so 
 
 Plut. Qu. Gr^ 2. p. 378. and at much a weapon as an instru- 
 
 JLepreum, Heracl. Pont. 14. ment of punishment. 
 
 i he account of the punishment ' See book II. ch. 8. S 5 
 
 tor adultery at Tenedos may in- " L,^. IX. p. 865. The Scho- 
 
 deed be a mere fiction, in order liast also quotes an oracle (p. 
 
 ^ explam the symbol on the 235 Ruhnk. p. 454 Bekk ) 
 
 Tenedian coins (see Thirlwall which however Plato cannot 
 
 in the Philological Museum, allude to in particular. 
 
 vol. I. p. 118) ; yet the parallel ^Book 11. ch. 1. § 8 
 
 cases in the text give it a cer- y Herod. II. 134. Plut. de 
 
 tain degree of credibility. The sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 244 
 
 axe in the hands of the Apollo 
 
 11 
 
 
238 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III, 
 
 by ancient tradition to have first established courts of 
 justice, and a system of law/ the larger and more 
 important part of which, in early times, is always tlie 
 criminal law. Now as Rhadamanthus is said to have 
 made exact retaliation the fundamental principle of liis 
 code,'^ it cannot be doubted, after what has been said 
 m the second book on the connexion of the worship of 
 Apollo and its expiatory rites vvith Crete, that in this 
 island the harshness of that principle was early softened 
 by religious ceremonies, in which victims and libations 
 took the place of the punishment which should have 
 fallen on the head of the oflfender himself. 
 
 6. In the present chapter we have frequently had 
 occasion to mention the laws of Zaleucus (the earliest 
 written code which existed in Greece),'^ actuated by a 
 belief that they were of Doric origin. The Epize- 
 phyrian Locrians, amongst whom tliese laws were in 
 force, were indeed for the most part descendants of the 
 Ozolian and Opuntian Locrians.^ Aristotle describes 
 them as a collected rabble, in the true spirit of a mytho- 
 logist, carrying to the extreme the opposition between 
 recent regularity and early anarchy. These Locrians, 
 however, at the very first establishment of their city, 
 received the Doric customs, Syracusans from Corinth 
 having contributed largely to its foundation,^ besides 
 
 * TO. Trepl rac ^Uag, Plato de 
 
 Leg. I. p. 625. 
 
 ^ See x\ristot. Eth. Nic.V. 5. 3. 
 
 ^ Strabo YI. p. 397 D. Scym- 
 nus V. 313. Both follow Epho- 
 rus. 
 
 *= Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. 
 p. 46. The descent from the 
 latter is also confirmed by the 
 tradition concerning the expi- 
 atory virgins for the crime of 
 Ajax the son of Oileus. See 
 
 Heyne, p. 53. Orchomenos, p. 
 167. 
 
 '^ From these was derived the 
 Minerva, together with Pega- 
 sus (this goddess is also said to 
 have given the laws to Zaleucus, 
 see particularly Clem. Alex. 
 Strom. I. p. 352 A.), and the 
 Proserpine upon their coins; 
 see Liv. XXIX. 18. The Cor- 
 cyraean colony is very doubtful ; 
 see Heyne, p. 52. 
 
 CH. 11, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 239 
 
 which the Spartans are said to have colonized Locri 
 during the first Messenian war. Although the time 
 may be doubtful, it is an additional confirmation of the 
 fact, that in an ancient war with the inhabitants of 
 Croton, the Locrians applied for assistance to the 
 Spartans, who promised them the assistance of their 
 gods of war, the Tyndaridse. Locri was therefore 
 considered a Doric state, a character which was like- 
 Avise preserved in its dialect. The constitution was 
 also an oligarchy,^ in the hands apparently of a number 
 of Doric and Locrian families. We find in this state, 
 as well as in its mother-city Opus, the hundred families 
 who, by virtue of their nobility, enjoyed a large share 
 in the government.^ But that tlie aristocracy was 
 united with a timocracy appears to me to be proved by 
 the senate of a thousand ; which, under the presidency 
 of the cosmopolis, constituted a supreme court of jus- 
 tice,^ and appears to have been formed in the manner 
 stated, if we may judge from the analogy of the senates 
 of Rhegium and Agrigentum : which argument seems 
 to have the greater weight, as such numerous councils 
 of an aristocratic character do not appear to have 
 existed in Greece, and they were evidently not demo- 
 cratic. 
 
 7. Now with regard to the laws themselves which 
 Zaleucus gave to this state about the 29th Olympiad," 
 the testimony of Ephorus deserves particular attention, 
 that they were founded upon the institutions of Crete,' 
 
 ^' t}"%\^u- v;^ I- . . ' ^Z^y^- ^"- ^^- Concern- 
 
 See Polyb. XII. 5. 7. et mg the courts of justice, see 
 
 sup. Hevne p. 53. Boeckh. ad Diod.XII.20. Stob^us Serm 
 
 Pmd. Olymp. IX. 15. That 42. p. 240. 
 
 the family of Ajax was one of »' According to Eusebius 
 
 them may be seen by comparing Comp. Bentley's Phalari«» d' 
 
 bervius ad ^n. I. 41. with Po- 340. ' * " 
 
 lybius. 
 
240 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 Sparta, and the Areopagus, and upon those of the 
 latter in criminal law/ For this reason Zaleucus is 
 brought into connexion with Tiialetas, the expiatory 
 priest of Crete, and the spirit of his laws suited the 
 Pythagoreans (who proceeded upon the same Doric 
 usages and maxims), and in later days Pindar^ and 
 Plato/ The prohibition to all citizens to leave their 
 country, and to dwell in foreign states,"^ is of genuine 
 Doric, and therefore Spartan character ;" an institution 
 which forms the other side of the Xenelasia. Of the 
 same nature also is the firmness with which the lecris- 
 lation was maintained, and every change guarded 
 against ;° they laboured to resist in every manner the 
 Ionic spirit of innovation ; and if understood with a 
 slight allowance, it may be true that every person 
 arriving at Locri was punished, who inquired after 
 novelties.P In the same spirit are the measures 
 adopted for securing as far as possible the inalienability 
 of landed property.^ The same character is shown in 
 the strict sumptuary laws,^ and tlie superintendence of 
 puWic morals exercised by the nomophylaces, who 
 were, for example, empowered to admonish and to 
 punish slanderers.^ A certain progress is, however, 
 
 ^Ap. Strab. VI. p. 260. 
 Ephor. frag. n. 47. p. 150. ed 
 Marx. 
 
 ^ Olymp. X. 11. 
 
 ^ Timaeus, p. 20. 
 
 "'Ap. Stob. Serm. 47. p. 280. 
 
 ° Heyne p. 30. 
 
 P Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 138. 
 Diod. excerpt. Vat. VII. — X 
 14. 2. 
 
 •1 Above, ch. 10. §5. 
 
 " For example, the prohibi- 
 
 See above, §. 4. The same tion to drmk pure wine, ^lian" 
 
 law (poenaque mors posiia est V. H. II. 37. See book II ch' 
 
 patriam mutare volenti) is men- 12 § 5 
 
 tioned by Ovid Metam. XV. 29. • Stob«u8 ubi sup. See 
 
 in the story of the founding of above, ch. 7. § 8 11 Cic de 
 
 Croton ; the place appears from Leg. 1 1 1 . 20. Greed hoc dili- 
 
 V. 19. to be Argos but perhaps gentius (quam Romani), avud 
 
 only by a misunderstanding ; quos Nomophylaces creantvr, 
 
 originally I beheveit was Sparta, neque hi solum litteras-sed 
 
 CH. 11, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 241 
 
 shown in tlie rude attempts at a law of property, and 
 a more accurate assignment of punishments.' ' It is 
 remarkable that both Zaleucus and Charondas annexed 
 a sort of reconmiendation to particular laws :° whereas 
 nothing can be a greater proof of the total failure of a 
 system of laws, than when an endeavour is made to 
 demonstrate the expediency of arrangements, the truth 
 and necessity of which should be self-evident. This 
 statement nmst not, however, be tlms understood : the 
 meaning is, that all the laws Avere by a short intro- 
 duction referred to some general principle ; such, for 
 example, as "In order not to oflFend the gods of 
 "the famDies." "In order that the state may 
 " be well administered, and according to the laws of 
 II our fathers.'! " '^™**'"S ^''^^ it will be salutary to 
 ' the people," (W/ov xaJ olixumv, as the Delphic 
 oracle says on some occasion"), &c. ; which seem to 
 me to be rather ancient formulas, suited to the simpli- 
 city of the time, and inseiled from a vague religious 
 feeling, than intended logically to establish, to the 
 satisfaction of the people, the wisdom and expediency 
 of the new laws. 
 
 etiam facta hominum observa- 
 bant ad legesque revocabant. 
 The same is stated by Colu- 
 mella de Re Rust. XII. 3. 
 'See above, § 1,3. 
 
 " This is the only way in 
 which Cic. de Leg. II. 6. can 
 be understood. 
 
 " See above, p. 15. note '. 
 
 •I 
 
 i 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK TIT. 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 § 1. Study of the military profession at Sparta. Period of service. 
 § 2. Arrangement of the army. Numbers of the military 
 divisions. § 3. Arrangement of the enomoty and military 
 evolutions. § 4. Arrangement of the Mora. § 5. Organiza- 
 tion of the Spartan army. Its officers. § 6. Cavalry in the 
 other Doric states. The Sciritac in the Lacedaemonian army. 
 Light-armed soldiers. § 7. Arms of the heavy infantry of 
 Sparta. § 8. Spartan tactics. § 9. Steady courage of the 
 Spartans. § 10. War considered as an art by the Spartans. 
 Life of the Spartans in camp. 
 
 1. The military system of the Dorians, which we 
 are now about to consider, was evidently brought to 
 the greatest perfection in Sparta. In tliis state the 
 military profession, as was hardly the case in any other 
 part of Greece, was followed as an art, as the study of 
 a life ;* so that when Agesilaus (as is related) sepa- 
 rated the shoemakers, carpenters, potters, &c., from 
 the assembled allied army, the Spartans alone re- 
 mained, as being the warriors by profession (as 
 Ts-^vlrm Tcov TroXsfjLixojv^) . But the principles of 
 their military tactics were evidently common to the 
 whole race ; and, according to a conjecture advanced 
 in a former part of this work,*^ it w^as chiefly the 
 method of attack, in closed lines, with extended lances, 
 by which the Dorians conquered the Achseans of 
 Peloponnesus, and which was adopted from them by 
 many other states of Greece. 
 
 Every Spartan was, if he had sufficient strength, 
 
 '"^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Plut. lya^n. II. 1 . 7. 
 Pelop'23. eg I ch.4. §9. 
 
 ^ See, besides, Plutarch, Po- 
 
 cn. 12. § I. OF TFIE DORIANS. 243 
 
 bound to defend liis country in expeditions without 
 the boundarie.s during the years that were designated 
 by tJie name vjX^x/a," Tliis period lasted to the fortietli 
 year from manhood (a'cj>' ij^^g), that is to say. to tiie 
 sixtieth year from birth - until that time a man was 
 called ii^^poupos (from <;>poupSi), and could not go out 
 of the country without permission from the autliorities."^ 
 Of these, the younger men were sometimes sent 
 abroad ; but those of fifty-five and upwards, not till the 
 state was in difficulty.''- The ephors stated in the 
 name of the public assembly the years, until which the 
 obligation to service in an individual case extended " 
 Uj)on the whole, the armies of Sparta must have con- 
 tained many aged triarii : while in Athens the liability 
 to foreign service generally terminated witii the twenty- 
 tliird year of manhood ; which was computed from the 
 eighteenth year.' But Sparta reckoned upon a healthy 
 and strong old age ; the time for deliberative sagacity 
 does not begin till the age for fighting has ended. Tlie 
 allied army of the Argives. Arcadians, and Athenians 
 was, in 418 B.C., met by an army composed of all 
 the Spartans" (that is, all the e>4>^oupo< ■); but they 
 dismissed from the lx,undaries a sixth part of the 
 
 *^ Ot €1/ ralQ rjXiKiair. Polvb. 
 IV. 22. 8. ^ 
 
 ^ Agesilaus, when sixty-two 
 years oh', according to Xeno- 
 phon's computation, was no 
 longer efK^povpoc, Hell. V. 4. 13. 
 Plut. Ages. 24. 
 
 ^Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. 
 (quoted by Harpocration in v. 
 ^■ai yap to), where fidxifiog is 
 evidently put for t^i<ppovpog. 
 Comp. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7 
 
 «Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. See 
 
 above, p. 1 26. note ». 
 
 ' On this point see Petit. 
 Leg. Att. VIII. 1. p. 548; but 
 the subject has been treated far 
 better by Boeckh in a programm 
 of the Berlin universitv for 
 1819. ^ 
 
 ^ It was probably impossible 
 to assemble the Peria^ci on a 
 sudden summons of the army. 
 
 poTfOia T(av Aavcoae/xov/wv 
 yiyvETm avrwy re ical ruiy 
 f.Awrwr 7rajr7/^f;,Thuc. V. 64. 
 
 II 2 
 
 f-f 
 
244 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 army, consisting of the younger and the older, in order 
 to protect the capital.™ 
 
 2. In marching and in battle the Spartans endea- 
 voured to conceal their strength from the enemy ; for 
 this reason the levies were hastily made by the ephors, 
 and the army sometimes marched during the night ;" 
 the depth of the ranks in the army was also very 
 various, and the enemy could not be certain of its 
 strength. In the battle of Mantinea there were seven 
 lochi, each containing four pentecostyes, the pentecostys 
 four enomoties, and the front row of the enomoty con- 
 taining four men : tlie pentecostys had therefore 1 6 in 
 front, the lochus 64, the whole army 448. According 
 to Thucydides the Spartans generally stood eight men 
 deep ; therefore the whole number of the hoplitse was 
 3584. To these however were added the 300 picked 
 men about the king, about 400 cavalry in both wings," 
 and also the old men, posted as a body of reserve with 
 the baggage, together with the Lacedaemonians, 
 appointed to cover the right wing of the allies, in 
 number perhaps about 500.^ The whole number of 
 men was 4784. A sixth part of the army had been 
 sent back ; which gives for the entire army 5740 men. 
 This was at that time the number of heavy-armed 
 soldiers, which, after severe losses in the field, the city 
 of Sparta was able of itself to furnisli :'* nor indeed is 
 it so considerable as the report of its strength would 
 lead one to suppose ; but it increased, in the manner of 
 
 CH. 12, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 245 
 
 "" Thuc. V. 68. 
 
 ° Herod. IX. 10. 
 
 ° Thuc. IV. 55. 
 
 P The Brasideans (emanci- 
 pated Helots) and Neodamodes 
 (see c. 67.) appear to have not 
 been included in the seven Xo- 
 
 Xoi ', and in c. 68 they are un- 
 derstood together with the Sci- 
 ritae. In Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 
 454. write, 6 U QovKvdidrjg i^ 
 
 ^ To TroXirit:ovy Xen. Hell. V. 
 3. 25. 
 
 an avalanche, into a numerous and powerful army,' 
 when there was time to collect troops from the allies. 
 
 Although we have given the account of this battle 
 in the first instance, we cannot derive from it any 
 information with regard to the original regulation of 
 the army, since Agis had increased the lochi to four 
 times their usual strength, as we shall presently see, 
 m order to deceive the enemy by false accounts. For, 
 if we compare the statements of the well informed 
 Xenophon^ we obtain the following explanation of 
 the names: two enomoties compose a pentecostys, 
 two pentecostyes a lochus*, four lochi a mora ; now if 
 an enomoty, as nmst have been originally the case, 
 contained twenty-four", or, with the enomotarch, 
 twenty-five men% the mora would liave contained 
 400 ; and, including the superior officers, pentecosters, 
 and lochagi, 412. In the time of Xenophon, how- 
 ever, the enomoty consisted of thirty-six metP ; and 
 accordingly, the mora of 600, as was the case on an 
 occasion mentioned by the same historian'' ; the other 
 numbers, which vary between 500^^ and 900^ must 
 also have resulted from the greater or less increase in 
 the strength of the enomoty. 
 
 3. Now the enomoty, the most simple body of this 
 military arrangement, was, as the word shows, a file of 
 
 "• Ibid. IV. 2. 12. 
 ' Rep. Lac. 11. 4. 
 
 * Enomotia quarta decurice 
 (Xo^ov) pars, ^lian. Tact. 5. 
 
 " Suidas, Timaeus, Etym. 
 Magn. 
 
 * This was also the case with 
 the rearguard of the 10,000. 
 
 y Three times twelve, ac- 
 cording to Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12. 
 ' Hell. IV. 5. 11, 12. 
 
 "" See Plutarch. Pelop. 16. 
 from Ephorus, Diod. XV. 32. 
 
 ^ See the passages quoted by 
 Cragius IV. 4. and add Etym. 
 M. p. 590. 33. (where Martini 
 Prol. de Spartiat. Mora. Ratis- 
 bonae 1771. corrects 900 for 
 30), Biblioth. Coisl. p. 505. 
 and Bekk Anecd. I. p. 209. 
 Comp. Sturz Lex. Xen. in v. 
 fiopa. 
 
 I f^ 
 
 1} 
 
216 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III 
 
 men closely united, and bound by a common oath", 
 which stoo<I in the deep phalanx each one behind the 
 other-, the enomotarch being in front (^r^toTo^rrirris) 
 of tlie whole file. Thus also the Thebans stood in 
 files twenty-five men deep% which they sometimes 
 strengthened to double that number'; in the Lacedje- 
 monian army, liowever, the file was generally broken, 
 and the enomoty, according to the order given before 
 the battle, stood three and sometimes six men broad* • 
 in the former case, if its number was not increased' 
 eight ; m the latter, four deep : the Lacedsemonians 
 are also reported to have once beaten the Arcadians 
 with a line only one shield deep\ If, however, the 
 whole enomoty stood in one file, it was called Uyos 
 opSwe; and in this disposition they attacked higli 
 places, wlien tlie files were placed at some distance 
 Irom each other". The deployments (^apaywya)), 
 by which the phalanx was made more or less deep 
 were ordered by the enomotarch. This person was 
 
 ^ ra^ig Tig cia (repay itov ivw^o- 
 Toc, Hesychius. 
 
 Like one crrixog or versus, 
 JElian. Tact. 5. 
 
 « Thuc. IV. 93. 
 
 ^Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12. 
 
 - Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 4. ^la 
 7rapEyyvi}(7£ioQ KadicnavTm tote 
 fiev elg IvtofxoTiag, tote U elg 
 Tpeig, TOTE ^E Elg e^, i. e. the eno- 
 moty was sometimes one, some- 
 times three, sometimes six men 
 in width, as is evident from 
 Hell. VI. 4. 12. In Hell. III. 
 2. 16. the enomoty is eight men 
 wide, contrary to the usual cus- 
 tom. The single division of a 
 lochus, in the common accepta- 
 tion of the word, was also called 
 Xo'xoe, which, according to Schol. 
 
 Arist. Acharn. 1073. ^lian. 
 Tact. 4. Suidas, Tzetz. Chil. 
 XII. 523, contained eight, or 
 twelve, or sixteen men, that 
 is, if the enomoty formed two, 
 three, or four (ttixoi. The Ta^ig, 
 according to JElian 9, contained 
 eight lochi, or 128 men; in 
 that case the enomoty had four 
 (TTixoi. Compare Sturz Lex. 
 Xen. in Xoxoc, Perizon. ad ^- 
 lian. V. H. II. 44. D'Orville ad 
 Chariton, p. 455. 
 
 '• Isocrat. Archid. p. 136. C. 
 Comp. B. 1. ch. 9. § 9. 
 
 * Xen. Anab. IV. 2 II IV 
 3. 17. IV. 8. 10. Comp. ^'lian^ 
 Suidas m opdla, Sturz in opHwg, 
 m whose opinion the whole 
 lochus formed one file. 
 
 cii. 12, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 247 
 
 the strongest man or the best soldier of the whole 
 enomoty; hence it was his continual care that on 
 whatever point the attack was made he should always 
 stand at the head of his file : the uragi, however, the 
 last men of the file, were experienced soldiers, especi- 
 ally when the army was expected to be threatened in 
 the rear. If then the lochi moved one behind the 
 other (g;rl xepmg), the enomotarehs advanced before the 
 long files. If the enemy aj)proached in front, the 
 files, either whole or broken, moved forward, each 
 placing itself on the left side of the preceding file 
 (Trap aa-TTiSa}'). If the enomoty was broken, the 
 enomotarch then occupied in the square formed by 
 his enomoty the front angle to the right hand, and the 
 first enomotarch of the army was always the last man 
 of the right wing ; this movement was called Trapaywyi) 
 slg fxhwTTOp, or sV/ ^aXayyo$\ But if the enemy 
 came on in the rear, each file wheeled round, so that 
 the leaders again came in front*". If the enemy ap- 
 peared on the right, the whole number of lochi, 
 moving one behind the other, turned, like triremes, 
 towards the enemy, and the man who was last upon 
 the march was last in the line of battle to the right 
 (Trapa 8opu). And, lastly, if they advanced from the 
 left, the same movement took place, only the last 
 lochus then occupied the left wing (Trap' ao"7r/3a°). 
 
 4. Lochi also occur among the Argives and The- 
 bans, and in the Asiatic armies ; under the command 
 of Sparta there were lochi of mercenaries and bow- 
 men°, &c. ; whereas the mora was a division peculiar 
 to the Spartans. The formation of this body was as 
 
 ^ Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11.8. 
 cf. Anab. IV. 3. 26. 
 ^ See Hell. VII. 5. 22. 
 
 ™ Rep. Lac. ubi sup. 
 " Rep. Lac. 11. 10. 
 ° Hell. IV. 2. 5. 
 
248 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK II I 
 
 CH. 12, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 follows. The whole number of citizens (to Tro-kinxov) 
 was divided into six nioras^ ; so that every person of 
 niilitaiy age (sfx<ppoupos)y even while he Jived at 
 Sparta, belonged to one of them. The strength of 
 the mora in the field depended on the maximum fixed 
 by the ephors for the age of those employed ; thus, 
 for example, they were able to send out a mora com- 
 posed of persons less than thirty>five years from man- 
 hood (a<p' 7]&r)g), and keep back those of greater age**, 
 &c. So that in this sense the numbers of the division 
 depended upon circumstances. To each mora of heavy- 
 armed infantiy there belonged, without being in close 
 connexion with it, a body of cavalry bearing the same 
 name^ consisting at the most of 100 men, and com- 
 manded by the hipparmosf . In the mora of the 
 infantry, however, the men of different ages must have 
 been in some manner separated, so that, for example, 
 those between thirty and thirty-five years of age could 
 be easily detached for pursuit*. In this division no 
 respect was had to kindred ; soldiers of one mora had 
 brothers, sons, fathers, in another", although in early 
 times it appears to have been an object of the greatest 
 care to bring relations and friends together. Accord- 
 ing to Herodotus^ Lycurgus instituted the enomoties, 
 triacades, and syssitia for war ; evidently as military 
 
 249 
 
 P Rep. Lac. 11. 4.cf. Hieron. 
 9. 5. ZiijpriVTaL yap airaaai at 
 TToXeig at fxey t:ara (pvXag^ at 
 ^e Kara fiopac, at ^e kuto. \6)(ov^. 
 That the number was six ap- 
 pears also from Xen. Hell. VI. 
 1. 1. VI. 4. 17. and from Aris- 
 totle ap. Harpocrat. in fiopa 
 (where Bekker's edition has 
 the correct reading six instead of 
 five). Diodorus XV. 32. proves 
 nothing against the number six. 
 
 The viodafiojdei^ belonged to no 
 mora, Hell. IV. 3. 15. 
 
 ^ Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17. 
 
 "^ Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11.4. 
 
 ^ Hell. IV. 4. 10. IV. 5. 
 12. A square of fifty was called 
 ovAayuoc, Plut. Lyc. 23. 
 
 * Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 15, 16. 
 of. IV. 4 16. 
 
 "lb. IV. 5. 10. 
 
 ^ See above, ch. 5. §. 6. 
 
 divisions; and the Lacedaemonians ate and fought 
 in the same company ; from which we may explain 
 why the polemarchs had also a superintendence over 
 the public tables^ By these the larger divisions, and 
 not the single banqueting companies, are intended ; 
 when Sparta, in the reign of king Agis, again con- 
 tained 4500 families, there were fifteen of these 
 divisions^ ; and in earlier times, when the number of 
 families was 9000, there were probably thirty ; it is 
 therefore doubtless another name for oba, which rarely 
 occurs ; and the army was arranged according to 
 tribes, phratrias, and houses. In early times also 
 the single hamlets of Sparta furnished lochi of their 
 own ; as were the Pitanatae'^ in the Persian war, and 
 the Mesoatae^. 
 
 5. Of the two principles upon which the regulation 
 of the Lacedaemonian army was founded, one (as has 
 been already pointed out) belonged more peculiarly 
 to early times, and at a late period nearly disap- 
 peared : I mean the complete union and amalgama- 
 tion of the army in all its parts. This is expressed 
 by the name enomoty ; and we are led to the same 
 
 y Plut. Lyc. 12. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 221. 
 
 ^ Plut. Ag. 8. 
 
 * See above, ch. 3. § 7. 
 
 ^ According to Schol. Ari- 
 stoph. Lysist. 454. there were 
 six lochi at Sparta, five are 
 named, eCwXoc, triviiy upifiac, 
 rXoac, fiKToayqc. The last is 
 evidently MESOATHS ; of the 
 others I have nothing to sav, 
 except that the tcojXoQ Xoxoq is 
 also mentioned by Hesychius. 
 Neither can the four lochi of 
 the king be easily explained (cf. 
 
 Schol. Acharn. 1087) ; perhaps 
 it is only another expression for 
 the mora of the king (Xen. Rep. 
 Lac. 13. 6.). There were five 
 (or six) lochi in Sparta, accord- 
 ing to Aristotle, Photius in 
 X6\oiy Hesychius, and his com- 
 mentators. Xenophon Hell. 
 VII. 5. 10. speaks of ten lochi ; 
 of twelve in VII. 4. 20. Din- 
 dorf, however, writes twelve in 
 VII. 5. 10. with two manu- 
 scripts ; by which the two pas- 
 sages are reconciled. 
 
 SB 
 
250 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK III 
 
 CH. 1-2, § 5. OF TFIE DORIANS. 
 
 251 
 
 result by many other remarkable vestiges, such as the 
 proximity of the lovers to the loved (which in certain 
 situations must have produced a strong effect upon 
 the feelings), and the sacrifices to Lovei which, ac- 
 cording both to the Spartan and Cretan usacre, the 
 most beautiful men performed before the battle. The 
 second principle was of longer duration ; the duty 
 of implicit obedience to every person in authority 
 (TTsi&ap^toL). Now in the artificial organization of 
 the army almost all Spartans were in a certain 
 respect commanders*^ ; for not only the front men of the 
 files, even when the enomoties were broken (TrpaiTo- 
 a-rarai), but the first men of every line (^suyTrai) were 
 officers*^ ; nay, every two persons throughout the 
 whole enomoty were connected with each other as fore- 
 man and rear-man (TrpwroG-rarris and £7n(rraTr}g\) 
 The commands (jrapayysTia-sig) passed rapidly through 
 the polemarchs, lochagi, &c., to the enomotarchs, 
 who gave them out, like heralds, in a loud voice^ ; 
 but that the command alone of the immediate supe- 
 rior held good, is proved by the circumstance that 
 the disobedience of a polemarch or lochagus entailed 
 the disobedience of the whole lochus^. The pole- 
 marchs, lochagi, pentecosters, and also the xena<^i 
 (leaders of mercenaries^), took part in the council of 
 war, which was preceded by solemn sacrifices* ; the 
 first mentioned officers commanded independently 
 
 "^ Thuc. V. 66. 
 
 •^ Pint. Pelop. 23. 
 
 * iElian. Tact. 5. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. II. 6. 
 
 ^ See the instances of A- 
 mompharetus, Herod. IX. 53, 
 and of Hipponoidas and Ari- 
 stotle, Thuc. V. 71. 
 
 ^' This was probably the real 
 
 character of the ^evayol (Anecd. 
 Bekk. vol. I. p. 284. cf. Xen. 
 Ages. 2. 10.); and there hav- 
 ing the command of avji^axoi 
 in sieges, as in Thuc. II. 75. 
 appears to be an exception. 
 
 • Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 4. Hell. 
 III. 5. 22. IV. 5. 7. See Sturz 
 in V. Xo-^nyoQ, 
 
 smgle moras and whole armies'', or composed the 
 immediate council of the kings ; they were supported 
 or represented, as it appears, by the o-y^c^o^eV. The 
 kmg, in an instance mentioned by Herodotus, himself 
 appointed an inferior general, which seems to be a 
 consequence of his extensive power in military affiiirs. 
 The escort of the king was called by the name of 
 damosia:', and consisted of his tent comrades, to which 
 the polemarchs^ the PythiaiisP, and three E(|uals 
 also belonged'i; of the diviners, surgeons, flute-players, 
 and volunteers in the army', to which must be added 
 the two ephors, who attended the kings on expedi- 
 tions« ; the laphyropolse, who together with the ephors, 
 took possession of the 1}ooty ; the hellanodicse, wlio 
 decided disputes in the anny (in this case, as well as 
 at Olympia, the Peloponnesians were called Hellenes 
 by pre-eminence^ ; the symbuli, sent out, after the 
 time of Agis, as assistants to the king"; the pyr- 
 [)horus, a priest of Ares, who took fire from the 
 sacrifice, which the king performed at Iiome to Zeus 
 Agetor^ and on the boundary to Zeus and Athene, 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 173. 
 
 ' Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. 
 
 ™ Herod. IX. 10. In this 
 instance Pausanias fixed upon 
 Euryanax, the son of Dorieus, 
 of the same family ; yet Do- 
 rieus cannot have been the son 
 of Anaxandridas (Manso, vol. 
 III. 2. p. 315.), as in that case 
 he would have been king before 
 Leonidas. 
 
 " That is, ^afxoaia tTKrjn) or 
 rpcnrei^a. 
 
 ° Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. Rep. 
 Lac. 13. 1, 7. 
 
 P See above, ch. 1. § 9. 
 
 '* See above, p. Ill, note *^. 
 
 ' Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7. Ni- 
 col. Dam. The Kpew^airTjg also 
 probably belonged to the same 
 suite, Plut. Ages. 8. 
 
 'Manso, vol. II. p. 377. III. 
 1. p. 214. 
 
 * Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 11. 
 
 " See above, p. 108, note™. 
 Comp. Thuc. VIII. 39. BovXi- 
 aioi occur in inscriptions of 
 Fourmont's which Raoul-Ro- 
 chette considers the same as 
 the (TvfiiSovXoi. 
 
 "^ See above, p. 103, note°. 
 See also Theopompus ap. Schol. 
 Thcocrit. V. 83. Eudocia, p. 
 2.51, concerning Zevc 'Uytjrwc ; 
 
250 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 cii. 12, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 251 
 
 f 
 
 result by many other remarkable vestiges, such as the 
 proximity of the lovers to the loved (which in certain 
 situations must have produced a strong effect upon 
 the feelings), and the sacrifices to Love* which, ac- 
 cording both to the Spartan and Cretan usage, the 
 most beautiful men performed before the battle. The 
 second principle was of longer duration ; the duty 
 of implicit obedience to every person in authority 
 (irsi^apyjia) . Now in the artificial organization of 
 the army almost all Spartans were in a certain 
 respect commanders" ; for not only the front men of the 
 files, even when the enomoties were broken (7rp«iro- 
 (TTOLTai), but the first men of every line {^zuyirai) were 
 ofhcers^ ; nay, every two persons throughout the 
 whole enomoty were connected with each other as fore- 
 man and rear-man (wf^wroG-rdTr^g and gTrio-ra-nj^*.) 
 The commands (TrapayyiXcrBig) passed rapidly through 
 the polemarchs, lochagi, &c., to the enomotarchs, 
 who gave them out, like heralds, in a loud voice' ; 
 but tliat the command alone of the mmiediate supe- 
 rior held good, is proved by the circumstance that 
 the disobedience of a polemarch or lochagus entailed 
 the disobedience of the whole lochus^. The pole- 
 marchs, lochagi, pentecosters, and also the xenagi 
 (leaders of mercenaries^), took part in the council of 
 war, which was preceded by solemn sacrifices' ; the 
 first mentioned officers commanded independently 
 
 <= Thuc. V. 66. 
 dpiut. Pelop.23. 
 
 * iElian. Tact. 5. 
 
 'Xen. Rep. Lac. 11.6. 
 
 ^ See the instances of A- 
 mompharetus, Herod. IX. 53, 
 and of Hippoiioidas and Ari- 
 stotle, Thuc. V. 71. 
 
 ^' This was probably the real 
 
 character of the ^erayoi (Anecd. 
 Bekk. vol. I. p. 284. cf. Xen. 
 Ages. 2. 10.) ; and there hav- 
 ing the command of av^^a^oi 
 in sieges, as in Thuc. II. 75. 
 appears to be an exception. 
 
 » Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 4. Hell. 
 III. 5. 22. IV. 5. 7. See Sturz 
 in V. \o\ay6Q. 
 
 single moras and whole armies^, or composed the 
 immediate council of the kings ; they were supported 
 or represented, as it appears, by the (rv[jL<pop£7g^. The 
 king, in an instance mentioned by Herodotus, himself 
 appointed an inferior general"*, which seems to be a 
 consequence of his extensive power in military affairs. 
 The escort of the king was called by the name of 
 damosia!^, and consisted of his tent comrades, to which 
 the polemarchs'', the Pythian s^^, and three Ecjuals 
 also belonged"*; of the diviners, surgeons, flute-players, 
 and volunteers in the army', to wliich must be added 
 the two ephors, who attended the kings on expedi- 
 tions* ; the laphyropolae, who together with the ephors, 
 took possession of the ]KX)ty ; the hellanodicee, who 
 decided disputes in the army (in this case, as well as 
 at Olympia, the Peloponnesians were called Hellenes 
 by pre-eminence*) ; the symbuli, sent out, after tlie 
 time of Agis, as assistants to the king" ; the pyr- 
 phonis, a priest of Ares, who took tire from the 
 sacrifice, which the king performed at home to Zeus 
 Agetor*, and on the boundary to Zeus and Athene, 
 
 k Herod. VII. 173. 
 
 » Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. 
 
 ■ Herod. IX. 10. In this 
 instance Pausanias fixed upon 
 Euryanax, the son of Dorieus, 
 of the same familv ; vet Do- 
 rieus cannot have been the son 
 of Anaxandridas (Manso, vol. 
 III. 2. p. 315.), as in that case 
 he Hould have been king before 
 Leonidas. 
 
 " That is, lafWffia (rtrrjvri or 
 
 <* Xen. HeU. VI. 4. 14. Rep. 
 Lac. 13. 1, 7. 
 
 P See above, ch. 1. § 9. 
 'i See above, p. Ill, note ^. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7. Ni- 
 col. Dam. The izptwcaiVifc also 
 probabl}- belonged to the same 
 suite, Plut. Ages. 8. 
 
 ^ Manso, vol. II. p. 377. III. 
 1. p. 214. 
 
 * Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 11. 
 
 " See above, p. 108, note"*. 
 Comp. Thuc. VIII. 39. BovXi- 
 aloi occur in inscriptions of 
 Fourmont's which Raoul-Ro- 
 chette considers the same as 
 the (TvfiiwvXoi, 
 
 * See above, p. 103, note®. 
 See also Theopompus ap. Schol. 
 Theucrit. V. 83. Eudocia, ]>. 
 251. concerning Ztvc 'llyi]T(»)c ; 
 
252 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 CH. 12, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 253 
 
 and preserved it during the whole campaign (in battle 
 the unarmed were protected by a religious awe^) ; and, 
 lastly, those who had conquered in crowned contests 
 were in the king's train^ ; a train indeed of sufficient 
 importance, and fit in so simple a state of society to 
 surround the descendant of Hercules with an appear- 
 ance of dignity. The Thirty about the king's person 
 are not identical with the damosia ; for these were 
 always Spartans, which we cannot say of flute-players, 
 &c. ; they were assigned to the king, even when the rest 
 of the army (as was frequently tiie case in expeditions in 
 Asia) consisted exclusively of neodamodes*, and were 
 probably at the same time the body-guard and council 
 of the king. They may therefore be considered as 
 the 300 contracted into a small body, which accom- 
 panied the king only on expeditions to a small 
 distance from home. These 300 were the picked 
 regiment of Sparta, the flower of the youth, as the 
 gerontes were of the old men, and also chosen on 
 aristocratic principles. For the ephors appointed 
 three hippagretae, each of whom chose one hundred 
 young men, with a statement of the grounds of his 
 selection ; from the number of those discharged from 
 this body the five agathoergi were taken, who for the 
 space of a year served the state in missions^. 
 
 who was also worshipped at 
 Argos as the god who had led 
 the Heraclidae into the country, 
 a belief referred to by Tyrtseus 
 in the verses quoted in vol. I. 
 p. 52. note ^. 
 
 y Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. 
 Comp. Zenob. Prov. V. 34. 
 Schol. Eurip. Phcen. 1415. 
 
 ^ Plut. Lye. 22. Qu. Symp. 
 IL 5. p. 88. 
 
 ^ Xen. Hell. ILL 4. 2. IV. 
 
 1. 5, 30, 34. V. 3. 8. Plut. 
 Ages. 6. 7. Lysand. 23. 
 
 ^^ Manso, vol. I. 1. p. 153. 
 See also Herod. VIII. 124. Xen. 
 Hell. 5. 3. 9. Plut. Reg. A- 
 pophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. 
 p. 232. Dionys. Hal. Arch. II. 
 13. according to whom they 
 were both horsemen and ho- 
 plitse. The three hundred with 
 Leonid as, although Herodotus 
 VII. 205. calls them ol KAT- 
 
 6. A similar body in the Cretan states really con- 
 sisted of horsemen ; the Spartans were called horse- 
 men, and were in fact heavy-armed infantry*^ ; the 
 cause of which was, the low estimation of the cavalry- 
 service among the Lacedaemonians. The country 
 was fitted rather for the production of men than of 
 horses ; and although the citizens furnished both the 
 horse and accoutrements, they were ridden only ))y 
 weak and inferior persons*. Thus the horsemen of 
 Sparta, the number of whom in the Peloponnesian 
 war was at first 400, and afterwards rose to 600% 
 effected nothing against the better mounted and 
 practised cavalry of Boeotia, which as the light-armed 
 riders sometimes mounted behind, sometimes vaulted 
 off rapidly, \\'as doubly formidable to the enemy^. 
 Among the other Doric states, Tarentum in particular 
 had a numerous^ and very excellent light cavalry^. 
 The preference for a force of this description is a 
 proof, according to the principles of antiquity, of an 
 unstable and effeminate character, exactly the reverse 
 of that exhibited by the heavy-armed soldiery of the 
 Lacedaemonians. 
 
 In the Lacedaemonian army the Sciritae formed a 
 separate body^ of whom there were 600 in the Pe- 
 
 ESTEilTES Tpir]K6(Twi,were not 
 however 'nnrelg ; most ot them 
 were doubtless men of an ad- 
 vanced age ; whereas the horse- 
 men, as the false Archytas in 
 Stob. Serm. 41. calls them, were 
 
 KOpoi. 
 
 " Strab. X. p. 481. 
 '^Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11. 
 « Thuc. IV. 55. Xen. Hell. 
 IV. 2. 16. 
 
 * The a^nrvroi (Trpolpofioi in 
 
 Philochorus), Thuc. V. 57. 
 Xen. Hell. VII. 5. 24. Harpo- 
 cration and Hesychius in v. 
 
 « 30,000 cavalry and 30,000 
 infantry, Strab. VI. p. 280. 
 
 ^ yElian. Tact. 2. Steph. 
 Byzant. in Ta/oac, &c. 
 
 ^ Also called Xox^e, Diod. 
 XV. 32. Hesychius and Ety- 
 mol. M. in (TKiprriQ Xoxo^i Bekk. 
 Anecd. I. p. 305. Schol. Thu- 
 cyd. V. 67. 
 
254 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. 
 
 CH. 12, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 255 
 
 I i 
 
 loponnesian war^. In marches they went in front, in 
 the camp they occupied the extreme placed and in 
 the battle they formed the left wing"". Although we 
 have no express statement of their mode of arms, we 
 can hardly suppose that they were heavy-armed troops, 
 since they were particularly employed when a rapid 
 change of position, or a vigorous attack, such as 
 storming of heights, &c., was required"; they were 
 often at the post of greatest danger"". Originally, 
 doubtless, they were, as they were called, inhabitants 
 of the district Sciritis, on the confines of Laconia, 
 towards Parrhasia^ ; their rights and duties appear to 
 have been defined by agreement ; their mode of fight- 
 ing was also perhaps Arcadian. The other Perioeci 
 appear only to have taken part in large expeditions, 
 and such as were prepared for a considerable time 
 beforehand; and they probably served for the most 
 part as hoplitse"* ; the ratio of their number, as well 
 as that of the neodamodes and others, to the citizens 
 of Sparta, was not governed by any fixed rule^ 
 
 It is not by any means clear in what manner the 
 
 ^ Thucvd. V. 67. 
 
 1 Xen. Rep. Lac. 12. 3. 13. 
 6. 
 
 "^Thuc. ubi sup. Diodorus 
 represents them as standing 
 round the king's person ; he 
 evidently confounds them with 
 the knights. 
 
 ° Xen. Hell. V. 4. 52, 53. 
 Diod. ubi sup. 
 
 ^ This is also what Xeno- 
 phon Cyrop. IV. 2. 1. says. 
 Comp. Hesychius and other 
 grammarians, Manso, vol. I. 2. 
 p. 228. 
 
 p^Hj/ ce ^ApKatiKoCf Hesy- 
 chius. 
 
 ^ AoyadsQ Ttav TrepioiKwyy He- 
 rod. IX. 11. 
 
 "* At the battle of Leuctra 
 there were only 700 Spartans 
 present, according to Xenoph. 
 Hell. VI. 4. 15; but he must 
 use the word in a very limited 
 sense ; for there were four 
 moras (fiopai TroXinicai) of men 
 less than thirty-five years (a(p* 
 rjjorjg), which could not have 
 contained less than 2000 men. 
 The whole army was however 
 much more numerous; at Co- 
 rinth it had contained 6000 
 hophtse, IV. 2. 16. See also 
 above, ch. 2. § 3. 
 
 Peloponnesian armies were accompanied by such 
 numerous bodies of light-armed soldiers, more par- 
 ticularly of Helots*. It must at the same time be 
 borne in mind that the Persian war was the only time, 
 that is, on a general summons of the nation, wlien so 
 many as seven attended upon every Spartan* ; on 
 this occasion, when the numbers of the enemy were 
 so excessive, they might have served to protect the 
 rear of the long line of battle, and to resist the pres- 
 sure ; in addition to which they also annoyed the 
 enemy from behind with slings, javelins, and stones. 
 A large pail of them, in the capacity of attendants 
 (flspaTTovre^, Ipoxr^ps^, iJ7ra(r7ri<rra)), were also des- 
 tined exclusively for the service of the hoplitae, and 
 to rescue them in danger" ; another portion was pro- 
 bably detached to convoy and cover the baggage 
 (a-Tparog (rxstjo(popixog) . The Peloponnesians in early 
 times never attempted to form separate divisions of 
 light-armed soldiers, such as the peltasts were, who, 
 in addition to the javelin, bore the small shield of 
 the Thracians and lUyrians''. The perfection of this 
 species of troops, especially after the improvement 
 of Chabrias and Iphicrates, was the cause of severe 
 injury to the heavy-armed tactics of the Spartans ; 
 and the Peloponnesians dreaded them for a long time, 
 
 ^ That at a latter time there 
 were still many ^iXol in the 
 Peloponnesian army may be 
 seen from Polyscnus IV. 14. 
 
 * See above, ch. 3. § 2. and 
 p. 45. note*, where however it 
 should be observed, that the 
 epitaph must not be taken with 
 the passage in VIII. 25 ; it re- 
 fers to the battle before the 
 surroundinir of the arm v. The 
 
 statement of some writers (Hege- 
 mon in the Palatine Anthology 
 VII. 436. Isocrat. Archid. p. 
 136 I).) that 1000 Spartans 
 were present at Thermopylae is 
 evidently erroneous. 
 
 '' Above, ch. 3. § 2. cf. Xen. 
 Hell. IV. 8. 39. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Lysist. 563. Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. I. p. 307. 
 
256 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 according to the Laconian expression, as children fear 
 a bui2:bear^. 
 
 7. The attention of Sparta was ahnost exclusively 
 directed to the heavy infantry ; and it can scarcely be 
 denied that this was carried by them to the highest 
 pitch of perfection. The arms^ consisted of a long 
 spear*, a short sword only used in the closest single 
 combat^, a brazen shield^ which covered the body 
 from the shoulders to the knees^, and was in other 
 respects also more similar to the shield of the heroic 
 age than that of the other Greeks. For while the 
 Greeks in general had adopted the Carian handle 
 {o')(avri) in order to direct the motion of the shield, 
 of which the size had been considerably reduced, the 
 Spartan buckler was probably suspended upon a 
 thong (rsXajaftjv) laid round the neck, and was only 
 managed by a ring (jropTra^) fastened in the concave 
 side, which in time of peace could be taken out®. 
 Cleomenes the Third first introduced the handles of 
 
 y Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 17. see 
 however IV. 15. 11. sqq. V. 
 4. 14. 
 
 ^ Probably the Awptfc^ orrXiaig 
 of Hesychius. 
 
 * Herod. VII. 211. 
 
 ^ Plut. Lye. 19. Reg. A- 
 pophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. 
 p. 194, 261. Dion. 18. The 
 AiopiK-^ ^a^aipa only occurs as a 
 sacrificing-knife, Eurip. Electr. 
 819, 836. 
 
 <= Xen. Rep. Lac. 11.3. The 
 ancient circular shields of Ar- 
 gos (see Spanheim ad Calim. 
 Pall. Lav. 35.) are probably 
 nearly the same which were 
 really manufactured in that 
 city, Pind. Hyporch. 3. p. 599. 
 
 Boeckh ; and see vol. I. p. 83. 
 note"^. 
 
 *^Tyrtaeus Fragm. 2. v. 23. 
 Gaisford. 
 
 ® See Critias (son of Cal- 
 laeschrus) ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. 
 p. 86. Reisk. Plut. Cleom. 11. 
 Hence Aristophanes Lysist. 107- 
 uses the word TropTraKKTafievoQ 
 of a Spartan. See also Aristoph. 
 Eq. 848. from which passage 
 it is evident that the Tropirai 
 was all that was most essential 
 for managing the shield, and 
 that the Tikap.^v or thong could 
 be easily procured, so that it 
 was considered as an append- 
 age of the TTopTra^. Compare 
 Schneider's Lexicon in ©x"*"'/* 
 
 CH. 12, §8. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 257 
 
 shields in Lacedsemon, and in general a less heavy 
 armour.^ 
 
 8. The principles of the Lacedeemonian tactics may 
 be deduced from what has been already said on the 
 subject of the enomoty, and of its movements ; the 
 deployment of the enomoty (the i^sT^iy [xog) was the 
 chief means of opposing the best soldiers to the 
 enemy, ^ and it was from this movement in particular 
 that victory was expected. A particular kind of this 
 manoeuvre was called the Laconian ; it began from 
 the enomotarchs, who faced about to the right, and 
 passed in an oblique direction between their own and 
 the next file ; the whole file, following its leader, 
 placed itself in front of the uragus, who merely faced 
 to the right about. So that the whole phalanx, 
 by this means, turning their faces towards the enemy 
 who appeared in the rear, advanced at the same time 
 in that direction by the depth of the order of battle. 
 The Macedonian mode was different from this ; for 
 in that the movement l)egan from the uragus, and 
 therefore the phalanx lost, instead of gained, the same 
 space of ground as it covered ; and the Cretan (called 
 also Clioreus) differed from both, as the enomotarch 
 and uragois both moved, until they changed places, and 
 consequently, according to this method, the phalanx 
 remained on the same ground.'' In a charge it was 
 
 *■ Concerning the emblems 
 on the Lacedaemonian shields, 
 see Pausan. IV. 28. 3; besides 
 which there were distinct IttI- 
 (xri^a, Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 
 240. The Cretans, according 
 to the Sculion of Hybrias, also 
 had Xaicrrjia ; the Xditrrjia impo- 
 ivra of Homer were probably 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 similar to the shields furnished 
 with leathern fringes, or wings, 
 represented on vases, e. g., 
 Tischbein IV. 51. 
 
 g See Xen. Hell. III. 4. 18. 
 
 1' ^lian. Tact. 26,27. Comp. 
 Hesychius, Acikujp tidog Trupa 
 
 TaKTlKOlQ. 
 
 S 
 
258 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book m. 
 
 CH. 12, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 259 
 
 ll 
 
 
 the duty of the general to take care that the army con- 
 stantly inclined somewhat further to the right than 
 the exact line of its intended direction, since each man 
 naturally endeavoured to bring his unprotected side 
 under the shield of his neighbour, and the last man on 
 the right wing to turn away that side from the danger, 
 and therefore to outflank the left of the enemy :' this 
 was also the cause of the weakness of the right wing, 
 which they endeavoured to remedy by putting in it the 
 best troops, and by protecting it with cavalry. Before 
 Epaminondas discovered the art of concentrating the 
 battle in the spot in w^hich he was strongest, and of 
 keeping the rest of the enemy's troops unengaged, the 
 general had to attend to two points. In the first place, 
 that the chief charge of his own men should be made 
 upon that part where it appeared most easy and ad- 
 vantageous to break the line ; and that at the same 
 time his own line should withstand the charge of the 
 enemy : and, secondly, he might endeavour to obtain 
 the victory by extending his front so as to outflank the 
 enemy ; a manoeuvre which the Spartans seldom 
 indeed attempted, being content to hinder the enemy 
 from effecting it. The chief point was to keep the 
 whole body of men in compact order, both in rapid 
 advance and in pretended flight '^ no bravery could 
 excuse a man for quitting his post. 
 
 9. The chief characteristic of the warriors of Sparta 
 was great composure and a subdued strength; the 
 violence (Xuco-a) of Aristodemus^ and Isadas™ being 
 considered as deserving rather of blame than praise ; 
 
 i Thuc. V. 71. 10 Plato Lach. p. 191. at Pla- 
 
 ^ The latter was done by the taesc. 
 Spartans at Thermopylae, He- ^ Herod. IX. 71. 
 rod. VII. 211; and according "* Plut. Ages. 34. where how 
 
 ' 
 
 and these qualities in general distinguished the Greeks 
 from the northern Barbarians, whose boldness always 
 consisted in noise and tumult." The conduct of the 
 Spartans in battle denotes a high and noble disposition, 
 which rejected all the extremes of brutal rage ; the 
 pursuit of the enemy ceased when the victory was 
 completed f and, after the signal for retreat had been 
 given, all hostilities ceased.^* Tlie spoiling of arms, at 
 least during the battle, was also interdicted f and the 
 consecration of the spoils of slain enemies to the gods/ 
 as in general all rejoicings for victory were considered 
 as ill-omened f ancient principles of Greek humanity 
 which we cannot but admire. War was as much as 
 possible confined to a measure of strength ; and battle, 
 as Mardonius in Herodotus describes that of the 
 Greeks in general,^ was a kind of duel upon the prin- 
 ciples of honour. In Peloponnesus, as well as in 
 Euboea," the use of the different species of arms had 
 perhaps been regulated by the appointment of general 
 councils ; Sparta also retained with a religious vene- 
 ration the ancient institutions of sacred truces ; as, for 
 instance, the Olympic armistice : it w^ished not only to 
 celebrate its native festivals in quiet,'' but even respected 
 
 ever the fine of 1000 drachmas 
 is very questionable. 
 
 ° Thuc. IV. 126. 
 
 " See Herod. IX. 77. Thuc. 
 V. 73. Plut. Lye. 22. de cohi- 
 bend. Ira. 10. p. 438. Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 226. Polyaen. 1. 16. 
 3. 
 
 P Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 246. 
 
 ^ Ibid. yElian.V. H. VI. 6. 
 
 ' Plut. ibid. p. 214. with the 
 noteof Manso, vol. i. 2. p. 236. 
 
 * Plut. Ages. 33. 
 
 *VII. 9.6. 
 
 " See Strabo X. p. 448. with 
 which comp. II. II. 544. Ar- 
 chilochus, p. 144. ed. Liebel. 
 
 ^ As, e. <r/., at the Hyacinthia 
 and Carnea. That the passage 
 in Herodotus VI. 106. refers 
 only to the latter, and that in 
 the Carneus alone the Spartans 
 (lid not set out before the full 
 moon, is shown by Bockh In- 
 dex Lect. ^stiv. Berol. 1816. 
 Yet Plutarch is not the only 
 writer who has misunderstood 
 this passage (see Diogen. Prov, 
 
 s2 
 
260 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 12, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 261 
 
 i i 
 
 
 i f 
 
 i t 
 
 foreign solemnities; thus, at so late a period as 391 
 B. C, that state allowed itself to be delayed and de- 
 ceived by an appeal of the Argives to " the sacred 
 '' months.'' ^ If then the state, so long as it remained 
 true to these principles, did not slaughter its enemies 
 without aim or object, so much the more sparing was 
 it of its own soldiers, every moderate loss being 
 severely felt; but even in the engagements of the 
 hoplit^e few of the victorious party were lost. Every 
 one knows of the tearless battle between the Spartans 
 and Arcadians, in which the state had no dead to 
 mourn."^ Nothine: therefore can be less laid to the 
 charge of Sparta than a violent passion for war, a 
 foolhardy and reckless desire of conquest. The latter 
 was also guarded against by the maxim of Lycurgus,"" 
 " not to go often against the same enemy," the non- 
 observance of which was a charge brought against 
 Agesilaus. With what unwillingness the Lacedae- 
 monians engaged in great wars is generally known. 
 And yet in every action in the open field, up to the 
 battle of Leuctra, Sparta had nearly a certainty of 
 success,^ since the consciousness of skill in the use of 
 arms was added to the national feeling of the Doric 
 race, that victory over the lonians was not a matter of 
 doubt.*' With what timidity did the Athenians attack 
 
 VI. 20. Jo. Tzetz. Jamb. 16 L); 
 and Herodotus himself is not 
 quite correct. 
 
 y Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2. 
 
 * Thus also Brasidas only 
 lost seven men in the action 
 with Cleon, Thuc. V. 11. ; and 
 the Lacedaemonians, in the 
 great battle of Corinth, only 
 eight, Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 1. 
 
 *Plut. Lye. 13. Ages. 26. 
 
 Lac. Apophth. p. 188. 222. 
 Polysen. I. 16. 2. 
 
 ^ Compare what Archidamus 
 in Isocrates says of the cam- 
 paigns of the kings of his fa- 
 mily : also Panathen. p. 286 E. 
 
 «Thuc. I. 121. Herod. VII. 
 102. Comp. Hegemon in the 
 Palatine Anthology VII. 436. 
 AujpLog a ^iXtra. 
 
 the hard-pressed and exhausted Spartans in Sphac- 
 teria ! Their feeling towards the captives was nearly 
 the same as that of the Achseans in Homer to the 
 corpse of Hector. 
 
 These opinions necessarily experienced innumerable 
 modifications when Sparta engaged in foreign warfare, 
 and moved out of her own orbit into an unknown 
 region ; this was particularly the case in maritime war, 
 which, although followed in early times by Corinth, 
 iEgina, and Corey ra, never agreed \vith the nature of 
 the Doric tribe. For this reason Sparta, although 
 after many unsuccessful attempts she gave birth to 
 men who had considerable talents for this service, as 
 Callicratidas and Lysander, and for a time her fleet 
 was very numerous, and the conunander of it a second 
 king/^ never showed any particular inclination for it. 
 A disinclination equally strong, and formed upon the 
 same grounds, was shown l)y the Spartans to the 
 storming of walled places (7ruf>'yo[jLa^s7u^) for which 
 reason they never in early times constructed any 
 defences of this kind ; and despised the use of ma- 
 chines, by which Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, 
 thought that " man*s strength was annihilated." 
 
 10. We conclude with the assertion with which we 
 prefaced this chapter, though in a different point of 
 view, that no nation ever considered war as an art in 
 the same sense and to the same degree as the Doric 
 Spartans. Indeed every nation, of a military disposi- 
 tion, and addicted to warlike pursuits, considers war 
 not merely as a means of repelling the attacks of 
 
 ^Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 22. Ages. 10. 
 
 When the fleet was commanded *" In several apophthegms 
 
 hy a king, as, e. g., Leotychidas, they are called women's apart- 
 
 it was an exception ; see Plut. ments. 
 
 y 
 
262 
 
 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 
 
 CH. 12, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 263 
 
 I 
 
 enemies, or of gaining plunder or territory by being 
 itself the invader. The mere act of fighting, the com- 
 mon and disciplined movement of thousands directed 
 to the same end, the " pomp, pride, and circumstance 
 " of glorious war," arouse the feelings, and inspire the 
 mind with the noblest and most elevated thoughts ; and 
 there is a certain affinity between the art of war and 
 the more regular and peaceful arts ; thus a military 
 body resembled, in its movements and array, a large 
 choral dance. These feelings and views were among 
 all nations most natural to the Greeks, and, of the 
 Greek races, familiar to the Dorians in particular. 
 
 The airreement which some moderns^ have found 
 between the Greek chorus and the lochus is not a mere 
 creation of the fancy; the large chorus was a pente- 
 costys in number, which was divided into enomoties 
 (hemichoria) ; it advanced in certain divisions, like an 
 army, and had corresponding evolutions.^' Both the 
 dance and the battle were the object of the Pyrrhic, 
 which was particularly practised in Sparta and Crete.'' 
 In early times it was a preparation for battle, an 
 use of it which was neglected in a later age ; in the 
 soldier heavy-armed for the battle was also seen the 
 practised dancer of the Pyrrhic. The same connexion 
 is alluded to by Homer, where iEneas hopes to over- 
 throw Meriones of Crete, however good a dancer he 
 may be :' thus also the Thessalians called the soldiers 
 
 *■ Sse Thiersch's Preface to 
 Pindar. 
 
 ° For this reason the Cretan 
 t^gXiy/ioc was also called x^" 
 peioQ ; above, § 8. In Sparta 
 the last in the chorus were 
 called \pi\i~iQ, Alcman Kragm. 
 108. Welcker. from Suidas 
 
 and He?ychius. 
 
 ii See hook IV. ch. 6. § 7. 
 
 ill. XVI. 617. quoted by 
 Athen. V. p. 181. XIV. p. 
 630 B. Lucian de Salt. 7. Die 
 Chrysost. Orat. II. 31. 28. 
 Heyne's interpretation, de ynotu 
 declinantis et a teiosibi caventis. 
 
 of the front ranks *' principal dancers ;" and said of a 
 good lighter, that " he had danced well."^ For the 
 same reason Homer calls hoplitse by the name TrpuT^esg,^ 
 the war-dance having been called TrpvT^ig by the Cre- 
 tans."" Now this latter expression is used by Homer 
 in the passages in which both Greeks and Trojans 
 give up the usual method of fighting, and the heroes 
 descend from their chariots and form themselves into 
 a body on foot ; and therelbre of that very mode of 
 battle which became prevalent in Greece through the 
 influence of the Dorians. For the same reason the 
 Spartans sacrificed to the Muses before an action," 
 tliese goddesses being expected to produce regularity 
 and order in battle ; as they sacrificed on the same 
 occasion in Crete to the god of love, as the confirmer 
 of mutual esteem and shame." 
 
 The whole existence of the Spartans in the camp 
 appears to have been easy and tranquil ; and therefore 
 resembled the mode of living in Sparta, as that city 
 was to a certain degree always a camp.^ The bodily 
 
 is unquestionably not to be 
 preferred to that of the an- 
 cients. 
 
 ^ Lucian ubi sup. 
 
 I II. XI. 49. XII. 77. with 
 the Scholia, and Eustathius. 
 That the expression for it was 
 also Laconian follows from 
 Hesychius in TrpovXecn, accord- 
 ing to Salmasius. 
 
 ™ Among the Gortynians, ac- 
 cording to Schol. Hom. II. XI. 
 49 : with whom TrpvXig also sig- 
 nified a heavy -armed foot-sol- 
 dier, Eustath. ad II. k p. 893. 
 35. Phavorinus, p. 390. ed. 
 Uindorf. Likewise among the 
 Cyprians (i. e., among the 
 Greeks in Cyprus). Aristot. 
 
 ap. Schol. Find. II. 125. Cal- 
 limachus Hymn. Jov. 52. also 
 calls the dance of the Guretes 
 by this name, this having been 
 at a very early period identi- 
 fied with the Cretan war-dance. 
 "Plut. Lye. 21. Lac. Apo- 
 phth. p. 207. de cohibend. Ira, 
 
 ubi sup. The x*7*«*P" ^^'^^ "^^ 
 however sacrificed to the Muses 
 (Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 234.), but, 
 as after the battle of Marathon, 
 to Artemis Agrotera. SeeXen. 
 Rep. Lac. 13. 8. Plut. Lye. 
 23. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 20. 
 
 ° Sosistrates ap. Atheu. XIII. 
 p. 561 E. ^lian. V. H. III. 9. 
 
 P As Dionysius of Halicar- 
 nassus says. 
 
1 1 
 
 264 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, 6cc. book hi. 
 
 .!> I 
 
 i i 
 
 *! 
 
 I ' 
 
 exercises were regularly continued, and repeated twice 
 in each day ;'^ but witli less severity than at home ;' and 
 the discipline in general was less strict. The Persian 
 spy found the Spartans in the evening before the battle 
 of Thermopylae employed, some in gymnastic exer- 
 cises, and some in arranging their hair,* which they 
 always wore long after their entrance into manhood. 
 Every man put on a crown* when the band of flute- 
 players gave the signal for attack ; all the shields of 
 the line glittered vvith their high polish," and mingled 
 their splendour with the dark red of the purple 
 mantles,'' which were meant both to adorn the com- 
 batant, and to conceal the blood of the wounded ; to 
 fall well and decorously being an incentive the more to 
 the most heroic valour. 
 
 1 Xen. de Rep. Lac. 12. 6. 7. 
 
 >■ Plut. Lye. 22. 
 
 « Herod. YII. 208. Xen.de 
 Rep. Lac. 13. 9. Plut. Lye. 
 22. 
 
 * The appropriate expression 
 for this was ^aydii^EffSai, Bek- 
 ker. Anecd. I. p. 284. 
 
 "Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11.3. 
 13. 8. Plut. ubi sup. 
 
 * Concerning these, see, he- 
 sides Xenophon and Plutarch, 
 iEUan. VI.6. Etymol. M. p. 
 385. 25. Suidas in Kara^alyeiyy 
 Aristot. Rep. Lac. ap. Moerin 
 
 in (poiyiKig, also Hesychius in 
 irvra. Comp. Meursius Miscell. 
 Lae. I. 15. The ambassadors 
 also wore a dress of this kind, 
 Aristoph. Lysist. 1139. Plu- 
 tarch. Cimon. 16. Lesbonax 
 Protr. p. 24, 27. Reisk. The 
 Cretan mantles were similar, 
 only they were coloured with 
 fucus^ Meursius Creta III. 12. 
 — As arms were considered the 
 greatest ornament, the youths 
 prayed in arms to the gods also 
 armed. Plut. Lae. Apophth. p. 
 235. cf. Inst. Lac. p. 253. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS, ARTS, AND LITERATURE 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 § 1. Subjects of the present book. § 2. Simplicity of the dwell- 
 ings of the Dorians. § 3. Achaean style of buildings. § 4. 
 Character of the Doric architecture. 
 
 ] . Having examined the political institutions of 
 the Doric states, we next proceed to consider 
 their private life and domestic economy ; which two 
 subjects were so intimately connected in the habits 
 of this race, that we shall not attempt to separate 
 them by any exact line of distinction. Our observa- 
 tions will be confined to those matters which appear 
 most to exhibit the peculiar character of the Dorians. 
 For which purpose, having first considered their do- 
 mestic conveniences, such as dwellings, &c., we will 
 proceed to their domestic relations, their arts, and 
 literature. 
 
 2. The dwellings of the Dorians were plain and 
 simple. By a law of Lycurgus the doors of every 
 house were to be fiishioned only with the saw, and the 
 cieling with the axe ',^ not that tlie legislator intended 
 
 •^ Plutarch Lycurg. 13. dc Quacst. Rom. 81. p. 363. Pro- 
 Esu Cam. II. 2. Reg. Apophth. clusad Hesiod. Op. et Di. 421. 
 p. 125- Lac. Apophth. p. 222. 
 

 266 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. I, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS 
 
 267 
 
 M 
 
 i| 
 
 to abolish altogether the science of architecture, but 
 merely to restrain it to its proper objects, viz., temples 
 and public buildings, and to prevent it from purveying 
 to private luxury. The kings of Greece in Homer's 
 time lived not only in spacious, but also richly orna- 
 mented houses, the walls of which glittered with brass, 
 silver, gold, amber, and ivory ; but no such splendour 
 was seen in the dwellings of the Heraclide princes. 
 The palace of the two kings of Sparta was said to 
 have been built by Aristodemus at the taking of the 
 town : here Agesilaus lived after the manner of his 
 ancestors ; the doors even in his time being, accord- 
 ing to Xenophon's somewhat exaggerated expression, 
 those of the original l)uilding.^ Hence Leotychidas 
 the elder (490 B. C.) asked his host at Corinth 
 (which city had early risen to riches and luxury), on 
 seeing the cieUng ornamented with sunken panels 
 ((paTvwfjLaTa), "whether the trees in Corinth were 
 naturally four-cornered."*" The houses at Sparta, 
 however, notwithstanding their rude structure, were 
 probably spacious and commodious ; in front there 
 was generally a court-yard, separated by a wall from 
 the street,"^ and containing a large portico. The towns 
 of Peloponnesus were for the most part irregularly 
 built, whereas the lonians had early learnt to lay out 
 their streets in straight lines/ a custom which Hippo- 
 
 ^ Above, p. 110. note*^. 
 '^ Plutarch Lycurg- 13. Com- 
 pare Lac. Apophth. pp. 179, 
 
 222. 
 
 ^ Towards the street were 
 the dvpcu avXeioi (Herod. VI. 
 69.) ; in the house the lyyv- 
 Ttpto TTvXr), Plutarch Lac. Apo- 
 phthegm of Leotychides (6 Wpl- 
 (TTiovoQ is an error), p. 215. It 
 
 w^as the custom at Sparta not 
 to knock, but to call, at the 
 outer gate, Plutarch Instit. 
 Lac. p. 253. The same was 
 also the custom among the 
 iEolians, according to Alcseus, 
 among the poems of Theocritus, 
 XXIX. 39. 
 
 ^ As it appears from Pausan. 
 VL 24. 2. Compare Strabo 
 
 danms of Miletus succeeded in spreading over the rest 
 of Greece. It was probably this architect who in the 
 year 445 B. C. laid out the plan of Thurii^ in exact 
 squares, with streets at right angles f and the 
 same who in his old age built the city of Rhodes 
 (407 B. C), the plan of wliich was designed with 
 such perfect synnnetry, that, according to the expres- 
 sion of the astonished ancients, it seemed like one 
 house}' 
 
 3. The principles of Lycurgus, however, we repeat 
 did not in the least degree retard the progress of 
 real architecture. Indeed we know that in the em- 
 bellishment of their sacred edifices the Dorians em- 
 ployed a style of building which they themselves 
 invented, from the strict principles of which they 
 never deviated, and which at the same time they took 
 the utmost care to bring to perfection. That they 
 Avere in strictness the ongmal inventors of this style 
 of architecture has been first satisfactorily proved by 
 the remarkable discoveries of modern times, which 
 have laid open to us the monuments of the unknown 
 ages of Greece in all their strange peculiarities. The 
 treasury of Atreus is indeed the only example now 
 extant of a class of buildings doubtless once very nume- 
 rous ;' but its paraboloidal construction distinguishes 
 
 XIV. p. 646. concerning the 
 pv^oToixia kiT^ tvQenav in Smyrna. 
 
 ^ Photius and Hesychius in 
 'iTTTTO^a/xou vi/jLTjcrig — ovrug ify 
 Kat p.tTUiKi](jaQ dq Qovpiovg 
 Mi\t](tloq S)y. It was probably 
 not lung before this time that he 
 built the Pirseeus. 
 
 P As Uiodorus XII. 10. states. 
 
 '' Meursius Khod. I. 10. 
 
 ^ The following buildings of 
 
 this archaic style are known 
 to us from ancient writers and 
 modern travellers. 1. The re- 
 mains of three other treasuries 
 near that described in the text. 
 2. One discovered by Gropius, 
 on the Eurotas, not far from 
 Amyclae. 3. A ruin discovered 
 by Dodwell near Pharsalus. 
 4. The treasuries of Minyas. 
 .5. Of Ilyrieus and Augeas. 
 
268 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 1, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 269 
 
 ' f 
 
 it as well from the later Grecian as the oriental style 
 of architecture. Near this structure some fragments 
 of colunms have been discovered by modern travellers,'" 
 remarkable both for the variety of their forms and the 
 richness of their ornaments ; still the spot on which 
 they were found, as well as their singular shape, leave 
 no doubt that they belong to the same unknown period. 
 They consist, first, of the base of a fluted column, 
 with a plinth, and also a torus of elliptical outline, 
 decorated with an alternation of projecting and reced- 
 ing compartments, the former of which have in some 
 cases an ornament of spiral lines ; secondly, a frag- 
 ment of the shaft of a column of bronze-coloured 
 marble, similarly ornamented with compartments ; 
 thirdly, a very small fragment of a capital ; and, 
 lastly, a tablet of white marble, with a species of orna- 
 ment in imitation of shells. There are in the British 
 JNIuseum two tablets of light green and dark red 
 marble, both taken from the treasury of Atreus, 
 which have the spiral lines above mentioned, and are 
 worked very elaborately, though without mathemati- 
 cal precision.^ We have given this description of a 
 style of architecture, not strictly belonging to our sub- 
 ject, in order to direct the reader's attention to these 
 most remarkable remains of Grecian sculpture, which 
 
 6. The brazen vessels of the 
 Aloidse and of Eurystheus (II. 
 V. 387. Apollod. 11. 5. 1.) 
 
 7. The brazen daXafiogor cham- 
 ber of Danae, Alcmene, &c. 
 
 8. The subterraneous Cyclo- 
 pian temple at Delphi, and se- 
 veral others. 
 
 ^ Sir William Gell's Argolis, 
 plate 7- DodwelPs Classical 
 
 Tour, vol. II. pp. 229, 240. I 
 have also made great use of 
 some drawings of Lusieri (in 
 the print-room of the British 
 Museum), who has also ingeni- 
 ously endeavoured to restore the 
 whole. 
 
 ^ Synopsis of the British Mu- 
 seum (19th edit.), Room 13. 
 N"^ 220,221. 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 are quite sufficient to convince us that the l)uilding to 
 which they belong, thus adorned with party-coloured 
 stones, and probably covered in the interior with plates 
 of bronze, may be reckoned as the monument of a 
 time when a semi-l)arl)arous style of architecture pre- 
 vailed throughout Greece. 
 
 4. In direct contrast with the above is the simple 
 unornamented character and unobtrusive grandeur 
 of the style unanimously called by the ancients the 
 DfmcJ^ It appears certain that the first hints of this 
 order were borrowed from buildings constructed of 
 wood, a fact which I cannot reconcile with the sup- 
 position of a foreign origin. For we should thus lose 
 sight altogether of the gradual and regular progress 
 by which it advanced to maturity, and suppose that the 
 improvements of foreign artificers, with their pecuhar 
 principles, and those of native architects, looking only 
 to the original structure of wood, were blended, or 
 rather violently confused together. Could anything 
 be more natural than that the long surface of the 
 principal beams should be imitated in stone, that the 
 cross-beams with the Doric triglyph should be laid 
 over these, the intervals or metopes being by degrees 
 covered with marlde, whilst the cornice, in imitation 
 
 ™ See particularly Vitruvius 
 IV. 1. whose account is not 
 indeed historically accurate. At 
 Athens the triglyphs were al- 
 ways called AiopiKai rpiyXvipoi, 
 Eurip. Orest. 1378; in which 
 passage the original ones of 
 ivood are clearly marked by 
 the apposition of Kedpojra ri- 
 pt^va. Also the JH^wpiKOV KVfxa- 
 Tioy, i. e. the " hollow," re- 
 ceived its name from its use in 
 
 this style of building, e. g. under 
 the cornice; and the Aecrfiiop 
 KvfjLario}', the " ogee," was 
 borrowed from it by the ^Eolians, 
 among whom the Lesbian style 
 of architecture (Aefffiia oIko- 
 ^ofijj) was native, which required 
 a very moveable plumbhne or 
 Knvtji'y Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 
 10. 7. and Michael Ephesius 
 ad loc. 
 
270 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 cii. 2, § 1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 271 
 
 U 
 
 of carpenters' work, was allowed to project in bold 
 relief ? The roof perhaps was for some time allowed 
 to end in a slope on each side ; Corinth was the first 
 place where the front and hind part were finished off 
 with a pediment ; the tympanum being adorned with 
 statues of ancient clay-work.'' Such was the origin 
 of the Doric temple, of which early models have been 
 preserved in the Doric towns of Corinth and Psestum, 
 in ^gina, and the Doric colonies of Sicily. 
 
 We cannot however suppose it to have been the 
 opinion of the historian of ancient architecture," that 
 the artistical character of the Doric architecture may 
 be satisfactorily derived from wooden l)uildings. It is 
 the essence of this art to connect, by the varieties of 
 form and proportion, a peculiar association of ideas 
 with works intended merely for purposes of necessity. 
 The Doric character, in short, created the Doric archi- 
 tecture. In the temples of this order the weight to be 
 supported is intentionally increased, and the architrave, 
 frieze, and cornice, of unusual depth ; but the columns 
 are proportionably strong, and placed very close to 
 each other ; so that, in contemplating the structure, 
 our astonishment at the weight supported is mingled 
 with pleasure at the security imparted by the strength 
 of the columns underneath. This impression of firm- 
 ness and solidity is increased by the rapid tapering of 
 the column, its conical shape giving it an appearance 
 of strength ; while the diminution beginning imme- 
 diately at the base, and the straight line not being, 
 as in other orders, softened by the interposition of the 
 swelling, gives a severity of character to the order. 
 
 With this rapid diminution is also connected the bold 
 projection of the echinus (or quarter -round) of the ca- 
 pital; which likewise creates a striking impression, 
 particularly if its outline is nearly rectilineal. The 
 alternation of long unornamented surfaces with smaller 
 rows of decorated work awakens a feeling of simple 
 grandeur, without appearing either monotonous or 
 fatiguing. The harmony spread over the whole be- 
 comes more conspicuous when contrasted with the dark 
 shadows occasioned by the projecting drip of the cor- 
 nice; above, the magnificent pediment crowns the 
 whole. Thus in this creation of art we find expressed 
 the peculiar bias of the Doric race to strict rule, 
 simple proportion, and pure harmony. 
 
 » Bocckh Explic. ad Pindar. 
 Olymp. XIII. pp. 213. sq. 
 ^Hirt, Baukunst nach den 
 
 Grundsatzen der Alten, 1809; 
 and Geschichte der Baukunst 
 bei den Alten, 1821. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 § 1. General character of the Doric dress. § 2. Different dresses 
 of married and unmarried women among the Dorians. § 3. 
 Dress of the Spartan women. § 4. Dress of the Spartan men. 
 § 5. Simplicity of the Doric dress. § 6. Doric and Ionic 
 fashions of wearing the hair. Change of costume in many 
 Doric states. Baths. 
 
 1. The next point which we have to consider is 
 the mode of clothing in use among the Dorians ; in 
 which a peculiar taste was displayed; an ancient 
 decorum and simplicity, equally removed from the 
 splendour of Asiatics and the uncleanliness of barba- 
 rians. At the same time, however, they paid consi- 
 derable attention to their personal appearance, although 
 their manners did not require the body to be studiously 
 and completely covered. A Dorian was the first who 
 
272 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 2, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 273 
 
 M 
 
 in the lists of Olympia threw off the heavy girdle, 
 which the wrestlers of Homer had worn in common 
 with those of barbarous countries, and ran naked to 
 the o-oal f in fiict a display of the naked form, when 
 all covering was useless, and indeed inconvenient, was 
 altogether in harmony with the Doric character. This 
 reminds us of the nakedness of the Spartan young 
 women, even in the time of Athenian civilization. 
 
 * According to Plato de Rep. 
 V. p. 452 C. the Cretans were 
 the first who wrestled naked 
 (but their isolated situation pre- 
 vented the extension of the cus- 
 tom), and the Lacedcemonians, 
 who were the first, according to 
 Thucydides 1.6. See also Hip- 
 pasus ap. Athen. p. 14 D. The 
 abandonment of all covering in 
 the Olympic games is said to 
 have originated with Acanthus 
 the Lacedaemonian, and Orsip- 
 pus the Megarian. The former, 
 according to Dionys. Hal. VII. 
 72 ; and he, as we learn from 
 Pausan. V. 8. 3, and Africanus, 
 was victorious in the Diaulus, 
 or Dolichus, in the 15th Olym- 
 piad (720 B. C). The latter, 
 according to Pausan. I. 44. 1. 
 Eustath. ad II. p. 1324. ed. 
 Rom. Cf. Hesych. in ^^uxraro, 
 with the confused statements 
 in the Venetian Scholia to II. 
 ^P'. 683. and Isidorus Orig. 
 XVIII. 17. Pausanias' autho- 
 rity is a Megarian inscription, 
 of which a restoration has been 
 preserved to our days, and is 
 now in the Cabinet des Me- 
 dailles of the Bihliotheque du 
 Roi at Paris, see Boeckh Corp. 
 Inscript. N°. 1050; where Or- 
 sippus is stated to have regam- 
 ed a part of the Megarian terri- 
 
 tory which had been lost in 
 war, and to have first run in the 
 stadium at Olympia without a 
 girdle. Now Orsippus, accord- 
 ing to the certain testimony of 
 Julius Africanus, was victorious 
 in the stadium at Olympia in 
 the 15th Olympiad; and this 
 statement is 'confirmed by Eu- 
 stathius and Hesychius ubi 
 sup.; whereas the Etymologi- 
 cumM. and the Scholia vulg. 
 ad II. ;//'. 683. place the victory 
 of Orsippus at Olymp. 32. 
 (652 B. C.) ; in which, accord- 
 ing ta Africanus, Cratinus of 
 Megara was the conqueror. All 
 these apparently contradictory 
 statements have been reconciled 
 by Boeckh ib. p. 554 sq. as fol- 
 lows. Orsij)pus, either acci- 
 dentally, or at least to appear- 
 ance accidentally, lost his girdle 
 when running in the stadium ; 
 in training afterwards, Acanthus 
 the Lacedaemonian laid aside 
 his girdle altogether; and 
 thenceforth it became the esta- 
 blished practice at the games. 
 In other contests, e. g., wrest- 
 ling and boxing, the use of the 
 ciai^wfxa was kept up till a later 
 period ; and was not altogether 
 given up till a short time before 
 Thucvdides wrote {kuI ov TroWa 
 trrj tTTtthri TreTravr at y I. 6.). 
 
 which custom gave rise to the joke, that '*the Spartans 
 " showed foreitjners their vir<(ins naked. "^ On this 
 subject, however, it is necessary that we should enter 
 into greater detaih 
 
 2. In the first place these words direct our attention 
 to the different modes of life of the married and un- 
 married women among the Dorians. Modern manners, 
 derived from the age of chivalry, carefully withdraw 
 young women from all impressions calculated to in- 
 flame the passions ; while married women are more 
 exposed to intercourse with men. But, according to 
 the colder notions of the Greeks, which are seen most 
 clearly among the Dorians, the unmarried lived more 
 in public than the married women ; who attended more 
 to the care of their family ; and hence the former alone 
 practised nmsic and athletic exercises ; the latter 
 being occupied only with their househohl affairs.* TJiis 
 explains why at Sparta unmarried women appeared 
 Avith their laces uncovered, while the married only 
 went out in veils f and it was common to see the 
 former walking in the streets with young men/ which 
 was certainly not permitted to tiie others ; and so also 
 at Sparta/ in Crete,^ and at Olympia, virgins were 
 permitted to be spectators of the gymnastic contests, 
 and married women only were excluded /' the reverse 
 
 '* See particularly Athenceus 
 XIII. p. 566 E. Eustathius ad 
 II. p. 975. 41. ed. Rom. 
 
 •^ Plato de Leg. VII. p. 805. 
 6. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 
 235. Apostolius XVIII. 19. 
 
 ® Eurip. Androm. 598. (quot- 
 ed by Plutarch. Comp. Num. 
 iii.) at ^vv vioKTiy l^cprjfxovffai 
 ^ofjiovQ. Hence Propertius III. 
 
 VOL. XL 
 
 12.21. Lex igitur Spartana 
 veiat secedere amantes ; Et 
 licet in triviis ad latus esse 
 &uce. 
 
 *^To be inferred from Plu- 
 tarch Lycurg. 14. 
 
 » Plutarch Thes. 19. . 
 
 ^ Pausan. V. 6. 5. (concern- 
 ing the history of Pherenice, 
 see Boeckh Explic. Pindar, p. 
 166.) VI. 20. 6. Hence at 
 
272 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 in the lists of Olympia threw oflF the heavy girdle, 
 which the wrestlers of Homer had worn in common 
 with those of barbarous countries, and ran naked to 
 the goal f in fact a display of the naked form, when 
 all covering was useless, and indeed inconvenient, was 
 alto^^-ether in harmony with the Doric character. This 
 reminds us of the nakedness of the Spartan young 
 women, even in the time of Athenian civilization. 
 
 * According to Plato de Rep. 
 V. p. 452 C. the Cretans were 
 the first who wrestled naked 
 (but their isolated situation pre- 
 vented the extension of the cus- 
 tom), and the Lacedcemonians, 
 who were the first, according to 
 Thucydides 1.6. See also Hip- 
 pasus ap. Athen. p. 14 D. The 
 abandonment of all covering in 
 the Olympic games is said to 
 have originated with Acanthus 
 the Lacedaemonian, and Orsip- 
 pus the Megarian. The former, 
 according to Dionys. Hal. VII. 
 72 ; and he, as we learn from 
 Pausan. V. 8. 3, and Africanus, 
 was victorious in the Diaulus, 
 or Dolichus, in the 15th Olym- 
 piad (720 B. C). The latter, 
 according to Pausan. I. 44. 1. 
 Eustath. ad II. p. 1324. ed. 
 Rom. Cf. Hesych. in iiwaaro, 
 with the confused statements 
 in the Venetian Scholia to II. 
 xP'. 683. and Isidorus Orig. 
 XVIII. 17. Pausanias' autho- 
 rity is a Megarian inscription, 
 of which a restoration has been 
 preserved to our days, and is 
 now in the Cabinet des Me- 
 dailles of the Blhliotheque du 
 Roi at Paris, see Boeckh Corp. 
 Inscript. N°. 1050; where Or- 
 sippus is stated to have regain- 
 ed a part of the Megarian terri- 
 
 tory which had been lost in 
 war, and to have first run in the 
 stadium at Olympia without a 
 girdle. Now Orsippus, accord- 
 ing to the certain testimony of 
 Julius Africanus, was victorious 
 in the stadium at Olympia in 
 the 15th Olympiad; and this 
 statement is confirmed by Eu- 
 stathius and Hesychius ubi 
 sup.; whereas the Etymologi- 
 cumM. and the Scholia vulg. 
 ad II. ;//'. 683. place the victory 
 of Orsippus at Olymp. 32. 
 (652 B. C.) ; in which, accord- 
 ing ta Africanus, Cratinus of 
 Megara was the conqueror. All 
 these apparently contradictory 
 statements have been reconciled 
 by Boeckh ib. p. 554 sq. as fol- 
 lows. Orsii)pus, either acci- 
 dentally, or at least to appear- 
 ance accidentally, lost his girdle 
 when running in the stadium ; 
 in training afterwards, Acanthus 
 the Lacedeemonian laid aside 
 his girdle altogether; and 
 thenceforth it became the esta- 
 blished practice at the games. 
 In other contests, e. g., wrest- 
 ling and boxing, the use of the 
 ciai^iofia was kept up till a later 
 period ; and was not altogether 
 given up till a short time before 
 Thucvdides wrote {kui oh TroXXa 
 ITT} iireiCri irtTravTUiy I. 6.)- 
 
 CH. 2, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 273 
 
 which custom gave rise to the joke, that "the Spartans 
 " showed foreiMers their virj^ins naked. "^ On this 
 subject, however, it is necessary that we should enter 
 into greater detail. 
 
 2. In the first place these words direct our attention 
 to the different modes of life of the married and un- 
 married women among the Dorians. Modern manners, 
 derived from the age of chivalry, carefully withdraw 
 young women from all imj)ressions calculated to in- 
 flame the passions ; while married women are more 
 exposed to intercourse with men. But, according to 
 the colder notions of the Greeks, which are seen most 
 clearly among the Dorians, the unmarried lived more 
 in puldic than the married women ; who attended more 
 to the care of their family ; and hence the former alone 
 practised music and athletic exercises ; the latter 
 being occupied only with their household affairs.'" This 
 explains why at Sparta unmarried women appeared 
 with their faces uncovered, while the married only 
 went out in veils f and it was common to see the 
 former walking in the streets with young men,*" which 
 was certainly not permitted to the others ; and so also 
 at Sparta/ in Crete,^ and at Olympia, virgins were 
 permitted to be spectators of the gymnastic contests, 
 and married women only were excluded ;^ the reverse 
 
 ^ See particularly Athenoeus 
 XIII. p. 566 E. Eustathius ad 
 II. p. 975. 41. ed. Rom. 
 
 ** Plato de Leg. VII. p. 805. 
 6. 
 
 '^ Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 
 235. Apostolius XVIII. 19. 
 
 ® Eurip. Androm. 598. (quot- 
 ed by Plutarch. Comp. Num. 
 in.) at ^vi' VEOKTLV E^eprjfiovcrai 
 lofiovQ. Hence Propertius III. 
 
 VOL. n. 
 
 12. 2 L Lex igitur Spar tana 
 vetat secedere amanies ; Et 
 licet in triviis ad latus esse 
 suce. 
 
 ^To be inferred from Plu- 
 tarch Lvcurg. 14. 
 
 « Plutarch Thes. 19. . 
 
 ** Pausan. V. 6. 5. (concern- 
 ing the history of Pherenice, 
 see Boeckh Explic. Pindar, p. 
 166.) VI. 20. 6. Hence at 
 
274 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 2, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 275 
 
 ii 
 
 of which was the case in Ionia, where the unmarried 
 women were usually shut up in the interior of the 
 
 houses.' 
 
 This different position in society was also marked 
 by the dress, which was lighter and less strict among 
 the unmarried women ; for it is these alone who are 
 charged with exposure of their persons. This charge 
 of the Athenians was, however, caused by a strange 
 forcretfulness of ancient custom ; for after the mode of 
 treatment of their women had become precisely similar 
 to that of the eastern nations, the ancient Greek usage 
 appeared to them unnatural;^ and the dress of the 
 Doric women caused in their minds the same notions 
 as the German dress in those of the Romans ; of which 
 Tacitus says, "the German women wear the arms 
 *' naked up to the shoulders, and even the next part of 
 " the breast is uncovered ; notivithstandmg which 
 " they never break the marriage vow." 
 
 3. On the dress of the Spartans I need only, after 
 the labours of former writers,^ make the following 
 remarks. The chief, or indeed the only garment of 
 the Doric virgin is by ancient writers sometimes called 
 hmiation,'^ sometimes chiton : the former more cor- 
 
 Olympia unmarried women 
 could contend for the prize, 
 thouiuh only in the chariot-race ; 
 as, e. g., Cynisca, Pausan. III. 
 81. V. 12. 3. V. 6.1. Xenoph. 
 Agci^. 9. 6. Plutarch Ages. 20. 
 Lac. Apophtb. p. 184 ; and 
 Euryleonis, Pausan. III. 17. 6. 
 In Cyrene, according to Pindar 
 Pyth. IX. 102. (Ji vlbv) married 
 women were also admitted, see 
 Boeckh Explic p. 328; and 
 they also, as we learn from an 
 inscription in Delia Cell a, pre- 
 sided over gymnastic contests 
 
 in that town. 
 
 ^ KaraKXtKTToi, Sappho Fragm. 
 15. ed. Wolf. Pseudo-Phocy- 
 lid. V. 203. 
 
 ^ 'Ea££ rj ye 'EX\r;»^i*:>/ iffdrfg 
 
 avrr) i]y, Tijy vvv Aojpida KoXio- 
 fiEv, Herod. V. 88. Compare 
 Eustath. ad II. V. 567. iEgine- 
 tica, p. 72. 
 
 ^ Man so, Sparta, vol. I. part 
 II. p. 162. Boettiger, Raub der 
 Cassandra, p. 60. 
 
 ™ Thus Herodotus V. 87. 
 mentions the I/xorta of Doric 
 
 rectly, as appears from works of art ; and the latter 
 word was used metaphorically, from the resemblance of 
 the himation to the linen chiton of the lonians. This 
 garment of woollen stuff was without sleeves, and 
 fastened over both shoulders by clasps {Tripirai, 
 Trepouai), which were often of considerable size;"" while 
 the Ionic women wore sleeves of greater or less length.** 
 This chiton was only joined together on one side, 
 while on the other it was left partly open or slit up 
 (fr^icTTos ^Itcov^) ; probaldy it could be fastened with 
 clasps, or opened wider, so as to admit a freer motion 
 of the limbs, so that the two skirts (rre^uysg) flew 
 open ; wlieiice I bye us called the Spartan women 
 (^aiuoiJLrjptSsg^ This garment was also worn without 
 a girdle ; when it hung down to the calves of the legs.'" 
 
 women as corresponding to the 
 Ionic xt^wJ'fc: and the different 
 Scholiasts to Eurip. Hec. 933. 
 call the Doric virgins some- 
 times jiovoxinovEQ^ sometimes 
 a')(iTU)vtQ (the Fragment of Ana- 
 creon, p. 404. ed. Fischer. 
 iK^vaa ■^iTiJjya Ciopiai^eiv is too 
 mutilated to prove any thing). 
 See also Horus ap. Etymol. 
 Mag. p. 293. 44. who, besides 
 iElius Dionysius (who likewise 
 states that the use of the ^/rwi/ 
 was peculiar to the Dorians), 
 follows Eustathius ad II. XIV. 
 975. Compare also Hesychius 
 in ^(opia^Eiv, and the Sophista 
 Anonijmus in Orelli's Op. Mor. 
 II. p. 214. Euripides (An- 
 drom. 599. and Hec. ubi sup.) 
 calls the Doric dress inaccu- 
 rately TTCTrXoc , compare Hedy- 
 lus in the Palatine Anthology 
 VI. 292. Plutarch Cleomen. 38. 
 " Herod, and Schol. Eurip. 
 ubi sup. where EimropTrlc appears 
 
 to be the tongue of the clasp. 
 
 " IltpoVat, or clasps, were also 
 used in the Ionic female dress, 
 in order to close the slit-up 
 sleeve. iElian V. H. I. 18. 
 
 P Wolf. Fragm. mul. pros, 
 pp. 241, 242. 
 
 ^ Pollux, Plutarch. Comp. 
 Lycurg. 3. and Sophocles there 
 quoted : kul tclv vioprov^ ag it 
 aaroXoQ yirtov dvpniov afLnpl ^rj- 
 pov TrTvaaeraL, ^pfiioyav. Eu- 
 rip. Androm. 599. yvfivoim 
 IJ.tfpoig KOI TrcVXotc cLpeifieyoig. 
 Compare Duris in Schol. Eu- 
 rip. Hec. at he yvvaiKEQ l/lpv- 
 ai^ov rate Awpiaig crroXatc. This 
 writer also entertains the erro- 
 neous notion that the Athenian 
 women wore short hair and the 
 Doric dress, at the same time 
 that the men wore long hair 
 and the Ionic dress. 
 
 ^ See Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. 
 Callimachus (Fragm. 225. ed. 
 Bentl.) says of a Lacedaemo- 
 
 t2 
 
{ 1 
 
 276 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv 
 
 CH. 2, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 277 
 
 \ 
 
 This is generally the dress with which the goddesses 
 Victory and Iris are represented in works of art, the 
 latter particularly among the statues from the pedi- 
 ment of the Parthenon, in which rapid motion is indi- 
 cated by the chiton being thrown from the feet and 
 ancles on the left side ; and in the same chiton, 
 tliough with more ample folds, is the dress of Athene 
 in many statues of the more finished and perfect 
 style of the art: and Artenis, the huntress, in the 
 Doric chiton, girt up for the purpose of rapid mo- 
 tion. 
 
 In one of these different fashions, according to her 
 object and business, the virgin of Sparta, generally 
 without the himation,* wore a single garment, and 
 appeared even in the company of men without any fur- 
 ther covering. Thus Periander the Corinthian* was 
 seized with love for the beautiful Melissa at Epidaurus, 
 Vvhen he saw her dressed, after the Peloponnesian 
 manner, in her chiton, without any upper garment, as 
 she was giving out wine to the labourers." In this 
 
 nian virgin, taKsv or a^toarroQ 
 -^arepcTropTTog tTt. "A^Daroi Kal 
 ayJiTiavEQ, according to Schol. 
 Eurip. and Eustathius p. 975. 
 38 ; without girdles also ac- 
 cording to Pausanias ibid. p. 
 915. 40. and Suidas in hdjpia- 
 
 ^ MovoTTtTrXoc, Awpic wg Kopa, 
 Eurip. Hec. 928. Doris nullo 
 culta palliolo, Juvenal III. 94. 
 It is to this that the charge of 
 nakedness, mentioned p. 213, in 
 note^, and p. 277, in note % re- 
 fers. Also in Plutarch. Pyrrh. 17. 
 the Spartan virgins are distin- 
 guished, as being fxovoxirujvEg, 
 from the married women in 
 
 IfXCLTLa. 
 
 * That the Corinthian cos- 
 tume was at that time different 
 from the original Doric dress, 
 I have already remarked (^gi- 
 netica, p. 64, note ^.) from this 
 fact, and from Herod. V. 87. 
 The Syracusan efnrepoyafia had 
 perhaps originated from the 
 clasped xirbjy of the Dorians, 
 Theocrit. Idyll. XV. 34. com- 
 pare Spohn Lect. Theocrit. I. 
 p. 36, but it was drawn over the 
 XiTwyioy. There was also a Co- 
 rinthian female dress called 
 TrajOaTrr/xVi Athen. XIII. p. 582. 
 " Pythsenetus ap. Athen, 
 XIII. p. 589. Compare The- 
 ognis v. 1002, where the Aa- 
 Kaiya Kopr) brings crowns for 
 
 costume the Doric virgins might be seen dancing at 
 their places of exercise and in the chorus.'' The mar- 
 ried women, however, never appeared without an 
 upper garment ; which probaldy was not essentially 
 different from the himation of the men : thus, for 
 example, the wife of Phocion, who lived in the Doric 
 manner, according to the account of Plutarch, often 
 went out in the himation of her husband. 
 
 4. Tliis leads us to consider the costume of the 
 men, the chief parts of which we will describe gene- 
 rally, before we speak of them in detail. These then 
 are, first, the chiton, a AvooUen shirt without sleeves, 
 worn by all the Greeks and Italians, the only dress of 
 boys ;^ since it was not till alter the increase of luxury 
 in Athens that they began to dress young boys in the 
 himation.^ Secondly, the himation, called in Homer 
 p^XaTva,* a square piece of cloth, sometimes rounded 
 off at the corners, which was commonly thrown over 
 the left, and behind under the right arm, and the end 
 was again brought back over the left shoulder.^ 
 Thirdly, the chlamys (&£TTaXixa Trrspa), of Mace- 
 donian and Thessalian origin,*" an oblong piece of 
 
 the guests. So also the Doric 
 Greeks of Sicily substituted a 
 Trapdevog ((>iaXr](p6poQ in the 
 place of the TratG, Polyb. XII. 
 5. 7. 
 
 * Plutarch. Lycurg. 14. rag 
 kopag yvfiiag re Tro/nreveiP Kal 
 Trpog upolg rifrly opxEicrOni Kal 
 ^hiv. Compare Lac. Apoph- 
 thegm, p. 223. and Hesychius 
 m doopiai^fii'. 
 
 y Plutarch. Lycurg. 16 ; and 
 concerning the custom of Phi- 
 galeia, see Athen. IV. p. 248. 
 sq. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Nub. 986. The 
 
 same is in Xenoph. de Rep. 
 Lac. 2. 1 . 
 
 "" Aristoph Av. 493. 49. 
 where ^Xotro and i^ariov are 
 used as synonvmous. But that 
 the yXalva and rplftwi' were dif- 
 ferent kinds of the lyLarioi' is 
 !^hown by the same poet, Vesp. 
 1132 ; ^Xalra Ifiarwv rfrpd- 
 yiovov^ accord ini? to Didymus. 
 
 ^ Jn Iliad X/l33. the x^«'''a 
 is however laid double, and fast- 
 ened with a clasp (over the 
 shoidder). 
 
 M^llux Vll. 13. 46. X.27. 
 124 ; and compare Hemster- 
 
278 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 cloth, of which the two lower ends came forward, and 
 were fastened with a clasp upon the right shoulder ; 
 so that it left that arm free. This latter dress is never 
 mentioned in the j;oems of Homer. Sappho was the 
 first among the Greek poets who spoke of it.^ It was 
 not therefore till after her time that its use was ex- 
 tended over Greece Proper, first as the dress of horse- 
 men, and young men in general, and then as a militaiy 
 cloak ; under which character it was introduced into 
 Sparta."" The earliest painted vases, however, always 
 represent the warriors in the himation, which is com- 
 monly without folds, and drawn close to the body.*^ 
 
 Thucydides" says of the Lacedaemonians, that ** they 
 " were the first to adopt a simpler mode of dress T a 
 statement which is founded on a peculiar notion of 
 this historian, that the loose linen garments, which 
 were still worn by old-fashioned people at Athens in 
 the time of Aristophanes, were the original Greek 
 dress ; whereas we know with tolerable certainty that 
 this dress was brought over to Athens by the lonians 
 of Asia.^' The Athenians again laid this aside at the 
 time of the Peloponnesian war, and returned to the 
 thin clothing of the ancient Greeks ; with the excep- 
 tion of the women, who had formerly at Athens worn 
 the Doric costume, but now retained the Ionic dress 
 with long sleeves, wide folds, and trailing hem, which 
 was generally of linen. Thucydides, however, is so 
 
 huis's note, Diogenianus Prov. 
 V. 21. Vatic. Prov. II. 14. 
 Lexicograph. 
 
 ^ According to Pollux and 
 Ammonius. Fragra. 68, 69. 
 pp. 82, 83. ed. Wolf. 
 
 « See Aristoph. Lysist. 988. 
 where it is the dress of the en- 
 voys, as the (poLi'iKiQ in the last 
 
 note of the third hook ; and Ju- 
 venal Sat. VIII. 101. 
 
 ^ See Tischbein I. 29. and 
 Vases de Coghill I. planche 36. 
 
 s I. 6. Compare Dionys. Ha- 
 lic in Thucyd. 9. 
 
 ^ MinervcB Poliadis Mdes, 
 p. 41. 
 
 cii. 2, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 279 
 
 far right, that the Lacedaemonians ^^'ere distinguished 
 among all the Greeks for their scanty and simple 
 clothing : thus the Lacedaemonian habit,' the r^l^iov,^ 
 was of thick cloth and small size,^ which the youths'" 
 of Sparta were bound l>y custom to wear the whole 
 year through without any other clothes f and to which 
 older men (for example, those Athenians who aped 
 the Lacedaemonian manners) sometimes voluntarily 
 submitted. 
 
 5. As at Athens the style of dress indicated the 
 rank and station of the wearer, so also tiie Doric 
 manners were clearly expressed in the arrangement 
 of the clothes. Thus, for example, it was gene- 
 rally recognised in Greece tiiat holding the arms 
 within the cloak was a sign of modesty ;'' and hence 
 the Spartan youths, like the Roman in the first 
 year of their manhood, appeared always in the street 
 with both hands under their cloak and their eyes cast 
 down, " resembling statues," says Xenophon,^' " in 
 " their silence, and in the immoveability of their eyes, 
 
 ^ Also called ca^cKpavriQ by 
 the Lacedaemonians, because 
 it was worn in public. 
 
 ^ See Meursius Miscell. La- 
 con. I. 15. Maiiso, Sparta, 
 vol. I. part II. p. 197. The 
 rptpujy could (as well as the 
 X^ii~tya, p. 277, note ^',) be worn 
 double, and be fastened with 
 a clasp, Polyaen. IV. 4. Tliis 
 more becoming variety of the 
 ifiariov^ the )(\alvn, was also 
 worn at Sparta ; see Theo])om- 
 pus the comic poet in Pollux 
 X. 27. 124. 'E^w^£C£c ^nvXai 
 of the Lacedaemonians in ^lian 
 V. H.IX. 34. 
 
 ^ Plat. Protas:. 342. Aristot. 
 Eth. Nic. IV. 7^ 15. with Aspa- 
 
 sius and the Paris Scholiast, p. 
 156. ed. Zell. Compare the 
 KprjTtKoi^ ificLTicioy in Hesy- 
 chius. 
 
 '" From the 12th year up- 
 wards, Plutarch Lycurg-. 16. 
 
 " Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph. 
 Rep. Lac. 2. 4. Justin III. 3. 
 Likewise in Crete, Heraclid. 
 Pont. 3. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. 
 p. 483. 
 
 ° Heuce the Attic orators, 
 in early times at least, never 
 showed their left hand, Taylor 
 ad yEschiu. in Timarch. p. 59. 
 
 P De Rep. Lac. 3. 5. quoted 
 by Longinus 'rrfpi v\povc IV. i. 
 p. 114. 
 
280 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv 
 
 " and more modest than vir^jins in the bridal chamber/' 
 In the same manner the youths of lower Italy, in 
 which there were many Doric cities, are frequently 
 represented on vases, with the arms folded under the 
 cloak, which is indicated by the large fold across the 
 breast.** 
 
 In other respects equality' and simplicity were the 
 prevailing rule. Manufacturers of ointment were 
 excluded from Sparta, as being corrupters of oil : 
 dyers, because they deprived the wool of its beautiful 
 white colour/ *' Deceitful are ointments, and deceit- 
 *' ful are dyes," is the Spartan expression for this 
 idea.* Even in the cities which had early departed 
 from the Doric customs, there were frequent and strict 
 prohibitions against expensiveness of female attire, 
 prostitutes alone being wisely excepted." As in 
 Sparta the beard was considered as the ornament of a 
 man," and as a sign of freedom (to which the symbo- 
 
 'i See Boettiger's opinions on 
 this subject, Raub der Cassan- 
 dra, pp. 74 sqq. Archaologie 
 der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasen- 
 gemalde I. 2. p. 37. and Uh- 
 den's Letter, II. p. 65. 
 
 ' 'IfTo^iaiToi, Thucyd. I. 6 
 Justin. III. 3. 
 
 * Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq. 
 Pbitarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. 
 Seneca Queest. Nat. IV. 13. 
 This ancient notion may also 
 be traced in the use of the 
 words (pdeipei^, fxiaiyeiy, to cor- 
 rupt, for to dye or to colour. 
 
 * AoXepd fJikv TO. EifjLciTa, Bo- 
 XepaBe To.'Xp^l^f^TfhC'lexn. Alex. 
 Strom. I. ]). 294 Sylburg. He- 
 rodotus indeed (III. 22.) quotes 
 the same saying of an Ethio- 
 pian kmg, com}). Plutarch. 
 Qusest. Rom. 26. p. 327. Sym- 
 
 pos. III. 1, 2. p. 109. de Herod. 
 Malign. 28. p. 312. ; but the ex- 
 pression has a genuine Spartan 
 character. 
 
 ^ A law of Diodes, according 
 to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII. 
 p. 521 B. for Zaleucus see 
 Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. 
 p. 33. for Sparta, Heraclid. 
 Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 
 10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf. ^lian. 
 V. H. XIV. 7. 
 
 * Plato Comicus ap. Aspas 
 ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 
 15. (see Porson's Tracts, p. 
 232). -x^aipoiQ, ot/xat, ^traTrsT- 
 revffag civroy hciKXipciKiaaij rf, 
 Toy VTTTjyoptoy, cr7rapTio')(airriy^ 
 pviroKoycvKoy, eXKerpil^wya. e\- 
 KoyTtQ viriivag. Aristoph. Lys. 
 1072. Compare the statue of 
 Lysander in Plut. Lys. i. 
 
 cii. 2, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 281 
 
 * 
 
 lical edict of the ephors to shave the beard refers) ,y so 
 also at Byzantium and Rhodes shaving was prohibited 
 by ancient, but constantly neglected, laws.' The cus- 
 tom of carrying sticks (hi Doric cxuraT^ai) was 
 common to the Spartans,* with the Dorians of lower 
 Italy.^ 
 
 6. Tiie Doric customs were not, however, hostile to 
 the beauty of personal appearance ; but the beauty at 
 which they aimed was of a severe kind, and remote 
 from all feminine tenderness. The Spartan from his 
 youth uj)wards'' preserved, in order to distinguish him 
 from slaves and mechanics,*^ according to ancient 
 usage,'' the hair of his head uncut,^ which indeed, if not 
 j)roperly arranged, might frcijuently give him a sijualid 
 appearance. It seems that both men and women 
 tied the hair in a knot over the crown of the head f 
 
 y See above, p. 129, note ^ 
 Wyttenbach ad Plutarch, de 
 Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks 
 that the Lacedaemonians also 
 shaved their upper lip ; but his, 
 as well as Ruhnken's emenda- 
 tion of Antiphanes ap. Athen. 
 IV. p. 143 A. is very violent. 
 
 ^ Athen. XII. p. 565 C. 
 
 * Aristoph. Av. 1283. Ec- 
 cles. 74. Their use was only 
 prohibited in the public assem- 
 bly, Plutarch Lycurg. ii. 
 
 »' Herod. III. 137. Aristot. 
 in '10a*:. TroXtr. ap. Phot, in 
 fTKVTaXri. See the paintings on 
 vases. 
 
 *" Xen. Rep. Lac. ii. 3. Plu- 
 tarch. Lycurg. 22. Previously 
 they were accustomed tV xPV 
 Ktipeotrdai, cap. 16. which is 
 sometimes also described as the 
 iieneral Spartan usage. Plu' 
 tarch. Alcib. 23. de Discrim. 
 Adul. et Am. 10. p 170. 
 
 '^ Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p. 
 278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26. 
 
 ^ The manner in which He- 
 rodotus (I. 82.) accounts for 
 this, is rendered doubtful by 
 Plutarch. Lysand. i. cf. Ly- 
 curg. 22. reg. Apophth. p. 124, 
 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226, 
 230. iEginetica, p. 32, note °. 
 In Crete the cosmi at least 
 wore long hair, according to 
 ancient custom, Seneca Controv. 
 IV. 27. On the short hair of 
 the Argives, see Herodotus and 
 Plato Phsedon. p. 89. J. Tzet- 
 zesjamb. 161. 
 
 ^ See ^-xapTLoyaiTrfc in the 
 verses cited above, p. 280, 
 note ^. 
 
 ^ Compare Aristoph. Lys. 
 1113. TTapaTrvKilltiv with Ho- 
 race Od. II. II. inconiptam 
 LaccencB More comarn religata 
 nodo, i. e., as Diana is gene- 
 rally represented in works of 
 
282 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 while, according to the Ionic custom, which in this 
 respect resembled that of the barbarians, it was di- 
 vided into locks, and connected over the forehead with 
 golden clasps in the shape of grasshoppers.^' On 
 their heads the Lacedaemonians wore hats with broad 
 brims, which were sometimes also used in war, though 
 probably only by the light-armed soldiers.* The man- 
 ner in which they arranged and adorned their hair for 
 battle was remarked above. *" 
 
 That most of the Doric states, and particularly the 
 colonies, degenerated from this noble and beautiliil 
 simpUcity, does not require to be proved. The splen- 
 dour of Rhodes was proverbial, nor was any dress 
 more effeminate than the transparent and loose robe 
 of Tarentum;^ and the Sicilian garments, which Ly- 
 sander or Archidamus received as a present from 
 Dionysius, he rejected as unfit for his daughters.™ 
 
 art. That the women were not 
 allowed to wear long hair 
 (KOfidy, Heraclid. Pont. 2), is 
 a statement which must not be 
 construed strictly. A lock of 
 hair dedicated to the gods was 
 called tVpw^a, according to the 
 correction of Hemsterhuis in 
 Hesychius : but Toup is proba- 
 bly correct in defending the 
 common reading lepolSaToy, E- 
 mend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 607. 
 Spartans were distinguished not 
 merely by their mode of wear- 
 ing the hair, but also by the 
 shoes, Pans. VII. 14.2. Shoes 
 for state occasion were the 
 afivKXa'icecy and for common 
 wear the cnrXai AaKioyiKcd, 
 above, p. 25, note ^. Argive, 
 Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.) 
 and Sicyonian Ej.il3ahc likewise 
 occur (Lucian. Ret. Praec. 15. 
 
 Lucretius IV. 1121. Eustath. 
 ad Horn. p. 1302. 22. ed. 
 Rom.). 
 
 ^* See the passages collected 
 by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol. 
 III. p. 273 oqq. Also Phocy- 
 lides spiiara Xot,a Kopvjjij,^ju)y and 
 Nicol. Dam. p. 51 Orelli, of a 
 Smyrnaean Kv/jirjy rpicpwy y^pva^ 
 crrpofpiD K£KopvfiljOi)jjLivr)v. 
 
 ' Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pol- 
 lux. I. 140. Erotian. Lex. Hip- 
 pocrat. Meursius Miscell. Lac. 
 1.17. 
 > B. Ill.ch. 12. § 10. 
 
 ^ Bentley Phalarid. p. 347. 
 Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I. 
 36. 12. 
 
 ™ Plutarch. Lysand. 2. reg. 
 Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apoph- 
 th. p. 200, where Archida- 
 mus the son of Agesilaus is 
 meant, and afterwards too he 
 
 CH. 2, §6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 283 
 
 Among the accompaniments of the toilette may be 
 mentioned the baths ; with respect to which it may be 
 remarked, that the Lacedaemonian custom only ad- 
 mitted of two kinds ; viz., the cold daily baths in the 
 Eurotas (which also formed a part of the regimen of 
 king Agesilaus"), and from time to time a dry sudo- 
 rific bath." But the weakening of the body by warm 
 or tepid baths was strictly prohibited.^ 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 § 1. Syssitia of the Dorians and other Greek races. § 2. Simple 
 fare of Sparta. § 3. Public tables of Sparta and Crete. § 4. 
 Abandonment of the simple fare in some Doric colonies. 
 
 1 . With respect to the food and meals of the Do- 
 rians, we will only mention those points which are 
 connected with some historical or moral fact, since 
 we have already considered this subject in connexion 
 with the economy of the state. 
 
 In tlie first place, the adherence of the Dorians to 
 ancient Greek usa«:es is visible in their custom of 
 eating together, or of the ayssitia. For these public 
 
 is often confounded with the 
 son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol. 
 X. 48. In later times, however, 
 Zi.a<liavri A.a^:^ovLKd are mentioned 
 as a luxurious dress, Dio Chry- 
 8ost. ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A. 
 ad Matth. Hom. vol. VII. p. 
 796. B. ed. Montfaucon. On 
 the Argive dresses rrffiewoe and 
 KXecftiptKOQ see Pollux VII. 13. 
 61. and his commentators. 
 The a<lidfipo>fj.a was an old- 
 
 fashioned gown of the Megarian 
 women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16. 
 p. 383. 
 
 " Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plu- 
 tarch Alcib. 23. 
 
 ^ See particularly Martial 
 Epigr. VI. 42. Casaubon ad 
 Strab. III. p. 231. p. 663. ed. 
 Friedemann. 
 
 P This explains away the con- 
 tradiction which Manso iinds, 
 vol. 1.2. p. 199. 
 
284 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 tables were not only in use among the Dorians 
 (with whom, besides in Crete and Sparta, they also 
 existed at Megara in the time of Theognis% and at 
 Corinth in the time of Periander)^, but they had also 
 once been a national custom among the OEnotrians*" 
 and their kinsmen the Arcadians, particularly at Phi- 
 galia'^ ; and among the Greeks of Homer the princes 
 at least eat together, and at the cost of the community ; 
 a custom which was retained by the Prytanes at 
 Athens, Rhofles, and elsewhere. In particular, the 
 public tables of Sparta have in many points a great 
 resemblance to the Homeric banquets (^a7Tsgy ; only 
 that all the Spartans were in a certain manner con- 
 sidered as princes. The Spartans, however, so far 
 departed from the ancient custom, that at the time of 
 Alcman they lat/^ at table ; while the Dorians of 
 Crete always sat,^ like the heroes of Homer and the 
 
 * V. 305. which passage 
 would also apply to the syssitia 
 of Sparta. 
 
 ^ Who abolished them as an 
 institution favourable to aristo- 
 cracy, Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. 
 They were still in existence in 
 the time of Archias, see vol. I. 
 p. 129 note^. The avatnTOQ of 
 ^thiops, in the passage of 
 Athenasus, is evidently his re- 
 gular messmate. We may also 
 mention the crj/jioaiai Oo'iyai of 
 the Argives, at which the an- 
 cient clay vessels (Herod. V. 
 88.) were still used. Polemon 
 ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 C. of. p. 
 479 C. IV. p. 148 F. 
 
 ^ Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2, 3. 
 
 ^ Harmodius on the laws of 
 Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p. 
 148 F. comp. in general Plu- 
 tarch Quaest. Sympos. II. 10. 
 
 2. Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, 
 vol. I. p. 287, has rightly re- 
 marked that the description of 
 Harmodius refers only to the 
 maintenance of two choruses in 
 Phigalia. 
 
 ^^ Book III. ch.6. § 9. 
 
 ^But upon hard benches with- 
 out cushions, in robore. Cicero 
 pro Muraena 35. Athen. XII. p. 
 518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plu- 
 tarch Lycurg. 18. Suidas in 
 (piXiria et AvKovpyor, Isidorus 
 Orig. XX. 11. It was not till 
 the reign of Areus and Acrota- 
 tus, that soft and expensive 
 cushions were used at the pub- 
 lic tables. Phylarchus ap. 
 Athen. IV. p. 142 A. 
 
 ^ Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion 
 ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro 
 ap. Serv. -ddJEn. VII. 176. 
 
 en. 3, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 28.5 
 
 early Romans, accordini^ to the ancient European 
 usage, which was entirely supplanted among tlie 
 early Greeks by the oriental custom introduced l)y tlie 
 lonians. 
 
 2. With regard to the food, it is probable tliat in 
 Sparta much had been retained from ancient usage, 
 and that the rest had been I'rom its first origin peculiar 
 to the nation. The profession of cook at Sparta was, 
 as we have already remarked, hereditary,^' and conse- 
 quently they had no inducement to vie with one ano- 
 ther in the delicacy and luxury of their dishes : they 
 cooked the black broth, as their ancestors hfid done 
 before them. It was likewise more dithcult to make 
 dishes of various ingredients, on account of the division 
 of the different departments of cookery ; for instance, 
 some cooks were only allowed to dress flesh, others to 
 make broth/ &c. The bakers, whose trade also was 
 hereditary, generally baked nothing but barley-bread 
 (aX<p/Ta) ;^ wheaten bread was only eaten at the 
 dessert of the pubhc tables, when presented by liberal 
 individuals.^ The latter kind of bread was originally 
 scarce in Greece, whitlier it was introduced chiefly 
 from Sicily ;*" in w liich country they had also a par- 
 
 ^^ B. III. ch. 2. § 4. Foreign 
 cooks were not tolerated at 
 Sparta, as is particularly stated 
 of Mithsecus by Maximus Tyrius 
 VII.22. ed. Uavies. 
 
 i iElian. V. H. XIV. 7. 
 There was a separate broth- 
 maker (i^wfioTToioc) for the king-, 
 Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214. 
 
 ^ Heraclid. Pont. 2. who per- 
 haps says too generally, TrcVrei 
 a'lTor ovCEtg {nirreiy is said of 
 dproc made of aXevpa as ^cltteiv 
 oi'fiai^a made o{a\<pira). Comp. 
 
 Dicsearchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 
 141 A. Plutarch Alcib. 23. 
 
 ^ Book III. ch. 10. § 6. Va- 
 rieties of (iproQ were also eaten 
 at the KOTTtg, Molpis ap. Athen. 
 IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B. 
 Hesychius in kottIq, fiiaKtpot ap- 
 roi, and TrrjTelrcu Trirvpiai aprov. 
 There was a Lacedaemonian kind 
 of barley, Tlieophrast. Hist. 
 Plant. Vill. 4. Si/igo Lacedftm. 
 
 Plin. H.N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4. 
 "^ B. II. ch. 10. § 4. 
 
286 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 ticular kind of Doric wheaten bread, of coarser meal 
 than was common elsewhere. ° The chief dish of meat 
 at the public tables was the black broth (jxsT^ag ^(oixos)f 
 also pork,P the meat being subjected to stricter 
 regulations than any other kind of food.** Poultry 
 and game were generally eaten after dinner : beef, 
 pork, and kid, were chiefly supplied by the sacrifices, 
 which upon the whole were an exception to the Phi- 
 ditia."" Their mode of drinking was also that of the 
 ancient Greeks ; which, as far as I am aware, is only 
 mentioned in Homer. Before each person was placM 
 a cup, which was filled by the cup-bearer with mixed 
 wine, when it had been emptied ; the wine was how- 
 ever never passed round, and no ])erson drank to 
 another ; which were Lydian customs introduced by 
 the lonians.^ Both in Sparta and Crete it was 
 forbidden by law to drink to intoxication ;* and no 
 persons were lighted home except old men of sixty." 
 
 3. But a still more beautiful feature in the Doric 
 character is the friendly commimity of their public 
 tables, founded upon the close union of the company 
 
 » Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136. 
 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077. 
 
 *^ Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. 
 Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8. 
 
 P JElian V. H. III. 31. 
 
 ^ Dicsearchus ubi sup. A lit- 
 tle pig was called by the Lace- 
 daemonians opdayopicrKOQ^ Athen. 
 p. 140 B. see Hesychius in 
 (^opQayopitTKoq et ijfjLLrvyia above 
 p. 110. note y. 
 
 ' 'Acpe^iTOL rj/j.epai, according 
 to Hesychius. cf. in diacpolyi^op. 
 
 ^ See Critias the Athenian in 
 Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp. 
 XL p. 463 C. Xen. Rep. Lac. 
 5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophtb- 
 
 p. 172. In Crete however the 
 whole table drank from one large 
 goblet, Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. 
 p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p. 
 1860. 45. 
 
 * Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320. 
 comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from 
 which passage it also follows 
 that all the inhabitants of Laco- 
 nia were prohibited from attend- 
 ing drinking entertainments 
 ((rvjuLToffia). The Dionysia at 
 Sparta were also more serious 
 than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup. 
 Athen. IV. p. 155 D. 
 
 " Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7. Plu- 
 tarch Lycurg. 12. 
 
 CH. 3, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 287 
 
 of the tables (haipla in Crete) ;'' into which fresh 
 members were admitted by unanimous election (by 
 ballot) .y Whether a preference was shown to kins- 
 men is uncertain ; the syssitia indeed, as divisions of 
 the state, were founded upon a supposed relationship, 
 that is, the connexion of houses ;* but here we are 
 speaking of smaller societies, consisting of about 
 fifteen men. A company of this kind was a small 
 state in itself," arranged upon aristocratical principles,^' 
 although the e<juality w^as not interrupted l)y the pri- 
 vileges of any individuals. The ties of this friendly 
 union were liowever drawn still closer by the constant 
 intercourse of giving and taking, which enriched the 
 scanty meal with the more palatable after-meal 
 (sTraixXov) or dessert, which no one Avas permitted 
 to purchase:'^ from which tlie xoTig should be dis- 
 tinguished, a sacrificial feast, which individuals fur- 
 
 ^B. III. ch. 10. § 7. In 
 Sparta the guests, as in the time 
 of Homer, were called cairv- 
 fJLoyec, Alcman ap. Stran X. p. 
 482.1ragm.37.ed.Welcker. He- 
 rod. VI. 57. and a Kpen^alrrjc pre- 
 sided at the meal (above, p. 251, 
 note *"• comp. Plutarch Qurest. 
 Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux 
 VI. 7. 34.), as a dairpoQ in an- 
 cient times ; each guest in Sparta 
 having a certain portion or mess 
 .allotted to him. 
 
 y See Plutarch Lycurg. 12. 
 Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed. 
 Ruhnken. p. 449. ed. Bekker. 
 
 ; B.III. ch. 12. §4. It is to 
 this that Dionysius Hal. refers, 
 when he says that the Phiditia 
 made men ashamed to leave 
 their comrades in the field of 
 battle, ivith whom they had 
 sacrificed and madr lihatinns^ 
 
 Ant. Rom. II. 23. p. 283. ed. 
 Reisk. 
 
 ^ Persseus ap. Athen. IV. p. 
 140 F. and see below, p. 288, 
 note ^. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Quaest. Sympos. 
 VII. 9. p. 332. calls them in a 
 certain sense IJovXevrtjpia aizop- 
 ptjra Kui (Tvvicpia apicrroKpariKa., 
 and compares them with the 
 Prytaneum and Thesmothesium 
 of Athens. 
 
 «B. III. ch. 10. § 6. The 
 only £7raiK\oy eaten by boys was 
 some dough of barley-meal 
 baked in laurel leaves (^a//- 
 fiari^ec), and kneaded in oil 
 (Hesychius in aiKpi^avTopa, 
 ajjupiropoi) ; a cake of this kind 
 was called Kufifia^ and from its 
 use Trci\Xi-)^iap, Mcursius Misc. 
 Lac. I. 12. 
 
t« 
 
 288 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 '\ 
 
 nished on stated occasions, and invited to it any 
 friends whom they wished, and particularly the 
 kings.^ The phiditia were not, however, considered 
 a scanty and disagreeable meal, until thrown in the 
 shade by the refinements of modern luxury ; for they 
 had originally been intended to increase the comforts 
 of the partakers. The conversation, indeed, turned 
 chiefly upon public affairs f but laughter and jocu- 
 larity were not prohibited/ Every person was en- 
 couraged to speak by the general confidence, and 
 there were frequent songs, as Alcman says that " at 
 " the banquets and drinking entertainments of the 
 "men, it was fit for the guests to sing the paean. "*^ 
 Nor was the appellation (^si^lna, that is, the spare, 
 or scanty meals, of any antiquity, and the Spartans 
 received it from abroad '}' by whom, as well as in 
 Crete, they were once called avSpsTa, or the meals of 
 men/ For the men alone were admitted to them : 
 the youths and boys ate in their own divisions, whilst 
 the small children were allowed to eat at the public 
 tables, and both in Crete and Sparta they sat on low 
 stools near their fathers' chairs, and received a half 
 share without any vegetables (a0a/x/3axsuo-Ta).'' The 
 
 ; \ 
 
 ^ Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp. 
 Herod. VI. 57. Perhaps Alc- 
 man describes a kottXq in the 
 following verses, KX/rai fxkv 
 ETTTa kai roaai rpcLTretTCai Mukw- 
 pidtjy apriop tTrtoTt^oTtrat Aivuj 
 re craffafiio te ktiv TreXi^vaiq 
 Hai^e(TfTi ^pvffOKoWay fragm. 1*7. 
 ed. Welcker. 
 
 ® Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and 
 above, p. 287, note ^. Concern- 
 ing Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup. 
 
 ^ Critias ubi sup. Plutarch 
 Lycurg. 12. 
 
 ^ <^oiyaiQ ^£ Kal tv Oiaaof 
 criv ay^pEiwv irapa ^airv^oyeafTi 
 TcpeTTEi Traidva Karap^eiy, fragm. 
 31. ed. Welcker. 
 
 ** It is very probable that this 
 (jiEi^iTia was a ludicrous distor- 
 tion of an ancient Spartan name 
 (juXiria, i. e., '* love-feasts." 
 
 ^ Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus 
 ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot. 
 Polit. II. 7. 3. The word ahXa 
 is also used by Epicharmus for 
 
 ^ Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143 
 
 CH. 3, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 289 
 
 women were never admitted to the syssitia of the men : 
 botli at Sparta and in Crete the rule was, that they 
 ate at home ;^ in the latter state, however, a woman 
 had the care of the tables of the men." The Cretans 
 were distinguished by their great hospitality : for 
 eveiy two tables of the citizens there was always one 
 for foreigners ; and when two cities were in close 
 alhance with one another, their citizens mutually 
 enjoyed the right of frequenting the public tables of 
 the other state." 
 
 4. This temperance and simplicity, Avhich was 
 longest preserved in Crete and Sparta, were considered 
 by the ancients as characterizing generally the whole 
 Doric race, and a simple mode of cookery was called 
 Doric f although many cities of that race, such as 
 
 E. and Casaubon's note. Epho- 
 rus ap. Strab. X. p. 483 A. 
 For Sj)arta, see Alcman quoted 
 in p. 288 note'^. Plutarch Ly- 
 curg. 12. Quaest. Grace. 33. jp. 
 332. Concerning the Phigalcan 
 custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148 
 
 F. From the passage quoted 
 in p. 287 note*, it also follows 
 that guests of inferior rank sat 
 tKL Tov aKifiTTocLov, Rs was also 
 the custom among the Mace- 
 donians, according to Athen. I. 
 p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell. 
 Doctr. V. 3. ad Plat. Phccd. Ad- 
 dit. p. 234. 
 
 ^ This follows from Plat. Leg. 
 VI. p. 780 D. p. 781 A. comp. 
 Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 221. Trapa r^ yvvaiKL 
 (i. e., at home) cinTVE~Lv. See 
 also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius nepl 
 'AXkfiayoQ ap. Ath n. XIV. p. 
 646 A. speaks of banquets of 
 I lie women at Sparta, at which 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 certain cakes (Kpif^ayai) were 
 carried, when they were about 
 to sing the praise of the virgin, 
 probably at marriages. Ari- 
 stotle Polit. II. 7. 4. says that in 
 Creta the women also were fed 
 at the public cost, not that they 
 ate in public. 
 
 ™ Dosiadas ap. Athen. p. 143 
 B. with the assistance of some 
 men riijy crjporiKioy. Does he 
 mean Periceci or Mnotae ? 
 Young women were used as 
 
 cup-bearers among the Dorians, 
 
 above, p. 276 note". 
 
 " D(jsiadas and Pyrgion ubi 
 sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see 
 the decree of the Olontians in 
 ChishuU's Antiq. i^siat. p. 137. 
 
 cf. p. 131, 134. 
 
 " Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth. 
 
 p. 1037. Suidas in aOpv-rrroc et 
 
 Awpiog. Au)piog oiKoycfiia in Diog. 
 
 Laert. IV. 3. 19. for a plain 
 
 rough mode of living. 
 
 U 
 
 II! 
 
I ' 
 
 t\ 
 
 f I 
 
 290 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv 
 
 Tarentum, Syracuse,P and Agrigentum,^ entirely 
 abandoned the severe and sober habits of their race ; 
 and having once broken through the bonds of ancient 
 custom, gave themselves up with the less restraint to 
 every kind of luxury and indulgence/ 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 § 1. Freedom of intercourse between unmarried persons at Sparta. 
 § 2. Marriage ceremonies. § 3. Age of marriage. § 4. Re- 
 lations of husband and wife. § 5. Different treatment of 
 women among the lonians. § 6. UaidepacTTia of Sparta. § 7. 
 And of Crete. § 8. Origin of this custom. 
 
 1. We now proceed to describe the different rela- 
 tions in the domestic life of the Dorians ; and first, 
 that between man and wife. Here it will be neces- 
 sary to contradict the idea, that the duties of private 
 life were but little esteemed by the Doric race, par- 
 ticularly at Sparta, and were sacrificed to the duty 
 owed to the community. The Lacedaemonian maxim 
 was in direct opposition to this doctrine ; viz., that 
 the door of his court* was the boundaiy of every 
 
 P ^vpaKoaiiJv et Si/cfXwv rpa- 
 TTE^a, Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p. 
 527 C. Zenob. Prov. V. 94. 
 Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. 2t- 
 keXlkoq KorraPog Anacreon ap. 
 Athen. X. p. 427- fragm. p. 
 374. ed. Fischer. The SueXu-oc 
 fiiog is opposed to the Awptort 
 ^fjy in the 7th (spurious) Plato- 
 nic Epistle, p. 336. 
 
 ^ See, among others, Timaeus 
 fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller. 
 The Argives and Tirjnthians 
 were reproached for their de- 
 bauchery, iElian. V.H. III. 15. 
 Athen. X. p. 442. D. 
 
 ^ See^ginetica p. 188. 
 
 * See above, p. 266 note'l 
 In Crete it was called fPjowria, 
 Hesych. in v. 
 
 CH. 4, ^ 1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 291 
 
 man's freedom :^ without, all owned the authority of 
 the state ; within, the master of the house ruled as 
 lord on his own ground f and the rights of domestic 
 life, notwithstanding their frequent collision with the 
 public institutions, were more respected than at Athens. 
 At the same time, however, a peculiar national custom, 
 which pervaded the whole system of legislation, j)re- 
 vailed throughout these relations with a force and 
 energy, which we, taking the accounts of the ancients 
 as our guide, will endeavour now to examine. It has 
 been above remarked how, in accordance with the 
 manners of the east, but in direct opposition to the 
 later habits of the Greeks,'^ a free intercourse in pub- 
 lic was permitted by the Dorians to the youth of both 
 sexes, who were brought into contact particularly at 
 festivals and choruses." Hence Homer represents the 
 Cretan chorus as composed of young men and ^vomen, 
 who dance hand in hand/ At Sparta in particular the 
 young men lived in the presence of the unmarried 
 women, and as their derision was an object of dread, 
 so to be the theme of their praise was the highest 
 reward for nol)le actions.* Hence it was very possible 
 
 "" Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed. 
 Mai. 
 
 " According to the supposed 
 saying of Lycurgus, '' Jirst 
 *' make a democracy in thine 
 ''own house.'' Plutarch Ly- 
 curg. 19. reg. Apophth. p. 124. 
 Lac. Apophth. p. 225. 
 
 ^ See particularly Eurip. Ari- 
 drom. 596. 
 
 ^Kopoic K-ai Kopaig Koiva ra 
 t^pa. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 
 254. above ch. 2. § 2. 
 
 ^Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166. 
 So also the Arcadians had, ac- 
 cording to Polybius IV. 21. 3. 
 
 (though not for the reason 
 which he assigns) a-vpo^ovg Kot- 
 rag Kal Ovaiag TrXeiarag ofioiiog 
 a^CpcKTL Kal yvpai^l/tri ^e ^opovg 
 TrapdEvtjy ofiov Kal TraiEwy. The 
 unrestrained manners, and the 
 public games and dances of 
 the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch 
 Mul. Virt. p. 277. Antonin. 
 Liber, met. 1.), probably were 
 derived from a Cretan custom 
 (see above, p. 236. note'i.), and 
 certainly one prior to the Ionic 
 migration. 
 
 s Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp. 
 Welcker ad Alcmanl^ frag. p. lu. 
 
 u 2 
 
•292 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 lit Sparta, that affection and love, although not of a 
 romantic nature, should take possession of the heart : 
 but at Athens, as far as my recollection goes, we have 
 not a single instance of a man having loved a free-born 
 woman, and marrying her from any strong affection, 
 whilst a single narrative of Herodotus^' contains two 
 love stories at Sparta. How many opportunities may 
 have been given by the festivals, as for instance the 
 Hyacinthia, at which the Spartan damsels were seen 
 going about in Kavah^a. (ornamented cars peculiar to 
 the country, which were also used in the procession to 
 the temple of Helen at Therapne), and racing in 
 chariots in the midst of assembled multitudes.' Ac- 
 cordingly, the beauty of her women, tlie most beautiful 
 in all Greece,^ was at Sparta more than any other 
 town, an object of general admiration, in a nation 
 where beauty of form was particularly felt and es- 
 teemed.^ 
 
 2. Two things w^ere, however, requisite as an in- 
 troduction and preparation to marriage at Sparta, first, 
 betrothing on the part of the father ;" secondly, the 
 seizure of the bride. The latter was clearly an ancient 
 
 ^ VI. 61,65. 
 
 ' Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. 
 p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7. 
 with Casaubon's restoration 
 from Plutarch. Ages. 19. He- 
 sychius in mvj'aOpa, Eustathius 
 ad II. XXIV. p. 1344. 44. 
 Schol. ad Aristoph. Vcsp. 413. 
 The temple of Helen, mentioned 
 by Hesychius in KawaQ^a^ is 
 that at Therapne, above the 
 Phoebaeura, of which Herodotus 
 speaks, VII. 61. 
 
 ^ AaKedaifjLoi^irjv T£ yvraiKa in 
 
 the oracle ; and how, in the 
 Lysistrata of Aristophanes, the 
 Athenian women admire the 
 lusty and vigorous beauty of 
 Lampito. comp. Athen. XII. 
 p. 609 B. 
 
 ^ Heracl. Lembus ap. Athen. 
 XIII. p. 566 A. 
 
 ™ If the father and grandfa- 
 ther died, the right, even in 
 Doric states, e. g., in Cyrene. 
 passed to the brothers, Plu- 
 tarch Mul. Virt. p. 303. Po- 
 lyaen. VIII. 41. 
 
 CH. 4, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 293 
 
 national custom, founded on the idea that the youn<^ 
 woman could not surrender her freedom and virdn 
 purity unless compelled by the violence of the stronger 
 sex. They married, says Plutarch, by ravishing. 
 The bridegroom brought the young virgin, having 
 carried her off from the chorus of maidens or else- 
 where, to the bride's maid, who cut short her hair, and 
 left her lying in a man's dress and shoes, without a 
 light, on a bed of rushes, until the bridegroom re- 
 turned from the public banquet, carried the bride to 
 the nuptial couch, and loosened her girdle." And this 
 intercourse was for some time carried on clandestinely, 
 till the man brought his wife, and frecjuently her 
 mother, into his house. That this usage was retained 
 to the last days of Sparta may be inferred from the 
 fact, that the young wife of Panteus was still in the 
 house of her parents, and remained there, when he 
 went with Cleomenes to Egypt.° A similar custom 
 must have prevailed in Crete, where we find, that the 
 young persons who were dismissed at the same time 
 from the agele, were immediately married, but did not 
 till some time after introduce their wives into their 
 own house. P The children born before this took place 
 
 ^ Plutarch Lycurg. 15. Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep. 
 Lac. I. 5. Tlie account of Her- 
 mippus in Athenaeus XIII. p. 
 555 C. is absurdly disfigured. 
 The same is true of Hagnon, 
 ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This ex- 
 plains the statement of Hero- 
 dotus VI. ,65. that Demaratus 
 obtained possession of Percalus 
 the daughter of Chilon, who 
 was betrothed to Leotychides, 
 by previously carnjing her ait ay 
 
 by force, (pdarrac apirarraQ. In 
 later times, whoever ravished 
 a virgin at Sparta (as also at 
 Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.) 
 was punished with death, Xe- 
 noph. Ephcs. V. 1 ; and com- 
 pare Marcellinus on Hermo- 
 genes, although this account 
 does not belong to the age of 
 which we treat. 
 
 " Plutarch. Cleom. 38. 
 
 P Strabo X. p. 482 D. from 
 Ephorus. 
 
294 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 4, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 295 
 
 were probably called 7rap9gv/a< ;** they were in general 
 considered in all respects equal to those born at home ; 
 but in the first Messenian war particular circum- 
 stances seem to have made it impossible to provide 
 them with lots of land ;' and hence they became the 
 founders of Tarentum/ 
 
 3. The age of marriage was fixed by the ancient 
 Greeks and western nations much later than at a sub- 
 sequent period by those of the east. Following the 
 former, the laws of Sparta did not allow women of 
 too tender an age to be disposed of in marriage. The 
 women were generally those at the highest pitch of 
 youthful vigour* (called in Rhodes a^Qsa-rripiaisg),'^ 
 and for the men, about the age of thirty was esteemed 
 the most proper, as we find in Hesiod,'' Plato,'' and 
 even Aristotle. Public actions might however be 
 brought against those who married too late (ypcKpr^ 
 o\|//ya^a/oy), to which those also were liable who had 
 entered into unsuitable marriages (ypac^yj xaxoyaixlou). 
 
 *! According to Hesychius. 
 Homer. 11. XVI. 180. calls Eu- 
 doxus a Trapdivwg, rov eriKTS 
 X^p^ fcaXr) Uo\vfi^)Xi], which I 
 explain thus : she produced him 
 " in the chorus^^* i. e., while she 
 yet belonged to the ayeX?) of 
 the virgins. The passage is 
 quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or. 
 VII. p. 273., who also speaks of 
 the Lacedaemonian irapdeviaf 
 
 ^ Justin. III. 4. Nulli pater 
 existehat cujus in patrimonium 
 successio speraretur. 
 
 ^Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The 
 common narrative of Ephorus 
 is repeated by Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus, and is evidently 
 invented to account for the 
 
 name TLapQevim^ which Antio- 
 chus declines to explain. 
 
 * Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plu- 
 tarch Lye. 15. Comp. Num. 4. 
 Lac. Apophth. p. 224. 
 
 "* Hesychius in v. 
 
 ^Op.etDi. 695. 
 
 yLeg. VIII. p. 785. Ari- 
 stotle indeed (Polit. VII. 16.) 
 gives 37 years as the most 
 fitting time for marriage in a 
 man ; which number Larcher 
 (Chronologie d'Herodote) has 
 no reason to suppose borrowed 
 from the laws of Laconia. The 
 Troezenians were forbidden by 
 the oracle from making early 
 marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII. 
 14.4. 
 
 and those who remained unmarried (ypac^rj aya^iou) J- 
 It is well known that these laws have been blamed as 
 a violation of the rights of individuals, and even a pro- 
 fanation of the rite of marriage : but these censors 
 should have remembered that they were judging those 
 institutions by principles which the founders of them 
 would not have recognised. For the Spartans con- 
 sidered marriage, not as a private relation, about 
 which the state had little or no interest, but as a 
 public institution, in order to rear up a strong and 
 healthy progeny to the nation. In Solon's legislation, 
 marriage was also placed under the inspection of the 
 state, and an action for not marrying (ypadrj ayajtx/ot)*), 
 though merely as a relic of antiquity, existed at 
 Athens. It is nevertheless true that marriage, espe- 
 cially in Sparta, was, to a certain degree, viewed with 
 a primitive sim})licity, which shocks the feehngs of 
 more refined ages, as the pecuhar object of matrimony 
 was never kept out of sight. Leonidas, when de- 
 spatched to Thermopylse, is said to have left as a 
 legacy to his wife Gorgo the maxim. Marry 7iohly, 
 and produce a noble offspring -^ and when Acrotatus 
 had fought bravely in the ^var against Pyrrhus, the 
 women followed him through the town, and some of the 
 older ones shouted after him, " Go, Acrotatus, enjoy 
 " yourself with Chelidonis, and beget valiant sons for 
 
 * See Plutarch Lye. 15. Ly- 
 sand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 223. Clearchus ap. 
 Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pol- 
 lux HI. 48. VIII. 40. Stobseus 
 Serm. 65. Clem. Alcxand. Strom. 
 II. p. 182. compare Schlliger's 
 Praefat. ad Dissertat. Helmst. 
 1744. p. 10. It is most singu- 
 
 lar that the cowards (rpEaravTeg) 
 to whom every man denied his 
 daughter, were punished for 
 not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac. 
 9. 5. 
 
 * Pollux VIII. 40. 
 
 ^ Plutarch de Herod. Ma- 
 lign. 32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth. 
 p. 216. fragm. p. 355. 
 
296 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 4, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 297 
 
 1 ■' 
 
 " Sparta."'' Hence we may perceive the reason why 
 in various cases^ (such as are known to us have been 
 mentioned above^) Lycurgus not only allowed, but 
 enjoined the marriage duties to be transferred to ano- 
 ther ; always, how^ever, providing that the sanctity of 
 the marriage union should be for a certain time sacri- 
 ficed to that which the Doric race considered as of 
 higher importance, viz., the maintenance of the family. 
 Tliat these cases were so defined by custom, as to 
 leave but little room for the effects of caprice or passion, 
 is evident from the infrequency of adultery at Sparta •/ 
 but the above aim justified even king Anaxandridas, 
 when, contrary to all national customs, he cohabited 
 with two wives,^ who lived without doubt in separate 
 houses. To marry foreign women was certainly for- 
 bidden to all Spartans, and to the Heraclidse by a 
 separate rhetra ;'' contrary to the custom in other 
 Grecian towns, especially Athens, whose princes in 
 early times, as Megacles, JMiltiades, &c., frequently 
 contracted marriages with foreigners. 
 
 4. The domestic relation of the uife to her husband 
 
 *^ Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. SeeB. 
 III. ch. 10. § 3. concerning the 
 lus trium liberorum in Sparta. 
 
 ^ KatTToXXa fiey roiavra avv- 
 t\wp£t, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. 
 Later writers often give fabu- 
 lous accounts of this point, 
 particularly Theodoretus Grsec. 
 Affiuit. 9. 
 
 « B. III. ch. 10. § 4. 
 
 ^ See the saying of Geradates 
 in Plutarch Lye. 15. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 225. comp. Justin. 
 III. 3. The VO0OI in Xen. Hell. 
 V. 3. 9., who were a separate 
 class, but shared in the edu- 
 cation of the Spartans, proba- 
 
 bly were composed of a mix- 
 ture of different ranks, and 
 certainly were not the offspring 
 of a regular 5/^/>r?/m. At Rhodes, 
 according to Schol. Eurip. Al- 
 cest. 992, the vodoL were called 
 ^acrrpolevoi, i. e. those who at a 
 public scrutiny (called at A- 
 thens ^laiprjijuorig) were rejected 
 from the lists of citizens. The 
 investigation was perhaps con- 
 ducted by the fiaarpoi^ Hesych. 
 in V. comp. Harpocrat. fjiaa- 
 rfjpeg. 
 
 s Herod. V. 39, 40. 
 
 ^' Plutarch Agid. 11. 
 
 among the Dorians was in general the same as that of 
 the ancient western nations, described by Homer as 
 universal among the Greeks, and which existed at 
 Rome till a late period ; the only difference being, 
 that the peculiarities of the custom were preserved by 
 the Dorians more strictly than elsewhere. It formed 
 a striking contrast with the habits of the Ionic Athe- 
 nians, with whom the ancient custom of Greece was 
 almost entirely suj>planted by that of the east.* 
 Amongst the lonians of Asia, the wife (as we are 
 informed by Herodotus^) shared indeed the bed, but 
 not the table of her husband ; she dared not call him 
 by his name, but addressed him with tlie title of lord, 
 and lived secluded in the interior of the house : on tliis 
 model the most important relations between man and 
 wife were regulated at Athens. But amongst the 
 Dorians of Sparta, the wife^ was honoured by her lius- 
 band with the title of mistress (Sso-Tro/va),'" (a gallantry 
 belonging to the north of Greece, and also practised 
 by the Thessalians"), which was used neither ironically 
 nor unmeaningly. Nay, so strange did the im|)ort- 
 
 ' The history of women in 
 the heroic age has been bet- 
 ter treated by Lenz, than by 
 Meiners in his Geschichte des 
 Weiblichen Geschlechts ; al- 
 though even he has many pre- 
 judices, e. g., that women are 
 always improved by education, 
 the reverse of which was the case 
 in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) cor- 
 rectly remarks, that in Homer 
 the manners of unmarried are 
 represented as less restrained 
 than those of married women ; 
 although their intercourse with 
 men was more free than among 
 
 the Dorians. Comp. p. 143. 
 
 ^ I. 146. 
 
 I Though she lived in the in- 
 terior of the house, as is proved 
 by the Doric term for a wife, 
 /x£(To^o/xa : see Hesych. in oumc, 
 Theocrit. Id. XVIII. 28. and 
 compare the sayings of Aregeus 
 in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 
 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and 
 of the Lacedaemonian woman, 
 p. 262. who being as-ked what 
 she understood, answered, tZ 
 
 OlKliv OlKUl' 
 
 ni 
 
 PluUirch. Lye. 14. 
 " Vol. I. p. 
 
296 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 ^ ^ 
 I 
 
 " Sparta."'' Hence we may perceive the reason why 
 in various cases'^ (such as are known to us have been 
 mentioned above^) Lycurgus not only allo^ve(l, but 
 enjoined the marriage duties to be transferred to ano- 
 ther ; always, however, providing that the sanctity of 
 the marriage union should be for a certain time sacri- 
 ficed to that which the Doric race considered as of 
 higher importance, viz., the maintenance of the family. 
 That these cases were so defined by custom, as to 
 leave but little room for the effects of caprice or passion, 
 is evident from the infrequency of adultery at Sparta */ 
 but the above aim justified even king Anaxandridas, 
 when, contrary to all national customs, he cohabited 
 with two wives,^ who hved without doubt in separate 
 houses. To marry foreign women was certainly for- 
 bidden to all Spartans, and to the Heraclidse by a 
 separate rlietra ;^' contrary to the custom in other 
 Grecian towns, especially Athens, whose princes in 
 early times, as Megacles, Miltiades, &c., frequently 
 contracted marriages with foreigners. 
 
 4. The domestic relation of the wiie to her husband 
 
 If; 
 
 "" Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See B. 
 III. ch. 10. §3. concerning the 
 ius trium liberorum in Sparta. 
 
 ^ KatTToXXa jdey roiavra avv- 
 t^wpct, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. 
 Later writers often give fabu- 
 lous accounts of this point, 
 particularly Theodoretus Grsec. 
 Affiuit. 9. 
 
 « B. III. ch. 10. § 4. 
 
 ^ See the saying of Geradates 
 in Plutarch Lye. 15. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 225. comp. Justin. 
 III. 3. The voBot in Xen. Hell. 
 V. 3. 9., who were a separate 
 class, but shared in the edu- 
 cation of the Spartans, proba- 
 
 bly were composed of a mix- 
 ture of different ranks, and 
 certainly were not the offspring 
 of a regular 5<w/>7wm. At Rhodes, 
 according to Schol. Eurip. Al- 
 cest. 992, the voQol were called 
 ^atTTpo^eyoi, i. e. those who at a 
 public scrutiny (called at A- 
 thens ^ia\pri(i)i(ng) were rejected 
 from the lists of citizens. The 
 investigation was perhaps con- 
 ducted by the fiaoTpoiy Hesych. 
 in V. comp. Harpocrat. /xac- 
 
 e Herod. V. 39, 40. 
 ^' Plutarch Agid. II. 
 
 CH. 4, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 297 
 
 among the Dorians was in general the same as that of 
 the ancient western nations, described by Homer as 
 universal among the Greeks, and which existed at 
 Rome till a late period ; the only difference being, 
 that the peculiarities of t!ie custom were preserved by 
 the Dorians more strictly than elsewhere. It formed 
 a striking contrast with the habits of the Ionic Athe- 
 nians, with whom the ancient custom of Greece was 
 almost entirely supplanted by that of the east.' 
 Amongst the lonians of Asia, the wife (as we are 
 informed by Herodotus^) shared indeed the bed, but 
 not the tal>le of her husband ; she dared not call him 
 by his name, but tiddressed him with the title of lord, 
 and lived secluded in the interior of the liouse : on this 
 model the most important relations between man and 
 wife were regulated at Athens. But amongst the 
 Dorians of Sparta, the wife^ was honoured by her hus- 
 band with the title of mistress (Seo-TTo/va),'" (a gallantry 
 belonging to the north of Greece, and also practised 
 l)y the Thessalians"), which was used neither ironically 
 nor unmeaningly. Nay, so strange did the import- 
 
 * The history of women in 
 the heroic age has been bet- 
 ter treated by Lenz, than by 
 Meiners in his Geschichte des 
 Wciblichen Geschlechts ; al- 
 though even he has many pre- 
 judices, e. g., that women are 
 always improved by education, 
 the reverse of which was the case 
 in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) cor- 
 rectly remarks, that in Homer 
 the manners of unmarried are 
 represented as less restrained 
 than those of married women ; 
 although tlieir intercourse with 
 men was more free than among 
 
 the Dorians. Comp. p. 143. 
 
 M. 146. 
 
 * Though she lived in the in- 
 terior of the house, as is proved 
 by the Doric term for a wife, 
 HEaolofxa : see Hesvch. in oiKing, 
 Theocrit. Id. XVIII. 28. and 
 com})are the sayings of Aregeus 
 in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 
 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and 
 of the Lacedaemonian woman, 
 p. 262. who being asked what 
 she understood, answered, ev 
 
 olKEiy 0(K()l'. 
 
 "' Plutarch. Lye. 14. 
 " Vol. I. p. 
 
298 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 4, § 5. OF Tin: DORIAAS. 
 
 299 
 
 , I 
 
 ance which the Lacedsemonian women enjoyed, and the 
 influence which they exercised as the managers of their 
 household, and mothers of families, appear to the 
 Greeks, at a time when the prevalence of Athenian 
 manners prevented a due consideration for national 
 customs, that Aristotle" supposed Lycurgus to have 
 attempted, but without success, to regulate the life of 
 women as he had that of the men ; and the Spartans 
 were frequently censured for submitting to the yoke of 
 their wives. ^ Nevertheless Alcman, generally a great 
 admirer of the beauty of Lacedaemonian women, could 
 say, " It becomes a man to say much, and a woman 
 '*to rejoice at all she hears.'*'* In accusing the 
 women of Sparta, however, for not essentially assist- 
 ing their country in times of necessity, Aristotle has 
 in the first place required of them a duty which even 
 in Sparta lay out of their sphere, and in the second 
 place, his assertion has been sufficiently contradicted 
 by the events of a subsequent period, in the last days 
 of Sparta, which acquii-ed a surprising lustre from 
 female valour." On the whole, however, little as the 
 Athenians esteemed their own women, they involun- 
 
 ° Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plu- 
 tarch Lye. 14. At that time 
 moreover the manners of the 
 Spartan women had really de- 
 generated, and a considerable 
 licence {(iyeatg) prevailed, Ari- 
 stot. Polit. II. 6. 5. Plat. Leg. 
 I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist. 
 
 Rom. II. 24. 
 
 P Plutarch Lye. 14. Comp. 
 Num. 3. Aristotle also (Poht. 
 IL 6, 7.) speaks of their influ- 
 ence on the government in the 
 time of the ascendency of 
 Sparta ; it increased still more, 
 when a large part of the landed 
 
 property fell into the hands of 
 women. The singular assertion 
 ofiElian V. H. XII. 34. that 
 Pausanias loved his icife, has 
 been correctly interpreted by 
 Kuhn to mean a too great, or 
 uxorious affection ; and so like- 
 wise Menelaus appears to have 
 been represented, see, e. g., 
 Aristoph. Lysist. 155. 
 
 ^ IloXXa Xiyeiy ovvfi avZpi, yv- 
 vaiKi le Tract ^^op^vat, fragm. 13. 
 ed. Welcker. comp. Franck's 
 Tyrtseus p. 173 and 203. 
 
 ^ See, e. g., Plutarch Cleom. 
 38. 
 
 H 
 
 tarily revered the heroines of Sparta, such as Gorgo 
 the wife of Leonidas, Lampito the daughter of Leoty- 
 cliidas, the wife of Archidamus and mother of Agis ;" 
 and this feeling is sometimes apparent even in the 
 coarse jests of Aristophanes. 
 
 5. How this indulgent treatment of the women 
 among the Dorians produced a state of opinion en- 
 tirely different from that prevalent at Athens, has 
 been intimated above, and will be further explained 
 hereafter. In general it may be remarked, that while 
 among the lonians women were merely considered in 
 ,an inferior and sensual Hght, and though the iEolians 
 allowed their feelings a more exalted tone, as is proved 
 by the amatory poetesses of Lesbos ;* the Dorians, as 
 well at Sparta as in the south of Italy, were almost 
 the only nation who esteemed the higher attributes of 
 the female mind as capable of cultivation. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to remark, that in consider- 
 ing the rights and duties of the wife, as represented in 
 the above pages, to apply to the whole Doric race, 
 allowance must be made for the alterations introduced 
 into different towns, particularly by foreign intercourse 
 and luxury. At Corinth, for instance, the institution 
 of the sacred slaves (*e§o3otiXof) in the temple of Aphro- 
 dite, probably introduced from Asia Minor, produced 
 a most prejudicial effect on the morals of that city. 
 
 'Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin. 
 H. N. VII. 41. Compare the 
 saying of Gorgo in Plutarch 
 Lac. Apophth. p. 258. 
 
 * The Boeotian poetesses, how- 
 ever, Corinna and Myrto, and 
 Diotima the Arcadian (con- 
 cerning whom see Frederick 
 Schlegel, Griechen und Roemer, 
 
 vol. I. p. 275.), were on the 
 rank of Doric women ; al- 
 though in Boeotia the female 
 sex was verv much restricted, 
 and placed under the superin- 
 tendence of yvvaiKovo^oi (as 
 under the apfioavpoi at Sparta, 
 ch. 7. § 8.), Plutarch Solon. 21. 
 
5 { 
 
 300 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 4, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 301 
 
 and made it the ancient and great resort of courte- 
 
 sans. 
 
 u 
 
 6. Having now considered the personal relations 
 between the sexes, we next come to those depending 
 on difference of age ; which from the Doric prin- 
 ciple of the elders instructing the younger, are inti- 
 mately connected with education." But before we 
 enter on that subject, it wall be necessaiy to speak 
 of a connexion (termed by the Greeks Tron^s^aa-rla), 
 which, so long as it was regulated by the ancient 
 Doric principles, to be recognised both in the Cretan 
 laws and those of Lycurgus, had great influence 
 on the instruction of youth. We will first state the 
 exact circumstances of this relation, and then make 
 some general remarks on it ; but without examining it 
 in a moral point of view, which does not fall ^vithin the 
 scope of this work. 
 
 At Sparta the party loving was called elcTrvTj'xa^,^ 
 
 « Seek II. ch. 10. § 7. Aris- 
 toph. Lys. 90. Plut. 149. et 
 Schol. Suidas in eToipai Ko- 
 piv0. and yolpoQ. Pollux IX. 6. 
 75. Kopivdtai^tadai TO fiaarpo- 
 iTEVELv T] kraipELV (see b. I. ch. 
 8. § 3.) Eustath. ad II. p. 
 290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon 
 XXXII. 10. whose poems are 
 of the Achaean or Roman time. 
 Compare also the Kopiv0/a Kopr) 
 in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D. 
 YiopivQLa Tratc, Eurip. Sciron. 
 ap. Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6. 
 75. and Hemsterhuis, and the 
 proverb in Suidas (XIV. 81. 
 Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92. 
 
 llKpOKOpivQl ioLKac yOLp01to\i](TELV. 
 
 Compare Jacobs in the Attisches 
 Museum, vol. II. part III. p. 
 
 137- Schiebel zur Kentniss der 
 Alten Welt, vol. I. p. 177- — The 
 women of Sicyon were, ac- 
 cording to the fiioc "EXXa^oc of 
 Dicscarchus, exceedingly grace- 
 ful in their carriage. 
 
 ''Plutarch Lvcurg. 17. Dio- 
 nys. Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai Old 
 men could punish persons con- 
 ducting themselves improperly 
 (uKOfrjjLovyTer) by striking them 
 with their sticks. 
 
 y ElffTryriXag is probably the 
 genuine form ; see Callim. 
 Fragm. 169. ed. Bentl. Ety- 
 mol. Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306. 
 24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion, 
 p. 617. 49. Ki(nrrT]\oQ is used 
 by Theocritus Id. XII. 13. 
 
 and his affection was termed a breathing in, or iti- 
 spiring (sio-TrveTv') ; which expresses the pure and 
 mental connexion between the two persons, and cor- 
 responds with the name of the other, viz., atrag,'' i. e., 
 listener or hearer. Now it appears to have been the 
 practice for every youth of good character to have his 
 lover '^' and, on the other hand, every well-educated 
 man was bound by custom to be the lover of some 
 youth.*" Instances of this connexion are furnished by 
 several of the royal family of S[)arta ; thus Agesilaus, 
 while he still belonged to the herd of youths, was the 
 hearer of Lysander,'^ and himself had in hij-; turn also 
 a hearer ;*" his son Archidamus was the lover of the son 
 of Sphodrias, the noble Cleonymus ;'^ Cleomenes the 
 Third Avas, when a young man, the hearer of Xenares,^ 
 and later in life the lover of the brave Panteus.^' The 
 connexion usually originated from the proposal of the 
 lover ; yet it was necessary that the listener should 
 accept him from real affection, as a regard to the riches 
 of the pro})o^er was considered very disgraceful :' 
 
 ^ ^lianV. H. III. 12. 'E/x- 
 TTvi'iffQai is the word used by 
 Plutarch Cleom. 3. 
 
 '^ Vol. I. p. 5. Compare 
 Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gu- 
 dian. ubi sup. \\tiTr]Q was used 
 by Aristophanes ; see Bekker's 
 Anecd. p 348. Tzetzes ad Ly- 
 cophr. 459> and aiTiaq by Al- 
 caeus ap. Athen. p. 430 D. 
 Alcman also called lovelv voung 
 women airag Kopag ; see 
 Schneider's Lexicon in v. and 
 Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3 ; also 
 the Lexicon vocimi pcregrina- 
 rum in Valpy's edition of Ste- 
 phens's Thesaurus, part XII. 
 p. 492. 
 
 ^ Servlus ad Mu. X. 325. 
 
 adeo lit Cicero dicat in lihris 
 de re puhlica (p. 280. Mai.) 
 opprobrio fuisse adule scent ibus 
 si amatores non haberent. 
 
 ^ ^lianlll. 10. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand. 
 22. 
 
 " Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg. 
 Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apo- 
 phth. p. 177. 
 
 f Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25. 
 
 g Plutarch Cleom. 3. 
 
 ^ lb. c. 37.— The youth of 
 Argilus, loved by Pausanias, 
 cannot be mentioned among 
 these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos 
 Pausan. 4. 
 
 i .Elian V. II. III. 10. 
 
9D^ 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTIILTICJXS book iv. 
 
 CH. 4, §7. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 303 
 
 •' i 
 
 
 sometimes however it happened that the proposal origi- 
 nated from the other party. *^ The connexion appears 
 to have been very intimate and faithful, and was recog- 
 nised by the state. If his kinsmen were absent, the 
 youth might be represented in the public assembly by 
 his lover '} in battle too they stood near one another, 
 where their fidelity and affection were oft n shown till 
 death ;"" while at home the youth was constantly under 
 the eyes of his lover, who was to him as it were a 
 model and pattern of life ;° which explains why, for 
 many faults, particularly for want of ambition, the 
 lover could be punished instead of the listener.*" 
 
 7 This ancient national custom prevailed with still 
 greater force in Crete ; which island was hence by 
 many persons considered as the original seat of the 
 connexion in question.^ Here too it was disgraceful 
 for a well-educated youth to be without a lover ;'^ and 
 hence the party loved was termed xXsivo^,'" the praised ; 
 the lover being simply called (piT^rjTwp. It appears 
 that the youth was always carried away by force,^ the 
 intention of the ravisher being previously communi- 
 cated to the relations, who however took no measures 
 of precaution, and only made a feigned resistance ; 
 except when the ravisher appeared, either in family or 
 talent, unworthy of the youth. The lover then led 
 
 ^Id. III. 12. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Lye. 25. 
 
 "" Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39. Plu- 
 tareh Reg. Apophth. quoted in 
 note*', p. 301. 
 
 " See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. 
 p. 209. In Bceotia also ayrip 
 KOI TToig av^vyivTEQ b/iiXovcny, 
 Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 12. 
 
 « Plutarch Lvcurg. 18. JE- 
 lian V. H. III. io. 
 
 P Athen. XIII. p. 601 E. 
 
 p. 602 F. from Timgeus, Hera- 
 clid. Pont. 3. Heyne ad Apol- 
 lod. III. 1. 2. Kprjreg eoioti- 
 KojTaTOL, together with the La- 
 cedaemonians and Boeotians, 
 Plutarch Amator. 17. p. 37. 
 
 q Athen. XV. p. 782 E. 
 
 "" Ephorus ap, Strab. X. p. 
 483. Hesychius in <pi\j)rujp. 
 
 ^ Ephorus ubi sup. Compare 
 Plutarch de Educ. 14. 
 
 m 
 
 him away to his apartment (avSpsTov), and after^vards, 
 with any chance companions, either to the mountains 
 or to his estate. Here they remained two months (the 
 period prescribed by custom), which were passed 
 chiefly in hunting together. After this time had 
 expired, the lover dismissed the youth, and at his 
 departure gave him, according to custom, an ox, a 
 military dress, and brazen cup, with other things ; and 
 frequently these gifts were increased by the friends of 
 the ravisher.' The youth then sacrificed the ox to 
 Zeus, with which he gave a feast to his companions : 
 at this he stated how he had been pleased with his 
 lover ; and he had complete liberty by law to punish 
 any insult or disgraceful treatment. It depended now 
 on the choice of the youth whether the connexion 
 should be broken off or not. If it was kept up, the 
 companion in arms (Tra^aerrarT]^), as the youth w^as 
 then called, wore the military dress which had been 
 given him ; and fought in battle next his lover, in- 
 spired witii double valour by the gods of war and love, 
 according to the notion of the Cretans ;"" and even in 
 man's age he was distinguished by the first place and 
 rank in the course, and certain insignia worn about the 
 body. 
 
 Institutions, so systematic and regular as these, did 
 not indeed exist in any Doric state except Crete and 
 Sparta ; but the feelings on which they were founded 
 seem to have been common to all the Dorians. The 
 love of Philolaus, a Corinthian of the family of tlie 
 
 * Ephorus and Heraclides 
 Ponticus. Arms were in Crete, 
 according to Nicolaus Damas- 
 cenus, the most honourable 
 present that could be made. 
 
 Concerning the cup, see Her- 
 monax ap. Athen. XI. p. 502 
 B. 
 
 " JEVmn V. H. III. 9. comp. 
 N. A. IV. I. 
 
 \ 
 
*304 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 ^ I 
 
 
 Bacchiadse, and the lawgiver of Thebes, and of Diodes 
 the Olympic conqueror, lasted until death ; and even 
 their graves were turned towards one another, in token 
 of their affection*/ and another person of the same 
 name was honoured in Megara, as a noble instance of 
 self-devotion for the object of his love.^ 
 
 8. It is indeed clear that a custom of such general 
 prevalence cannot have originated from any accidental 
 impression or train of reasoning ; but nmst have been 
 founded on feehngs natural to the whole ]:)oric race. 
 Now that the affection of the lover was not entirely 
 mental, and that a pleasure in beholding the beauty 
 and vigour, the manly activity and exercises" of the 
 youth was also present, is certain. But it is a very 
 different question, whether this custom, universally 
 prevalent both in Crete and Sparta, followed by the 
 noblest men, by the legislators encouraged with all 
 care, and having so powerful an influence on educa- 
 tion, was identical with the vice to which in its name 
 and outward form it is so nearly allied. 
 
 The subject should be carefully considered, before, 
 with Aristotle, we answer this question in the affirma- 
 tive, who not only takes the fact as certain, but even 
 accounts for it by supposing that the custom was insti- 
 tuted by the legislator of Crete as a check to popula- 
 tion.*^ Is it, I ask, likely that so disgraceful a vice, 
 not practised in secret, but publicly acknowledged and 
 
 '^ Aristot Polit.II.9. 6, 7. 
 
 y Aristoph. Acharn. 714. 
 Theocrii. Id. XII. 28. and 
 Schol. 
 
 2 According to Plato and 
 Cicero (Leg. I. p. 636 B. 
 Tusc. QiifTst. IV. 34. comp. 
 Boeckh ad Leg. p. 106.) This 
 practice originated from the 
 
 gymnastic exercises ; a suppo- 
 trition probably not true in this 
 general sense. 
 
 •1 Polit. II. 7. 5.— It is how- 
 ever true of Athens only, and 
 not of the Dorians, that the 
 love of the male supplied the 
 place of that of the female sex. 
 
 CH. 4, § 8. 
 
 OF THF: DORIANS. 
 
 f!05 
 
 countenanced l)y the state, not eonfin(Hl to a few indi- 
 viduals, but common lor centuries to the whole people, 
 should really have existed, and this in the race of all 
 the Greeks, the most distinguished for its healthy, tem- 
 perate, and even ascetic habits? These difficulties 
 nuistbe solved before the testimony of Aristotle can l)e 
 received. 
 
 I will now offer what appears to me the most pro- 
 bable view of this question. The Donans seem in 
 early times to have considered an intimate friendship 
 and connexion between males as necessary for their 
 proj)er education. But the ol)jection which would 
 have presented itself in a later age, viz. the liability to 
 abuse of such a habit, had then no existence, as has 
 been already remarked by a learned writer.*" And 
 hence they saw no disadvantage to counterbalance the 
 advantages which they promised themselves in the 
 unrestrained intercourse which would be the natural 
 consequence of the new institution. It is also true 
 that the manners of simple and primitive nations gene- 
 rally have and need less restraint than those whom a 
 more general intercourse and the greater facility of 
 concealment have forced to enact prohibitory laws. 
 This view is in fact confirmed by the declaration of 
 Cicero, that the Lacedaemonians brought the lover into 
 the closest relation with the object of his love, and that 
 every sign of affection was \>erm\iied prceier stujjrum ;'' 
 
 ^ Welcker, Sappho von ei- 
 nem herrschenden vorurtheill 
 befreit, p. 41. Confederates 
 in arms are called 'AxiX- 
 Xvwi fiXoi in the beautiful 
 Fragment of ^olian lyric poe- 
 try,^ attributed to Theocritus, 
 XXVIII. 34. Comp. Arrian. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Peripl. Pont. p. 23. 
 
 ^ Cicero de Rep. IV. 4. La- 
 cedfcmonii ipsi cum omnia con- 
 cedunt in amorc jiivenum prin- 
 ter stnprnm^ ienui sane muro 
 disseepiunt id quod excipixmi : 
 complexus rriim concuhiiusque 
 permit timt. 
 
^6 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 5, § 1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 307 
 
 for althoufi^h in tlie times of the corruption of manners 
 this proximity would have been attended with the most 
 dangerous consequences, in early times it never would 
 have been permitted, if any pollution had been appre- 
 hended from it. And we know from another source 
 that this stuprum was punished by the Lacedaemonians 
 most severely, viz. with banishment or death.'^ It 
 may be moreover added, that this pure connexion was 
 encouraged by the Doric principle of taking the educa- 
 tion from the hands of parents, and introducing boys 
 in early youth to a wider society than their home could 
 afford.^ 
 
 d ^lianV.H. III. 12. On 
 account of this provision the 
 Lacedsemonian law is called tto/- 
 KikoQ by Plato Sympos. p. 182. 
 The purity of the Lacedsemo- 
 nian custom is also attested by 
 Xenophon, the best authority 
 on Doric manners. Ei tlc 
 iraiboQ (TwfxaroQ o^Eyo^evoq (jxi- 
 veirjf a'L(Tyj.(TTOv touto Seig (o 
 AvKovpyog) kiroiriffev ev ^aKsCai- 
 fxovL fjLrjcey ijTToy ecaa^rdg Trai- 
 ^LKwy OLTri^EfrQai ij yoi'slQ Traicwv 
 71 Kai adeXcpol ace\(t)U)y elg 
 a(ppodi(Tia awi^ovTai^ de Rep. 
 Lac. 2. 13; and see Schnei- 
 der's note. Plato however has 
 a different opinion of it, Leg. I. 
 p. 638. VIIL p. 836. The 
 Cretan fell into worse repute 
 than the Lacedsemonian cus- 
 tom, Plutarch de Educ. 14. 
 Both however are praised as 
 equally innocent by Maximus 
 
 Tyrius, Diss. X. p. 113. The 
 suspicions thrown upon it are 
 perhaps to be entirely traced to 
 the Attic comic poets ; thus 
 Eupolis ap. Athen. I. p. 17 D. 
 Hesych. et al. Lexicog. in Kv- 
 croXaKMv and XaKiovii^iLv. Comp. 
 Suidas and Apostolius, XI. 73. 
 AaKiiyviKOV rporroy TVEpaii'tiv. 
 
 ® On the subject of this last 
 part generally, see Meiners' 
 Miscellaneous Philosophical 
 Writings, vol. I. p. 61, and 
 History of the Female Sex, vol. 
 I. p. 321. Herder's Thoughts 
 on the Philosophy of Historv, 
 Works, vol. V. p. 173. Since 
 the first publication of this 
 work, the view of the above 
 question taken in the text has 
 been approved by Jacobs, Mis- 
 cellaneous Works, III. Leben 
 und Kunstder Alten, II. (1829) 
 pp. 212, sqq. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 § 1. Education of the youth at Sparta. Its early stages. §2. Its 
 continuation after the twelfth year. § 3. Education of the 
 youth in Crete. § 4. Nature of the education : gymnastic and 
 music. § 5. Influence of the Dorians upon the national 
 games. § 6. The Spartan youth trained to hardships. § 7. 
 Military games at Crete and Sparta. § 8. Athletic exercises 
 of the women. 
 
 1. The education of the youth (usoT^alay in the 
 ancient Doric states of Sparta and Crete, u as con- 
 ducted, as might be supposed, on a veiy artificial 
 system : indeed, the great number of classes into 
 which the boys and youths were distributed, w^ould 
 itself lead us to this conclusion. For since this sepa- 
 ration could not have been made without some aim, 
 each class, we may conjecture, was treated in some 
 way different from the rest, the whole forming a com- 
 plete scale of mental or bodily accjuirements. 
 
 Whether a new-born infant should be preserved or 
 not, was decided in Lacedeemon by the state, i. e. a 
 council composed of the elders of the liouse.^ This 
 custom was not by any means more barbarous than 
 that of the ancient world in general, which, in earlier 
 times at least, gave the father full power over the lives 
 of his children. Here we may perceive the great 
 
 * Lucian. Anach. 38. OijXvg 
 veoXaia Theocr. Idvl. XVIII. 
 24. Comp. D'Orvilie ad Cha- 
 rit. p. 22. Alberti ad Hesych. 
 
 HI v. 
 
 ^ Plutarch, Lycurg. 16. I 
 have written house instead of 
 tribe J as above, b. III. ch. 10. 
 § 2. 
 
 x2 
 
308 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITT^TIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 5, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 309 
 
 ll 
 
 influence of the community over the education of its 
 members, which should not, however, lead us to sup- 
 pose that all connexion between parents and children 
 was dissolved, or the dearest ties of nature torn asunder. 
 Even Spartan mothers preserved a power over their 
 sons when arrived at manhood, of which we find no 
 trace in the rest of Greece. Agesilaus riding before 
 his children on a stick'' presents a true picture of the 
 education,'^ which was entrusted entirely to the parents^ 
 till the age of seven ; at which period tlie public and 
 regular education (aycoyriy commenced. This was 
 in strictness enjoyed only by the sons of Spartans 
 (ttoT^itiko) TToiOsg),^ and the mothaces (slaves brought 
 up in the family) selected to share their education : 
 sometimes also Spartans of half-blood were admitted.^' 
 This education was one chief requisite for a free citi- 
 zen ;' whoever refused to submit to it,^ suffered a partial 
 
 *= The philosopher Archytas 
 is mentioned as the inventor of 
 a child's rattle, TrXoray?/, Aris- 
 tot. Polit. Vm. 6 l.Apostol. 
 XVI. 21. 
 
 '^ ^irvWa, kayaToriiTTLa He- 
 sychius. 
 
 ® Plutarch, ubi sup. 
 
 ^Concerning this expression 
 see Plutarch, Ages, i Cleom. 
 II. 37. \aKioviKi) aywyri Polyb. 
 I. 32, also Zonaras and Suidas. 
 The /ivKovpyewc uyujyi) was in 
 later times sui)planted by the 
 \\x'^^^^ Trai^tm, the object of 
 which was utility, Plutarch, Phi- 
 lop. 16. comp. Pausan. VII. 8. 
 3. 
 
 s According to the correct 
 reading^ in Athen. VI. p. 271 
 E. These are the same as ol 
 EK r?/c ay wyrjg Ta7dec : see above, 
 p. 22. note p. From the ex- 
 
 pression Cjq hy Kai rd 'idia Ikttoi- 
 iZaiy, we may infer that the fa- 
 thers paid the expenses of edu- 
 cation, which was observed in 
 b. III. ch. 10, § 7. 
 
 ^' Xenoph. Hellen. V. 3. 9. 
 Tojv er rrj ttoXsl kaXwyovK uirei' 
 pot. The driiioriKT] aycoyrj in Po- 
 lyb. XXV. 8. I. is an inferior 
 decree. 
 
 ^ See in part cular Plutarch, 
 Lac. Apophthegm, p. 243. 
 
 ^ Any one who when a boy 
 would not undergo hard labour, 
 according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 
 3. had no longer any share rwv 
 KciXuiv ; i. e, the remaining edu- 
 cation (rd KaXd in Sparta ; 
 comp. Xenoph. Hellen. V. 4. 
 32, and above, note '')» ^^d be- 
 came dcoKifioQ in the town, not 
 ofioLOQ. Plutarch, Inst. Lac. 
 p. 252, says too generally, that 
 
 loss of his rights ; the immediate heir to the throne 
 was the only person excepted,^ whilst the younger sons 
 of the kings were brought up in the herd (aysXTj). 
 Leonidas and Agesilaus, two of the noblest princes of 
 Sparta, submitted uhen boys to the correction of their 
 masters. 
 
 2. From the twelfth year" upwards, the education 
 of l)oys was much more strict. About the age of six- 
 teen or seventeen they were called o-i8stiva<.° At the 
 expiration of his eighteenth year, the youth emerged 
 from chihlhood, the first years of this new rank being 
 distinguished ])y separate terms.° During the pro- 
 gress from the condition of an ephel)us to manhood, the 
 young Spartans were called Sphcereis,^ probably 
 because their chief exercise was foot-ball, which game 
 
 u 
 
 any one who did not go 
 
 through the education lost the 
 *' right of citizenship ; which 
 " conversely might be obtained 
 " by a stranger who submitted 
 " to it." 
 
 ^ Plutarch, Ages. i. 
 ™ Plutarch, Lycurg. 16 : comp. 
 above, ch. 2. § 5. 
 
 " Photius in (TviicpTjIooc, where 
 for Elrjg ^EKa read eKKaihtca. 
 Schneider Lexicon in (XKvdpa^ 
 proposes rrvyevyag ; but all these 
 werein the Agelge. More ge- 
 neral names are derived from 
 Kopocj e. g. KutpaXiffKoi : see He- 
 sych. in v. From thence the 
 piece of Epilycus, the scene of 
 which was laid in Sparta, had 
 its title : see above, p. 288, note 
 ^, k-vp(Tariov, Aristoph. Lysistr. 
 983. Schol. also Suidas,' Pho- 
 tius in tcvpacU'ia, Hesych. in v. 
 
 also m KVpaiOV^ (TKVpdaKEC, (TKVp- 
 
 BuKia: comp. Hesych. in (tkv- 
 Opa^ et (TKvpOaXUic. Phot, in 
 
 (TKvpddi'ia. 
 
 "In the second year after 
 this period he was called Eiren, 
 before it Melleiren, Plutarch, 
 Lycurg. 17. Etym. Mag. and 
 Gloss. Herodot. in ftpi/i^, He- 
 sych. in IplyEQ, 'ipai'eg, /ieXXi- 
 pr}v. Hesychius explains ipavEg 
 by dp)^opreg, huoKoyreg ; and eI- 
 pr)idCEL to mean K-pareT, and this 
 appears to be the original mean- 
 ing of the word. Amompha- 
 retus, Callicrates, &c., the Ipi- 
 VEQ m Herod. IX. 85. were 
 certainly not youths, but com- 
 manders, particularly Amom- 
 pharetus, was lochagus of the 
 Pitanatan lochus. After that 
 same period he was called Pro- 
 teires, Phot. p. 105. Kara Trpw- 
 TElpac, Hesych. kard Trpwrrjpac. 
 It appears that in this compo- 
 sition npqg is the snme word as 
 Eiprji'. 
 
 V Pausan. III. 14. 6, and 
 see liocckh Inscript. 
 
/ 
 
 310 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 5, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 311 
 
 \l 
 
 w 
 
 was carried on with great emulation, and indeed 
 resembled a battle rather than a diversion.*^ In their 
 nineteenth year they were sent out on the crypteia/ at 
 twenty they served in the ranks, their duties resembling 
 those of the TTsg/TToXo* at Athens. Still the youths, 
 although they were now admitted to the public ban- 
 quets," remained in the divisions, which were called 
 ayiXoLi, or in the Spartan dialect ^ovai,^ and distri- 
 buted into smaller troops (called '/Xat).'' The last 
 name was also applied to a troop of horse,'' and is one 
 amongst several other proofs,^ that, in early times at 
 least, the exercise of riding was one of the principal 
 occupations of the youths of Sparta. In these divisions 
 all distinction of ai>:e was lost, the leaders of them Avere 
 taken from among tlie Irenes,^ and exercised great 
 powers over the younger members ; for the use of 
 which they were in their turn responsible to every citi- 
 zen of a more advanced age,"" and particularly to the 
 paidonomus, a magistrate of very extensive authority.'' 
 His assistants were the floggers, or mastigophori, who 
 were selected from the young men,*^ the buagi or ma- 
 nagers of the buse f besides which, there were certain 
 
 q Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi Eustath. ad 11.0'. p. 727. 22 
 Bup. and b. III. ch. 11. § 3. 
 
 ' Above, b. III. ch. 3. §4. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 5. 
 
 * Hesych. and Etym. Mag. 
 in Povoa, where for ayXei rig, 
 read aytXrj ng, Valcken. ad 
 Adon. p. 274. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 2. 11. 
 Plutarch, Lycarg. 16, 17. Inst. 
 Lac. p. 248. 
 
 "" At Tarentum, the com- 
 mander of the ile was called 
 peiXapfioaraQ, the digamma be- 
 ing prefixed ; see Hesych. 
 
 y See Hesych. in 'iTnrapxog 
 i)i'inxapurr)r, and according to 
 
 not merely the 300 were called 
 cavalry, but all the linre'ic of 
 the elders. 
 
 ^ Xen. Plutarcli, ubi sup. 
 uses the word agele instead of 
 ile. 
 
 * Plutarch Lye. 18. 
 
 ^ Xenoph. 2. 2. Plutarch. 
 Hesych. According to Xen. 4. 
 6 the iTTTreig were still under 
 the superintendence of the Trat- 
 
 ^OVOfJLOC. 
 
 ^ Xenoph. ubi sup. 
 
 '^ Hesych. where the povayop 
 is erroneously called Trcug. See 
 b. III. ch. 7. § 8. 
 
 officers appointed to manage the boys, called am- 
 paides.® A similar arrangement was adopted in the 
 societies of the girls and young women. ^ Tlieocritus, 
 in his Epithalamium of Helen, represents 240 young 
 women of the same age, as joining in the daily exer- 
 cises and games.^' And whilst Doric customs pre- 
 vailed at Croton, the daughter of Pythagoras (according 
 to Timseus)'' was several times appointed leader of the 
 young women and matrons. 
 
 3. In Crete the boys, as long as they remained in 
 the house of their father, were said to dwell in dark- 
 ness.' At this period they were admitted into the 
 syssitia of their respective fathers, where they sat 
 together on the ground ; after the syssitia they formed 
 themselves into societies under separate paidonomi.^ 
 It was not till their seventeenth year that they were 
 enrolled in tlie agelse,^ so that the education was here 
 entrusted to the family for a longer period than at 
 Sparta. They remained in the agelae till married, 
 and consequently even after they had attained the age 
 of manhood ; hence in the extant treaty between the 
 Latians and Olontians, it is required that the agelse 
 also should take the oath."" From tlie circumstance, 
 
 ® Hesychius in cifiTraideg. 
 ^ Who were called *cwpot, 
 
 TTWTrat, 7raX\aK6C. For the first 
 expression see Maittaire, p. 156. 
 Kopa amongst the Pythagoreans. 
 Jambl. Pyth. XL 56. For the 
 second, see Hesychius in v. 
 where read Kopai. For the third 
 see Etym. Mag. p. 649. 57. 
 
 8 Theocrit.^Idyll. XVHL 23. 
 comp. Pind. Fragm. Hvporch. 
 8. Boeckh, Callim. Lav. Pall. 
 33. 
 
 »» In Porphyr. Pyth. VIII. 
 61. p. 263. Goeller : comp. 
 
 Jambl. Pyth. 30. 
 
 * (TKOTioi : see Schol. in Eurip. 
 Alcest. 989. This also was the 
 time in which the boys were 
 taken awav from home ; see 
 above, ch. 4. § 7 ; and from the 
 circumstance of their belonging 
 to no agele, they were called 
 (iTrdytXoi, Hesych. in v. 
 
 ^ Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 483. 
 
 ^ Hesych. Ephorus ubi sup. 
 and Nicol. Dam. mention in- 
 deed only a izaicwv dyiXrj, but 
 use TTfuc in an extensive sense. 
 
 ™Chishull, p. 134. 
 
 11 
 
31-2 
 
 DOMESTIC iNSTlTUliONS book iv. 
 
 cii. 5, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 313 
 
 however, that these troops of young men were brought 
 together by one of the most wealthy and illustrious 
 in their body, whose father held the office of com- 
 mander (aysXctTTj^), led them to the chase and the 
 games, and exercised the right of punislmient over 
 them ;" we perceive that a far greater influience, as 
 well over the government"* as the education, was per- 
 mitted to particular families in Crete than at Sparta,, 
 whilst the system itself was less strict and impartial. 
 The age of manhood was in Crete dated from the time 
 of admittance into the male gynmasia (there called 
 8gojoio< ;) P hence a person who had exercised ten years 
 among the men was called Ss^aSpo/xo^ ;*^ the youth who 
 had not as yet wrestled or run in them a7ro^f>o{jLog.^ 
 We have no account respecting other Doric towns, 
 and merely know that the classes of the ephebi at 
 Cyrene w^ere called from the number of each, the 
 ** three hundred."^ 
 
 4. Thus far respecting the arrangements for train- 
 ing the youths. The education itself was partly 
 bodily, partly mental ; although the division nmst not 
 be drawn too strictly, since each exercise of the body 
 includes at the same time that of the mind, at least of 
 its hardihood, patience, and vigour. The Greeks, 
 however, used the general terms of gymnastic for the 
 
 n 
 
 ' t 
 
 Ephor. ubi sup. Heracl. 
 Pont. 3. From this circum- 
 stance, according to Hesychius, 
 the ephebi in the agele were 
 called a'ycXooTot, for which 
 Meursius reads dyeXriioL from 
 dyeXcii^u), without any authority. 
 
 « See book III. ch. 8. § 2/ 
 
 P Suidas. 
 
 1 ol CEKa f.TT] Iv toIq avcpaaiv 
 rjfTKTiKOTEc^ accordiug to the cor- 
 rection of Valcken. ad Amnion. 
 
 I. 12. 
 
 ^ Eustath. ad II. 6'. p. 
 727. 18. ad Odyss. 6'. 1592, 
 57. Rom. Ammonius in yipioy. 
 
 ^ rpLaKCLTioi. Eustath. and 
 Ammon. ubi sup. Hesych. in v. 
 ol f.(pr]J30L kqX to crvcrrrjfia avnJiiy. 
 comp. Intpp. vol. 11. 1412. The 
 observations of Mazocchi, Tab. 
 Heracl. p. 258. 87. are very 
 absurd. 
 
 former, and 7nusic for the latter of these branches. It 
 is well known that the Dorians paid more attention 
 than any other Greeks to gymnastic exercises ;* and 
 it has been above remarked, that these exercises in 
 their proper sense first originated among the Cretan.s 
 and Spartans ; the latter in particular have often been 
 censured for practising them in an immoderate de- 
 gree." This want of moderation, however, though it 
 occurred in later times, is never perceivable in the 
 maxims and ideas of the Dorians, who in this, as in 
 several other cases, knew how to set bounds to youth- 
 ful ardour, and check its pernicious effects. Aristotle 
 himself'' remarks concerning the Spartan education, 
 that it did not tend to form athletes, who considered 
 gynmastic exercises as the chief business of life ; and 
 that the exercises tending to the beauty and elasticity 
 of the frame were accurately separated from those of 
 an opposite character, is shown by the absolute prohi- 
 bition of the rougher exercises of boxing and the 
 pancration ;- the latter being a mixture of wrestling 
 
 * Hence a particular oil ves- 
 sel used in the gymnasia was 
 called AwpiQ oX-rra, Theocr. 
 Idyll. II. 156. it was probably 
 a very simple utensil, since the 
 Spartans, instead of the orX^y- 
 ytc, used a bundle of reeda, 
 Schol. ad Plat. Charm, p. 90. 
 Ruhnken. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. 
 p. 253. Lobeck ad Phrynich. p. 
 430. remarks ingeniously that 
 several vocahula rnusica, palee- 
 strica et militaria, even in the 
 common Grecian dialect, had a 
 Doric character, being particu- 
 larly in use amongst the Do- 
 rians. 
 
 *' Dion. Chrysost. Orat. 37. 
 33. *PiXoyv[xi'<t<TTov(n Aa/jwrec- 
 
 The same is said in Plato Pro- 
 tag, p. 342. of the imitators of 
 the Spartans, who also (con- 
 trary to the customs of their 
 original) were addicted to the 
 contest with the CtTstus. Ari- 
 stot. Polit. VIII. 3. 3. merely 
 says, that the discipline to which 
 the Spartan youth were sub- 
 jected made them too brutal, 
 OijpMeiQ. 
 
 " Comp. what the Spartan in 
 Plutarch. J^ac. Apophthegm, p. 
 246. says concerning the dis- 
 tinction between Kpeitrffiov and 
 /va/5/3aX(k-wr£p<>c, a better wres- 
 tler. 
 
 y Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. 
 Apophthegm, p 125. Lac. Ap. 
 
314 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTin TIOXS book iv. 
 
 CH. 5, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 315 
 
 and boxing, in which the fall of either party did not 
 decide the victory, but the most violent contest often 
 took place when the combatants were struggling on 
 the ground. The reason of this is said to be, that 
 in these alone an express confession of the defeated 
 party by the raising of the hand, served to put an end 
 to the contest ; and that Lycurgus would not permit 
 such an avowal to his Spartans. But the real reason 
 is probably that stated above. On the other hand, 
 gladiators (o7rXojw.ap^ot) who publicly exhibited their 
 skill in the use of arms, were not tolerated in Laconia,^ 
 probably because the use of arms was thought too 
 serious for mere sport and display. Nevertheless the 
 colony of Cyrene adopted this custom from Mantinea 
 in Arcadia,''' under their legislator Demonax.^ 
 
 5. The Doric race, to whom the elevation of gyni- 
 nastic contests into great national festivals was prin- 
 cipally owing, were probably likewise the first who 
 introduced crowns in lieu of other prizes of victory. 
 The gymnastic combatants in Homer are excited by 
 real rewards ; but from the advanced state of civil- 
 ization on which the Dorians stood in other respects, 
 it is probable that they also purified the exhibition 
 of bodily activity from all other motives than the love 
 of honour. The first crown was bestowed at Olympia, 
 and was gained in the seventh Olympiad by Daicles a 
 Dorian of Messenia.*" How much gymnastic exercises 
 
 in the practice of war. 
 
 ^ Athen. IX. p. 154 D. The 
 Mantinean btrXoyiayJa will ac- 
 count for a Mantinean being 
 reported to have invented the 
 ivoirXioQ bp-)0(Tic, Plutarch. 
 Num. 13. There was also a 
 peculiar MavriviKr^ ottXktiq. 
 
 '^Corsini, Diss. Agon. p. 127. 
 
 p. 225. Seneca de Benef. V. 3. 
 Xenophon's remarks in Rep. 
 Lac. 4. 6. on the boxing of the 
 rjfiUJvTEQ^ do not apply to the 
 gymnastic exercises. 
 
 ^ Plato, Laches, p. 183. 
 
 ^ Where it was without doubt 
 connected with the military 
 service, arid a display of valour 
 
 were practised in the different Doric states, may be 
 collected from the extant catalogues of the conquerors 
 at the Olympian, and Pythian games : some conclu- 
 sions may even be drawn from an examination of 
 Corsini's Catalogue. This shows that the Spartans 
 never practised either boxing or the pancration,'^ and 
 their principles were so generally recognized at the 
 Olympian games, over which they possessed great 
 influence, that boys were not till a very late period per- 
 mitted to contend in the pancration.^ On the other 
 hand, many conquerors in the race came from Sparta, 
 particularly between the 20th and 50th Olympiads : 
 besides numerous pentathli and wrestlers : amongst 
 the former Philombrotus (Olymp. 26 — 28.), amongst 
 the latter Hipposthenes (Olymp. 37 — 43.) and his 
 son Hetoemocles are distinguished by the number of 
 crowns gained at Olympia ; the first victors in both 
 contests were also Laced eemonians. Before the 9th 
 Olympiad, the Elean catalogues mention Messenians 
 in particular as victors in the race : from the 49th 
 Olympiad, the natives of Croton are conspicuous as 
 victors in the stadium ; of these, Tisicrates and As- 
 tylus occupy the whole period between the 71st and 
 75tli Olympiads. At the same time the swift-footed 
 Phallys was thrice victorious at the Pythian games : 
 this champion was likewise the wonder of his age 
 in the pentathlon (a contest requiring extraordinary 
 activity), but particularly in the exercise of leaping,*^ 
 
 *^ Thus, as is his usual prac- 
 tice, Hermippus gives a ficti- 
 tious account of the victory 
 gained by the son of Chilon in 
 the contest with the cestus at 
 Olympia. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 5. 
 
 *' Pausan. V. 8. 3. It is how- 
 ever surprising that the Tru'rad- 
 
 Xov Trailwv existed only in one 
 Olympiad, viz. the 38th, when 
 a Lacedscmonian obtained the 
 victory. 
 
 ^ See the Grammarians in the 
 proverb i/Trt^) 
 
 ra EaKauLLE^a 
 
 /j/i( 
 
316 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 CH. 5, § G. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 317 
 
 ! i 
 
 1| 
 
 \\ 
 
 being also a warrior and athlete. The gymnastic 
 training of the young Crotoniats at that time attained 
 the height of the development of the body in equal 
 beauty and strength ; Croton was celebrated for its 
 beautiful boys and youths.^ 
 
 During this period there existed at Croton a school 
 of wrestlers, the chief of whom was Milo, who from 
 the 62nd Olympiad was victorious in almost every one 
 of the four principal games, more frequently than any 
 other Greek. It was however whilst the philosophy of 
 Pythagoras directed the public institutions of Croton, 
 and influenced its manners, that this city outshone the 
 rest of Greece by its warriors and athletes.^ Milo 
 himself, the fabulous champion of posterity, was at 
 the same time a sage and hero. But the conquest of 
 Sybaris, the destruction of the Pythagorean league, 
 and the adoption of the Achaean constitution, soon put 
 an end to this system, and Croton, without suffering 
 any external change, lost at the end of the 75th 
 Olympiad the whole of her internal vigour. As the 
 athletes of this town followed in their choice of ex- 
 ercises the fundamental principles of Spartan disci- 
 pline, the case was reversed amongst the Rhodians, 
 particularly whilst the family of Diagoras flourished. 
 
 s The Olympic conqueror, 
 Philip of Croton, the friend of 
 Dorieus the Spartan, was con- 
 sidered the most beautiful of 
 the Greeks, Herod. V. 47. Cicero 
 de Invent. II. 1. says of the 
 Crotoniats as follows : " Quo- 
 " dam tempore Crotoniatae mul- 
 " tum omnibus corporis viribuset 
 *' dignitatibus antesteterunt, at- 
 *' que honestissimas ex gymnico 
 " certamine victorias domum 
 " cum maxima laude retulerunt. 
 
 " Quum pueronim igitur formas 
 *' et corpora magno hie (Zeuxis) 
 " opere miraretur : horum, in- 
 " quiunt illi, sorores sunt apud 
 *' nos virgines." This is doubt- 
 less a correct description of the 
 flourishing period of the youth 
 of Croton : but it falls much 
 before the time of Zeuxis. 
 
 ^ Strab. VI. p. 262. comp. 
 Meiners, Geschichte der Wis- 
 senshaft, book III. ch. 2. 
 
 gi^ 
 W 
 
 r 
 
 which produced more than six boxers, the first of their 
 day, and men of gigantic bodily strength.^ The iEgi- 
 netans were famed for their dexterity in the contests, 
 and from the 45th Olympiad till the dissolution of 
 their state, bore off numerous victories in the race, 
 wrestling, and pancration, and were particularly dis- 
 tinguished as boys.'' The distant colonies in Sicily 
 and Libya took little interest in gymnastic contests : 
 the latter expected more glory from their renowned 
 horses and chariots,' the former from their breed of 
 mules." The Cretans, although particularly distin- 
 guished in running, fought (according to Pindar, 
 whose statement is confirmed by these catalogues) 
 " /ike gamecocks in the arena of their own court,'"'' 
 It is not possible to detail the pecuharities of the Doric 
 states in their management of the various exercises, 
 till the customs observed at their contests, parti- 
 cularly in wrestling, have been more accurately ex- 
 amined." 
 
 6. But all the exercises in the gymnasium of 
 Sparta were esteemed of perhaps less importance to 
 the education of the body, than another class, the 
 object of which was to harden the frame by labour 
 
 ^ Diagoras, his sons Dama- 
 getus, Accisilaus, Dorieus, and 
 grandsons Kucles and Peisir- 
 rhodus ; perha})s also Hyllus, 
 see Boeckh Expl. Find. Olymp. 
 VII. p. 165. 
 
 ^ yEginetica, p. 141. see also 
 Menand. de Encom. III. 1. p. 
 97. ed. Heeren. 
 
 1 Boeckh Expl. Find. Pyth. 
 IV. p. 268. Pyth. V. p. 287. to 
 which add Hesvch. in iXala. 
 
 ™ Boeckh Expl. Find. Olymp. 
 IV. p. 143. 
 
 "Olvmp. XII. 20. comp. 
 
 Boeckh Expl. p. 210. 
 
 " The Spartans were particu- 
 larly fond of the mode of wrest- 
 ling called KXifiaKii^eiv : see 
 the verses of Plato the comic 
 poet quoted above, p. 280, note ^. 
 comp. Plut. Lac. Apophthegm, 
 p. 241. The cLTTo Tpa-)(iiXov 
 yvfu'iii^eadai, Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 
 9. appears to have required par- 
 ticular strength of neck. The 
 Argives were dexterous l^po- 
 arpocpoi (throwers of crossbut- 
 tocks), Theocr. Idyll. XXV. 
 109. 
 
318 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. 
 
 and fatigue. The body was obliged to undergo heat 
 and cold (the extremes of which were felt in an im- 
 moderate degree throughout the narrow valley of 
 Sparta) ,P likewise hunger, thirst and privations of 
 every description. To this they were trained by 
 frequent hunting on the mountains, in which manner 
 the youths of Crete were also exercised ,"1 as also in the 
 agelse, under the agelates/ Next came the laborious 
 service in the most distant parts of the Laconian terri- 
 tory, amidst which the young men of Sparta grew up 
 from youth to manhood, obliged to administer to their 
 own wants without the assistance of a servant.^ The 
 boys were also inured to hardships, by being forced to 
 obtain their daily nourishment by stealing; for this 
 custom was also limited to a particular period in the 
 education of the sons of the Equals.* We should 
 certainly afford at the best but a very partial represen- 
 tation of these peculiar customs, if we were to single 
 out some striking peculiarity from a connected sys- 
 tem, and attempt to examine in detail a subject which 
 should be criticised generally, or not at all. Accord- 
 ing to the scattered fragments of our information, the 
 state of the case was as follows :" the boys at a certain 
 period were generally banished from the town, and all 
 communion with men, and were obliged to lead a 
 wandering life in the fields and forests. When thus 
 excluded, they were forced to obtain, by force or cun- 
 
 P See b. I. ch. 4. § 3. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 4. §7. 
 
 "^ Above, § 3. 
 
 « See b. III. ch. 3. § 4. 
 
 *Xenoph. Anub IV. 6. 14. 
 
 ^ Heracl. Pont. 2. Xen. Rep. 
 Lac. 2, 6. Justin. III. 3. 6. 7 
 comp. Cicero apud Noniiim in 
 
 clepere. Gellius N. A. XI. 18. 
 &c. Phitarch Lycurg. 17. does 
 not state the reason accurately, 
 comp. Inst. Lac. p. 249. Lac. 
 Apophthegm, p. 239. The Schol. 
 Plat. Leg. I. p. 225. ed. Ruhn- 
 ken. 450. ed. Bekker. confound 
 the cryptia with this institution. 
 
 CH. 5, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 319 
 
 ning the means of subsistence from the houses and 
 court-yards, all access to which was at this time for- 
 bidden them ; frequently obliged to keep watch for 
 A\liole nights, and always exposed to the danger of 
 being beaten, if detected. To judge this custom with 
 fairness, it should only be regarded in the connexion 
 which we have explained above. The possession of 
 property was made to furnish a means of sharpening 
 the intellect, and strengthening the courage of the 
 citizens, by forcing the one party to hold and the other 
 to obtain it by a sort of war. The loss of property 
 which was thus occasioned, appeared of little import- 
 ance to a state w^here personal rights were so little 
 regarded ; and the mischievous consequences w^ere in 
 some measure avoided by an exact definition of the 
 goods permitted to be stolen,'' which were in fact those, 
 that any Spartan who required them for the chase, 
 might take from the stock of another. Such was the 
 idea upon whicli this usage was kept up ; it might 
 possibly however have originated in the ancient 
 mountain-life of the Dorians, when they inhabited 
 mounts (Eta and Olympus, cooped up within narrow 
 boundaries, and engaged in perpetual contests with 
 the more fortunate inhabitants of the plains : as a relic 
 and memorial of those habits, it remained, contrasted 
 with the independent and secure mode of life of the 
 Spartans at a later period. Respecting the triumph 
 of Spartan hardihood, viz. the scourging at the altar 
 of Artemis Ortaia, it has been above remarked in what 
 manner, by a change made in the genuine Grecian 
 
 ^ offct fxrj Kii)\vii I'OfiOi^. Xe- 
 noph. Anab. ubi. sup. comp. 
 De Rep. Lac. 2. 6. Cicero's as- 
 sertion de Rep. IH. 9. Cretes 
 
 lairocinari honedum putanf 
 should also be taken in a limited 
 sense ; comp. however Polvb. 
 VI. 46. I. 
 
320 
 
 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv- 
 
 spirit, the gloomy rites of a sanguinary religion had 
 been turned to a different and useful purpose.^' 
 
 7. The gymnastic war-games, which were peculiar 
 to the Cretans and Spartans, still remained to be 
 noticed as a characteristic feature of the Doric edu- 
 cation. At the celebration of these, the ephebi, after 
 a sacrifice to Ares in a temple at Therapne, went 
 through a regular battle unarmed, in an island formed 
 by ditches, near the garden called Platanistas, and ex- 
 erted every means in their power to obtain the victory/ 
 In Crete the boys belonging to one syssition frequently 
 engaged in battle against those of another, the youths 
 of one agele against those of another, and these con- 
 tests bore a still nearer resemblance to a real engage- 
 ment. They marched to the sound of flutes and lyres, 
 and besides fists, weapons of wood and iron were em- 
 ployed.* Yet although at Sparta gymnastic exercises 
 were certainly brought to a nearer resemblance with 
 war than in the rest of Greece, it would be erroneous 
 
 y B. II. ch. 9. § 6. Concern- 
 ing the ^to/iaor/ywo-tc, comp. 
 Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Inst. Lac. 
 p. 254. Athen. VIII. p. 350 C. 
 Lucian. Icarom. 16. Musonius 
 apud Stob. Serni. 92. p. 307. 
 Schol. ad Plat. Leg. I. p. 224. 
 Ruhnken. p. 450. Bekker. 
 Cic. Qusest. Tusc. V. 27. 
 Seneca de prov. IV. To this 
 add the passages in Manso I. 
 2. p. 183. Creuzer Init. Philos. 
 Plat. II. p. 166. A flwfioyiKrtQ 
 occurs in a Lacedaemonian in-^ 
 scription, Boeckh, N**. 1364. 
 I am not vet convinced of the 
 truth of Thiersch's conjecture, 
 that the bronze statute of the 
 youth at Berlin is of this cha- 
 racter. I should rather take it 
 
 to represent a conqueror in the 
 pancration rwv Tralcwy, in the 
 attitude of returning thanks to 
 Jupiter for his victory. 
 
 -^ Pausan. III. 14. 8. comp. 
 II. 2. Plat. Leg. I. p. 633. Cic. 
 Qusest. I'usc. 5 — 27. Lucian. 
 Anach. 38. Plutarch Lac. Apoph- 
 thegm, p. 239. Lacaen. p. 258. 
 what Plato terms yvfxvoTrai^ihc, 
 are in general exercises of naked 
 boys in the heat of summer, 
 comp. Schol. ad loc. and Suidas 
 in AvKoupyoc. The i]^u)vteq ac- 
 cording to Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 4. 
 also fought with the selected 
 three hundred wherever they 
 encountered them. 
 
 '^ Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 
 483. Heracl. Pont. 3. 
 
 CH. 5, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 321 
 
 on that account to conclude, that the aim of nil bodily- 
 education among the Dorians was to obtain superiority 
 in war. Enough has been alleged to prov^e satisfac- 
 torily to any unprejudiced reader, that the chief object 
 of Spartan discipline was to invigorate the bodies of 
 tlie youth, without rendering their minds at the same 
 time either brutal or ferocious. And that this en- 
 deavour to attain, as it were, an ideal beauty and 
 strength of limb, was not altogether unsuccessful, may 
 be seen from the fact, that the Spartans, as well as 
 the Crotoniats, were about the 60th Olympiad (540 
 B. C.) tlie most healthy of the (ireeks,^' and that the 
 most beautiful men as well as women were found 
 amongst them.*" 
 
 8. The female sex underwent in this respect the 
 same education as the male, though (as has been above 
 remarked) only the virgins. They had their own 
 gynmasia,*^ and exercised themselves, either naked or 
 lightly clad, in running, wrestling, or throwing the 
 quoit and spear.*" It is highly improbable that youths 
 or men were allowed to look on, since in the gymnasia 
 of Lacedijemon no idle bystanders were permitted ; 
 every person was obliged either to join the rest, or 
 withdraw.* Like the Elean girls in the temples of 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. The 
 Lacedaemonian uyojyr) was in 
 
 later times considered as a 
 gymnastic education. Thus 
 Phocion had his son brought 
 up in the Lacedaemonian man- 
 ner, and Alcibiades was at least 
 nursed by Amvcla, Plutarch 
 Lycurg. 16. Schol. Plat. I. p. 
 77. Ruhnken. 
 
 *= Herod. IX. 72. A Lacedae- 
 monian strikingly res^embled 
 Hector, i. e. the ideal of heroic 
 excellence, according to Plu- 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 tarch Arat. 3. 
 
 ^ Nicol. Damasc. 
 
 ^ Plutarch I Lycurg. 14. Lac. 
 Apophthegm, p. 223. comp. 
 Manso I. 2. p. 162. Respecting 
 the exercise of running iy^piw- 
 yac^ Welcker ad Alcm. p. 10 
 sq. The exercises, besides the 
 gymnasia, are mentioned by a 
 poet in Cic. Qusest. Tusc. II. 
 15. and referred to also in Ari- 
 stoph. Lys. 117. 
 
 » Plato Thea^t. p 162, 169. 
 Plutarch Lycurg. 14. only says, 
 
 Y 
 
DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 CH.6, ^ 1. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 323 
 
 322 
 
 Here so at Sparta the eleven Bacchanalian virgins 
 
 exhibited their skiU in the race at a contest in honour 
 
 of their crod. . , , 
 
 The whole system of gymnastic exercise was placed 
 at Sparta under the superintendence of magistrates ot 
 the highest dignity, the bidi^i ; and the ephoi-s every 
 ten days inspected the condition of the boys to ascer- 
 tain whether they were of a good habit of body, if so 
 general a meaning can be attached to the testimony of 
 
 The whole of this book from the first chapter has 
 been employed in considering the manners and physi- 
 cal existence of the Dorians (the S^a.ra A«,p|x,). 
 We now come to the second great division of educa- 
 tion, viz. music ; in which term the whole menta 
 education of the Doric race was included if we except 
 writing, wliich was never generally taught at Sparta. 
 Nor indeed was it essential in a nation where, as in 
 Crete, laws, hymns, and the praises of illustrious men, 
 that is the jurisprudence and history of such a people, 
 were taught in the schools of music/ 
 
 that they witnessed the proces- 
 sion and dances of the young 
 
 men. ^ ^^,^ r\ 
 
 g In Athen. XII. p. 550 U. 
 
 comp.^lian.V.H.XIV^l. 
 
 ^ According to Isocr. Panath. 
 D 544. comp. Perizomus ad 
 ^lian. V. H. XII. 50. That 
 they learnt to read, is asserted 
 by Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Inst. 
 Lac. p. 241. but contradicted 
 by a Soph. anon, m UrelU 
 0pp. Mor. II. p- 214. The 
 ancient simplicity of their man- 
 ners is evident from the custom 
 of cutting a staff {aKvraXri) 
 in pieces, and dividing the 
 
 fragments, to be preserved as 
 memorials of a contract entered 
 into, Photius in a^cvToKri, and 
 Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1284. 
 from Dioscorides wepl vo/xt/xwv. 
 Concerning the schools of learn- 
 ing in Crete, see Heracl. Pont. 
 3. Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 
 482 The most ancient Gre- 
 cian letters appear also to have 
 been called Doric, Suidas in 
 
 Kopivvoc- _, 
 
 • ^lian. V. H. II. 39. The 
 same practice was enjoined by 
 the laws of Ljcurgus, see book 
 I. ch. 7. § 3. 
 
 I i 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 § 1. Origin of the Doric musical mode. § 2. Character of the Doric 
 mode. § 3. Progress of music in Sparta. § 4. Public musi-/ 
 cal performances. § 5. Progress of music in other Doric 
 states. § 6. Connexion of dancing and music. Military 
 music of Sparta. § 1. Military dances. § 8. Connexion of 
 gymnastic exercises and dancing. § 9. Imitative dances. § 
 10 Dances of the Helots. Origin of bucolic poetry among the 
 subject classes. § 11. Comedy connected with the county Ics- 
 tivals of Bacchus. 
 
 1 . We are now about to speak of the history of 
 music in the different Doric states ; and before we 
 notice particular lacts and circumstances, we must 
 direct our attention to the more general one, namely, 
 that one of the musical modes or agfxovi'a. (by which 
 term the ancient Greeks denoted the arrangement of 
 intervals, tlie length of which was fixed by the different 
 kinds of harmony, ys'vTj, according to tlie strings ot the 
 tetrachord, together with the higher or lower scale ot 
 the whole system), was anciently called the Doric," 
 and that this measure, together with tlie Phrygian and 
 Lydian, was long the only one in use among the 
 musicians of Greece, and consequently the only one 
 which in these early times derived its name from a 
 Greek nation ; a sufficient warrant for us to consider it 
 as the genuine Greek mode, in contradistinction to 
 
 ^ Hence also ?wptC«"^ '^ ^}"9 
 in the Doric style, Hesychius. 
 A cithara strung so as to suit 
 that measure was called a 
 Awpm ^dp/iiyi Pindar Olymp. 
 I. il. who also calls the rhythm 
 
 which suited the Doric mode, 
 Awpiov TTf^iXoi', Olymp. III. 5. 
 and the whole together Awpm 
 KtXevdoQ vfivioi'y Fragm. Incert. 
 98. 
 
32t ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 any other introduced at a later period.^ A question 
 next arises, wherefore this ancient and genuine Greek 
 strain was called the Doric.^ The only explanation 
 that can be given is, that it was brought to perfection 
 in Doric countries, viz. in the ancient nurseries ot 
 music, Crete, Sparta, Sicyon, and Delphi. There 
 cannot therefore have been any school or succession ot 
 musicians among the other Greek nations, oi greater 
 celebrity than the Doric, before the time we allude to 
 Had this been the fact, they must either have adopted 
 the same mode, or had an original one of their own; 
 in the first case, it would have been named rather 
 after them, in preference to the Dorians ; m the second, 
 there would have been two Greek musical modes not 
 merely the Doric. It follows then, that the establish- 
 ment of the Doric music must have been of greater 
 antiquity than the renowned musicians of Lesbos, who 
 themselves were prior to Archilochus,^ and should not 
 be considered as commencing with Terpander^ (who 
 flourished tVom Olymp. 26. till 33. 676-646 B.C. , 
 since at his time they had already arrived at a high 
 de-ree of eminence. In tact, the Lesbian musicians 
 we'^e at that time the most distinguished in Greece : 
 
 ^'Plat. Lach.p. 188 D. 
 
 *^ Some endeavoured to ex- 
 plain this name by supposing 
 that Thamyris was the inven- 
 tor, who had contended with 
 the Muses at Dorhtm, Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. I. p. 307. comp. 
 Fabric. Bibl. Grsec. vol. I. p. 
 
 301. 
 
 d Vol. I. p. 351. notes. It 
 was on this that Glaucus ap. 
 Plutarch Music. 4. probably 
 grounded his proof of the date 
 of Terpander. 
 
 e According to the important 
 
 testimony of Sosibius the La- 
 conian, the musical contests at 
 the Carnea were first instituted 
 in Olymp. 26., and according to 
 the catalogue of Hellanicus, 
 Terpander was the first who 
 gained the prize, Athen. XIV. 
 p. 635. The Parian Marble 
 ep. 35, places his new regula- 
 tion of music at Sparta in 
 Olymp. 33. 4. The other state- 
 ments on the time of Terpander 
 are far inferior to these in au- 
 thority. 
 
 cii. 6, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 325 
 
 they far surpasssd the native musicians of Pelopon- 
 nesus, nay, even of Lacedeemon itself; so that if the 
 ahove style had not at that time been common in the 
 Peninsula, it would not have been called the Doric. 
 Notwithstanding which, tlie' opposition of the Doric 
 to the Phrygian and Lydian modes on the one side, and 
 the definite (md systematic relation l)etween the three 
 on the other, can neither have been the result of mere 
 popular and unscientific attempts, nor have originated 
 in the mother-country of Greece, where there was no 
 opportunity of becoming acquainted with the styles of 
 music peculiar to those Asiatic nations,^ or of compar- 
 ing them with their own, so as to mould them into one. 
 The Doric mode, however, could only have been so 
 named originally, from the contrast which itexlii]>ited 
 with these other kinds of music, and this must have 
 been first observed in foreign countries, and not among 
 the Dorians or Peloponnesians themselves, who were 
 only acquainted with one style. The natural supposi- 
 tion then is, that the Lesbian nmsicians, being in con- 
 stant communication both with PeIoj>onnesus and Asia 
 Minor, first established the distinction and names of 
 the three modes^ by adapting to the particular species 
 of tetrachord in use throughout Peloponnesus, the ac- 
 companiments of singing and dancing practised in 
 Asia Minor, and moulding the whole into a regular 
 system. 
 
 2. Allowing then the truth of these premises, it 
 follows that the Dorians of Peloponnesus, the genuine 
 Greeks, cultivated music to a greater degree than 
 any other of the Grecian tribes, before the time when 
 
 ^Thus Pindar (ap. Athen. p. at Lydian banquets the strings 
 635 D. fragm. Scol. 5. Boeckh.) of the lyre sound in opposition 
 says, that Terpander first heard to the high ttijkti<^. 
 
326 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 this far-famed school of Asia flourished. We are 
 warranted in assuming that it was not merely the ex- 
 ternal influence of the Doric race which gave their 
 name to this mode, from the close affinity it bears to 
 the character of the nation. The ancients, who were 
 infinitely quicker in discovering the moral character 
 of music than can be the case in modern times, attri- 
 buted to it something solemn, firm, and manly, calcu- 
 lated to inspire fortitude in supporting misfortunes and 
 hardships, and to strengthen the mind against the 
 attacks of passion. They discovered in it a calm sub- 
 limity, and a simple grandeur which bordered upon 
 severity, equally opposed to inconstancy and enthu- 
 siasm ;" and this is precisely the character we find so 
 strongly impressed on the religion, arts, and manners 
 of the Dorians. The severity and rudeness of this 
 music (which appeared gloomy and harsh to the later 
 ages, and would be still more so to our ears, accus- 
 tomed to a softer style) was strikingly contrasted with 
 the mild and pleasing character which had then long 
 pervaded the Epic poetry. It teaches us undoubtedly 
 to distinguish between the Asiatic Greeks, and those 
 sprung from the mountains in the north of Greece, 
 who, proud of their natural loftiness of character and 
 vigour of mind, had acquired but little refinement from 
 any contact with strangers. 
 
 3. In the study of music, as well as every thing 
 else, the Dorians were uniformly the friends of anti- 
 quity; and in this also Sparta was considered the 
 model of Doric customs.*' Not that Sparta opposed 
 
 g For the whole of this, see p. 624 D. 
 Boeckh de Metric. Pindar. ^ See Athenaeus, p. 632. from 
 
 p. 238. and particularly Hera- Heraclides Ponticus. 
 did. Pont. ap. Athen. XIV. 
 
 CH. 6, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 327 
 
 herself altogether to every attempt at improvement; 
 her object was, that every novelty should be first ac- 
 knowledged to be an improvement, before it passed 
 into common use, and formed a part of the national 
 education. Hence it unavoidably followed, that the 
 music pubhcly practised in Sparta proceeded by rapid 
 and single advances to a state of perfection ; which 
 opinion is perfectly consistent with the account given 
 by an ancient author of the different regulations 
 respecting the exercise of this art.^ AVhen Terpan- 
 der, the son of Derdenes, an inhabitant of Antissa in 
 Lesbos, four times carried off the prize in the Pythian 
 games, and also in the Carnean festival at Sparta 
 (where the musicians of his school were long distin- 
 guished),^ and had tranquillized the tumults and dis- 
 orders of the city by tlie solemn and healing tones 
 of his songs,^ the acknowledged admiration of this 
 master became so general in Sparta, that he procured 
 the sanction of the law to his new inventions, particu- 
 larly the seven-stringed cithara. It appears tliat by 
 these means™ the music of earlier times became en- 
 tirely antiquated, so that with the exception of the " 
 
 » The supposed Plutarch, in Phrynisis altogether out of the 
 
 the learned and excellent Essay question, 
 on music, c. 9. ^ Diod. fragm. II. p. 639. 
 
 ^ See Aristotle and JEVms Plutarch Music. 42. Schol. Od. 
 
 Dionysius in Eustathius p. 741. y. 267. ed. Buttman. Tzetzes 
 
 15. Heraclid. Pont. 2. Plutarch Chil. I. 16. Marra. Par. ep. 
 
 de Sera Num. Vind. 13. Hesy- 35. 
 
 chius in ^era Aiafiiov ^'Bo»^, >" Although he is said to 
 
 Apostolius XII. 70. &c. Accord- have been first fined by the 
 
 ing to Plutarch Mus. 6, the last ephors on account of the num- 
 
 of that school who appeared at her of the strings, Plutarch. Inst, 
 
 the Carneawas Pericleitus, who Lac. p. 251. hut the account is 
 
 lived before Hipponax. If so, very confused. Yet Athenseus 
 
 ^lius Dionysius is wrong in XIV. p. 628 D., when he says 
 
 mentioning Eusenitides "and that the Spartans saved music 
 
 Aristocleides^ the latter of whom three times ^ ^ccms to allude to 
 
 was certainly of a later date. it. 
 
328 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv 
 
 ancient Pythian minstrels, Chrysotheniis and Pliilani- 
 mon, not one name of the Doric musicians, before the 
 time of Ter pander, has come down to us. For those 
 who, like Thaletas, have been sometimes considered 
 more ancient, belong, according to undoubted testi- 
 mony, to a later period." Plutarch dates the second 
 epoch of Spartan music from Thaletas the Elyrian 
 (whose skill was undoubtedly derived from the ancient 
 sacred minstrels of the neighbouring town of Tarrha),*' 
 and from Xenodamus of Cythera, and Xenocritus the 
 Locrian,^ (whose chief compositions were pseans and 
 hyporchemes), from Polymnestus of Colophon, and 
 Sacadas the Argive, the latter of whom distinguished 
 himself in elegies and other compositions adapted to 
 the flute, the former in the ortliian and dithyrambic 
 styles, and also as an epic and elegiac poet. Sacadas 
 flourished and conquered at the Pythian games in 
 Olymp. 48. 3. 586 B. C. ; the other musicians, accord- 
 ing to Plutarch, must also have lived about the same 
 period. Thaletas was however earlier than Polym- 
 nestus'i and Xenocritus,"^ although later than Terpander 
 
 ^ For the statements of Schol. 
 Od. y . 267. and Eustathius ad 
 1. concerning an ancient Lace- 
 daemonian named Demodocus, 
 of Sipias a Dorian, of Abaris a 
 Lacedseraonian, and of Probolus 
 a Spartan, at the time of the 
 migration of the Heraclid?e, are 
 
 fore he is unquestionably of a 
 later date than Thaletas ; he is 
 called the contemporary of Sa- 
 cadas, who flourished about the 
 48lh Olympiad (588 B. C), 
 but was probably somewhat 
 earlier. According to Plutarch 
 Mus. 5. he was mentioned by 
 
 hardly worthy of the name of Alcman, which does not agree, 
 
 if this poet lived in Olymp. 27 
 (672 B- C), where he is gene- 
 rally placed : but the other 
 date of the ancient chronolo- 
 gists for Alcman, viz. Olymp. 
 42 (612 B. C), is doubtless 
 more correct. 
 
 ■■ Glaucus aj). Plutarch. Mus. 
 10. 
 
 mythical 
 
 «B.II. ch. 1. § 5. 
 
 P Concerning whom see 
 Boeckh Expl. Pind. 01. X. p. 
 197. 
 
 ^ Polymnestus wrote a poem 
 to Thaletas for the Lacedae- 
 monians (Pans. L 14. .3.), pro- 
 bablv after his death, and there- 
 
 CH. 6, §3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 329 
 
 and Archilochus, and therefore lived before the 40th 
 Olympiad, or 620 B. C To these musicians Plu- 
 tarch entirely ascribes the introduction of songs at the 
 gymnopaedia of Lacedsemon," the endymatia at Argos, 
 and some puldic spectacles in Arcadia. The regu- 
 lations established at this period appear to have con- 
 tinued in force as long as the Spartan customs were 
 kept up, and were the chief means by which the 
 changes attempted to be introduced during the several 
 epochs of Melanippides, Cinesias, Phrynis, and Timo- 
 theus the Milesian were prevented from being cjirried 
 into effect. Thus Ecprepes the eplior, on observing 
 that the cithara of Phrynis had two strings more than 
 the allowed number, inmiediately cut them out ; and 
 the* same thing is said to have happened to Timotheus 
 at the Carnean festival." The account is, however, 
 contradicted by an improbable story, that the accused 
 minstrel justified himself by referring to a statue of 
 Apollo at Sparta, which had a lyre containing the 
 same number of strings.* At least Pausanias^ saw in 
 the hall of music at Sparta'' ((rxias), the eleven- 
 stringed cithara which was taken from Timotheus, and 
 there hung up. 
 
 ■ Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p. 
 678 B. also mentions songs of 
 Thaletas at this festival, comp. 
 Suidas in QaXrjrac. It seems 
 however probable that the in- 
 troduction here mentioned did 
 not take place before the battle 
 of Thyrsca, about Olymp. 58. 
 or 546 B. C, since much of 
 the musical solemnities of the 
 gymnopaedia referred to this 
 action, Athen. ubi sup. comp. 
 Etymol. Mag. in yv^voiraiCia^ 
 if we should there read with 
 Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. 
 
 p. 211. Qvpalav for ITuXatar, on 
 which however there is some 
 doubt. See vol. I. p. 309, 
 
 note "". 
 
 ' Plutarch Agis 10. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 205. 
 
 " According to Plutarch Agis 
 10. Inst. Lac. p. 251, and Ci- 
 cero de Leg. II. 15. compare 
 Dio Chrys. Or. XXXII. p. 382 
 B. cd Rcisk. 
 
 ^ Artemon ap. Athen. XIV. 
 p. 636 E. 
 
 y III. 12. 8. 
 
 '- Etymol. Mag. in crKidg. 
 
330 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 It is well known that a Spartan decree is supposed 
 to exist/ on this real or fabulous transaction respect- 
 ing the eleven-stringed cithara of Timotheus. It 
 recites, that " whereas Timotheus of Miletus, despising 
 " the harmony of the seven-stringed cithara, poisoned 
 '' the ears of the young men by increasing the number 
 " of strings, and introducing a new and effeminate 
 " species of melody ; and that having been invited to 
 " perform at the festival of the Eleusian Ceres, he 
 *' exhibited an indecent representation of the holy 
 *' rites, and most improperly instructed the young 
 " men in the mystery of the labour-pains of Semele ; 
 " it is decreed that the kings and ephors should repri- 
 " mand Timotheus, and compel him to reduce the 
 ** number of strings on his cithara to seven ; in order 
 " that every person in future, being conscious of the 
 •* dignity of the state, might beware of introducing 
 " improper customs into Sparta, and the fame of the 
 ** contests be preserved unsullied."^ But the authen- 
 
 * Ap. Boeth. de Musica ad 
 calc. Arati. Oxon. p. 66. Also 
 in Casaubon on Athen. VIII. 
 p. 613. (vol. IV. p. 611. 
 Schweigh.), Scaliger on Mani- 
 lius, Bulliald on Theon, Leo- 
 pardus in his Observationes 
 Criticse, Gronovius Prsef. ad 
 Thes, Ant. Grsec. vol. V. from 
 a Cambridge MS., Chishull 
 Ant. Asiat. p. 128, and with a 
 collation of several Oxford ma- 
 nuscripts (Cleaver's) Decretum 
 Lacedaemoniorum contra Ti- 
 motheum Milesium, Oxonii 
 1777; lastly, Payne Knight, 
 Essay on the Greek Alphabet, 
 sect. 7. and Porson, Tracts, p. 
 145. Mus. Crit. vol. I. p. 506. 
 
 '' The following recension of 
 
 the decree is made after the 
 manuscripts, without any arbi- 
 trary introduction of laconisms ; 
 while the short vowels are 
 every where retained, and even 
 the singular I for Y. Ettci^c 6 
 TiyuoScop 6 MtXr^fftOjO napyLvofJie- 
 vop ey ray afierEpay iroXiy ray 
 iraXaiay jioav arifJiaa^E^ Kat ray 
 lia ray cTrra -^opCay Kirapiriy 
 a7rocrrp£<l>o^eyop Tto\i.(povLay etau- 
 yov XifiaLviTaL rap uKoap roy 
 veoy ^la te rap 7roXt')(op^iap kul 
 rap Kaiyorarop to fiEXEOp, ayeyye 
 KaL TToiKiXay avrt airXoap kul 
 TETU^Evap afiipLEyyiTai ray fioav^ 
 ETTi yj)OjjLaTop (TiyiffrafiEyop ray to 
 fXEXtop ciacTKEiay avri Tap eyap- 
 fjLoyio TTOTrny ayTi(TTpo<l>oy afioi- 
 /3av* irapaKXiTEii ^« Kai ettov 
 
 cii. 6, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 331 
 
 ticity of the inscription is so doubtful, to say no more, 
 that we dare not deduce any historical inferences from 
 il. For in the first place, the style of Uie document 
 appears to have been formed upon the model of a 
 common Athenian honorary decree, only that censure 
 is inserted instead of praise with a sort of mock gra- 
 vity. There is nothing in it characteristic of Spartan 
 manners, but much that is foreign and almost strange ; 
 for example, it is not even stated who proposed and 
 approved the decree. Secondly, a decree upon such 
 a subject is not consistent with the general spirit of 
 the government of Sparta, which was distinguished 
 by its summary method of proceeding. Every ephor, 
 as inspector of the games, hiid the same powers indi- 
 vidually as are here attributed to the whole college, 
 and the kings ; who had (it is true) a place of honour 
 at the public games, but no share in the direction of 
 them. The Eleusinia, in the form of a theatrical fes- 
 tival, were at least celebrated in Sparta at a late date.*' 
 That Timotheus should have ventured to produce his 
 " Birth of Bacchus" at those games is very surpris- 
 ing ; but still more so is the account of his liaving 
 taught it to the Spartan youths, which can only mean 
 that he contrived to have it represented by the young 
 men of the town. Now the 'ilSii/ of Timotheus was 
 a dithyrambic ode of the mimic species, which was a 
 late invention performed by regular actors, not by a 
 
 ay oy a Tap EXtifftriap Aa/xarpop 
 airpETTE cuffKEiaaaTO Tay rw fiiTW 
 ^lacTKEiay Tay yap ^EfiiXap o^iya 
 OVK EyoiKa Top yEop ll^aKKE ^E- 
 doKTai ap TTEpt rovToiv TOp patTi' 
 XEap Kat Top Ecpopop fiEfJixlaTTai 
 TifJLodEoy, ETrayayKarai ^e Kat Tay 
 tyCEKa')(0p^ay EKTUjiEy rap Trtptr- 
 
 Tap vTroXiTTO/jLEioy Tap tTrra* 
 OTTOp EKaarop to Tap TtoXiop fiapop 
 opoy EvXafiETai ETTay ^irapray 
 
 ETTKpEpEy TL TOy ft£ KaXoV ETOy /Lt£ 
 
 TTOTE raparrtroi kXeop ayoyov 
 (according to Porson, f/ rQy p) 
 TTori Tap apETcip KXeop ayoyTtoy-). 
 
 "^ B. II. ch. 10. §4. 
 
332 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 public chorus. How then is it possible that the 
 latter should have been the case at Sparta ? The 
 learned distinction between different styles of music 
 in the decree, clearly savours less of Laconian brevity 
 than of the self-complacency of some granmiarian.*^ 
 Most of the expressions used may be traced to the 
 comic poets of Athens, and contain no Spartan pecu- 
 liarities, and yet an accurate explanation of them 
 might lead us into many difficulties. Lastly, the 
 dialect appears to me to be the composition of some 
 one who had accidentally become acquainted with 
 peculiar Spartan inflections. The letter P is most 
 suspiciously used throughout ; the author had evi- 
 dently an erroneous notion that is not Laconian, 
 and should be changed into T, instead of S.*" The 
 editors have endeavoured to make considerable altera- 
 tions in the orthography ;^ but by this means all possi- 
 bility of criticism is made hopeless. It is therefore 
 probable that some grammarian has taken the trouble 
 to draw up a Laconian decree from one of the stories 
 respecting Timotheus, the interest of which should 
 consist in the austerity of the sentiments, and the 
 roughness of the dialect. That the inventor really 
 intended it for a public monument, is evident from the 
 ancient style of writhig, which was abolished at Athens 
 
 •^ In common Greek, lirl 
 
 yotjfiaroq avvLcrra^EVOt: Tr]v rov 
 fieXeog diaaKevrjv arri rrjg eyap- 
 fxoviov TTpog rriv avTiarpocpoy 
 dfioifirjv. 
 
 ® Thus, for example, weliave 
 ETwy from edog, the Laconian 
 form of which was BESOP, 
 Valcken. ad Thec.crit. p. 282. 
 
 t For instance, MOYSa has 
 been written for /uirw (see 
 
 Valckenser. p. 31 9.) » without a 
 shadow of probability ; for (ct- 
 rapiTLy KISAPISTIN, for afx- 
 (piEvvLTaL AMHENNYTAI (from 
 dfiTriffai, ajjupucrai Hesychius), 
 or AMnirENNYTAI (from 
 /^fVrov, Etym. M. p. 195. 45. 
 for laOog Aristoph. Lys. 1090.); 
 for eTrayayKctTcu EnANAFKA- 
 AI from TToir/at, &c. &c. 
 
 CH. 6, §4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 333 
 
 at the archonship of Euclid, and in Sparta perhaps 
 
 later.^ 
 
 In Crete the national music was once formed on 
 the same princii)les as in Lacedsemon,^' but became 
 relaxed in course of time. In a Cnosian^ decree 
 made at the beginning of the second century before 
 Christ, an ambassador is commended for having often 
 played on the cithara the melodies of Timotheus, Po- 
 lyidus,*' and the ancient Cretan poets. In Argos, too, 
 the tirst person who used a cithara with more than 
 seven strings was punished ;^ and in Sicyon, also, there 
 were laws appointed to regulate musical contests."" 
 
 4. The chief reason why the state constantly inter- 
 fered in the regulation of nmsic was, that it was con- 
 sidered much more as expressing the general tone of 
 the feeling and morals of the people, than as an art 
 which might be left to its own capabilities of improve- 
 ment. Historical examples confirm the truth of this 
 close connexion, and in particular, it is alleged re- 
 specting the Dorians of Sicily, that by introducing 
 a soft effeminate music, they destroyed the purity 
 of their morals ;" while the strict domestic discipline 
 at Sparta would hardly have been preserved without 
 the assistance of the ancient style of nmsic which was 
 there cultivated. In order to explain this, it is neces- 
 
 g Tiiat it was a common 
 practice to forge Spartan in- 
 scriptions is remarked by Valc- 
 kencer. p. 251. The genuine- 
 ness of tills decree was first 
 questioned by Villebrun ad. 
 Athen. VIII. p. 352. and 
 Heinrich Epimenides, p. 175. 
 
 »' Plat. Leg. II. p. 660. cf. 
 III. p. 680. 
 
 i Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 121. 
 
 ^ A contcmi)orary of Timo- 
 
 theus, Phitarch Mus. 21. A- 
 thcn.VIII. p 352B. 
 
 1 Plutarch Mus. 37. 
 
 "^ Boeckh Inscript. N^ 1 108. 
 Plutarch Mus. 32. ascribes a 
 moral judgment of music par- 
 ticularly to the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans, Mantineans, and Pellene- 
 
 ans. 
 
 ° Max. Tyr. 4. p. 46. 21. p. 
 216. ed. Davis, cf. Cic. de Leg. 
 II. 15. 
 
334 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 sary to observe, that in those times music formed a 
 much more universal branch of education, and was 
 practised to a far greater extent by the people at large, 
 than it has ever been since.'' We may trace the pro- 
 gress of music, as it from time to time fell more into 
 the hands of individual ai-tists, whilst the populace, 
 which in the infancy of the ait took a part in the exhi- 
 bition, gradually became mere spectators. The com- 
 mand of an ancient Delphic oracle,^ that public 
 thanksgivings should be offered to Bromius by the 
 vAiole people for a fruitful year, by singing choruses 
 in the streets, was also followed at Sparta, at least in 
 the Gymnopaedia. At this festival large choruses of 
 men and boys appeared,*^ in which many of the inha- 
 bitants of the city doubtless took part. From tliis 
 circumstance either the whole or part of the market 
 was called chorus / and it is probable that the spacious 
 (supit^opoi) cities of Homer were merely furnished 
 with open squares large enough to contain such nu- 
 merous choruses. It was at these great city cho- 
 ruses that those of blemished reputation abvays 
 occupied the hindermost rows f sometimes, neverthe- 
 less, men of consideration, when placed there by the 
 arranger of the chorus, boasted that they did honour 
 to the places, the places did not dishonour them.' 
 
 ° As was always the case in 
 Arcadia, according to Polybius 
 IV. 20. 7. 
 
 P Ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 
 15. compare Buttmann's Com- 
 mentary, p. 35. 
 
 "1 Sosibius ap. Athen. p. 678 
 B. 
 
 ^Pausan. III. 11. 7. 
 
 ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. IX. 5. iu 
 
 •w 9 
 
 yopoTc f*C 7'ar e7roreict(TTov(; y^w- 
 
 pag aVfXauj'crac. 
 
 * See the apophthegm of 
 Damonides, PUitarch Reg. A- 
 pophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. 
 p. 203. where however ^opayog 
 is put instead of x^joottoioc, 
 which magistrate had the regu- 
 lation of the choruses in gene- 
 ral (Xen. Ages. 2. 17. Phi- 
 tarch ubi sup. p. 173. but in 
 Herodotus VI. 67. there is no 
 
 CH. G, § 4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 335 
 
 Tliose placed at the back of the chorus were called 
 (like the soldiers arrayed behind the line of battle) 
 ^iT^slg ;" the choregus, however, did not merely defray 
 the expenses of the chorus, but he also led it in per- 
 son ; and indeed a choregos once performed the duties 
 of flute-player at Lacedaemon.^ If then eveiy citizen 
 took some part in these choruses, it follows that they 
 must have been trained to them, and have practised 
 them from childhood ; as we know on the other hand 
 that the whole musical instruction of Crete and 
 Sparta was intended as a preparation for them.y 
 Accordingly, the musical school was called chorus 
 among the Dorians ;' in musical training there was 
 a constant reference to the public choral dances. 
 Hence we perceive that, at least in early times, a cer- 
 tain cultivation of music within the limits prescribed 
 by the national manners was common to all Spartans ; 
 and the saying of the poet Socrates,^ '' that the bravest 
 " of the Greeks also made the finest choruses," was 
 peculiarly applicable to them ; also Pratiuas the scenic 
 poet speaks of " the Lacedaemonian cicada,^ as ready for 
 
 on 
 
 reason to introduce him 
 conjecture) ; and the saying of 
 Agesilaus, Plutarch Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 173 (where however 
 it is erroneously stated that 
 Agesilaus was appointed king 
 when a boy). The author of 
 the Agesilaus attributed to 
 Xenophon states, that Agesi- 
 laus, before the capture of Pei- 
 rseum, returned home, though 
 lame, in order to be conducted 
 to his place by the choropoeus 
 at the paean of the Hyacinthia; 
 but he clearly confounds him 
 with the Amycleans. 
 
 " Above, page 262, note^, 
 
 where I preferred the explana- 
 tion of Hesychius to that of 
 Suidas. 
 
 '^ Aristot. Polit.Vin.6. 6. 
 
 y Plato Leg. II. p. 666. 
 
 ^ Pollux IX. 5.41. 
 
 '^ Ap. Allien. XIV. p. 628 F. 
 Schweighseuser asks who this 
 poet Socrates was ? I believe 
 the passage is from the llpooi- 
 fjiior, or Hymn to Apollo, which 
 the philosopher composed when 
 in prison. 
 
 ^' The cicada was considered 
 as a musical animal, and sacred 
 to Apollo. 
 
336 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 '* the chorus/'" In later times, indeed, the numbers qf 
 the citizens in Sparta so greatly diminished, and war 
 occupied so much of the public attention, that the 
 favourable side of Spartan discipline was cast into the 
 shade, and Aristotle ascribes with truth to the Spartans 
 of his time a just discrimination and taste for music, 
 but no scientific knowledge of it.*^ 
 
 The cultivation of music, however, was the more 
 o-eneral among the Dorians and kindred race ot 
 Arcadians, from the circumstance that women took a 
 part in it, and sang and danced in pubhc both with 
 men and by themselves." On the nature of the par- 
 thenia, or the choruses performed by girls, the charac- 
 ter and education of Doric virgins enable us to decide 
 with confidence, wlien we are told, that the parthenia 
 were accompanied by Dorian music, and there was 
 something in them exceedingly grave and solemn/ It 
 appears likewise, that aged persons, who at Athens 
 w^ould have been ridiculed for dancing at religious 
 ceremonies, at Sparta often took a part in the great 
 choruses, as is proved by the accounts of the three 
 great choirs of boys, men, and old men, which seem 
 to have danced at several great festivals.^' 
 
 5. Havino- now in the foregoing remarks considered 
 the peculiarities of the Doric race, as^vellin general 
 
 « Ib.XIV. p.633 A. 
 
 d Aristot. Polit. VIII. 5. and 
 on the other hand see Chamse- 
 leon ap. Athen. IV. p. 184 D. 
 
 « Above, ch. 2. § 3. ch. 4. 
 § 1. Hesychius ^oyXt'^ep, Trop- 
 
 *■ Boeckh ad Pindar, fragm. 
 
 p. 598. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Lycurg. 21. de 
 
 amore sui 1."j. Lac. Inst. p. 
 
 251. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 
 
 223. Ruhnken. p. 449. Bekker 
 Zenohius, Apostolius, &c. They 
 are said to have been instituted 
 by Tyrtseus (Pollux IV. 15. 
 106.), to whoni^ Lycurgus in 
 Leocrat. p. 162. 21. ascribes 
 generally a large share in the 
 education of youth at Sparta. 
 It is from these of the Spar- 
 tans that Plato copies his great 
 choruses. Leg. 11. p 664 sqq. 
 
 CH. 6, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 337 
 
 as with respect to Sparta in j)articular, we shall next 
 give some account of the progress of music among the 
 several states of that race. 
 
 That the religious music and poetry of the Dorians 
 originated in Crete, has heen shown ahove :^ and 
 perhaps the loud and irregular nuisic of the early 
 Phrygian inhabitants first awakened a taste for that 
 art among the Dorians. The nome, the psean, and 
 the hyporcheme,' had been known in Crete from an 
 early period, though the more polished form of the 
 two last w^as introduced by Thaletas. The dances in 
 a ring were often connected with the nome and hypor- 
 cheme, according to an ancient custom in Crete and 
 the neighbouring regions ; and they were danced by 
 both men and women.^ At Sparta there were the 
 same dancers, known by the name of "p/^oi, or orna- 
 merits? The youth danced first some movements 
 suited to his age, and of a military nature ; the maiden 
 followed in measured steps, and with feminine ges- 
 tures. The Spartan music w^as in general derived 
 from the Cretan, nor did it attempt to disown its 
 origin ; indeed many favourite dances, with their 
 tunes, and certain paeans, ordered by law to be sung 
 at appointed times, together with many other kinds 
 of music, were called Cretan."" But it cannot be 
 denied that, although their origin may have been 
 
 hR. II. ch. 8. § 11, 13. 
 
 * Concerning these songs, 
 see Athenseus IV. p. 181 B. 
 where it is stated that tum- 
 bling (^icvpKTTdv) was a national 
 custom in Crete, and in general 
 Aristoxenus ap. Athen. XIV. 
 p. 630 B. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 4. § 1. Eusta- 
 thius ubi sup. relates that The- 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 seus danced thus with the seven 
 youths and maidens to Cnosus. 
 Compare Lobeck ad Soph. Aj. 
 698. Krwaia 6p\r]^aTa. 
 
 ^ Lucian de Saltat. 12. See 
 Meursius Orchestra, torn. V. p. 
 
 237. 
 
 ™ Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 
 
 481 D. 
 
338 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 similar, their progress and development were very 
 different. The Cretan music appears to have been 
 almost entirely warlike and religious, while the 
 Spartan, from the time of Alcman, was adapted to 
 more various purposes. Peculiar kinds of Lacedse- 
 monian dances were in existence at the time of Clei- 
 sthenes of Sicyon f they consisted both of motions 
 of the hands and feet, as Aristoxenus states of se- 
 veral ancient national dances.^ The early zeal for 
 music in these regions is shown by the contests in 
 the temple of Zeus at Ithome in Messenia, in which 
 Eumelus engaged before the first war with Lace- 
 daemon -.P the contests of the Muses connected with 
 the Carnean festival began in the 26th Olympiad 
 (676 B. C). In the time of Polycrates, Argos pos- 
 sessed the most celebrated musicians in Greece,** 
 particularly flute-players ; about the 48th Olympiad 
 (588 B.C.) Sacadas wrote poetry, composed music, 
 and played lyric songs and elegies to the flute*/ a 
 particular kind of flute was called the Argive.* Si- 
 cyon also appears to have had a share in these im- 
 provements : for after Sacadas had thrice gained the 
 prize, Pythocritus of Sicyon was victorious in six 
 following contests;* and the dithyrambic chorus to 
 the flute was performed there with great skill and 
 effect.'^ That at Sicyon, Corinth, and Phlius, the 
 worship of Bacchus gave a peculiar turn to music 
 
 "Herod. VI, 129. compare 
 Wesseling's note. 
 
 o Athenaeus I. p. 22 D. 
 
 P Pausan. IV. 33. 3. 
 
 q Herod. III. 131. 
 
 ' Boeckh ad Pindar, fragm. 
 inc. 88. Concerning Hierax, 
 see below § 1. Ariston is also 
 mentioned as an ancient flute- 
 player of Argos, in an epigram 
 
 of Simonidea or Bacchylides, 
 Bnmck's Analect. vol. I. p. 
 141. Gaisford'a Poet. Min. vol. 
 I. p. 383. Neue Bacchyl. 
 fragm. 61. 
 
 « Pausan. IV. 27. 4. 
 
 * Pausan. VI. 14. 5. 
 
 " See the ancient Epigram in 
 Atheneeus XIV. p. 629. 
 
 CH. 6, § G. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 339 
 
 and poetry, has been remarked al)ove,* and will be 
 explained at greater length hereafter. In Sicily the 
 worship of Demeter prevailed, which was always 
 attended w^ith a degree of licentiousness ; the Syra- 
 cusan choruses of iambists^ were, without doubt, 
 connected with this worship.* The circumstance that 
 the effeminate dances of the lonians were celebrated 
 there in honour of Artemis,* was probably occasioned 
 by music having degenerated in that island.^ 
 
 6. We do not intend to consider the subject of 
 dancing independently of music ; as this combination 
 appears to be most convenient for our purpose of 
 ascertaining its importance as connected with man- 
 ners and public education. Dancing, when it did 
 not merely accompany the time of the music, in- 
 clined either to gymnastic display or to mimicry ; 
 that is, it either represented bodily activity, or it 
 was meant to express certain ideas and feelings. 
 The gymnastic dancing was no where so much 
 practised as at Sparta, where the ancient connexion 
 between the musical school and the palaestra, and of 
 both with the military exercises,^ was more strictly 
 maintained than in any other state. Indeed the march 
 of the Spartans and Cretans had, on account of its 
 musical accompaniment, some resemblance to a dance. 
 
 ^ B. II. ch. 10. § 6. 
 
 y Athen. V. p. 181 C. 
 
 ^ The lafjifli^eiy is also else- 
 where connected with this wor- 
 ship ; compare Max. Tyr. Diss. 
 XXI. p. 216. Davis, and the 
 general expression aiiceXf^fi*' for 
 op^c7(T0at, Theophrast. ap. A- 
 then. I. p. 22 C. And Archi- 
 lochus perhaps belonged to the 
 colony in which the priestess 
 
 Cleobcea brought the mystical 
 rites of Demeter from Paros to 
 Thasos. 
 
 * Particularly of Artemis 
 XiTtovla, as appears from Athe- 
 naeus p. 629 E. who was also 
 originally 'Ionic, b. II. ch. 9. 
 
 § 5. 
 
 ^ Athen. IV. p. 103. 
 
 ^ On which see Athen. p. 
 624 B. 
 
 z 2 
 
340 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 For, whereas the other Greeks either marched to 
 battle without any music, in the manner of the 
 ancient Ach^ans, or, like the Argives, made use of 
 Tyrrhenian trumpets,^ the Cretans advanced to battle 
 to the sound of the lyre,''^ the Spartans to that of the 
 flute." This last seems, however, to have been an 
 innovation; for Alcman the Laconian mentions the 
 cithara ;^ and the Cretans also introduced the flute in 
 their army.^ However, be this as it may, the flute had 
 become the common instrument at Spaiia ; probably 
 because the cithara was not fitted for uniting large 
 bodies of men, its sound being too low to produce any 
 effect, even during a complete stillness. The sound 
 of flutes was doubtless more piercing, and particularly 
 when a great number of pipers (who in Sparta formed 
 several native families)'^ played the tune for attack. 
 Thucydides remarks that this was not for any reli- 
 gious purpose, but that the troops might march in time. 
 
 •^Pausan. II. 21. 3. Comp 
 Schol. Soph. Aj. 14. Eurip. 
 Phoen. 1386. Athene was 
 evidently the patron of the 
 trumpeters, under the name 
 SaXTTty^, at Argos (an allusion 
 to which see in ^sch. Eum. 
 556. Soph. Aj. n.), because 
 she was tutelar deity of the 
 flute-players ; and this was also 
 the case at Sparta. For it is 
 plain from Polysenus I. 10. that 
 the diaBarripia were offered to 
 Athene on the boundaries (b. 
 III. ch. 12. § 5.) only because 
 she presided over the flutes, 
 by which the army was con- 
 ducted. 
 
 d^i Athen. XII. p. 517 A. 
 de XIV. p. 621 D. Plutarch 
 Mas. 26. 
 
 « Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Athen. 
 XIV. 626. Plutarch ubi sup. 
 Lucian de Saltat. 10. Dio 
 Chrysost. Or. XXXII. p. 380. 
 Reisk. Geli. N.A.I. 11. Eu- 
 stath. ad II. 4/'. p. 1320. 3. ed. 
 Rom. 
 
 f Fragm. 14. ed. Welcker. 
 Pausanias III. 17. 5. mentions 
 flute, lyre, and cithara toge- 
 ther. The fabulous narration 
 of Polysenus appears to me to 
 be historically refuted by Alc- 
 man, as also bv that remarked 
 in b. II. ch. 8.'§ 11. 
 
 g Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Compare 
 StraboX. p. 483 B. 
 
 ^B.III. ch.2. §4. ch. 12. § 
 5, 10. 
 
 CH. 6, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 341 
 
 and not as large armies are apt to do, fall into disorder.' 
 The general term for a tune of this kind was emha- 
 terion.^ One kind of nome was called castor eum, 
 which, like the others, was played on the flute, when 
 the army marched in line to meet the enemy. ^ Tliis 
 had the same rliythm"" as the other embateria," viz. an 
 anapaestic ; both in its measure and mek)dy there was 
 something very enlivening and animated,"" so that 
 Alexander of Macedon always felt hhnself inspired 
 with fresh bravery when Timotheus the Theban played 
 the castoreum to him. There can be no doubt that it 
 was originally set in the Doric mode, and bore the 
 character of Spartan simplicity, notwithstanding the 
 many variations which were afterwards added. ^' Pin- 
 dar is reminded by its name of Castor the horseman 
 and charioteer ;•* but I do not perceive what relation 
 the most ancient use of this nome, as a march for the 
 Spartans, could have to this point : but it clearly took 
 its name from the Tyndaridse, who were considered as 
 
 ^ V. 70. See Lucian de 
 Saltat. 10. 
 
 ^ The 'A^wviov was one kind 
 of the emi3ar}]pia, according to 
 Hesychius, whose gloss oTrep 
 varepov irapa Aeaf^ioLQ ojyofiaadrj, 
 as well as the name itself, is 
 by no means clear. 'EyowXia 
 /licXt; EfxfjaTiipia in Athenaeus 
 XIV. p. 630 F. Valckenaer ad 
 Theocrit. Ad on. p. 283. is also 
 of opinion that the ffapcrirewg 
 XopOQ to the flute was an efifta- 
 Hipioy (from dappeiv) ; but an 
 IfifDarJipiov was not a chorus. 
 
 1 Plutarch de Mus. 26. Lv- 
 curg. 22. where however the 
 KnfTTopEioy fieXog of the flute- 
 players is distinguished from 
 the EfxfiaTi^pioq 7rattt>', in which 
 the king joined (on the other 
 
 hand Polyaenus I. 10. ejiflarr]- 
 piov evhi^itXTiv axiKoc') ; Katrro- 
 piiov generally being used for 
 the music of instruments, and 
 Ififiarripiov the song itself. 
 
 ™ Pollux IV. 10. 78. 
 
 ° Messeniacvm metrurn sen 
 emhaterium^ icioruwji^^ p. 2522. 
 ed. Putsch. Comp. Hephaest. 
 pag. 25. 46, 1. ed. Gaisford. 
 Schol. Eurip. Hec. 59. and 
 Demetrius Triclinius ad Soph. 
 Aj. 134. Cic. Qusest. Tusc. II. 
 
 16. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 251. 
 Valer. Maxim. II. 6. 2. 
 
 P Pindar. Pyth. II. 69. Her- 
 mann de Dial. Pind. p. 19, 20. 
 Boeckh de Metr. Pind. p. 276. 
 Expl. Pyth. II. p. 249. 
 
 q Isthm. I. 16. 
 
342 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iy. 
 
 CH. 6, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 343 
 
 the leaders of the Spartan army/ That of the poems 
 of Tyrtseus the anapsestic verses only were sung as 
 marches, and that they were embateria, is now gene- 
 rally admitted/ The elegies were sung in campaigns, 
 at meals, and after the psean, not in chorus, but singly, 
 and for a prize. The polemarcli decided,* and the 
 victor was rewarded with a chosen piece of meat." 
 The Cretans had also embateria, named after Ibycus, 
 a musician/ 
 
 7. That war among these ancient nations had 
 something of an imitative nature, and that it was by 
 imperceptible transitions connected with the pure 
 imitations of art, I have already attempted to show ;^ 
 and the same may be inferred from what has been 
 Just said. A transition of this kind was formed by 
 the Pyrrhic dance, the dancers of which bore the same 
 name as the practised, armed and expert combatant 
 
 '^B. II. ch. 10. § 8. A 
 
 third supposition is that of the 
 Scholiast to Pindar, Pyth. II. 
 121, that the vofiog took its 
 name from the Dioscuri, as 
 being the inventors of the 
 Pyrrhic dance (comp. Plat. 
 Leg. VII. p. 795. Lucian de 
 Saltat. 10.) But in the Mworat 
 of Epicharmus (ap. Schol. 
 Pind. et Athen. p. 184 F.) it 
 was only stated that Minerva 
 played the flute for the Dios- 
 curi to the hoTtXiog vofiog (i. e. 
 the Pyrrhic), and hence that the 
 flute was used as a military in- 
 strument at Sparta ; but not a 
 word of the Kaaropeiog vofxog. 
 
 ^ As, for instance, ayer <o 
 STTttprae evardpov in Dion Chry- 
 sost. Orat. II. p. 31 A. ed. 
 Reisk. ; although, according to 
 Hephsestion, the laconicumnw' 
 
 trum was a tetrameter catalecti- 
 cus in syllaham^ with a spon- 
 daic ending ; and according to 
 M. Victorinus ubi sup. a tri- 
 meter catalecticus in syllabam. 
 
 ' B. III. ch. 12. § 4. 
 
 ^This very precise and cre- 
 dible account is given by Phi- 
 lochorus ap. Athen. p. 630. 
 Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 212. 
 ed. Reisk. states, that it was 
 sung at the king's tent before 
 the battle. Compare Manso's 
 Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. ITl. 
 Conrad Schneider in the Stu- 
 dien, vol. IV. p. 18. Franck'a 
 Tyrtseus, p. 133. 
 
 * Hesych. in IjivKrnp. Write 
 IfivKTtip. ^y irapii Kpr](j\v XJ^vkoq 
 EfjLJjaTrfpwy TroiTiffufieyog, owep o 
 a^(i>v ovTio EtcaXelro. 
 
 y Book III. ch. 12. § 10. 
 
 (tt^uA/^).* The Pyrrhic dance was undoubtedly a 
 production of the Doric nation in Crete and Sparta,* 
 although in the former state it was fabulously con- 
 nected with the Curetes and the rites of the ancient 
 Idsean Zeus,^ and at Sparta with the Dioscuri. It 
 was danced to the flute," and its time was very quick 
 and light, as is shown by the name of the Pyrrhic 
 foot. Hence in Crete Thaletas was able to add 
 hyporchematic or mimic variations to it,*^ which had 
 likewise quick measures. From this account it may 
 be also inferred that the war-dance of Crete was of an 
 imitative kind ; and indeed Plato says of the Pyrrhic 
 dance in general that it imitated all the attitudes of 
 defence, by avoiding a thrust or a cast, retreating, 
 springing up, and crouching, as also the opposite 
 movements of attack with arrows and lances, and also 
 of every kind of thrust." So strong was the attach- 
 ment to this dance at Sparta, that, long after it had in 
 the other Greek states degenerated into a Baccha- 
 nalian revel, it was still danced by the Spartans 
 as a warlike exercise, and boys of fifteen were in* 
 
 stmcted in it.' 
 
 8. But we must return to the subject whence we 
 digressed, the connexion between gymnastic ex- 
 ercises and dancing. These two arts were connected 
 
 t lb. notes. pears that there were there 
 
 '^ Plato Leg. VII. p. 195. also the similar dances of op- 
 
 Aristoxenus ap. Athen. p. 630 ainit: and eTrn^prjvi^iog. 
 
 E. Stral). X. p. 467. Nicol. ^ See Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. 
 
 Damasc. Kpfireg. Lucian de p. 212. 
 
 Saltat. 8. Schol. Pindar. Pyth. ^ Above, p. 342. note'. 
 
 II. 127. Hesychius in Trvppixi' '^ Schol. Pind. ubi sup. 
 
 (tiv. Pollux IV. 14. 99. derives 
 two fcvoTrXoi 6p\iiatig from Crete, 
 the Pyrrhic and the Telesias, 
 comp. Athen. p. 630 A ; and 
 from Athen. p. 629 C. it ap- 
 
 Leg. VII. p. 815. 
 *■ Athen. p. 631 A. Comp. 
 Meursius Orchestra Op. vol. 
 V. p. 242. Manso, Sparta, vol. 
 l.part II. p. 115. 
 
344 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 by the pentathlon, a pattern of adroitness, activity, 
 strength and measured motions, which was accom- 
 panied by the music of the fluted' In later times any 
 tunes were used for this exhibition ; but earlier certain 
 fixed measures were played, one of which had been 
 composed by Hierax, a disciple of Olympus :^ nor at 
 that time did distinguished artists disdain to appear as 
 actors in these sports, as,, for example, Pythocritus of 
 Sicyon. At Argos, at the Sthenia, the combatants 
 wrestled to the sound of the flute ;' and a melody of 
 this same Hierax was played^ when the women carried 
 flowers (at a festival) to the temple of Here. At 
 Sparta the chief object of the Gymnopsedia was to 
 represent gymnastic exercises and dancing in inti- 
 nuite union, and indeed the latter only as the accom- 
 plishment and end of the former. One of the princi- 
 pal games at this festival resembled the anapate, or 
 wrestling-dance; the boys danced in regular time 
 with irraceful motions of the hands, in which the 
 methods of the wrestling-school and the pancration 
 were shown ; at the same time, however, this dance 
 had some mixture of the Bacchanalian kind.^ Thus 
 also the youths (ephebi) of Spaiia, when they were 
 skilled in their exercises, danced in rows behind each 
 other, to the nmsic of the flute, first military, then 
 choral dances, and at the same time repeated two 
 verses, of which one was an invitation to Aphrodite 
 
 e As is frequently seen on 
 
 vases. 
 
 ^ Plutarch. Music. 26. Comp. 
 
 Pollux IV. 10. 79. 
 
 > Plutarch ubi sup. 
 
 k That is, if the emendation 
 of Salmasius, UpaKiov for Ocpa- 
 KLor, in Pollux IV. 10. 78, is 
 
 adopted. 
 
 1 Athen. p. 678 B. and com- 
 pare p. 631 B. p. 632 C. Con- 
 cerning the gymnopsedia in 
 general, see Meurs. Orchest. 
 p. 202. and the passages cited 
 by Creuzer Comment. Herod, 
 vol. L p. 230. 
 
 CH. 6, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 345 
 
 and Eros to join them, the other an exhortation to one 
 another.™ There was also a dance with a ball at 
 Sparta and Sicyon." The Bibasis, a dance of men 
 and women, was of the gynmastic kind ;*" all the 
 dancers struck their feet behind, a feat, of which a 
 Spartan woman in Aristophanes prides herself p Prizes 
 were given to the most skilful ; and we are told by a 
 verse which has been preserved that a Laconian girl 
 had danced the Bibasis a thousand times more than 
 any other had done."^ Besides the Bibasis the Dipodia 
 is mentioned ;^ but so little is known about it, that the 
 origin of its name even is not clear/ In a comedy of 
 Aristophanes a chorus of Lacedaemonians danced a 
 Dipodia to the flute, and sing, chiefly in trochaic 
 metre, of the battles of Thermopylae and Artemi- 
 sium, and the friendship of Sparta and Athens ; 
 after which follows another song, which was pro- 
 bably danced in the same manner. In this the 
 chorus imjdores the Laconian Muse to come from 
 mount Taygetus, and to celebrate tlie tutelar deities 
 of Sparta ; and urges itself to the dance in words 
 which give a very good idea of its character : '' Come 
 
 m 
 
 TTOppii) TToldeQ TTo^a /X6ra/3arf , 
 Kill Kiofxa^are [SiXrioyy Lucian de 
 Salt. 10. 11. 
 
 " Athen. p. 14 D. from Di- 
 csearchus and Hippasus. At 
 Argos the choruses of boys 
 were called BaX\a-)(padai. Plu- 
 tarch Qusest. Graec. 51. p. 405. 
 
 ° Pollux IV. 14. 102. 
 
 P Ly8i!^t. 82. The ctiaXaKri' 
 ^iiv of the Spartan women 
 when dancing is mentioned in 
 Oribasius Med. p. 121. ed. 
 Mosq. ', the iKXaKricrfjiaTa^ as a 
 woman's dance in general is 
 mentioned by Pollux ubi sup. 
 
 *i Cited by Pollux, x^'^t" '"'oku 
 foif^avTi (rather fiifiari) TrXclara 
 crj Tfjjy ni] noKa, which becomes 
 a trimeter iambic by the omis- 
 sion of the first TzoKa. 
 
 'Pollux IV. 4. 101. Hesy- 
 chius in v. See MeuFs. Or- 
 chest. under ^tTroBm, hiairo^KT- 
 flOQ TToBiKpa. 
 
 ^ Perhaps it was connected 
 with the trochaic dipodia, which 
 appears to have been the com- 
 mon metre in these choral songs, 
 though mixed with cretics, 
 spondees, dactylic, and logacedic 
 verses. 
 
346 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 *' hither with a light motion to sing of Sparta. Where 
 " there are choruses in honour of the gods, and the 
 " noise of dancing, when, like young horses, the 
 " maidens on the banks of the Eurotas rapidly move 
 " their feet ; while their hair floats, like revelling 
 " Bacchanals ; and the daughter of Leda directs them, 
 " the sacred leader of the chorus. Now bind up the 
 " hair, and leap like fawns ; now strike the measured 
 " tune which gladdens the chorus."* Many points in 
 this description remind us of the dances of the Laco- 
 nian maidens at the worship of Artemis of Caryse, 
 which were animated and vehement.'' 
 
 9. We now come to the dances whose object was 
 to express and represent some peculiar meaning. 
 This was either some feeling (to which class almost 
 all the religious as well as the theatrical dances 
 belong) or some outward object ; to which we may 
 refer the mimic dances. To the latter, the Pyrrhic 
 and the Gymnopsedian dances belong, and to the reli- 
 gious, the Hyporcheme, which we treated of in con- 
 nexion with the worship of Apollo.'' Of this descrip- 
 tion was perhaps the Bryallicha,^ a dance in honour of 
 
 * Aristoph. Lysist. ad fin. ^aivai is defended against Toup 
 
 " Some rites of Bacchus were and Meineke (Euphorion . fragm. 
 
 mixed with the worship of the 42. p. 93.) by Philargyr. ad 
 
 Carvatan Artemis, as may be Virg. Georg. 11.487. who trans- 
 
 geen from Servius ad Virg. lates the name by furiosi 
 
 Eclog. VIII. 30; hence the BacchcB. The Caryatides, who 
 
 dances of this goddess were of danced with uplifted hands, 
 
 a wild and violent character. (Lynceusap. Athen. VI. p. 241 
 
 Accordingly, Praxiteles (Pliny, D.) may be recognised in many 
 
 H. N. XXXVI. 4.) made reliefs as young women with 
 
 a joint composition of Carya- their garments girt up and 
 
 tides and Thyades ; and Pra- lightly clad, 
 tinas (Athen. X. p. 392.) wrote ^ B. II. eh. 8. § 14. 
 a play called Avfiatyai v ^a- ^ Pollux IV. 14. 104. where 
 
 pvari^cc, th€ former of whom, for /^apt/XXt^a write with Schnei- 
 
 also called ^iifffjiaipai, occur as der (in v.) flfwaWixa. 
 Bacchantes. The form Av<r- 
 
 OH. 6, § 9. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 90 
 
 Artemis and A}K)11o, danced by women, or, as some 
 assert, by men in hideous women's masks, who at the 
 same time sang liymns to the two deities.' The name 
 signifies a violent leap ; and from what we can gatlier 
 elsewhere respecting the character of this dance, it 
 appears to have been irregular and licentious. How 
 it agrees with the worship of Apollo, one does not 
 exactly perceive, unless it is supposed that some fable 
 in the history of that god was represented in a mimic 
 style, which admitted of such irregularity. The 
 worship of Artemis, however, had other forms which 
 produced these licentious dances, as in Laconia itself 
 
 the Calabis.* 
 
 A few particulars respecting several Laconian 
 dances have been preserved by a grammarian,^ whose 
 
 * Hesychius has [ivWixai 
 XopOL Ttreg opxHtrroir irapa 
 AaKioffiv; then ppvoMKrai op- 
 5^»j(Trai from Ibycus and Ste- 
 sichorus ; next fypvCaXix^ (^^ut 
 the order of the letters requires 
 BPYAAAIXA), in the sense of 
 frightful female masks, from 
 Rhinthon ; and fipvdaXlxag 
 BPYAAAIXAS) rag /uaxXa- 
 ^ag, AaK(t)V£g ; and, lastly, 
 ftpvWoxifrral, persons who sang 
 hymns in hideous female masks. 
 The original forms appear to 
 have been /3pvaXXix« ^or the 
 dance, fipvaWlx'^ for the mask, 
 and ppvaXXiKrrjg (like hiKTjXiK- 
 rr^r) for the dancer. 
 
 ^ Vol. I. p. 317, note ». 
 
 ^ Pollux IV. 14. 104. ^v ^i 
 TLva Kal AaKtoyiKa opx'^M"^"* 
 ^tifjiaXia' SttXr/vot ^' ?i<Tav Kal 
 kiT avToig Sarvpoi viroTpox'^ 
 
 OpXf^l^^^OL' Kal Wv^l3oi ITTt 
 
 AlovvctU' fcai KapvaTtctg fKi 
 Wprifjuh- Kal jSpvaXXix^t to ^ev 
 
 tvpr}^a BpvaXXi'xov* irpotrMp- 
 XovvTO he yvva~iKEg AnoXXuivt 
 Kal ^Aprifxili' ol It vTroyviruiveg 
 ytpovTijiv VTTO l3aKTr}fiioig rrjy 
 fjLifxrfaiv EiX'O^' ^* ^^ yvTvojyeg 
 ^vXiyutv KwXutv iTTiftaiyoyreg 
 utpXovrro, CLaipayij TapavTividia 
 afXTTtxoyiEVOL' Kal fifjyeg Xa- 
 pivwv fiev opxVH-^j ETTwyvfJLOv 3* 
 j^v Tov Evpoyrog avXTjroV' rvp- 
 (iatria ^£ EKaXElro to vpxvf^f^ to 
 lidvpafjif^iKoy. fdifirjXLKrjy ^e 
 
 EKaXovy ^t ^c EjiL^ovyro tovq 
 ETtl rn kXott^ riHy EioXtay fXEpwy 
 aXioTKOfiEyovg. Xa^Trporepa ^e 
 ^v fjy bjpxovyro yv^yol avv 
 al(TXpoXoyi(f.' In this passage 
 there is nothing altered except 
 j3pvaXXix« and hpvaXXixov for 
 /3apvXXtx« and fiapvXXlxov^ 
 XafjLxpoTEpa U ijy fjy for Xo/x- 
 TpoTEpay Be f)y ; and fHfitfXikrjy 
 for ^t^r]TiKriy, as a friend of the 
 author's has proposed (G. A. 
 Schoell, de origine Graeci dra- 
 matis, p. 97.), which gives the 
 
348 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 account we will insert at full, adding only some 
 remarks of our own. *' The Deimalea was danced 
 " by Silent and Satyrs waltzing in a circle,'' its 
 name being perhaps derived from the cowardice (3sT/xa) 
 of these " useless and worthless fellows/* as Hesiod 
 calls them.*^ '' The Ithymbi was danced to Bacchus, 
 " the dance of the Caryatides to Artemis ; the Bry- 
 " allicha was so called after its inventor Bryalli- 
 " chus ; it was danced by women to Apollo and 
 " Artemis y The following dances also, as appears 
 from the conclusion, were Laconian. " The Hypo- 
 " gypones imitated old tnen with sticks. The Gy- 
 '' pones danced on wooden stilts, and wearing 
 " transparent Tarentine dresses. The Menes was 
 " danced by Charini,^ and took its name from the 
 *' flute-player who invented it. There was a Bac- 
 " chanalian dance called Tyrbasia'' probably resem- 
 bling the Argive Tyrbe, and deriving its name from 
 its intricate mazes. " A dance in which they mi- 
 " micked those who were caught stealing the remains 
 " of meals was called Mimelic. But the Gytnno- 
 '' pcedia, danced ivith jests and merriment, was more 
 " splendid.'' The merry spirit, and the love for comic 
 exhibition, which produced all these mimic dances, is 
 shown in these imperfect notices, the deficiencies of 
 which we can only supply in one instance, viz. in the 
 account of the Deicelictse (or Mimeli) . Tiiere was at 
 
 same sense as ^ftk'»?X«rri*ciJ^, 
 which I had formerly proposed, 
 as fiL^TfXol and hiKrjKLffTal were 
 synonyms, according to Suidas 
 in lluxrifiLog- 
 
 ^ yivoQ ovTL^avi^v Sarupwv 
 Koi afiri')(civoEpytiiy, Hesiod. ap. 
 Strab. X. p. 471. The reading 
 
 SeifiaXia is not however at all 
 certain ; and still less the word 
 ^rjveg, a little lower. 
 
 ^ On the Charinus or Gra- 
 cioso, see below, ch. 7. § 3 ; 
 and on the Argolian rvpftr], b. 
 II. ch. 10. §6. 
 
 CH. 6, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 349 
 
 Sparta an ancient play, but it w^as probably acted only 
 by the common people, and quite extempore, nor over 
 by regular players.® From the account of Nepos it 
 may be also conjectured that it was performed by 
 unmarried w^omen. The name Deicehctse (or Mi- 
 meli) merely means ** imitators;"^ but it came to 
 signify only cosmic imitators/ In this play there w^as 
 not (according to Sosibius)^' any great art ; for Sparta 
 in all things loved simplicity. It represented in plain 
 and common language either a foreign jdiysician or 
 stealers of fruit (probably boys), who were caught 
 with their stolen scoods '} that is, it was an imitation of 
 common life, probably alternating with comic dances. 
 
 10. In Laconia it was chiefly the lower orders who 
 had any decided love for comedy and buifoonery ; for 
 with the Dorians we only now and then discover a ray 
 of levity or mirth piercing the gravity of their nature. 
 I have already mentioned,^ that from the Helots, who 
 dwelt in the houses of the Spartans, and were called 
 Mothones, or Mothaces, a kind of riotous dance took 
 
 ^ Although the Spartans also 
 called regular actors heiKrjXitcraiy 
 Phitarch Agesil. 21. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 185. Apostolius XV. 
 39. Schol. II. x- 391. 
 
 ^ diKtjXoy according to Hesy- 
 chius ay^piac, Cf^liov irapa Aa- 
 k-wtrir perhaps refers to the fact 
 mentioned in vol. I. p. 66, 
 note X 
 
 y.inr}ral, Sosibius ap. Athen. 
 XIV. p. 621 D. Hesychiusin 
 ^£iKr/\t(Trai. of. interprett. They 
 were ^tfioXoyoi according to 
 Hesychius in diKrjXov, KtofiiKol 
 according to Eustathius p. 884. 
 23, akioTTTiKol according to Schol. 
 
 Apoll. Rh. I. 746. The Laco- 
 nic form is CEiKrjXiKrat^- 
 
 ^ Ap. Athen. Eustath. ubi 
 sup. Suidas and Phavorinus in 
 ^iktjXkttQp, and Suidas in 2w- 
 orifDiog. On the Lacedaemonian 
 mimicry see also Boettiger 
 Quat. setat. reiscenicae, p. 8. 
 
 ^ See Plutarch Lycurg. i. 
 
 kttt (f)tpOV<TL KXilTTOVTEC:, 01 flEV 
 
 kiri TovQ KiiTTovc fia^ii^ovTic (rob- 
 bers of gardens), oi h' tig rh rwv 
 dvcpijjv (Tvcra-iTia Trapeicrpeopreg 
 (che thieves of the IbjXofjLepfj of 
 Pollux cited in p. 347, note^. 
 
 ^ B. III. ch. 3. § 3; and see 
 Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Eq. 
 632. 
 
350 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 CH. 6, §10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 351 
 
 its name, in which drunken persons were probably 
 represented; whence perhaps was derived the stoiy 
 that the Spartans intoxicated tlieir slaves as a warning 
 to their children. Other dances may perhaps have 
 been common among the peasants, and particularly 
 among the shepherds of remote regions. 
 
 It is an interesting question, and one allied to the 
 present inquiry, to ascertain tlie origin of the bucolic 
 poetry of the ancients. No one can doubt that its 
 mingled character of simplicity, nature, and buflfoonery, 
 was copied from real life. Now the manners which it 
 represented could neither have been those of slaves, 
 for the condition of slavery does not admit of any re- 
 gular society ; nor yet of free citizens, for the rustic 
 scenes of this poetry wholly disagree with a city life. 
 It remains therefore that it imitated the life of sub- 
 jects, of bondmen, such as existed as a separate class 
 in the Doric states, and accordingly bucolic poems are 
 commonly in the Doric dialect. It is related, that 
 when Xerxes had overrun Greece, and the Spartan 
 women could not perform the customary rites of Arte- 
 mis Caiyatis, the shepherds came from the mountains, 
 and sang pastoral hymns to the goddess.^ From this 
 confused account we may collect that in the north of 
 Laconia there had been some rude essays of pastoral 
 poetry. In this respect, however, the shepherds of 
 Italy and Sicily have become far more celebrated; 
 Epicharmus mentions their bucolics Oot>xoX*ao-ju.o)), 
 as a kind of dance and song '^ and even before his time 
 
 I Diomed. 3. p. 483. ed of "Aprepg Au/?- 
 
 Putsch. Serviu3 ad Virg. Eel. ™ 'Ej^'AX/cvoV* icatcy 'O^u^rercl 
 
 I. Donatus Vit. Virg. p. 84. vauay^, Athen. XIV. p. 619 
 
 sq. Diomedes also connects the A. Comp. Hesych. et Etyni. 
 
 Sicilian bucoliasras with rites M. in v. 
 
 Stesichorus had formed them into a species of lyric 
 poetry." Nevertheless their origin appears not to 
 have been independent of one another, for both in 
 Laconia and Sicily the name of Tityrus was used for 
 the leading goat or ram of the flock." That the 
 same name should equally distinguish the human and 
 animal leader of the flock, is a trait of the simj)hcity 
 of those men, who passed their days among valleys 
 and pastures, harmlessly tending their flocks, and 
 takinc: no more notice of other modes of life than 
 sending from time to time the produce of their industry 
 to the city. Now in Sicily these shepherds were not 
 of Greek extraction, but were undoubtedly of the 
 aboriginal Siculian population, the ancient worshippers 
 of the goddess Pales ; ^ and it is not imi)robable that 
 the bucolic poetry owed its origin to native talent. 
 Even the ancient legend of Daphnis, who lost his eyes 
 through his love for a nymph,"* appears to me rather 
 of a Siculian than Grecian cast ; although how far the 
 character of the Greeks and of the native inhabitants 
 were opposed, is a very obscure subject of inquiry."" 
 
 » ^lian.V. H. X. 18. 
 
 ° Tityrus, according to Ser- 
 vius ad Eel. I. i. was aries ma- 
 jor^ qui gregem anteire consue- 
 verity lingua Laconia ; a goat, 
 according to Schol. Theocrit. 
 III. 2. Photius in v. TirvpoQ 
 is the Doric form of airrvpoQ^ 
 which also originally meant a 
 goat; whence oiavpva (i. e. <rt- 
 <rvp/va), or (Tiavpa, a goat-skin : 
 but Tirvpoz is not allied to 
 rrhrvpoQ (as the Schol. Theocrit. 
 III. 2. VII. 12. Eustath. ad 
 II. T. p. 1157. 39. ed. Rom. 
 suppose ; comp. Creuzer, Sym- 
 bolik, vol. III. p. 191). The 
 
 flute called nrvpivoq by the 
 Italian Dorians (Artemidorus 
 ap. Athen. IV. p. 182 D. Eu- 
 stath. p. 1157. 38), was so 
 named from a shepherd. 
 
 P Of the Qeol Iia\iK(H, near 
 mount iEtna, which evidently 
 were originally identical with 
 the goddess Pales of the Ro- 
 mans ; and consequently her 
 worship belongs to the Sicu- 
 lian branch of the Roman reli- 
 gion. 
 
 *i Schol. Theoc. et Virg. 
 iElian ubi sup. 
 
 ^ The poems of Theocritus 
 unluckily give little informa- 
 
352 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book tv. 
 
 11. To conclude; as in Attica, so among the Do- 
 rians, comedy connected itself with the cmmtry festi- 
 vals of Bacchus ; and, as Aristotle says,* originated 
 from the extemporaneous songs of those who led the 
 Phallic processions, which were still customary in 
 many Greek cities at the time of that philosopher. 
 Of this, Sicyon furnishes an example. There was 
 there a dance called 'AXTjrrjp,* which was probably of 
 a Phallic nature; and also a comic entertainment, 
 called the Phallophori,'' in which the actors, with their 
 heads and faces adorned with flowers, but unmasked, 
 came into the theatre, in stately garments, some at the 
 common entrance, some at the scene-doors; the Phal- 
 lophorus, his face smeared with soot, walked first from 
 among them, and, after giving notice that they came 
 with a new song in honour of Bacchus, they began to 
 ridicule any person they chose to select. Thus too the 
 Phlyaces of Tarentum were probably connected with 
 the worship of Bacchus, whose festivals were accom- 
 panied with similar rejoicings in Sicily.'' 
 
 Yet the rites of Demeter sometimes gave rise among 
 the Dorians to lascivious entertainments of this kind, 
 as we learn from the description in Herodotus of the 
 iEsfinetan choruses of women at the festival of Arte- 
 mis and Auxesia, which provoked others of their sex 
 
 tion on these points, as the bu- 
 colics are those which show the 
 most artifice and novelty. 
 
 s Poet. IV. 14. 
 
 t Athen. XIV.p. 631 D. At 
 Athens too the country PhaUic 
 festival was called loprri aXfjriQ- 
 
 " Semus Delius ap. Athen. 
 p. 621 P.p. 622 C. and Sui- 
 das in 2^/xoc. Compare b. II- 
 ch. 10. §6. 
 
 '^ It seems probable that the 
 
 proverb moporepog Mopvxov ori- 
 ginally referred to the rude 
 mirth at the vintage-festivals, at 
 which it was common in Sicily 
 (and probably elsewhere also) 
 to smear the face with the juice 
 of the grape. In Italy there 
 were also at the festival of Ar- 
 temis Corythallia clowns, with 
 wooden masks {kvpiOpa), called 
 KvpiTToi, Hesych. in v. 
 
 CH. 7, § 1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 353 
 
 by riotous and insulting language.^ These mockeries 
 were, however, only the humour of the moment, and 
 were merely accessaries to certain dances and songs ; 
 but among the Megarians, comedy, we know not by 
 what means, obtained a more artificial character, and 
 a more independent form. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 § 1. Origin of comedy at Megara. § 2. Life and drama of Epi- 
 charmus. § 3. Traces of theatrical representations on painted 
 vases. § 4. Political and philosophical tendency of the drama 
 of Epicharmus. § 5. Mimes of Sophron. § 6. Plays of 
 Rhinthon. § 7. Origin of tragedy at the city festivals of Bac- 
 chus. § 8. Early history of the Doric tragedy. § 9. Character 
 of the Doric lyric poetry. § 10. Doric lyric poets. § 11. 
 Origin of the Doric lyric poetry. § 12. Character of the Doric 
 style of sculpture. 
 
 1. At Athens, a coarse and ill-mannered jest was 
 termed a Megarian joke ;* whicli may be considered 
 as a certain proof of the decided propensity of that 
 people to humour. This is confirmed by the claims 
 of the Megarians, who disputed the invention of 
 comedy with the Athenians,'' and perhaps not with- 
 out justice, if indeed the term invention be at all ap- 
 
 * ^giuetica, p .170. sq. 
 
 '"^Aristoph. Vesp 57. yt'Xwra 
 Meyapodev KeKXefifiivoy. Eupo- 
 lis ap. Schol. Vesp. 57. et As- 
 pas. ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 
 2. 20. fol. 53 B. TO aKCJyLfjL 
 aaeXytQ koI Mfyapt/coi' kol 
 (r<po^pa \bv)(pop yeXwcriP, a»c 
 op^c, ret Trai^ia (as emended by 
 Dobree in Porson's Tracts, p. 
 384.). See also on the yAwc 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 MeyapiKog Diogeniaii. Prov. 
 IV. 88. Ap|). Vatic. I. 46. 
 Apostol. VI. 2. What Aristotle 
 ubi sup. relates, refers merely 
 to the silly and unnecessary 
 display of a Megarian choregus 
 for comedy, in the embellish- 
 ment of the theatre. 
 
 '^ Aristot. Poet. 3. Aspasius 
 ubi sup. 
 
 2 a 
 
35 1 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 pBcable to the rise of the several branches of poetry, 
 which sprung so gradually, and at such different 
 times, from the particular feelings excited by the 
 ancient festival rites, that it is difficult, and perhaps 
 impossible, to fix upon the period at which the species 
 of composition to which each gave rise was sufficiently 
 advanced to be called a particular kind of poetry. 
 Yet it is in the highest degree probable that the 
 Athenians were indebted for the earliest form of their 
 comic poetry to the Megarians. The Megarian 
 comedy is ridiculed by Ecphantides, one of the early 
 comic poets of Athens, as rude and unpolished, which 
 circumstance alone makes its higher antiquity pro- 
 bable.^ Ecphantides, whom Aristophanes, Cratinus, 
 and others, ridicule as rough and unpolished,** looks 
 down in his turn on those who had introduced comedy 
 from Megara, and claims the merit of first seasoning 
 the uncouth IMegarian productions with Attic salt. 
 But one of the earliest introducers of comedy was, 
 according to the most credible and authentic accounts, 
 Susarion, a native of Tripodiscus, an ancient village 
 in the Megarian territoiy f in Attica he made his 
 first appearance in the village of Icaria,^ situated on 
 
 "" Ecphantides ap. Aspas. ubi 
 sup. says, Mtyapijcf/c Kw/j-wciag 
 arryJ oh cUi^^- i^nyyvonriv ro 
 Ipa-ixa Mf yaptKOv Troieiy, as Mei- 
 neke ad Menand. p. 382. and 
 Qu«st. Seen. I. p. 6. has cor- 
 rectly written, i.e. ''the song 
 which I sing is not that of a 
 Megarian comedy ; I was 
 ashamed to make my play 
 " Megarian.^* 
 
 '^ Concerning Ecphantides, 
 see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. 
 VIII. 8. Gaisford ad Hephaest. 
 p. 97. and particularly Nseke's 
 
 
 Choerilus, p. 51 sq. and Mei- 
 neke Quaest. Seen. I. p. 12. 
 who correctly places him be- 
 tween Magnes and Chionides 
 on the one side, and Cratinus 
 and Teleclides on the other, 
 about Olymp. 80. 460 B. C. 
 [See also Clinton, F. H. vol. II. 
 Introduction, p. xxxvii.] 
 
 *^ Aspasius ubi sup. Schol. 
 Dionys. Thrac. in Bekker*8 
 Anecdota Gr. p. 748. compare 
 Bentley Phalarid. p. 261. 
 
 * Marra. Par. ep. 34. Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. I. p. 308. 
 
 cii. / 
 
 ,§1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 355 
 
 the borders of Megaris and Boeotia f where it is 
 known from mythological fables, that the rural festival 
 of Bacchus had been celebrated from an early period. 
 The argument for its Doric origin, derived from the 
 name xwfxto^la, ''the village-song" (the Pelopon- 
 nesians calling their villages xco/ta*, and the Athe- 
 nians ^fJiot), is by no means conclusive, as the 
 derivation of that name from the word xwfxo^y a tu- 
 multuous festival procession, is far more probable. 
 The early time at which comedy must have flourished 
 may be seen from the fact, that it passed over to 
 Athens in the 50th Olympiad ;^ but of its character 
 we should form a very partial judgment, if we trusted 
 implicitly to the accounts of the Athenian neigh- 
 bours ; and yet we have no other means of informa- 
 tion. 
 
 The ancient comedy of Susarion, and of the Me- 
 garians, was (as is clear from the passage of Ecphan- 
 tides) founded on a dramatic principle ; although a 
 species of lyric poetry, also called comedy, had ex- 
 isted from an early period among the Dorians and 
 iEolians ;' nor can I admit the opinion of Aristotle, 
 
 ^ As may he inferred from 
 Statins Theb. XIl. 619. 
 
 *' According to Aristot. Poet. 
 3. it originated during the ex- 
 istence of democracy at Me- 
 gara; but the period of ])opular 
 rule in this town (b. III. ch. 
 9. § 10.) was too late for this 
 to be strictly true, though its 
 rise was probably connected 
 with a democratic principle, 
 which was alive at Megara 
 before the time of Theagenes, 
 and after his downfall was con- 
 tinually on the increase. 
 
 ' Boeckh, Staatshaushaltiuig, 
 
 vol. II. p. 362 sqq. and Thi- 
 ersch, Einleitung zu Pindar, p. 
 m. with the opposite remark 
 
 on the TCI ETTiriKia CLJflf^OC, 
 
 Goettin;i;eii Review, 1821. part 
 106. p. 1050. I also conceive 
 that the comedies of Antheas 
 the Lindian, the relation (rrvy- 
 yeyijg) of Cleobulus, were lyric ; 
 who passed his whole life in 
 leading processions to Bacchus, 
 and also practised the obscure 
 7roir}(Tir lia ffvyOeriov oj'o/.tarw)', 
 Athen. X. p. 445 A. In this 
 instance the comedies are evi- 
 dently only procession-songs 
 
 2 A 2 
 
356 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv 
 
 that Epicliarmus and Pliormis were the first who 
 wrote a comedy with a plot or story ; previously to 
 those poets, only some extempore and abusive speeches 
 (laja3/^5*v) were, according to his view of the subject, 
 introduced between the songs of the chorus ; but if 
 this had been the case, the Megarian comedy would 
 not have differed materially from the Sicyonian sports 
 of the Phallophori, nor have attracted so much atten- 
 tion as it actually did. A Alegarian actor, named 
 Mseson, is often mentioned by the ancients as the in- 
 ventor of masks of certain characters of low comedy, 
 as cooks, scullions, sailors, and the like.^ Hence it 
 may be inferred that these Megarian farces, with their 
 established or frequently recurring characters, had 
 some resemblance to the Oscan Atellane plays. 
 
 2. It is indeed very probable that the Megarian 
 furnished the first germ and elements of the Sicilian 
 comedy, as perfected by Epicharmus. For the Me- 
 garians in Sicily, as well as those near Athens, laid 
 claim, according to Aristotle,^ to the invention of 
 comedy, and there is no doubt that a communication 
 was kept up between those two states. Now it is 
 possible that comedy was brought from Megara to 
 Syracuse, when Gelon (484 or 4-^3 B. C.)"* trans- 
 planted the inhabitants from the former to the latter 
 city; and thus the elements of comedy which ex- 
 isted in the choruses and iambic speeches, were, by 
 their subsequent combination with a more improved 
 species of poetry, brought to maturity. This suppo- 
 
 from KuJjjLOQ. The same is like- 
 wise true of the slanderous co- 
 medies of Timocreon, also a Rho- 
 dian, Suidas in v. 
 
 ^ Aristoph. Byz. ap. Ath. 
 
 XIV. p. 659 A. Hesych. in Mm- 
 au)}', TtTTi^. Festus in M aeson. 
 cf Zenob. Pro v. II. II. 
 ^ Poet. III. 5. 
 B. l.ch. 6. § 10. 
 
 m 
 
 CH. 7, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 357 
 
 sition, however, rests upon mere conjecture. Epi- 
 charmus, the son of Helothales," must have gone to 
 Syracuse at this emigration, having formerly resided 
 at Megara ; but he cannot be considered as the per- 
 son who really introduced comedy at Syracuse, as he 
 had lived only a short time at Megara ; he was, as we 
 are credibly informed, a native of Cos,"" and went to 
 Sicily witli Cadmus, that is, about, or soon after, 480 
 B. C.,P and he must at this time have been at least a 
 youth, in order to have acquired a name and influence 
 in the reign of Hieron (between 4?!^ and 467 E.G.)** 
 In confirmation of the statement that he was a native 
 of Cos, it may be remarked, that he was like^vise a 
 physician, which was the regular profession of his 
 brother, his family being probably connected with 
 that of the Asclepiadee. Phormis, or Phormus, who 
 by Aristotle and others is often mentioned with Epi- 
 charmus, appears to have been earlier than that poet 
 by some Olympiads, having been the friend of Gelon, 
 and tutor to his children ;* but his fame was so com- 
 
 " That the names '* Chima- 
 " ru8 " and "Tityrus" were 
 taken from the occupation of 
 the shepherd and goatherd, 
 is remarked by Welcker on 
 Schwenck's Mythologische An- 
 deutungen, p. 331. 
 
 ** Diog. Laert. and Tiveg ap. 
 Suid. cf. Diomed. 3. p. 486. ed. 
 Putsch. 
 
 P See vol. I. p. 187. note ^. 
 
 *i This statement is indeed 
 inconsistent with the account 
 in Diog. Laert. VIII. 78. that 
 Epicharmus, when a child of 
 three months, was brought 
 from Cos to Megara ; but this 
 is not a sufficient authority to 
 set aside the other accounts. 
 
 The statements of the writer 
 TTfpt Kii)fxa>ciaQ in Kuster's Ari- 
 stophanes, p. xii. yiyovt Kara 
 Ttjy oy oXvfjnriada^ and of Suidas, 
 ■qv de irpo rwv TleptTiKfjiv err} 2^, 
 ^i^dfTKioy ev Supakouoratcperhaps 
 refer to the arrival of Epichar- 
 mus in Sicily. 
 
 •• Jambl. Pythag. 34. cf. Plin. 
 H. N. XX. 11. Diog. Laert. 
 ubi sup. Eudoc. ap. Villois. 
 Anecd. vol. I. p. 193. 
 
 ^ Suidas. His first covering 
 the stage with purple skins 
 reminds us of the Megarian 
 choregus, who used real pur- 
 ple. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2. 
 20. Bentley Phalarid. p. 260. 
 considers him as identical with 
 
358 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 pletely eclipsed by that of his successor, that there is 
 scarcely anything remaining of his plays, except a 
 few titles,^ which however show that he parodied my- 
 thological subjects. 
 
 But Epicharmus is much less known and esteemed 
 than his peculiar style of writing and dramatic skill 
 deserve ; and those authors greatly err, ^^ ho fix upon 
 the period when his peculiar kind of poetry had 
 arrived at perfection, as the commencement of the 
 Athenian comedy, and attribute the clumsy and 
 rustic simplicity from which the latter emerged, to 
 the Sicilian style, which had enjoyed all the advan- 
 tages which the life of a city and court could afford." 
 Before, therefore, we enter into details respectmg 
 the dramas, of Epicharmus, we will say a few words 
 on the nature of his subjects, and his mode of handling 
 
 them. 
 
 The subjects of the plays of Epicharmus were 
 chiefly mythological, that is, parodies or travesties of 
 mythology, nearly in the style of the satyric drama 
 of Athens. Thus in the comedy of Busiris, Hercules 
 was represented in the most ludicrous light, as a vo- 
 racious glutton, and he was again exhibited in the 
 same character (with a mixture perhaps of satirical 
 remarks on the luxury of the times) in ^* the Mar- 
 ** riage of Hebe,'' in which an astonishing number of 
 
 Phormis the Meenalian, who 
 served Gelon and Hieron with 
 great honour; to me it seems 
 that the ideas of an Arcadian 
 condottiere and a comic poet 
 are quite irreconcileahle. 
 
 t Fabric. Bibhoth. vol. II. p. 
 315. Harles. 
 
 "There is no reason for sup- 
 posing that there were never 
 
 more than two interlocutors in 
 the plays of Epicharmus. Three, 
 viz. Amycus, Pollux, and Cas- 
 tor, are evidently engaged in 
 the dialogue of which a frag- 
 ment is preserved in Schol. 
 Soph. Aj. 122 " AfiVKt fifj Kvhai^i 
 fioi Tov TTpKTiJVTEpov adeXcjitoy ; 
 and there must have l>een se- 
 veral in the "A^oioroc. 
 
 CH. 7, § "2 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 359 
 
 dishes was mentioned." We can liowever form a 
 better notion of the drama called '' Hephaestus, or 
 *' the Revellers," chiefly by the help of some ancient 
 works of art, which have come down to us. The 
 play began we are told, with Hephaestus chaining his 
 mother Here l)y magical charms to a seat, from which 
 he only released her after long entreaties.^ Now on 
 a vase discovered at Bari in the kingdom of Naples, 
 and now preserved in the British Museum,' Here, 
 with the superscription hHPA,'^ is seen seated on a 
 throne ; on her right is a clown fantastically dressed, 
 whom his pointed cap marks as a servant of Hephaes- 
 tus, and his name, Daedalus, is written over his head ;^ 
 on her left is Mars, dressed, with the exception of his 
 helmet, in the same fashion (with the superscription 
 ENETAAIOS) ; both these figures are armed, and 
 endeavouring, the one to dissolve, the other to 
 strengthen the charm by which Here is held. The 
 whole scene is evidently supposed to take place on a 
 stage, leading to which there are some steps ; and as 
 there' were no other Sicilian or Italian comedies on the 
 same subject, it may without hesitation be considered 
 as a representation of the first part of the Hephaestus 
 
 of Epicharmus. 
 
 * See Casaubon ad Athen. 
 III. 13. p. ne. Harlcss ibid. p. 
 
 45. 
 
 y PhotiuB in "Hpac ^eff/xovc, 
 
 and Suidas in "lipag U ^eff^ouc- 
 
 * Figured in Mazocchi Tab. 
 Heraci. ad p. 138. Hancarville, 
 vol. III. pi. 105. Millin, Galerie 
 Mythologique, XIII. 48. 
 
 '^ This form of the H or as- 
 pirate, which seems to have 
 been peculiar to the Italian 
 Greeks, is found, besides the 
 
 Heraclean Tables and this vase, 
 on the Psestum vase, which 
 Lanzi and others have edited 
 {Illustrazione di due vasijittili, 
 
 Roma 1809). 
 
 ^ Why I do not (with Vis- 
 conti Mus. Pio Clement, vol. 
 IV. p. 20. and Welcker ap. 
 Dissen. ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 
 386) suppose that Daedalus 
 means Hephcestus himself, is 
 sufficiently explained in the text. 
 
360 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE 
 
 BOOK IT. 
 
 The legend went on to say, that Hephsestus, having 
 in consequence of this act been ill-treated by his 
 parents, entirely deserted Olympus, until Bacchus, 
 liaving contrived to make him drunk, placed him on 
 an ass, and thus brought liim in jolly merriment back 
 to Olympus ; to which transaction the other title of 
 the piece, " the Revellers," evidently alludes. Now 
 this scene also has been transmitted to us in some 
 ancient paintings, which although they do not exhibit 
 the theatrical dress and the place of performance so 
 clearly as that just mentioned, are evidently taken 
 from comedies. There is on a Coghill vase^ a pro-- 
 cession in which the names of the several individuals 
 composing it are superscribed; first Marsyas as a 
 fiute-player ; then Comedy, in a state of violent 
 motion ; next Bacchus, in the ancient festival cos- 
 tume; and lastly, Hephaestus, who in other com- 
 positions of the same sulyect is drawn riding on an 
 ass. 
 
 3. From these data, I will leave it to the judgment 
 and taste of the reader to draw his own conclusions 
 on the character of the drama of Epicharnms. But I 
 may take this opportunity of remarking, that the 
 painted vases of lower Italy often enable us to gain a 
 complete and vivid idea of the theatrical representa- 
 tions of that country. From this source I have above 
 traced a farce, in which Hercules delivers the Cer- 
 copes to Eurystheus, or some other king,'^ and per- 
 haps also the picture of Hercules in the form of a 
 pigmy, and fighting with the cranes, was derived from 
 
 <=MiIlingen Vases de Cog- 9. IV. 38. is evidently the 
 ? d^g Thf '"" ^^^"^^r 1?^- ^'"^"'^"^ Millingen's opinion, 
 
 vo/ II nl fifi '%'"\'^' ^'}l? i" ]^o ''''''' '' "^^ untenable, 
 vol. 11. pi. 66. Tischbein III. «» B. II. ch. 12. § 10. 
 
 cii. 7, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 361 
 
 a similar source.* We may likewise mention the 
 picture of Zeus and Hermes, the latter with a lantern, 
 and the former with a ladder, both dressed in the 
 most ridiculous and fantastical costume, in the act of 
 ascending to a fair female, who is expecting them at 
 her window.^ It seems also probable, that the buffoon 
 represented on a vase, as sitting on a fish, and making 
 ridiculous grimaces,^ is a caricature of the Tarentine 
 fable of Taras on the dolphin. The costume, which 
 reminds us of the Italian Policinello and Arleccliino,** 
 j)roves that it was taken from a dramatic representa- 
 tion, which however is still more conspicuous on the 
 painted vase of Asteas,' on which, among a number of 
 clowns, one is seen stretched on a couch, evidently the 
 bed of Procrustes. But it is remarkable, that in this 
 case the performers do not bear the names of the 
 heroes whom they travesty, but those of their masks. 
 The one on the bed is called XAPINOS, or Gracioso 
 (which name was likewise in use at Sparta) ;^ the 
 others are named AIASTPOS " the jester :" 
 KAPXAS ''the laugher ;''' and PTMNASOS, if the 
 letters are read correctly : these are evidently names 
 of standing characters of a dramatic fable, resembling 
 the Attelane farces of Campania. The vase was 
 moreover discovered in Campania.™ 
 
 ^Millin I. pi. 63. 72. comp. 
 Tischbein II. 7. 18. 
 
 * Winckelmann Monum. ined. 
 N^ 190. p. 285. HancarviUe, 
 vol. IV. pi, 160. 
 
 « Tischbein IV. 57. The 
 figure looks like the Kayxag in 
 the vase described below. 
 
 »» See A. W. Schlegel, Ueber 
 dramatische Kunst. vol. II. p. 8. 
 
 i Millingen, Peintures de Col- 
 lections diverses, 46. Compare 
 
 the explanation, p. 69. From 
 this name chaiinos for jester 
 probably comes the Latin cari- 
 nariy in Festus. The Glossaries 
 of Labbseiis render it by j^apuy- 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 6. § 9. 
 
 * The best translation for 
 Kay^ng is ^^ cachinno^^ in Per- 
 sius Sat. I. 
 
 ^ That the above painting 
 was taken from the ^Kipwi' of 
 
362 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 4. But to return to Epicharmus ; the comedy of 
 this poet was by no means confined to parodies of 
 mythological stories, as he also, like Aristophanes, 
 handled political subjects, and invented comic charac- 
 ters like the later Athenian poets ; and indeed the ex- 
 tent of his subjects was very wide. The piece called 
 'ApTrayal or "the Plunderings,*' which described 
 the devastation of Sicily in his time, had, accordmg to 
 Hemsterhuis," a political meaning ; and this was 
 perhaps also the case with the Na^ro*, or - the 
 Islands :" at least it was mentioned in this play, that 
 Hieron had prevented Anaxilas from destroying 
 Locri (477 B. C.) f in his " Persians '' also there 
 were allusions to the history of the times. The play 
 called the " Countryman" ( Aypma-rhos /i. e. ay polxog), 
 was an instance of the drama, which illustrated the 
 character of a certain class of society. Epicharmus 
 also introduced, and almost perfected characters, which 
 were very common in the drama of later times ;^ and if 
 the plot of the Rlensechmi of Plautus was, as the poet 
 seems to state in the prologue, taken from a comedy 
 of Epicharmus, it must be granted that the ingenious 
 construction of plots was not beyond the powers ot 
 that poet.^ The style of his plays was not less vari- 
 
 Epicharmus, I could hardly 
 maintain, from the grounds 
 stated in the text; although the 
 bed of Procrustes probably 
 occurred in that play, as well 
 as in the Skt'pwv of Euripides. 
 On the latter see Hemsterhuis 
 ad Poll. X. 1. 35. Boettiger, 
 Vasengemalde I. 2. p. 147. 
 
 " Ad Poll. IX. 4. 26. 
 
 o Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 99. 
 see Boeckh Explic. Pyth. II. p. 
 240. 
 
 V Athen. VI. p. 235. 236 A. 
 
 X. p. 429 A. 
 
 ^ Mena3chm. Prol. 12. Indeed 
 the expression can only mean, 
 that the characters of this play 
 of Plautus were Sicilian Greeks. 
 Plautus has sometimes Doric 
 names for his characters ; thus 
 a parasite in the Stichus I. 3. 
 89. is called Miccotrogos, from 
 jjLiKKOQ Doric for /itkpoc- Such 
 names as this were probably 
 borrowed from Epicharmus. 
 
 CH. 7, §4. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 363 
 
 ous than his subjects, as he passed from the extreme 
 of rude and comic buffoonery to a more serious and 
 instructive vein, introducing maxims and moral sen- 
 tences' with precepts of the Pythagorean philosophy, 
 in which he is said to have been initiated with Archytas 
 and Fhilolaus the son of Arcesas, the successor of 
 Pythagoras ;' and we know from Diogenes Laertius 
 that he introduced long discourses of a speculative 
 and philosophical nature, though it is not easy to see 
 how they were connected with the rest of the piece. 
 In the Ulysses (as I conjecture from the speech to 
 Eumgeus) he made incidentally some philosophical 
 remarks on the instinct of animals;* other pieces, 
 such as " the Pyrrha and Prometheus," and '' the 
 "Land and Sea," were by their subjects still more 
 closely connected with philosophy ; he also wrote 
 some poems on questions of natural and moral philo- 
 sophy, which, if we may judge from the imitation of 
 Enuius, were composed in a theatrical and very lively 
 metre, the trochaic tetrameter." That the dramatic 
 style of Epichannus was perfect in its kind, is proved 
 by the great admiration it was held in by the ancients, 
 particularly by Plato ; and if the Attic comedy ex- 
 celled in cutting satire and ridicule, the Sicilian poet 
 
 Notwithstanding the line of 
 Horace, " Plautus ad excm'plar 
 " Siculi properare Epicharmi" 
 his chief model was the Attic 
 comedy. 
 
 ^ Epicharmus was yvu>fXLKbQy 
 according to the writer Trepl 
 Kuff^fD^iaQy p. xii. Kuster. 
 
 « Jambl. Pyth. 36. p 219. 
 whose statement seems proba- 
 ble to Boeckh, Philolaos, p. 13. 
 This person's name is uncer- 
 tain ; Jamblichus calls him 
 
 'Apijo-ac, "ApKEffOQ Plutarch de 
 de Gen. Socrat. 13. 
 
 * Diog. Laert. III. 16. 
 
 " Diog. Laert. VIII. 78. Eu- 
 docia ap. Villois. Anecd. vol. 
 I. p. 193. compare the 'E7rt)(ajy- 
 ^eioe \6yog in Suidas, and the 
 fragm. Ennii, p. 110. ed. Hes- 
 sel. It is however possible 
 that this *Eirix(tpp^Log Xoyoc was 
 merely an extract from his co- 
 medies. 
 
CH. 7, § 5. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 365 
 
 364 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 had a higher and more general aim. The Athenian 
 poets, if we may judge from Aristophanes, confined 
 themselves wholly to the affairs of their own state, 
 and it was their object to point out what they con- 
 sidered beneficial to the people. But Epicharnuis had 
 a different and higher object ; for if the elements of 
 his drama, whidi we have discovered singly, were in 
 his plays combined, he must have set out with an 
 elevated and philosophical view, which enabled him to 
 satirize mankind, without disturbing the calmness and 
 tranquillity of his thoughts ; while at the same time 
 his scenes of common life ^vere marked with the acute 
 and penetrating genius which characterized the Sici- 
 lians.'' 
 
 5. Notwithstanding this excellence, the comedy of 
 Epicharmus was only an insulated and passing phe- 
 nomenon, as we are not informed of any successors 
 of that great poet, except Deinolochus^ his son, or 
 rather his disciple. But about half a century after 
 Epicharmus,^ Sophron, the mimographer, made his 
 appearance, who was the author of a new species of 
 comedy, though in many respects resembling that of 
 his predecessor. Still this variety of the drama dif- 
 fered so much, not only from that of Sicily, but from 
 any other which existed in Greece, that its origin 
 must, after all our attempts at explanation, remain 
 involved in great obscurity. The mimes of Sophron 
 
 ^ Cicero Tusc. 1.8. ad Att. I. 
 19. calls him acutus and vafefy 
 as being a Sicilian. 
 
 y Bentley Phalar. p. 413. 
 
 ^ As may be inferred from 
 Photius in 'P/;yu'ovc, where So- 
 phron's son Xenarchus (also a 
 mimographer, Hermann ad Ari- 
 
 stot. Poet. I. 3. p. 94.) is men- 
 tioned as a contemporary of Uio- 
 nysius (the elder). Suidas and 
 Eudocia p. 389. place Sophron 
 in the time of Xerxes and of 
 Euripides ; several moderns 
 have followed the former state- 
 ment. 
 
 I 
 
 had no accomj)animent of music or dancing, and they 
 were written, not in verse, but in prose, though per- 
 haps in certain rhythmical divisions,^ This latter 
 circumstance seems quite singular, and without ex- 
 ample in the Greek literature which has been trans- 
 mitted to us. But that it was in reality so, seems 
 improbable, when we remember that there would 
 naturally be an intermediate rhythm, formed at the 
 transition from the metrical to the prosaic style ;^' and 
 with the Dorians this would have taken the form of 
 concise and disjointed sentences, a periodical style 
 being more suited to the Athenians. We are led to 
 this notion by the consideration of some remains of 
 Lacedaemonian composition, in which no one can fail 
 to see the rhythmical form and symmetry of the sen- 
 tences. Thus in the famous letter of Hippocrates/ 
 
 'JTsi'vaivri rcuv^pes' d'TToqeoixE^ rl %^'*) ^§av. 
 
 and also in that of the Lacedaemonian women, pre- 
 served by Plutarch,'^ 
 
 xaxa TEu (pdfxac x.a.x.x.i'X^vra.r 
 
 where the rhythm passes insensibly into verse ; which 
 is less strikingly the case in other instances.^ 
 
 
 * Which appear to have par- 
 tially corresponded with one 
 another, as is evident from 
 some fragments extant, and 
 from a comparison of theSchol. 
 in Gregor. Naz. in Montfau- 
 con's Biblioth. Coislin. p. 120. 
 with the poem to which it re- 
 fers, in Tollius* Itin. Ital. pag. 
 96 sq. See Hermann ibid. p. 
 93. 
 
 ^ Hence in early inscriptions 
 fragments of hexameters often 
 occur. 
 
 <= Xen. Hell. I. 23. Plutarch 
 Alcib. 28. Eustathius ad Hom. 
 II. p. 63. 1. Apostol. IX. 2. 
 Compare Valckenaer ad Ado- 
 niaz. p. 264. But to suppose 
 that Hippocrates intentionally 
 wrote two scazons, would be 
 very absurd. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Laca?n. Apophth. 
 p. 200. TEv and airiodev, accord- 
 ing to ValckensRr. p. 260. who 
 collects some letters, which say 
 the same thing a little differently. 
 
 ^ Compare, e. g., the frag- 
 
366 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 Whether the mimes of Sophron were publicly re- 
 presented or not, is a question not easily answered. 
 It would however be singular, if a poetical work had 
 been intended only for reading, in an age when eveiy- 
 thing was written, not for the public eye, but for the 
 public ear. It is certainly more probable that these 
 mimes were originally part of the amusements of 
 certain festivals, as was the case with the Spartan 
 deicelictse, which they resembled more than any other 
 variety of the drama.^ Indeed it can be easily con- 
 ceived, that farces of this description, acted by per- 
 sons who had a quick perception of the eccentricities 
 and peculiarities of mankind, and a talent for mimicry, 
 should have existed among the Dorians of Sicily, as 
 well as of Laconia, particularly as the former were 
 celebrated for their imitative skill.^ Even Agathocles 
 the tyrant excited the laughter, not merely of his 
 quests and companions, but of whole assemblies of the 
 people, by ridiculing certain known characters, in tlie 
 manner of an ethologus, or merry andrew.^ Accord- 
 ingly the mimes of Sophron, by which these rude 
 attempts were improved, and raised to a regular 
 species of the drama, were distinguished by their faith- 
 ful imitation of manners, even of the vulgar, and the 
 solecisms and rude dialect of the common people 
 were copied with great exactness ;^ whence the nu- 
 
 ment of Sophron in Athen. p. 86 
 E (Blomfield N°. 12. Mas. 
 Crit. vol. II. p. 342.) 
 
 <r/y£j ^ hrl -zozcc, ^IXct, rccih rot 
 Touvl ya. yXuxU^ita^ noyxv^-'ov 
 
 f The actual representation 
 of the mimes of Sophron is 
 also proved hy the words ot So- 
 linus 5., that in Sicily " cavd- 
 
 " latio mimica in scena stetit.^^ 
 Compare Salmas. Lect. Plin. 
 p. 76 B.C. 
 
 i'' Siicf\f<^£iv, TO arrjptverrdai 
 
 irapa 'E7rtx«pft^' «* ^^ t"® tovtj- 
 peveffOai, Photius &c. in v. 
 
 h Diod. XX. 63. 
 
 i See particularly on this 
 point, Valckenser. ad Adoniaz. 
 p. 200 sq. 
 
 CH. 7. § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 367 
 
 nierous sayings and proverbs which were introduced.'' 
 On the other hand, he was most skilful in seizing the 
 more delicate shades and turns of feeling, and in pre- 
 serving the unity and consistency of his characters, 
 without which he would never have been so much ad- 
 mired by Plato, or the study of his works have been 
 so serviceable in the composition of the Socratic 
 dialogues, as we know on good authority to have been 
 the case ;^ and hence we should compare the sceneiy 
 of Plato's dialogues with the poems of Theocritus, 
 which we know to be imitated from the female mimes 
 of Sophron, in order to obtain a proper idea of those 
 master- pieces. His talent for description must how- 
 ever have been supported and directed by moral con- 
 siderations ; which probably preponderated rather in 
 the serious (pjutoi <r7rot>3aTo<), and were less prominent 
 in the common mimes (p,Tp.o« yeXotoi). The tribe of 
 Aretalogi and Ethologi, who originally spoke much 
 of virtue and morality, but gradually sank into mere 
 buffoons, appears to have come from Sicily, and was, 
 perhaps through several intermediate links, connected 
 
 with Sophron.™ 
 
 In considering these philosophical sports, which 
 mingled in the same breath the grave and solemn 
 lessons of philosophy and the most ludicrous mimicry 
 and buffoonery, we may perhaps find a reason why 
 Persius, a youth educated in the Stoic sect, should 
 
 ^ Demetrius de Elocut. 1 56. 
 of. 127. 162. Ulpian. ad De- 
 mosth. Olynth. p. 36. comp. 
 Apollodorus ivroit^ irtpl ^ux^po- 
 roQ fragm. p. 438 sq. Heyne. 
 
 ^ Duris ap. A then. XI. p. 504 
 B Diog. Laert. III. 18. Olym- 
 piodorus Vit. Plat. &c. 
 
 m 
 
 On Sophron see the refe- 
 rences of Fahricius Bihl. Gr. 
 vol. II. p. 493 sq. Harl. and 
 Blom field in the Classical Jour- 
 nal, vol. IV. p. 380. Museum 
 Criticum, vol. IV. p. 340—358. 
 559—569. 
 
368 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 have thought of making Sophron the model of his 
 Satires. This statement is given by a late, but in 
 this instance a credible writer," and is confirmed by 
 the dramatic character of the Satires of Persius, and 
 the constant use of mimicry in them, particularly the 
 first four ; so much so indeed, that a study of Persius 
 is the best method of forming an accurate and lively 
 idea of the mimes of Sophron. 
 
 6. The Dorians in general had evidently less 
 poetical skill and feehng than the Athenians, and did 
 not cultivate those rude attempts of wit and mirth 
 which the festivals called forth, and of which the 
 Athenians knew so well how to take advantage. 
 This incapacity or negligence of the early times 
 enables us to explain why several kinds of Doric 
 poetiy were not received into the literature of civilized 
 Greece until the Alexandrian age, of which we may 
 particularly specify the bucolic poetry, and the phly- 
 aces of Tarentum. These carnival sports had doubt- 
 less been represented for ages, before they acquired, 
 in the time of Ptolemy the First, notoriety in other 
 places by the poems of Rhinthon, which were named 
 after them. These plays are also called lXagoT/?a- 
 7a)8/a,° or tragi- comedy ; and both these and the titles 
 of some pieces^ and fragments handed down to us 
 show that they were burlesques of tragical subjects.'* 
 It may, however, be easily supposed that Rhinthon 
 
 "^ J. Laurent. Lydus de Ma- 
 gistratibus Rom. p. 70. ed. Fuss. 
 
 o Identical with c^Xvanoypa- 
 ^m, Suidas in 'PtV^wv, &c. 
 
 P The Amphitryon, Hercules, 
 Orestes, Telephus, the Iphige- 
 nias, and the slave Meleager in 
 Athenseus, Pollux, Hephsestion, 
 and Herodian. 
 
 1 This is the explanation 
 given by several writers of the 
 word (pXvaKeg, Steph. Byz. in 
 Tapac, Eustath. ad Dionys. Pe- 
 rieg 976. (pXvaKsg rpayitcol Nos- 
 sis Epigr. ap. Brunck. Analect. 
 vol. L p. 196. See Reuveu's 
 Collect. Litter, p. 71. 
 
 cii. 7, § G. OF THE DORLANS. 
 
 369 
 
 did not lose sight of the Athenian tragedy, and it is 
 possible that his two Iphigeniasin particular, at Aulis 
 and Tauris, contained many parodies of the two plays 
 of Euripides. I should conceive, however, that he 
 adhered generally to the form of the ancient phlyaces ; 
 thus for example, he faithfully imitated the dialect of 
 Tarentum ;' we may also be assured that he polished 
 the native farces, so as to tit them for theatrical 
 representation. These pieces were generally written 
 in trimeter iambics, which Rhinthon, however, 
 framed somewhat carelessly, as may be seen from 
 a fragment of his transmitted to us, where address- 
 ing himself to his verses, he declares * 'that he did 
 " not give himself much troul)le about them :"' it is 
 also possible that he mixed the iambic with otiier 
 metres, as parodies, for the sake of contrast ; thus, 
 for instance, he appears to have employed the solemn 
 hexameter in some very ludicrous passages.' Rhin- 
 thon was succeeded in this species of parody by 
 Sopatrus, Sciras," and Blsesus ; the last-named poet, 
 
 "^ ApoUonius Dysc. de Pro- 
 nom. p. 364 C. ed. Bekker. 
 comp. Valckenaer. ad Adoniaz. 
 
 p. 294. 
 
 * In Hephaistion p. 10. Gais- 
 ford. Rhinthon says to a choli- 
 ambic line, in the last thesis of 
 which there is a syllable length- 
 ened by a violent metrical li- 
 cence, W 'iTTTTWvnkToq TO fjirpoy 
 ov^cV fjiot ^tXei. Trimeter iam- 
 bics of Rhinthon often occur; 
 e. g. two properly constructed 
 in Herodian nepl fjoyiipovc Xf^- 
 eioQ p. 19. 27. 30. ed. Dmdorf. 
 
 * At least it appears that 
 there is an hexameter extant of 
 Sopater, another writer of (f)Xv- 
 aK£c, in Athcn. XIV. p. 656 F. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 if Osann. Anal. Rei Scenicae p. 
 73. corrects rightly; the other 
 verses of the same poet are how- 
 ever all iambic. But the iXupo- 
 rpayuiCla of Rhinthon could not 
 by any means be generally caUed 
 c^a/itrpikT/, and I agree with 
 Reuvens on Lydus I. 41. who 
 considers that the statement og 
 klajderpouj typaxpe »:a>/u^>^/ai' as 
 
 a mistake of that writer, and 
 Lange in I. 40. seems properly 
 to defend e^iorik-rf. 
 
 " Valckenfler ad Adoniaz. p. 
 294 classes Sclerias (whom 
 he considers as identical with 
 Sciras in Athen. IX. p. 402 B.), 
 Blffisus, and Rhinthon together ; 
 and there is no doubt that in 
 
 2 B 
 
370 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 a native of Capre^ in Campania, wrote (as may be 
 inferred from the title of his " Saturn") after the Ro- 
 man manners and rehgion had gained the ascendency ; 
 but he used only the ancient dialect, and he too, being 
 called a serio-comic poet (o-TroySoysXoicov TroiTjrr]^), 
 seems to have adopted the same mixture of tragedy 
 
 and comedy.* 
 
 7. We have now dwelt at some length on the comic 
 poetry of the Dorians, on account of the interesting 
 nature of the subject, and the light which it throws 
 on the general character of a people, among whom the 
 strictest gravity was found closely united with the 
 most unrestrained jocularity and mirth ; for as every 
 real jest requires for a foundation a tirm, solid, and 
 grave disposition of mmd, so moral indifference, and a 
 frivolous temperament, not only destroy the contrast 
 between gravity and jest, but annihilate the spirit of 
 both. Our inquiries on the early state of the tragic 
 drama among the Dorians will be more concise. And 
 we may first observe, that the great difference between 
 tragedy and comedy did not exist originally, but was 
 only formed gradually in their development. Their 
 only distinction at first was, that while comedy was 
 more a sport and a merriment of the country festivals, 
 tras;edy was from its commencement connected with 
 the pubhc rejoicings and ceremonies of Bacchus in 
 cities, and was performed by the great cyclic or 
 dithyrambic choruses. Thence it came that the former 
 expressed the boisterous mhth and joviality of clowns 
 
 LvdusReuvensp.69. has rightly 'PiV0wvt TapavnVy (piXoaocfxp 
 
 corrected 'PiV6wva Kal J^Kipav may be corrected either <^\vao<co- 
 
 Koi B\ai(Tov : as also (pXvaKo- ypa0^ or Ti^Xt^w. 
 
 yp^chwu for -n-vdayopioy, aud * Fabric. Bibl Gr. vol.11. 
 
 Lange»ca>p^wvforov/ii»cpwv. In p. 426. Harl. Reuvens Coll. 
 
 Hesychius in atreKTor, for irapa Litt. p. 19. 
 
 CH. 7, § 8. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 371 
 
 and peasants ; whereas the latter was formed upon 
 the particular ideas and feelings suggested by the wor- 
 ship of Bacchus, and by the part which he bore in 
 mythology. It principally turned on the sufferings of 
 Bacchus (Aiovuff-ou Tra^Tj), a point alluded to in some 
 verses in the Iliad, though there is no doubt that it had 
 been attempted at a much earlier period.'' 
 
 8. We shall now show how this applies to the tra- 
 gedy of the Dorians. According to the account of 
 Herodotus* there were at Sicyon, an ancient seat of 
 the worship of Bacchus, tragic choruses which sung 
 of Bacchus, and undoubtedly of his suflFerings. These 
 choruses however had even before the age of Cleis- 
 thenes (Olymp. 45.) been transferred to Adrastus, 
 the hero of that city, but they were by that tyrant 
 restored to their former subject. The date of their 
 restoration is therefore known ; the time of their ex- 
 tension to Adrastus, and consequently of their found- 
 ation, must have been much more remote ; this shows 
 the comparatively late date of the Attic tragedy, which 
 began with Thespis. Now we are also informed that 
 Epigenes, a very ancient tragedian of Sicyon, was the 
 sixteenth before Thespis ;* thus it appears that the 
 ancients were in possession of a stock of information, 
 which has been lost to us, that enabled them to draw 
 
 y II. VI. 132. 
 
 ^ V. 6^ ; for an explanation 
 of which passage see vol.1, 
 p. 404. note ^. Perhaps iisyapi- 
 Cuv for " to lament" (Aristoph. 
 Ach. 822. Suidas and the 
 Paroemiographers in Miyapiiov 
 ZciKpvay com p. Tyrrwhit ad 
 Aristot. Poet, p 1*74.) refers to 
 tragedy, as MtyupiKoc ytXwr to 
 corned V. 
 
 ^ Suidas in Oecttic. Photius, 
 Apostolius, and Suidas in ovtev 
 TrpoQ Toy Aiorvcrov, the former 
 of whom says, 'ETriycVoi/c tov 
 ItLKVioriov TpayiDliav (Iq avTOv 
 (in Suidas eIq ^lovvaov^ but 
 perhaps it is an old error for 
 
 (Iq AhpaffTOl'^ TTOlilffaVTOQ £7rf- 
 
 ^wrr/cai' river tovto' bdev y Tra- 
 poifila. 
 
 2 H 2 
 
372 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 up a regular succession of all the intermediate tragic 
 poets. To this if we add that some of the Pelopon- 
 nesians, as we are told by Aristotle/^ disputed with 
 the Athenians the invention of tragedy/ we shall not 
 be inclined to deny the claims of the former, on the 
 mere ground that their song, being drowned by the 
 louder notes of the Athenians, was thus early silenced. 
 But it remains to be decided, whether this Sicyo- 
 nian tragedy belonged to the regular drama, or whe- 
 ther it was merely a species of dithyrambic lyric 
 poetry, the existence of which was first proved some 
 few years ago by a learned writer of this country.'^ 
 Of these hypotheses the latter seems most probable, 
 as the accounts of the Athenians respecting the origin 
 and progress of their own tragedy can only then be 
 justified, and because it is distinctly stated that the 
 early tragedy consisted exclusively of choruses." But 
 I should conceive that these Bacchanalian songs were 
 always accompanied by some mimicry ; which indeed 
 the nature of that worship would seem to require ; 
 the livehness of the feelings which it inspired calling 
 for a personified representation of them; and thus 
 Arion, who is styled the inventor of the tragic style 
 {rpayiTclg tt^otto^), is said to have introduced satyrs 
 into his choruses.^ Arion, although by birtli a Me- 
 thymnsean, and probably a disciple of Ter pander, 
 chiefly lived and wrote (like his predecessors, men- 
 tioned above) in Peloponnesus and among Dorian 
 
 ^ Poet. 3. and Hermann ad 
 
 1. p. 104. 
 
 c Themistius Or. XIX. p. 
 487. says directly that the Si- 
 cyonians were the inventors of 
 tragedy. 
 
 ^ Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, 
 vol. II. p. 362. 
 
 ® Particularly by Aristocles 
 ap. Athen. Xiy. p.630C. 
 
 ^ Suidas in 'Apliov. 
 
 CH. 7, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 373 
 
 nations. It was at Corinth, in the reign of Periander/ 
 that he first practised a cyclic chorus^ in the perform- 
 ance of a dithyramb/ where he probably took ad- 
 vantage of some local accidents and rude beginnings, 
 which alone could justify Pindar in considering Cormth 
 as the native city of the dithyramb.^ 
 
 Thus the district of Corinth and Sicyon is of con- 
 siderable importance in the early history of the drama. 
 Phlius also, ^^'here the satirical drama probably first 
 became a separate variety of the ancient tragedy, was 
 situate in that part: whence being introduced mto 
 Athens, it was brought into a regular dramatical 
 shape. For Pratinas the Phliasian is truly called the 
 inventor of this species of the drama ;' and although 
 he contended for the prize with ^schylus at Athens, 
 he nevertheless must have remained a native of Phlius, 
 as his son and successor Aristeas was a citizen of that 
 city and was buried there."^ I have nothing to remark 
 respecting the satyric drama, except that it must have 
 abounded in mimicry and pantomimic dances, such 
 as were used under the name of ht/porchemes m the 
 temples of Apollo." 
 
 g Arion's age is stated in 
 Suidas after the beginning of 
 Periander's reign, Olymp. 38, 
 or, according to Eusebius, 
 Olymp. 40. (628 or 620 B. C.) 
 
 ^ Hence also his father is 
 called Cycleus, according to the 
 analogy remarked above, p. 357. 
 note °. 
 
 i Herod. I. 23. cf. Hellanic. 
 ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1403. 
 p. 87. ed. Sturz. Aristot. ap. 
 Procl. Chrestom. p. 382. Gais- 
 
 ford. 
 
 1^ Olymp. Xni. 18. cf. Schol. 
 
 adl. 
 
 I Suidas in Hpanvag. Acron 
 ad Horat. A. P. 216. and coin- 
 pare the ^XiatTioL liarvpoi in 
 Dioscorides. Anthol. vol. I. p. 
 252. Jacob. See Casaubon de 
 Sat. Poesil.5. p. 120. Toup 
 Emend, in Suid.vol.II. p. 479. 
 
 ™ Paus. II. 13. 
 
 "As may be inferred from 
 the fact that Pratinas also com- 
 posed Doric hyporchemes, Fa- 
 bric. Bibl Gr. vol. II. p. 135, 
 and from the title of one of his 
 plays, Avjuaimt ?} KapvaTihg, 
 above, p 346, note". 
 
374 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 9. Having now examined the two species of the 
 drama, comedy and tragedy, under different heads, we 
 will next consider them under the general name of 
 orchestic poetry, or poetry accompanied with dancing. 
 For while all poetry which was necessarily attended 
 with music was called lyric, that which was sung to 
 accompany dances, frequently of large choruses, has 
 been called the Doric lyric poetry ; ° to which appel- 
 lation it appears to be justly entitled, as in its various 
 forms it always partakes more or less of the Doric 
 dialect. Hence the terms Doric and Choral poetry 
 may be used as synonymous, as songs for choral dances 
 were usually composed in the Doric dialect; and 
 whenever the Doric dialect occurred in regular lyric 
 odes, these were generally for choral dances. ^ Thus, 
 for instance, Pindar, the master of the Dorian lyric 
 poetiy, composed scolia ; which, unlike the poems 
 sung at feasts, were accompanied with dances, and 
 contained more of the Doric dialect.** Thus the di- 
 thyramb, so long as it belonged to the Dorian lyric 
 poetry, was always antistrophic, that is, in a choral 
 form, or one adapted to dancing ; but after being 
 new-modelled by Crexus, Phrynis, and others, it ceased 
 to be acted by cyclic choruses, and its dialect at the 
 same time underwent a total change. Choruses were 
 sung in the Doric dialect in the midst of the Attic 
 drama ; so peculiarly did the choral dances seem to 
 belong to the Dorians.' 
 
 ° F. Schlegel, Geschichte der rinna in the Boeotian dialect is 
 
 Poesie der Griechen und Romer, however an exception. 
 1.1. p. 226. sqq. Schneider, "i Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. 
 
 Geschichte der Elegie, Studien, p. 607. 
 vol. I. p. 2. ^ In the Prytaneum at Elis 
 
 ^ The choral poetry of Co- also Doric songs were sung in 
 
 CH. 7, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 375 
 
 These facts afford two criterions for asceilaining 
 the character of the lyric poetry of the Dorians. In 
 the first place, it always bore the stamp of publicity ; 
 as in the formation of choruses the public was in 
 some manner taken into consideration: secondly, it 
 had some religious reference ; as choruses ever formed 
 part of religious worship. The feeling therefore 
 expressed by this kind of lyric poetry, though it 
 might more powerfully affect individuals, should never- 
 tlieless be of such a nature as to interest a whole 
 people ; and the subject, even if suggested by other 
 circumstances, should have a reference to religious 
 notions, and admit of a mythological treatment. 
 
 10. Thus much concerning the character of lyric 
 poetry among the Dorians. But if we proceed to 
 inquire what gave to this species of poetry the cha- 
 racteristic mark of the people, the circumstances 
 which first strike the attention will rather surprise than 
 enlighten us. For, in the first place, it is plain that 
 no Greek city was wholly without choral poetry ; and 
 that prosodia, pseans, and dithyrambs, as soon as they 
 obtained a separate existence, spread in a short time 
 over the whole of Greece. Secondly, among the chief 
 founders and masters of the Dorian lyric poetry, the 
 smaller number only were Dorians, the others being 
 either of iEohau or Ionian descent. Thus Terpander, 
 the ancient psean-singer, Arion, the inventor of the 
 dithyramb, and Pindar, Avere jEolians ; Ibycus of 
 Rhegium, Bacchylides, and Simonides of Ceos, were 
 lonians ; and of the more celebrated poets the only 
 Dorians were Stesichorus of Himera, and Alcman, 
 
 the time of Pausanias (V. 15. Lerneea were in the same dialect 
 8.) and the tVr/ used at the (ib. II. 31. 3.). 
 
376 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book rr. 
 
 by birth a Laconian, though descended from a Lydian 
 family. This last fact however may be reconciled 
 with the view taken above, by the supposition that a 
 certain national style had from an early period been 
 established in the native country of this clioral poetry, 
 to which the poets of the several cities generally con- 
 formed ; while in other places, being more throw n on 
 their own resources, they were led to cultivate their 
 talent with greater freedom. Thus the choral poetry 
 flourished in no part of Greece so much as at Sparta,* 
 as is proved by the best authorities, viz. Terpander ' 
 and Pindar." But besides the foreign, though almost 
 naturalized poets, such as Terpander, Thaletas, 
 Nymphseus of Cydonia,'^ and Simonides,^ there were 
 also more native lyric poets at Sparta than in any 
 other place ; ' of whom we know by name, Spendon,* 
 Dionysodotus,^ Xenodamus," and Gitiadas, who sung 
 the praises of the same deity to whom he built the 
 brazen house.*^ Notwithstanding which, there has 
 not been preserved a single fragment of Spartan lyric 
 poetry, with the exception of Alcman's ; because, as 
 
 ^ See above, oh. 6. § 4. and 
 the TETpayu)voi x^P^' ^^ ^^ ^^' 
 conists, Ath. IV. pag. 181 C. 
 from TimsBus. 
 
 * Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 21. 
 
 " lb. Fragm. incert. 110. 
 Boeckh ; above, p. 94, note®. 
 
 ^ .^lian V. H. XII. 50. 
 
 y iElian V. H. IX. 41. 
 
 '■ According to Achenacus 
 XIV. p 632 F. 
 
 •^ Plutarch Lycurg. 28. 
 
 ^ Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. 
 p.687B. 
 
 ^ Above, ch. 6- § 3- I will 
 not add Philoxenus of Cythera 
 in the time of Dionysius to the 
 iianics in the text. 
 
 ^ Pausan III. 17.3. Chilon 
 likewise, according to Diog. 
 Laert. I. 3. 68, wrote cXcytla 
 to the number of about 200 
 verses. Likewise Areus the 
 Laconian (Anton. Liber. 12.) 
 was a lyric poet, and diffvrcnt 
 from the epic poet "Apuoq in 
 Paus. in. 13. 5. if such a per- 
 son ever existed. Also the fxe- 
 XowoioQ Eurytus, who, according 
 to J. Lydus de Ostent. p. 283. 
 Hase, wrote an ode, beginning 
 ** 'AyaX|ao£iC£c"E|0(i»c," and Za- 
 rex, according to the conjecture 
 of Paus. I. 38. 4, both Lace- 
 daemonians. 
 
 377 
 
 tn. 7, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 we showed above, there was a certain uniformity and 
 monotony in their productions, such as is perceivable 
 in the early works of art, which prevented any single 
 part from being prominent or distinguished. Some- 
 thing nmst also be attributed to the effects of a cen- 
 sorship, either of manners or of literary worlvs ; as 
 the Spartans are said to have banished Archilochus 
 from their city either on account of his cowardice, or 
 of the licentiousness of his poems f while, on the other 
 hand, Tyrteeus was held in the greatest honour, as 
 animating and encouraging their youth.^ The gene- 
 rality of the use of the lyre at Sparta is proved by 
 the fondness of the female sex for it.« And besides 
 several instances of lyric poetesses at Sparta,^' we 
 know the names of some at Argos ' and Phlius.^ At 
 the Isthmus of Corinth women were even alloAved to 
 strive in the musical contests.^ Of the number of 
 lyric poets known only to their own age and country, 
 we may form some notion from the circumstance that 
 Pindar, celebrating a native of iEgina, incidentally 
 mentions two minstrels of the same family, Timocritus 
 and Euphanes the Theandridse.™ Besides those al- 
 ready named, the following Doric poets are known to 
 
 e Valer. Max. V. 3. Archi- 
 loch. Fragm. p. 147. Liebel. 
 
 *■ Plutarch Cleom. 2. de So- 
 lert. Anim. I. Apophth. Lac. 
 p. 244. 
 
 « Alcman ap. ApoUon. Dys. 
 de Pron. p. 381. Bekker. 
 Fragm. 73. Welcker. 
 
 ''^ Alcman ap. Athen. XIII. 
 p. GOO F. Fragm. 27. Schol. 
 Aristoph. Lys. 1^239. Suidas in 
 KKtirayopa Olearus ap. Wolf. 
 Fragm. Mul. 2. p. G2, 145. 
 Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. IF 
 
 p. 11, 157. vol.1, p. 883. 
 
 ^ In denying the truth of the 
 report that Telesilla routed 
 Cleomenes (vol. I. pag. 191, 
 note ".) I did not mean to dis- 
 parage the beautiful and genuine 
 Doric character of that poetess 
 and heroine 
 
 ^ Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. 
 p. 135. 
 
 1 Plutarch Sympos. V. 2. 
 
 p 206. 
 
 "» iF:^inetica, p. 143. cf. Dis- 
 
 sen. Expl. p. 381. 
 
378 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 us : Lasus of Hermione, a poet and musician, who 
 had improved the dithyramb after Arion, and the 
 iEohan style of music before Pindar; Ariphron of 
 Sicyon, a composer of paeans ; Cleobulus of Rhodes, 
 who was both a philosopher and a lyric poet ; and 
 the peculiar genius of Timocreon, who tuned the 
 Doric lyre against Simonides and Themistocles, having 
 been roused against the latter by the unjust conduct 
 of Athens towards the islands." Later poets we shall 
 pass over. 
 
 11. The above statements merely go to establish 
 the fact, that the choral lyric poetry, chiefly and ori- 
 ginally belonged to the Dorians. In what manner 
 this fact is to be accounted for, what were the causes 
 of this phenomenon, can only be explained in a general 
 history of the lyric poetry of the Greeks, a subject at 
 once the most attractive and most difficult which 
 remains for the industry of the present age. In the 
 absence of such an investigation, I may be permitted 
 to offer on that question a few remarks, which the 
 occasion prevents me from supporting with a detailed 
 body of evidence. 
 
 In the first place then it will, I believe, be safe to 
 give up the notion that the lyric was regularly and 
 gradually developed from epic poetry. The epic 
 poetry, beginning at a period when the Achseans were 
 yet in possession of Peloponnesus," retaining till the 
 latest times a peculiar dialect, and continued under 
 
 ■^ See above, p. 151. note '^j 
 and Fabricius. 
 
 "" The assertion in the text 
 makes it necessary for me to 
 remark, that I do not consider 
 either Homer or his language 
 as originally Ionic ; and the 
 
 lonisms of his dialect appear to 
 me to have been introduced by 
 the prevailing schools of rhap- 
 sodists. To offer any proofs of 
 these positions would be im- 
 proper in this place. 
 
 cH. 7, § 11. OF THE DORIANS. 379 
 
 its ancient form by Greeks of all races,^ does not 
 show any tendency to produce an offspring so unlike 
 itself ; and what could be more different than the re- 
 citation of a single bard and the religious songs of a 
 chorus ? From the time that there were Greeks and 
 a Greek language there were doubtless songs at pro- 
 cessions, both at festivals and to the temples, as well 
 as durins: the sacrifice ; and these varying according 
 to the mode of worship and attributes of the god. 
 And in none were they so early reduced to rule as in 
 the worship of Apollo ; to which, as has been already 
 shown,'^ the ancient nomes, the paeans, and hy- 
 porchemes, and other varieties of lyric poetry, either 
 in part or wholly, owed their origin. Now since this 
 worship was originally Doric, and its chief temples 
 were always in Doric countries, we can see a reason 
 why in the ceremonial, that is the choral, poetry, the 
 Doric dialect should have preponderated. Its form 
 was, on the whole, originally a Doric variety of the 
 epic liexameter ; which was the rhythm of the ancient 
 nomes composed by the minstrels Philanmion, Glen, 
 and Chrysothemis.' Their ancient strains, which 
 were sung and danced to, must have been very different 
 from the delivery of the Homeric rhapsodists, a sort 
 of chaunting recitation ; for Terpander is said to have 
 first set them, as well as the laws of Lycurgus,^ to a 
 
 P The following epic poets 
 were Dorians : Eumelus of Co- 
 rinth, Cineethon of Lacedae- 
 mon, Augeas of Troezen, Pi- 
 sander of Rhodes, Panyasis of 
 Halicarnassus ; and Enipedo- 
 cles of A grigentum was the au- 
 thor of a j)hilosophical didactic 
 })oem. 
 
 q Seeb. II.ch.8. §. 13. 
 
 ^ Ibid. 
 
 « B.I. ch.7. §.4. The laws 
 of Lycurgus were doubtless re- 
 duced into epic or elegiac verse, 
 possibly by Terpander himself, 
 who was likewise an epic poet, 
 and compoied trpooifiia as in- 
 troductions to the Homeric 
 poems. He also wrote scolia, 
 probably of the Doric kind, 
 
380 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 regular tune ; whereas these ancient religious hymns 
 had such tunes from the beginning ; while the mode 
 to which they were set can hardly have been any other 
 than the Doric. The attempt to vary the rhythm pro- 
 bably began by breaking the dactylic hexameters into 
 shorter portions, in order to produce new combinations 
 of less uniform verses, and thus gave rise to the anti- 
 strophic form of metre.' A different origin must, how- 
 ever, as is natural, be assigned to the anapaestic 
 military songs ; nor can we suppose that pseans and 
 hyporchemes ever followed the laws of hexameters ; 
 the pseonian variety must have been earlier than 
 Alcman, who made use of Cretic hexameters. Gene- 
 rally indeed Alcman, however early his age, made use 
 of a great variety of metres ; the reason of which pro- 
 bably is, that before his time Terpander had mixed 
 the Greek and Asiatic music ; besides which, Alcman 
 had doubtless, from his Ijydian origin, an inclination 
 to the eastern style of music ; for in this a large 
 portion of his songs, in which the logaoedic metre 
 prevailed, were evidently composed : "" he was also 
 acquainted with Phrygian melodies." But the di- 
 versity of his metres was only to express the variety 
 of his muse, which sometimes adored the gods in 
 
 Plutarch. Mus. 8. and spondaics 
 in the Doric measure, as the 
 splendid one in Clemens Alex. 
 VI. p. 658. Zti) TTCLVTioy apxa, 
 TravTUfv riyrjrop Zev, ^oi Trt^Trw 
 ravTiov vjxvijjv af)^"*'- H^^ epiC 
 poems too, in part at least, were 
 written in the Doric dialect, in 
 which the earlier Orphic hymns 
 were composed, according to 
 Jamblichus, and many Delphic 
 oracles, concerning which see 
 Appendix VIII. ad fin. 
 
 * Although several broken 
 dactylics of this kind were 
 named after Alcman, he was 
 doubtless not the first person 
 who introduced them. It is 
 to this that the expression 
 " numeros minuit in carminu^^ 
 (Welcker, p. 11.) refers. 
 
 ^ See the beautiful fragment. 
 No. 10, in Welcker. 
 
 ^ Fragm. 63. 
 
 CH. 7, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 381 
 
 solemn choruses (in which, when he danced himself, 
 he implored the sweetly-singing virgins to be the 
 supports of his ageO, now wrote bridal-hymns and 
 drinking-songs ; a sufficient refutation of the notion 
 that life at Sparta was one unvaried scene of gloom- 
 iness and melancholy; in which town these songs 
 continued nevertheless to be popular until the time of 
 
 Epaminondas.'' 
 
 12. If the essence of art consists in investing an 
 idea of the mind with a sensible and bodily form, and 
 this in a corresponding and satisfactory manner, we 
 must certainly ascribe great skill in art to the Do- 
 rians, for (as we have before remarked) they delighted 
 more in imitation than in creation or action. This 
 remark applies to the Greeks in general, and par- 
 ticularly to the Dorians, as distinguished from later 
 times ; hence the attention of that race to the beauty 
 of form ; " Give us what is good and what is beauti- 
 ful " was the Spartan prayer.'^ Whoever had enjoyed 
 
 y See the beautiful lines of 
 Alcman, fragm. 12. 
 
 voi. 
 
 yvta tpi^ity ^uvttrai. fiaXt Ih, fiaXi, xrj- 
 
 ^vXos li'nv, ^ 
 
 offT Wt KVfAaroi av6oi ILfL ccXxvonati 
 
 '^ An ancient erotic poet was 
 Ametor of Eleutherna in Crete, 
 Athen. XIV. p. 638 B. from 
 whom a family or clan of Citha- 
 ristse was there called 'A^^/rop/- 
 ^at, Hesych. in v. whence cor- 
 rect Atheneeus and Etymol. M. 
 p. 83, 15. The author of the 
 E7Xwr€t; laments in Athenacus 
 XIV. p. 638. E. that " it had 
 " become oldfashioned to sing 
 ** the songs of Stesichorus, Alc- 
 
 " man, and Simonides : but 
 " every one listened to Gnesip- 
 " pus, who had taught lovers 
 " how to serenade their mis- 
 *' tresses with harps and gui- 
 " tars." This fragment, which 
 is written in logacedic metre, 
 has little of the Doric dialect. 
 The EiXwrec was a satyric dra- 
 ma, and its complete title was oi 
 EtXwrcc 01 eiri Taivap^, Eustath. 
 ad II. p. 297. eic Ttjy rov 'IIpw- 
 liavov. Perhaps in allusion to 
 XhtayogTaivapLOv. See vol. I. 
 p. 208. note"!. Concerning the 
 origin of this singular drama, 
 see some remarks in Niebuhr's 
 Rhein. Museum, vol. III. p. 
 488. 
 
 ^ B. II. ch. 10. §. 9. 
 
382 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv 
 
 the benefits of the public education, participated in all 
 that was beautiful in the city/' their whole existence 
 was influenced by a sense of beauty, which was ex- 
 pressed in the most ancient production of the people — 
 in their religion. 
 
 We may here be permitted to annex a few remarks 
 on the art of sculpture ; and we will curtail them the 
 more, as it does not bear so much upon national man- 
 ners as music, which formed a part of the education ol 
 the people, while the former art was consigned to the 
 care of a few. Although from what we have observed 
 elsewhere, it would be difficult to describe all in the 
 ancient sculpture that was peculiar to the Doric na- 
 tion, and that originated from them, we may still draw 
 some conclusions from what has been already stated. 
 There was in the Doric character a certain healthy 
 sensibility, and a delight in the unadorned and un- 
 veiled forms of nature. That this very much favoured 
 and assisted the progress of the above art is obvious ; 
 and that the human form was accurately studied and 
 understood in the Doric schools of art is shown in 
 those specimens of their works which have been pre- 
 served. The physical beauty of this race, ennobled 
 and exposed to view by gymnastic "^ and warlike ex- 
 ercises, gave a right direction to the study of sculpture ; 
 and the prevailing religion, the worship of Apollo, by 
 the energy of the figure and variety of the attributes 
 of that god, shows not only the original talent of this 
 people for sculpture, but it was fitted to lead them by 
 a succession of compositions to the highest excellence. 
 On the other hand, we may infer from some of the 
 
 ^ Above, p. 308 notes*' and». "" Above, ch. 4. § 1. eh. 5. 
 
 §7. 
 
 CH. 7, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 383 
 
 above remarks, that the Dorians considered the beauty 
 of art to consist more in proportion, harmony, and 
 regularity, than in a superabundance of glitter and 
 ornament ; and this is exemplified by the character of 
 Doric architecture. Lastly, hence arises the com- 
 posure and evenness of mind which so greatly distin- 
 guished the Dorians, who anxiously preserved the 
 usages of their fathers as much in the art of sculpture 
 
 as in music. 
 
 Although historical tradition does not extend so far 
 as to prove and verify this view of the subject, still it 
 agrees with all that is characteristic of the Dorians. 
 In the first place then, we know that sculpture was 
 diligently cultivated at an early time in several Doric 
 cities ; first perhaps in Crete, the most ancient abode 
 of Doric civilisation ;'' then in ^gina,« Sicyon, 
 Corinth, Argos,^ and Sparta ; for that the latter city, 
 particularly at the time of the Persian war, was dis- 
 tinguished by its active pursuit of the arts, has been 
 sufficiently proved in a former part of this work.^ 
 Sicyon produced the Apollo of Canachus, of which we 
 have elsewhere endeavoured to give an idea ;^ and 
 about the same time the iEginetan artists appear to 
 have produced those groups of heroes, the fragments 
 of which are the only sure records which we possess 
 of the peculiarities of that school. For the inform- 
 ation which we receive from Pausanias and others 
 goes no further than that in iEgina many statues of the 
 most ancient kind were sculptured, and that a certain 
 hardness of style was preserved there longer than in 
 
 ^ B. II. ch.8. §18. 
 ® i^ginetica, p. 96. sq. 
 f Thiersch, Epochen 
 Kunst, vol.11, p. 21. 
 
 g B.III.ch.2. §3. 
 ^ B. II. ch.8. §18. 
 
 der 
 
384 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 CH. 8, § 1. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 385 
 
 Attica. The fragments, however, which remain, at- 
 test a liveliness of conception, and a truth of imitation, 
 which in many points may be called perfect, and 
 which excite our admiration, and even astonishment. 
 On the other hand, we may remark in the coun- 
 tenances of the heroes, who evidently bear a Greek 
 national physiognomy, though rudely and unpleasingly 
 conceived, that respect for ancient customs which was 
 a fundamental principle of the early times. That 
 this happened at a time when Athens had already cast 
 off every shackle, is a strong characteristic trait of the 
 Dorians. These Avorks, however, possess many other 
 singularities, which cannot be referred to any peculiar 
 disposition of that race. 
 
 also the first to introduce prose-composition in general.'' 
 The Dorians, however, did not always retain this in- 
 capacity ; for we are told that the Spartans gladly 
 listened to the sophist Hippias of Ehs, speaking of 
 the families of heroes and men, tlie settlements by 
 which the cities had in ancient times been founded, 
 and of ancient events in general.^ This naturally 
 suggests the remark, that the Dorians paid more 
 attention to the events of the past than of the present 
 time ; in which they are greatly opposed to the lonians, 
 who from their governments and geographical position 
 were more thrown into society, and interested them- 
 selves more in the passing affairs of the day. Hence 
 some of the early writers on mythical history were 
 Dorians, as Acusilaus for example ; but the contem- 
 porary historians were almost exclusively lonians and 
 Athenians ;*= for Herodotus, who in his early years 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 § 1. History and rhetoric little cultivated by the Dorians. § 2. 
 Apophthegmatic style of expression used by the Dorians. 
 § 3. Apophthegms of the Seven Sages. § 4. Griphus invented 
 by the Dorians. § 5. Symbolical language of the Pythagorean 
 philosophy. 
 
 1. It has been shown in the preceding chapter that 
 the national and original poetry of the Doric race was 
 not the epic, but the lyric ; which is occupied rather 
 in expressing inward feelings, than in describing out- 
 ward objects. If this predilection may be considered 
 as natural to the whole race, it will enable us to ex- 
 plain w^hy history neither originated among, nor was 
 cultivated by the Dorians. For both its progress and 
 invention we are indebted to the lonians, who were 
 
 * It is only by this general 
 proposition that we can explain 
 why the physicians of Cos wrote 
 in the Ionic dialect. 
 
 ^ Plato Hipp. Maj. p. 285 C. 
 Philostr. Vit. Soph. I. II. p. 495. 
 Olear. comp. Phitarch Lycurg. 
 23. So also the lloXirda Yirap- 
 Tiaroip of Dicffjarchus was an- 
 nually read in the ephors' office 
 at Sparta (Suidas in Atka/apx"c) 
 and in early times Hecatseus of 
 Miletus found there a favour- 
 able reception. Plutarch Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 199. 
 
 *= This is only true of the more 
 early times; for later we find 
 many historians among the Do- 
 rians. Of the Lacedaemonians, 
 Nicocles and Hippasus are 
 mentioned by Athenaeus (see 
 Schweighacuser ad Athen. Ind. 
 p. 129.), Aristocrates by Plu- 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 tarch and others, Pausanias by 
 Suidas, Diophantus by Fulgen- 
 tius, and Sosibius is frequently 
 quoted. See Heeren de Font. 
 Pliitarchi p. 24. and Meursius 
 Miscell. Lacon. IV. 17. Aao- 
 Kparrjr, 6 ^7rapriarr)Cy in Plu- 
 tarch de Malign. Herod. 35, is 
 doul)tl'ul. I also mention Der- 
 cyllus the Argive, because he 
 wrote in the dialect of his na- 
 tive city ; see Valckenscr ad 
 Adoniaz. p. 274. et ad Eurip. 
 PhoBu. Schol. p. 7. and see 
 Schol. Vrat. Pind. Olymp. VII. 
 49. This Dercylus or Dercyl- 
 lus is connected in a singular 
 maimer with another historian, 
 the very same quotations being 
 sometimes made from both. 
 See Athen. III. p 86 F. Clem. 
 Alex. Strom. 1. p. 39. Sylb. 
 Schol. Vat. in Eurip. Tro. 14. 
 
 2c 
 
 f 
 
386 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv 
 
 cn 
 
 8, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 387 
 
 had lived for some time at Samos, and after bis various 
 travels wrote his Histoiy at Tlmrii, can hardly be con- 
 sidered as a genuine Dorian.^ Nor would it be difficult 
 to account for the entire ignorance of the arts of rhe- 
 toric and logic in the Doric states (for the schools ot 
 rhetoricians and sophists in Sicily are evidently to be 
 traced to the peculiar character of those islanders) \ or 
 to see why the perfection of these, both in theory and 
 practice, as well as that of the regular drama, was left 
 
 to the Athenians. 
 
 2. But instead of the pointed and logical reasoning, 
 and the fervid declamation of the Athenians, the Doric 
 race had a peculiar manner of expressing itself, viz. 
 by apophthegms, and sententious and concise sayings. 
 
 Since in all these passages Agias 
 and Dercylus are connected, we 
 ought, in Schol. Vrat. Find. 
 01. VI. 4 g. p. 167. Boeckh., 
 where the manuscript has ol 
 TTspl AEPA (with a mark of ab- 
 breviation) Kcit AEpKvXoy, to 
 write : ol irfpi 'Aymr (not Aei- 
 viav). Probably a single work 
 had been composed upon Ar- 
 golic antiquities, with a mixture 
 of various Argolic expressions, 
 bv Agias and Dercylus. 
 
 "^ Unless his religious turn, 
 and a certain infantine simpli- 
 city, which seems the more sin- 
 gular, when it is remembered 
 that he wrote nearly at the same 
 time as Thucydides, are con- 
 sidered as traces of a Doric 
 character. He does not how- 
 ever appear to have the idea o< 
 government, which belonged to 
 
 that race. 
 
 e See b. III. ch. 9. §7. be- 
 sides which we may mention 
 Gorgias of J^eontini, and the 
 great sums gained by Hippias 
 
 even in small towns of Sicily, 
 as, e. g., Inycus. — Sparta, on 
 the other hand, together with 
 Argos (b. III. ch.9. §1. extr.), 
 and Crete, had no orators (Ci- 
 cero Brut. 13. Tacitus de Orat. 
 40.), and rhetoric, as being an 
 art favouring untruth {rix^ri 
 fivev a\T]deiag, Plutarch et A- 
 postol. XIII. 72.), was prohi- 
 bited, Athen. XIII. p. 611 A. 
 Cephisophon the good speaker 
 (6 ayadog ^v0//rac) was ba- 
 nished (Plutarch Inst. Lac. 
 p. 254. Apostol. XIX. 89.), 
 and the ephors punished any 
 person who introduced a foreign 
 method of speaking; in the 
 same manner as at Crete, those 
 who made speeches of false dis- 
 play were driven from the island 
 (ol kv Xoyocc aka'Covtvo^ivoi, 
 Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathe- 
 mat. p. 68 B.). Nor is there 
 any better criticism of sophisti- 
 cal panegyrics, than the Lace- 
 daemonian remark, n'c avrov 
 \liyti ; 
 
 Tlie object appears to have l)een, to convey as nmch 
 meaning in as few words as possible, and to alhide to, 
 rather than express, the thoughts of the speaker. A 
 habit of mind which might fit its possessor for such 
 a mode of speaking, would best be generated by long 
 and unbroken silence; which Avas enjoined to his 
 scholars by Pythagoras, and by Sparta enforced on all 
 youths during their education : ^ it being intended that 
 their thoughts should gain force and intensity by com- 
 pression.^ Hence the great brevity of speech,*' which 
 was the characteristic of all the genuine Dorians, 
 especially of the Spartans,' Cretans,^ and Argives,^ 
 forming a remarkable contrast with the copious and 
 headlong torrent of eloquence which distinguished the 
 Athenians. The antiquity of this characteristic of 
 the Spartans is proved by the fact of Homer's attri- 
 buting it to Menelaus, 
 
 When Atreus' son harangued the list'ning train. 
 Just was his sense, and his expression plain, 
 His words succinct, yet full, without a fault ; 
 He spoke no more than just the thing he ought." 
 
 In which lines the poet evidently transfers the pecu- 
 liarity of the Doric Laconians to the earlier inhabitants 
 of that country." In adopting this mode of expression. 
 
 f Above, ch. 2. § 5. 
 
 g Plutarch de Garrul. 17. 
 
 ** 'H /3pa^uXoyt'a tyyvq t^ 
 <riydi/, a saying of Lycurgus, ac- 
 cording to Apostolius IX. 69. 
 
 ' See particularly Demetrius 
 de Elocut. VIII. p. 241 sqq. 
 
 ^ Crete, according to Plat. 
 Leg. I. p. 641. aimed more at 
 TToXvyoia than TroXvXoyta. Swr- 
 TOfiog 7}v 6 ^tlyoc is said ot a 
 Cretan, Anthol. Palat. VII . 447. 
 
 ^ JCsch. Suppl. 198. 270. 
 
 Pindar Isthm. V. 55. Sophocl. 
 ap. Schol. Isthm. VI. 87. See 
 also Sophocles in Stoboeus Flo- 
 rileg. 74. p. 325. 
 
 ^ Poi)e's translation of Iliad 
 III. 213. This passage is re- 
 ferred by the Venetian Scho- 
 liast, Eustathius p. 406. ed. 
 Rom. and Tzctzcs Chil. V. 31 7. 
 to the ftpaxvXoyia of the Lace- 
 daemonians. 
 
 " Above, p. 298 note i\ 
 
 2 c 2 
 
 M 
 
388 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book n. 
 
 the Dorians may be conceived, in the first place, to 
 have wished to avoid all ornament of speech, and to 
 have contented themselves with the simplest manner 
 of conveying their thoughts ; as Stesimbrotus the 
 Thasian opposes to the adroit and eloquent Athenian 
 the openness and simplicity of the Peloponnesian, who 
 was plain and unadorned, but of an honest and guile- 
 less disposition.^ Or, secondly, it was intended to 
 have double force by the contrast of the richness of 
 the thought, with the slight expense of words. Pro- 
 bably, however, both these motives had their weight ; 
 though the latter perhaps predominated. In a dia- 
 logue of Plato,P Socrates says, half in joke and half 
 in earnest, that " of all the philosophical siji>te7ns in 
 " Greece, that established in Crete and Lacedcemon 
 *' was the most ancient and copiom, and there the 
 '' sophists were most numerous ; but they concealed 
 '' their skill, a7id pretended to be ignora7it. And 
 ** hence, on conversing with the meanest LacedcB- 
 '' monian, at frst indeed he would appear awkward 
 *' in his language, but when he perceived the drift 
 '' of the conversation, he would throw in, like a 
 '' dexterous lancer, so7ne short and nervous remark, 
 *' so as to make the other look no better than a child, 
 '' Nor in these cities is such a manner of speaking^ 
 '' confiried to the men, but it extends also to women'' 
 That in this concise manner of speaking there was 
 a kind of wit and epigrammatic point, may be easily 
 seen from various examples ; but it cannot be traced 
 
 ° Ap Plutarch. Cimon. 4. nian, unable to speak (a^vt^arog 
 
 P Protag p. 342. Plutarch Xeyeiv), he probably does not 
 
 Lycuro-. 20 extr. refers to this mean literally that the Lacedae- 
 
 passage When Thucydides monians were unable to speak, 
 
 IV. 84. says of Brasidas, that but only points to their pecuhar 
 
 he was not, for a Lacedeemo- mode of speaking. 
 
 CH. 8, § 2. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 389 
 
 to the principles which we have just laid down. 
 Sometimes it arises from the simplicity of the Doric 
 manners, as contrasted with the more polished customs 
 of other nations ; of which kind is the answer of the 
 Spartan, who, taking a fish to be cooked, and being 
 asked where the cheese, oil, and vinegar were, replied, 
 " If I had all these things, I should not have bought 
 ** a fish." 'I Or it is a moral elevation, viewed from 
 which, tilings appear in a different hght; thus the 
 saying of Dieneces, that " if the Persians darkened 
 ** the air with their arrows, they should fight in 
 " the shade." Sometimes it is an ironical expression 
 of bitterness and censure, which gains force by being 
 concealed under a semblance of praise ; as in the judg- 
 ment of the Laconian on Athens, where every kind 
 ,of trade and industry was tolerated, " Everything is 
 "beautiful there.''' Or it is the combination of 
 various ridiculous ideas into one expression, as in the 
 witty saying of a husband who found his wife, Avhom 
 he detested, in the arms of an adulterer ; " Unhappy 
 " man, who forced you to do this ? " ' 
 
 At Sparta, however, an energetic, striking, and 
 figurative mode of speaking must have been generally 
 in use ; which may be perceived in the style of all the 
 Spartans who are mentioned by Herodotus.* And 
 
 ^ Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 
 242. Similarly the saying avrdg 
 oLKovaa Tijvag in Plutarch Ly- 
 curg. 20. of. Reg. Apophth. p. 
 129. 
 
 ^ Herod. VII. 226. Lac. A- 
 pophth. p. 245. 
 
 * P. 244. Compare the apoph- 
 thegm in Plutarch de Frat. 
 Amor. 8. p. 44. 
 
 * This figurative turn may be 
 
 particularly remarked in Cleo- 
 menes' address to Crius, in the 
 speech of Bulis and Sperthis to 
 Hy dames, in which they say, 
 V\ ould you then advise us to 
 fight for freedom, not with 
 lances, but with axes ? " and 
 the action of Amompharetus, 
 who laid a block of stone at the 
 feet of Pausanias, as if it were a 
 pebble for voting. 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
390 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 this, I have no doubt, was one of the most ancient 
 customs of the Doric race. In Crete it had been 
 retained, according to the testimony of Sosicrates, a 
 Cretan author, in the town of Phffistus, in which place 
 the boys were early practised in joking ; and the 
 apophthegms of Phffistus were celebrated over tlie 
 whole island." In Spai-ta too this peculiar niode ot 
 expression was implanted in boys ; the youths (s^rt^oi) 
 proposing them questions, to which they were to give 
 ready and pointed answers ; ' and tliey were taught to 
 impart a peculiar sharpness and also brilliancy to then- 
 sayings.^ Later in life this tendency was fostered and 
 confirnied by the many occasions on which the public 
 manners prescribed ridicule as a means of improve- 
 ment : " at the festival of the Gymnop^dia in par- 
 ticular, full vent seems to have been allowed to wit and 
 merriment.* In common life, laughter and ridicule 
 were not unfrequent at the public tables ; " to be able 
 to endure ridicule was considered the mark of a Lace- 
 dfemonian spirit ; yet any person who took it ill might 
 ask his antagonist to desist, who was then forced to 
 comply." In early times, similar customs existed in 
 other places besides Sparta ; thus the suitors of Aga- 
 riste, in the house of Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, 
 contended after the meal in musical skill and con- 
 versation,* with which we might perhaps compare the 
 passage in the Hymn to Mercury, where it is said that 
 
 « Athen. VI. i).261 C. 
 
 " PlutarchetHeracl. Pont. 2. 
 
 y Plutarch Lycurg. 11. 19- 
 
 ^ B. III. ch. 11. §3. 
 
 » This I infer from the pas- 
 sage of Pollux quoled above, 
 p. 347. note '', compared with 
 the joke {x^timana) of Leoty- 
 
 chides at the gymnopsedia ni 
 Herod. VI. 61. 
 
 ^ Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 3. 5. 
 and above, p. 288. note '. 
 
 " Plutarch Lvcurg. 12. comp. 
 Macrob. Sat. VII.3. 
 
 '" Tw \eyofiiyf ii<. to i^iooy, 
 Herod! VI. 129. 
 
 CH. 8, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 391 
 
 youths at table attack one another in mutual Jests,' 
 and the practice among the ancient Germans, of jest- 
 ing with freedom at table, alluded to in a verse of the 
 Niebelungen Lied .' But this primitive custom having 
 been retained longer in Sparta than elsewhere, it struck 
 all foreigners as a peculiarity, of wliich the antique 
 polish was sometimes rather offensive. Still, if we 
 justly estimate the manners of that city, they do not 
 deserve the name of needless austerity and strictness ; 
 it was the only Greek state in which a statue was 
 erected to Laughter : « in late times even Agesilaus ' 
 and Cleomenes III.' amidst all the changes ot 
 their life, cheered their companions with wit and 
 
 jdayfulness. 
 
 3 This national mode of expression had likewise 
 a considerable effect on the progress of literature in 
 Greece. Plato properly calls the Seven Sages, imi- 
 tators and scholars of the Lacedsemonian system, and 
 points out the resemblance between their sayings and 
 the Lacouian method of expression." Of these, three, 
 or, if we reckon both Myson and Periander, four, were 
 ofDoric descent, and Clieilon was a Spartan ; ' there 
 were also perhaps at the same time others of the same 
 character, as Aristodemus the Argive.- The sayings at- 
 
 « Qeoq c Wo (caXoV (ieihv 
 'E^ avTO(TX£CHrt£ Trcipw^tvoc, VVTE 
 KuvpoL 'li/3i/ral daXirjCTL Trapai- 
 
 /3oXa KEpTOfJiioVfTLV, V. 54. 
 
 * Gdmelicher Sprucfie wart 
 do niht verdeit, i. e. non absti- 
 nebatur a sermonibus ludicris. 
 Niebelungen Lied. v. 6107. p. 
 345. ed. 1820. 
 
 t « Sosibius ap. Plutarcb. Ly- 
 curf^. 25. It is worthy of re- 
 mark, that the worship of ab- 
 stract ideas, as of Death, oiFear 
 
 (b.III. ch. 7. %n.),oi Fortune 
 (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 253.), 
 existed among the Spartans, as 
 among the Romans; see Phi- 
 tarch Cleom. 9. 
 
 i» Plutarch Ages. 2. 
 
 i Plutarch Cleom. 13. 
 
 ^ Protag. p. 342. see also 
 Plutarch de Garrul. 17. 
 
 1 Hence this mode of expres- 
 sion was called the Chilonian, 
 Diog. Laert. L 72. 
 
 ™ Or Spartan, see the pas 
 
39:2 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 tributed to these sages were not so much the discoveries 
 of particular individuals, as the indications of the general 
 opinion of their contemporaries. And hence the Py- 
 thian Apollo, directed by the national ideas of the Do- 
 rians, particularly countenanced their philosophers, to 
 whose sententious mode of expression his own oracles 
 bore a certain resemblance.^ It appears also that the 
 Amphictyons caused some of their apophthegms to be 
 inscribed on the temple of Delphi ; " and the story of 
 the enumeration of the Seven Sages by the oracle, 
 although fabulously embellished, is founded on a real 
 
 fact.P 
 
 4. Since in this apophthegmatic and concise style 
 of speaking the object was not to express the meaning 
 in a clear and intelligible manner, it was only one 
 step further altogether to conceal it. Hence the gri- 
 phus or riddle was invented by the Dorians, and, as 
 well as the epigram, was much improved by Cleobulus 
 the Rhodian,^ and his daughter Cleobulina.' It was 
 also a favourite amusement with the Spartans,' and 
 
 sages quoted above, p. 8. note^. 
 comp. Diog. Laert. I. 41. 
 Others are mentioned by Her- 
 mippus, ibid. 42. 
 
 " Thus, for example, Apollo 
 is said to have given the same 
 answer to Gyges, as Solon to 
 Croesus, Valer. Maxim. VII. 
 
 1,2. 
 
 o Plutarch ubi sup. 
 
 P The chief passage on this 
 point is Demetr. Phaler. ap. 
 Diog. Laert. I. 22. who places 
 the event in the archonship of 
 Damasias (Olymp. 49. 3.), the 
 same year in which, according 
 to the Parian Marble, which 
 probably follows the same au- 
 
 thority, the second Pythian 
 ciyw*' yvyiViKOQ, the first ayi^y 
 (Tr£(l>ayLTnQ, fell. Also Branchus, 
 the ancient prophet of Miletus, 
 is mentioned as /3paxvXoyoc, 
 Diog. Laert. I. 72. 
 
 *i Diog. Laert. I. 89. comp. 
 Jacobs Comment. Anthol. torn. 
 I. p. 194. 
 
 ' Athen. X. p. 448 B. Ari- 
 stot. Rhet. III. 2. Plutarch 
 Sept. Sap. Conviv. III. 10. 
 Menage Hist. Mulier. Philos.4. 
 Hence the KXeo/SouXTvat of 
 Cratinus, concerning which see 
 Schweighaeuser ad Ind. Ath. 
 p. 82. 
 
 » Athen. X. p. 452 A. 
 
 cH. 8, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 393 
 
 in the ancient times of Greece was generally a com- 
 mon pastime.* 
 
 5. This leads us to speak of the symbolical maxims 
 of the Pythagoreans, which might be called riddles, if 
 they had been proposed as such, and not put in that 
 form merely to make them more striking and impres- 
 sive. So attached indeed do these philosophers ap- 
 pear to have been to the symbolical method of expres- 
 sion, that not only their language, but even their actions 
 acquired a symbolical character." The system of Py- 
 thagoras has by modern writers been correctly con- 
 sidered as the Doric philosophy : yet it is singular that 
 it should have originated with a native of the Ionic 
 Samos. It should, however, be remembered, that the 
 family of Pythagoras, which seems to have lived with 
 other Samians in the island of Samothrace, among the 
 Tyrrhenians/ originally came from Phlius in Pelo- 
 ponnesus,^ and always kept up a certam degree of 
 communication with that city ; ^ and again, that al- 
 though Pythagoras doubtless brought with him to 
 Croton the form of his philosophy, its subsequent ex- 
 pansion and growth were in great part owing to the 
 
 * Epicharmus called it \6yov 
 IV Xoyw, Eustathius ad Od. IX. 
 p. 1634. 15. ed. Rom. Many 
 ancient (/npAz are in the Doric 
 dialect ; though this is not al- 
 ways the case. 
 
 " Thus for example, if they 
 said, " Admit no swallows 
 " into your hou<e," they not 
 only avoided the company of 
 talkative persons (Porphyrins, 
 Vit. Pythag. 42.), but actually 
 prevented swallows from build- 
 ing under their roofs. On this 
 subject see the ancient writers 
 
 quoted by Fabricius Bibl. Grsec. 
 vol. I. p. 788 sq. comp. Creu- 
 zer's Symbolik, vol. I. p. 104. 
 
 ^ Orchomenos, p. 438. note 2. 
 
 y B.I.ch. 5. §3. 
 
 2 There is an account of a 
 dialogue between Pythagoras 
 and Leon the tyrant of Phlius, 
 Cicero Tusc. Qusest. V. 3. Diog. 
 Laert. VIIl. 8. According to 
 Diogenes Laert. VIL L Pytha- 
 goras was the fourth from Cleo- 
 nymus, who had fled from 
 Phlius ; and therefore he would 
 be a Dorian. 
 
394 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 character of the Dorians and Doric Achseans, among 
 whom he lived. Its connexion with the chief branch 
 of the Doric religion, the worship of Apollo,^ and his 
 temple at Delphi, ^ has been already pointed out ; and 
 it has been shown that the political institution of his 
 league was founded on Doric principles.' Other 
 points of resemblance are the universal education of 
 the female followers of Pythagoras, such as Theano, 
 Phintys, and Arignote,^ the employment of nmsic to 
 appease passion, the public tables, the use of silence 
 as a means of education, &c. It appears also, that 
 the philosophers of this school always found a welcome 
 reception at Sparta, as well as those whose character 
 was somewhat similar, as the enthusiastic and religious 
 sages, Abaris,^ Epimenides,^ and Pherecydes ;^ Anax- 
 imander^ likewise and Anaximenes^ lived for some 
 time in that city, and lastly, in the lists of the Pytha-^ 
 gorean philosophers (which are not entirely devoid of 
 credit), there are, besides Italian Greeks, generally 
 Lacedaemonians, Argives, Sicyonians, Phliasians, and 
 sometimes women of Sparta, Argos, and Phlius.^ 
 
 '^ B. II. ch. 8. §20. 
 
 b See vol.1, p. 310. note". 
 
 « B. III. ch. 9. § 16. 
 
 d Their silence is also worthy 
 of remark, Timseus ap. Diog. 
 Laert. VIII. 17. Gale Opusc. 
 Mythol. vol. I. p. 739. On the 
 use of music see b. II. ch. 8. 
 § 20. A work of Philochorus 
 is cited : irepi ripojidcjv i'jTot IIv- 
 dayopetiov yvvaiKi^y. See Sie- 
 bel. Fragm. p. 9. 
 
 ^Pausan.III. 13.2. See vol. 
 
 I. p. 76. note ^. 
 
 f Sosibius ap. Diog. Laert. I. 
 10, 12. Paiisan. II. 21. 4. III. 
 
 II. 8. III. 12. 9. Clem. Alex. 
 
 Strom. I. p. 399. ed. Potter. 
 Heinrich's Epimenides, p. 128. 
 Epimenides is said to have in- 
 formed the Spartans of a defeat 
 at Orchomenos, Diog. Laert. I. 
 117., of which nothing else is 
 known. 
 
 s Plutarch Agid. 10. Diog. 
 Laert. I. 117. from Theopom- 
 pus, Creuzer Init. Philos. Pla- 
 ton. vol. II. p. 164. 
 
 ^ Vol.1, p. 208. note P. 
 
 > He erected the first sun-dial 
 at Sparta, Plin. H. N. II. 66. 
 
 ^ See, e g., Jamblich. Vit. 
 Pythag. 36. 
 
 C1I.9, § I 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 395 
 
 And this is a iresh contirniation of the position, which 
 we have fre(iuently maintained, that up to the time of 
 the Persian war all mental excellence, so far from 
 being banished from Sparta, flourished there in the 
 utmost perfection. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 § 1. Difi'erence between the life of the Dorians and loniuns. 
 Domestic habits of the Spartans. § 2. Opinions of the Dorians 
 respecting a future life. § 3. General character of the Dorians. 
 § 4. Its varieties. § 5. Character of the Spartans. § 6. 
 Character of the Cretans, Argives, Rhodians, Corinthians, 
 Corcyrseans, Syracusans, Sicyonians, Phliasians, Megarians, 
 Byzantians, iEginetans, Cyrenseans, Crotoniats, Tarentines, 
 Messenians, and Delphians. 
 
 1 . After Anacharsis the Scythian had visited the 
 different states of Greece, and lived among them all, 
 he is reported to have said, that '' all wanted leisure 
 " and tranquillity for wisdom, except the Lacedeemo- 
 " nians, for that these were the only persons with 
 - whom it was possible to hold a rational conversa- 
 " tion." "^ The life of all the other Greeks had doubt- 
 less appeared to him as a restless and unquiet existence, 
 as a constant struggle and effort without any object. 
 In addition to the love of ease, which belonged to the 
 original constitution of the Dorians, there was a further 
 cause for this mode of life, viz. the entire exemption 
 from necessary labour which the Spartans enjoyed, 
 tlieir wants being supplied by the dependent and in- 
 
 '^ Heroil. IV. 77. 
 
396 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 dustrious classes.^ Several writers have dwelt on the 
 tedium and listlessness of such an existence ; but the 
 Spartans considered an immunity from labour an im- 
 munity from pain, and as constituting entire liberty .'^ 
 But, it may be asked, what was there to occupy the 
 Spartan men from morning to night ?'^ In the first 
 place, the gymnastic, military, and musical exercises ; 
 then the chase, which with men advanced in life was 
 a substitute for other exercises ; ' besides which, there 
 was the management of public affairs, in which they 
 might take an active part, together Avith the religious 
 ceremonies, sacrifices, and choruses ; and much time 
 was also consumed in the places of public resort, or 
 X£(r;ta/. Every small community had its lesche ;^ 
 and here the old men sat together in winter round the 
 blazing fire, while the respect for old age gave an 
 agreeable turn to the conversation. At Athens, too, 
 these small societies or clubs were once in great vogue ; 
 but a democracy likes a large mass, and hates all di- 
 visions ; and accordingly in later times the public 
 porticoes and open market were generally attended, 
 where every Athenian appeared once in the day. At 
 Sparta, the youths were forbidden to enter the market- 
 place ; § as well as the pylsea/' which was in other 
 
 ^ 'A^Ooj'ia (TxoX^c, Plutarch 
 Lycurg. 24. Inst. Lac. p. 255. 
 
 "" Id. Lycurg. 24. Lac. A- 
 popUh. p. 207. 
 
 d Manso, vol. I. 2, p. 201. 
 
 e Xen.Rep. Lac.4.7. Hence 
 the excellence of the Lacedae- 
 monian hounds, Find. Hyporch. 
 fragm. 3. p. 599. Boeckh. Si- 
 monides ap. Plutarch Symp. IX. 
 15. 2. Meursius Misc. Lac. 
 III. 1. The love of the Cretans 
 
 for the chase is well known, see 
 ahove, ch. 4. § 7. 
 
 ^ B.III. ch. 10. §2. cf. Plu- 
 tarch Lycurg. 25. Also in 
 Cleomen. 30. I prefer toiq \i- 
 cxaiQ to the other reading, rate 
 (rxoXalq. 
 
 s Plutarch Lycurg. 25. 
 
 ^ Id. Inst. Lacon. p. 254. 
 Tov EK Tov yvfjpaaiov veaviaKOV 
 ETreTifJLOjy otl rr)v elg irvXaiap oCov 
 ■^Triararo. 
 
 CH. 9, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 397 
 
 Doric towns besides Delphi' a place for buying and 
 
 selling.^ 
 
 2. Having now so fully investigated the manners 
 and daily ocaipations of the Dorians, it would be in- 
 teresting to know what were their opinions on death, 
 or on the existence of a future state ; but on these 
 points there is no information to be gleaned from 
 ancient writers. Nor can much more be said on then- 
 funeral ceremonies, if indeed they had any rites pe- 
 culiar and universally belonging to the whole race. 
 At Tarentum, the dead were, according to an ancient 
 oracle, called the majoritt/ (ol TrXBlousg) '} they were 
 buried within the walls, each family having in their 
 house tombstones, with the names of the deceased, 
 where funeral sacrifices were performed ;"" at Sparta, 
 it was doubtless the ancient custom to bury the dead 
 in the city, and in the neighbourhood of the temples." 
 Monuments, with the names of the dead, were only 
 erected to those who had fallen in battle," and many 
 
 * At Delphi it was a regular 
 fair (Dio Chrys. Orat.77. p. 414. 
 Reisk.), and also a slave-market, 
 as I infer from Plutarch Prov. 
 Alex. p. 105. By means of it 
 a considerable suburb, or new- 
 town, called Pylsea, was formed 
 at Delphi, Plutarch de Pyth. 
 Orac.29. p. 296. Perhaps this 
 was the locality of the IluXaia 
 of Cratinus. 
 
 ^ At Rhodes liars were called 
 TrvXaiaaral, Hesychius and 
 Schol. ad Plutarch. Artaxerx. I. 
 p. 387. ed. Hutten. compare 
 Suidas in v. In Plutarch de 
 Fac. Lunee 8. jugglers of the 
 Pylcea, in the Life of Pyrrhus, 
 29. TTvXaiKi) oxXaywyifti are 
 
 mentioned. But these expres- 
 sions do not refer to the Pylsea 
 of Delphi. 
 
 1 Polyb. VIII. 30. 
 
 ™ See Athen. XII. p. 522 F. 
 
 " Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Inst. 
 Lac. p. 251. The Laconian 
 word for " to bury" was 71617- 
 ^evai, Schol. Cantabr. II. v//'. 83. 
 On the burial of the king, see 
 b.III. ch.6. §6. 
 
 o Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Thus 
 Pausanias III. 14, 1. saw at 
 Sparta the names of the 300 
 who died at Thermopylae, and 
 the same monument is, as it 
 appears, referred to by Hero- 
 dotus VII. 224. 
 
ft 
 
 398 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 CH. 9, § 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 399 
 
 other honours were also paid thein.^ The sacrifice to 
 Demeter, on the twelfth day after death, evidently 
 denotes the reception of the soul in the infernal 
 regions ; the Argives likewise sacrificed on the 30th 
 day to Hermes, as conductor of the souls of the dead f 
 in the same manner that the Athenians called the dead 
 Ar^ixr^rp^axol I e. returned to their mother earth. 
 There was however a considerable difference between 
 the Athenian and Doric modes of burying ; for the 
 former laid the l^ody with the head to the west, the 
 latter, at least the Megarians, to the east/ 
 
 3. It now remains for us to collect into one point 
 of view all that has been said in different parts of this 
 work on the character of the Doric race, so as to 
 furnish a complete and accurate idea of their nature 
 and peculiarities. That this cannot be done in a few 
 words is evident ; but that it can be done at all I 
 consider equally clear ; and by no means agree with 
 those who deny that a whole nation, like an individual, 
 can have one character ; an error which is perhaps 
 best refuted by consideration of the diiBFerent tril)es of 
 Greece. And thus the word Dorian conveyed to the 
 ancient Greeks a clear and definite, though indeed a 
 complex idea.^ 
 
 P What^lian. V. H. VI. 6. 
 says only of persons who had 
 fallen in battle, Plutarch states 
 of all who died. 
 
 q B.II. ch.6. §2. At Argos 
 the mourning was white, Plut. 
 Qiiaest. Rom. 26. 
 
 ^ Plutarch Solon. 9, lO.comp. 
 ^lian. V. H. V. 14. and Mi- 
 nervse Poliadis Sacra, p. 27. 
 
 ^ It is remarkable, that among 
 all the names for the races of 
 the Greek nation, Awpteuc alone 
 
 is by itself a laudatory term (as 
 in several passages of Pindar, 
 Boeckh ad Pyth. VIII. 21. 
 Dissen ad Nem. III. 3. and 
 frequently in Plutarch. See 
 likewise the epigram in Athen. 
 V. p. 209 E. and Damagetus 
 in the Palatine Anthology, VII. 
 231.), and expresses a national 
 pride respected by the other 
 Greeks, Thuc. VI. 77. Valc- 
 kenaer ad Adoniaz. p. 385 C. 
 
 The first feature in the character of the Dorians 
 which we shall notice is one that has been pointed out 
 in several places,^ viz. their endeavour to produce 
 uniformity and unity in a numerous body. Every 
 individual was to remain within those limits which 
 were prescribed by the regulation of the whole body." 
 Thus in the Doric form of government no individual 
 was allowed to strive after personal independence, nor 
 any class or order to move from its appointed place. 
 The privileges of the aristocracy, and the subjection 
 of the inferior orders, were maintained with greater 
 strictness than in other tribes,'' and greater importance 
 was attached to obedience, in whatever form, tlian to 
 the assertion of individual freedom. The government, 
 the army, and the pubhc education, were managed on 
 a most complicated, but most regular succession and 
 alternation of commanding and obeying.^ Every one 
 was to obey in his own place. All tlie smaller asso- 
 ciations were also regulated on the same principle : 
 always we find gradation of power, and never inde- 
 pendent equality.' But it was not sufficient that this 
 system should be complete and perfect within ; it was 
 to be fortified without. The Dorians had little incli- 
 nation to admit the customs of others, and a strong 
 desire to disconnect themselves with foreigners.'^ 
 Hence in later times the blunt and harsh deportment 
 of those Dorians who most scrupulously adhered to 
 their national habits."^ This independence and seclu- 
 sion would however sometimes be turned into hostility ; 
 
 ' B.II. ch.8. §20. B.IIl. 
 ch. 1. §1. 10. 
 
 " B III. c]k9. § 18. 
 ^ lb. ch.4. §6. 
 
 y lb. ch.9. §18. ch. 12. §5. 
 Above, ch. 5. § 2. 
 
 '• See, e. g., above, ch. 3. § 3. 
 ^ See above, p. 4. note ^. 
 ^' B.III. ch.9. ad fin. 
 
400 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv- 
 
 unci hence the military turn of the Dorians, whicli 
 may also be traced in the development of the worship 
 of Apollo/ A calm and steady courage was the 
 natural quality of the Dorian.*^ As they were not 
 ready to receive, neither were they to communicate 
 outward impressions ; and this, neither as individuals, 
 nor as a body. Hence both in their poetry and prose, 
 the narrative is often concealed by expressions of 
 the feeling, and tinged with the colour of the mind.' 
 They endeavoured always to condense and concentrate 
 their thoughts, which was the cause of the great bre- 
 vity and obscurity of their language/ Their desire 
 of disconnecting themselves with the things and per- 
 sons around them, naturally produced a love for past 
 times ; and hence their great attachment to the usages 
 and manners of their ancestors, and to ancient institu- 
 tions/ The attention of the Doric race was turned 
 to the past rather than to the future.^ And thus it 
 came to pass that the Dorians preserved most rigidly, 
 and represented most truly, the customs of the ancient 
 Greeks/ Their advances were constant, not sudden ; 
 and all their changes imperceptible. With the desire 
 to attain uniformity, their love for measure and pro- 
 portion was also combined. Tlieir works of art are 
 distinguished by this attention to singleness of effect, 
 and everything discordant or useless was pruned off 
 with an unsparing hand.^ Their moral system also 
 prescribed the observance of the proper mean ; 
 and it was in this that the temperance (crcoc^poo-uvT]) 
 
 c B II. ch. 6. § 2. the Spartans was connected. 
 
 d B III. ch. 12. §9. ^' B. III. ch. 1. § 1. 
 
 e Above, ch.8. §1. ' Above, ch. 2. § 1. ch. 3. 
 
 f i|3 §2. §1- ch.6. §1. 
 
 g With which the aToXfior of ^ Above, ch. 1. § 12. 
 
 CH. 9, ^ 3. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 401 
 
 which so distinguished them consisted.^ One great 
 object of the worship of Apollo was to maintain the 
 even balance of the mind, and to remove everything 
 that might disquiet the thoughts, rouse the mind to 
 passion, or dim its purity and brightness."^ The Doric 
 nature required an equal and regular harmony, and 
 preserving that character in all its parts." Dis- 
 sonances, even if they combined into harmony, were 
 not suited to the taste of that nation. The national 
 tunes were doubtless not of a soft or pleasing melody ; 
 the general accent of the language had the character 
 of command or dictation, not of question or en- 
 treaty. The Dorians were contented with themselves, 
 with the powers to whom they owed their existence 
 and happiness ; and therefore they never complained. 
 They looked not to future, but to present existence. 
 To preserve this, and to preserve it in enjoyment, 
 was their highest object. Everything beyond this 
 boundaiy was mist and darkness, and everything 
 dark they supposed the Deity to hate." They lived in 
 themselves, and for themselves.^ Hence man was 
 the chief and almost only object which attracted their 
 attention. The same feelings may also be perceived 
 in their religion, which was always unconnected with 
 the worship of any natural object, and originated from 
 their own reflection and conceptions.'* And to the 
 same source may perhaps be traced their aversion to 
 mechanical and agricultural labour.' In short, the 
 whole race bears generally the stamp and character of 
 the male seoo ; the desire of assistance and connexion. 
 
 ^ B.III. ch. l.§10. 
 >" B. II. ch.8. §2. 11. 20. 
 » lb. §10. Above, ch. 6. §2. 
 « B.II. ch.6. §7. ch.8. §7 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 P Above, ch.8. § 17. 
 1 B. II. ch. 5. § 7. 
 §12. ch. 10. §9. 
 ' B.IlI.ch.4. §1. 
 
 2d 
 
 ch 8, 
 
402 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 of novelty and of curiosity, the characteristics of the 
 female sex, being directly opposed to the nature of the 
 Dorians, which bears the mark of independence and 
 
 subdued strength. 
 
 4 This description of the Doric character, to which 
 many other features might be added, is sufficient for 
 our present purpose ; and will serve to prove that the 
 worship of Apollo, the ancient constitution of Crete 
 and that of Lycurgus, the manners, arts, and hterature 
 of the Dorians, were the productions of one and the 
 same national individual. To what extent this cha- 
 racter was influenced by external circumstances cannot 
 be ascertained ; but though its features were impressed 
 by nature, they might not in aU places have been de- 
 veloped, and would have been lost without the foster- 
 in. assistance of an inland and mountainous region. 
 The country is to a nation what the body is to the 
 soul • it may influence it partiaUy, and assist its grovvth 
 and increase ; but it cannot give strength and impulse, 
 or imprint that original mark of the Deity which is set 
 
 upon our minds. i v^ r 
 
 But outward circumstances, such as locality, lorm 
 of government, geographical position, and fordgn 
 intercourse, had in the several states a different effect 
 on the Doric character, unequally developmg its 
 various features, by confirming some, repressing others, 
 and some wholly obliterating. We shall thus be en- 
 abled to separate the particular character of each state 
 from the ideal character of the whole race, and also to 
 explain their deviations, particularly in a political and 
 
 practical point of view. 
 
 5 The Dorians of Sparta were influenced by 
 their geographical position, wliich, with the exception 
 of that of the Arcadians, was more inland than that ot 
 
 CH. 9, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 403 
 
 any people in Peloponnesus ; as well as by their 
 supremacy, which they at first asserted with ease and 
 dignity, and afterwards maintained by the devotion of 
 all their forces to that one object. The independence 
 and seclusion so desired by the Dorians were at Sparta 
 most conspicuous, and thus the original spirit of the 
 Doric race, and its ancient customs, were most rigidly, 
 and sometimes even in trifles," there preserved ; 
 though it was the mummy rather than the living body 
 of the ancient institutions. This deterioration, however, 
 did not manifest itself till later times ; for (as we have 
 more than once remarked) at an early period the mode 
 of life at Sparta was diversified, cheerful, and by no 
 means unattractive. At that time Sparta was the 
 centre and metropoUs of Greece. Tliis love of se- 
 clusion took a singular turn in the reserve, and in the 
 short and sententious mode of expression, practised 
 by tlie Laconians. Indeed thek silence was carried 
 to a pitch which exceeded the bounds of intentional 
 concealment. Even the artfulness of the Spartans is 
 after the Persian war often mentioned with blame; 
 and it is said to have been impossible to guess their 
 intention.* Sometimes indeed the deception was 
 
 ■ According to Demetrius de 
 Elocut. § 122. the ephors 
 caused a person to be scourged 
 who had made some innova- 
 tion in the game of baU ; a 
 subject on which Timocrates, 
 a Spartan, had written a trea- 
 tise. 
 
 * Herod. IX. 54. AaKelaifio- 
 viojv aWa ^ppoyfoyrojy kol aWa 
 XeyoyTtJv. So also Eurip. An- 
 drom. 452. In this poet's at- 
 tacks upon Sparta the date 
 should always be attended to 
 
 (Markland ad Suppl. 187. 
 Wustemann Prsef. ad Alcest. 
 p. XV.) He calls the Spartans 
 ioXia fiovXEVTiipia, \l/evdujv amv- 
 Tag in the Andromache, when 
 the Athenians accused them of 
 a breach of treaty, Olymp. 90. 
 2, according to Petit and Boeckh 
 Trag. Princip. p. 190. In the 
 Orestes (Olymp. 92. 4.) in re- 
 ference to the proposals of the 
 Spartans for peace after the 
 disasters of Mindarus, which 
 the Athenians had declined, 
 
 2d2 
 
404 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 founded on patriotic principles, as in the answer of 
 the ambassador, who being asked in whose name he 
 came, replied, " In the name of the state, if we suc- 
 " ceed ; if we fail, in our own." Demostratus the 
 son of Phgeax said with great truth that the Spartans 
 were better as members of a state, the Athenians as 
 members of private society ;" the latter indeed were 
 more left to their individual care and exertions, whilst 
 the former were guided by national custom. Hence 
 when they once deserted this guide, they deviated 
 not partially, but wholly and widely from the right 
 
 path. 
 
 Yet the history of the Peloponnesian war and of 
 the period immediately following, being that part of 
 the history of Greece which is clearest to our view, 
 presents several distinguished and genuine Lacedae- 
 monians, w4io may be divided into two distinct classes. 
 Of these the first is marked by a cunning and artful 
 disposition, combined Vv ith great vigour of mind, and 
 a patriotism sometimes attended with contempt of 
 other Greeks. Such was Lysander,'' a powerful re- 
 volutionist ; who, concentrating in his own person the 
 
 Philochorus ap. Schul. Aristoph. 
 Vesp. 31 1. (cf. ad 712, 903), 
 who states that these were made 
 in OWmp. 92, 2. Diodoms XIII. 
 52, however, in Olymp. 92. 3. 
 Aristophanes Lys. 1269. calls 
 ihem alfJLvXag ciXw-rreKag (comp. 
 the false Bacis Pac. 1068. Ly- 
 cophr. 1124), in Olymp. 92. 1. 
 at the time when the proverb 
 arose, olkol Xeovreg, tv E^eVw o 
 d\u)TTtKEQ, Meursius Misc. Lac. 
 III. 2. However, similar charges 
 of perfidy and treachery are 
 made against them in the Achar- 
 neans v. 308, olaiv ovte /3w/xoc 
 
 ovre TTiaTiQ ov& opKOQ ^ivei, in 
 Olymp. 88. 3. 
 
 "In Plutarch. Ages. 15, 37. 
 it is said that the benefit of his 
 country was the aim of a Spar- 
 tan's actions. The Athenians 
 say in Thuc. V. 105, that the 
 Lacedaemonians, as far as re- 
 spects themselves and their na- 
 tive institutions, are virtuous 
 and well-principled ; but that 
 in their dealings with foreign 
 states their own interest was 
 their only standard. 
 •^ B. HI. ch.ll.§ll. 
 
 li 
 y 
 
 CH. 9, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 405 
 
 efforts of numerous oligarchical clubs and factions, 
 by the strict consistency of his principles, and by his 
 art in carrying them into effect, for some time swayed 
 the destinies of Greece ; until Agesihms, whom he 
 had himself improvidently raised to the throne, restored 
 in place of his usurped power the legitimate authority 
 of the Heraclide dynasty ; this doubtless suggested to 
 Lysander the idea of overthrowing the royal authority, 
 and helped to bring on that deep melancholy whicli 
 preyed upon his strong mind during his latter yearsJ 
 Similar in character to Lysander was Dercylidas, a 
 man of extraordinaiy practical talent ; who by his 
 artfulness (which, however, was accompanied by up- 
 rightness of mind) obtained the nickname of Si- 
 syplms.^ But Sparta had at the same time men of 
 a contrary disposition, in whom, as Plutarch says of 
 Callicratidas, the simple and genuine Doric manners 
 of ancient times were alive and in vigour.^ This Cal- 
 licratidas hud at the very beginning of his career to 
 contend with his partisans of Lysander, and resolutely 
 resisted his club or association,^ being also directly 
 opposed to them in disposition. He deplored the 
 necessity which compelled him to beg for subsidies 
 from the Persians ; dealt uprightly and honestly with 
 the allies ; disdained all power and authority which 
 did not emanate from the state ; refused to do any- 
 thing by private connexions or influence, and showed 
 liimself every where humane, magnanimous, and heroic ; 
 in short, he was a faultless hero, unless perhaps we 
 
 y Plutarch. Lysand. 1. 
 
 « Xen. Hell. III. 1.8. Epho- 
 rus ap. Athen. XI. p. 500 C. 
 says of Dercylidas, ^y yap ovcey 
 IV ry rpoTry \aK(i>VLKUv ovc 
 aT^Xovviyjjiv. 
 
 see 
 
 * Lysand. 5. 
 
 ^ Besides Xenophon, 
 Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 210. 
 Diod. XIII. 76,97. andManso, 
 vol. II. 327. sqq. 
 
406 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 
 
 should blame him for his too hasty self-immolation at 
 the battle of Arginusse.^ We can easily understand 
 how the Greeks of Asia should have admired the 
 virtues and greatness of the youthful hero, like the 
 beauty of an heroic statue,^ but were at the same time 
 more pleased with the proceedings of Lysander, as 
 being better suited to the times. In Brasidas we 
 admire chiefly the manner in which the same elevation 
 ofmind was combined with a particular skill in con- 
 trolling and availing itself of the circumstances of the 
 times ; but we must hurry on to Pedaritus the son of 
 Teleutia, who is an instance that all the harmosts of 
 Sparta did not yield to the many temptations of their 
 situation.^ But a more singular character was Lichas, 
 the son of Arcesilaus, of whom we will give a slight 
 sketch. He was chiefly distinguished by his libe- 
 rality : whence by means of great banquets at the 
 Gymnop^dia/ and by his victories in the chariot race 
 at Olympia,^ he increased the fame of his city ; by his 
 boldness, which was even shown in his conduct at 
 Olympia, at a time when the Spartans were excluded 
 from the contests ; "" but which was still more conspi- 
 cuous in his truly Spartan declaration to the satrap 
 Tissaphernes ;* and, lastly, by his policy in endeavour- 
 ing to prevent the premature aggression of the lonians 
 
 against the Persians.^ 
 
 6. The flourishing age of Crete, in manners as 
 well as in power, is anterior to the historical period ; 
 
 <= Plutarch Pelopid. 2. 
 
 «i Plutarch Lysand. 5. 
 
 « Pedaritus has been suffi- 
 ciently defended by Valck- 
 enser ad Adoniaz. pag. 261. 
 against the charge of the exiles 
 at Chios. 
 
 ' See Xenophon cited above, 
 p. 4. note*^. 
 
 s Above, p. 218, note^ 
 ^ Thuc.V.50.Pau8.V1.2. 1. 
 i Thuc. VIII. 43. 
 ^ Thuc. V1IL84. 
 
 CH.9,§G. OF THE DORIANS. 407 
 
 and the early corruption of her ancient institutions 
 was accompanied with universal barbarism and dege- 
 neracy. Of her maritime sovereignity of the mythical 
 age nothing but piracy remained ; the different states 
 were not combined under the supremacy of a single 
 city ; and, even in the reign of Alcamenes, Sparta 
 attempted to settle the mutual dissensions of those 
 very cities ' which it had a century before taken for 
 the models of its own constitution. The Cretans did 
 not, however, confine their quarrelsome disposition to 
 domestic feuds ; but they began in early times to hire 
 themselves as mercenaries to foreign states, which was 
 certainly one cause of the internal corruption that 
 made this once illustrious island act so ignoble a part 
 in the history of Greece. If the verse of Epimenides 
 (cited by St. Paul "^) is genuine, that prophet so early 
 as about 600 B. C. accused his countrymen of being 
 habitual liars, evil beasts, and indolent gluttons. Yet 
 some particular cities (among which we may especially 
 mention the Spartan town of Lyctus) retained with 
 their ancient institutions the noble and pure customs 
 
 of better times." 
 
 We have already more than once had occasion to 
 explain how about the time of the Persian war Argos, 
 by the changes in its constitution, and the direction of 
 its policy, succeeded in obliterating almost every trace 
 of the Doric character :° but one revolution only led 
 to another, and none produced a stable and healthy 
 
 1 Pans. III. 2.8. 
 
 " B. in. ch.8. §2. Hence 
 Polybius IV. 54. 6. calls the 
 Lyctians the best men in Crete. 
 They are also said to have 
 driven the Epicureans from their 
 
 city, Suidas, vol. 1. p. 815. who 
 mentions a vofiog ry f7rtx<*Jpt^ 
 </>(ii> j), probably a forgery, like 
 the decree against Timotheus, 
 above, ch. 6. § 3. 
 
 « B.I. ch.8. §1. b. Ill.ch. 
 
 9. §1. 
 
408 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iy. 
 
 state of affairs. Argos indeed only adopted the worst 
 part of the republican institutions of Athens ; for their 
 better parts could not be naturalized in a people of a 
 race and nature totally different. ^ 
 
 But that Rhodes preserved to the latest period of 
 Grecian independence many features of the Doric 
 character we have already remarked.*^ Still this 
 island had, particularly in the time of Artemisia the 
 Second, adopted many Asiatic customs ; which, when 
 mixed with those of a Greek origin, formed a peculiar 
 compound; of which the Rhodian oratory, painting ,' 
 and sculpture, should be considered as the products. 
 The latter art had flourished there from ancient times ; 
 but later it took a particular turn towards the colossal, 
 the imposing, and the grand style. The Laocoon and 
 the Toro Farnese are in the number of its finest pro- 
 ductions." Its manners are described by the saying 
 that Rhodes was the town of wooers. There was also 
 another proverb, that the Rhodians were " white Cy- 
 ^' ren^ans ; " their luxury forming the point of re- 
 semblance, and their colour tlie difference.* 
 
 The character of Corinth likewise, in the time of 
 the Peloponnesian war, was made up of ratlier discor- 
 dant elements ; for while there were still considerable 
 remains of the Doric disposition, and its political con- 
 duct was some time guided by the principles of that 
 race, there was also, the consequence of its situation 
 and trade ,"" a great bias to splendour and magnificence, 
 
 P See *also on the 'Apyeloi 
 <f)iDp£Q Suidas in v. Pro v. Vat. 
 II. 49. 
 
 q B. III. ch. 9. § 3. 
 
 ^ The school of the ancient 
 Coreggio, Protogenes. See also 
 the Anacreontic Ode XXVIII. 
 
 3. of the Alexandrine or Ro- 
 man age. 
 
 * Meyer's Geschichte der 
 Kunst, vol. I. p. 208, 218. 
 
 * Meurs. Rhod. I. 20. cf. 
 Anacreont. Od. XXXII. 16. 
 
 " The hospitality cf Corinth 
 
 CH. 9, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 409 
 
 which showed itself in the Corinthian order; but 
 
 which, when abandoned by the graces and refinements 
 
 of luxury, soon degenerated into debauchery and vice.^ 
 
 The character of Corcyra we have attempted to 
 
 delineate above.^ 
 
 Syracuse, though highly distinguished for its 
 loyalty and affection to its mother-state, necessarily 
 deviated widely from the character of Corinth. For 
 while in the narrow and rocky territory of Corinth 
 the crops were with difficulty extorted from the soil \ 
 in the colony, a large and fertile district, which was 
 either held by the Syracusans, or was tributary to 
 them, furnished to an over-peopled city a plentiful 
 supply of provisions without foreign importation." In 
 addition to this abundance, the early preponderance of 
 democracy, and stiU more the levity, cunning, and 
 address which were natural to the people of Sicily, 
 tended to modify, or partly to destroy, the original 
 Doric character. The Syracusans were, according to 
 Thucydides, among all the adversaries of the Athe- 
 nians in the Peloponnesian war, most like them in 
 their customs and disposition.^ It is ever to be la- 
 mented that such remarkable talents, as showed them- 
 selves among the Syracusans between the 70th and 
 
 is confirmed hy the proverb aei 
 TiQ kv KvliDvoQ^ Zenob. II. 42. 
 Prov. Vat. IV. 19. Diogenian. 
 VIII. 42. Suidas I. 86. ed. 
 Schott. Plutarch Prov. Al. 129. 
 Apostolius VIII. 66. 
 
 * Corinthian cktiotoi occur so 
 early as the 5th 01ymi)iad (vol. 
 I. p. 134 ), and were restrained 
 by ancient laws, ib. p. 189. and 
 Lydus de Magistr. Rom. I. 42. 
 According to Alciphron Ep. 60. 
 Corinth itself was beautiful and 
 
 full of luxuries, but the inha- 
 bitants were axapt^roi and av- 
 £7rad)po^irot. 
 
 y B. III. ch. 9. § 5. 
 
 ■ In Corinth the husband- 
 man was obliged UXidopoXelv^ 
 but not in Syracuse, Theo- 
 phrast. de Cans. pluv. III. 20. 
 But a/iav KopivOifcoV (Suidas in 
 Kopt»^f^.) probably refers to m 
 atralv KopivSov Koi l.iKmoyoQ. 
 
 » Thuc. VI. 20. 
 
 ^ VIII. 96. 
 
410 
 
 ARTS AND LITMIATURE book iv. 
 
 90th Olympiads, should liave been without a regulat- 
 ing and guiding judgment : their most frequent error 
 both in the state and army being a want of order *^ ; 
 and their knowledge of this defect was the reason why 
 they so frequently threw themselves blindly into tlie 
 arms of single individuals.*^ 
 
 The vicinity of Corinth had undoubtedly a great 
 influence on Sicyon ; yet that city, though it had a 
 navy, was nevertheless without any considerable foreign 
 trade or colonies. The restraints and monotony of 
 life were undoubtedly less than at Sparta ,*' but there 
 was o-reater severity of manners than at Corinth. Si- 
 cyon was one of the earliest cradles of the arts and 
 literature of the Dorians ,^ and enjoyed a high dis- 
 tinction among the cities of Peloponnesus.^ 
 
 Phlius, having no communication with the sea, 
 was destitute of all resources except its fertile valley ; 
 but tills sufficed to give it considerable importance and 
 power .^' The loyalty and bravery of its inhabitants ' 
 deserved the partiality with which Xenophon has 
 written the most distinguished period of its history.^ 
 
 Megara was unfortunately hemmed in between 
 powerful neighbours ; and on account of the scanty 
 produce of its stony and mountainous, though well 
 cultivated ^ land, and the consequent deficiency of pro- 
 visions, it was wholly dependent on the Athenian 
 market, whither the Megarians w^re accustomed to 
 
 « VI. 13. 
 
 d lb. above, B. III. ch. 9. 
 
 « See B. I. ch. 8. § 2. 
 ^ Above, page 300, note *'. 
 b. IV. ch. 1. §8, 12. 
 8 Thuc. I. 28. 
 ^ B. Ill.ch. 9. §9. 
 
 i lb. and vol, I. pag. 197, 
 note ^. 
 
 ^ Hell. VI. 5. 45. 
 
 ^ Theophrast. ubi sup. Strabo 
 IX. p. 393. Isocrat. de Pace, 
 p. 183. A. in whose time how- 
 ever Megara had rich families. 
 
 cH.9,§6. OF THE DORIANS. 411 
 
 carry their manufactures- and some few raw materials. 
 The weakness of this state had early an influence on 
 the manners and morals of the people ; the tears and 
 mirth of the Megarians were turned into ridicule by 
 their Athenian neighbours," who (according to the 
 saying) would " rather be the ram than the son of a 
 " Megarian." And at last the oracle itself declared 
 them an insignificant and worthless people. 
 
 Nor could the mother-city have derived much as- 
 sistance from Byzantium, had there even been a 
 closer connexion between them than was actually the 
 case ; as this important colony was, for the most part, 
 in distressed circumstances, and after the introduction 
 of democracy involved in domestic confusion. We 
 have reasons to consider the account of the mode ot 
 life at Byzantium above quoted from Theopompus as 
 correct ; though that historian is accused ot too great 
 a fondness for censure. Damon likewise relates, that 
 the Byzantians were so addicted to the pleasures ot the 
 table, that the citizens took up their regular abode m 
 the numerous public houses of the city, and let their 
 houses with their wives to strangers. The sound ot 
 the flute put them immediately into a merry move- 
 ment ; but they fled from that of a trumpet : and a 
 general had no other means of keeping them on the 
 ramparts during a close siege, than by causing the 
 public houses and cook-shops to be removed thither. 
 Byzantium was full of foreign and native merchants 
 seamen, and fishermen,^ whom the excel cut wine of 
 that city, supplied by Maronea and other regions. 
 
 ™ Above, p. 222, note ". 
 " Above, p. 3T1, note ^ 
 « Above, p. 114, note ^. 
 V Ilcpt Bv^avriwv ap. Athen. 
 
 X. p. 442 C. JElisin. V. li 
 4 See Aristot. Pol. III. 4. 1. 
 
412 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv- 
 
 seldom permitted to return sober to their sliips.' The 
 state of the government may be judged from the reply 
 of a Byzantine demagogue, who being asked what the 
 law enjoined, replied, " Whatever I please." ' 
 
 ^GiNA, on the other hand, lost its fame only with 
 its political existence. Its situation near the great 
 commercial road, which had taken this course chiefly 
 in consequence of the danger of doubling the pro- 
 montoiy of Malea, the renown of its mythical history, 
 and the peculiar vigour of the inhabitants, had carried 
 their activity to such a height, as to give their 
 island an importance in the history of Greece which 
 will ever be remarkable. 
 
 Though at Rhodes the amalgamation of the dif- 
 ferent nations produced an uniform and consistent 
 whole, this does not seem to have been the case at 
 Cyrene, which was corrupted by Egyptian and 
 Libyan influence. We have only to notice the cha- 
 racter of Pheretime, who from a Doric lady became 
 an eastern sultana. It is remarkable that another 
 Doric female, viz. Artemisia (whose father was of 
 Halicarnassus, her mother of Crete*), obtained a si- 
 milar situation. In the mother-country, however, 
 there is after the fabulous times hardly any instance 
 of women being at the head either of Doric or other 
 
 cities.'' 
 
 We have already spoken as much as our object 
 
 ' Menander ap. iElian. ubi 
 sup. Athen. X. p. 442. Nice- 
 tas Acominatus Hist. p. 251. 
 
 ed. Fabric. 
 
 8 Sextus Empiricus adv. 
 
 Rhetor. §31. 
 
 * Herod. VII. 99. 
 
 ^1 I say hardly, on account of 
 an exception which a fragment 
 
 of the Argolica of Dinias (ap. 
 Herodian. -rrepl fiov. Xt'^fwc, P-8. 
 14. emended by Dindorf) esta- 
 blishes, viz. that " Perimeda, 
 ** queen of Tegea, generally 
 " called Xoipct, compelled the 
 ** captured Lacedsemonians to 
 " cut a channel for the river 
 *' Lachas across the plain." 
 
 CH.9,§6. OF THE DORIANS. 413 
 
 required of the Doric town of CrotonJ in Italy; 
 and several times touched on the decay of tlie Doi-ic 
 discipline and manners at Tarentum. Their cli- 
 mate, which was very different from that of Greece , 
 and the manners of the native tribes, must have had 
 a very considerable share in changing the characters 
 of these two cities ; as the Tarentines did not sub- 
 jugate only and slaughter the inhabitants (like the 
 Carbinates), but received them within the limits ot 
 their large city, and gave them the rights of citizen- 
 ship, l)y which means those words which we ca 
 Roman, but which were probably common to all 
 the Siculians : were introduced into the Tarentine 
 
 dialect. j i t:< 
 
 In the Messenian state, as restored by Epami- 
 
 nondas, the ancient national manners were (according 
 to Pausanias") still retained; and the dialect re- 
 mained up to the time of that author the purest Done 
 that was spoken in Peloponnesus. The reason of 
 this either was. that the Helots who remained in the 
 country, and doubtless formed the larger part of the 
 new nation, had obtained the Doric character, or that 
 the exiles had during their long banishment really 
 preserved their ancient language, as we know to have 
 been the case with the Naupactians in more ancient 
 times " This the Messenians, who dwelt among the 
 Euesperit* of Libya, might have done, as they re- 
 sided among Dorians ; but it was less easy lor the 
 
 X R HI ch 9 § 15. above, coins, ^am, P«''f»;/«'0"f ^^^ 
 B. 111. cti. y. s 1 Tvlessapians and Tarentines, 
 
 y^Of this ..e have probably Athen. III. p. HI C. aiv.opoc, 
 
 y Ut this we nave i. j .nmiio in Tarentum, Hesy- 
 
 a trace in Hesychius, ^a.prflv, samno, 
 
 .a..-c I'x"-. in Tarentine; ch.us. 
 
 which probably refers to the , ^ •//• 'aio, „ote^ . 
 
 Sirocco in the dog-days. v ui. • i 
 
 'Eg. besides the names of 
 
412 
 
 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv- 
 
 seldom permitted to return sober to their ships/ The 
 state of the government may be judged from the reply 
 of a Byzantine demagogue, who being asked what the 
 law enjoined, replied, " Whatever I please/'' 
 
 ^GINA, on the other hand, lost its fame only with 
 its political existence. Its situation near the great 
 commercial road, which had taken this course chiefly 
 in consequence of the danger of doubling the pro- 
 montoiy of Malea, the renown of its mythical history, 
 and the peculiar vigour of the inhabitants, had carried 
 their activity to such a height, as to give their 
 island an importance in the history of Greece which 
 will ever be remarkable. 
 
 Though at Rhodes the amalgamation of the dif- 
 ferent nations produced an uniform and consistent 
 whole, this does not seem to have been the case at 
 Cyrene, which was corrupted by ^Egyptian and 
 Libyan influence. We have only to notice the cha- 
 racter of Pheretime, who from a Doric lady became 
 an eastern sultana. It is remarkable that another 
 Doric female, viz. Artemisia (whose father was of 
 Halicarnassus, her mother of Crete*), obtained a si- 
 milar situation. In the mother-country, however, 
 there is after the fabulous times hardly any instance 
 of women being at the head either of Doric or other 
 cities. "" 
 
 We have already spoken as much as our object 
 
 •^ Menander ap. iElian. ubi 
 sup. Athen. X. p. 442. Nice- 
 tas Acominatus Hist. p. 251. 
 
 ed. Fabric. 
 
 » Sextiis Empiricus adv. 
 
 Rhetor. § 31. 
 
 * Herod. VII. 99. 
 
 *^ I say hardly y on account of 
 an exception which a fragment 
 
 of the Argolica of Dinias (ap. 
 Herodian. Trcpi jiov. Xe^cwg, p. 8. 
 14. emended by Dindorf) esta- 
 blishes, viz. that " Perimeda, 
 " queen of Tegea, generally 
 " called Xoipa, compelled the 
 ** captured Lacedaemonians to 
 " cut a channel for the river 
 *' Lachas across the plain." 
 
 CH. 9, § 6. 
 
 OF THE DORIANS. 
 
 413 
 
 required of the Doric town of Croton'^ in Italy; 
 and several times touched on the decay of the Doric 
 discipline and manners at Tarentum. Their cli- 
 mate, which was very different from that of Greece / 
 and the manners of the native tribes, must have had 
 a very considerable share in changing the characters 
 of these two cities ; as the Tarentines did not sub- 
 jugate only and slaughter the inhabitants (like the 
 Carbinates), but received them within the limits of 
 their large city, and gave them the rights of citizen- 
 ship, l)y which means those words Avhich we call 
 Roman, but which were probably common to all 
 the Siculians," were introduced into the Tarentine 
 
 dialect. 
 
 In the Messenian state, as restored by Epami- 
 nondas, the ancient national manners were (according 
 to Pausanias*) still retained; and the dialect re- 
 mained up to the time of that author the purest Doric 
 that was spoken in Peloponnesus. The reason of 
 this either was, that the Helots who remained in tlie 
 country, and doubtless formed the larger part of the 
 new nation, had obtained the Doric character, or that 
 the exiles had during their long banishment really 
 preserved their ancient language, as we know to have 
 been the case with the Naupactiaiis in more ancient 
 times.^ This the Messenians, who dwelt among the 
 Euesperitse of Libya, might have done, as they re- 
 sided among Dorians ; but it was less easy for the 
 
 * B III ch 9. §15. above, coins, Tra >^a, pawem, among the 
 
 ^^ 5 c 5 ' * ' Messapians and Tarentines, 
 
 y Of this we have probably Athen. III. p. HI C. aavyopog, 
 
 a trace in Hesychius, ^atptr>, sannio, m Tarentum, Hesy- 
 
 KaK(;iQ e'xctv, in Tarentine; chius. 
 which probably refers to the '' ^^-^^'^'.^ 
 Sirocco in the dog-days. ^ Vol. I. p. 210, note^ . 
 
 ^ E. g. besides the names of 
 
414 ARTS AND LITERATURE, &c. book iv. 
 
 Messenians of Sicily/ and wholly impossible for 
 those of Rhegiiim. In the people of Rhegium in 
 general there appears to have been little of the Doric 
 character;^ nor probably in real truth among the 
 later Messenians, however they might have endea- 
 voured to bring back the ancient times. 
 
 Since we have frequently considered Delphi as 
 l)elonging to the number of the Doric cities, on a 
 supposition that it was the seat of an ancient Doric 
 nobility (although the people was chiefly formed of 
 naturalized slaves of the temple), we have finally to 
 observe on the character of the Delphians, that their 
 early degeneracy (which even ^Esop is said to have 
 strongly reproved) is a phenomenon which lias fre- 
 quently taken place among the people residing in 
 the immediate neighbourhood of national sanctuaries. 
 The number and variety of strangers flocking to- 
 gether ; the continual fumes of the altars, from which 
 the natives were fed without labour or expense;'' 
 the crowds of the market, in which jugglers and 
 impostors of all kinds earned their subsistence,^ and 
 the large donatives which Crcesus, with other mo- 
 narchs and wealthy men, had distributed among the 
 Delphians, necessarily produced a lazy, ignorant, su- 
 perstitious, and sensual people ; and cast a shade over 
 the few traces of a nobler character, which can be 
 discovered in the events of earlier times. 
 
 <^ The coins which Eckhel population preponderated in 
 
 ascribes to the time of Anaxi- common life 
 
 laus have both MESSANION ^ Both Xenarchns (ap Phot 
 
 and MESSENION; but it is in 'P,y. Apostol. XVH 15 cf 
 
 not improbable that the first XI. 72.) andNymphodo^us (ap! 
 
 was merely affectation, as the Athen. I. p. 19 p) reproach 
 
 city appeared more illustrious them with effeminacy, 
 
 if Its origin was Doric : it can- « See Athen. IV. p 173 
 
 not be doubted that the Ian- ^ Above, § 1 
 guage of the Samian-Chalcidian 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX V. 
 
 On the Doric Dialect. 
 
 1. The ancient grammarians diWded the Greek language 
 into four distinct branches — the Doric, Ionic, Attic, and 
 ^olic; the latter including all dialects not comprised 
 under the other three heads, because only one branch of it, 
 the Lesbian, was the written language of one species of 
 jK)etry : and yet this latter division must unquestionably 
 have contained different species less connected with each 
 other than with some branches of the other three dialects. 
 It is, however, pretty well agreed that the several ^Eolic 
 dialects together contained more remains of the primitive 
 Grecian or (if we will so call it) Pelasgic language, than 
 either the Doric, Ionic, or Attic ; and that at the same time 
 many forms of the latter were preserved with great fidelity 
 in the Latin tongue ; partly because the life of the Italian 
 husbandmen bore a nearer resemblance to that of the ancient 
 Greeks than that of the later Greeks themselves, and be- 
 cause neither their literature, nor any fastidious sense of 
 euphony and rhythm, induced them to soften and refine 
 their language. But of the more polished dialects, that of 
 Homer, though differing in many points, yet in others 
 doubtless closely resembled the original language, vvhich 
 must once have been spoken from Thessaly to Pelopon- 
 nesus, and was variously metamorphosed in the Doric, Ionic, 
 and Attic dialects. Thus, for example, the genitive case of 
 the second declension, in the ancient form, was OIO, which 
 was preserved in the Thessalian dialect,* perhaps also in 
 the Boeotian,^ and in Latin I or EI is also perceivable ; 
 
 * Eustath. ad II. «'. p. 96. Rom. 
 Etymol. M. andGud. in many places. 
 Phavorin. Ed. p,296. 305. Dindorf. 
 
 VOL. n. 
 
 ^ Ut'tta^oto occurs in the fragments 
 of Corinnathe Boeotian poetess, p. .'SI. 
 Wolf. 
 
 2 E 
 
418 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 A pp. V. 
 
 §2. 
 
 ON i HE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 419 
 
 whilst in the Doric D, and the Attic OT this vowel was en- 
 tirely lost. The nominative of masculines of the first de- 
 clension in A belongs to the Latin, Homeric, Dryopian, 
 Thessalian, Boeotian, Macedonian, and Elean dialects. In 
 the Doric it was probably of rare occurrence, and more ac- 
 cidental.*^ TheiEolic dialect, which was spoken in Bceotia, 
 likewise contains remarkable traces of an ancient Pelasgie 
 language, and has striking coincidences with the Latin : 
 thus in the ancient Boeotian inscriptions the dative of the 
 first declension ends in AE. Gradually, however, it de- 
 parted from this language, as the diphthongs A I and QI, 
 which anciently were written AE and OE, were changed 
 into H and T : and thus almost all the vowels and diphthongs 
 received a new form. On the other hand, we must be 
 cautious of supposing the Latin to be the ancient form, in 
 cases where a transmutation of letters has already taken 
 place. The following is a remarkable example to this effect. 
 Onfl, from, whence " the eye," oTr^ra in the ^olic dialect,*^ 
 o(pQo^ in the Elean,® otttiXo^ in the Spartan. In other dia- 
 lect, oKxof, hence oytrocWos in the Boeotian, in the Latin oci/- 
 lus, where H and K bear the same relation to each other as 
 in the words uLrvpss (JEolic) quaiuor, Triixirro^f quintus, not, 
 quo, "JToQi, alicubi. Moreover the Latin has a very large 
 number of words derived from the Campanian and Doric 
 Greeks, which must be distinguished from the primitive 
 Greek dialect. 
 
 2. These remarks are merely premised in order to point 
 out the authorities upon which all investigations into the 
 form of the most ancient language of the Greeks should be 
 founded. We have already intimated our dissent from 
 those who, in opposition to Pausanias,^ suppose the Doric 
 to have been the native dialect of Peloponnesus, not only 
 disallowinof the claim of the Dorians to its introduction, but 
 even denying that they were the first to adopt it. This 
 supposition would leave us without any means of explaining 
 how the dialect of the Dorians of Peloponnesus agreed 
 
 * Maittaire p. 173. ed. Stiirz. 
 
 ^ Gregor. Corinth, p. 580. Schneft r. 
 
 * Hesychius in -wj^^^a/. 
 f II. 37. 3. 
 
 in so many peculiar idioms with that of their fellow-coun- 
 trymen in Crete, the close and general connexion lietween 
 the two being of an earlier date than the Doric invasion 
 of Peloponnesus. The ancient Peloponnesian dialect was 
 certainly that language which may be recognized in tlie 
 Latin and in Homer, many of the peculiarities of wfju h 
 occur indeed, but many of the most essential are not found^ 
 in the Doric dialect. This latter dialect was, however, very 
 widely diffused over that peninsula by the preponderance 
 of the Dorians, being not merely adopted by the TT clots 
 (who even at Naupactus spoke Doric), the Orneatae,^ the 
 Laconian Perioeci, and the Attic inhabitants of Colonides ;^ 
 but even by the independent Arcadians, who, according to 
 Strabo, used indeed the jEolic dialect, but were generally 
 supposed to adopt the Doric (Jo^/j/^av), as also did Philopoe- 
 men.^ Unfortunately we have little information respecting 
 the dialect of the Arcadians, our chief guide being the 
 names of their towns, in which several Dorisms occur; ag, 
 for instance, Ka<p:vai (from Y^'nf^ivs), Nacroi, *AvBixaj(7a. (dvs- 
 /ULOETffflt), and some anomalous forms, such as Aa^oyJoi for 
 Aao^txg'a, 06Xzroi}<ja for Ti\(pov'7(T<x, Dor. Ti\(pclj<jna, K^a^so/- 
 rts, a tribe of Tegea, for KXapsaJris.^ The Eleans, mi the 
 other hand, spoke nearly pure Doric ; which is shown 
 indeed by their use of the digamma,^ by their broad accent, 
 and the <Q in the genitive case ; but chiefly by the frer|iieiit 
 use of P, which, besides the TOIP, TIP in the well know n 
 treaty of the Eleans,"" is also proved by the Elean forms 
 ^ixdp (for ^iVar or ^ixaarris), ovro^^ 'iTTTTop and similar forms, 
 whence the Eleans were called ^(xp^ocpotpcuvoi.^ Moreover, 
 the Apollo &lpfxiof of the Eleans was the same as Apollo 
 06<TpLioy, in Attic Greek. "^ Eretria was founded by Eleans 
 in conjunction with other Greeks, whence the frequent 
 use of the P in that town ;P and from this city the neigh- 
 
 ^ lierGd VIII. 73. 
 ^ Fausau. IV. 34, 5. 
 
 The Eleu- 
 therolacones likewise use many Do- 
 risms in their decrees. 
 
 'Strabo VIII. p. 333. Plutarch 
 Philopcemen. 2. 
 
 * Corp. Inscript. N". 1513. 
 
 ' FAAI2, FETEA, FEnoi, I af- 
 roN, FETA2, /3«Jv for ftjil, 
 
 "" Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. N**. U« 
 
 " Ilesych. in 2i'x«^ and /3«#/3a^0- 
 (Piovo;. Phavorinus p.4'29. 21. 
 
 " Vol. I. p. 271. note*. 
 
 P Plat. Cratyl. p. 434. Strab. X. 
 
 2e 2 
 
 Im 
 
420 
 
 ON THE DORK DIALECT. app. v. 
 
 §4. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 421 
 
 bouring Chalcideans also adopted it;^ whilst among the 
 Carystians another peculiarity of the Spartan Elean dialect 
 prevailed, in the change of into S.'^ The Eretrians, how- 
 ever, received from the Eleans another peculiarity of the 
 pure Doric, \nz. the use of the aspirate in the place of 2 ; 
 and imparted it to the Oropians, their neighbours, and 
 sometimes their subjects, on the other side of the strait.** 
 Thus it is evident that the dialect of the Eleans was very 
 similar, nay, almost akin, to the Spartan. Now it is very 
 improbable that this strict observance of the Doric dialect 
 should have been learnt by mere intercourse, since on no 
 side were they in immediate contact with Dorians. It is 
 much more probable that the iEtolians, who conquered 
 Elis, used, from their vicinity to the Dorians, the same dia- 
 lect : that they spoke Doric in later times, is proved by the 
 testimony of ancient authors and monuments extant ;* and 
 the same was also the language of the inhabitants of the 
 ancient Epirus Proper.^ It seems, therefore, that this dia- 
 lect was formed in the northern and mountainous districts 
 oi Greece, particularly in the vicinity of mount Pindus, 
 from whence the Dorians brought it in their migration to the 
 more southern parts of the country, where they were in con- 
 sequence commonly regarded as the race with whom it first 
 originated. 
 
 3. To determine with any degree of precision how much 
 climate and the nature of the soil contributed to the forma- 
 tion of this dialect, would be a matter of extreme difficulty; 
 although the comparison of the corresponding dialects of 
 different languages with the various localities in which each 
 was formed may lead to several interesting obsen^ations. 
 There can be no doubt that a mountain life is favourable to 
 the formation of the pure, broad, and long vowels, such as 
 A and XI ; as also that a residence in the lowlands and on 
 
 p. 448. Hesychius in 'F.^tr^iiuv ^Z, * Stephanusof Byzantium in 'la/v/a 
 
 Diogenian. IV. 57. Apostol. IX. 6. reckons the ^^^tolians generally as 
 
 1 Suidas in ;^aXx/B/^s/». Dorians. ChishuU Ant. As. p. 104. 
 *■ Koen ad Gregor. Cor. p.300. " Grammaticus Meermaunianus 
 
 • Ktymol. M. p. 391. 13. ap. Gregor. Corinth, p. 642. 
 
 the coast produces rather modifications of the long vowels ^ 
 and short syllables. It should, however, be borne in mind, 
 that the influence of these causes upon language was in full 
 operation at one period only, when the organs generally 
 evinced greater pliancy in adapting themselves to the vari- 
 ous peculiarities of situation. In later times, Doric was 
 spoken in maritime towns, as low German is now in moun- 
 tains and highlands. We must likewise remember, that not 
 only the country, but also the people, bore a distinct na- 
 tional character, the influence of which upon their language 
 must have been full as great as of the former. The hypo- 
 thesis that the ancient dialects were determined more by in- 
 ternal than external influence, more by the nature of the 
 men than the influence of place, is confirmed by a remark- 
 able passage of Jamblichus,y who had probably derived 
 this sentiment from the schools of the early Pythagoreans : 
 he pronounces the Doric dialect to be the most ancient and 
 best, comparing it, on account of the sounding vowels with 
 which it abounded, to the enharmonic style of music, as he 
 does the Ionic and iEolic dialects to the chromatic style. 
 The only meaning of this remark can be, that the long 
 vowels A and fl were pronounced in as clear and marked 
 a manner (particularly when, as was often the case, they 
 were circumflexed) as a bar separated by a double bar in 
 the tetrachord strung to the enharmonic pitch, so much 
 used for music of the Doric style.^ Otherwise a manly cha- 
 racter is always attributed to the Doric dialect :" its fitness 
 for solemn occasions and simple expression is shown by the 
 literarv remains which have come down to us. 
 
 4. It cannot be expected that we should here enter into 
 a minute examination of all the peculiarities of the Doric 
 dialect: the following brief remarks will, it is hoped, be re- 
 ceived as an attempt rather to set forth the most remarkable 
 features of the spoken language, than to explain the niceties 
 
 » Such as a, o, and ii, which are Alex. VI. p. 658. Compare book IV. 
 
 not diphthongs, but (as it were) c. 6. § 3. 
 
 middle tones among the vowels. * Aristides Quintil. de Musics, vol. 
 
 ' Vit. Pythagor. 34. H. p.93. 
 
 * As is particularly stated by Clem. 
 
422 
 
 OX TIIF DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 APP. V. 
 
 of the polished style used in writing and poetry. The fre- 
 quent use of A prevailed indeed partially in the ancient 
 dialect, and in most cases the use of H originated in the 
 Ionic, which in this respect bore nearly the same relation 
 to the ancient Greek as the English language does to the 
 German.** The broad pronunciation ('jarXarsiaffptoj) of the 
 Dorians frequently, however, exceeded that of the ancient 
 language, as may be seen from the Latin. Thus (payof, 
 fagus — (pa/xx, fama — fxaKov, malum — xqx^^y terrors (genit.) 
 xa§y$ (caduceus), and the like, are clearly the genuine 
 ancient forms. On the other hand, the change from A to H 
 in the temporal augment existed in the most ancient Greek^ 
 as is evident from ago, egi, ^yov, capio, cepi, &:c. The Doric 
 dialect, however, here also used A in the place of H. 1 am 
 not aware whether another change very nearly coinciding 
 with the latter has ever been noticed, viz. the frequent use 
 of the short A for H, especially in the enclitics, as Jta (which 
 however is long) for xs or av, a form common to all the 
 Dorians, and in the same manner ya for ye,*^ xa for the 
 correlative ts in roxa, ^roxa, oxa in Sophron, Theocritus, and 
 others, to which corresponds Bx in 'jrqo'jQx, l^vinaBa (Ale- 
 man), s/xtt^ogB*, civcoSa,'^ The same change is also observ- 
 able in cirspo^ for srspo^, rpd<pco for r^ivco,'' Apraixis ^ [or" Ap- 
 T'cixis, roLO)^, Trxpairipcu, in the Cretan dialect,^ Toiixvco in the 
 Heraclean Tables and elsewhere, trxiaph^, (ppixaU, in Pindar; 
 and innumerable examples of a similar kind. H, either as 
 a contraction of EE, or a lengthening of E, occurs in many 
 instances in the place of EI in the other dialects (the reverse 
 took place among the Boeotians), as in tto/t), TrXriOJv, fx-hcov,^ 
 opvios, At^xriOf (Alcman), xo(t/u.^v, xoltoik^v (Theocritus, and 
 the Byzantine Decree in Demosthenes^), Joi^ay for IzipoLs in 
 
 ^ That is, the A, which is pro- 
 nounced broad by the Germans (as 
 in father), has in English generally 
 the sound of their E. 
 
 « See Welcker ad Alcman. fragm. 
 65. \/ztiya. Sophron. 'iyuvya. the Me- 
 garian in Aristoph. Acharn. 736. 
 764. 775. 
 
 d Tab. Heracl. Comp. ApoUou. de 
 Adverb, p. 563. 
 
 * Aristoph. Ach. 787. 
 
 f Vol.1, p. 375. note f. 
 
 e Hesychius in v. Inscript. and see 
 Koen ad Greg. C. p. 305. 
 
 h Aristoph. Lysist. 1174, 1320. 
 and Phavorinus Eel. p. 156. Dindorf. 
 
 ' De Corona p. 255. 
 
 §4. 
 
 ON THE iXiillC DIALECT. 
 
 4-23 
 
 the treaty of the Latians in Crete,^ Y/>p^^ i" Cretan, and 
 also used by Alcman, ycrtvas or r^jvor in Alcman and others ; 
 97'£grov9r}s^, dnoXd/Xn Theocritus and the Heraclean tables : 
 and thus in contractions from AEI, H has frequently pre- 
 p<mderated over A, as in the pure Doric form 6^>3v,' r^ ycaplix 
 nalrt Sophron;™ although it must also be allowed that the 
 diphthong AE was contracted into H, as in o^rj, &c. ripa.i 
 for a^ai," and hUn for Iv/xag in a Laconian inscription in 
 Leake's Morea, vol. HL Inscript. n. 71. '-'' to which instances 
 we should probably add the following cases of crasis, x'jqv, ycrm'i, 
 Km. The reverse of this, which we find in the words -jret in 
 Sophron,P and onu in a Corcyrean inscription,*! for irri and oTrm, 
 is a remarkable variety. The Dorians, consistently with their 
 love for the pure and long A, were equally partial to the O. 
 This letter frequently forms the original sound, as in the ac- 
 cusative case WpyiiM^, Argivos ; and hence the abbreviated 
 form hcos for ^zus in Cretan and Coan ^ inscriptions, and in 
 Theocritus, was probably formed by an elision of the cha- 
 racteristic vowel, as Jejroray in the first declension. We 
 frequently also find use made of the vowel il as a prolonga- 
 tion of O, instead of the common form OT, produced by 
 the elision of consonants : thus in the form of the participle 
 
 k ChishuU Ant. Asiat. p. 134. 
 
 » Koen ad Greg. C. p. 229. 
 
 "» Ap.Apollon.de Pronom. p. 343. 
 C. Mus. Crit. vol.11, p. 503. Com- 
 pare Maittaire p. 227. 
 
 " Etymol M. p. 434, 51. Koen 
 ubi sup. p. 185. 
 
 ° *£»;**» for WiKai also occurs in a 
 poetical inscriptiou, which was con- 
 tained iu Bueckh's Corp. Inscript. 
 N". 17, hut can now be safely amended 
 from a better copy in Koss Inscnpt. 
 Grec. Ined. fascic. 1. n. 55. It runs 
 as follows, with a lew supplements. 
 
 . . OONANEeHKE 
 
 ti]NTEaI2XTAAO[s 
 
 eion02TOl2AAM 
 
 0210I2ENAEBA0 
 
 12: TETPAKITE[<r 
 
 OAAIONNIKEKAI 
 
 AI2TONOnAlTA[» 
 
 It should be read as follows : 
 
 .... 6aiv eiv'i6nxi rn^Ti*. 
 "iffX.'^XXot SioTof reus ^a/noffloi; Iv 
 
 ' TtToaxi Ti ffTeihav vlxrt xai oij to» 
 OTXtrecv. 
 
 " So and so (pr ibably Ischylus him- 
 self) has offert" d tip the arms. Ischy- 
 lus, the son ot Theups, was conqueror 
 in the public games (of Argos), four 
 times in the stadion, and twice ni 
 the hoplite race." e/a-^ is Doric for 
 eio4' ; fV"tl e-Tuliev fi)r (rrdhev is cited 
 as Doric, as well as JFaAic. 
 
 P Ap. Ammon. p. 122. Mus. Crit. 
 vol. II. p. 566. 
 
 q Dodwell's Travels vol. II. p. .'iOS. 
 Mustoxidi pp.188. 193—7. 
 
 ' An ulscription of the island of 
 Cos in the Mem. de I'Acad. des In- 
 scriptions torn. XL VI I. J). 325. has rog 
 hog, roi sLvi^euTug^ rof aXksu;^ Kpichar- 
 mus as corrected y)y Hermann, ap. 
 Diog. Laeit. III. 11, 17. 
 
424 
 
 ON 1M!K noKIC TMArr.CT. App. V, 
 
 §5. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 425 
 
 feminine in ojaxy used in Crete and Peloponnesus, and also 
 in the Heraclean Tables, whilst the softer form in otTa, 
 where oi was also derived from oyr (as in the third person 
 plural va/ot(ytv, and in the masculine participle rv^ais)^ was 
 perhaps peculiar to Sicily. O also, when followed by E, 
 overpowers the latter letter, and is changed into H, as for 
 instance in KoiXa/jtfce (a mountain near Phlius), Xa;T§ov, zJ^rvo/v 
 for z^TTvoev, Laconian forms in Aristophanes, •zraptcJJp^of, and 
 similar words in the Heraclean Tables ; though whether this 
 is the case when the E precedes the O is doubtful, for in 
 zvoqyicuat. and similar forms in Cretan inscriptions, it is EXl, 
 not EG, which is contracted into 17. In this case EG is 
 generally contracted into ET, or it is changed into IG, as 
 EX2 into IDj', thus /w-oy/o/Ass-, Xv%)iO(^oqiovTzs in the Lysistrata 
 of Aristophanes (according to the old reading), iTramu, of^i- 
 cy/xsda ib., avioy(^icov for mioy(^iajv in the Laconian inscription 
 in Leake, No. 71. with which compare EfXfAeyiai in the oath 
 of the Latians, tt/jsc^/o/xev in the decree of the Istionians, and 
 ^afjicox^^ in the Heraclean Tables.^ In the above cases 
 there is no reason for assuming any other changes, than from 
 EG into IG and Kfl into I ft, as the Dorians appear to have 
 been very unwilling to tolerate E with G ; the short I, how- 
 ever, before the lengthened G must have been particularly 
 suited to their ears. The long A in 'AXx/xav, 'Arqcl^a, 
 ^ AyntjiKctfy Tt^a.ros was without doubt a thick sound between 
 A and O, for which there was no distinct character. The 
 Spartan dialect frequently has GT for T (which change 
 regularly occurs in the Boeotian dialect), as J/^oy^a for yi(pvq!z 
 (Hesychius in v.), (povl^ for (puaiy^ (Valck. ad Adoniaz, 
 p. 276.), fxouai^^oj for pcyQi'^o; (ibid. p. 279.), (povx^i^ (vol. I. 
 p. 384. notef.), fxovKoq for y^vyjis (Koen p. 343.), KociMTrovXnpy 
 a species of olive-tree (in Hesychius), derived, I believe, 
 from xa/>czrTa;v uXtjv, ytxpovx for x.dpua. (Hesych. in v.) ; ou- 
 ^^alvsi, TreqDcacQoci^oEi according to Hesych. for v^^izivei, rovvri 
 for au (Hesych.), dcTrssaova. for dTTsavvi in the letter of Hip- 
 pocrates (compare Coray ad Plut. Alcib. 28.). OI for T 
 is only found in Yloi^ioi, according to Photius. 
 
 • ChishuU Ant. As. Compare Koen ad Greg. C. j). 220. 
 
 5. The C(msonants in the Doric dialect were in some 
 cases so brought together as to give the words a roughness 
 which was avoided in other dialects, and consequently it pos- 
 sessed more of that ancient fulness of consonants which was 
 preserved with greater fidelity in the Latin language than m 
 the Greek ; partly from the neglect of that law, which was 
 so constantly observed by all the dialects of the Greek, that 
 every word should end either with a vowel or semi-vowel. 
 The Doric has at least the ancient form of the participle 
 TiQevs (Lat. ns, in ancient Gothic ants), which is quoted as 
 a Cretan and Argive form ; * and the preposition evj for in 
 with the accusative (into), which in other dialects was changed 
 into sU; but in the Doric it became, by the omission of the 
 final 1, Iv in the sense of into, as in Crete and in Pindar," 
 although Cretan inscriptions of considerable antiquity have 
 6«f, which appears to have been the usual Laconian form. 
 Thus also the Cretans and Argives formed the future in 
 ^7rh<Jco, merely throwing out ^, as a r is properly omitted in 
 TiBivs.'' The Rhegians adopted the same usage from the 
 Messenians.y It is clear that the organs of the ancient Doric 
 race were better fitted for this rough pronunciation than the 
 more delicate ones of the other Greeks, who even changed 
 the Roman Ilorlensius into 'Oqr-n'Jios. The same remark 
 may be applied to the word (/.xKaps in Alcman (fragm. 66.), 
 and some similar forms. 
 
 Another more striking characteristic of the Doric dialect 
 is the aversion to 2, the crav xi^^aXov ; hence the Doric lyric 
 poets, Lasus and others, wrote poems without that letter ; 
 a practice in direct contradiction with the partiality shown 
 by the lonians for that sound. To this principle may be 
 traced various other peculiarities : first, the interchange oi 2 
 and T, which, however, is on the whole merely a relic of 
 the original dialect, as in the adjectives hiavriof and 'TiXovrios/^ 
 
 ' Ilerodianus in the Hortus Adon. and fTtilt^ the sense everywhere re- 
 
 p 209. quires trTivffu and ffTuirtu. 
 
 " Phavorinus p. 283. Dindorf. Eu- ^ Kty.nol. M. p. 135. 45. Etymol. 
 
 stath. ad 11.^. p. 722. 60. Gregorius Gud. p. 73. 44. where the same cor- 
 
 p. 355. Koen ad 1. Maittaire p. 330. rection should he made. 
 
 « Hciodian et Eustath. ubi sup. * Etym. M. p. 156. 17. 
 Etym. M. p. 302. 2 where for «rTsv3a» 
 
426 
 
 U\ THE IKJ 11 1 C in \i,iX:T. 
 
 APP. V. 
 
 in r' nr rov, tu, in reWa^sf, quatuor, in the third persons 
 ^i^curi, (pari, which still retain this form in Sanscrit (while 
 in the Latin and German languages T is always the last 
 letter of this third person). Also in the name of Neptnne 
 the Done was doubtless the original form, having the same 
 root as TTovrof, ironxyLos ; the original form was Ylorl^a.s (in 
 Epicharmus and Sophron "), and the Megarian in Aristo- 
 phanes says Yionl^oLs ; so also the Corinthians ; and hence 
 their colony Ylor&ilcx.ioi,^ Hotbi^xv (from FIoTeiJawv) was the 
 Spartan and the Rhodian form.^ It is singular that in some 
 cases the Dorians also used 2 for T, as aans for Trjref/ 
 corresponding to which we find adfjis^ov in Pindar, Theo- 
 critus, and the Tarentine dialect (a word, according to He- 
 sychius, synonymous with vvv) ; the <t<z for ra of the Mega- 
 rians, and this latter for r/va is the same change.*' It was 
 this aversion to 2, noticed above, which led the Spartans in 
 the double consonants 2T, 2K, 211, to reject the 2 and 
 double the other consonant ; hence the Laconian forms 
 ytrirroL^ for xriarrtSy grrav for es" rav, x^jLirlrroLp for afxipiarxf/ 
 oLKKop for aaxos-.s Valckenaer lays down the following rule : 
 " literam 2 Lacones in sequentem consonant em non liquidam 
 " mutant ; " and of this change he finds traces in the Ta- 
 rentine dialect, to which we may add, that Hecate, according 
 to Hesychius, was there called a,(^^ocrrosj i. e. a.<Pq(x,(jros. The 
 most interesting example of this change in the Spartan 
 dialect is the form arraGi for ava^rrjOt (derived from ANT- 
 TA2I), in which word more than three Laconisms are dis- 
 cernible. With this point is immediately connected the 
 change of Z, i. e. 2 A into A A, for instance in verbs in ^cy, 
 Laconice — 5^w, many instances of which occur in the Ly- 
 sistrata and Acharneans of Aristophanes. There is no 
 evidence of the same change occurring in verbs whose 
 
 ■ Herodian. p. 10. ed. Dindorf. 
 
 »» See Thiersch Act. Monac. II. .3. 
 p. 'SQ3. lu the town of no<nila»n'a 
 IIAI2T0N, Achaeans of Syharis joined 
 the TroBzenians, and hence the com- 
 mon form of the name. 
 
 * Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 2. Aristid. 
 Or. Rhod.vol.II. p.346. 
 
 ^ Maittaire p. 349. ; and compare 
 the inscription of Gela in Castelli 
 p. 84. 
 
 « Etymol. M. p. 157. 48. p. 167. 
 
 f Vol. II. p. 35, note*. 
 « Valckenaer ad Adoniaz. p. 287. 
 cf. ad Eurip. Phoen. 1671. 
 
 §5. 
 
 ON TITK rHillH DIALECT. 
 
 427 
 
 characteristic is T ; although the Dorians were induced by 
 analogy and a partiality to the letter H to introduce the 
 termination £a;, where the characteristic letter was not T but 
 A, which is evident by the formation of the subsuuiuve xa- 
 Binahs (as should be read in Hesychius for xa: 9 iVra^is^), 
 5£txr;X/xraf, Scc.^ Even in the Laconian dialect, however, 
 the soft sound of 2A is used instead of AA, as dyia^so^ f^e- 
 Kiff^ofxsvoSy rpx7r£(y^(x in Alcman, and in the pretended apo- 
 phthegm of Lycurgus, av Ttrujyjn f/^ivnrs xal fxri iXB(T^co (i. e. 
 pt6i'^(y) arepos Qxripu epxri xt^/xev.' It would however be erro- 
 neous to suppose, with regard to the mode in which this 
 transition was effected, that the sound of Z, when already 
 formed, passed into AA or 2A. The ancient dialect ap- 
 pears to have had a separate A, pronounced with a peculiar 
 compression of the mtruth ; the Dorians in several cases, 
 agreeing with the lonians, added the 1, and formed either 
 Z, where the sounds were more combined, or 2A. In 
 other cases the Dorians merely gave additional force to the 
 A. With the iEolians there was scarce any distinction be- 
 tween the harsh and the common A, as in Aeu^ for Zei/J, 
 Syyof for }^uyos &c. ; in the same manner Zbvs in the Latin 
 became Deus, pil^ct radix, o^o; odor!^ and hence the long Z 
 was wanting in that language ; but the peculiarity of the 
 original sounds of this consonant is evident from the cir- 
 cumstance that the Latins substituted for it I ; for example 
 in jugum from }^uyos, major from /u-et^a/v, &c. ; m like man- 
 ner the iEolic dialect interchanged 5ia and ^«, xxp^d, xacp- 
 S/a.^ The change of the last letters of verbs ending in -aaw 
 into -^oj in the Tarentine dialect, instead of rrco like the 
 other Dorians, as ava^o; for avaffffw, is quite peculiar to that 
 town."' 
 
 h Above, p. 349, note «. Com- 
 pare ButtmannGr. Gr. vol. I. p. 382. 
 
 * Ap. Plvjtarch. Lye. 19. less cor- 
 rectly in Apophth. L icon. p. 226. 
 For the common readmj; ioctrivf^tv 
 Valckenaer ad Adoniaz. p. 2o8. con- 
 jectures x^atriri, Hditinger in Act. 
 Monac. vol. lil. 3. pag.311. /Mtfl-^fwv 
 
 ^ See Schneider's Latin Grammar, 
 voL L p. 385. 
 
 » On the other hand the High 
 German dialect changed the Greek 
 sound of A into Z ; e. jif. ViKa, zehm, 
 Ivv, zwo, IciKTukos, zdhe, Idx^v, zdhre, 
 ^uKvvvat zexgen, dis — zer — &c. See 
 Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, vol. L 
 
 p. 586. 
 
 •n Etym. M. p. G05. 43. Hera- 
 clides ap. Eustath. ad Od. *'. p. 1654. 
 Phavormus p. 444. Dmdorf. Keen 
 ad Greg. p. 613. 
 
428 
 
 ON THE DO tnr hi \LECT. app. v. 
 
 §7. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 429 
 
 6. Another mode of avoiding the sound of 2 was to omit 
 it altogether. This suppression was made at an early date 
 m the third person plural, which consequently retained a 
 nearer resemblance to the original form in the Doric than 
 in the lonico- Attic dialect, in which the preservation of 2 
 soon caused the NT to be dropped. Examples of this, as 
 9r£iva/vri, dTTo^i^cuvri, xsxoivavri, alviovri {bhavanti, in Sanscrit, 
 corresponding to the ancient high German ant ; the Boeo- 
 tians wrote -ojvQi, -av9i) are found in all the Doric inscrip- 
 tions ; yet Alcman uses the termination -ovji as well as the 
 ancient form. Sometimes this elision of <j lengthened the 
 preceding vowel, as in Unp£(povBia, Lacon. for n£paE(povel^, 
 according to Hesychius, with which we may compare Trrj^i^ 
 for 'Tre^^i^ in the Cretan dialect (ibid.) ; also Tr^Eiysvrocf, Trqst- 
 yi(yros, Tr^giyyj/a in Cretan inscriptions for Tr^sa^suTvis, &c.; 
 the Argives also used T for B in Tripysis. (See Hesychius.) 
 Concerning the omission of 1 before 0, e. g., (plv for tytplv, 
 in the Laconic dialect, see Koen p. 254. ; the Syracusans 
 changed the place of the I), and converted SOIN into <^11N, 
 1. e. >j/iv. This aversion to 2 also appeared in the substitu- 
 tion of the aspirate for this consonant, in which change the pure 
 Doric dialect is directly at variance with the Latin, in which the 
 aspirate was often replaced by 2, for example, aXr , sal, ri/xi^ se- 
 mi, vXfn, sylva,^ &;c. The Laconians, on the other hand, used 
 txcua., instead of ^xaxTcc, and on the same principle ixmaa, 
 music, as also in the participles xXg^a, sKXtTroja, &c., to 
 which we may add op/xahv for o^/xtjjov, as in Aristophanes ; 
 also TTo^ri^^y TToio^, ^iwp for ^Wf,^ ^ouoa. for ^ovaox ; P the 
 same usage also prevailed among the Argives, as we learn 
 from Dercyllus, among the Eretrians, who borrowed it from 
 the Eleans, and also among the Pamphylians ; with whom 
 several Argive and Rhodian peculiarities of dialect appear 
 to have been preserved.^ Lastly, with this aversion to 2 is 
 
 " The same tendency may be 
 traced in the German, as iu Salz, 
 S'tiss, Sitz for aAj, ^Su, Ueg. 
 
 " Valckenaer ad Adon. p. 277. 
 
 P Vol. II. p. 310, note \ This ex- 
 plaiuM the Kvvoou^'iuv <pvkn in recent 
 Laconian inscriptions (Corp. luscript. 
 vol. I. p 609.) ; it stands for Kwoow 
 
 ^luv, i. e. Kvvoffov^iav. For the same 
 reason Hes)ch. iu Evr^ntovs calls this 
 form Doric for Elr^nflous ; the word 
 was pronounced Evr^nloi. 
 
 1 Etymol. M. pag. 391.13. Eu- 
 stath. ad II. a', pag, 844. 7. Mait- 
 taire p. 199. 
 
 connected the rhotacismus, which we have already observed 
 in the Spartan and Elean dialect, and of which the inter- 
 preters of the decree against Timotheus,-' particularly Ca- 
 saubon, have collected many examples. Of these I will 
 only cite ETnygXa^rr/^, the mocker ; ytaXkiap, an ape (Hesych. 
 in w. comp. Boeckh Exp. Find. Pyth. H. p. 251); xtX- 
 \(x>crrip, an avs-driver (Pollux VH. IS. 56.) ; Goipip, a palm- 
 branch (Hesych.) ; t/^, t/s, (ib. and in the Elean Rhetra), 
 TsaXaiop (Aristoph. Lys. 988.), aio^ Oaoj-, iroq ttovs, \Uvp mUvs, 
 ^oiA^vp a kind of flute (Hesych. in vv.). Whether in the 
 oblique cases 2 could always be changed into P is uncertain, 
 since, besides the Elean Rhetra, no genuine monument, and 
 only a few and obscure glosses, afford any information on 
 the point. However, a/x' a§xa§ for a9r* dp%x< (according to 
 Koen s conjecture ad Gregor. p. 283.) is an instance, as also 
 the Cretan rloq for aov (Hesych.), where the pronoun is de- 
 clined, as lyiovs, Efxsof, sixBvf in Epicharmus.« We may ob- 
 serve that generally the Latin is in this respect very different 
 from the pure Doric ; though it resembles it in some words. 
 Thus the Laconian aKrrip is the Latin actor, and in guber- 
 nator we see the Doric form xt^/3e§vaTyj§, and so in other 
 
 instances.* 
 
 7. Notwithstanding this fuga sibili — this aversion to the 
 
 2 to which almost all the changes mentioned in the last 
 
 two sections may be traced — yet the Doric dialects always 
 retained in the first person plural the final 2 from the an- 
 cient language (as is proved by the Latin -mus) ; " and La- 
 conians, Megarians, and Doric Sicilians said rix.ofXBs, aVo- 
 §eo/x6f, &c. It does not appear that in the Doric dialect any 
 original consonant passed into 2, except ; and this change 
 probably arose from a desire to soften the harsh sound of 
 the aspirate. Instances of this Laconism in Alcman ('AaS- 
 vai, 6(Trjx£, <j:zKXev, (TaXaJJO/xe^otjav), in the Lysistrata (riv<JE, 
 
 ' Book IV. ch. f). § 3. 
 
 • ApoUon. de Pronom. pag. 355. 
 A. Buttmann Gr. Gr. vol.1, p. 294. 
 
 * In High German Rhotacism is 
 very prevalent, although, according 
 to Grimm, Detttsche Grammatlk, vol. 
 I. pp.802, 825, it succeeded in the 
 
 place of the S ; and the German ar- 
 ticle der clearly corresponds with that 
 which must have heen the original 
 Doric article, viz. ro^. 
 
 « The ancient High German like- 
 wise always has — mcs in the same 
 ptTHon. 
 
 li 
 
430 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 APP. V. 
 
 §8. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 431 
 
 sXafi, (JiyeTv, /Ltot/^r/^^gjv, &c.), and the graminarians (e. g. cly- 
 xac(yEv^£ij xoKjaiqnoy, for KocQoclqnaov, according to Koen, Kuaa- 
 qBvsiv, according to Valckenaer) are well known, and par- 
 ticularly (7e7os dvYi^ ; comp. Valckenaer, p. 277, sqq. who has 
 treated this point with great ability. Also in Hesychius, 
 ouix^ovac^Ei, vmp^o^yjEi (for (TvfM^onQsT) we should probably 
 write (Tvfx^ovxfjsT (otherwise Hemsterhuis), and xatrsXarUaci, 
 xaOiWt, ibid, is from eXXa. gXa, xade^^ct, sella ; whence IXct- 
 ril^ziM, xoL^iKoLrll^m, sedere facio. In this respect the colonists 
 of Sparta at Tarentum did not follow the idiom of their 
 mother city ; as they said QvXolxII^^im, not avXocx'i^^uv, to beg : » 
 the Rhodians also retained the original in sqvQl^'n (Strabo 
 XIII. p. 613. Eustath. ad II. d. 34.) : in Cretan this change 
 only occurs in ffsTvai for 9e7vat in Hesychius, and in alos in 
 the treaty of the Olontians: for Corinth may be cited llffv 
 (pof for Ss6(jo(po^, according to Phavorinus, p. 403. Dindorf; 
 for Sicyon perhaps asipov, Qspicrrpov, Hesych. and also (rriai 
 for 6pi(xl Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 1172. That the Eleans 
 were acquainted with this variety has been shown above. 
 
 8. In general the Dorians had less inclination to aspirated 
 consonants than the other tribes of Greece, and therefore in 
 many respects their dialect remained nearer to the primitive 
 language. Thus the Lacedcemonians and Cretans said dfjim 
 for (ifx(pl (Koen ad Greg. p. 344), the latter in the derivative 
 afXTrin^, the former in a/mxeVat, (above, p. 332, note ^.) in 
 a(j.7[irrccp (p. 35, note *.) af/.7ri9upov in Hesychius ; afji.(piz^- 
 fXEvoj, SiX£XX«, Hesych. utrinque aptata, makes an exception. 
 So also the Thessalians called the river 'A(j(.(pl^^v(jof, 'A/x- 
 ^ippvtjos (Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 51) ; and the same, accord- 
 ing to the general rule (vol. I. p. 3, note?.), must be Mace- 
 donian and Latin. Some instances of K for X in the Cretan, 
 Laconian, and Sicilian dialect, see in Koen p. 340, sqq. • 
 Pindar's ^EXEdSat is probably also Doric, as well as in the 
 Heraclean Tables. According to Hesychius in £t/VXot/Tov, 
 the Dorians called the baskets in which the ovXox'jrai were 
 carried oX/Saxo^ia, where oX/3a is o^X-^, and the termination 
 -xriix is probably formed from yjLoo, unless (as is probable) 
 
 » 6auXitKlX,uv, Blomfieid, Classical Journal, vol. IV. p. 387. 
 
 we should correct -xrna, here and in the word oX^a'xtov, 
 where Deinolochus (the Sicilian) is quoted as authority. 
 (Compare Suidas in hq^iarrt^.) The aspirate by itself is 
 absent from the words kyio^LOLiy^ aynalyopos, and the names 
 "Ayif, 'Ay^<Tav^§Qj-, ' Ay^oliiokiSy and 'Avrjcr/Xaor (Ion. 'H77)- 
 aiXzcAjs) ; originally perhaps all these names had the di- 
 gamma, as /Sayor, a general, Lacon. in Hesychius. The 
 aspirate was also neglected by the Lacedaemonians in the 
 pronoun iptk, dfxaiv ; "■ as well as by the Cretans, as is evident 
 from the words HOFTAME, i. e. vopri oiix.1, in an inscrip- 
 tion (ChishuU, p. 115. 10.), and by the Dorians. In the 
 word IxXkcj likewise the lene breathing is Doric, as is shown 
 by dmdWeiy in Thucyd. V. 77 : and the S3^Tacusan name 
 'E9riaX'y)r (Demetrius irspl 'EpfXYiveiuc^, § 157. Eustath. ad II. 
 6*. p. 571. Rom.). On the other hand the digamma was 
 retained nearly as much among the Lacedaemonians and 
 other Dorians, as by most of the ^olians ; among the Do- 
 rians, however, it generally assumed the form of B. See 
 Etymol. M. p. 308. 26. Gudian. p. 104. 12. I will only 
 cite a few examples. The Laconian word for '' splendour " 
 was iSeXa, Fe'Xa (Hesychius), i. e. eXv), whence by the prefix 
 a, signifying an union or number, the word d^kXiQs (AFE- 
 AI02) was formed, literally ^^ a collection or mass of bright- 
 " ness ; " the Cretan and Pamphylian name for the sua 
 (Hesychius; compare Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in Qa^a- 
 xov).* The Greek or ^olic word for the " ear" was cxZa<;, 
 in Latin aurisy in Doric a) Far (like xoLTtituraLs for xaramoLV' 
 Tr)$), whence the Laconian word i?ft;/3a^i* (i. e. E^ufdria) 
 hcuria, in Hesychius. In chdrajf^-rifTcu, a.KovTOf/.ai, Doric ac- 
 cording to Photius, the digamma is lost, as well as m the 
 Tarentine contraction ara, Hesychius. From the root 
 
 y kynTtti is the best reading 
 
 111 
 
 Aristoph. Lysist. 1314. 
 
 ' See Rei'sig. Syut. Critic, p. 14. 
 
 * 1 feel now considerable doubt 
 whether «F£>.iaf, a/SiX/af really comes 
 from iA»j, Fix*. The original form was, 
 without doubt, 2AFEAI02, whence 
 Sol in Latin, Sol in Icelandish, Sanle 
 in Lithuanian (a language which 
 has a remarkable resemblance to the 
 
 Greek). Hence in Greek 'a FEAI02, 
 in Homer softened into riiXm, after- 
 wards among the Dorians aXies, in 
 Attic viXios. Now it seems doubtful 
 whether this a or 2a can be con- 
 sidered as the a cotijunciionis, as in 
 ahx(f>tof, or whether 2AFEAI02 should 
 not rather be considered as a separate 
 root. 
 
432 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 APP. V. 
 
 AAIFn^ to burn, are derived the Laconian forms Ja/3gi, 
 KOLvsraL (vulg. xaOajTat, otherwise Hemsterhuis), Ex.'^d^n, 
 EKocvQs ; 5a/3cXos, ^aXos^ in Hesychius ; also Trvp ^ciFtov in Ale- 
 man, fragm. 7t). ed. Welcker. In Crete also we find the 
 forms d^fiEa/v for an^cuv, (2ocXt>ncur'ins for TiXiy.icor'nf, ^ocIx-ql for 
 al'xa or eav (Hesychius and Koen ad Greg. p. 251.); ac- 
 cording to the same grammarian the Cretans called their 
 shields XaXjSaci, i. e. lm\m, the left ; thus by a reverse ana- 
 logy the Greeks said Trxp' daTri^ac for '' to the left." The 
 Laconian word for " the dawn," was AFXIX (also retained 
 in ixipyx^cup, Xux6(pcof, Hesych. i. e. pti<Ty-aFa/$), among the 
 other Greeks HIIS : and as from the latter form the name 
 of the east-wind svpos was derived (answering to ^i^upos, bV 
 £K ^6(pov TTvsT), SO from the Doric apcj^ came the word ocvpx, 
 which had in this dialect the peculiar sense of " morning ;'* 
 hence svoiupcu itpctAy K^Tjref, and a/^cy, Aaxwves^, Hesychius. 
 At Argos the digamma occurs in a-iSea for cJa (oia) Hesych. ; 
 at Hermione a double digamma in ^^v^os for e^os-, ayoLkixAy 
 Etymol. Al. p. 195. 52. ; at Syracuse in s^ocaov for eaaov, 
 which was also a Laconian form, ib. p. 308. 26. Hesych. 
 
 9. If we except the changes of the vowels, semivowels, 
 and aspirates, there are not many others peculiar to the 
 Doric dialect, since the media: and tenues were seldom in- 
 verted, and not often letters which are not cognate. It is 
 worthy of remark that the Dorians frequently changed both 
 B and r into A, the former in ^eXrov, good, compared with 
 jSsXTiov, and ohXos for o^eXos ; ^ the latter in ^a for ya, Jevoy 
 for yivos, ^l(poupx for yi^vpx in Laconian, ^^yycos for yXvKvs 
 in iEtolian, which likewise was preserved in the Latin dul- 
 cis.^ I should also remark that ^tte^x for /xera is pure Doric, 
 as is proved by Alcman ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. the La- 
 conian word Tri^supoc, v(7Tspov, in Hesychius, TrsJaFoocoi for 
 fxiroDcoi in an Argive inscription (Boeckh. N°. 14.), and the 
 
 ^ Ptolem. Hephsest. ap. Phot. Bi- Epicharmus ap. Athen. VIII. p. 3fi2 
 
 blioth. p. 486.; comp. Toup. ad He- B.C. o'^oXxa) a Cretan form according 
 
 sych. vol. IV. pag. 16v5. Gregor. to Hesychius. 
 
 Corinth, p. 235. ; the Megarian in « Schol.i5sschyl.Theb.367. Schol. 
 
 Aristoph. Ach. 796.; the Delphian Nicand. Ther. 625. 
 Inscription in Boeckh N". 1690.; 
 
 § 10. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DTALFXT. 
 
 433 
 
 Corcyraean inscription in Mustoxidi, torn. H. p. 70. (as it 
 
 appears.) 
 
 The Doric dialect is also marked by a strong tendency to 
 the omission of letters both in composition and flexion. In 
 composition the prepositions xara, ava, ttotI become mono- 
 syllables by the suppression of the last vowel: and even 
 with the first syllable short in xa/3a/v<wv, Alcman. fragm. 34. 
 xa^ETov, Pindar, Olymp. VIIL 48. compare Hesychius in 
 Kci^Xrtfxx and xa/3aTi. The Venus dix^oXoyripa. of Sparta 
 (Pausan. III. 18. 1.) has been already explained from ava- 
 ^flcXXeiv TO yr^px^y as also Zet/r yioLinicora^ (ib. HI. 22. L) as 
 Zet/f xoLTOLTtoLvrfi^. Kicxxr], xaOsy^g, Loconice in Hesychius, 
 shortened by apocope from xaxxojji i. e. xaraxeiSt, as e/x^-xj 
 for e/x/Soj^i in Aristoph. Lys. 1303. In conjugation the Do- 
 rians frequendy shortened the ancient longer forms by apo- 
 cope, and not, like the other cases, by contraction ; as in the 
 infinitives ^o/xev for ^^sva*, sTf/^sv or ^/xev for ^EfAf/^Evai, Sic. the 
 uncontracted form being seldom used, as ^pc£vai Arist^)ph. 
 Ach. 775., aXE^EpcHvai, Thucyd. V. 77-, or the contracted, as 
 axipcoOmoci in Sophron, ap. Etym. M. p. 7 17. ext. and in 
 Alcman. fragm. 23 Welcker is probably right in changing 
 XOLpri^oLi into xoLpriMOLi. Also the shortened third persons of 
 the aorists, ^tEyvov in the Heraclean Tables, ^ilov (Corp. In- 
 script. N". 1511.), avE'figv (ib. N«. 29.), lizkiy^v in the decree 
 of the Oaxians, ^i^ydyfiv in that of the Istronians ; as well as 
 the infinitives in ev and the second persons in er, for ziv and 
 €4f, and many other similar changes. The forms Ei'ptEiv, ye- 
 7ovetv are not merely Agrigentine; the former also occurs in 
 an inscription (probably of Rhodes) in Chandler, p. 14. 
 N°. 38 : the Sicilian adverbs tiu, rovroj {rourcv fla^tsOa So- 
 phron. fragm. 34. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 347.) for ttoQev, rot;- 
 ToOsv, also come under this head. Ammonius adds tivs for 
 
 TToje and itoi for -ttoQe. 
 
 10. With regard to the differences of syntax, we may 
 remark that the article was much used by the Dorians ; as 
 is evident from several passages in the Spartan choruses in 
 the Lysistrata of Aristophanes.'^ It may be also observed 
 
 See Reisig. Synt Critic, p. 16. 
 
 VOL, II 
 
 2 F 
 
434 
 
 (")\ n I 1% DORIC !)I A f,Ff'T. 
 
 A pp. V. 
 
 I 
 
 Aat the article occurs very frequently in all the early mo- 
 numents of Doric nations;** and that in the Doric poetry, 
 particularly of Alcman, it was first introduced into the lite- 
 rature of Greece : the earlier language having been quite 
 destitute of it. Hence perhaps it may be inferred that it 
 was the Dorians who introduced the general use of the 
 article ; which would afford some idea of the changes which 
 the Greek language experienced in consequence of the revo- 
 lution caused by the Doric invasion. 
 
 Every dialect has peculiar words; but it is remarkable 
 when these are radical forms, expressing very common 
 ideas, and when they are quite foreign to the other dialects 
 of the same language. This at least is true of the Laco- 
 nian word y^ios, xoi'ios, oiyj£ios, " good" (Aristoph. Lys. 90, 
 1157. Hesychius in oi%a.la,y where Heinsius would without 
 reason omit the a, Theocrit. VII. 4.), of xooy, 'Marge'* 
 (Etymol. M. p. 396. 29.), which words stand quite isolated 
 in the common language : also X>jv, '' to wish" (Koen p. 252. 
 Maittaire p. 278.), and /aaw, " I think," " I seek," are pure 
 Doric forms ; the latter a Laconian and Sicilian word, see 
 Toup Emend, in Suid. vol. I. p. 462. Meineke Euphorion. 
 p. 162.« 
 
 11. As yet we have considered the Doric dialect in ge- 
 neral, as spoken by the whole race, only marking out the 
 Laconian as its purest variety ; we will now annex a brief 
 list of those shades of difference which can be perceived in 
 the language of the several states. The broad peculiarities 
 of the Doric dialect of Laconia are partly known from the 
 remains of Alcman (who however avoided in his poetry 
 such harah forms as ^a)a for fxajax, "knswa for Kmcvaa. or 
 
 * For instance * ^^drpa ro7s *-«- 
 XiloiSi TocpyiTot ocnhv tm Ai, &C. : 
 among the treaties in Thucydides 
 the Doric documents always rot 'Aj- 
 yuoi, the Athenian 'A^ytToi, &c. — 
 also the form a 25ra^T« which so 
 frequently occurs (eii ym^ trdr^itv 
 ra. Ifaota., Tyrtaeus ; a\lui tvs S^ra^- 
 
 T»>f, Thuc. I. 86. &c.), belongs to the 
 same class. 
 
 ' I may incidentally remark thut 
 
 the consideration of the word fuUi, 
 and its derivatives, shows how little 
 ground there is for the notion that 
 the Muses were originally Ionic dei- 
 ties; does not the word /muo-a, in- 
 correctly formed from fiiUffei, the fe- 
 minine participle of ^a«, distinctly 
 prove that the word, and also the 
 idea, were transferred from a different 
 branch of the Greek lan^juage and 
 nation ? 
 
 §11. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 435 
 
 XivoX^oL, and never uses S for P, &c.) ; and IttOfe ftllly frOtB 
 the Spartans in the Lysistrata. On comparing these \Mth 
 the Spartan and Argive treaty in Thucydides V. 77., there 
 is indeed a general agreement; yet in this document the 
 contractions dvaiqovvrocs, -^evnoKovTagToo, Sox-rJ, 'noXii (but9roX»6<Ti 
 and avTo^oXies), also e^t^oi and 5txa^ej0a», together with ois 
 in the accusative of the substantives, but ous of the ad- 
 jectives, can hardly be considered as pure Doric ; nor is 
 there any instance of the change of 2 into the aspirate, and 
 2 for only in the word (jia>. With regard to the indiscri- 
 minate use of n and OT our copies of Thucydides are not 
 much authority: for these two sounds were not distm- 
 guished in the writing of the time, being both expressed by 
 O ; and it is probable that some forms have been modified 
 either by Thucydides or his copyists, or both. On the 
 whole, however, it is probable that the popular dialect of 
 Peloponnesus, which is preserved in all its harshness m 
 the famous treaty of the Eleans, was about the time of the 
 Peloponnesian war softened down in public documents 
 and treaties. Thus in a Lacedcemonian inscription of later 
 date, we still find the ancient forms ffrjcrsfxf, atyivaio^, ap- 
 yvpio, Fixari, UpiMs oxraxarioy, from a restoration, but also 
 X^Xiovs U^liVLWs'], Corp. Inscript. No. 1511. In the Spartan 
 decree preserved by Plutarch in his Life of Lysander c. 14,, 
 we should probably write, ravrx KA Ipmns rav el^avav 
 '^xoiTB, a XP^ AGNTEX Kal rwi (pvydUs ave'vTES. mql rSy 
 v«a.v r^ TrXriQsos oxorov n KATHNEI hycioi, raura troiBBti, as 
 has been partly emended by Haitinger Act. Monac. vol III. 
 p. 31 1. In the time of Pyrrhus much of the ancient peculi- 
 arity of the dialect was still in existence, although in the 
 following saying all the forms are not those of the ancient 
 Laconian language, at /X6V gWt rv ye 9ios, oJ'^ev /x^ <jrciQa;^,Bv, 
 oh ya^, d^iKEVfj^er at S' av^pojito^, fVerat xal reu Kappoj^ aKKos, 
 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26. The remains of it in the decrees of 
 the Eleutherolacones and Spartans in the time of tiic c in- 
 perors are less considerable. That the MesReniw^^ iHaiind 
 the ancient idiom, from ancient recollections, or perhaps from 
 affectation, was remarked above, p.414,note'^. The Argive 
 
 •2 F 2 
 
#•■ 
 
 436 
 
 ON THE' DORIC DIALECT. app. v. 
 
 ^11. 
 
 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 437 
 
 dialect has been more than once observed to agree with the 
 Cretan, a correspondence which may be even traced in un- 
 important particulars ; thus the name of the Argive ^«XXa- 
 Xpoitat (above, p. 355. note »), was derived from dxpxSy 
 which Hermonax ap. Schol. Nicand. Ther. 512. calls a Cre- 
 tan, and Hesychius a Laconian word. The grammarians 
 likewise particularly remark that in the Argive dialect I was 
 frequently changed into N, as in fxevrov for fxevroi (Argive 
 and Cretan, Maittaire p. 255), alev, gwaros- (Etymol. M. 
 p. 402, 2.) (pizsvvos (see Boeckh Not. crit. ad Pind. Olymp. I. 
 6.) ; the Sicilians in many cases made the contrary change — 
 the Rhegini, however, the same as the Argives (Etymol. M. 
 p. 135, 45. Gud. 73, 44.) ; which peculiarity they had evi- 
 dently borrowed from the Messenians. Dercyllus wrote in 
 the ancient Argive dialect; see Etymol. M. p. 391, 20. 
 above, p. 385, note ^. The Cretan has a singularity which 
 does not appear to have been observed in any other dialect 
 of Greece, viz. of changing X before a consonant and after e 
 or a into u (analogous to the French forms aumone, hau- 
 bergeon, &c. from the German Almosen, Halsberge, Sic.) ; 
 thus av(7o^ for aXiTOi", ocv/jlo. for ak^xoi, likewise avavoyxy avx.a.v ; 
 Qsvye^jOpci and evQeTv for QsXyscfQai and aXQsTv, according to He- 
 sychius, Koen. p. 354. TheiEtolian word ^evKos also shows 
 the same formation, as it comes from the ancient root ^eXkvs 
 dulcis. There is an analogous change in the Cretan forms 
 Tl^Qusos from YlqloL^aos, and yspolrav, itoLTtHQv (Hesych.) i. e. 
 for ys^ovTaf from yipuv, and directly the reverse of that ob- 
 served above in the termination of the participles riQhs, &c. 
 where the Cretans retained the ancient form n^hsy which 
 other Greeks softened into ridetr, &c. The Cretan /Sevr/ov for 
 /Sg'XTiov is paralleled by the Sicilian forms ^v^ov and (p/v- 
 raros. The words peculiar to the Cretan town Polyrrhenia, 
 such as aiprris " a crane," cn-^acKkcL '^a partridge," KopijSoc ''■ a 
 " crow," (see also Hesychius in nxpa. and Xoltto) are pro- 
 bably remains of an ancient Cydonian language, having no 
 affinity with the Greek. See Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. p. 146, 
 note^. In the Cretan inscriptions of the beginning of the 
 second century before Christ, the ancient dialect is still pre- 
 
 served in some words, but not regularly and constantly; 
 peculiarities such as aZaoi no longer appear : and if they 
 were found in a writer named Cypselas, he must have been 
 of a much earlier date (Joann. Gramm. ad calc. H. Steph. 
 Thes. Gr. p. 13.). Some peculiarities of the Doric dialect 
 of Corinth and Sicyon have been noticed above; in general, 
 however, we know little of these dialects ; but of the Me- 
 garian we are better informed by means of the Acharneans 
 of Aristophanes, and this probably gives a tolerably cor- 
 rect notion of the Doric of Peloponnesus, except Sparta, 
 The Dryopians of Hermione also spoke Doric ; at least an 
 Hermioncan inscription contains such Dorisms as iTn^aixwvriy 
 Tcorrxv ttoXiv, rohs V& XacUxv ^6/xev ^rraXav, Boeckh No. 1193. 
 and see others cited vol. I. p. 399, note y. The R hod tarn 
 still spoke Doric in the time of Tiberius (Sueton. Tiber. 
 36.), and indeed, as Aristides de Cone, boasts, in great 
 purity (see Meurs. Rhod. II. 3.). Inscriptions of Cos (in 
 Spon), Calymna (Chandler. Inscript. p. 21. No. 58.), Asfy- 
 palcca, and Anaph(£ (in Villoison's papers) are written in a 
 Doric style, common in such monuments. The same was 
 also adopted by the ^ginetans after their re-establishment ; 
 see the inscription in iEginetica, p. 136, and the remarks 
 on it in p. 160. Among the inscriptions of Corcyra, col- 
 lected by Mustoxidi, a series might be arranged according 
 to the greater and less traces of the Doric dialect ; the large 
 one in Boeckh's Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 400. contains 
 several peculiarities, as, e. g. the imperative lo^,rco. In a 
 Thercean inscription, containing the will of a certain Epicteta 
 (Boeckh, No. 2448.), several pure Dorisms occur, as, e. g., 
 the accusative plural in os, the infinitives ayayev, ^vsv, 
 (Eustathius ad Od. r'. p. 706. 49. quotes Xayef for Xiysi^ as 
 Theraean) ; at the same time several peculiar forms, such as 
 IfjrxKEix, avvocyxyox^^oc ; and upon the whole there is little 
 archaic in the language. But the Byzantine dialect was in 
 the time of Philip, as we know from the decree in Demo- 
 sthenes , rich in Dorisms : not so many occur in the more 
 recent inscription in Chandler Inscript. App. p. 95. No. 10. 
 How much of the language of the surrounding nations had 
 
 «, 
 
 ■H 
 
438 
 
 OX THE DORIC DIALECT. app. v. 
 
 been Iritroiluced into the CyretKean dialect cannot be deter - 
 iiiiiR'd : according to Hesychius ^qixo^ was the Cyrena^an 
 word for *' ass ;" which resembles the Spanish word borrlco ; 
 both probably were derived from Africans. All that we 
 know of the Tarentine dialect appears to have been taken 
 from the Phljaces of Rhinthon, who lived in the time of 
 Ptolemy the First ; although very different from the ancient 
 Laconian dialect, it has many peculiarities '} but besides the 
 vulgar language of Tarentum there was also spoken a 
 polished (Attic) dialect, which was alone used in public 
 transactions. See Dionys. Hal. Exc. p. 2239. ed. Reiske. 
 With regard to the exchange of words with the neighbour- 
 ing Italian nations (above, p. 413, note »), it is sometimes 
 doubtful which party borrowed from the other. Thus 
 Alcman uses voKros for puis ; are we to suppose that this 
 word was so early brought over from Italy ? Kd^)cocpov is 
 used for '^prison" bySophron, for '' stall" by Rhinthon: it 
 is the same word as the Latin career ; but possibly both are 
 derived from the Laconian word ylpyvpoc in Alcman. That 
 the Italian Heracleans should have preserved the ancient 
 language and writing to the fifth century after the building 
 of Rome so faithfully as the famous Heraclean Tables 
 show us, is very remarkable. At Syracuse the dialect was 
 nearly the same as that in which Epicharmus and Sophron 
 wrote : the laws of Diodes too were probably drawn up in 
 this dialect, but the circumstance of their requiring an inter- 
 preter in the time of Timoleon is a proof of the rapid pre- 
 ponderance of the Attic language in this city (B. III. ch. 9. 
 § 7.)- The language of Sophron is also nearer to the con;- 
 mon dialect, and less strictly Doric than that spoken in 
 Peloponnesus in his time; e. g., he always says rous and not 
 reus. On the spreading of the Doric dialect in Sicily see 
 Castelli Proleg. p. 25. We have not as yet touched on the 
 Delphic dialect, the strong Doric character of which is proved 
 
 ^ A remarkable agreement of Ta- 
 rentine, LacedaBmonian, ant) Cretan 
 wortts is afAarii eiretl Tareat., ifict- 
 
 xiov Lacon., ii(A»Kts Cret. in Hesy- 
 chins. 
 
 §11. ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 439 
 
 by an inscriptiim (Boeckh No. 1690.) in which ll^Xol and 
 rirop^s occur, and still more, as I believe, by a monument of 
 Olymp. 100. I, which has futures such as opycii^io) &c., the 
 infinitives iitoy^a-^^^, (J^ip^^, and O^^sv, alxa for e^v, .;r^vrE^(T*, 
 I.ppcvapcovs^T^t, ^^ax^TiOi, E^iKo^/A^^a;vri, ev for Is adverbialiter, 
 K^TTav, BnoLvrm, 7r6pi7ra;vn, Trorrov (Boeckh No. 1688.). 
 Besides this, all the prose oracles given at Delphi were 
 doubtless written in Doric ; as e. g. that in Demosth. in 
 Mid. p. 531, and in Macart. p. 1072, that in Thuc. V. 16. 
 Q^i^yvpi^ sdXdKgc 6vXa?.iv, is, according to the scholiast, a 
 Laconian expression), and the oracle quoted in vol. I. p. 199. 
 note P, TToV rb Xa^c^v xal iro: rv xM^cov xoc\ TtoH rh oUnmvihexe 
 
 the sense requires dry(l^a,\icos egeiS, l^^r^r, xeXei^o; ) ^-k^ci, 
 
 TE «xX^<t9<*(, which, however, was probably written in hexa- 
 meters, since the epic oracles sometimes show traces of 
 Dorisms (Hero(L IV. 155,157; compare that given to 
 the Lacedaemonians, i (|)»Xoxf^/xar/a &c.). Plutarch (Pyth. 
 Orac 24 p 289.) quotes from ancient oracles the expres- 
 sion 'i^vpUao^ (i. e. 'Kvp.oo., as the Delphians themselves were 
 
 called vol I p. 254. note^O> °/'e»»"*^ ^^^ ^^^^'*^'^°^''^^°'^''^ 
 ^orocj^ovs ; likewise xpo^r^ii^ovs (Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 
 114) is probably from an oracle : from the Dorisms of the 
 vulgar dialect we have YvyiUs for the treasure of Gyges, 
 Herod I 14 a half-adjective form in -o^s, which occurs 
 frequently in Doric, and S^/x. for dp^^, Move," Plutarch 
 Amator 23 The name of the month Bvaioi (ap. 1 lutarch. 
 Qu^st. Gr. 9. and in Delphian inscriptions) was derived 
 by some from <D^^tof, as being a spring-month ; it is, how- 
 ever far more probable that this sacred oracular month re- 
 ceived its name from Pytho, as Uv^^os. In that case the 
 change of into <t corresponds with the Lacoman dialect ; 
 but that of <n into /3 is peculiar to the Delphians, among 
 whom, according to Plutarch, it also occurred in fi^xpos lor 
 ^.xpos, and other words. A newly discovered honorary 
 decree of Delphi (Ross, Inscript. Graec. ined. Fasc. I. No. 
 67.) points to a closer affinity of the Delphian and iEtolian 
 
 g See Lobeck, Aglaopb. vol. 11. p. 846. 
 
440 
 
 ON T!IE DORIC DIALECT. 
 
 A PP. V. 
 
 dialects. We find in it the datives a^cJvoif, hrv-fyjx^oyrois, 
 and therefore the same metaplasm of declination as among 
 the iEtolians, to whom the grammarians attribute such 
 forms as yzpovrois, vaOvifxairoiS. The Phoceans appear from 
 the inscriptions to have spoken an iEolic dialect, nearly 
 akin to the Doric. A remarkable peculiarity, which oc- 
 curs in inscriptions both of Steiris and Daulis, in the ter- 
 ritory of the Phoceans, is that the radical vowel of r/S-ry/xi 
 and hu.1 remains unlengthened in the active and passive 
 perfect ; as in avaTeS-gxavri, oi^xr^hiixiyovs, u(p£fjiivoc for dva- 
 
 APPENDIX VI. 
 
 Chronological Tables. 
 
 1. An attempt to ascertain the precise date of mythical 
 events would at the present time be considered unreason- 
 able, nor would it be better to arrange them according to 
 generations. It must however be allowed that the mutual 
 dependence of events recorded by mythology can be proved, 
 and by this means, to a certain degree, their succession may 
 be satisfactorily traced. We shall give a specimen from the 
 work before us. 
 
 The Dorians in Hestiaeotis. Worship of Apollo at Tempo 
 
 b. I. ch. 1. b. II. ch. 1. 
 
 The Dorians at war with the Lapithae. Taking of 
 CEchalia, b. I. ch. 1. § 7- b. II. ch. 2. § 1. 
 
 The Dorians in Crete. Worship of Apollo at Cnosus, 
 b. I. ch. I. §9. b. Il.ch. 1. §5. 
 
 Teucrian Pelagones (Encheleans) in the north of Thessaly, 
 
 b. I. ch. 1. § 10. 
 
 Dorians at the foot of ffita and Parnassus. Worship of 
 Apollo at Lycorea and Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. b. II. ch. 1. 
 
 §8. 
 
 The Dorians in alliance with the Trachinians and ^to- 
 
 lians, b. I. ch. 2. § 5. 
 
 Taking of Ephyra in Thesprotia. Origin of the Gery- 
 
 (mia, b. II. ch. 2. § 3. 
 
 War with the Dryopians and transportation of this nation 
 
 to Pytho, b. I. ch. 2. §4. b. II. ch. 3. § 3. 
 
 Cretan sovereignty of the sea ; Cretans in Crisa, Lycia 
 and the Troad, b. II. ch. I. § 6. ch. 2. § 2, 3. 
 
 Worship of Apollo in Ba>otia ; origin of the Theban tra- 
 ditions respecting Hercules, b. II. ch. 3. §2. ch. 2. § 7. 
 
 Introduction of the mythology of Hercules into Attica by 
 
442 
 
 CHROXOI oniGAL TABLES. 
 
 A pp. VI. 
 
 the lonians. Institution of the Pjthian Theoriae, b. II. ch. 
 
 3. § 14. 
 
 Cretans in Megara and Attica. Connection of the reli- 
 gious worship of Athens with that of Crete, Delos, and 
 Naxos, ibid. 
 
 Cretan fortress of Miletus in Caria ; temples at Didymi 
 and Claros, ibid. § 6. 
 
 Union of the Dorians and iEtolians, b. I. ch. 3. § 9. 
 
 Thessalians and Thesprotians in Pelasgic Argos, Orcho- 
 menos, p. 476. / 
 
 The expelled Magnetes become subjects of the Pythian 
 Apollo, b. II. ch- 3. § 4. 
 
 The Boeotians found a new Arne in Bceotia, Orchomenos, 
 nbi sup. 
 
 Cadmean Ephjraeans and ^gidae in Athens and Amy- 
 clae, ibid. 
 
 Partial emigration of the Dorians from the Tetrapolis, 
 b. I. ch. 3. 
 
 Emigration of the iEnianes from the Inachus to the dis- 
 trict of CEta, b. I. ch.2. §6. 
 
 2. In reckoning from the migration of the Heraclida? down- 
 wards, we follow the Alexandrine chronology, of which it 
 should be observed, that our materials only enable us to restore 
 it to its original state, not to examine its correctness. That 
 it was chiefly founded upon original records and monuments 
 preserved in Peloponnesus, which gave even the years of 
 the kings, has been shown above, b. I. ch. 7. § 3. The 
 dates which Syncellus has preserved from Eusebius, Euse- 
 bius from Diodorus, and Diodorus from Apollodorus, could 
 not have been calculated merely by generations ; and 
 Larcher's criticism and rejection of the Alexandrine Chro- 
 nologists may perhaps be found as groundless as they are 
 presumptuous. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus, 80 
 years after the fall of Troy/ 328 years before 
 the first Olympiad. ^^ 
 
 1J04. 
 
 * This date must have been fixed p. 145, note % from whom Tzetzes, 
 
 by the logo^raphers. ChiJ. XII. 193, gives the same state- 
 
 Accordiug to Apollodorus. vol. I. ment (with the exception of what he 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 443 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Temcnus in Argos, Aristodemus in Sparta, Cre- 
 sphontes in Messeuia, Oxylus the ^.tolian in 
 Elis, Cypselus at Basilis. Resistance of the 
 Achaeans in Amyelap. The NeUdae go from 
 Pylos to Athens. 
 Birth of Eurysthenes and Procles, and death of 
 Aristodemus king of Sparta. Theras protector 
 of the twin-brothers.^^ 
 1074. 30. Eurysthenes and Procles governors of Sparta. 
 Aletes reduces Corinth.^ Ceisus the son of 
 Temenus reigns at Argos, Phalces at Sicyon, 
 Agaius atTrcezen(b. I. ch. 5. § 4.), Deiphontes 
 at Epidaurus, Triacon in ^gina, Thersander 
 at Cleonae (b. I. ch. 5. §4. b. III. ch. 6. § 10.), 
 
 says on the age of Homer, which 
 must be a misunderstandiug). Apol- 
 lodorus is followed by Dionysius of 
 Haljcarnassus and Solinus : see 
 Larcher, Chronolo<;ie d'H^rodote, p. 
 373. The calculation of Timaeua 
 only differed by nine years, vol. I. 
 p. 131. notet, who is nearly fallowed 
 by Velleius Paterculus. The date of 
 Apollodorus can now be completely 
 restored from the Armenian Eusebius 
 p. 166; from which we see that, 
 according to Api»llodorus, the first 
 Olympiad coincided with the 10th 
 year of Alcamenes. The Canons of 
 Eusebius place the first Olympiad at 
 the 37th and last year of Alcamenes ; 
 an error which appears to have arisen 
 from Eusebius having taken the first 
 year of Eurysthenes as identical with 
 the epoch of the return of the He- 
 racUdae. Apollodorus however ap- 
 pears to have allowed thirty ytat* 
 for the minority of the brothers, see 
 vol. 11. p. 90. note u. And he seems 
 not to have reckoned the time from 
 the entrance of the HerachdaB into 
 Sparta until the birth of the brothers, 
 which Herod. VI I. 52. calls ;^g»w tv 
 TsXXai. Now the canons have 324 
 years from the return of tb'i lleta^ 
 dida to Olymp. 1. (916 ta 1240); 
 if from this we deduct 26 years fur 
 Alcamenes, in whose 37th year the 
 first Olympiad falls, accorduig to the 
 calculation of the canons, and add 
 30 years for the minority, we obtain 
 328, the number of Apollodorus. 
 
 Apollodorus apparently took the 10 
 years of Alcamenes belore Olymp. 1. 
 as complete: whereas Eratosthenes 
 probably placed Olymp. 1. at the 
 beginning of this 10th year; hence 
 the diflPerence of 327 and 328 years. 
 See however Clinton F. H- vol. I. 
 p. 124. 330. 
 
 bb If the years of the mmority are 
 included in those of the reign, (as the 
 Spartans used to do in reckoning the 
 reigns of their kings;) the 30 years 
 of the guardianship of Theras must 
 be given to Eurysthenes and Procles. 
 But since this guardianship fur the 
 iieads of both the royal houses was 
 something peculiar, it is possible that 
 the Spartan lists, and the Alexan- 
 drine chronologists who followed 
 them, reckoned these 30 years se- 
 parately. — For a defence of the 
 opinion that the Spartan avayga^al 
 contamed chronological statements, 
 and for an explanation of their cha- 
 racter in reference to the remarks of 
 Mr. Lewis (Philol. Museum, vol.11, 
 p. 46.) and Mr. Clinton {¥. H. vol. I. 
 p. 332), see the Gdttingen Gel. Anz. 
 1837. p. 893. ^ ^, ,. 
 
 ^ Vol. 1. p. 147. noteb. The hne 
 of the Corinthian princes is arranged 
 after Diodorus, who evidently fol- 
 lowed the Alexandrine chrono4ogist»; 
 but committed an error similar te 
 that just pointed out in Eusebius. It 
 has been corrected by Wessehng from 
 Didrmus. 
 
\ 
 
 B.C. 
 
 CHKONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vr. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 445 
 
 1072 
 
 1051 
 
 1040 
 
 1038. 
 1033. 
 1032. 
 
 1031. 
 
 1006. 
 
 Laias the Cypselid, in Arcadia. Pitjreus the 
 
 Ionian goes from Epidaurus to Athens. 
 
 32. Theras colonizes Thera with MinyjB and JEgi- 
 
 dse from the district of Amjclae. 
 
 Corinthian Dorians conquer Me^ara. 
 
 iEpjtus, son of Cresphontes, re-established in 
 Messenia. 
 
 . 53. The Thessalian Magnetes found Magnesia in 
 Asia Minor.*^ 
 
 Advance of the Dorians in the direction of At- 
 tica. 
 
 Medon, son of Ceisus, at Argos, b. III. ch. 6. 
 § 10. Akhaemenes, son of Ceisus, goes to Crete. 
 Amyclaean Laconians settle in Melos and Gor- 
 tjna. Migration of the Argives and Epidau- 
 rians to Rhodes and Cos, of the Trcezenians to 
 Halicarnassus. 
 
 60. Migration of the lonians to Asia. Procles, son 
 of Pityreus of Epidaurus, goes to Samos with 
 carvers in wood from iEgina.« The Phliasians, 
 driven out by Rhegnidas the son of Phalces, 
 withdraw to Samos and Clazomenae, b. I. ch 5 
 §3. 
 
 68. Ixion king of Corinth. 
 
 71. Soiis, the Proclid, at Sparta.^ 
 
 72. Agis the Eurysthenid.» 
 
 Achaeans from Laconia colonize Patrse. 
 
 73. Echestratus the Agid. 
 
 100*.f» Eurypon the Proclid. Echestratus and Eu- 
 rypon subdue Cynuria, b. I. ch. 7. § 15. 
 
 •1 According to Eusebius. Com- 
 pare b. II. ch.3. §4. 
 
 « yEginetica, p. 98. 
 
 *■ The Arineuiau Eusebius p. 166. 
 iu the extract from Diodorus, assigns 
 51 years to Procles, for which I cor- 
 rect 41 ; see b. I. ch. 5. ^14. But 
 the list of the Proclidae ia that ex- 
 tract is very imperfect ; and therefore 
 only gives certain dates be/ore Sous 
 ami ajier Charilaus 
 
 8 Larcher will not allow that Agis 
 only reigned one year, as in that case 
 he could not have been so famous. 
 But (to reason in his own manner) 
 may he not have obtained his renown 
 when regent, and may not the regret 
 for the king, whom the nation so 
 soon lost, have even increased the 
 fame of his reitrn ? 
 
 This date and others followed 
 
 B.C. 
 
 1000. lOG. Agelas at Corinth. 
 996. 108. Labotas the Agid. 
 978. 12G. Prytanis the Eurypontid. 
 963. 143. Prumnis at Corinth. 
 959. 145. Doryssus the Agid. 
 
 929. 175. Polydectes (Eunomus) the Eurypontid. 
 
 * Megara separates itself from Corinth, b. I. ch. 5. 
 §10. 
 
 930. 174. Agesilaus the Agid. 
 926. 178. Bacchis at Corinth. 
 
 924. 180*. Pompus the Cypselid in Arcadia supports the 
 commerce of the TEginetans. 
 
 917. 187. Rhodes enjoys the sovereignty of the sea (Eu- 
 sebius). 
 
 891. 213. Agelas at Corinth. 
 
 886. 218. Archelaus the Agid. 
 
 884. 220. Polydectes dies. Birth of Charilaus. Lycurgus 
 
 regent. 
 
 Lycurgus in conjunction with Iphitus the Elean 
 and Cleosthenes, the son of Cleonicus of Pisa, 
 arranges the Olympic games.' 
 Lycurgus gives laws to Sparta. 
 
 861. 243. Eudemus at Corinth. 
 
 854. 250. Charilaus, the Eurypontid, king of Sparta. In 
 this office he with Archelaus conquers ^gys 
 (b. I. ch. 5. § 13.), lays waste the territory of 
 Argos (ib. ch. 7. § 14.), and is defeated by the 
 Tegeates (ib. § 12.). Polymestor, the Cypselid, 
 in Arcadia. 
 
 1% 
 
 by an asterisk are merely approxi- 
 mations to the truth. 
 
 » On this epoch see vol. I. p- 145. 
 note q. Eratosthenes, who fixed 
 the first Olympiad 407 years after 
 the full of Troy, placed Lycurgus 
 219 years after the return of the 
 Heraclidae ; so also Porphyrins ap. 
 Euseb. Armen. p. 139 Scilig. p. 27. 
 ApoUudorus and Erastosthenes both 
 reckoned twenty-seven Olympiads 
 from Iphitus to Curaebus, which 
 number is testified by Aristodemus 
 of Elis and Polybius, ap. Kuseb. 
 
 Armen. p. 141. Scali^. p. 39. Calli- 
 machus, however, only reckons thir- 
 teen Olympiads between these two 
 eras. Perhaps this is to be explained 
 by supposing? that the Olympiad of 
 Coroebus was the first of Jour yeart, 
 whereas the former Olympiads had 
 contained eight years (book II. ch. 3. 
 § 2.) ; in which case we have 13 x H 
 -f 4 3= 108. On this Cleosthenes, 
 see Fhlegou Trallianus apud Meurs. 
 Op. vol. VII. p. 128. et Schol. Plat. 
 Rep. V. p. 246. 7. 
 
APP. VI. 
 
 446 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 836. 268. Aristomedes at Corinth.^ 
 
 826. 278. Teleclus the Agid. He conquers Amyclap, Pha- 
 ris, and Gerontlirae, b. L ch. 5. § 13, and de- 
 stroys Nedon, ib. ch. 7. § 10. 
 824. 280. [Nicander the Eurypontid, according to Euse- 
 
 bius.] 
 810. 294. Nicander the Eurypontid (according to Sosi- 
 bius^). He ravages the territory of Argos, in 
 alliance with Asine, ib. § 14. 
 801. 303. Agemon the Bacchiad. 
 
 786. 318. Alcamenes the Agid. He conquers HeIos°» and 
 defeats the Argives. Charmides, the son of 
 Euthys, is sent to quiet the troubles of Crete. 
 [Theopompus the Eurysthenid, according to Eu- 
 sebius,] 
 785. 319. Alexander at Corinth. 
 
 776. 328. Coroebus obtains the prize at the Olympic games 
 at the full moon (according to the original in- 
 stitution), on the 13th or 14th day of the first 
 Olympic month (Apollonius), if the Ennaeteris 
 began with this Olympiad ; of the second month 
 (Parthenius), if the Olympiad fell in the middle 
 of the period. The month began with the new- 
 moon after the summer solstice, on the 8th of 
 July (according to Delalande, see VArt de v^ri- 
 fier les Dates, torn. I ! I p. 170.) 776. B. C. the 
 distribution of the prizes therefore took place 
 the 21st or 22nd of July. 
 
 3. Reckoning according to Olympiads. 
 B.C. Ol 
 
 776. 1. Coraibus of Elis, 
 
 * Ariivtomedes reigned thirfy-five 
 years, according to the Armenian 
 Eusebius, and Syncellus, iu the list 
 in p. 1 65 ; and not thirty years, as is 
 stated in Syncellus, ib. p. 164. 
 
 ' Sosibius ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. 
 1. p. 327. gives sixty-four years for 
 the reign of Charilaus and thirty- 
 nine for that of Nicander. and places 
 the first Olympiad in the thirty- 
 
 fourth year of Nicander; and this 
 appears also to be the computation 
 of Pausanias, who there! ore carries 
 the rei^n of Theopompus six Olym- 
 piads lower than Eusebius. In 
 Pausanias likewise the successor of 
 Polymestor, the contemporary of 
 Charilaus, is the contemporary of 
 the first Messenian war. 
 » Vol. I. p. 104. note F. 
 
 CH ROX () U m I r AL TABLES. 
 
 447 
 
 B.C. 
 
 774. 
 
 3. Metapontum founded by AchfPans and Cris- 
 g«ans according to Eusebius, book II. ch. 3. § 7. 
 * Eratus, king of Argos, expels the Asinapans from 
 their town, b. I. ch. 7, § 14. above, p. 112. note«. 
 772. 2. Antimachis of Elis, 
 
 1. Theopompus the Eurypontid according to Sosi- 
 
 bius. 
 768. 3. Androcles of Messenia. 
 
 Cinaethon the epic poet of Laconia flourishes, ac- 
 cording to Eusebius. 
 ♦ Pheidon, prince of Argos, attempts to conquer 
 Corinth. 
 764. 4. Poll/chares of Messenia. 
 
 4. Telestas at Corinth. 
 760. 5. j^schines of Elis, 
 
 2. The Chalcidians erect an altar to Aj>ollo Arche- 
 getas in Sicily (b. II. ch. 3. § 7.) and, together 
 with some Naxians, found Naxos. 
 
 3. Archias at Corinth founds Syracuse," Chersi- 
 crates Corcyra (b. I. ch. 6. §8.). Eumelus, also 
 a Bacchiad, who composed an ode {v^oaolm) for 
 
 " Those who with Eusebius place 
 the foundation of Syracuse in 
 Olymp. 11. 4. and that of Leontini iu 
 Olymp. 13. 1. must assume that 
 Lam is the Megarian founded Tro- 
 tilus and Thapsus iu the same year, 
 and went from Thapsus to Megara. 
 Why then, it must be asked, does 
 not Thucydides (VI. 4.) say that 
 Lamis went to the Chalcideans at 
 Leontini hxlyiu ikttioov that he had 
 founded Trotilus, as he states that 
 he remained ixlyov xi'^"^ atLeontmi, 
 if Thucydides meant that all these 
 events should be understood to fol- 
 low in so very rapid a succession ? 
 At the same time the author ac- 
 knowledges that though the argu- 
 ments of Clinton, Fast. Hell, vol.11. 
 ]). 265. ed. 2, for the founding of 
 Syracuse iu Olymp. 114. have not 
 convinced him, they have shaken his 
 former conviction: and he adds the 
 following remark in favour of that 
 opposite opinion. If Syracuse was 
 founded in 01)mp.5. 3., the founding 
 
 of Camarina must be placed in 
 Olymp. 39. 2. (Thuc. VL 5.) Cama- 
 rina, according to Scymnus v. 293, 
 was destroyed forty-six years after- 
 wards, i. e. in Olymp. 50. 4. Now 
 it appears from the authentic cata- 
 logues of the conquerors at the 
 Olympic games, that Parmenides of 
 Camarina was victorious in the sta- 
 dium in Olyuip. 63. Camarina had 
 not at that time been rebuilt; he 
 could therefore only have been so 
 called from his native place ; which 
 would (according to the assumed 
 dates) have been then destroyed 
 forty-nine years. It must, however, 
 have been uncommon for men of 
 fifty to be victorious in running. If, 
 however, we place the foundation of 
 Camarina in Olymp. 45. 1. and the 
 destruction in Olymp. 56 (with the 
 Schol. Piud. 01. V. 16.), the whole 
 receives a greater degree of pro- 
 bability. This argument, however, 
 is not conclusive. 
 
448 
 
 B.C. 
 
 c I f fu ) \ o r,r )n ! r A ! , t a n les. 
 
 APP. VI 
 
 the Messenlans, to be sung at the procession to 
 Delos, and had contended at the Ithomaea, hves 
 with Archias at Syracuse. Phintas the ^pytid 
 reigns in Messenia. 
 
 4. Ephors in Sparta (Euseb.). 
 
 Croton founded by Myscellus (the Heraclid) and 
 some Achaeans, and Locri shortly after (according 
 to Strabo, with whom Pausanias nearly agrees 
 with respect to time). 
 756. 6. (Ebotas of Dyme. 
 
 4. The Chalcidians found Leontini. Lamis the 
 Megarian lands and founds Trotilus. 
 752. 7. Daicles the Messenian, the first conqueror in the 
 ayujv arB(p(x,Mirnsy b. IV. ch. 5. § 5. 
 
 3. Death of Alcamenes,^ succeeded by Polydorus 
 the Agid. Polydorus and Theopompus limit the 
 power of the popular assembly, b. III. ch. 5. § 8. 
 
 4. Automenes at Corinth. 
 
 748. 8. Anticles the Messenian. Pheidon the Argive pre- 
 sident of the games with the Pisatans. Metal 
 wares and silver coins at iEgina. 
 1 Yearly Prytanes at Corinth. 
 
 744. 9. Xenocles the Messenian. 
 
 1. The Androclidae, banished from Messenia, fly to 
 Sparta. Euphaes, son of Antiochus, the ^.pytid, 
 king of Messenia. 
 
 2. Beginning of the first Messenian war, according 
 to Pausanias and Eusebius. 
 
 740. 10. Dotadas the Messenian. 
 
 1. [Death of Theopompus the Eurypontid,P accord- 
 ing to Eusebius.] 
 
 ° This is the date of Eusebius. 
 Pausanias, however, makes Alca- 
 menes live till the 10th Olympiad, 
 but without much authority, as the 
 date is given in the romantic narra- 
 tive of 5lyron. 
 
 P Euseb. Armen. p. 167. Pausa- 
 nias represents Theopompus as still 
 alive in the 15th Olympiad ; as he 
 follows Tyrtaeus, who calls this 
 
 prince the conqueror of Messenia, 
 b. I. ch.7. §10. Yet it is not ab- 
 soiutely impossible tliat TyrtiEus 
 might have used this expression as 
 meaning that Theopompus contri- 
 buted largely to the final result, with- 
 out having actually completed the 
 subjugation. The chronologists fol- 
 lowed by Eusebius appear to have 
 adopted the Messenian tradition, that 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 449 
 
 B.C. Ol. 
 
 736. 11. Leochares the Messenian. 
 732. 12. Oxythemis of Coronea. 
 
 728. 13. Diodes of Corinth, the favourite of Philolaus the 
 Bacchiad, legislator of Thebes. 
 1. llyblean Megara founded, vol. I. p. 135. note'. 
 724. 14. Dasmon of Corinth. Hypenus of Pisa the first 
 conqueror in the Vixv'Kos. 
 
 1. The Spartans reduce Ithome, and finish the first 
 Messenian war. The Dryopes build a new Asine, 
 the Androclida* receive Hyamia from Sparta. 
 Messenians at Rhegium, b. I. ch. 7. ^11. 
 720. 1 5. Orsippus of Megara is the first who runs naked in 
 the stadium, and Acanthus the Laced(Bmonian in 
 the lioLv'Kos, see above, p. 272. note ^ 
 War of Megara against Corinth, b. I. ch. 5. § 10. 
 The war between the Spartans and Argives re- 
 specting the possession of Cynuria breaks out 
 afresh, b. I. ch. 7. § IG. 
 716. 16. Pythagoras the Laconian. 
 
 4. Gela founded by Rhodians and Cretans.*! 
 
 * Theopompus dies (Euseb.), succeeded by Zeuxi- 
 damus the Eurypontid. 
 
 712. 17. Polus of Epidaurus. 
 
 1. Megara founded by Astacus (according to Mem- 
 non; Olymp. 17. 3. according to Hieron. Seal. ; 
 Olymp. 18. 2. Cod. Arm.), b. I. ch. 6. § 9. 
 3. CroU)n founded according to Dion. Halicar. 
 and Eusebius, Cod. Arm. (Olymp. 18. 1. accord- 
 ing to Euseb. Cod. Arm. Olymp. 19. 2. according 
 to Scaliger.) 
 
 * Polydorus killed by Polemarchus ; ' succeeded by 
 
 Eurycrates the Agid 
 
 Theopompus was killed during the 
 war (according to Myron in the last 
 year but one), vol. I. p. 159. note »', 
 at the sacrifice of a iKoiTeftpeyiov, ac- 
 cording to Clemens of Alexandria 
 (Protr. p. 36. Sylburg. Kuseb. Praep. 
 Evang. IV. p. 126 C.j, who, however, 
 has a Tery confused notion of this 
 sacrifice ; from which, and from the 
 
 VOL. 11. 
 
 testimony of Sosibius the Lacedaa- 
 monian mentioned above, in p. 446, 
 note S I infer that the authorities of 
 Eusebius in this part of the history 
 no longer followed the public register 
 
 of Sparta. 
 
 q According to Thticydides, with 
 reference to the date Olymp. f). 3. 
 
 ' Polydorus was honoured as a 
 
 2 G 
 
APP. VI. 
 
 450 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 708. 18. Tellis of Sicyon. Eurjbatus, the Laconian, first 
 conqueror in the wrestling match: Lampis the 
 Laconian in the Pentathlon. 
 L The Partheniae at Tarentum, Eusebius. 
 4. * Ameinocles, the Corinthian, builds the Samian 
 triremes (Thucyd.). 
 704. 19. Menon of Megara. 
 700. 20. Atheradas of Laconia. 
 696. 21. Pantacles of Athens. 
 692. 22. Pantacles a second time. 
 
 688. 23. Icarius of Hyperesia. Onomastus of Smyrna the 
 first conqueror in the pugilistic contest. 
 L Acrae and Enna founded from Syracuse.' 
 4. [Commencement of the second Messenian war, 
 according to Pausanias ; but, according to Corsini, 
 Fast. Att. IL L p. 37. this date should be altered 
 to Olymp. 24. 4.] 
 
 Anaxander the Agid, Anaxidamus the Eurypontid, 
 kings of Sparta. 
 684. 24. Cleoptolemus the Lacoiiiaii. 
 
 2. Locri founded, according to Eusebius (Ol. 26. 
 4. Cod. Arm.) above, b. L ch. 6. § 12. 
 680. 25. Thalpis the Laconian. Pagondas of Thebes the 
 
 first conqueror in the chariot race. 
 676. 26. Callisthenes the Laconian, 
 
 The Pisatans render themselves independent of Elis 
 (Strabo). 
 
 2. Megara founds Chalcedon, b. L ch. 6. § 9. 
 
 The musical contests at the Carnea are first intro- 
 duced (Africanus and Sosibius, above, p. 324. 
 note«), and Terpander is victorious as a harp- 
 player. The same musician is four times victo- 
 rious in the musical contests at Pytho, at that 
 time still celebrated every nine years ; from about 
 Olymp. 27. to Olymp. 33. Doric, Phrygian, and 
 Lydian styles of music. 
 
 
 hero by posterity, as his nfia.) (Pau- 
 san 1 1 1. 3. 2.), the use of his portrait 
 as the state seal ib. (1 1. 8.), and his 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 451 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 Orthagoras, tyrant of Sicyon.^ 
 672. 27. Eurybates of Athens. 
 
 4. Victory of the Argives over the Spartans at Hy- 
 siae, b. L ch. 7. § 16. 
 
 * Megalostrata, b. IV. ch. 7. § 10. 
 
 668. 28. Chionis the Laconian (Corsini Fast. Hell. IL 1. 
 pag. 44.). The Pisatans preside at the games, 
 whilst Elis is at war with Dyme (Euseb.). 
 
 1. Syracuse founds Casmenae. 
 
 End of the second Messenian war, according to 
 Pausanias. Aristomenes goes to Damagetus the 
 Eratid, prince of lalysus; the Lacedaemonians 
 give Mothone to the expelled Nauplians. Damo- 
 cratidas king of Argos (above, p. 112. note ^^). 
 
 4. Gymnopaedia at Sparta (Euseb.). 
 
 * Sea-fight between the Corinthians and Corcy- 
 raeans." 
 
 664. 29. Chionis for the second time. 
 
 660. 30. Chionis for the third time. [The Pisatans, accord- 
 ing to Eusebius, celebrate this and the twenty- 
 two following Olympiads.] 
 
 1. Zaleucus legislator of Locri (Euseb.). 
 
 2. Phigalia captured by Sparta, b. I. ch. 7. § 12. 
 
 3. Byzantium founded from Megara, b. I. ch. 6. 
 
 §9. 
 Cypselus expels the Bacchiadae from Corinth,* and 
 
 becomes king. 
 
 * Second Messenian war (b. I. ch. 7. § 10.). l*au 
 taleon, tyrant of Pisa, Aristocrates of Trapezus, 
 king of Orchomenus (vol. I. p. 185 note^). Tyr- 
 taeus of Aphidna at Sparta. 
 
 house being bought by the state (ib. 
 12. 2.) sufficiently prove. 
 » B. I. ch. 6. § 7. 
 
 * B. I. ch. 8. § 2. Plutarch, de 
 ^jraNum.vind.7.p.231, errs greatly 
 in placing the victory of Teletias the 
 Cleona?an Iv -rmch at the Pythia 
 (after Olymp. 47.) before the reign 
 of Orthagoras. 
 
 « B. 1. ch. 6.§.8. 
 
 « Who also took refuge in Sparta, 
 the protectress of aristocracy,Plutarch 
 Lysand. 1. Some Herac'.idaj, how- 
 ever, still remained in Corinth, b. I. 
 
 ch. 6. ^ 8. With regard to the epoch, 
 the dates from Diodorus of the kings 
 and ninety prytanes of Corinth, 
 agree completely with the best tes- 
 timony as to the time of the Cypse- 
 lidae. Strabo's 200 prytanes have 
 arisen from a confusion with the 
 number of malt s in the clan of the 
 Bacchiadee. See vol. 1- p. 181, 
 note ". 
 
 2 G 2 
 
452 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi- 
 
 B.C. oJ. 
 
 656. 3L Chionis for the fourth time. 
 
 652. 32. Cratinus the Megarinn, (above, p. 272. note^). 
 
 4. Himera founded by Chalcidians and Syracusans 
 (Diod. XIIL 62.). 
 * Eurycratidas (Eury crates IL) the Agid, Archida- 
 mus the Eurypontid. 
 648. 33. Gyges the Laconian. Lygdamis of Syracuse is 
 the first conqueror in the Pancratium, Crauxidas 
 the Crannonian victorious xsXtjt*. Myron, son of 
 Andreas, tyrant of Sicyon, in the quadriga, b. L 
 ch. 8. § 2. 
 4. Terpander's musical legislation at Sparta. 
 644. 34. Stomas of Athens. Pantaleon, son of Omphalion, 
 tyrant of Pisa, president of the games, b. L ch. 7. 
 
 § 11. 
 
 640. 35. Sphcerus the Laconian. Cylon of Athens victo- 
 rious in the ViolvXos. 
 3. Beginning of the second Messenian war accord- 
 ing to Diodorus and Eusebius. Compare Justin, 
 cited vol. L p. 161. note°. 
 The Theraeans found the first settlement in Libya 
 on the island of Platea. Orchomenos, p. 344. 
 Chionis, the conqueror at Olympia, among the 
 adventurers. 
 * Procles tyrant of Epidaurus, Aristodemus king of 
 Orchpmenus, voL L p. 185. note '. 
 636. 36. Phrynon of Athens. 
 
 632. 37- Eurycleidas the Laconian. Hipposthenes the La- 
 conian first conqueror in the boys* wrestling match, 
 Polyneites of Elis in the stadium as a boy. 
 Founding of Cyrene. Reign of Battus L 
 Peisander, the epic poet of Rhodes. 
 628. 38. Olynthus the Laconian. Eutelidas the Laconian 
 victorious in the boys' pentathlon. 
 1. Pammilus of Megara on the Isthmu.s, with some 
 Sicilian Megarians, founds Selinus, b. I. ch. 6. 
 § 10. (Olymp. 32. 2. according to Diodorus.) 
 Periander, tyrant of Corinth, vol. I. p. 185. note*. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 453 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 2. Corinthians and Corcyracans found Epidamnus, 
 
 b. I. ch. 6. §.8. 
 
 * Gorgus, son of Cypselus, tyrant of Ambracia,ibid. 
 
 b.lil. ch.9. §6. 
 
 * Thaletas, the Elyrian musician, in Sjmrta. b. IV. 
 
 ch. 6. §. 3. 
 624. 79. Rhipsolcns the Laconian. 
 
 2. Camarina founded by the Syracusans.^ 
 620. 40. Olynfheus the Laconian, for the second time. 
 
 * Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, b. I. ch. 8. §4. 
 Arion of Methymna, in Peloponnesus. 
 
 616. 41. Cleondas of Thebes. Philotas of Sybaris, first con- 
 queror in the boxing match of the boys. 
 612. 42. Lycotas the Laconian. 
 
 1. Cylon, son-in-law of Theagenes, aims at the ty- 
 ranny of Athens, Corsini Fast. Att. II. 1. p. 64. 
 
 Alcman, lyric poet at Sparta, above, p. 328. note *i. 
 608. 43. Cleon of Epidaurus. 
 
 2. Phrynon of Athens, the conqueror at Olympia, 
 and Pittacus of Mytilene, contend for the posses- 
 sion of Sigeum. (Euseb.) 
 
 * Periander decides the subject of dispute, vol. L p. 
 
 191. note^ 
 4. The inhabitants of Gela found Agrigentum.^ 
 
 604. 44. Gelon the Laconian. 
 
 * Agasicles, the Eurypontid, at Sparta. 
 Solon conquers Salamis from the Megarians. 
 
 600. 45. Anticrates of Epidaurus. 
 
 * Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, at war with Argos, 
 
 vol. I. p. 179. note*^. 
 Pheidon II. king of Argos, above, p. 1 12. note^. 
 
 596. 46. Chrysamaxus the Laconian. 
 
 The Megarians reconquer Salamis and Nisaea, b. I. 
 
 ch. 8. § 8. 
 
 ' Thuc. VI. 5. Compare the date and Eusebius, reckon from Olymp. 
 
 of Syracuse, Olymp. 5. 3. The Scho- H. 4. Thnrvdides with 
 
 liast to Pindar Olymp. V. 16, who ' Accon inR to ThucyJides, with 
 
 places the foundation in Olymp. 45. the date Olymp. lb. 4. 
 
\ 
 
 454 CHRONOLOGICAL 1 ABLF:s. app. vi. 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 Epimenides in Athens, according to Diogenes 
 Laertius. 
 
 * Leon the Agid at Sparta unsuccessful in a war 
 against Tegea. 
 592. 47. Eurycles the Laconian, 
 
 3. The Amphictyons under Eurylochus the Aleuad, 
 and Cleisthenes of Sicjon, conquer Cirrha, and 
 institute prizes for the gymnastic contest at Pytho. 
 Gylidas Archon (Prytanis) at Delphi, b. L ch. 8. 
 §2. 
 
 Nebrus and Chrysus the Asclepiadae of Cos. 
 
 Sacadas, the Argive flute-player, victorious in this 
 and the two following Pythian games. Hierax, 
 also an Argive flute-player, probably his contem- 
 porary, b. IV. ch. 6. § 8. Second epoch of music 
 at Sparta, b. IV. ch. 6. § 3. 
 
 Arcesilaus I. king of Cyrene. 
 588. 48. Glaucias of Croton. 
 
 4. Death of Periander, b. I. ch. 8. § 3. 
 
 Damophon, son of Pantaleon, tyrant of Pisa, makes 
 war upon Elis. 
 584. 49. Lycinus of Croton. Cleisthenes of Sicyon victo- 
 rious in the chariot race ; he invites the suitors of 
 his daughter Agariste.* 
 
 2. Megacles, son of Alcmaeon, marries Agariste. 
 
 3. Second Pythian games, first dyuy an^xylrns. 
 Diodorus Archon (Prytanis) at Delphi. Cleis- 
 thenes victorious with the quadriga.^ 
 
 • This victory cannot well be 
 placed earlier, because Megacles, 
 who was a party leader at Athens, 
 from about the 54th to the 60th 
 Olympiad, could have hardly come 
 forward as a suitor before this time, 
 (the other Athenian suitor, Hippo- 
 elides, was archon in Olymp. 53. 3.) ; 
 nor later, because the Cypselidae 
 were not then in power, as is evident 
 from Herod. VI. 128. 
 
 ^ On the computation of the Py- 
 thiads, see Boeckh. Expl. Pindar. 
 Olymp. XII. p. 206. It does not 
 
 however seem probable, as Boeckh 
 supposes, that the ayuv ^^^^fifiarlrns 
 took place in Olymp. 48. 3. : but I 
 suspect that Pausanias, knowing 
 practically that the Pythiads were to 
 be counted from 01. 48. 3, placed 
 the first Pythiad in this year ; not 
 perceiving that the first Pythiad was 
 an hvatrv^ts, or octennial period, as 
 is evident from the Parian marble; 
 whence in the argument to the Py- 
 thians, for yutra x^^^^* t^airv, I would 
 correct hmirn ; although the fault, if 
 it be a fault, is of old standing. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 455 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 The Cypselidao expelled from Corinth, b. L ch. ». 
 
 Restoration of the Isthmian games, accordmg to 
 
 Solinus. 
 
 * Lacedes king of Argos, b. IIL ch. 6. § 10. 
 
 580. 50. Epitelidas the Lacmiian. 
 
 Lipara peopled from Cnidos, b. L ch. 6. 
 
 * Periander, tyrant of Ambracia, banished, b. IIL 
 
 ch. 9. § 6. 
 Conquest of Orneap by Argos, b. I. ch. 7. ad fin. 
 Pyrrhus, son of Pantaleon, tyrant of Pisa, at war 
 
 with Elis. The victorious Eleans destroy Pisa, 
 
 Scillus, Macistus, Dyspontium, and extend their 
 
 dominion towards Triphylia.^ 
 Dipoenus and Scyllis the Cretan descendants of 
 
 Daedalus, in Peloponnesus. 
 Cleobulus, son of Evagoras, a Heraclide, governor 
 
 of Lindus, a lyric poet and seer.^ Riddles of 
 
 Cleobulina, b. IV. ch. 8. §4. 
 576. 51. Eratosthenes of Croton. 
 
 3. Pythocritus of Sicyon victorious in flute-playing 
 at this and the five following Pythiads, b. IV. ch. 
 6. §5. 
 
 ^ Orchomenos, p. 374, where for 
 60 write 50. As some misapprehen- 
 sions have arisen on the passages 
 relating to this event, 1 may be per- 
 mitted to make the following re- 
 marks. I. The three passages of 
 Pausanias, V. 63. V. 10. 2. VI. 22. 
 2. on the a.yaffT'zffn of the Pisans, 
 evidently refer to the same event ; 
 and consequently the st'Ctind of them 
 should be interpreted thus : " the 
 "• statue of Jupiter is made from the 
 *' plunder gained at the time when the 
 -' Eleans overcame Pisa.'' This is 
 tlie explanation of Dodwell. Annal. 
 Thuc. p. 137. otherwise Voelckel, 
 Leber denTempel des Olympischen 
 Jupiters, p. 6. Krue^ier de Xenoph. 
 Vita. II. In Strabo VIIL p. 35'), C. 
 the i(r;^a.rn Ka.ra.'kuaii raiv miff^rrtviMV 
 cannot be the war of Olymp. 81; since 
 the Pisans could neither have had the 
 
 management of the games^at that 
 time, nor any Nestoriilae been in ex- 
 istence at Pylos. Kut he must mean 
 the subjugation of Messenia after the 
 30th Olympiad, after which time the 
 Lacedaemonians perhaps assisted the 
 Eleans in gradually weakenhig Pisa, 
 until in the 50th Olympiad it became 
 completely subject. A more precise 
 date for the distinction of Pisa may 
 be gathered from the strange state- 
 ment of the catalogue of the Olym- 
 piad in Kusebius according to Afri- 
 canus,that the Pisans celebrateil the 
 30th and the 22 following Olympiads 
 (vid. ad Ol. 30) ; if we understand 
 it to mean that the Pisans had a share 
 in the celebration of the Olympiads 
 until their destruction. According 
 to this, Pisa was destroyed in Olymp. 
 
 52. 
 
 'I Diog. Laert. I. 98. 
 
APP. VI. 
 
 456 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 B.C. Ol. 
 
 The family of the tyrants banished from Sicyon, 
 
 b. L ch.8. §2. 
 Battus IL king of Cyrene. Enlargement of the 
 Cyrenaean territory. 
 * Susarion of Tripodiscus, a comic jx>et in the Attic 
 Icaria. (Marm. Par.) 
 572. 52. Agis of Elis. 
 568. 53. Agnoyi of Peparethus. 
 
 2. Argos conquers Nemea, and celebrates the first 
 winter festival of the Nemean games noticed by 
 chronologists. 
 
 3. Eugammon, the epic poet, in Cyrene. (Euseb.) 
 
 4. Phalaris of Astypala^a, tyrant of Agrigentum, 
 (Euseb. Hieron; Olymp. 52. 3. Cod. Arm.) b. 
 IIL ch.9. §8. 
 
 4. Stesichorus, the lyric poet of Himera flourishes. 
 564. 54. Hippostratus of Crotcm. 
 
 iEsop of Cotyae, pursuant to the sentence of the 
 court of the temple at Delphi, is precipitated from 
 the Phaedriadian rocks of Hyampeia. (Suidas.) 
 
 * Anaxandridas the Agid. 
 
 560. 55. Hippostratus for the second time. 
 
 2. Death of Stesichorus, Euseb. according to Sui- 
 das, Olymp. 56. 
 
 * Meltas, son of Lacedes, king of Argos, deposed. 
 The family of the Heraclides expires,*" and ^gon, 
 of another family, obtains the royal dignity, b. IIL 
 ch. 6. § 7. 
 
 556. 56. Phcedrus of Pharsalus. 
 
 1. Cheilon Ephor at Lacedaemon, (above, p. 115. 
 note 8.) 
 
 3. Camarina destroyed by the Syracusans. 
 552. 57. Ladromus the Laconian. 
 
 * In later times, however, a certain 
 T. Statilius Lamprias, the son of 
 Timocrates Meaunianus derives his 
 origin from Perseus (throuj^h Her- 
 cules) and the Dioscuri, Boeckh. 
 Corp. luscript. No. 1124; as also a 
 M. Aurelius Aristocrates, the son of 
 
 Damaenetus, hereditary priest of Her- 
 cules and the Dioscuri at Sparta, 
 declares that he is descended from 
 Hercules in the 'ISth, and from the 
 Dioscuri in the 44lh geneiation, ibid. 
 No. 1353, and see Boeckh on No. 
 1340. 
 
 CHRONOLOnifAL TABLES. 457 
 
 B.C. ol. , 1 ir 
 
 3. Phalaris overthrown by Telemarhus the Lmme- 
 
 nide. Orchomenos, p. 338. 
 Alcmanes becomes king of Agrigentum. 
 * Ariston the Eurypontid. 
 548. 58. Diognetm of Croton. 
 
 L The temple at Pytho burnt, (Pausan. Euseb.) 
 The Amphictyons appoint the Alcmaeonidae to 
 rebuild it: Spintharus the Corinthian is the 
 
 architect. 
 The Spartans find the bones of Orestes, (Solinus I. 
 
 90.) and defeat the Tegeates, b. L ch. 7. § 12. 
 * Battle of the 300 at Thyrea.^ 
 544. 59 . Archilochus of CoTcyra. Praxidamas of ^.gina 
 amquers in the boxing match, and dedicates the 
 first statue of a wrestler at Olympia. The iEgi- 
 netan school of brass-founders begins to flourish 
 (Callon) ; contemporary we find the Spartan artists 
 Dorvcleidas, Dontas, Chartas, Syadras, Gitiadas, 
 
 (Sec. 
 
 540. 60. Apellce-us of Elis. 
 
 * Victory of the Megarians and Argives over 
 
 Corinth.^ vol. I. p. 98, note ^ 
 Pythagoras at Croton. Aristocleia, Pythian pnest- 
 
 ess. Leo tyrant of Phlius. 
 536.61. Agatharchus of Corcyra. 
 532 62. Eryxias of Chalcis. Milo of Croton victorious in 
 
 wrestling, perhaps the first of his six victories. 
 528. 63. Parmenides of Camarina. (This town was how- 
 
 ever at this time in ruins.) 
 
 f That Pausanias (III. 7. 5.) errs 
 greatly in assigning this battle to 
 the reign of Theoporapus (about 
 Olymp. 2—16.) is proved by his own 
 statement that Penlaus, the son of 
 the Argive warrior Alcenor, was a 
 conqueror at the Nemean games 
 (b. l.ch. 7. §16) ; for no conquerors 
 at those games are mentioned be- 
 fore Olymp. 53. Plutarch Lac 
 Apophth. p. '233, states that the battle 
 took place in the reign of Polydorus 
 
 (about Olymp. 7— 17.), Solinus VII. 
 9. in Olymp. 10. 4. 737 B C. 
 
 8 To this war, which must be 
 placed about Olymp. 60, should pro- 
 bably be referred the inscription on 
 the helmet found at Olympia, which 
 formed part of a trophy, Corp. In- 
 script. 20. 29. cf. Addend, p. 885. 
 
 TAPrfujOl ANESEN TOI Alfl TON 
 
 KOPiNeoeEN. 
 
\ 
 
 APP. VI. 
 
 456 CHROxNOLOGiCAL TABLES. 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 The family of the tyrants banished from Sicyon, 
 b. I. ch. 8. § 2. 
 
 Battus 11. king of Cyrene. Enlargement of the 
 Cyrenaean territory. 
 * Susarion of Tripodiscus, a comic poet in the Attic 
 Icaria. (Marm. Par.) 
 572. 52. Agis of Elis. 
 568. 53. Agnon of Peparethus. 
 
 2. Argos conquers Nemea, and celebrates the first 
 wmter festival of the Nemean games noticed by 
 chronologists. 
 
 3. Eugammon, the epic poet, in Cyrene. (Euseb.) 
 
 4. Phalaris of Astypalaea, tyrant of Agrigentum, 
 (Euseb. Hieron ; Olymp. 52. 3. Cod. Arm ) b. 
 III. ch.9. §8. 
 
 4. Stesichorus, the lyric poet of Himera flourishes. 
 564. 54. Hippostratus of Croton. 
 
 iEsop of Cotyae, pursuant to the sentence of the 
 court of the temple at Delphi, is precipitated from 
 the Phaedriadian rocks of Hyampeia. (Suidas.) 
 
 * Anaxandridas the Agid. 
 
 560. 55. Hippostratus for the second time. 
 
 2. Death of Stesichorus, Euseb. according to Sui- 
 das, Olymp. 56. 
 
 * Meltas, son of Lacedes, king of Argos, deposed. 
 The family of the Heraclides expires,'^ and ^gon, 
 of another family, obtains the royal dignity, b. HI. 
 ch. 6. § 7. 
 
 556. 56. Phcedrus of Pharsalus. 
 
 1. Cheilon Ephor at Lacedapmon, (above, p. 115. 
 note 8.) 
 
 3. Camarina destroyed by the Syracusans. 
 552. 57. Ladromus the Laconian. 
 
 * In later times, iiowever, a certain 
 T. Statilius Lamprias, the son of 
 Timocrates Memmianus derives his 
 origin from Perseus (through Her- 
 cules) and the Dioscuri, Bofckh. 
 Corp. Inscnpt. No. 1124 ; as also a 
 M. Aurelius Aristocrates, the son of 
 
 Damaenetus, hereditary priest of Her- 
 cules and the Dioscuri at Sparta, 
 declares that he is descended from 
 Hercules* in the 48th, and from the 
 Dioscuri in the 44th ^'eneiation, ibid. 
 No. 1353, and see Boeckh on No. 
 1340. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 457 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 3. Phalaris overthrown by Telemachus the Emme- 
 nide. Orchomenos, p. 338. 
 Alcmanes becomes king of Agrigentum. 
 
 * Ariston the Eiirypontid. 
 548. 58. Diognetus of Croton. 
 
 L The temple at Pytho burnt, (Pausan. Euseb.) 
 The Amphictyons appoint the Alcmaeonidae to 
 rebuild it: Spintharus the Corinthian is the 
 
 architect. 
 The Spartans find the bones of Orestes, (Solinus L 
 90.) and defeat the Tegeates, b. L ch. 7. § 1*2. 
 
 * Battle of the 300 at Thyrea.^ 
 
 544. 59. Archilochus of Corcyra. Praxidamas of ^gina 
 conquers in the boxing match, and dedicates the 
 first statue of a wrestler at Olympia. The Mgi- 
 netan school of brass-founders begins to flourish 
 (Callon) ; contemporary we find the Spartan artists 
 Dorvcleidas, Dontas, Chartas, Syadras, Gitiadas, 
 
 &c. 
 
 540. 60. Apellceus of Elis. 
 
 ♦ Victory of the Megarians and Argives over 
 
 Corinth.^ vol. I. p. 98, noteK 
 Pythagoras at Croton. Aristocleia, Pythian priest- 
 ess. Leo tyrant of Phlius. 
 
 536. 61. Agatharchus of Corcyra. 
 
 532. 62. Eryxms of Chalcis. Milo of Croton victorious in 
 
 wrestling, perhaps the first of his six victories. 
 
 528. 63. Parmenides of Camarina. (This town was how- 
 
 ever at this time in ruins.) 
 
 f That Pausanias (III. 7. 5.) errs 
 greatly in assigning this battle to 
 the reign of Theopompus (about 
 Olymp. 2—16.) is proved by his own 
 statement that Penlaus, the son of 
 the Argive warrior Alcenor, was a 
 conqueror at the Nemean games 
 (b.l.ch. 7. §16) ; for no conquerors 
 a; those games are mentioned be- 
 fore Olymp. 53. Plutarch Lac. 
 Apophth. p. 233, states that the battle 
 took place in the reign of Poly dor us 
 
 (about Olymp. 7— 17.), Solinus VII. 
 9.in01ymp. 10. 4.737 BC. 
 
 K To this war, which must be 
 placed about Olymp. 60, should pro- 
 bably be referred the inscription un 
 the helmet found at Olympia, which 
 formed part of a trophy, Corp. In- 
 script. 20. 29. cf. Addend, p. 885. 
 
 TAPrrsijOl ANEeEN TOI Alfl TON 
 KOPINeoeEN. 
 
 I 
 
458 CHROXof.OCJCAT. TABLES. app vi 
 
 B.C. Ol. 
 
 ♦ Naval expedition of the Peloj)onnesians against Po- 
 ♦ Ijcrates of Samos, b. I. ch. 8. § 5. 
 
 524. 64. Evander the Thessalian. 
 
 Cleomenes the Agid. Dorieus goes to Libya. The 
 great victory of Cleomenes over Argos, (according 
 to Pausanias, see b. L ch. 8. § 6 ; but comp. b. II L 
 ch. 4. § 2.) ^ 
 
 520. 65. Acochas (read Anochus) of Tarentum. Demaretus 
 of Heraea the first conqueror as a heavy-armed 
 runner (HopUtodromem) ; Eutelidas and Chryso- 
 themis the Argives make statues of him and his 
 son Theopompus. 
 L Cleomenes refers the Plataeans to Athens, (vol I 
 
 p. 190, note^ B. I. ch. 9. §5..) 
 2. The iEginetans colonize Cydonia. 
 Dorieus goes to Sicily, and founds Heraclea, but 
 ^lls m a battle against the Carthaginians and 
 Egestapans. Euryleon of Sparta succeeds Peitha- 
 goras on the throne of Selinus.^ 
 
 * The ancient constitution of Sicyon restored, b. I. 
 
 ch. 8. § 5. 
 
 516.66. Ischyrus of Himera. Cleosthenes of Epidamnus 
 
 conquers in the chariot race. Ageladas of Argos 
 makes a statue of the latter and Anochus, victo- 
 rious in Olymp. 65. 
 
 Aristophylidas tyrant of Tarentum, b. I. ch 8 
 § 15. 
 
 512.67. Phanas of Pellene. 
 
 1. Pretended maritime sovereignty of the Lacedae- 
 monians. Eusebius. 
 
 3. Cleomenes expels the Peisistratidee from Athens. 
 (Thuc. VI. 59.) 
 
 Lygdamis of Naxos is deposed at the same time 
 b. I. ch. 8. § 5.' 
 
 ^ Herod. V. 46. cf. Plutarch Tv it i 
 
 curj..20. That Dorieus d.dTotfitht fv, ^^^^'^*"^«"'?" envoys to this 
 
 ' 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 459 
 
 B.C.ol. 
 
 The Crotoniats under Milo defeat the Sybarites, 
 and destroy Sybaris. 
 Dissension at Croton respecting the division of the 
 
 territory. 
 * Demaratus the Eurypontid. 
 
 508. 68. Ischomachus of Croton. 
 
 1. Cleomenes expels Cleisthenes and supports the 
 aristocracy of Athens; Isagoras archon. Insur- 
 rection at Athens, and recall of Cleisthenes. 
 
 3. Third expedition of Cleomenes against Athens ; 
 dispute with Demaratus. 
 
 4. Cleandrus tyrant at Gela, b. III. ch. 9. § 8. 
 League of ^gina and Thebes against Athens. 
 
 504. 69. Ischomachus for the second time. 
 1. Ionia revolts. 
 Overthrow of the Pythagorean league, b. UL ch. 9. 
 
 & 15 
 Cleinias tyrant of Croton. Dion. Hal. Exc. p. 2358. 
 
 ed. Reiske. 
 500. 70. Nicias of Opus, Thersias the Thessalian the first 
 conqueror with the d'jrriv'n. 
 
 1. Pratinas of Phlius, a satyric poet at Athens. 
 
 2. Death of Pythagoras, according to Eusebius. 
 
 Cod. Arm. 
 
 3. Conquest of Miletus (according to Petavius, 
 Olymp. 71. 2.; according to Corsini), compare 
 Thucyd. IV. 102. with Herod. V. 126. 
 
 Hippocrates tyrant of Gela, b. III. ch. 9. §8. 
 
 4. The Samians, at the invitation of Anaxilaus, ty- 
 rant of Rhegium, conquer Zancle. Sythes of 
 Zancle goes to Persia, and receives the sovereignty 
 of Cos from the king, vol. L p. 187. note^ b. III. 
 
 ch. 9. § 2. 
 The Byzantians found Mesambria.'^ 
 Lasus of Hermione flourishes as a lyric poet. 
 496. 7 1 . Ti^krates of Croton. Pataecus of Dyme first con- 
 
 k According to Herod. VI. 33. See b. I. ch. 6. ^9. 
 
460 
 
 B.C. ol 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 APP. VI. 
 
 quers in the xaX^ro, ; the elder Empedocles, son 
 of Exaenetus of Agrigentum, XEXnrf: 
 
 ^4. The iEginetans give earth and water to Darius. 
 
 * The Geomori expelled from Syracuse, b III ch 9 
 
 §7. 
 
 Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium, subdues Zancle, and 
 changes its name to Messana.' 
 492. 72. Tisicrates of Croton for the second time. 
 
 1. * Hippocrates of Gela defeats the Syracusans on 
 
 the river Helorus, and restores Camarina. 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, at ^gina. 
 . Leotychidas king in the room of Demaratus ; Cleo- 
 
 menes with him in iEgina a second time. 
 2. Gelon, tyrant of Gela. 
 
 Cleomenes banished from Sparta- returns, and 
 dies raving mad ; succeeded by Leonidas. 
 
 Demaratus goes, after the Gymnopa^dia, in the be- 
 ginning of summer, to Persia. 
 
 War between iEgina and Athens. 
 
 3. Battle of Marathon. 
 
 The Spartans arrive at Athens on the 19th of 
 
 Metageitnion (Carneius), immediately after the 
 battle. 
 
 4. Panyasis of Rhodes, the epic poet. (Euseb.) " 
 488. 73. Astylus of Croton. Gelon victorious in the chariot 
 
 race : Hieron xiXnrt. 
 1. Theron tyrant of Agrigentum. 
 4. Gelon takes Syracuse, b. III. eh. 9. § 7.«^ 
 
 » Perhaps in Olymp. 71. 3. in 
 which case Diodorus XI. 48. has cou- 
 founded Anaxilas' government of 
 Messana with his government of 
 Rhegium. 
 
 " The oration of the supposed 
 Thessalus, in Epist. Hippocrat. p. 
 1294. ed. Foes, states, that « the king 
 " of Persia demanded earth and 
 " water (493 B. C), which theCoans 
 " refused (contrary to Herod. VI. 49.) ; 
 * that upon this he gave the island 
 " of Cos to Artemisia to be wasted. 
 
 " Artemisia was shipwrecked, but 
 " afterwards conquered the island 
 " During the first war (490 B. C.), 
 " Cadmus and Hippolochus governed 
 " the city ; which the former quitted 
 " when Artemisia took the jslandi'* 
 "> The fall of this town was pre- 
 ceded by a great plague, according 
 to Diomedes, p. 484. ed. Putsch, who 
 mentions Hiero instead of Gelo. It 
 is to this time that Corsini, Fast. Att. 
 II. 1. p. 110, refers the elegy of The- 
 ognis to those who had escaped the 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 461 
 
 Cadmus, son of Sythes, tyrant of Cos, returns to 
 Messana, accompanied by Epicharmus. 
 
 Artemisia, daughter of Lygdamis, takes Cos, and 
 reigns at Halicarnassus, Nisyrus, and Calydna." 
 
 Canachus, brass-founder of Sicyon, flourishes. 
 484. 74. Astylus as a Syracusan. 
 
 1. Herodotus born, according to Pamphila. 
 
 Gelon destroys Camarina, Herod. VII. 156. Schol. 
 
 Find. Ol. V. 19. 
 
 2. Gelon conquers Megara, (vol. I. p. 135 note ^) 
 and strengthens Syracuse with the population of 
 the ruined cities. On this occasion Epicharmus, 
 who had formerly lived at Megara, appears to 
 have come to Syracuse. 
 
 Theognis, the elegiac poet, still composes at an ad- 
 vanced age. 
 4 From the beginning of the year to summer, 
 Xerxes' march from Sardis to Thermopylae. For- 
 mation of a Grecian confederacy. Embassy of 
 the Greeks to Gelon. (See Appendix IV.) 
 480. 75. Astylus as a Syracusan for the second time. 
 
 1. Battle of Thermopylae at the same time with the 
 
 Olympic festival. 
 Pleistarchus the Agid, Cleombrotus his Trpohxo,. 
 After the Carnean festival, the Spartans, with the 
 
 rest of the Peloponnesians, encamp at the Isthmus. 
 Battle of Salamis on the 20th of Boedromion. 
 Gelon and Theron defeat the Carthaginians on the 
 
 Himeras. 
 
 Cleombrotus leads the army back from the Isthmus 
 after the echpse of the sun (2d Octob.), and dies 
 not long after, Herod. IX. 10. ^ 
 
 Pausanias succeeds as regent, and with Euryanax 
 
 .,e«e of .he S,,acusan. ™e— ;» ^^ 'Z'^ZrrtC^ 
 
 Suidas m eteym. It appears pro i'*^ h b 
 
 bable that in the words lii rotf <r«- party. u 7 x 2. 
 
 6Uai T«» :Lv^aK»u<rl^^ [v rv ^oX.o^'^sa, Vunanax'was the son of Do- 
 
 ashghttranspoMtiunshouidbemade, jj^^^^^^^^^^^ Herod. IX. 10. 
 
 ^•1 
 1 
 
462 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Ol. 
 
 CHROXOLOGICAL TABLES 
 
 A pp. VI. 
 
 the Agid advances to meet Mardonius in the 
 month Thargelion or Scirophorion. 
 2. Battles of Plataea and Mjca/e (in Metageit- 
 nionj). Pausanias's Greek confederacy. Sur- 
 render of Thebes. 
 Chrjsis priestess of Juno at Argos. 
 
 3. Hieron at Syracuse. 
 Pausanias in the north of Greece. 
 
 4. Hieron defends Locri against Anaxilaus, b. IV- 
 ch. 7. § 4. 
 
 Pausanias on his return, brings the bones of Leo- 
 nidas to Sp,irta. ^ 
 
 47fi 7A V'^'^'T "^ ^'^'^^ ^ 1^"'= »nd comic poet. 
 476. 76. Scamander of Myfilene. Theron victorious in the 
 chariot race. 
 
 1. Death of Anasilaus. Pausanias commander of 
 the Greeks m Cyprus. 
 
 Victory of Hieron over the Etruscans at Cuma, 
 and at the Pythian games in the chariot race, 
 i ausanias takes Byzantium 
 4. Death of Theron. Thrasyd^us expelled from 
 Syracuse, b. HI. ch. 9. § 8 
 
 -. The population of Elis collected into one town. 
 Diodor.XI. 54. Strabo VHI. 836. B. HI ch 4 
 
 The allies in Asia refuse to follow Pausanias, ac 
 cording to Dodweirs Ann. Thucyd 
 S^Expedition of Leotychidas against the Aleuad^ 
 Dorcis commander of the Spartans in Asia. As-' 
 sessment of Aristides. 
 
 But why was he not kin^r before Leo- 
 nidas, If Dorieus was the eldest son 
 of Anaxandridas ? Perhaps because 
 a Herachde who left his native coun- 
 try lost his right to the throne. Plut 
 Agesil. II. 
 
 ., '' 2? *^e unfortunate skirmish of 
 the Megarians and Phliasians with 
 
 theTheban cavalry (Herod. IX. 69 ^ 
 see the splendid eulogium contained 
 m the Meganan epigram. Boeckh. 
 Corp. Inscnpt. N". 1050. Mus. Crit. 
 Cant. vol. II. p. 616. 
 
 q InPausan. III. 14. 1. I correct 
 Tiffffet^fftv for Ticr^nc^^^oyrcc, which I 
 
 cannot reconcile with the time- 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABEIS. 46» 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 4. Leotychidas goes into exile at Tegea, vol. L p. 
 189. note '. p. 207- note '. Archidamus the Eu- 
 
 rypontid."" 
 The Spartans determine to send no more com- 
 manders into Asia. Pausanias goes in his own 
 trireme to Byzantium, and there meditates treason. 
 War in Peloponnesus between Sparta and the Ar- 
 cadians. 
 Epicharmus the comic poet flourishes. 
 468. 78. Parmenides of Poseidoma. Hieron victorious in 
 the chariot race. 
 
 * Pausanias dies in the temple of Minerva Chal- 
 
 cioecus. 
 Death of Hieron. 
 
 * Arcesilaus IV. of Cyrene conquers in the chariot 
 
 race of Pytho. 
 Thrasybulus expelled from Syracuse. Democracy 
 established there, b. III. ch. 9. § 7. 
 
 * The ayos Taivocpiov-^ 
 
 4. Earthquake at Sparta; revolt of the Messenian 
 
 helots. 
 
 * Lygdamis, son of Pisindelis, uncle of Artemisia, ty- 
 
 rant of Halicarnassus, kills Panyasis. Herodotus 
 leaves his native town. 
 Onatas, the head of the iEginetan school of sculp- 
 ture, flourishes. 
 464. 79. Xenophon of Corinth. Diagoras of Rhodes in the 
 boxing match. 
 1. Battle of Ithome, and siege of the fortress, to 
 which the Spartans summon the allies. 
 The Argives destroy Mycenae, and other adjacent 
 places, b. I. ch. 8. § 7. 
 
 r The statements of Diodorus XL 
 48. on the length of both these prin- 
 ces' reigns are (juite correct ; but are 
 inserted in a wrong place. According 
 to Plutarch, Ciraon. c. 6. the earth- 
 quake was m the 4th year of Archi- 
 
 damus (Olymp. 78. 3. 466 B. C). 
 Fav.sanias, IV. 24. 2. places it, pretty 
 accurately, in the 79th Olympiad. 
 Diodorus mcorrectly in Olymp. 77. 4. 
 the first year of Archidamus. 
 ■ Vol. i. p. 208, note \ 
 
464 f'lIROXOLOGICAL TABLES. a...- v, 
 
 B.C. Ol ' 
 
 Re-establlshment of the ancient government in the 
 towns of Sicily, b. ill. ch. 9. § 7. 
 
 a After the termination of the Thasian war 
 (Thud. 101. Plutarch Cimon. 14.) Cimon leads 
 Athenian auxiliaries to Sparta; which however 
 are soon dismissed; on which Athens dissolves 
 the alliance with Sparta, and forms one with 
 Argos. 
 
 4. The Geloans restore Camarina. (Diodorus.) 
 * Megara withdraws from the Peloponnesian alliance, 
 and joins that of Athens. 
 Pleistarchus dies about this time. Pleistoanax the 
 Agid ; Nicomedes his irpohKos} 
 460. 80. Torymbas the Thessalian. Arcesilaus of Cjrene in 
 the chariot race. 
 3. Sparta undertakes an expedition against Phocis 
 in behalf of the Doric Tetrapolis. 
 In the spring, war of Athens with the maritime 
 powers of Peloponnesus. Battles at Haliae and 
 Cecryphalea. 
 
 In Munjchion. The Pythian games. Aristome- 
 nes of ^gina victorious. 
 
 Pindar's eighth Pythian ode may be referred to this 
 time. 
 
 The ^ginetans are defeated by the Athenians, and 
 .^gina besieged. 
 
 The Peloponnesians attempt to relieve the island, 
 and encounter the Athenians in the Megarid. 
 4. League of the Spartans on their return with 
 Thebes. 
 
 Victory of the Spartans and Thebans over the 
 
 Athenians and Argives at Tanagra. 
 Four months' truce between Sparta and Athens. 
 
 Ill ^^^'i'*^l?pr^ according to Paus. was a girl of 8 or 9 years, when Aris- 
 
 III 5. 1., d.ed a short time after he tagoras attempted to induce Snar^t 
 
 had become king, and therefore not to join the Ionic revolt Hei^d V 
 
 much above the age of 30. His 51 "eiuu. v. 
 
 motl.er Gorgo, the wife of Leonidaa, 
 
 ' 
 
 ' 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 465 
 
 B.C. ol. 
 
 Expedition of Myronides (sixty days after the battle 
 of Tanagra) and victory at Coronea. 
 
 .^gina surrenders in the spring, after a siege of 
 nine monihs. 
 
 The race of the princes of Cyrene liecomes extinct 
 after the 80th Olympiad, b. III. ch. 9. § 13. 
 456. 81. Polymnastus of Cyrene. 
 
 1. Expedition of Tolmides against the coasts of 
 Peloponnesus. 
 
 2. Ithome surrenders; treaty between Sparta and 
 the Arcadians ; Messenians at Naupactus. 
 
 Proceedings of Pericles in the Crisaean gulph. 
 * 3. Petalismus established at Syracuse, b. III. ch. 9. 
 
 552. 82. Lyons the Thessalian. 
 
 Thirty years' truce between Sparta and Argos 
 (Thuc. V. 14.) ; five years' truce with Athens.* 
 4. The Lacedaemonians restore the independence of 
 Delphi ; the Athenians again reduce it under the 
 yoke of the Phocians. 
 
 448. 83. Crison of Him era* 
 
 3. The Megarians throw off their dependence upon 
 Athens, and defeat the Athenians at Nisaea, b. III. 
 ch. 9. § 10." Pleistonax invades Attica, but re- 
 treats without any reason. 
 
 The elder Andocides and nine other embassadors 
 
 from Athens at Sparta. 
 Thirty years' truce between Athens and Sparta in 
 
 the winter of this year. Colony of the allied 
 
 Greeks at Thurii. 
 
 4. Pleistonax leaves Sparta. He is succeeded by 
 his son Pausanias, still an infant, and Cleomenes 
 is appointed regent. 
 
 444. 84. Crison for the second time. 
 
 * The younger Empedocles, grandson of the elder, 
 
 * According to the calculation of u ft is to this that the oflR rings of 
 
 Thucydides. See Corsini Fast. Att. the Megarians are referred, mentioned 
 II. 1. p. 207. in vol. I. p. 195, note k. 
 
 VOL. 11. 
 
 2h 
 
APP. VI. 
 
 466 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES 
 
 B.C. Ol. 
 
 and son of Melon, presides over tjie state of Agri- 
 gentum, h. TIL ch. 9. § 8. 
 Ljgdamis, tyrant of Halicarnassus, overthrown by 
 Herodotus and the Samians, Suidas. 
 440. 85. Crison for the third time. 
 436. 86. Theopompus the Thessalian. 
 
 L Epidamnus applies to Corinth for assistance 
 
 against its banished citizens. 
 2. The Corinthians defeated by the Corcyraeans. 
 I and I Preparations of Corinth. Defensive league 
 
 of Corcyra with Athens. 
 4. Cleandridas exiled from Sparta, founds Heraclea 
 with Tarentines, b. IIL ch. 10. § IL 
 Second sea-fight between Corinth and Corcyra. 
 Defection of Potida?a from the alliance of Athens. 
 432. 87. Sophron of Amhracia. Dorieus, son of Diagoras, 
 victorious in the Pancration. 
 \. iEnesias Ephor Eponymus at Sparta, Sthene- 
 
 laidas one of the others. 
 Lacedaemon with its confederates determines upon 
 
 war with Athens. 
 In the beginning of the spring the Thebans attempt 
 to surprise Plataea. 
 The Peloponnesians before CEnoe. 
 Brasidas Ephor. The Peloponnesians (in the 
 middle of June) invade the territory of Eleusis 
 and the Thriasian plain. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 When the Roman numeral is omitted the first volume is mt'airt. 
 
 ABDERA, 244 
 
 Abia, nurse of Glenus, 58 
 Acanthus of Lacedeemon, ii. 
 
 272 
 Achaeans, 12. retire to the coast 
 
 of the Peloponneee and Attica, 
 
 71 
 Achaean Phratria at Sparta, 52 
 Achaia described, 80 
 Acosmia, ii. 136 
 Acrisius, 397 
 Acte, 90 
 Acyphas, 40. 43 
 Admetus, 224. 327 
 Adonis, 406 
 iEacidaj, 20 
 vEgidse, 102. 362 
 vEgys, 104 
 
 iEgimiusof Hesiod, 31. ii. 12 
 iEgina, constitution, ii. 150. 
 
 money, ii. 222. character, ii. 
 
 412 
 ^ginetan drachma, ii. 109. 
 iEgoneia, 42 
 y^neas, 242. founder of Rome, 
 
 243 
 ^nianes, 48. 278 
 ^ohs, ii. 65 
 i^^pytus, 110, 111 
 i^pytidae, ib. 
 i^sculapius, 297. 328. 407. 
 
 worship of, 114 
 iEtolians, 234. connected with 
 
 the Eleans, 68 
 Agaeus, 90 
 
 Agrigentum, constitution of, ii. 
 
 168 
 ^'"TYiQ^ 5. ii. 301. 
 Alcacus, 285 
 Alcestis, 414 
 
 Alcman, date of,ii. 328. ii. 380 
 
 Aletes, 94 
 
 aXridEia, 343 
 
 Aletiadae, 9 i 
 
 Aleuadae, 121 
 
 aX/o, ii. 88 
 
 Almopia, 458. 469 
 
 Alpenus, 42 
 
 Alpheus, 74. 379 
 
 Althamenes, 98. 
 
 Altis, 271 
 
 Amazons, 390 
 
 Ambracia,constitutionof,ii. 158 
 
 Ambracian bay, 7 
 
 Ametor, ii. 381 
 
 Amnisus, 227 
 
 Amphanaea, 42 
 
 Amphicaea, 38 
 
 Amphictyonic league, 279 
 
 Amphilochus, 125 
 
 Amphipolus, 394. ii. 166 
 
 d/i7rtrrapec, ii- 35 
 
 Amyclae, 101 
 
 Anactorium, 130 
 
 Anaphe, 116 
 
 Anaxilas, 164 
 
 Andania, religious ceremonies 
 
 of, restored by Epaminondas, 
 
 111 
 Angites, 453 
 Antaeus, 442 
 Anthes, 118 
 Antiphemus, 122 
 Antiphus, 419 
 Apaturia, festival of, 91 
 aTTEyiavTKTjddcy 341 
 Aphamiotae, ii. 51 
 Aphidnae, 167. 431 
 'AttcXXo;* , 312 
 Aphrodite, 322. 405 
 
 2 H 2 
 
 M 
 
4f:8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Apollo, etymology of the name, 
 311 
 
 ayvuvQ, 310. 363 
 
 -— aKrjaiog, 307 
 
 oXe^iicaKog, 307 
 
 oiTrorpoTratoc, 308 
 
 of Belvidere, 368 
 
 of Calamis, 366 
 
 of Canachus, ibid. ii. 383 
 
 Citharoedus, 368 
 
 yEviriop, 302 
 
 ^EKarricpopoQi 247 
 
 Delphinius, 227. 245 
 
 eXeXevq, 309 
 
 ETTlKOVpiOg, 307 
 
 kpEfflOQy 248 
 
 Erythibius, 238. 299 
 
 Gryneus, 247 
 
 larpOQy 308 
 
 KapyElog, 360 
 
 Kterceve, 361 
 
 KaraiftrKTiog, 307 
 
 \£(r')(^r]p6pio£, 263 
 
 Xettltv^vloq^ 248 
 
 XoLyLLOQ, 308 
 
 of the Lvcseum, 368 
 
 Lycius, 240. 313 
 
 Malloeis, 248 
 
 vaTratof, ibid. 
 
 vEO^TfyioQ 299 
 
 Nomius, 295 
 
 of Onatas, 366 
 
 TracTTrapiog, 240 
 
 ■ Trarp^oc, 257- 263 
 
 Philesius, 245 
 
 TTpoarrar-qQ, 308 
 
 Trpocrrarrjpiog, ibid. 
 
 Pythaeus, 93. 267 
 
 lliiydEiog, 240. 298 
 
 Thyrxeus, 238 
 
 Apollonia, 131. in Crete, 227. 
 
 283. constitution of, ii. 160 
 Apophthegms, ii. 386 
 Arcadia, 75 
 Arcadians, 197 
 Architecture, Doric, style of, ii. 
 
 269 
 Areopagus, 340 
 Ares, 406 
 
 Arethusa, 380 
 
 Argos, colonies, 112. constitu- 
 tion, ii. 145. courts of justice, 
 ii. 229. history, 169. 172. 
 175. 190. 197. kings, ii. 111. 
 slaves, ii. 54. tribes, ii. 76. 
 character, ii. 407. dialect, ii. 
 435, 436 
 'ApytTof, a name of the Helots, 
 
 ii. 43 
 Argolis described, 78 
 Argura, 26 
 Arion, ii. 372. ii. 375 
 Ariphron, ii. 378 
 Aristseus, 295 
 Aristeas, 290 
 Aristocrates, 165 
 Aristodemus, 99. ii. 443 
 Aristomachus, 65 
 Aristomenes, 157. 165. 168 
 Artemis, 374. ^Etolian, 374. 
 Arcadian, 376. Attic, 383. 
 Doric, 372. Ephesian, 389. 
 LeucophryntJ, 392. Orthia, 
 383. TTora^ia, 380. Pergaean, 
 393. of Sipylus, 392. 
 Asine, 46 
 Asopus, 89 
 Aspendus, 124 
 Astaeus, 133 
 Asteria, 321 
 
 Astypalsea, 116. ii. 177. 
 Athamanes, 7 
 Athene oTrnXcnc, 397. o^v^ip- 
 
 Krig, ibid. aKpia, ibid. 
 Atintanes, 457 
 Atrax, 2'5. 29 
 Attica, 256 
 Axius, 451 
 Azorum, 23. 25. 30 
 Babyca, ii. 90 
 Bacchiadse, ii. 138. ii. 451 
 BaWijy, 10 
 Barnus, 453 
 
 Baths of Lacedsemon, ii. 283 
 Bermius, 453. 
 Bessi, 10 
 Bibasis, ii. 345 
 Bidi«i, ii. 131. ii. 228 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 469 
 
 Bisaltia, 454 
 
 Black broth of Sparta, ii. 285 
 
 Bloesus, ii. 369 
 
 Boeotia, 262 
 
 Boeum, 39. 44 
 
 Bottiais, 455 
 
 Bovat, ii. 310 
 
 Branchidfle, 246 
 
 Brasidas, 218. ii. 406 
 
 Brass, pound of, unit of the 
 Italian money system, ii. 
 224 
 
 Bryallicha, ii. 346 
 
 Brygians, 8. 481 
 
 Buagi, ii. 131 
 
 Bucolic poetry, ii. 350 
 
 Busiris, 442 
 
 Bulis, 49 
 
 Byzantium, 133. 250. slaves, 
 ii. 62. constitution, ii. 174. 
 character, ii 411. dialect, ii. 
 437 
 
 Cadmus, 255 
 
 of Cos, 187 
 
 Caenidfie, 97 
 
 Callicratidas, ii. 405 
 
 Callisto, 377 
 
 Calydna, 114. 116 
 
 Camarina, 129 
 
 kayaOpa, ii. 292 
 
 Carmanor, 228 234. 350 
 
 Carnean games, list of con- 
 querors at, 144 
 
 Camus, 66 
 
 Carpathus, 116. 120 
 
 Carphsea, 44 
 
 Caryatides, ii. 348 
 
 Carystus, 47 
 
 Casmene, 129 
 
 Kacrropwi'^ ii. 341 
 
 Casus, 120 
 
 Ceadas, 157 
 
 Celts, 2 
 
 Centaurs, 417 
 
 Cephalus, 251 
 
 Cephisus, 38 
 
 Cercopes, 422. 447 
 
 Ceronia, 139 
 
 Ceyx, 59. 416 
 
 Chalcedon, 133. 250 
 
 Chalcidiana, 278 
 
 Chalcis in iEtolia, 1.30 
 
 Chaonians, 6 
 
 Charadra, 39 
 
 Charinus, ii. 361 
 
 Charites, 407 
 
 Charondas, laws of, ii. 230. 
 
 234 241 
 \iTtby, ii. 274. ii. 277 
 Waiya^ ii. 277 
 Chlamys, 478 
 Chones, 6 
 
 Choral poetry, ii. 374 
 Xa>p/r»/c, ii- 22 
 Chorus, ii. 262. 334 
 Chronology and history, early 
 
 materials for, 142 
 Chryse, 386 
 Chrvsothemis, 228. 350. 355. 
 
 ii' 379 
 Cimon, treaty of, 205 
 Cinadon, ii. 232 
 Cinsethon, 156 
 Cirrha, 272. 276 
 Claros, 246 
 KkEiyog^ ii. .302 
 Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 178 
 Cleobulus, ii 378 
 Cleodseus, 65 
 Cleonae, 79. 90 
 Cleosthenes, 153. ii. 445 
 jcX^poc, ii. 32 
 Clytiadse, 272 
 Cnacion, ii. 90 
 Cnidos, 137. constitution of, 
 
 ii. 177 
 Cnosus, 493. ii. 137 
 Comedy, ii. 354. introduction 
 
 of at Athens, ii 355 
 
 Sicilian, ii. 356 
 
 Community of property in 
 
 Sparta, ii. 197 
 
 of husbands, ii. 201 
 
 Congress of the Greeks, 203 
 Conquest of the Peloponnese, 
 
 85 
 Conto|)oria, 79 
 Corey ra, 130 
 
470 
 
 1NW5X 
 
 Corey ra, Black, 138 
 Corybas, 229 
 
 Corinth, history, 94, 95. 181. 
 colonies, 127. slaves, ii. 58. 
 kings, ii. 112. courtesans, ii. 
 .300. character, ii. 408. pry- 
 tanes, ii 138. constitution, ii. 
 150. ii. 155 
 
 Cos, 114. 120 
 
 Cosmus, ii. 2 
 
 CraugalUdae, 47. 276 
 
 Cresphontes, 70 
 
 Crestonica, 454 
 
 Crete, character, ii. 406. Cos- 
 mi, ii. 134. Doric migration 
 to, 34. later migrations, 36.. 
 education, ii. 311. gerusia, 
 ii. 98. laws, ii. 237. music, 
 ii. 333. princes, ii. 113. pub- 
 lic assembly, ii. 92. slaves, 
 ii. 50. dialect, ii. 436 
 
 Crissa, or Cirrha, 230. 281 
 
 Crissaeans, 47 
 
 Crcesus, 347 
 
 Crotona, 140. 281. 286. 439. 
 constitution, ii. 184. cha- 
 racter, ii. 413 
 
 Cryassa^ 116 
 
 Cultivation, proofs of in the 
 Peloponnese, 81. carried on 
 by the conquered races, 83 
 
 Curetes, 229 
 
 Curium, 124 
 
 Cyclopian hall, 87 
 
 Cycnus, 225.414 
 
 Cynosura, ii. 48 
 
 Cynuria, 171. 174. 190 
 
 Cyphus, 28. 31 
 
 Cypselus, 97. 181 
 
 Cyrene, 136. 283. constitution, 
 ii. 178. ephors, ii. 1 14. tribes, 
 62. character, 412. dialect, 
 438 
 
 Cytinium, 40. 44 
 
 Damastes, 291 
 
 Aa/.toc/a, ii. 251 
 
 Daphne, 302 
 
 Daphnephorus, 223 
 
 Decelea, 431 
 
 Deianira, 68. 416 
 
 Aft/cr/XtKTat, ii. 348 
 
 Deimalea, ii. 348 
 
 Deipnias, 224 
 
 Deiphontes, 90. 119 
 
 Delians, 207 
 
 Delos, 229.287. 320.343 
 
 Delphi, temple of, 225. 2U 
 constitution, ii. 274. 372 
 188. kings, ii, 114. ii. 138 
 laws, ii. 237. character, ii 
 414. dialect, ii. 439 
 
 Delphine, 324 
 
 Delphinia, 262 
 
 Demeter, 398. Cabirian worship 
 of at Andania, 111. Syra 
 cusan, 401. Triopian, il5. 
 Xdoyia, 402. worship of, ii. 
 
 339 
 
 Demiurgi, ii. 144 
 Democracy, ii. 9 
 
 A^^oc, ii. 8 
 
 Dercylidas, ii. 405 
 
 Deucalion, 20 
 
 Deuriopus, 459 
 
 Dexamenus, 417 
 
 Diagoridee, 119 
 
 Dionysus, 403 
 
 Dioscuri, tombs of, 103. 408 
 
 Dipsea, battle of, 207 
 
 Dipodia, ii. 345 
 
 Dirges, 354 
 
 Dithyramb, 405 
 
 Dium, 24 
 
 Doberus, 460 
 
 Dodona, 6. 28 
 
 ^OKava^ 408 
 
 Doliche, 23. 25 
 
 Dorians, migration of to dif- 
 ferent parts of the north of 
 Greece, 36. to the Pelopon- 
 nese, 58. to Crete, 34. 493. 
 probable number at the in- 
 vasion, 84. jocularity of, ii. 
 370 
 
 Doric constitution, ii. 11. epic 
 poets, ii. 378. dialect, 417 
 
 Doridas, 96 
 
 Dorieus, 141. ii. 151 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 471 
 
 Doris, or Doric Tetrapolis, 38. 
 43 
 
 Dorium, 43 
 
 Dorus, 43. 490 
 
 Dowry of Spartan women, ii. 
 204 
 
 Drymea, 38 
 
 Dryope, 44 
 
 Dryopians, 45. 93 
 
 Dymanes, ii. 76 
 
 'EiShfiai, 338 
 
 Echemus, 63 
 
 Edessa, 479 
 
 Edonians, 465 
 
 Ei'Xwt, derivation of, ii. 30 
 
 Eilythyia, 262 
 
 Eion, 46 
 
 €to-7rv>/\ac, ii. 300 
 
 ek:K\r)roiy 201 
 
 Eleusinia, 402 
 
 Eleutherolacones, ii. 19 
 
 EHs, hollow, 80. 202. perioeci 
 of, ii. 57. ii. 74. gerusia of, 
 ii. 99 
 
 'EXwGc, 319 
 
 Elymea, 457 
 
 Elyrus, 228 
 
 Emathia, 473. 479 
 
 'E/Li/3ar>;/3tov, ii. 342 
 
 Empelori, ii. 131 
 
 efKppovpoCy ii. 243 
 
 Encheleans, 7. 37 
 
 lyiavrog, 329. 341. 429 
 
 lyraerriplg, 261. 337. 429. ii. 
 103 
 
 Enomoty, ii. 245 
 
 'Hotai of Hesiod, 58. 491 
 
 Eordians, 459. 468. 482 
 
 CTTfuvaKTaJ, ii. 44 
 
 Ephetfc, 340 
 
 Ephors, ii. 114 
 
 Ephyra, when changed to Co- 
 rinth, 96. in Thesprotia, 96. 
 121. 417. 419 
 
 Epicharmus, ii. 356. ii. 358. 
 360— :]63 
 
 Epidamnus, 131. ii. 217- con- 
 stitution of, ii. 159 
 
 Epidaurus, 79. 91. constitution 
 
 of, ii. 149. kings of, ii. 113. 
 
 slaves of, ii. 57 
 Epidemiurgi of Corinth, ii. 
 
 144 
 Epigenes of Sicyon, ii. 371 
 Epimenides, 355. ii. 394 
 Epirus, 6. 477. 
 Epitadeus, law of, ii. 202 
 Equals, ofioioi., ii. 84 
 Eratidae, 113 
 Erigon, 451 
 Erineus, 40. 43 
 Eros, 407 
 epvKTrjp, ii. 35. 43 
 Erysichthon, 400 
 Erytheia, 420 
 ItTTiOTTafnoy, ii. 199 
 Eusechme, 58 
 Eumelus, 129. 156 
 Eurotas, 76. 81. plain of, 76 
 Euryanax, ii. 461 
 Eurysthenes and Prucles, 100. 
 
 107. 144 
 Eurystheus, 59. tomb of, 61 
 Eurytus, 411. 
 Expiations, 332. .342 
 Families, preservation of, in 
 
 Sparta, ii. 198 
 Fate, 330. 345 
 Flute, 351 
 Gagse, 122 
 Gargettus, 60 
 Gela, 122. ii. 168 
 Geography of the Peloponnese, 
 
 73 
 Geomori of Samos, ii. 7 
 Pepayog, 358 
 Gergis, 242 
 Gerusia in Doric states, ii. 93. 
 
 ii. 156. ii. 228 
 Geryoneus, 420 
 Glaucus, 111 
 
 Goat, a symbol of Apollo, 325 
 Gomphi, 27 
 Gonnocondylum, 22 
 Gonnus, 22, 23 
 Gortyna, 136. 227 
 Government, ancient notion of, 
 
 ii. 1 
 
472 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Gryiieum, 280 
 
 Gylippus, 218 
 
 Gymnastic exercises, ii. 313 
 
 Gymnesii, 191. ii. 54 
 
 Hair, Spartan mode of wearing 
 the, ii. 281 
 
 Haliacmon, 452 
 
 Halicarnassus, 115. by whom 
 colonized, 115. 118 
 
 Harma, 259 
 
 Harmosyni, ii. 131 
 
 Hecatseus of Abdera, 293 
 
 Hecatus, 268 
 
 Heiresses, Athenian and Spar- 
 tan laws respecting, ii. 205 
 
 Helice, 71 
 
 Hellen, 20. 490 
 
 Hellenes, 11.20.471 
 
 Helos, 100 
 ^ Helots, ii. 29. dress of, ii. 37. 
 indecent dances of, ii. 39. 
 military service of, ii. 34. 
 number of, ii. 44. rent of, ii. 
 31. treatment of, ii. 43 
 
 Hephaestus, 406 
 
 Heraclea on the Pontus, 49. 
 140. cunstitutiofl, ii. 176. 
 public offices, ii. 120. slaves, 
 ii. 62 
 
 Sciritis, constitution, ii. 
 
 183. ephors, ii. 115. dialect, 
 ii. 438 
 
 Heraclidse, whether Dorians or 
 not, 54. defeated at Tegea, 
 63. their final expedition, 
 65. ii. 443 
 
 Hercules, account of in Homer, 
 51. aXE^iKaKoc, 445. cos- 
 tume, 434. iTTOKTovog, 445. 
 Kopvoiritjjy, ibid. labours, 
 433. fabulous right to the 
 Peloponnese, 51. 275. 410. 
 purification of, 436. Sandon, 
 440. servitude of, 414. 429. 
 subdues the Dryopians, 46 
 Here, 395 
 Hermes, 307. 311 
 Hermione, 46. 193. dialect, ii. 
 437 
 
 Herodotus, ii. 385 
 
 Heroic age, constitution of, ii. 6 
 
 Hexapolis, Doric, 115 
 
 Hieronmamon, ii. 173 
 
 Hierapytna, 398 
 
 i\apoTpay(^hia, ii. 368 
 
 Ifj-arioy, ii. 274 
 
 Himera, 129 
 
 Hippodamus of Miletus, ii. 266 
 
 Hippotes, 66. 94 
 
 Historians, Doric, ii. 385 
 
 Homer, dialect of, ii. 378 
 
 vfjLOKanoL, ii. 199 
 
 ofjLoaiTTvoi, ibid. 
 
 Horspo-castro, 22 
 
 Horus, 300 
 
 Hyacinthus, worship of, 139. 
 
 '360 
 Hyamia, 163 
 Hybla, 135 
 Hydra of Lema, 434 
 Hvlas, 361. 441 
 Hylleans, 13. 53. ii. 76 
 Hyllus, 53. 59. at Thebes, 62. 
 
 slain bv Echemus, 63. 413 
 Hvperboreans, 230. 262. 271. 
 '284. 298. 323. 329. 337. 
 
 373 
 Hyporchema, 357. ii. 337 
 lambists, choruses of, ii. 339 
 lamidse, 128. 272 380 
 lasians, 118 
 Ichnee, 455 
 "iXri, ii. 310 
 Illyrian Athamanes, 48 
 lllyrians, 471 
 Inachus, 79 
 
 Inalienability of land, ii. 208 
 Inferiors, vTrofxtiovtQ^ ii. 84 
 lolaus, 57 
 Ion, 258. 264. of Euripides, 
 
 265 
 lone, 124 
 lonians, 256. degeneracy of, 
 
 ii. 5 
 Iphigenia, 383 
 Iphitus, 153. 155. 270. 413. 
 
 quoit of, 143 
 "Ipi/v, ii. 309 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 473 
 
 Ismenium, 254 
 
 Isthmius, 111 
 
 Ithome, siege of, 209 
 
 Kaveria, 4. 479 
 
 KaTLjyatcr), ii. 38 
 
 KTiXrfUyeQ, 350. 365 
 
 Kidapa, 349 
 
 KoiXrj AaKe^aiuojy, explained, 
 
 76. 104 
 KoyiTTo^eg, ii. 57 
 KopvOaXeia^ 343 
 KopvvT}(p6poi, ii. 54 
 KpefiftaXicwTVQ, 358 
 KpvTTTda, ii. 240 
 Kvdrjpo^iKrigy ii. 27 
 KvXXvpioi, ii. 61. 161 
 Kvyiriy 478 
 
 Lacius, 125 
 
 Lacmon, 452 
 
 Laconia, 75. divided into six 
 provinces, 106. domestic 
 economy, ii. 213. money, ii. 
 214. dialect, ii. 434 
 
 Laomedon, 241 
 
 Lapathus, 24. 139 
 
 Lapithse, 29 
 
 Larissa, 22. 25. Phriconis, 
 42 
 
 Lasus, ii. 378 
 
 Latin language, 17 
 
 Laurel, 343 
 
 Ac)^f|Ova, 396 
 
 Leogoras, 275. 
 
 Lepreum, 202 
 
 Lesche, ii. 396 
 
 Letters, considered as Phoeni- 
 cian symbols, 143 
 
 Leucadia, constitution, ii, 159 
 
 Leucatas, 25 1 
 
 Lichas, ii. 406 
 
 Lileea, 39. 44 
 
 Limnee, ii. 48 
 
 Linus, 353. 427 
 
 Lipara, 137 
 
 Lochus, ii. 246 
 
 Locri, 140. ii. 238 
 
 Logographi, 56 
 
 Ao^pai, 382 
 
 Long walls, 215 
 
 Leucae, 247 
 Lycia, 236 
 Lycorea, 49. 233 
 Lyctus, 227 
 
 Lycurgus, 146. 152. 270. ii. 
 12 
 
 Lydia, kings of, 441 
 Lydias or Ludias, 451 
 Lyncestis, 458 
 Lyre, ii. 377 
 Lysander, ii. 219. 404 
 Macaria, 60. valley of, 78 
 Macedon, 172 
 
 Macedonians, 2. their dialect, 
 3. 485. not Dorians, 37. but 
 lllyrians, 479. their customs, 
 482. religion, 483 
 Macedonis, 455 
 Maceta, 474 
 Magnesians, 276 
 Malians, 47 
 Mallus, 124. 126 
 Mantinea, battle of, ii. 244 
 Manufactures of Laconia, ii. 
 
 25 
 Marsyas, 351 
 Medea, 396 
 
 Megara, 97. one of five ham- 
 lets, 99. colonies, 132. co- 
 medy, ii. 354. comic poets, 
 ibid, constitution, ii. 171. 
 history, 186. 194. 212. 249. 
 kings, ii. 113. dialect, ii. 
 437 
 Melampodidae, 272 
 Melcart, 443 
 Melia, 79 
 Melos, 136. constitution of, ii. 
 
 178 
 Mesambria, 134 
 Mesoa, ii. 48 
 
 Messenia divided into six pro- 
 vinces, 106. history, 108. 
 kings, ii. 113. character, ii. 
 413. dialect, ii. 435 
 Messenian wars, 156. third 
 
 war, 208 
 Messeuians, 209 
 Metapontum, 281. 286 
 
414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Meteora, 26 
 Miletus, 244 
 Military games, ii. 313. at 
 
 Crete, ii. 320 
 Minos, 35 
 Minyans, 12 
 Mpoia, ii. 51 
 Molycreium, 121 
 Mora, ii. 248 
 Mopsium, 25 
 Mopsuestia, 124. 126 
 Mopsuerene, 124. 126 
 Mopsus, 125 
 fjLodcLKegy ii. 43 
 Music, Doric, ii. 323 
 Musical contests, ii. 338 
 Mycenae, 79 
 Myceneans, 192 
 Mygdonia, 454 
 Mygdonians, 8 
 Mylasa, 116 
 Myndus, ibid. 
 Mvron, 154 178 
 Myscellus, 140 
 Myson, ii. 26 
 Narcissus, 353 
 Naupactia, 156 
 Naupactus, 65 
 Nemea, 79. 433. lion, ibid. 
 V£0^a/xa>^££C» 11' 43 
 v£oXaia, ii. 307 
 Nisyrus, 120 
 Nome, ii. 337 
 Nomophylaces, ii. 131 
 
 Nomus, 355 
 
 Nd/ioc, numus, ii. 224 
 
 Noricum, 117- 138 
 
 Oba, ii. 78. 249 
 
 CEchalia, 28. taking of, 411. 
 
 situation, 412 
 (Enoe, 258 
 
 CEnopbyta, battle of, 211 
 CEta, mount, 41 
 CEtseans, 48 
 
 Olen, ii. 379 
 
 Olympic games, list of victors 
 
 at, 143. 270. 436. ii. 315 
 <o7ric, 373 
 Orestse, 458 
 
 Orneatae, 92. 176. ii. 55 
 
 opot, 150 
 
 Orsippus of Megara, ii. 272 
 
 Oxylus, 68. 71 
 
 Peean, tbe god, 308 
 
 the song, 309. 325. 370 
 
 Pseonia, 459 
 Pseonians, 471,472 
 
 Pagasse, 224 
 
 TraidspaffTia, ii. 300. of Crete, 
 
 ii. 302. of Sparta, ii. 300 
 Trai^dvo/ioc, ii. 310 
 Palm tree of Delos, 303. 322 
 Pampbyli, ii. 76 
 Pantaleon, 165 
 Panthus, 241 
 Parauaea, 457 
 IIajO0£viai, ii. 294 
 Paroria, 457 
 Patara, 237 
 Patronomi, ii«' 132 
 Pausanias, 204. 489 
 Pedaritus, ii. 406 
 Pelagonia, 460 
 Pelagonian Tripobs, 25 
 Pelasgi, 6. 7. 15. 36. 220 
 
 Pelinna, 26, 27 
 
 Pella, 452. 455 
 
 Peloponnese, division of, 70 
 
 Peloponnesian league, 196 
 
 Peloria, festival of, 27 
 
 Perintbus, 135 
 
 Penestse, ii. 65 
 
 Pentbebdoe, 72 
 
 Perdiccas, 463 
 
 Periander, 182. ii. 158. ii. 222. 
 ii. 276 
 
 Perioeci of Laconia, ii. 18 
 
 Trepipipeeg, 288 
 
 Persian war, 497 
 
 Petalism, ii. 163 
 
 Treracroc, 478 
 
 Petra, 24 
 
 Phaetbon, 301 
 
 Pbsestus, 89. 227 
 
 Phalanna, 25 
 
 Pbalantbus, 139 
 
 Phalces, 89 
 
 Pballopbori, 404. ii. 352 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 475 
 
 Pharcedon, 26 
 
 Pharis, 104 
 
 Phasebs, 122 
 
 (pu^iria^ ii. 288 
 
 Pheidon, 172. 464 
 
 Phidippus, 120. 419 
 
 Philammon, 356. ii. 377 
 
 Phlegyans, 234 
 
 Phlegyas, 234. 297 
 
 Phbus, 79. 89. constitution of, 
 ii. 170. its satiric drama, ii. 
 373. character, n. 410 
 
 Phocis, plain of, 38 
 
 Phoebus, 312 
 
 <pot(3d^€iy, ibid. 
 
 Phormis, ii. 357 
 
 (pova^ip, 384. ii. 326. 491 
 
 Phriciura, 422 
 
 Phrygians, 8. 480. their lan- 
 guage, 9 
 
 Phthiotis, 20. 490 
 
 n/rava, ii. 48 
 
 Plautus, ii. 362 
 
 TToXtc, ii. 71 
 
 Polybcea, 361 
 
 Polycaon son of Butes, 58 
 
 Polycrates, 189 
 
 Polydorus, ii. 449 
 
 TTOjOTra^, ii. 256 
 
 Poseidon, 258. 402 
 
 Potidflea, 132 
 
 Pratinas of Phlius, ii. 373 
 
 Praxilla, 405 
 
 Priestesses of Here at Argos, 
 
 catalogue of, 144 
 irpo/^vXoi, 206 
 Procles, 186 
 Procris, 251 
 
 Trpoararrfg tov ^rjfxov, ii. 147 
 Prytanes of Lacedficmon, 145. 
 
 of Athens, ii. 140 
 Psammetichus, 185 
 Purification, 264. 370 
 Pydna, 456 
 Pylsea, ii. 396 
 Pylos, Nelean, 104 Neatorian, 
 
 82. 435. Triphylian, 81 
 Pyrrhic dance, ii. 342 
 Pythagoras, league of, ii. 182. 
 
 ii. 316. ii. 393. philosophy 
 of, ii, 186. government of, ii. 
 184. 193 
 Pythiad, ii. 454 
 Pythian strain, 325 
 Pythians, ii. 15 
 Pythium, 24. 258 
 Registers, public, of Lacedae- 
 
 mon, 144 
 Rents of the Helots, ii. 31 
 Rhacius, 247 
 Rhadamanthus, 427 
 Rhegium, 164. 278 
 Rhetoric of Sparta, ii. 386 
 Rhetra, 148. of Agis, ii. 47. of 
 Lycurgus, ii. 86. of Theo- 
 pompus and Polydorus, ii. 
 87. 118 
 Rhianus, 158 
 Rhinthon, ii. 368 
 Rhipsean mountains, 291 
 Rhodes, colonies, 122. consti- 
 tution, ii. 151. Prytanes of, 
 ii. 139. character, ii. 408. 
 dialect, ii. 437 
 Rhodia, 126 
 Rhoduntia, 42 
 Riddles, ii. 392 
 
 Sacadas of Argos, ii. 328. 338 
 Sacred road of Apollo, 223 
 Sacred slaves, 274. 392. 405 
 Sagalassus, 139 
 Salamis, 194 
 Sarpedon, 237 
 Sciras, ii. 369 
 Sciritae, ii. 253 
 Sculpture, Doric, ii. 382 
 Scvthians, 288 
 Selge, 138 
 Selinus, 136. 406 
 Selymbria, 134 
 Sibyls, ii. 346 
 
 Sicyon, constitution, ii. 169. 
 history, 177. music, ii. 330. 
 tribes, ii. 58. slaves, ii. 583 
 character, ii. 410 
 fxiCevvai^ ii. 309 
 fTKvrnXicrfioQy ii. 149 
 Slavery, kinds of, ii. 36 
 
476 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Socrates the poet, ii. 335 
 
 Soli, 122. 125 
 
 Solium, 130 
 
 Solygius, hill of, 95 
 
 Sopatrus, ii. 369 
 
 Sophron, mimes of, ii. 364-7 
 
 Soiis, 108. 147 
 
 Sovereignty, Doric, ii. 100 
 
 Sparta, once an inconsiderable 
 town, 102. colonies, 136. 
 courts of justice, ii. 228. 
 education, ii. 307. ephors, ii. 
 114. gerusia, ii. 94 ii. 236. 
 infantry, ii. 253. kings, ii. 
 100. succession, ii. 105. 
 king's house, ii. 266. mili- 
 tary sy-tem, ii. 242 mar- 
 riage, ii. 292. public assem- 
 bly, ii. 88. stealing, ii. 319- 
 taxes, ii. 221 
 
 Spartans number of, ii. 203. 
 character of, ii. 402 
 
 Spartan brevity of speech, ii. 
 387 
 
 or^atptTg, ii. 309 
 
 Sre^/zarmia, festival of, 66 
 
 Stenyclarus, battle of, 208 
 
 Stesichorus, ii. 375 
 
 Strymon, 453 
 
 Stymphaea, 457 
 
 Styra, 47 
 
 Subject classes, dress of, ii. 73 
 
 Syme, 137 
 
 Synedrion, during the Persian 
 war, 498 
 
 Synnada, 117 
 
 Syracuse, 128. 380. character, 
 ii. 409. constitution, ii. 161. 
 slaves, ii. 61. date of found- 
 ation, ii. 447 
 
 Syssitia of Sparta, ii, 210. ii. 
 283. of Crete, ii. 211. ii. 286 
 
 Taenarum, 248 
 
 Taleclus, 101 
 
 Talthybiadae, ii. 28 
 
 Tarentura, 139. 164. 439. con- 
 stitution, ii. 181. princes, ii. 
 113. character, ii, 413. dia- 
 lect, ii. 438 
 
 Tarrha, 228 
 
 Tarsus, 124 
 
 Tauria, 386 
 
 Taygetus, mount, 77 
 
 Tegea, 207. 269 
 
 Tegyra, 254 
 
 Teichius, 42 
 
 Telesilla,381. ii. 377 
 
 Telliadse, 272 
 
 Temenus, 88 
 
 Temenidse, 463 
 
 Tempe, 21. 30. 222.290 
 
 Tenea, 239 
 
 Tenedos, ibid. 
 
 Tenure of land in Laconia, ii. 
 196 
 
 Terpander, ii. 376 
 
 Tetrapolis, why spared by the 
 Spartans, 61. 430 
 
 Teucrians, 11 
 
 Teutamus, 35 
 
 Thaletas, 350. 359. ii. 14. ii. 
 328 
 
 Thapsus, 136 
 
 Theagenes, 92 
 
 QtapohoKLa, 280 
 
 Thebes, 254 
 
 Themistocles, 206 
 
 Theoclus, 157 
 
 Theopompus, 162. ii. 448 
 
 Thera, 136. ephors, ii. 115 
 
 Therapne, 103 
 
 ScpaTTwv, ii. 35 
 
 Theseus, 229. 257. 262. 263 
 
 Thessalians, 4. ii. 64 
 
 Thirty tyrants of Athens, ii. 98 
 
 Thoricus, 250 
 
 Thrace, 244 
 
 Thracians, 10. 470. 484 
 
 Tilphossa, 253 
 
 Timocracy, ii. 8 
 
 Timotheus, Spartan decree con- 
 cerning, ii. 330 
 
 Tiresias, 255. 343 
 
 Tiryns, 192 
 
 Tisamenus, 69 
 
 Titacidse, 431 
 
 Tityrus, ii. 351 
 
 Tityus, 254. 329 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 477 
 
 Tlepolemus, 119, 120 
 
 Tolmides, 212 
 
 Trachis, 42 
 
 Tragedy, 404. ii. 371 
 
 Treasury of Atreus, ii. 267 
 
 Triacon, 91 
 
 Tricca, 26 
 
 rpixatKEg^ 33, 34 
 
 Tpi6({>da\fiog^ oracle respecting, 
 
 68 
 Triopian promontory, 115 
 Triopium, 279 
 Tripod, robbery of bv Hercules, 
 
 426 
 Tripolis and Tetrapolis, Doric, 
 
 43 
 Trcezen, 91. 118. 248 
 Trogilus, 136 
 Tvpfiri, 404 
 Tyndaridae, 431 
 Typhaon, 320 
 Tyrtaeus, 156. 160. 164. 166. 
 
 ii. 15. 198 
 
 Vases, illustrating ancient co- 
 medies, ii. 359—361 
 
 Vejovis, 307 
 
 Ver sacrum, 276 
 
 War, how carried on by the 
 Dorians in the conquest of 
 the Peloponnese, 85 
 
 Wise men of Greece, ii. 39 
 
 Wolf, symbol of Apollo, 264. 
 314 
 
 Writing, art of, when intro- 
 duced into Greece, 143 
 
 Xanthus, 237. 313 
 
 Xenelasia, ii. 4 
 
 Xenodamus, 359 
 
 Xerxes, 300 
 
 Xuthus, 258 
 
 Zaleucus, laws of, ii. 227. ii. 
 231. ii. 236. ii. 239 
 
 Zeus, of the Dorians, 318. 394 
 
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 p ,9 1 18. In the explanation of Melia, the ash has been con- 
 founded with the alder. It seems that the ash, which probably 
 each d a reater height than any other tree in Greece. ,s used m 
 thts geneafogy. as in Hesiod Theog. 187. for the force of vegeta- 
 
 'VZTu. It may be objected that the countries in which 
 
 commerce and manufactures have flourished most, have not pos- 
 
 commercc ana _„(.ious metals. This remark is true of 
 
 sessed mines of the precious rh«\c\s airoears to 
 
 modern Europe; but in Greece the copper of Chalcis appears to 
 
 rconnelted with the Chalcidean trade and colonies, and the gold 
 
 0^ Thasos with the maritime pursuits of the Thasians and their large 
 
 navy before the time of Cimon. The silver of Laurion likewise 
 
 contributed to the industry and foreign commerce of Attica. The 
 
 pro perity of the maritime cities of AsiaMinor was at least assisted 
 
 K he 3d mines in Lydia ; as may be seen in the very ancient 
 
 g Iden Lters (partly made of electron, ^^ch according to So h 
 
 Lt. 1025 came from Sardis) of Pbocea, Lampsacus. Clazo 
 
 "Ts *i' 2 It now appears to me that Leake. Morea, vol. III. 
 ch'30. is ri ht^'in considering the C^t^^io^ « footpa* over 
 the hills which required the use of long sticks or poles. 
 old'lllV valley between the rocks ^ore Je -me o r.Jo. 
 
 P 12T 1 25. for all its colonies read all its ea.rly colonies. 
 
 P 209. notes, col. 2. 1. 10. for Plat^u r.ad Platean. 
 
 p' 912 notes col. 2 1. 10. for eipiyvs, read uf^iWQ- 
 
 P 252 not!: add-The emendation of Dobree, Adv. vo I. 
 „. Si", for Up.c is not needed, ^^^^^'^ *^ 
 
 .„rf, but is also manifest in ^^^J^X^^^^^^ 
 ^=reror; an?: cTsurrounded with lights, called for 
 
480 
 
 ■\l)i)!TIONS .\\l) CORRECTIONS. 
 
 6th of M "''t.'^'"^'"• «''*'^'f' "•'^ "ff'^red to the godde.s on tl,c 
 16 h of Munychioi,, because the moon was full on that day S e 
 Callim.fr.417.ed.Bentl. Eratosth. ap. Steph Bvz inV« 
 
 p Qnn ^*^""'""°' ^^Poll«d. ft. p. 402. Heyne. 
 ■Eouifo^-T \^^'^~i ^''""ot approve of Loheck's emendation , 
 vol. IL p. 1166); since the mythical system there alluded to i 
 
 P. 475. note ". I„ the passage of Constantinus ■ read .«i .,) 
 Op..re,„. ae. •0,^„..a is used by Appian. quoted in'the IZJ^, 
 
 1- 
 
 u 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 P. 5. notes col. 1. 1 8. after the parenthesis adH • n.f) n- 
 (Plut. Cim. 14 ) pttreumesis add . with Cimon 
 
 P. 8. noteP/or Zeeob read Zenob. 
 
 Je- ;^iii:- j; txT s i:i!r " -r ■- 
 
 nomophydaces were not obviously connected wlthwrittSr 
 lation. By nomophylaces in Greece were eeneralW !. ^ , 
 guardians of manners. See p. 240. noTe T ^ ""derstoo.l 
 
 P. 132. 1. n.foT nomophylaces read nomothet». 
 
 Directions to the Binder. 
 The map of Northern Greece to fo^» fi,„ .-.i 
 
 The map of Macedonia tore ;;T r48'f'^«^ °' ^°'- ^' 
 The map of the Peloponnese to face the title:page of vol. 11. 
 
 Londou;— Printed by W. Ci. 
 
 OWB, and Sons Stamford Street. 
 
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