|93£», 1^2'7I CoIttntbUt Slnixtcvsltij in tlxc City of iXcxo ^ovli gitt^iwij THE SEE OF ROME. LONDON : PRINTED BY IPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARI AND PARLIAMENT STREET THE SEE OF ROME IN THE MIDDLE AGES. BY REV. OSWALD J. REICHEL, B.C.L. & M.A. VICAR OF SPARSHOLT ; VICE-PRINCIPAL OF CUDDESDEN COLLEGE ; AND SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF THE QUEEn's COLLEGE, OXFORD. ' Attendite ad petram unde excisi estis, et ad ca^rnam laci, de qua praecisi ■"' ^■^ J T^w H. i. LONDON: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. i8;o. 2[n ^cmoriam tritavi MICHAELIS REICHELII VALENTINII et URSULAE filii : rt° 1619 de Moldait ; dcinde post persectitienem BcKjnicam c^ 1629 de Beckwitz ; deuiqiie a° 1635 de Belgern pastoris ; Suedorum opera mens. Apr. a° 1637 S7ib ponte Misenensi iKiserrwte interempti: NECNON proavi CAROLI RUDOLPHI REICHELII JACOBI DANIELIS et SOPHIAE ELISABETHAE filii : [747 de Hermsdorf: dcinde a° 1752 de TdicbenJieint ; postremo aP 1754 de NetMrch pastoris , ibique die 25 juens. Oct. a° 1 794 placide dc/tciicti : QUORUM ALTER EXILII PRO CHRISTI CAUSA CALAMITATE, ALTER LITERARUM HEBRAICARUM SCIENTIA, UTERQUE PIETATIS AFFECTU ET VITAE BENE ACTAE NOBILI EXEMPLO, HUMILE SCRIPTORIS INGENIUM AD INDIGNAM ECCLESIASTICAE HISTORLVE RELATIONEM ACUERUNT. 2 1 4 '7 9 9'y PREFACE. nPHE following pages are offered to the public with great diffidence. The WTiter is not unaw^are of his seeming pre- sumption in venturing upon ground already occupied by great names; nor does he, as might perhaps be expected, lay claim to the merit of originality. Yet he hopes that his attempt may be tolerated for the very reason which makes it seem presumptuous, viz. because it aims at being a simple outline of facts grouped round a few leading principles. If these facts are to be found in other works, clothed in a garb more ample and picturesque, it is at least believed that they have not been previously presented in so brief a form. A wish has been expressed ere now for such an outline of the history of the See of Rome. viii PREFACE. It is felt by all thoughtful people that that treatment of Church History which contents itself with the first three centuries and the period of the Reformation, is not only an imperfect but a faulty one ; inasmuch as it ignores the continuity of the subject, and regards the movement in the sixteenth cen- tury apart from the feelings long working in secret, of which it was the final expression. Recent events, too, have added a fresh interest to the subject. Moreover, in popu- lar treatises, this portion of history has suffered, more perhaps than any other, in having been misrepresented alike by friends and foes. Some have portrayed the Papacy as though it were simply a reproduction of Christianity as it existed in its early dawn; whilst others have chosen to regard it as an unprincipled usurpation. Whether either of these views is the true one, or w^hether the Papacy ought not rather to be regarded as a result of natural growth, produced by natural causes, is a question which can only be decided by a calm and impartial appeal to facts. The writer can honestly assert, that he has written aiming at calmness and free- PREFACE. dom from bias. It remains for others to say whether he has succeeded in attaining his object. Whilst, however, aspiring to be impartial, he must distinctly disclaim the charge of being indifferent. For according to the view which is taken of the organisation of the Mediaeval Church will follow a justification or a renunciation of the position held by those churches, which originally belonged to, but have subsequently separated themselves from, the Western patriarchate. To him it appears that sympathy with past institutions is com- patible with the belief that they are now an anachronism ; and that it is possible to own their necessity and salutary influence in the age which gave them birth, nay more, to regret their decline, but at the same time to admit that they belong to a past epoch, and can no longer be revived with advantage. Perhaps it may be an inevitable result of a sympa- thetic study of history that it leaves us sadder if it leaves us wiser men. It would not have been difficult to advance pretensions to learning by giving references, X PRE FA CE. quoted at second-hand, to works which few^ are likely to consult. The writer has, in this case, preferred to follow another course ; and has made a point of giving (as far as possible) references to well-known books, so that they may be easily verified. The works which are most constantly appealed to as authorities are the following : The collection of Councils by Labb^ and Cossart, with sup- plements by Mansi, published at Venice 1728-48, in 29 vols. fol. Neander's History of the Church, references to the English translation by Torrey, published by Messrs. T. and T. Clarke of Edinburgh, in 9 vols. 8vo. Gieseler's Ecclesiastical History, references to Davidson's English translation, likewise published by Messrs. Clarke, in 5 vols. 8vo. Milman's History of Latin Christianity. The small edition in 9 vols. Hallam's Middle Ages. The small edition. In conclusion, the writer ventures to express the hope that this volume may be found of service to students, not as superseding other larger works, but as supplying an introduction to the history of the Mediaeval Church. In letting it appear, he would not omit to ow^n his acknowledgments to those graduates of Oxford and Cambridge who, having heard the greater part of it when delivered at PREFACE. xi Cuddesden in the form of lectures, have en- couraged him with their approval ; and in particular to R. D. Radclifife, Esq., of Christ Church, Oxford, to whose kindness the Appen- dices are due. Cuddesden College, near Oxford: May 3, 1870. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY. A. Change of field of Ecclesiastical History B. Change of Character .... C. Vicissitudes of Temporal and Ecclesiastical Power PAGE I 3 4 PART I. THE AGE OF GROWTH. CHAPTER n. THE WESTERN PATRIARCHS UNDER THE EASTERN EMPERORS. A. State of the See of Rome in seventh century . . 9 (i) Causes of its importance .... 9 (2) Dignities included in the office . . .11 (3) Beginning of a new dignity . . • ^3 B. Gregory I. the Great . . . . .18 (i) His ecclesiastical administration . . .21 (2) Political relations . . . . - 3° (3) Internal administration . . . "32 C. The Successors of Gregory I. . . . '34 (i) Dependence on the Eastern Empire . . 34 (2) Submission of the West . . • , • 39 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. A. Causes of the Transfer .... (i) Dependence on Constantinople a cause of weak ness .... (2) Iconoclasm of Emperor Leo III. . (3) The Lombards B. Appeal of the Latin Patriarchs to the West (i) Appeal of Gregory III. (2) Zachary and the First Donation (3) Stephen II. and the Second Donation (4) Hadrian I. and the Third Donation C. Allegiance given to revived Western Empire (i) Troubles of Leo IIL (2) Charles in Rome (3) Coronation of Charles PAGE 45 45 46 50 54 54 56 (^Z 67 72 72 73 74 CHAPTER IV. THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS A. The Papacy to the Treaty of Verdun (i) Importance of the coronation (2) Position of the Papacy after the coronation B. The False Decretals (i) History of the Decretals (2) Drift of the Decretals C. The Papacy as developed by the False Decretals (i) Nicolas I. . (2) Hadrian II. (3) John VIIL Pedigree of Carolingians 77 77 79 89 89 93 97 97 104 109 112 CHAPTER V. THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACV. A. The Popes under the rival Itahan parties . -113 (i) Party of Guido of Spoleto and Lambert in the as- cendant . . . . . -115 (2) Ascendency of Berengar . . . .117 (3) Ascendency of the Tuscan party . . .119 PAGE 122 122 128 130 136 137 CONTEiWTS. B. Imperial intervention (i) Intervention of Otto T. (2) Ascendency of Tuscan party (3) Intervention of Otto III. . C. Ascendency of Tuscan party (i) John XVIL, John XVIIL, and Sergius IV (2) Counts of Tusculum (3) Three rival Popes . CHAPTER VI. CHURCH AND STATE. A. New relations of Church and State (i) The Church altered (2) Importance attaching to bishops and princes (3) Roman system identified with religion B. Gains for the Church .... (i) Wealth from donations, tithes, and manses (2) Privileges of the clergy (3) Power of higher clergy C. Disadvantages for the Church (i) Free elections abolished (2) Ecclesiastical matters settled by secular tribunals D. Results of these influences on the Church (i) Share of the bishops in secular legislation . (2) Effects on the episcopate . (3) Beneficial results of ecclesiastical influence on society . . . . . -174 141 141 143 145 148 149 155 158 158 166 170 170 171 PART II. THE AGE OF GREATNESS. CHAPTER VII. THE HILDEP.RANDIAN ERA. A. Causes of reform . . . , .187 Ci) Italian party alarmed .... 188 (2) Earnest men aroused . . . • . 189 (3) Reforms from within . . . .189 XVI CONTENTS. C. Chief points of reform (i) Independence of the Popes (2) Clerical cehbacy (3) Simony .... Struggles with princes the residt of the reform (i) PhiHp of France threatened (2) Struggle with Henry IV. PAC.E iqo 190 194 202 204 204 205 :;r:: chapter viii. THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. A. Causes of the appearance of rival Popes (i) Decree of Nicolas II. (2) Norman assistance . (3) Popular sympathy . B. First Period (i) Alexander II. and Honorius II. (2) Gregory VII. and Clement III. (3) Gelasius II. and Gregory VIII. C. Depression of the Papacy and Empire (i) Depression of the Papacy . (2) Depression of Empire (3) Returning power D. Renewed struggle of Antipopes . (i) Struggle of Frederic I. and Hadrian IV. (2) Alexander III. and Antipopes 214 215 217 218 219 219 220 222 223 223 227 229 231 232 234 CHAPTER IX. CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. A. The Era of Innocent III. . . . . 242 (1) The Popes before Innocent III. . . .242 (2) Innocent III. ..... 245 (3) Innocent III.'s successors .... 258 B. Struggle with the Empire under Innocent IV. and his successors ..... 263 (i) Persecution of Hohenstaufen . . . 264 (2) Decision of imperial elections . . . 267 CONTENTS. xvii PAGE c. Boniface VIII. . . 269 (i) His tyranny . 269 (2) His defective title . . 269 (3) Persecution of the Colonnas . 270 (4) Grant of Indulgences . 271 (5) Conflict with Philip the Fair . 272 CHAPTER X. THE HOLY EMPIRE. A. The Holy Empire . 280 (i) Meaning of the expression . . 280 (2) The idea in the time of Gregory V] I. . . 282 (3) The idea in the time of Innocent I II. . . 284 (4) The idea in the time of Boniface V III. . . 285 B. Causes .... . 287 (i) Evils of anarchy produced a love f system . 287 (2) Confusion of Church and State . 288 (3) General confusion in people's mind s . . 289 C. Consequences of the idea . 290 (i) On the State . 290 (2) On the Church . 293 (3) On the relations of Church and Sta te . . 300 CHAPTER XL THE CRUSADES. A. Crusades in general . . .306 (i) Idea of a Crusade . . 306 (2) Causes of Crusades . 308 (3) Effects of the Crusades . 314 B. The First Crusade .317 (i) Occasions . . 318 (2) The crusading rabble ■ 321 (3) The real Crusade . . 322 (4) Frankish kingdoms in the East • 325 C. Crusades of twelfth century . Z2(> (i) Crusade of iioi . 326 (2) The Second Crusade . 327 (3) The Third Crusade • 329 XVIU CONTENTS. D. E. Crusades of first half of thirteenth century (i) Fourth Crusade to Constantinople (2) Fifth Crusade (3) Crusade of Frederic II. The Crusades of St. Louis (i) Sixth Crusade (2) Seventh Crusade PAGE 333 334 339 340 341 342 342 CHAPTER XII. INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION : CLERICAL TAXATION. A. Property of Church (i) Real property (2) Personal property . B. Investitures (i) Causes of the struggle (2) Beginning of the struggle (3) Struggle in England (4) Struggle with kings of Castile (5) Struggles in the empire C. Struggle for jurisdiction in England (i) Causes of the struggle (2) Course of the struggle (3) Sequel (4) The Church victorious D. Inroads on wealth of Clergy (i) Disposal of benefices (2) Legates instead of api^ointments to (3) Taxation of the Clergy Pedigree of English Sovereigns , . 348 . 351 . 356 . 356 . 356 . 358 . 363 . 363 . 367 . 369 . 372 . 378 . 381 382 ?>^3 3 benefices . 387 • • ■ 390 Appendix I. Magna Charta translated 397 CONTENTS. xix PART III. AGE OF DECLINE. CHAPTER XIII. THE POPES AT AVIGNON. PAGE A. Loss of political supremacy .... 409 (i) Benedict XI. .... . 410 (2) Clement V. . . . . .411 B. Struggles of Popes for power . . . .421 (i) Attempts to regain independence from France . 421 (2) Attempts to regain supremacy in Germany . 423 C. Public opinion against the Popes . . -431 (i) Clement VI. . . . . .431 (2) Innocent VI. ..... 434 (3) Urban V. . . . . . -434 (4) Gregory XI. . . . . . 436 CHAPTER XIV. THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. A. The rise and progress of the Schism . . . 439 (i) Urban VI. and Clement VII. . . . 440 (2) Boniface IX. ..... 445 B. Attempts to heal the Schism .... 447 (i) Attempts proceeding from neutrals . -447 (2) Attempts made by the French King and States . 450 (3) Attempts made by the Cardinals . . -451 (4) Share of Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. . 453 C. Consequences of the Schism .... 455 (i) Oppression of the Church .... 455 (2) Exposing of corruptions . . . .458 (3) Enquiry into history stimulated . . . 459 (4) Secular power applied to ecclesiastical matters . 459 (5) Appeal to General Councils . . . 460 Appendix II. Statute of Praemunire . . . . .462 XX CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PAGE A. The Council of Pisa . . . . .468 (i) Acts of the Council . . . 469 (2) After-events . . . .472 B. Council of Constance . . . . -475 (i) The Council convened . . '475 (2) Order of proceedings . . . • 47^ (3) Efforts to heal the Schism .... 480 (4) Failure of the Council to produce reformation . 486 C. Papacy of Martin V. . . . . . 490 (i) Circumstances attending his election . . 490 (2) Policy of Martin V. . . . -492 (3) Policy after the Council .... 494 D. Council of Basle ..... 495 (i) Preliminaries to the Council . . . 496 (2) Assertion of its independence . . . 496 (3) Measures of reform .... 499 (4) Collision with the Pope . . . .401 Appendix III. Concordat with England . . . -510 .. CHAPTER XVT. LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. A. Administration of ^neas Sylvius (i) Nicolas V. . (2) Crusades against the Turks (3) Endeavours to advance the Papal power B. The Successors of ^neas Sylvius (i) Moral con-up tion . (2) Political degradation 514 515 524 527 527 533 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII. THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. A. Transition Period for Church and State . (i) International position of the Pope and the Em- peror ..... (2) Rise of nationahties and national Churches (3) Breaking up of Latin Christianity and the Empire B. Parallelism in the history of the Empire and the Papacy (i) Both derived from a common origin (2) Parallelism recognised by Dante (3) Instances of paralleHsm C. Mutual influence of Church and State (i) Influence of Church (2) Influence of State . PAGE 542 542 546 547 549 549 551 551 559 559 561 CHAPTER XVIII. CHURCH AND STATE IN ANTAGONISM. A. Opposition to the Papacy (i) Opposition of States-General (2) Opposition of Spirituals (3) Opposition of the Emperors (4) Opposition of Ecclesiastics B. Opposition to the Hierarchy (i) Emanating from the Pope . (2) Regulars and Seculars C. General Opposition to the Church (i) Curtailment of ecclesiastical jurisdiction (3) Prohibition of gifts in mortmain 569 570 572 574 575 576 576 577 578 579 582 CHAPTER XIX. NATIONAL REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. A. Reaction in England ..... 585 (i) The earlier movement national . . .588 (2) The later movement devoted to general reforms . 592 (3) The national movement after Wycliffe . '598 xxii CONTENTS. PAGE B. Political reformation in Bohemia . . . 599 (i) The movement national . . . -599 (2) The movement anti-hierarchical . . . 606 (3) Movement again national mider the Hussites . 615 C. Gallican movement in France . . . .618 (i) Beginning under Louis IX. . . .618 (2) Under Philip the Fair . . . .620 (3) Assertion of Gallican principles during the Schism . 621 (4) Gallican liberties secured at Bourges . . 624 Conclusion ....... 628 Appendix IV. Statutes of Provisors . . . . .632 INDEX 639 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF POPES AND EMPERORS. Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession B.C. Augustus 27 Tiberius 14 Caligula 37 Claudius 41 A.D. 42 Peter and Pmil Nero 54 67 Linus and Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Clement, 68 Vespasian 68 78 Cletus Titus 79 Domitian 81 Nerva 96 Trajan 98 no Evaristus Hadrian 117 119 Alexander I. 130 Sixtus I. Antoninus Pius 138 140 Telesphonis 152 Hyginus 156 Pius I. Marcus Aurelius 161 165 Anicetus 173 Soter 177 Eleutherius Commodus 180 Pertinax 190 Didius Julianus 191 192 Victor Niger 192 Septimius Severus 193 202 Zephyrinus Caracalla, Geta, Diadu- menian 211 Opilius Macrinus 217 Elagabalus 218 219 Calixtus I. Alexander Severus 222 224 Urban I. 230 Pontianus 235 Anterus Maximin 235 236 Fabianus The two Gordians, Maxi- mus Pupienus, Balbinus 237 Gordian the yoimger 238 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. Philip A.D. 244 Decius 249 250 Vacancy 251 Cornelius Callus 251 Volusian 252 253 Lucius I. Aemilian, Valerian, Gallienus 253 255 Stephen I. 257 Sixtus II. 258 Dionysius Claudius II. 268 270 Felix Aurelian 270 275 Euctychian Tacitus 275 Probus 276 Cams 282 283 Caius '•^ J Carinus, Numerian, Diocletian 284 Maximian and Diocletian 286 296 Marcellinus 304 Marcellus Cousiantiiis^ Galerius 305 Liciniiis 307 Maximin 308 309 Eusebius Constantine, Galerius, Licin- ius, Maximin, Maxentius, and Maximinian 309 3" Melchiades 314 Sylvester I. Constantine 323 336 Marcus 336 Julius Constantine II., Constantius II., and Constans 337 Magnentius 350 352 Liberius Constantius [alone) 353 Julian 361 Jovian 363 Valens and Valentinian I. 364 367 Felix II. Gratian and Valentinian I, 367 367 Damasus I. Valentinian II. and Gratian 375 Theodcsius 379 385 Siricius I. In the West In the East 395 Honorius Arcaditis 398 Anastasius I. 402 Innocent I. Theodosius II. 408 417 Zosimus Eidaliiis 418 Bonifacius I. 423 Coelestine I. Valentinian III. 424 POPES AND EMPERORS. Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. In the West In the East A.D. 432 Sixtus III. 440 Leo I. (the Great) Maximus, Avi- tus Majorian Marcian Leo I. 450 455 455 457 461 Hilary Severus Vacancy 461 465 467 Simplicius Anthemius Olybrius Glycerins Julius Nepos Romulus Au- gustulus END OF WESTERN EMPIRE Leo IL, Zeno Basilisctis 467 472 473 474 475 476 483 Felix III. Anastasms I. 491 492 Gelasius I. 496 Anastasius II. 498 Symmachus Laiirenthis (anti- pope) 512 Hormisdas Justin I. 518 523 John I. 526 Felix IV. Justinian /. 527 530 Boniface II. 532 John II. 535 Agapetus I. 536 Silverius 540 Vigilius 555 Pelagius I. 559 John III. Justin LL 565 573 Benedict I. 577 Pelagius II. Tiberius IL Maurice 578 582 590 Gregory I. (the Great) Phocas 602 604 Sabinianus 606 Boniface III. 607 Boniface IV. Heraclins 610 614 Deus dedit 617 Boniface V. 626 Honorius I. 640 Severinus CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A,D. In the West In the East A.D. 640 John IV. Constantine III. Heracleonas, Constans II. 641 642 Theodorus I. 649 Martin I. 655 Eugenius I. 657 Vitalian Constantine IV. [Pogonatus) 668 672 Adeodatus 676 Bonus 678 Agatho 682 Leo II. 684 Benedict II. 685 John V. yustinian II. 685 686 Conon 687 Sergius I. Paschal Theodore Leontius Tiberius 694 697 701 John VI. 705 John VII. Justinian II. (restored) 705 708 Zinzinnus 708 Constantine I. Philippicus Bar- da7ies Anastasius II. 711 713 715 Gregory II. Theodosius IIL Leo III. {the Isauriajt) 716 718 731 Gregory III. Constantine V. Copronymus 741 742 Zacharias 752 Stephen II. 757 Stephen III. ? 757 Paul I. 767 Constantine II. 767 Theophylact 768 Philip 768 Stephen III. {^alias IV.) 772 Adrian I. Leo IV. Constantine VI. ?i^ 795 Leo III. Deposition of Constantine VI. by Irene 797 POPES AND EMPERORS. Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. In the West In the East A.D. WESTERN EM- PIRE REVIVED Charles I. Nicephorus Staurasitis Michael I. {Rhangabes) Leo V. {the Ar- menian) 800 802 8x1 811 813 Lewis I. (the Pious) 814 8i6 Stephen IV. {alias N.) 817 Paschal I. Michael II. {the Stammerei-) 820 824 Eugenius II, 824 Anastasius 824 Zinzinnus 827 Valentine 828 Gregory IV. Lothar I. Theophilus Michael III. {the {Drunkard) 829 840 842 844 Sergius II. 847 Leo IV. 855 Benedict III. Lewis II. 855 858 Nicolas I. 867 Adrian IV. Basil I. {the Macedonian) 867 872 John VIII. Charles II. (the Bald) 875 882 Martin 11. 884 Adrian III. Charles III. (the Fat) 884 885 Stephen V. {alias '^l.) Leo VL {the Philosopher) 886 ■* Arnulf Guido Berengar 888 891 Formosus 891 Sergius 896 Boniface VI. 896 Stephen VI. {alias Nil.) 897 Romanus 898 Theodore II. 898 John IX. \ Lnvis the Child 899 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. In the West In the East A.D. 900 Benedict IV. Lewis III. (of Provence) 900 903 Leo V. 903 Christopher 904 Sergius III. 911 Anastasius III. Conrad I. Alexander Constantine VII. {Porphyroge7iitus) 911 912 913 Lando 914 John X. Henry I. (the Rojnaniis I. 919 Fowler) 928 Leo VI. 929 Stephen VII. {alias y\\\.) 931 John XI. 936 Leo VII. Otto I. 936 939 Stephen VIII. {alias \y..) 943 Martin III. Constantine VIII. 944 946 Agapetus II. 955 John XII. Ro77ianus II. 959 963 Leo VIIL Micephorus Phocas 963 964 Benedict V. 965 John XIII. John I. {Zijnisces) 969 972 Donus II. 972 Benedict VI. Otto 11. 973 974 Boniface VII. 974 Benedict VII. Basil II. and Constantine IX. 975 983 John XIV. Otto III. 983 984 Boniface VII. 985 John XV. 996 Gregory V. 997 John XVI. 999 Sylvester II. April 2 Henry II. (the Saint) 1002 1003 John XVII. June 9 1003 John XVIII. Dec. 26 1009 Sergius IV. 1012 Benedict VIII. 1012 Gregory 1024 John XIX. (X VIIL Conrad II. (the August in Lab. ) Salic) Romanus III. 1024 1028 1033 Benedict IX. POPES AND EMPERORS. Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. In the West In the East A.D. 1034 Michael IV. Henry III. Michael V. Constantine X. {Monomachtis) 1039 IO4I 1042 1044 Gregory VI. May 1044 Sylvester III. 1046 Clement II. Dec. 25 1048 Damasus II. July 17 1049 Leo IX. 1054 April 19 Vacancy Theodora (again) 1054 1055 Victor II. March Henry IV. Michael VI. 1056 ! 1057 Stephen IX. Isaac Comneiius 1057 August 2 {alias y..) 1058 Benedict X. March 30 1058 Nicolas II. Dec. 28 Constantine XI. {Dncas) 1059 1061 Alexander II. Sept. 30 Uonorius Romanns IV. {Diogenes) Michael VII. Diicas i 1068 ! 1071 i 1072 ! 1073 Gregory VII. April 22 Nicephoriis III. 1080 Clement III. {Botoftiates) Alexins Cojn- nenus 1078 108 1 '°fl Vacancy 1086 Victor III. May 24 1088 Urban II. March 12 1099 Pascal II. August 13 Henry V. 1 106 IIIo Gregory VIII. III8 Jan. 25 Gelasius II. John II 1118 1119 Callixtus II. Feb. I 1121 Coelestine 1 124 Honorius II, Dec. 21 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. In the West In the East A.D. Lothar II. (the Saxon) II25 1 130 Innocent II. Feb. 15 1 130 Anacletus II. Feb. ic 1138 Victor IV. Conrad III. "38 1 143 Coelestine If. Manuel I. "43 Sept. 26 1 144 Lucius II. March 12 "45 Eugenius HI. Feb. 27 Frederic I. (Bar- barossa) "52 "53 Anastasius IV. July 9 "54 Adrian IV. Dec. 3 "59 Alexander III. Sept. 7 "59 Victor IV. 1 164 Paschal III. April 22 " 1 168 CalUxtus III. 1178 Ijinocent III. Alexius II. 1 180 1181 Lucius III. Sept. I Androiicns I. 1 183 1 185 Urban III. Isaac Angelas 1185 Nov. 25 1187 Gregory VIII. Oct. 20 1 188 Clement III. Henry VI. 1 190 1191 Coelestine III. March 30 Alexius III "95 1 198 Innocent III. Philip and January Otto IV. Otto IV. Frederic II. Isaac Mour- zoujle Baldwin I. Henry Theodore Las- caris 1 198 1202 1204 1205 1206 1208 1212 1216 Honorius III. July 18 1 Peter de Cour- tenay 1217 POPES AND EMPERORS. XXXI Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. In the West In the East A.D. Robert 1220 John Ducas 1222 1227 Gregory IX. March 19 Baldwin II. 1228 1241 Coelestine IV. October 1242 Vacancy 1243 Innocent IV. June Conrad IV. 1250 1254 Alexander IV. Interregnum 1254 Dec. 12 Richard of Coru- ivall and Alfonso of Castile Theodorus //. John IV. Michael Paleo- logus 1255 1257 1258 1259 1261 Urban IV. Aug. 29 1265 Clement IV. Feb. 5 1269 Vacancy 1271 Sept. I Gregory X. Rudolph of Haps- 1272 burg 1276 Innocent V, Feb. 21 1276 Adrian V. July II 1276 John XX. or XXI. Sept. 13 (XIX. in Lab.) 1277 Nicolas III. Nov. 25 1281 Martin IV. Feb. 22 Andi'onicus II. {Paleologtis) 1283 1285 Honorius IV. April 2 1288 Nicolas IV. Feb. 15 Adolf of Nassau 1292 1293 Vacancy 1294 Coelestine V. Julys 1294 Boniface VIII. Dec. 24 i 1 Albert I. 1298 CHROXOLOGICAL TABLE OF Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emp :rors Year of Accession A.D. A.D. In the West In the East 1303 Benedict X. or XL' Oct. 22 1 305 Clement V. June 15 Henry VI 1. 1308 1314 Vacancy Lewis IV. and Fr'ederic of Austria I314 1 1316 John XXI. or Aug. 7 XXII. (XX. in Lab.) i Andronicus III. [Faleologus) 1320 1334 Benedict XL or Dec. 20 XIL John V. {Faleo- logus) 1 341 1342 Clement VI. May 7 Charles IV. ( Giinther of SclrMartzburg) 1347 1352 Innocent VI. Dec. 18 1362 Urban V. Sept. 1370 Gi'egory XL Dec. 30 1378 Urban VI. Wenceslaus 1378 April 9 1378 Clement VII. Sept. 21 1389 Boniface IX, Nov. 2 Manuel II I39I 1394 Benedict XII l. Sept. 28 Rupert 1400 1404 Innocent VI 1. Oct. 17 1406 Gregory XII. Nov. 30 1409 Alexander V. June 1410 John XXII. or I Sigismund May 17 XXIII. (XXL in Lab.) {Jobst of Moravia) 1 I4IO 1416 Vacajicy 1417 Martin V. Nov. II 1424 Clement VIIL John VL 1424 143 1 Eugenius IV. March Albert II. 1438 POPES AND EMPERORS. Year of Accession Bishops of Rome { Emperors 1 Year of Acces.sion ' In tlie West 1 In the East A.D. A.D. 1439 EcHx V. 1 Xov. 17 Frederic III. 1440 1447 Nicolas V. March 6 1 Constantine XIII. FALL Ol- THE 1448 EASTERN EMPIRE I4s3 1455 Callixtus III. April 8 1458 Pius II. August 1464 Paul II. Aug. 31 1471 Sixtus IV. Aug. 9 1484 Innocent VIII. Aug. 29 1492 Alexander VI. Aug. II Maximilian I. 1493 1503 Pius III. Sept. 22 1503 Julius II. ! Nov. I ' 1513 LeoX. j ; March 11 Charles V. ItI9 1522 Adrian VI. J J Jan. 2 1523 Clement VII. 1 Nov. 19 1534 Paul III. Oct. 13 1550 JuHus III. i Feb. 8 1 1555 Marcellus II. I April 9 i 1 1555 Paul IV. May 23 Ferdinand I. 1558 i 1559 Pius IV. J J 1 1 December Maximilian 11. 1 1564 1566 Pius V. Jan. 7 1572 Gregory XIII. 1 May 13 Rudolph II. 1 I '176 ! 1585 Sixtus V. 01 j April 24 1590 Urban VII. Sept. 15 1 i CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF Year of Accession Bishops of Rome Emperors Year of Accession A.D. i 1 A.D. 1590 Gregory XIV, Dec. 5 j 1591 Innocent IX. 1 Oct. 29 1 1592 Clement VIII. Jan. 30 1605 Leo XI. ^ April I 1605 Paul V. ^ May 16 Mathias I6I2 Ferdinand II. I6I9 1621 Gregory XV. ; Feb. 2 1623 Urban VIII. Aug. 6 Ferdinand III. 1637 ! 1644 Innocent X. 1 Sept. 15 i 1655 Alexander VII. April 7 Leopold I. 1658 1667 Clement IX. June 20 ! 1670 Clement X. April 29 i 1676 Innocent XI. Sept. 21 ! 1 1689 Alexander VIII. Oct. 6 1691 Innocent XII. 1 July 12 1 1700 Clement XI. j Nov. 23 ' ! Joseph 1, 1705 Charles VI. I7II 1721 Innocent XIII. 1 May 8 1724 Benedict XIII. ! ■ May 29 1730 Clement XII. ' July 12 1 1740 Benedict XIV. ; Aug. 17 \ Charles VII. 1742 Francis I. 1745 1758 Clement XIII. July 6 Joseph II. 1765 1769 Clement XIV. May 19 1775 Pius VI. Feb. 15 Leopold II. 1790 Francis II. 1792 POPES AND EMPERORS, Year of Accession Bishops of Rome 1 Emperors Year of | Accession j A.D. A.D. 1800 Phis VII. March 13 ABDICATION OF FRANCIS 1806 END OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE 1823 Leo XII. Sept. 28 1829 Phis VIII. March 31 1831 Gregory XVI. Feb. 2 1846 Puis IX. June 16 CH APTE INTRODUCTORY, c:ol.cot;l>>^ rJBRAllV. j *V ^' VOKlv. ) R T>^ Comedetis veUishssima veterum^ et vetera novts supa'venietitibus projicietis. — Lev. xxvi. io. WHATEVER variety of opinion may prevail chap. as to the precise period at which the history '■ — ^ of what are called the Middle Ages begins, it is at least clear, that under the episcopate of Gregory the Great the power of the See of Rome in the West a»d. 590 commences. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, and the appearance of the Reformation it is seen to decline. Its history becomes henceforth an altered one. One period in its career Is complete. Its mediaeval career may therefore be justly con- sidered to commence with the pontificate of Gregory the Great, and to end with that of Leo X.; to begin with the seventh century, and to close with the sixteenth ; thus embracing a period of rather more than nine centuries. During these centuries a new and hitherto unex- A. Change plored field was opened out for the Church. Chris- ofeccie- tianity changed its ground, and with that change the ^lYslor^^ character and constitutions of the Church changed as well. Hitherto the Church had flourished among the m.en of the old world. The shores of the Medi^ B I INTRODUCTIOX. CHAP, terranean — those same shores on which the role of ^ poHtlcal history had been played — had been the first field of ecclesiastical history. The old centres — Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Constan- tinople — had been centres of the Church's life. Christianity had 'worn the colouring of the old world and the old modes of thought : now with the decline of the older civilisations its older life declined too. But this decline was not unattended with cor- responding gains. For, no longer confined to the old seats of mankind, but following the onward march of civilisation, the Church crossed the Alps and diffused herself in central Europe. Among the Germanic nations henceforth she took up her home. Her losses in the East were compensated by gains in the West. Disputes which had agitated Greeks and Romans were laid to rest ; the rivalries of Rome and Constantinople, of Alexandria and An- tioch, were forgotten. She entered on a new life, animated by new modes of thought, distracted by new disputes. Yet not at once, nor without a long period of training, were the new nations able to assert their independence ; in fact, this was not the case until the Reformation. The preparatory training was a work of time and gradual growth. And hence the Middle Ages — those ages in which it was taking place — are, as their name implies, intermediate ages — ages in which the old world met the new world ; in which the traditions of the old world were still in the ascendant, those of the new world in infancy ; in which the Teuton was first brought face to face CHAXGE OF CHARACTER OF CHURCH, . with the Roman — the Roman the inheritor of a great chap. cIviHsatlon, whose day was past, the Teuton still rugged like his native woods. The old world was passing away, and being borne to its grave, the new world was growing up under the shadow of the past. It is not, therefore, so strange as It might appear B. Change that nations whose characteristic feature, as it is now racter' seen, is love of freedom and intolerance of restraint alike in politics and religion, should have then lent themselves so readily to the Roman system. Indeed, it will be observed that no sooner had Christianity passed into Europe, than the bands of ecclesiastical organisation were drawn tighter than they had ever been before, and continued to be drawn tighter and tighter, until the strictest system of ecclesiastical absolutism was developed, at the head of which stood the sovereign pontiff. Yet so It was. The Germanic nations received Christianity and the Roman supre- macy together, and hence constantly confounded the two. Years elapsed before they became conscious of the confusion ; a still longer period before this con- sciousness found expression ; and nine centuries had gone by before they dared to rise In rebellion against a primary usurpation, and rid themselves of an error which they had imbibed from their first teachers. And yet, although undoubtedly an usurpation, and resting on a primary misapprehension, the papal rule, and the Holy Empire to which It gave rise, are the great objects of attraction In the Middle Ages, and, whilst they did last, were sincerely believed in. Whatever Is greatest and noblest in those ages — B 2 INTRODUCTION. CHAP, great saints, great heroes, great sovereigns — are all '■ in the early part of the Middle Ages to be found upholding the Holy Empire, as in the latter part they were divided between the rival sovereigns of that Empire, the popes and the emperors. When that Empire passed away, as it was inevitably destined to pass away w4th increasing years, the glory which had been shed over the early years of European history had vanished. The Teutonic nations had attained to manhood, and lived in the light of clearer knowledge ; but the poetry of childhood was gone. The man is no doubt wiser than the child ; but is that a subject of unmixed congratulation } The child has not the intellect or the knowledge of the man ; but has the man the freshness, the simplicity, and above all the happiness of childhood ? c. Vicis- Moreover, this hierarchical centralisation, which is Tenitomi ^^ consplcuous In the Middle Ages, was a new thing andeccle- j^ the seventh century, and in fact a result Pi-rowinp- siastical , -^ . . power. out of the Church's altered relations. Such claims as were put forth by the Popes in the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, w^ould have been impossible in the first four centuries of Christendom. They were the claims of a city no longer mistress of the world, to be mistress of the world ; the claims of a spiritual person to occupy the place once held by a political sovereign ; the claims of one who felt the strength of his position, who, having been left to himself, had learnt what it was to be free, and who, having learned what it was to be free, coveted to rule over others. They were the claims of a civilised ecclesiastic feel- VICISSITUDES OF POWER. ng his moral ascendency over nations rude and chap. uncultivated, and adroitly using his moral ascendency for political purposes. Moreover, these claims were first advanced in the cause of civilisation and Chris- tianity. The error was that they were persevered in by those who had tasted the sweets of power, long after the rudeness and want which had first called them forth had passed away. Nay, are they not even now persevered in, although those upon whom they are made are far in advance of those who make them in intellectual enlightenment? It is interesting to watch the progress of these claims, not forgetting that they form the basis on which the Holy Empire was built, and to see the oscillations of power from the temporal to the spiritual head, and back to the temporal head again. For, in the Holy Empire, religion and politics were ever combined. At one time the religious power is the strongest ; at another, the two are equal ; again the civil power has secured the upper hand, and seeks to dethrone the ecclesiastical altogether. When the connection between the two is finally severed, the Holy Empire is really at an end. Three definite stages may therefore be distin- guished in the history of the See of Rome in the .; Middle Ages — an age of growth, an age of greatness, " and an age of decline. In the first of these stages, the age of growth, the (i) First Latin system may be watched rapidly spreading "^''"^^ over Europe with hardly a single obstacle. Civili- 590-104^ sation is confounded with Christianity, and Chris- 5 INTRODUCTION. CHAP, tianlty with the Papacy. The spiritual power is '■ — continually rising in importance, and founds the Empire. {2) Second In the next of these stages — the age of greatness ^ P — the Pope has become a spiritual autocrat, ruling 1046-1303 ^^ Church absolutely, and through the Church ruling the Empire. That rule brings him into collision with the emperor. A struggle goes on ostensibly between popes and emperors, really between the old world and the new world, between the old despotic Latin spirit and the new freedom-loving Teutonic spirit. And such is the power of the Papacy, that the emperors succumb in the struggle. In the mo- ment of the greatest triumphs of the Papacy, how- ever, the handwriting is seen on the wall. (3) Third With the fourteenth century, marked nationalities ^^ begin to show themselves in language, literature, 1303-1515 and distinct kingdoms. Europe has reached man's estate and will no longer be held in thraldom. Soon the system of the Papacy, as a living power, is seen to crumble away, declining far more rapidly than it had grown, and dragging down with it into ruin at once the popes and the emperors. During the papal residence at Avignon, the political supre- macy of the popes was lost. By the great schism of the West, their ecclesiastical supremacy was under- mined. And when vice had deprived them of what moral weight they still possessed. Western Christen- dom broke off its fetters, and the result was the Reformation. It will be the business of the following pages to give a short oudine of these vicissitudes. Part I. THE AGE OF GROWTH 590—1046. STATE OF THE SEE OF ROME. CHAPTER II. THE WESTERN PATRIARCHS UNDER THE EASTERN EMPERORS. (590—725-) Ei nemo hibens vetjis staiim vult noz'um ; dicit enim : vettis vielms est. — Luc. v. 39. THE Western Patriarchate was already firmly chap. established when Gregory I. was called from ' his retreat on the Coelian hill ^ to occupy the most ^jfjlfsee important position in Western Christendom. Rome, ^fRo77ie ^ ^ ^ ^ ' in seventh for more than twelve centuries the ruling centre for century. the nations dwelling around the Mediterranean, was ^o}itThn- no longer the mistress of the world. Her temporal portance. sovereignty had departed from her. But amid the causes which subverted her empire, she had never- theless not lost her prestige. She was still the centre of the West. Though shorn of power, she was still an object of admiration, of veneration, of respect. Around her gathered the memories of the ^ The monastery of St. Andrew on the Coelian hill was one out of seven founded by Gregory himself. See Montalembert's Monks of tJie IVest, ii. p. 86. For the life of Gregory see Labb6 and CossART, Cond/ia, vi. 713 ; Milman's Zatin Christianity^ book iii. ch. vii. ; a short account in Bede's Hist. EccL ii. \. Gregory' I. elected 590 a.d., died 604. IO\9^ THE WESTERN PATRIARCHATE. PART past. She was the Hnk between the old world and the new. She had seen the glories of the empire. She had witnessed the triumphs of faith. She had been hallowed by the blood of martyrs. Changing and yet changeless, she had bent before a thousand storms ; she had risen resplendent with new glory. What she had lost in power, she had gained in moral ascendency. Prestige was hers, and the pres- tige of the city naturally communicated a prestige to her bishopric. . That bishopric had, In fact, been gradually rising in power and importance ever since the Council of Nicaea,^ or even before that period. Its rise had been furthered by a variety of causes. Besides the rank which it derived from the city of old Rome ^ hallowed by the traditions of the miartyrdom of St. Peter and St. Paul, its greatness was due partly to the removal of the court to Constantinople, which freed the bishops of Rome from the depress- ing tyranny to which the eastern patriarchs were exposed ; partly to the conversion of the adjoining countries, which, whilst it added to the extent of its patriarchate, supplied it wdth some of its most dutiful children ; but more than all, to the fact that, w^hilst political changes had been frequent, the bishopric of ^ Can. 6 gives to the bishops of Alexandria authority over Egypt, Libya, and the Pentapohs, stating as the reason, k-Ktilr\ kcxX TO) tv rp 'Pw^{? eiriffKUTro) tovto avv-qQic kuTiv. The precedence of the bishops of old Rome was recognised by the Council of Constan- tinople A.D. 381, Can. 3. 2 Can 28, Co7iciL Chalcedofi : r&5 ©porw (episcopal) trig 'jrpta'j3vT£pag 'F r mzssiOl! of same time as that of Ravenna. Before the arms of AquHda. the invaders in the fifth century, the patriarchs of ^■^' ^^^ Aquileia had withdrawn to the island of Grado.'^ There secure from the revolutions which were devas- tating Northern Italy, they had refused to acquiesce 553 in the edict condemning the ' three chapters,' when the Roman bishop Vigilius had been more yielding, and. continued, together with the Istrian bishops, out of communion with the See of Rome for more than a century. But the schism was at length healed by Sergius I., and before the close of the seventh 6S7-701 century no independent archbishop at all survived in 698 Italy. Thus one after another the Churches in all tl:e (d) Ger^ many. MiLM. iii. 171. 2 GiES. ii. 129. 42 THE WESTERN PATRIARCHATE. PART vicariates of the Italian praefecture had passed from a position of equality to one of dependence on Rome, those of North Africa first ; those of North Italy next ; those of Western Illyria last. And even beyond the Italian praefecture Rome had made her ascendency felt in the Gallic praefecture. Spain had yielded freely ; the attitude of Gaul was more doubt- ful ; England was attached to Rome by ties of the warmest affection. Now through England, the spell of Roman superiority was brought to bear on a country which had never been included in the old Roman Empire. On this account the conduct of A.D. 723 Boniface, the Apostle of Germany, is so important in its bearings on the subsequent growth of the Pa- pacy.^ Coming from England deeply imbued with veneration for the Church of Rome, Boniface made that veneration the basis on which he established the new Church in Germany. He had hardly been a year at work in Hesse and Thuringia, having baptised his two first converts, when he was sum- moned to Rome by Gregory H and required to give an account of his faith. No hesitation seems to have been felt by Boniface in obeying the summons, nor yet in taking the oath, which Gregory ad- ministered to him at his consecration, which decided for centuries the thraldom of the German Church. At the tomb of St. Peter he was required to swear with the utmost solemnity an oath substantially the same as that taken by the Italian bishops be- longing to the several archiepiscopal sees under the ^ Neand. v. 158 ; GiES. ii. 214. THE SUCCESSORS OF GREGORY L 43 iurisdlction of Rome. It ran : ^ ' To thee the first of chap. ^ II. the Apostles and to thy representative Gregory and his successors I promise, that with God's help I will abide in the unity of the Catholic faith, agreeing with nothing contrary to the unity of the Catholic Church, but in every way maintaining my faith pure, and constantly co-operating with thee and with thy Church, on which has been bestowed by God the power to bind and to loose, with thy representative aforesaid and with his successors. Whenever I find the conduct of the chief officers of the Church con- tradictory to the ancient ordinances and decrees of the Fathers, I will have no fellowship or connection with them, but will prevent it If I can, or If not, will report It faithfully to the Pope.' By that oath, which was henceforth regularly administered to all bishops as they were appointed to the new sees established by Boniface In Germany, was decided once and for ever the question whether a free Church ^ 'In nomine Domini Dei et Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi. ' Imperante domino Leone a Deo coronato magno Imperatore ' anno septimo post consulatum ejus, sed et Constantini magni * Imperatoris ejus filio anno iv. indictione vi. : Promitto ego Boni- * facius, Dei gratia episcopus, tibi beato Petro Apostolorum prin- ' cipi, Vicarioque tuo beato Gregorio Papae et successoribus ejus, ' perPatrem, et Filium, et Spiritum Sanctum, Trinitatem inseparabi- ' lem, et hoc sacratissimum Corpus tuum : Me omnium fidem et ' puritatem sanctae fidei catholicae exhibere, et in unitate ejusdem * fidei Deo operante persistere, in qua omnis Christianorum salus ' sine dubio esse comprobatur : Nullo modo me contra unitatem ' communis et universalis ecclesiae suadente quopiam consentire ; ' sed, ut dixi, fidem et puritatem meam atque concursum tibi et ' utilitatibus ecclesiae tuae, cui a Domino Deo potestas ligandi ' solvendique data est, et praedicto Vicario tuo, atque successori- * bus ejus per omnia exhibere : Sed et si cognovero, antistites ' contra instituta antiqua sanctorum patrum conversari, cum eis 44 THE WESTERN PATRIARCHATE, PART should be left to develope Itself in Germany, or whether Germany should be incorporated in the old Roman hierarchical system ; by it was laid the foun- dation of the ecclesiastical power of the Popes In Germany ; ^ by It, however, Germany was brought under the Influence of Roman civilisation, the effects of which will be fully seen in Its subsequent history. Hitherto the Western Patriarchate had rested its claim to ecclesiastical dominion on the secular claims of the Empire ; henceforth it substituted divine for imperial right. Hitherto the bounds of the Empire constituted Its bounds ; henceforth it aspired to be supreme over the world. Still Its authority was ecclesiastical, and by no means absolute over its daughter Churches ; still the possessors of that au- thority owned themselves subjects. Not till thirty years later, when new troubles, political and reli- gious, had well-nigh threatened to annihilate It, does It emerge from these troubles to rise to political im- portance ; not till a century later to obtain political independence. ' nuUam habere communionem aut conjimctionem ; sed magis, si ' valuero prohibere, prohibeam ; sin minus, ficleliter statum Do- ' mino meo Apostolico renunciabo. Quod si, quod absit, contra * hujus promissionis meae seriem aliquid facere quolibet modo, seu ' ingenio vel occasioni tentavero, reus inveniar in aeterno judicio, ' ultionem Ananiae et Sapphire incurram, qui vobis etiam de * rebus propriis fraudem facere vel falsum dicere pracsumserint. * Hunc autem indiculum sacramenti ego Bonifacius exiguus epi- ' Scopus manu propria scripsi, atque ponens supra sacratissimum ' corpus beati Petri, ita ut praescriptum est, Deo teste et judice, ' praestiti sacranientum quod et servare promitto.' See Gies. * ii. 215 ; Neand. v. 64. ^ The Synod held by Boniface, an. 743. decreed amongst other things, ' subj actionem Romanae ecclcsiae.' See Labb£, vii. 281. CAUSES OF THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. 45 CHAPTER III. THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGLANCE, (725-800.) Exaiidiat te Dominu? hi die iribidationis : protegat ie nonien Dei Jacob. Ps. XIX. 2.' THE eighth century opened upon Rome still chap. dependent, but establishing herself as ecclesi- '- astical mistress of the West ; It closed after witness- ^,/ //^^'"^^"^ ing the bold step of a transfer of her allegiance from ^XJ/^''^ one sovereign to another. The first quarter of the giance. century passed away in the completion of the first p]ji^f,ice act. It saw the success of Gregory II., in imposing ^'^ ^^!^' on Boniface and his successors in office an oath of ^^^/^^ ^ 11 • n^i 1 ^^ r^ Jiindra7ice allegiance. The second quarter began whilst Gre- to ecde- gory 1 1, was still Bishop of Rome and still intent upon poryj^r of advancing the interests of his Church.''^ Ten years of ^^P^^- Gvcs^ofy his eventful career had already passed away, during //. which the newly-established German Church had ^ ^-^-^ been incorporated in the Latin system ; ^v^ years, not less eventful, were yet to come, during which another train of movements fraught with most im- portant consequences for the Papacy would be set in ^ Gregory's letter to Charles Martel. Labb]^, viii. 206. ^ For the life of Gregory II. see Labb6, viii. 159. In 725 he had been Pope ten years, and he continued to hold the Papacy till 731. 46 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE, FART motion. Gregory II. was Pope, but he was still the . '- subject of the Eastern Empire ; ecclesiastically he was all powerful, politically he was comparatively powerless. Though ruler of the religious destinies of the West, he received the commands of the Emperor of the East. To him the whole of Christian Europe looked up as patriarch, nay, as more than patriarch, as the successor and representative of St. Peter ;^ but successor of St. Peter though he was, he was nevertheless a subject of Caesar, and that not of a Caesar who would receive his godly admonitions as a dutiful son, but of one who would himself aspire to lay down the law for the Church. In a word, the ecclesiastical power of the Pope in Europe was con- stantly suffering shipwreck on the rock of his politi- cal dependence on the Emperor in the East. Under these circumstances it is not hard to understand how the tie connecting the Bishops of Rome to the em- perors should seem a galling one, how it should be ignored as much as possible, and how, growing con- tinually weaker, it should be liable at any moment to be altogether sundered, whenever it might chance to be exposed to a more than ordinary strain. It was not long before the time came for such exposure. {2) Icono- The Emperor Leo III. was a native of Isauria,^ cias}7i of £ Qbscure birth, a valorous and able soldier, pos- Ernperor ' ... Leo III. sessed of military and administrative talents, and of sterling worth, but rude and unrefined in mind, 1 See ch. vi. 2 See Milman's Latw ChrisHaniiy, book iv. ch. vii, (vol. ii. p. 339, small edition). CAUSES OF THE TRANSFER. ^j unable to appreciate art and lovino^ a plain unadorned chap. III. worship. To his practical mind the sentimental ecstasies of the Eastern monks seemed distasteful ; elastic^ ' the respect paid to images and pictures seemed ^ ^^^^' superstitious ; the mental attitude of those who could not enkindle in themselves reverential feelings without the help of material representations, seemed idolatrous. Images did not seem to him merely the result of a low spiritual apprehension, or of an inca- pacity for the ideal, but they seemed positively sin- ful. Their use was not indeed one which had com- mended itself to the first simple adherents of Christianity, but it was an instrument necessary perhaps to influence a morally corrupt and intellec- tually enfeebled people. Coming as he did fresh from his Isaurian hills, was Leo incapable of under- standing this fact ? Or did he simply fail to observe the sad condition of the Empire ? Perhaps either, perhaps both. But certain it is that he had not been more than ten years on the throne (during which time he had only twice rescued the Empire from falling into the hands of the formidable Saracens, and with the exception of persecuting the Jews had otherwise meddled little with religion), when Christendom was suddenly astonished by the appearance of an edict interdicting all worship of images — so the edict ran a.d. 726 — and proscribing as idolatrous all statues and pic- tures which represented the Saviour, the Virgin, and the Saints.^ The excitement caused by the publication of this ' MiLMAN, ii. 352. 48 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. TART edict was Intense. Learned and unlearned alike, priest and peasant, monk and soldier, clergy and laity, men and women, even children, all were involved in the strife. A clean sweep was at once made of all religious attachments. The devout felt their feelings outraged ; the careless and indifferent exulted. Terrible prodigies were witnessed in the heaven, and phenomena no less strange occurred on earth. ^ Nor was the excitement lessened when a second edict appeared, drawn up in terms still more stringent, and besides commanding the total destruction of all images, ordering the whitewashing of the walls of the Churches. Scenes of rebellion and bloodshed were the result ; in Constantinople open resistance was offered to the execution of the edict ; in Greece and the Aegean islands a formidable insurrection broke out. The monks were loud in denouncing the enactment, the clergy unanimous in condemning Leo ; even the rival patriarchs of old and new Rome, Gregory IL and Germanus, united in defending the images against the imperial commands. {b) Italy In Italy the feeling was particularly bitter. Ab- of rebel- sence from Rome had lessened the respect felt for ^^^^' the imperial name ; and the emperor's deputies, the exarchs of Ravenna, had gained for themselves only a reputation for severity. To the emperor him- self, Gregory II. now addressed a letter of remon- 729 strance :^ ' For ten years you have paid no attention 1 An alarming volcanic eruption in the Aegean. See Milman, ii. 354- 2 This letter is to be found in Greek and Latin in the praeam- bulares to Concil. NUen II, an. 787 ; Labb^. viii. 652 seq. CAUSES OF THE TRANSFER. 49 to the images you now denounce as idols, and chap whose total destruction and abolition you command. - — Not the faithful only, but infidels are scandalised at your impiety. Christ has condemned those who offend one of His little ones ; you fear not to offend the whole world. You say that God has forbidden the worship of things made with hands. Who worships them } . . . The Scripture, the Fathers, the Councils you treat with equal contempt. . . . Go into a school where children are learning their letters, and proclaim yourself a destroyer of images. You will receive their tablets thrown at your head . . . . You boast that you are a second Hezekiah, after 800 years, casting out the idols from the Churches as he did the brazen serpent from the temple. And truly Hezekiah was your brother, self- willed as you, and like you daring to offer violence to the priests of God. . . . With the power given me by St. Peter, I could inflict punishment, but I leave you to endure the curse you have heaped on yourself* It was followed by a second letter, though how soon after it is impossible to determine :^ 'You persecute and afflict us with the arm of flesh ; we unarmed and defenceless can but send a devil to humble you. . , . Images have been borne by bishops to Councils ; no religious man goes on a pilgrimage without an image . . . . Write to all the world that we are in error concerning images ; cast the blame on us, who have received from God the power to bind and to loose.' The Italians proposed to elect a new emperor and ' This letter in Greek and latin in Laeb£, viii. 668 seq. E 50 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART to conduct him to Constantinople.^ But Gregory withstood the proposal, suggesting hope for the conversion of Leo. He alone exhorted to fidelity, whilst they proposed to sever the bond connecting them with the East. But the rebellion was not to be accomplished yet. The circumstances which ulti- mately separated the Popes and the emperors remain still to be told. (3) The Not a century and a half before the outbreak bards. of the Iconoclastic controversy the Lombards had {a) Their f^^st made their appearance in Italy under the lead- settlement . . . 171 Italy, ership of Alboin,^ summoned, it was believed, by A.D. 568 psj' arses across the Alps as instruments of vengeance, because this province had appealed to Constantino- ple against his oppressive rule. Unlike the Goths, who had been partially civilised before their arrival in Italy, the bold and unscrupulous Lombards, without awe or reverence for religion, depopulated cities, burned churches, and destroyed monasteries in their progress promiscuously, everywhere diffusing the wildest terror, and regarded as the harbingers of the coming day of judgment. The hatred of the Romans for the Lombards was intense, greater even than their hatred for the Iconoclasts. They had 1 Anastasius in Vit. xc. Gregor. 11. : ' Cognita vero Impera- * toris nequitia, omnis Italia consilium iniit, ut sibi eligerent Im- * peratorem, et Constantinopolim ducerent. Sed compescuit tale * consilium Pontifex, sperans conversionem Principis, — blando ' omnes sermone, ut bonis in Deum proficerent actibus et in fide ' persisterent, rogabat. Sed ne desisterent ab amore vel fide * Romani Imperii, admonebat.' 2 Milman's Latifi Christia7iity, hook iii. vol. ii. ch. vii.pp. 97, 132 (small edition). CAUSES OF THE TRANSFER. 51 advanced from the North to the South, and they had chap. III. estabHshed the two powerful dukedoms of Benevento and Spoleto.^ In the time of Gregory I. they had 735 besieged Rome. Gregory had defended it, and by 599 his friendly correspondence their queen Theodelinde had been won from Arianism to Catholicism.^ In the time of John VI., the Duke of Benevento 701-705 had made a predatory incursion into Campania ; ^ and at the moment when the Iconoclastic controversy broke out the Lombards had established, besides the two dukedoms in the South, a settled kingdom in the district, thence called Lombardy,* presided over by a king^ eager for aggrandisement, and only on the look out for a favourable opportunity in order to include Rome and the exarchate in his dominions. That opportunity seemed now to have arrived, {b) Over On the publication of the Iconoclastic edict at the exar- Ravenna the people broke out in insurrection, and ^^^^^' ... . ^ A.D. 727 declared their determination to renounce their allegi- ance with the Empire rather than to permit their churches to be despoiled of their ornaments. They attacked the soldiers, and maintained a desperate conflict for the mastery of the city. The exarch was assailed by disaffection within. At this moment the Lombards appeared without the walls with ' The Greek dominions in Italy were confined (i) to the Exar- chate of Ravenna, (2) the Duchy of Rome and Naples, (3) the cities on the coast of Liguria, and (4) the extreme provinces of Lower Italy. See Gies. ii. 130. 2 An. 599; MiLMAN, ii. 135, 137. 3 MiLMAN, ii. 336. ^ Ibid. 417. ^ Liutprand, who reigned 713-743 a.d. E 2 52 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART LIutprand at their head, announcing themselves devout worshippers of images. The populace was won ; Ravenna surrendered ; the troops of Liutprand spread without resistance over the Pentapolls. The days of the exarchate seemed about to be numbered. Constantinople's hold upon Italy seemed to be gone, and gone for ever. But it was not so. The exarchate did not pass away without making one more spasmodic gasp for life. The Byzantine troops, combining with the maritime forces of Venice, succeeded in retaking Ravenna, and for several years that city continued to be the residence of an imperial officer.^ The last exarch, Eutychius, con- trived to maintain his perilous position for twenty years, temporising between the Pope, the Lombards, and the Franks ; and when he was at length com- pelled to abandon his office and to take refuge in Naples, the exarchate, after having existed for 200 A.D. years, ever since the overthrow of the Ostrogothic kingdom by Belisar and Narses, was finally at an end. The Lombards in the North were the only power left which could aspire to the political sove- reignty of Italy, — barbarians, cruel and insatiable,^ whose dominion the Popes could least of all sub- mit to endure. Never with all their largesses to the Church could the Lombards eradicate this ' IMiLMAN, ii. 418. 2 In proof of their barbarity, the well-known story of Alboin's death and that of his adulterous queen, Rosmunda, the cup made out of her father's skull with which Alboin pledged her at a public banquet, her revenge, and her own murder by her guilty paramour, maybe referred to. See Milman, ii. 132. 554-75 CAUSES OF THE TRANSFER. 53 repugnance ; and however devotedly they might act, chap. there prevailed from first to last between them and the Italian clergy an Implacable animosity. By the Italians of the eighth century they were regarded with nearly the same kind of horror with which the Turks were regarded in Europe in the sixteenth century ; even when apparent amity existed, no terms can be found too strong to express the general detestation in which they were held. Whilst the power of the exarchate had declined, if) J^f^- and that of the Lombards was steadily increasing,^ ness of the prospect must have loomed before the Popes, siibmiuo either of having to submit to the rule of the bar- ff^^^; barians or of establishing an independent political sovereignty themselves, which should take the place of the defunct exarchate. The latter alterna- tive would naturally commend itself to them most. But how with neighbours like the Lombards, bent . on obtaining the sovereignty over the whole of Italy, was it possible to succeed without external sup- port ? From the Eastern Emperors no help could be expected. They were themselves harassed with the attacks of the Saracens, and had been unable to save the exarchate. The Normans were as yet hardly known ; it was not till near the close of the Papacy ad. 740 of Gregory III. that they first seized the Duchy of Spoleto ; and besides, they were cruel barbarians, worse even than the Lombards. In this distress the ^ Almost all pretension to power except over Sicily and Calabria expired with the death of the Emperor Leo III., in 741 a. p. MiLMAN, ii. 368. 54 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART gaze of Gregory 1 11.^ was directed beyond the Alps to a Catholic chief, who had just achieved a sigfnal A.D. \ ^ ^ 731-741 deliverance for Christendom on the field of Tours 732 and Poitiers, who had done in France what the emperors were unable to do in the East, and who therefore might be expected to be able to deal with the Lombards in the same way that he had already dealt with the Saracens. B. Ap. From the East, powerless to render help, from an ^ihl Latin Empire crumbling away beneath the weight of its ^^^'7~ . own greatness, Gregory III. therefore turned away, the West, and fixed his gaze on the youthful greatness of a transalpine nation, the Franks — brave, adventurous, (I) Ap. peal of Gre_gory fuH of promise, successful in warfare, and destined to 731-741 rise to future power. With Charles Martel, mayor of the palace, and virtual ruler of the Frankish realm, Gregory 11.'^ had already opened communications. 739 To Charles Martel, his successor, Gregory III. again appealed, when, after eight years of doubtful peace, he suddenly found himself involved in an open war with the Lombards.^ His appeal is truly 740 touching :^ 'his tears are falling night and day for the ^ Gregory III. was Pope from 731 to 741. He succeeded Gregory II. and was in turn succeeded by Zachary, 741 to 752. For the life of Gregory III., see Labb^, viii. 195 seq. ; for that of Zachary, Ibid. 219. 2 MiLMAN, ii. 428. 3 /^/^_ ^29. ^ Labb^, viii. 205. The letter begins : ' Nimia fluctuamus tri- ' bulatione, et lacr^-mae die noctuque ab oculis nostris non defi- ' ciunt, quando conspicimus quotidie et undique ecclesiam sanc- ' tam Dei, a suis, in quibus spes erat vindicandi, destitui filiis. ' Propterea coarctati dolore in gemitu et luctu consistimus, dum ' cernimus id quod modicum remanserat praeterito anno pro sub- THE THREE DONATIONS. ^c destitute state of the Church ; the Lombard khig and chap. his son are ravaging the last remains of the property '- — of the Church, which no longer suffices for the sus- tenance of the poor, or to provide lights for the daily service ; they have invaded the territory of Rome and seized all his farms ; his only hope is in the timely succour of the Prankish king.' The appeal was rendered still stronger by the presents that accompanied it — the mystic keys of the sepulchre of St. Peter, and filings of his chains, which no Christian could resist. The title of Patrician and Consul of Rome was offered ; and Gregory, as might be expected after such presents, received a courteous answer and an embassy was despatched to the im- perial city. It is impossible to say what might have been the result of the negotiations between the Pope and the ambassadors, had they been continued. They were, Oct. 21 however, interrupted by the death of both the potentates ; of Charles Martel in October, of Gre- gory III. in November of the very same year. Nov. 27, Nevertheless, these negotiations were the prelude to *• sidio et alimento pauperum Christi, sen luminarium concinna- ' tione, in partibus Ravennatum, nunc gladio et igne cuncta con- ' sumi a Liutprando et Hilprando regibus Longobardorum. . . . ' Sed hortamur tuam bonitatem coram Domino, et ejus terribili ' judicio, Christianissimi fili, ut propter Deum et animae tuae ' salutem subvenias ecclesiae sancti Petri, et ejus peculiari populo, * eosdemque reges sub nimia celeritate refutes, et a nobis repellas, * et jubeas eos ad propria reverti. . . . Conjuro te per Deum ' vivum et verum, et per ipsas sacratissimas claves confessionis ' beati Petri, quas vobis ad signum direximus, ut non praeponas ' amicitiam Longobardorum amori principis apostolorum/ 41 56 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. A.D. 741-752 {a) Rome an inde- pendent duke- doni. PART subsequent negotiations, which Pepin the Short, — _ the son of Charles Martel, carried on with Pope Zachary, the successor of Gregory III., and this time the negotiations led to most important results. At the election of Zachary, the customary form of obtaining the consent of the exarch was dis- a?y and Carded, and discarded to be never afterwards revived. donation. Henceforth, the Popes may be considered as inde- pendent of the Eastern Empire; henceforth begins their connection with the West ; henceforth they hold no longer an exclusively ecclesiastical position, but the Papacy has become a political dukedom. After the sixth General Council, they had claimed the title of Universal Priest,^ and vindicated that claim by soon afterwards reducing to submission the last of the great archbishops of the West.^ After the appeal to Charles Martel and the inde- pendent election of Zachary, they aspire to political sovereignty.^ With the Lombards in arms against him, the cities belonging to the Roman territory in the possession of an enemy, a great part of his Church's estates wrested from him,^ and ecclesiastical provinces, * Concil. Const. III. an. 680, calls Pope Agatho, U7iiversaUs Papa, Labbe, vii. 614 ; Universalis Patriajxha, Labbe, vii. 619. 2 Sergius I. healed the schism of Istria, an. 698. See Labbe, vii. 103 ; Gies. ii. 129. See chap. ii. p. 41. 3 Rome was subject to the Eastern emperors until 741. Per- haps nominally as long as the exarchate continued. From 752, or rather from 742, when it preserved its lands from the Lombards until 800, it was an independent dukedom. In 800 it became part of the Western Empire. * The Roman patrimonies in Sicily and Calabria had been III. THE THREE DONATIONS. -^ hitherto subject to his oversight, transferred to the chap. patriarchate of the younger Rome/ the position of the newly elected Pope seemed most forlorn ; nor was his position as head of a dukedom independent, indeed, in fact, but still observing the forms of de- pendence on the moribund exarchate quite equiva- lent to that of a sovereign undisguised and avowed. This avowed independence was now secured by the boldness of Zachary. Surrounded by his court of bishops, and relying on his own priestly charac- ter, Zachary set forth from Rome to visit the Lombard king, Liutprand, at Ferni. The scene of the interview was a church, the sanctity of which was likely to Infuse a deeper awe into the mind of Liutprand. There, as Zachary discoursed on the vanity of earthly grandeur, and on the strict and perhaps speedy account which all would soon have to render to God for the blood which they had shed in war, and threatened the monarch with eternal damnation If he delayed to surrender the four cities, Liutprand quailed before the Pope. He owned himself in the wrong ; he restored the cities. More- over, the estates of the Church In the Sabine terri- tory, Narni, Osimo, and Ancona, and towns in the district of Sutri, he gave back also; and after confiscated at the time of the Iconoclastic controversy, 729 A.D. 1 Hadrian I. in his Epistol. ad Carol, de Imaginibus, after the second Nicene Council, an. 787 — Labb^, viii. 1598 (Mansi, xiii. 808) ad fin. speaks of dioceses : * Archiepiscoporum quam et ' episcoporum sanctae catholicae et apostolicae Romanae ecclesiae, ' quae tunc cum patrimoniis nostris abstulerunt, quando sacras ' imagines deposuerunt.' 58 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART releasing all his Roman prisoners, concluded a treaty \ of peace for twenty years with the Dukedom of Rome. In that treaty the independence of Rome was acknowledged, nor was the exarchate able to dispute the acknowledgment, since it expired itself only a few years later. No doubt the memory of these estates and possessions belonging to the See long before the appearance of the Franks in Italy, and restored to it by Liutprand, gave rise to that fiction of a ' Donation ' by Constantine, em- bodied in the forged decretals, telling how Con- stantine, cured of his leprosy by the prayers of the Roman bishop Sylvester, resolved to forsake the ancient capital, lest the secular government should cramp the freedom of the spiritual, and how he then bestowed upon the Pope, and his suc- cessors, the sovereignty of the whole of Italy, or of the countries of the West. In as far as that docu- ment aimed at proving the possession of property by the Popes before the arrival of the Franks in Italy, it was substantially correct; in as far as it was intended to throw the sanction of antiquity over a position recently acquired, it was an ignorant blunder and a falsehood — a falsehood, however, which, let it be borne in rnincl, faithfully reflects the thoughts and feelings of the age which gave it birth.i 1 Hadrian I. writing to Charles, 777, refers to such a grant. Ep. i. in LABBig, viii. 526. His words are : ' Et sicut temporibus ' beati Silvestri Romani Pontificis, a sanctae recordationis piissimo ' Constantino Magno imperatore, per ejus largitatem sancta Dei ' catholica et apostolica Romana ecclesia elevata atque exaltata THE THREE DONATIONS. eg Whilst the feeble exarchate still continued to chap. exist, struggling with dying throes against the vie- — torious Lombards, and requiring the interposition of face the sacred character of the Pope to protect it from i^^^f^ absolute destruction, Zachary was drawing closer to ^^ongthe the PVanks by appointing Boniface as his legate for a.d. 743 ' est, et potestatem in his Hesperiae partibus largiri dignatus est ; * ita et in his vestris fehcissimis temporibus atque nostris sancta ' Dei ecclesia, id est beati Petri apostoli permaneat . . . Quia ' ecce novus Christianissimus Dei Constantinus imperator his tem- ' poribus surrexit, per quern omnia Deus sanctae suae ecclesiae ' beatomm apostolorum principis Petri largiri dignatus est. Sed ' et cuncta alia, quae per diversos imperatores, patricios etiam, et ' alios Deum timentes, pro eorum animae mercede, et venia delic- ' torum, in partibus Tusciae, Spoleto, seu Benevento, atque Corsica ' simul et Sabinensi patrimonio, beato Petro apostolo, sanctaeque ' Dei et apostolicae Romanae ecclesiae concessa sunt, et per ' nefandam gentem Longobardorum per annorum spatia abstracta ' atque ablata sunt, vestris temporibus restituantur.' The grant itself is to be found in the Pseiidoisidoriaii Decretals entitled Edictum domini Constantini Imp., and extracts from it in Dec7'et. Gratiani Dist. xcvi. c. xiii. The following extracts are given by Gies. ii. 337 [Constantine says] : ' Et sicut nostram ter- ' renam. imperialem potentiam, sic ejus [Petri] sacrosanctam Ro- ' manam ecclesiam decrevimus veneranter honorari, et amplius ' quam nostrum imperium terrenumque thronum, sedem sacra- ' tissimam beati Petri gloriose exaltari : tribuentes ei potestatem ' et gloriae dignitatem, atque vigorem et honorificentiam imperia- ' lem.' Therefore he gives him palatium Lateranense and all imperial insignia : ' Unde ut pontificalis apex non vilescat, sed ' magis quam imperii dignitas, gloria et potentia decoretur, ecce ' tam palatium nostrum, ut praedictum est, quam Romanam urbem, * et omnes Italiae, seu occidentalium regionum provincias, loca et ' civitates praefato beatissimo Pontifici nostro Sylvestro, universali ' Papae, contradimus atque relinquimus ; et ab eo et a successori- ' bus ejus per hanc divalem nostram et pragmaticum constitutum ' decernimus disponenda, atque juri sanctae Romanae ecclesiae ' concedimus permansura. Unde congruum perspeximus nostrum 6o THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART the somewhat difficult task of restoring^ order to the I. , ^ Prankish Church.^ That Church, owing to the 743 g-reatness of its wealth and the wordliness of its clergy, had been distracted by a struggle of its ecclesiastical rulers for political power in the days of c. 666 Ebroin and Leodegar.^ Since the vigorous admi- nistration of Pepin of Heristhal and Charles Martel, however, France had ceased to be under clerical rule, and her bishops were excluded from the great offices of state. Instead, however, of being thereby induced to devote themselves to their spiritual functions, the clergy now gave themselves up all the more to worldliness and vice, to drunkenness, licentiousness, and promiscuous concubinage ; and in return it was not uncommon for the laity to rob the churches. Charles Martel had even distributed ecclesiastical revenues and offices in usufruct to valiant soldiers. Such was the state of anarchy when Carloman and Pepin, the sons of Charles Martel, invited Boniface to interpose to restore order. Boniface readily con- sented. The reforms which he introduced may be gathered from his letters to Archbishop Cuthbert.^ * imperium, et regni potestatem in orientalibus transferri regionibus, ' et in Byzantinae provinciae optimo loco, nomini nostro civitatem ' aedificari, et nostrum illic constitui imperium ; quoniam ubi * principatus sacerdotum, et Christianae religionis caput ab Im- ' peratore cbelesti constitutum est, justum non est, ut illic Im- ' perator terrenus habeat potestatem.' ^ Zachariae Epist. i. i, ad Bonifacium, Labb^, viii. 231 ; Epistol. xi. ad Episcopos Galliae et Germaniae, Labb^, viii. 257. 2 See MiLMAN, book iv. ch. x. ; vol. ii. p. 434 (small edition). 3 Concil. an. 743, Labb^ viii. 281 : ' (i) Decrevimus et con- ' fessi sumus fidem catholicam, etc. (2) Statuimus ut per annos THE THREE DONATIONS. 6l The Church in Gaul was brought into new terms of chap. intimacy with Rome, and the palHum conferred on '- — three of her bishops.^ Thus was the way prepared for that signal revo- {c) De- lution, pregnant with far-reaching consequences for ofChil- both Church and State in Europe, which noiselessly ^"'^'^^ ^^^' took place at Soissons in the year 752, in which Zachary and Pepin were the actors, and whereby the successors of St. Peter gained an ascendency over the Teutonic sovereigns. Yet it was from no motives of servile dependence that Pepin sent two ecclesiastics to Rome, and there proposed to Zachary the question, whether it was better for one who pos- sessed the power to rule, or for one who merely pos- sessed the name. On the contrary, Pepin's conduct appears simply to have been the result of political forecast. He was no doubt anxious to lay the con- scientious scruples of the Franks, ever the firmest adherents of their old reigning house,^ by obtaining the sanction of some external authority for what was undoubtedly a revolution. And to what external authority could he so well apply as to the highest representative of religion '^. Besides, he needed the approval of the Church before he could invite the Franks to commit an act of perjury — an act which ' singulos canonum decreta et ecclesiae jura ... in Synodo le- * gantur. (4) Venationes et silvaticas vagationes cum canibus, et * ne accipitres et falcones habeant, prohibuimus. (6) Statuimus ' ut singulis annis unusquisque episcopus parochiam suam cir- ' cumeat. (7) Interdiximus servis Dei, ne pompato habitu, vel ' sagis vel armis utantur.' ^ Epist. Zachariae ad Bonifac. iv. Labb{^:, viii. 237. 2 See GiES. ii. 225. A.D. March, 752 62 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART might Otherwise render all succeeding oaths of alle- ■ glance Insecure, and imperii for his family the throne he was securing for himself. The answer which his ambassadors brought back from Rome was favourable. The late reforms In the Prankish Church conducted by Boniface under the auspices of Zachary, had prejudiced the Pope in favour of Pepin, and prejudiced the Franks in favour of the Pope's spiritual authority. Pepin was elected king at Solssons, according to the old usage, with the acclamation of the nobles and people, amid the clash of arms ; then elevated on the buckler, whilst bishops and nobles stood around his throne ; and Boniface, now Archbishop of Mentz, administered to the newly-elected king the solemn rite of anointing with oil — a ceremony two years later repeated by the Pope in person, when Zachary's successor visited Pepin. One individual alone appeared to suffer by the change — the deposed Merovingian king, Chll- deric III. With long hair and flowing beard, with- out domain, without revenues, he had passed a life of dignified but apathetic quiescence, seated on a throne, in mock ceremony receiving ambassadors or giving the answers put in his mouth. Once only In the course of the year had he been brought forth from seclusion, to be conveyed in a slowly-moving car through the ranks of his wondering subjects. Then he had returned again to the seclusion of his palace. Could to him the change from the seclusion of the palace to the quiet of the monastery be an ap- preciable one, except in as far as it spared him the mockery and fatigue of a public exhibition ? Could THE THREE DOXATIOSS. 63 there be any great crime in relieving him from chap. duties which another invariably discharged and for ^"^ - which he was wholly unequal ? In the quiet of the monastery Childeric III. died, last of the royal House of Meroveus, whilst the usurper of his throne reigned in his stead. The Church had given her sanction to the usurpation. Things had indeed changed since the time of Clovis ! ^ Meantime the Papacy had also changed hands. (3) 67^- Fresh clouds had darkened the Italian horizon. The A.D. Lombard king, Astolf,'^ had entered the exarchate, 752-757 seized Ravenna, and threatened Rome. He had ^second concluded a treaty with Pope Stephen 11.;^ then he "^^''""f'^^"- was agam m arms, this time demanding the instant ferings submission of the city, burning the villas and suburbs, ^^ plundering the churches, violating nuns, tearing infants from their mothers' breasts, polluting the ^ See MiLMAN, book iv. ch. xi. ; vol. iii. p. 9 (small edition). It is a remarkable fact that in one and the same year the last hold of the Eastern Empire in Europe expired — the exarchate of Ra- venna — and the last of the Merovingians was deposed. The new king, Pepin, had thus an open field before him. He succeeded at once to the kingdom of the Franks, and to the position formerly held by the exarchs. Those who love to trace parallels may also be struck with that between the beginning and the end of the Holy Roman Empire. The foundations of that Empire were substantially laid by Pepin in the year 752 a.d. After existing a thousand years they were substantially undermined by Frederick the Great of Prussia in the seven years' war, 1756-63. The Empire itself was not officially inaugurated until the year 800 a.d. Nor was it offi- cially abolished until a thousand years later, an. 1806 a.d. 2 GiES. ii. 226. ^ Stephen H. was Pope from 752 to 757 a.d. He succeeded Zacharias and was followed by Paul I. For the life of Stephen, see Laebe, viii. 367. 64 ^'^^-^ TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART mothers, digging up the bodies of the saints, and carrying them off as tutelar deities to Lombardy. In vain the new pontiff, Stephen II., appealed to Constantinople for help.^ Even his visit to Pepin was not to much purpose. Pepin, it is true, crossed the Alps after he had been again anointed, and de- feated Astolf at Pavia ; but he had no sooner with- drawn his forces beyond the Alps, than Astolf marched with his whole army upon Rome, and encamped before the Salarian gate.^ A.D. 754 Truly deplorable was then the condition of the city which had once ruled the world. Theoretically a part of the Eastern Empire, really an independent Republic ; refusing to acknowledge an iconoclastic emperor, and yet appealing to him for help ; break- ing away from her connection with the East, and not yet fully connected with the West ; unable to defend herself, and ^-et sorely needing defence ; with Lom- bards encamped beneath her walls, she stood totter- ing on the verge of ruin. The crisis of her troubles had come, and it was impossible to foretell its issue. Would her independence be swept away, her terri- tory be merged in the Lombard kingdom, and the Roman patriarchs be relegated to strictly ecclesias- ^ Anastasius, VH. xciv. Stephani II. : ' Cernens ab imperiali ' potentia nullum esse subveniendi auxilium, tunc quemadmodum ' praedecessores ejus, beatae memoriae domnus Gregorius, et Gre- ' gorius alius, et domnus Zacharias, beatissimi Pontifices, Carolo, * excellentissimae memoriae, Regi F^-ancorum, direxerunt, petentes * sibi subveniri propter oppressiones ac invasiones, quas et ipsi in * hac Romanorum provincia a nefanda Longobardorum gente * perpessi sunt.' 2 Neand. v. 159. THE THREE DONATIONS. 65 tical duties ? Or would some unforeseen circumstance chap. III. come to her aid, and replace her in possession of these territories which she was on the point of losing ? Letter followed letter^ in quick succession, addressed by Stephen II. to Pepin, reminding him of the eternal condemnation he hazarded if he did not complete the donation he had vowed to St. Peter, and conjuring him by God and His Holy Mother, by the angels of Heaven, by the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and by the Last Day, to come to the rescue of that suffering Pope. Not till a letter arrived purporting to come from St. Peter himself,^ ^ The first letter, Epist. i. Labb6, viii. 378, is a letter of thanks for Pepin's promised assistance. The second letter, Epist. iii. Labbe, viii. 381, is stronger. Amongst other things he says : ' Sciatis enim, quia sicut chirographum vestram donationem prin- * ceps apostolorum firmiter tenet, et necesse est ut ipsum chiro- * graphum expleatis : ne dum Justus Judex ad judicandum vivos ' et mortuos, et saeculum per ignem advenerit, in futuro judicio * idem princeps apostolorum idem chirographum demonstrans ' nullara habere firmitatem, districtas faciatis cum eo rationes.' The third, Epist. iv., Labb^, viii. 382, is the strongest. It begins : ' Quanta luctuosa et amarissima tristitia circumvallati, quantaque * anxietate atque angustia coarctati simus, et quantas, crebrescen- '■ tibus continuis malis, oculi nostri distillantes profundant lacry- ' mas, credimus quod et ipsa omnium elementarum figmenta enar- * rent. Quis enim harum tribulationum conspector non lugeat ? ' ^ The letter, Epist. v. Labbe, viii. 386, is addressed ad Francos : * Ego Petrus apostolus, dum a Christo Dei vivi filio vocatus sum * supernae clementiae arbitrio, illuminator ab ejus potentia totius * mundi sum praeordinatus. . . . Quamobrem omnes qui audien- * tes impleverunt praedicationem, profecto credant sua in hoc ' mundo Dei praeceptione relaxari peccata, et mundi atque sine ' macula in illam progredientur vitam. . . . ' Ideoque ego apostolus Dei Petrus, qui vos adoptivos habeo * lilios, ad defendendum de manibus adversariorum banc Romanam F 65 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE, PART offering heaven to his friends, and denouncing hell ^ on his enemies, did Pepin respond to the sum- mons, and suddenly crossing the Alps, swoop down upon the Lombards. Besieged in Pavia, Astolf readily acceded to the demands of Pepin ; and in a formal assembly at which the Eastern am- bassadors were present, vainly asserting the claims of Byzantium, the district once forming the Exar- chate in North Italy, and which included Ravenna, Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Cesena, and other towns, was ceded to the Roman Church/ even NarnI being severed from the dukedom of Spoleto. To crown the whole, the deed of gift commemorating the donation was ordered to be placed on the tomb of St. Peter. In return for this substantial help, the title of Patrician was bestowed on Pepin by the Pope. Pepin received it with modesty, declaring that his sole object in coming was to show his vene- * civitatem et populum mihi a Deo commissum . . , adhortor, et ' ad liberandam ecclesiam Dei ... a pessima Longobardorum * gente. . . . ' Conjuro vos (ut praefatum est) dilectissimi, per Deum vivum, * et omnino protestor, minime permittatis banc meam civitatem * Romanam et in ea habitantem populum amplius a gente Longo- * bardonim laniari, ne lanientur et crucientur corpora et animae * vestrae in aetemo atque inextinguibili igni Tartareo cum diabolo, * et ejus pestiferis angelis. . . . ' A similar instance of the direct interposition of St. Peter is that related by Bede, Hist. Eccl. ii. 6, when Archbishop Laurentius was scourged by the apostle. If Stephen II. could perpetrate such a forger)', we need not wgnder that Hadrian I., writing to Charles in 777, should speak of Constantine's donation as an undoubted fact, nor that in 843, the acceptance of the False Decretals should be possible. . > MiLMAN, iii. 25 ; Gies. ii. -227 ; Neand. v. 159. THE THREE DONATIONS. ^^ ration for St. Peter, by discharging duties which the chap. Eastern Empire had failed to fulfil. He in turn ___i^i:_ nominated the Pope Patrician of the Exarchate, a.d. 755 Both parties were satisfied with the result, and thus Rome was, for the second time, by the help of a foreign potentate, an independent republic, with a large part of Italy annexed to her bishopric. Still troubles continued to beset the See under the (4) Ha- succeeding Popes, Paul I.,^ Constantine 11.,''^ and ^^'^^^^ ^' Stephen III. ;^ but with Pepin for its defender and and the protector, and the Lombards weakened by internal ^ll^J^f^f^^' disunion, the Papacy was comparatively secure. The Dukes of Spoleto and Benevento broke away from connection with the King of Pavia. Never- theless, in the Papacy of Paul I., Desiderius threat- ened Rome. On the death of Paul, the Duke of Nepi elevated Constantine by violence to the Pon- tificate : his successor, Stephen III., took cruel vengeance on the usurper. But the most eventful years are those which fall in the administration of Hadrian I.,* when Charles had succeeded his father Pepin on the throne of the Franks. Again the Lombards are the aggressors ; again the Prankish king is the defender ; again he crosses ^ Paul I. was Pope from 757 to 767 a.d. For his life, see Labb^, viii. 427. 2 The claim of Constantine to be considered a Pope is denied by some writers. He only held the dignity for one year. ^ Stephen III. was Pope from 768 to 772 a.d. His life in Labb£, viii. 468. * Hadrian I. was Pope from 772 to 795 a.d. He followed Stephen HI. and was succeeded by Leo HI. His life in Labb^, viii. 491. Charles became king of the Franks 768. He was crowned as emperor 800, and died 814 a.d. F 2 5S THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART the Alps at the summons of the Pope ; again a dona- '. tion is made to the successor of St. Peter. But turning from the bare outHne of facts to the motives influencing the conduct of all the parties concerned, a sad picture of depravity, corruption, and personal selfishness comes to view. The act ^ which first drew down upon Hadrian the enmity of Deslderius, was not an act of justice or mercy ; it was the be- trayal of the fatherless children of Carloman, the suppression of justice for the sake of furthering his own Interests. The motive which induced Charles so readily to respond to the call of Hadrian, and crossing the Alps to carry on a war of extermination ao"ainst the Lombards, was not zeal to serve the Pope, but a desire to incorporate the Lombards in the kingdom of the Franks, and to deprive the children of his brother Carloman of their undoubted rights. The times were no doubt lawless times. Both Franks and Lombards were rude and bar- barous. The personal ambition which aimed at concentrating large kingdoms In the hands of one person was most useful In advancing civilisation; but the personal character of those who indulged their ambition appears low when referred to any ab- ' Charles had seized the whole kingdom on the death of his brother Carloman, to the detriment of the children of Carloman. The dispossessed children took refuge at the court of the Lombard king, Desiderius, and Desiderius tried to move the Pope to recog- nise their claims. But Hadrian was too sagacious to make an enemy of the Frankish king, and to listen to a Lombard. He refused and was in consequence attacked by the Lombards. See MiLMAN, iii. 41- THE THREE DONATIONS. 69 solute standard. Possibly in the age to which they chap. belonged it appeared otherwise. The play, there- ' fore, of lower motives, which is so obvious in the transactions between Hadrian I. and Charles, need not draw forth the reprobation which such motives would deserve in a more advanced age. For, not- withstanding the lowness of the motives, there is a heroism about the conduct of Charles which proves that his faults were the faults of the age, his great- ness the greatness of a master mind. There is a generosity and frankness about the way in which, after defeating the Lombards, he attended all the ceremonies of the Holy Season at Rome, and then ratified the donation of his father Pepin, by ceding a.d. 776 to the Pope the Exarchate and the Pentapolis, terri- tories which were his by right of conquest, even offering the diploma which contained the solemn gift upon the altar of St. Peter's. There is a magna- nimity too about his subsequent conduct — his coming 780 to Rome to celebrate the baptism of his younger son, for whom he destined the kingdom of Italy, his second visit to Rome as protector at the bidding of 781 the Pope, his granting the dukedom of Benevento to the Lombard Grimoald — which raises him far above the -level of a mere ambitious schemer, and contrasts with the character of Hadrian, the latter, until the time of his death, being haunted by a morbid hatred of his foes the Lombards. For the third time, now, by the gift of Charles, the See of Rome was endowed with territorial posses- sions. Estates it already possessed in the time of Gregory the Great ; the independent tenure of these 70 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART estates had been first secured to it in the time of Pope Zachary, and had given rise to the fiction of a 742 £1^^^ donation by Constantine. A second donation 755 had been made by Pepin of the Exarchate and Pentapohs ; and to these two preceding donations 774 ^ as now added by the generosity of Charles a third. By these three donations, the Bishop of Rome was, however, placed on a level with civil princes, just as, by the submission of the great metropolitans, he had already become an ecclesiastical monarch. He was no longer simply Patriarch, not even Patriarch of the whole West : he was Pope, and Pope in a political as well as an ecclesiastical sense. And yet as he reviewed his position at the head of an independent republic in Italy, as he beheld the unsettled state of Italy, and felt what a strong hand was needed to govern his newly-acquired posses- sions, Hadrian I. may well have had gloomy mis- givings as to the future. Would he be able to keep what he had got ? Would he be able to dispense with foreign support ? Many a wistful glance he may have turned towards his protector beyond the Alps, and oft have bethought him by what means the ties which bound them together could be drawn if necessary closer. For he could not without sacrificing his dignity follow the example of so many lay lords, and render fealty to one who was only king, in re- turn for protection. But he might without indignity repeat what had been done by his predecessors, and own himself the subject of an emperor. It was not, however, reserved for Hadrian to do more than to think and to scheme. THE THREE DONATIONS. ^j And yet those who witnessed the council held at chap. Frankfort ^ in the last year of his Pontificate, might ' have thought that the Pope had neither much dignity nor ecclesiastical power to sacrifice. Bishops a.d. 794 and nobles assembled there at the summons of Charles from every part of the Western Empire, from Italy, Germany, Gaul, Aquitaine, even from Britain, and matters, secular and ecclesiastical, were decided at one and the same assembly. No Hadrian was there to take part when the doctrines of the Adoptionists, Elipand and Felix, were condemned. He could only acquiesce when the decisions of the second Nicene Council, sanctioning the. worship of 787- images,^ were rejected — decisions received in the East, and already approved by Hadrian and his predecessors in the West. In common with the ' Concil. Francofurd. an. 794, Labb^, ix. lor, Can. i : * Con- * venientibus, Deo favente, apostolica auctoritate, atque piissimi ' domni nostri Caroli regis jussione an. xxvi. principatus sui, cunc- * tis regni Francorum, seu Italiae, Aquitaniae provinciae episcopis * ac sacerdotibus synodali Concilio, inter quos ipse mitissimus * sancto interfuit conventui. Ubi in primordio capitulorum exor- ' turn est de impia ac nefanda haerese Elipandi Toletanae sedis * episcopi, et Felicis Orgellitanae, eorumque sequacibus, qui male * sentientes in Dei filio asserebant adoptionem. Quam omnes qui * supra sanctissimi patres et respuentes una voce contradixerunt, * atque hanc haeresim funditus a sancta ecclesia eradicandam * statuerunt.' ^ Ibid. Can. 2 : ' Allata est in medium quaestio de nova Grae- * corum synodo quam de adorandis imaginibus tertiam Constantino- * poli fecerunt, in qua scriptum habebatur, ut qui imaginibus Sanc- * torum, ita ut deificae Trinitati, servitium aut adorationem non * impenderent, anathema judicarentur. Qui supra sanctissimi pa- * tres nostri omnimodis adorationem et servitutem renuentes con- ' tempserunt, atque consentientes condemnaverunt.' 72 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART nations of Southern Europe, Hadrian might deplore — ^ — the anti-artistic canons of the Council of Frankfort, but the deeper spirituality of the Teutonic Franks was already asserting itself against the abuse of images, not indeed with the rude violence of the edicts of Leo the I saurian, but with the legal de- cisions of an imperial synod. The Franks were strong, and what could the Pope dare against such an opponent as Charles ? c. Aiie- The idea which floated before the mind of Ha- ^given to ^Han I. as a visionary scheme, was, however, about the re- ^^ assume a more material shape in that of his suc- vived ^ Western cessor. For at least Leo IIL^ contrived to find a Empire, way out of the difficulty without sacrificing his bies of^' <^ignity. Taught in the very first years of his ad- Leo. III. ministration to experience his own helplessness A.D. against conspiracy or tumult, conscious of his own personal insecurity, if popular feeling should be roused against him by either well-founded or ill- founded accusations, he matured his scheme of a revived Western Empire. Once, whilst riding in April 23, solemn pomp on St. George's day to the church of St. Laurence, he had been suddenly seized by an armed band, thrown from his horse, dragged to a neighbouring church, and there an attempt had been made to practise upon him the oriental punishment of mutilation. From suffering and imprisonment Leo escaped. He crossed the Alps, and repaired to ^ Leo III. succeeded Hadrian I. as Pope in the year 795 a.d. He was succeeded in 816 by Stephen IV. For his Hfe see Labb£, ix. 119. REVIVAL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 73 Paderborn to the court of the patrician Charles, chap. Yet there the voice of slander — if slander it was — . '— followed him. His position seemed utterly hopeless. At home he was threatened by the Roman people, abroad he was threatened by unrelenting enemies. In this emergency he formed his resolve. Perhaps he even communicated it to Charles, but more pro- bably it was concealed in the secret of his own bosom. It was the resolve to complete the revolu- tion begun by Zachary and Pepin at Soissons, by raising the Prankish king to a higher dignity than that of any European sovereign, and to transfer to him when anointed by solemn unction Emperor of the West the allegiance formerly paid by Rome to the Emperor of the East. The resolve was taken. Soon the fitting season for its execution would have arrived. Leo had returned to Rome ; to Rome Charles also (2) directed his steps, summoned as a judge to enquire /;/ Rome. into the charges preferred against the Pope, about to return with the diadem of the Caesars on his brow and the homage of the Pontiff For some days a synod held sittings ; a long and difficult investiga- tion of the charges was made, and nothing was established.^ But to satisfy the scruples of all, Leo came forward, ascended the pulpit in the church of St. Peter, and there, in the presence of the people, ^ The Synod declared : ' Nos sedem apostolicam, quae est ' caput omnium Dei ecclesiarum, judicare non audemus. Nam * ab ipsa nos omnes, et Vicario suo judicamur, ipsa autem a * nemine judicatur, quemadmodum et antiquitus mos est.' Ana- STASius, Vita Leon. LLL. The reference is to the Synodus Palmaris an. 501. See p. 17. A.D, 800 74 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. PART attested before God, His Angels, and the blessed '- Apostle St. Peter, that he was guiltless of the charges preferred against him. The eighth century of the Christian era was about to close. The last Christmas day had come. The Pope and his clergy, Charles and his attendants, repaired to the basilica of St. Peter to join in devotion. (3) Coro- The service of the mass went on. In the centre ^Charles ^f the high altar was the Pope, and around him in A.D. 800 the semicircular apse the clergy rising tier upon tier. Charles with all his courtiers knelt in profound de- votion below. Then, as before the confession, he rose from prayer, the Pope advanced towards him, suddenly placed on his head a crown, and at once a deafening thrice-repeated cheer arose from the whole assembled people, making the spacious dome ring again, and almost drowning the words : Carolo piis- simo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno, pacifico, im- peratori Romanorum, vita et victoria. The Emperor elect was anointed with solemn unction. The Pontiff knelt before him and humbly tendered his obeisance. From that day Charles was no longer King of the Franks and Patrician of the Romans, but Emperor of the West and sovereign Augustus.^ ^ Seethe accounts of the Coronation in Labb^, ix. 226, sub an. 800 : ' Exeunte anno Christi dccc, cum ad reparandum turbatae * ecclesiae statum Romam venisset Carolus Magnus, ac die natali * domini, sacrorum causa sancti Petri basilicam esset ingressus, ' Leo pontifex, ob egregia illius in ecclesiam Romanam Christique * vicarios merita, nihil tale suspicantis capiti coronam imposuit, * populo ter unanimi voce acclamante, Carolo piissimo Augusto a * Deo coronato, magno, pacifico, imperatori Romanorum, vita et * victoria. Ita ab omnibus constitutus imperator, oleo sancto a REVIVAL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 75 By that sudden act, which came upon Charles, chap. according to his own confession, wholly unexpectedly,^ the transfer of allegiance by the Popes from East to West was complete. By it Charles had obtained the long-cherished object of his ambition, but in a Avay which he little anticipated. He could no longer indulge in the dream of transferring the Byzantine crown to his own head, nor entertain the project of wedding the Empress Irene. Rival claims to those of the Eastern Empire had been called into being — the claims of the old Western Empire.^ In the vagueness and uncertainty of the powers, the privi- leges, and the rights which the new title conferred, in the indistinct notions of the authority by which it was bestowed, dwelt much of its majesty and power. Neither the Pope, the Emperor, nor the people had any clear view of what was implied in the new imperial dignity. It was enough for Leo to have ' pontifici illico est inunctus, ab eoque more antique principum ' adoratus : et qui an tea rex Franconmi ac patricius Romanorum ' vocabatur, exinde, ablato patricii nomine, imperator et Augustus * est appellatur.' Another account, Ibid. 228 : 'Ipsa autem sacra- ' tissima natalis Domini cum Rex ad missam ante confessionem ' beati Petri Apostoli ab oratione surgeret, domnus Leo Papa ' coronam capiti ejus imposuit, et a cuncto Romanorum populo * acclamatum est, Carolo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno et * pacifico Imperatori Romanorum, vita et victoria. Antea enim ' domnus Carolus vocabatur ab omnibus rex Francorum et patri- ' cius Romanorum ; sed post laudes a domno apostolico more * antiquorum principum adoratus est, atque ablato Patricii nomine * Imperator et Augustus est appellatus.' The voice of the age called the coronation by the Pope the coronation a Deo. * See note on preceding page. 2 GiES. ii. 229; Neand. v. 159 ; see Concil. Roman, an. 996 ; I.ABBfi, xi. 1016. III. 76 THE TRANSFER OF ALLEGIANCE. TART placed himself under the protection of a new sove- '. reign without loss of dignity ; for Charles to have merged his title of King of the Franks in that of Western Emperor ; and for the Romans to see their city once more the seat of Empire. They thought not of the union between the Teuton and the Ro- man ; of the wedding between the Papacy and the Empire.^ Indeed, who that witnessed or took part in the ceremony had any forecast of the far-reach- ing consequences with which that union was already pregnant ? * See MiLMAN, book iv. ch. xii. ; vol. iii. p. 57 (small edition). THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN, jy CHAPTER IV. THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. (800—888.) N'on est discipithis supei' magistrum. — S. Luc. ii. 40. T HOSE who have watched the progress of the chap. See of Rome during the two centuries of A. Pa- pacy to its growth, from the time of Gregory the Great to the coronation of Charles by Leo HI., cannot fail ^^^fy^^^!^ to have observed the foundations already laid of all ^'''^• the subsequent claims advanced on behalf of the 80CH-843. Papacy. In the two steps which had been taken as (0 ^■'«- yet — the reduction to submission of the great metro- of the co- politans, and the transfer of allegfiance from East ^^"^J^^- ^ ^ ^ (a) Foun- to West — were involved all its subsequent acts of dations domination ; the oath exacted from Boniface im- future plying that henceforth all bishops were simply Papal s^'^'^^'^^^^- vassals ; the coronation of Charles securing a political ascendency for the Papacy. For although the Pope on bended knee, took an oath of fidelity to the newly anointed Emperor, yet, by transferring his own allegiance from the East to the West, at his own discretion, he violated the ordinary duties, and over- stepped the recognised position of a subject. Charles, it is true, received a new and higher dignity, but the acceptance of that dignity at the hands of Leo, might ^g THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGTANS. ' PART be construed to be a recognition of the Pope as the '. bestower of Empire. {b) Foun- One step only was yet wanting before the claims of the Holy the Papacy would assume their full dimensions, and Empire. ^|^^^ ^^.^p ^^^^ ^ clear enunciation of the principles involved in the two preceding steps. Whenever this other step should be taken, such was the respect inspired by Rome, and such the Incapacity of the Northern nations, to whom she had communicated the first germs of civilisation, to distinguish her tem- poral from her spiritual character, her religious from her civilising Influence, that It would only require time, not only to gain ready acquiescence for her claims, but what Is more, to obtain actual assistance from those who. In after times, would most suffer from them in furthering her designs of aggrandisement. Rightly, therefore, may the Papal Sovereignty over the West be considered to date from the coronation of Charles In the year 800. For then began that union of Church and State, of the Empire and the Papacy, which ripened Into the Holy Empire of a later century, and constituted the characteristic feature of the Middle Ages. For five centuries* that Empire — the grandest religious and political institution which the world ever saw — flourished and grew ; for as many more It existed In decline and decay. The beginning of the present cen- tury has witnessed the downfall of Its political head ; will It be given to its spiritual head to survive the close ? No wonder, considering the changes which the coronation of Charles Inaugurated in Europe, that it made an unparalleled Impression on those who THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN. 79 lived at the time ! For was it not the introduction chap. of order, law, and settled government in the midst of ' anarchy ? Was it not the welding together of hitherto discordant elements ? No wonder too that it should have been the theme which engaged the attention of every succeeding age. For was it not the event which gave to mediaeval society its form and impress ? Was it not the introduction of a centralising power which fused Frank and Italian, the Teuton and the Roman, into one homogeneous society?^ After the coronation of Charles, a temporary lull (2) Posl- came over the course of the Papacy, whilst the newly- Papacy elected Emperor was consolidating his conquests, coZtm- and Leo III. was adapting himself to his altered ^^'^^'• relations with Germany. Henceforth, both the advanced Emperor and the Pope combine to build up that fegisiL^^ peculiar fabric of the Middle Ages, on which both *^^^^' rested for support ; the Pope relying on the Emperor for protection against his political foes, the Emperor on the Pope for guaranteeing his doubtful title. Emperors, by their capitularies, advanced the cause of the Popes, whilst the Popes, in pushing their own claims, vindicated for the Emperors a dignity which they had themselves conferred. Thus by playing into each other's hands, the title of both was simulta- neously established. Prominent among these capitularies are those (0 Ca~ which Charles enacted. All persons are required ^^^" ^''^ to obey the clergy set over them, from the least ^^'^''^^^• A.D. 802. ^ See the excellent ch. v. in Bryce's Hoi}' Rovian Empire. gQ THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART to the greatest, as they would obey God, whose ^' place the clergy hold upon earth.^ All men are to refer disputed matters to their bishops for adju- dication.^ At Aachen all persons within his do- minions, monks and canons included, were required to take a new oath of allegiance to himself, in which they declare, that henceforward they will bear true allegiance to their Lord Emperor Charles, son of King Pepin, and of Queen Bertha, without fraud, or malice, or guile.^ ' At the same time it shall be publicly explained to all what is the meaning and force of this oath, and how much more it includes than a mere promise of fidelity to the monarch's person. Firstly, it binds those who swear it to live, each and every one of them, according to his strength and knowledge in the holy service of 1 Caroli Magni selecta Capitula ecclesiastica, apud Labb^, ix. tit. i. cap. i. p. 232 : ' Praecipientes enim jubemus, ut nuUus qui- * libet ex fidelibus nostris, a minimo ad maximum, in his quae * ad eum pertinent, episcopo inobediens parere audeat. . . . * Cap. 2 : Volumus atque praecipimus, ut omnes suis sacerdotibus * tam majoris ordinis quam et inferioris, a minimo usque ad maxi- * mum, ut summo Deo, cujus vice in ecclesia legatione fungimtur, * obedientes existant' 2 Ibid. cap. iii. p. 233 : ' Quicumque litem habens . . . illico * ad episcoporum judicium cum sermone litigantium dirigatur.' 2 Concil. Aquisgr. an. 802, Labb^, ix. 265 : 'Ad ipsummet an- * num MDCCCH Carolus imperator concilium habuit, ut ei omnes '■ generaliter fidelitatem jurarent, monachi, canonici. Ita et fece- * runt. Sacramentum : Sacramentale qualiter promitto ego, quod * ab isto die in antea fidelis sum domno Carolo piissimo Impera- * tori, filio Pippini regis et Berthanae reginae, pura mente, absque * fraude et malo ingenio, de mea parte ad suam partem, et ad * honorem regni sui : sicut per drictum debet esse homo domino * suo. Sic me adjuvet Deus.' THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN. gj God ; since the Lord Emperor cannot extend over chap. all his care and discipline. Secondly, it binds them, L_ neither by force nor fraud, to seize or molest any of the goods or servants of his crown. Thirdly, to do no violence or treason towards the Holy Church, nor to widows, or orphans, or strangers, seeing that the Lord Emperor has been appointed, after the Lord and His Saints, the protector and defender of all such.'^ Moreover, each bishop was required to adapt his liturgy to that in use at Rome ; and throughout Charles's administration, civil and religious enact- ments are so intermingled and confounded, that no parallel to it can be found, except in the Mosaic code. In fact, the leading idea of Charles's legislation seems to have been to reproduce the Mosaic legis- lation, and to establish a new theocracy upon earth. Four centuries later, his idea was realised. Not less distinoruished, and still more conducive to (^) Legis- . lation of the advancement of the Papacy, was the legislation of Lewis the Lewis the Pious in several councils held at Aachen ^.d. in the year 8i6.^ The greater part of the acts of ^^^ these Councils, though relating to the hierarchy, and emanating from the emperor, might almost seem to have been dictated by the Church's head. The duties of each grade of the clergy are defined.^ The luxury of the clergy and their vices are reprimanded, and their worldly pomp, their belts studded with gold ^ Quoted from Bryce's Holy Romafi Empire^ P- 73 ; to be found in Pertz. M. G, H. iii. (leg. i ). 2 The acts of these Councils are to be found in Labbe, ix. p. 399 seq. ^ Liber i. cap. i.-xxii. G 32 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART and precious stones, their fine apparel and gilded ' spurs. The abuses that had crept into morfasteries and nunneries are castigated.^ The rule of Chrode- gang, bishop of Metz, requiring the secular clergy to live together under canonical discipline is confirmed, the bishop being invested with autocratic powers to inforce it.^ Church property is declared strictly inviolable. Monasteries are put under the iron rule of Benedict of Aaiane. Full and independent rights are secured for the hierarchy ; bishops are to be elected by the clergy and commons ; abbots by the brotherhood of monks. The sovereign and the noble are alike excluded from all interposition. To the bishops is given the sole power to depose and expel priests, even from chapels built by nobles on their own domains; and to their irresponsible ad- ministration is committed the whole property of the Church.^ Thus the whole clerical army was concen- trated and brought under a rigid discipline, all being ultimately referred to the Pope. The grateful Church knew how deeply she was indebted to Lewis ; and in return for his legislation, bestowed upon him the epithet * the Pious.' {b) Rela- But Still the Popes were subjects, aspiring, It Is the Popes true, to greater ascendency over the Empire, but ^Western holding Rome itself by the most uncertain of ^^- tenures. Leo III. had acknowledpfed Charles as his perors. ^ Lord and Judge. Stephen IV.^ humbly tendered ^ Liber ii. ^ Labbe, ix. 536. ^ See his Capitularies issued to supplement the Council of Aachen, Labb^, ix. 569. * Stephen IV. succeeded Leo. IIL in the Pontificate in 816. THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN. 3^ his excuses to Lewis for having been hastily con- chap. secrated without the approbation of the emperor or 1 _ his delegates/ and by way of reparation crowned Popes^ Lewis with pfreat splendour at Rheims. His sue- \^fi^<^'f^^/ ^ ^ the ein- cessor Paschal,^ again, sent a deprecatory embassy peror. across the Alps to apologise for the precipitancy of iX"' his own election ; and this time the Romans received Jan. 24, 817 a grave admonition not to offend again against the majesty of the Empire. When the emperor Lothar 823 came to be crowned at Rome, Paschal found his own jurisdiction over the monastery of Farfa denied, and was compelled to restore all the property which his predecessors had unjustly taken away.^ Only by the influence of the emperor's counsellor, Wala, was the election of Eugenius IL secured,^ and J^'^^' ^^4 when Lothar for the second time visited Rome, a ^'°V' ^^4 statute was passed, enacting that, according to the ancient use, no Pope should be consecrated until his election had been confirmed by the emperor.^ The After holding it one year he was succeeded by Paschal I. in 817. For his life see Labbe, ix. 395. ^ Eginhard, an. 816 : ' Missis interim duobus legatis qui * quasi pro sua consecratione imperatori suggererent.' Astrono- Mus, c. xxvi. : ' Praemisit legationem, quae super ordinatione ejus * Imperatori satisfaceret' 2 Paschal I. was Pope from 817 to 824 a.d. He succeeded Stephen IV. and was followed by Eugenius II. His life in Labb^, ix. 579. ^ See the diplomata Lotharii in the Chronicon Farfense in MuRATORi, Script. Rer, Ital. ii. 386. * Eugenius II. was Pope from 824 to 827. He came next after Paschal I. and was followed by Valentine. His life in Labbe, ix. 635. * AsTRONOMUS, c. xxxviii. : ' Statutum etiam juxta antiquum * morem, ut ex latere Imperatoris mitterentur, qui judicariam G 2 84 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART successor of Valentine, Gregory IV./ was careful '. not to ascend the Papal throne until the provisions A.D. of this statute had been complied with and Lothar's ^^~ ^ sanction of his election had been obtained.^ (iS) Dis- It could not however be expected that the Roman of Rome people, always impatient of foreign control, would %mperor. acquiesce in the reduction of their bishops to the position of vassals of a transalpine power. Once they had owned no other sovereign ; now they could ill brook submission to a stranger. Moreover the Franks, to whom they owed allegiance, and who controlled their counsels, were barbarians, whereas they were the representatives of culture and learning. Glad would they have been to throw off the foreign dominion ; and gladder still to have the elections of * exercentes potestatem, justitiam omni populo . . . aequa lance ' penderent. Clergy and people were then required to take the ' following oath. Bouquet, vi. 173 : ' Promitto ego ille per Deum ' omnipotentem et per ista sacra iv evangelia, et per hanc crucem * Domini nostri Jesu Christi, et per corpus beatissimi Petri principis * Apostolorum, quod ab hac die in futurum fidelis ero dominis * nostris Imperatoribus Hludovico et Hlothairio diebus vitae meae, * juxta vires et intellectum meum, sine fraude atque malo ingenio, * salva fide, quam repromisi domino Apostolico : et quod non ' consentiam, ut aliter in hac sede Romana fiat electio Pontificis nisi * canonice et juste, secundum vires et intellectum meum : et ille qui * electus fuerit, me consentiente consecratus Pontifex non fiat, prius- ' quam tale sacramentum faciat in praesentia missi domini Impera- ' toris et populi, cum juramento, quale Dominus Eugenius Papa ' sponte pro conservatione omnium factum habet per scriptum.' * Gregory IV. succeeded, an. 827, after Valentine's five weeks' episcopate, and held the chair of St. Peter until an. 844, when he was succeeded by Sergius II. His life in Labbe, ix. 667. 2 Eginhard, p. 390 : 'Non prius ordinatus est, quam legatus ' Imperatoris Romani venit et electionem popuH qualis esset ' examinavit.' THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN. 85 their prince-bishop in their own hands, and to be rid chap. of imperial nominees. Perhaps, Hkewise, the Popes \ too, always longing as they were to bring their real power into some proportion to the honour they en- joyed, would have rejoiced had it been so. But the time was not yet come for such a step. The Popes were still too weak and the emperors were still too strong. All fear of enemies nearer home had not as yet quite disappeared. For the present it was better to incur the resentment of the Romans, rather than to break with sovereigns such as Charles, Lewis, and Lothar. The allegiance of Rome to the Em- pire was precarious. The position of the Popes at Rome was precarious also ; and more than once it was their lot to experience how precarious it was. Leo III., who had had a narrow escape from being mutilated by the Romans before the corona- tion of Charles, was hardly safe during his imperial reign.^ On the death of Charles, the tide of Roman insurrection again rolled heavily ; the Pope held his throne only through the awe of the imperial power. Tumults broke out at the election of Stephen IV. ; a.d. Tune 12 Paschal I. was forced by the impatient people to 816 assume the Pontificate without the Imperial sanction, ^''3^^^'^' but was too prudent to make common cause with the Romans in their premature assertion of indepen- dence. The election of Eugenius II. was only carried after a contest between the German and Roman fac- tions, and the presence of Lothar was necessary to uphold Eugenius II., even when elected, against his ^ See ch. iii. p. 18. 85 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART rival Zinzinnus. Gregory IV. was more fortunate. '. — By birth a Roman, elected by the people and ap- proved by Lothar, he, for the first time since the coronation of Charles, united opposing interests. (y) Weak- And yet whilst the Popes were the subjects of the ^emperors Empire, and had to look to the Empire for protec- ^euTt^u' ^^^^' ^ven in the city over which they presided, Church, there were not wanting indications of their growing independence, which was advanced in great measure by their territorial possessions. The legislation of Charles, and still more that of Lewis, proves to what extent even the minds of the greatest princes were spell-bound by the idea that the Roman Church was the seat of St. Peter. No wonder then that Lewis in the feebleness of his later years, and princes weaker than Lewis, should humbly succumb before the higher spiritual pretensions of the Papacy. Not six years after the great Diet of Aachen, another diet was con- vened at Attigny-sur-Aisne ^ to witness the humilia- A.D. ting public penance of the Emperor Lewis. His Aug. 822 sensitive conscience had long been preying on him, reproaching him for having compelled his brothers to receive the tonsure against their will, for his barbarous conduct towards his nephew Bernard,^ for the chastisement of the insurgent bishops, and for the restraints which he had imposed on the holy monks Adalhaid, Wala, Bernarius. For these de- linquencies the trembling son of Charlemagne stood weeping and imploring the intercession of the clergy, ^ See LABBfi, ix. 624, an. 822. 2 It may render the history of this period more intelligible to give the pedigree of the Carolingians at the end of the chapter. THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN. g. endeavouring by prodigal almsgiving and most hu- chap. IV. miliating penances to appease the wrath of heaven. Never afterwards was Lewis what he had been before. His superstition had abased the imperial dignity before the transalpine clergy. He could not again raise it to its former greatness. The disturbances which occupy the remaining years of his life were the consequences of a cha- racter, too yielding to restrain this turbulence of his nobles, too feeble to curb his own passions, too superstitious to oppose the pretensions of his clergy, and they afforded to the Popes ample opportunity of aggrandisement. Even the attitude assumed by the French prelates towards Gregory IV., when he appeared in France as mediator between Lewis and his sons, and still more the threats which they ad- j^^^e 20, dressed to him, that if he came to excommunicate them, he should himself return excommunicated, although uttered in the heat of the struggle, are evidence rather of the strength of the Church in Gaul than of the weakness of the Papacy in Italy. Not many weeks later the strength of the clergy in Gaul was put to the test. At Compiegne Lewis was deposed by the bishops and compelled to do public penance in the Church of St. Medard at Soissons.^ There, having laid aside his imperial attire, and put on a dark robe of mourning, he repeated eight articles of accusation against himself, declaring himself guilty of sacrilege and perjury ; of severity towards the partisans of his sons ; of all the 833 Conven. Compendiens, an. 833, Labb£, ix. 802. 88 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART I. March I, 834 841 843 slaughter, pillage, and sacrilege caused by the in- surrection of his sons ; of arbftrary government ; and maladministration of the Empire. It was a sad scene to behold the son of Charles, crowned Emperor of the West, thus humiliated before his own clergy, confessing himself guilty of crimes which he had never committed — a foretoken of Henry IV.'s hu- miliation at Canossa. It was a degradation and insult to the Empire, and as such it enlisted all the warlike nobles on his side against the clergy, and resulted in his speedy restoration.^ For six more years Lewis continued to reign without power, a tool in the hands of contending factions, which at his death took up arms in open warfare, and continued their warfare until Lothar had been defeated on the field of Fontenay, and peace restored by the division of the Empire at Verdun.^ But what is ^ See the account in Labbe, ix. 809, an. 834, of the Conventus apud sanctum Dionysium. 2 The state of the kingdoms before and after the treaty of Verdun may be best gathered from the following table : Date Emperors of the West 1 1 800 814 817 840 850 875 876 879 880 884 888 CHARLES the Great LEWqS the Pious Kings of Germany Kings of France LOTHAR LEWIS H. died 875 CHARLES the Bald CHARLES the Fat Araulf Emperor in Germany Lewis the German ditd 875 Lewis IL Charles the Simple In Italy Guido and Berengar Charles the Bald died 876 Louis II. (the Stammerer), i died 879 Louis III. and Carloman, died 884 Eudes THE PAPACY TO THE TREATY OF VERDUN. gg most eventful about these transactions in the life chap. of Lewis is the part which the clergy played in ' arranging, conducting, and accomplishing them, and thus bringing them under the sanction of religion. This circumstance alone is enough to show how the power of the Church was growing. And if in that age the power of the Church was not as yet identical with the power of the Pope, the current feeling of the day at least considered that so it ought to be ; nor was it long before this feeling found expression in fact. No document has ever had a more remarkable B. The history, or a more lasting influence on the relations cretals. ^' of society, than that in which this feeling found ex- (0 His- pression, and which is known in modern times by the De- ■ the name of the False or Pseudo-Isidorian De- ^^^^^ -^' [a) Con- cretals.^ A collection of decretal letters made by tents. Isidore of Seville had long been in great repute in the West, based on the earlier collection made by ^•^• c. 633 Dionysius Exiguus in the sixth century, containing c. 500 the Apostolic canons, the canons of the most im- . portant councils of the fourth and fifth centuries, and the decretal letters of the Popes from the time of Siricius to that of Anastasius II. Suddenly there 385-498 appeared at Mainz, in the time of Archbishop Autcar, a collection purporting to be that of Isidore, 826-847 ^ Some account of the False Decretals may be found, Gies. ii. 324 ; Neand. vi. loi ; Milman's Latin Christianity, book v. ch. iv. ; vol. iii. p. 1 9 1 (small edition). The great works are, how- ever, Knust (F. H.), De fontibus et consilio pseudoisidoriafiae col- lectionis, Getting. 1832, 4to ; and Mohler's Fragmente aus und iiber Pseudo-Isidor. OQ THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART brought, it was said, from Spain by Archbishop ' Riculf, but containing a series of documents hitherto 786-^14 unknown — fifty-nine letters and decrees of the twenty c. 100-31 1 oldest bishops of Rome from Clement to Melchiades, the donation of Constantine, thirty-nine new decrees of Popes and councils between the time of Sylvester 311-715 and Gregory II., and the acts of several unauthentic councils. The chief points to which the spurious decrees were directed were, the exaltation of the episcopal dignity,^ the security of the clergy against the attacks of laymen,^ the limitation of the power of metropolitans,^ reducing them to be mere instru- ments of the Pope, and a consequent enlargement of the privileges of the See of Rome. {b) Marks Harmonising as the new collection did In its tone ousiiess. with the general feeling of Christendom, and being ^ Urbani I. Ep. an. 223-230 a.d. : * Ideo ista praetulimus, * carissimi, ut intelligatis potestatem Episcoporum vestrorum, in * eisque Dominum veneremini.' Pontiani Ep. i. an. 230-235 A.D. : * De illis enim dictum est, Qui vos contristabit, me contri- ' stabit . . . et alibi. Qui vos audit, me audit' ^ Agobardus, De privilegio et jwe sacerdotii, cap. i. : ' Pressurae, * odia et despectio Ecclesiarum atque Clericorum nunc inferve- ' scere coeperunt saeculis inaudito et inusitato mode' Idem, De dispensatione ecdesiasticarm7i return^ cap. xv. : ' Nunc in quibusdam * locis nullus ordo hominum, sive sint liberi, sive servi, de habita- * tione sua tarn infidus est, ut sacerdotes : ut pote qui nullo mode ' securi esse possint, nee scire quot diebus Ecclesiam vel habitacu- * lum suuni eis habere sit licitum. Nunc non solum possessiones ' ecclesiasticae, sed ipsae etiam ecclesiae cum possessionibus ' venumdantur.' Pii I. Ep. i. an. 142-157 : ' Oves pastoremsuum '■ non reprehendant, plebs vero Episcopum non accuset . . . Epi- ' scopi autem a Deo sunt judicandi.' 3 Zephyrini I. Ep. i. an. 202-219 • ' Patriarchae vero vel Pri- * mates accusatum discutientes Episcopum, non ante sententiam ' proferant finitivam, quam apostolica fulti auctoritate.' THE FALSE DECRETALS, 91 hailed as a boon by the clergy, it passed unques- chap. tioned at the time. Only some French prelates '. dared to dispute it, not indeed on critical grounds, but because it advanced pretensions to which they were not willing to submit.^ And yet to a critical eye it was full of palpable anachronisms. The ancient Roman bishops quote a Latin translation of Scripture formed from the mixture of St. Jerome's with an earlier version. The Roman bishop, Pius I., 156-165 complains in the second century that property de- voted to God has been applied to secular purposes.^ Zephyrinus, living under the pagan Emperors Cara- ^02-219 calla and Elagabalus, speaks of the expulsion of the bishops being forbidden by the imperial decrees.^ Victor, who lived at the close of the second century, 193-202 writes to Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, who lived two centuries later, respecting the contested observance of Easter which had been settled at the Nicene Council. The words of the Sodomites are Gen. xix. 9. cited as the words of God uttered by Moses, and brought forward as evidence against secular tribunals in ecclesiastical matters ; and the words of the Episde ^^^- ix. 13. to the Hebrews are quoted in a perverted way to prove the magical purifying power of consecrated water. ^ See Neand. vi. 120. 2 Pii I. Ep. ii. : 'Ad sedem apostolicam perlatum est, quod ' praedia . . . divinis usibus tradita quidam humanis applicant ' usibus, et Domino Deo, cui tradita sunt, ea subtrahunt, ut suis * usibus inserviant.' 3 Zephyrini Ep. ii. : ' Nunciatum est sedi apostolicae per apo- * crisiarios vestros, quosdam fratrum nostrorum Episcoporum vide- ' licet, ab ecclesiis et sedibus propriis pelli, suaque eis auferri * supellectilia, et sic nudos et expoliatos ad judicia vocari.' 02 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART Notwithstanding all these evidences of forgery, ' no general exposure of the fraud was made until the ^ral^ac-^' ^^"^^ ^^ ^^ Reformation. Nicholas of Cusa and ceptance. Turrecremata had indeed before that time cast suspicion upon the genuineness of the decretals as far as they dared to do so, but the Magdeburg Cen- turiators were the first, and after them Blondel, who thoroughly laid bare the fraud. Internal evidence points to Mainz as the spot in which the forgery was perpetrated, although the question of authorship is one involved in more or less of obscurity. Was Benedict Levita, a deacon of Mainz, the author, as has been frequently supposed, or were the decretals the work of Archbishop RIculf ?^ Or did they, as indeed seems the most probable conjecture, emanate from Archbishop Autcar, either directly or indirectly, through the assistance of one among his clergy } Moreover, history points to the Treaty of Verdun, S43 as the time when they became known.^ By some 1 Petrus de Marca, De Cone. Scbc. et Imp. iii. 5 j and Blascus, Comfn. de Colleet. Can., cap. vi., regard Riculf as the forger. Baluzius, Mabillon, and Natalis Alexander place their origin under Charles. Febronius even supposes they were written in Rome as early as 744. Benedictus Lerita is, however, undoubtedly the first who made an extensive use of the False Decretals in his collection of capitularies, thus obtaining for them wide circulation ; and Autcar must have been privy to the forgery, if he was not the author. The latter view is shared by Blondellus, Ballerini, Spittler, and Planck. * The False Decretals appear to have been drawn up after the year 829 a.d. since they contain quotations from the Acts of the Council of Paris held in that year, in the letters of John I. and Urban III. for instance. They were cited as an authority by Charles the Bald at the Council of Quiercy, which therefore proves THE FALSE DECRETALS. o- It has been even supposed that there Is a reference chap. to them in that treaty. L_ The views advocated in the decretals are of the of the most advanced kind, but still substantially the ^'^'''^'^^'^^^^ same as those advocated in the writings of Leo I. for the^^^ and Gregory I. — there only existing in embryo, here ^afnZty developed by time and favouring circumstances, espe- "^^^A ^^^ dally by the oath of Boniface and the coronation of ^/^^ (^ge. Charles. Above the priests, themselves an Invio- lable caste, the apple of God's eye, the 'familiares Dei,' the spiritual men as opposed to the carnal lay- men, subject to no secular tribunal, inviolable as well with regard to their person as their property ; above the bishops, in whose persons Christ him- self is honoured, and who can not be condemned but by the concurrence of seventy other bishops ; above the great metropolitans, primates, and patri- archs, towers the Roman Pontiff, the Bishop of the Universal Church, the successor of St. Peter, on that they must have been in existence before the year 857 a.d., that being the year in which the Council was held. There appears also to be an allusion to the Acts of the Council of Thionville, which would place them later than the year 835. And if, as is asserted, they are quoted in the Treaty of Verdun, their date must he between the years 835 and 843 a.d. Certainly they must have been written before 845, because in that year Benedictus Lerita began to compile his collection of capitularies, in which Pseudo- Isidoriana appear in great numbers. Roughly speaking, we may assign 840 a.d. as their date. It has been supposed, and, perhaps, with great probability, that the False Decretals were a work of gradual growth. The germ of them is found in the Eighty Capi- tula of Pope Hadrian I. an. 785, in Labb^, viii. 598. This at least is the view of Wasserschlebem, Bdtrdge zur Gesc/i. d. vorgratian. KirchenrechtsqucUeriy Leip. 1839. 94 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART whom in particular has been conferred by Christ the '. power of binding and loosing/ He is the sole and sufficient judge in all cases affecting bishops, the sole authority for convening synods. He is the sole framer of irrevocable decisions, a sovereign on earth possessing authority over Rome derived from the grant of the Emperor Constantine, and also a sovereign in heaven, the disposer of the kingdom of heaven. To have advanced claims such as these, had they not been supported by the sympathy of the West, must have been almost equivalent to dealing a death blow at the Papacy. The very fact, however, that these claims, instead of weakening the Papacy, consolidated its power, may show to what extent they expressed the feelings of the age. Indeed it is remarkable that they did not emanate from Rome, but from the diocese of Mainz. So strong was the spell of fascination which Rome then exercised over the Teutonic nations — nations apparently more 1 Conf. Capitula Hadriani, Ixxii. an. 785, Labb6, viii. 606 : * Presbyter non adversus episcopum, non diaconus adversus pres- * byterum, aut subdiaconus adversus diaconum, non acolytus ad- * versus subdiaconum, non exorcista adversus acolytum, non lector * adversus exorcistam, non ostiarius adversus lectorem det accusa- * tionem aliquam. Et non damnabitur praesul, nisi in Ixxii. testi- * bus. Neque praesul summus a quoquam judicabitur, quoniam * scriptum est : Non est discipulus super magistrum. Presbyter * autem in cardine constitutus, non nisi Ixiv. testibus damnabitur. * Diaconus cardinarius constitutus urbis Romae, nisi in xxvi. non * condemnabitur. Subdiaconus, acolytus, exorcista, lector, nisi * sicut scriptum est, in vii. testibus non condemnabitur. Testes * autem sine aliqua sint infamia, uxores et filios habentes, et * omnino Christum praedicantes.' THE FALSE DECRETALS. 95 anxious than the Popes themselves to advance the chap. Papal theocracy. Great therefore was the influence ^^' of the False Decretals, when they became generally known ; and that influence continued to go on for seven centuries, until the forgery was exposed. Have they not moulded the hierarchical relations of all the Churches of Europe ? ' Are not traces of them to be seen in institutions which still survive ? Until the time of Nicolas I., no authoritative {b) in- appeal by Popes to the decretals is on record. ^o/theL Then, however, an instance occurs of a pontiff one {^^/^'^^ year ignorant of their existence, and the next year advanced 1 1 • 1 -r- , . , before the quotmg them as an authority to the Prankish time of bishops. But the principles distinctly enunciated at /. ^^^^^'^^ Mainz were being carried out at Rome, as early (") Ser- in fact as the time when the death of Lewis the ^ A,D. Pious had broken up the Empire of Charles into the ^'^"^'^7 three parts — German, French, and Italian — which henceforth constitute distinct nations. Thus the election and consecration of Sergius II. took place 844 in violation of the ancient treaty, without awaiting the consent of the Emperor Lothar.^ Fired with indignation, Lothar despatched his son Lewis, then king of Italy, and afterwards emperor, to punish the presumption of the prelate. But Sergius II. knew the strength of his position ; he knew the awe inspired in the Franks by a solemn religious service ; he knew the support he could expect from the ^ See the passage from which this is taken in Milman's Latin Christianity^ book v. ch. iii. ; vol. iii. p. 119. Sergius II. suc- ceeded Gregory IV. as Pope an. 844. He was succeeded in 847 by Leo IV. For his life see Labb^, ix. 932. 96 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART Romans. Lewis was met with signs of joy; all the '. — civil authorities and all the people went forth to welcome him, chanting hymns and songs of praise, and conducted him to the city. By the Pope he was embraced, on the steps of St. Peter, and led to the silver-plated doors of the Church, which were jealously closed. ' Comest thou with a pure heart and mind for the welfare of the republic, the whole world, and this Church ? ' asked the Pope : ' if not, never shalt thou with my consent enter within these gates/ The king protested that his intentions were pacific : he was allowed to enter the Church. As he entered the chant burst forth, ' Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord.' Still the cautious pontiff was too wary to allow his army to enter Rome ; and the Roman patricians absolutely refused to acknowledge allegiance to any one but to the emperor himself. (/^) Under Again, on the death of Sergius IL, an election was succeed- i • i i i ing Popes, made with the utmost haste, and Leo IV.^ conse- (r/^O Leo crated as soon as elected, but, on this occasion, the A.D. imperial rights were infringed only on account of the exigencies of the time, the Saracens being almost at the gates of Rome ; and the consecration took place with the express reservation of the emperor's rights. Nevertheless, as if to indemnify himself for his dependence on the Franks, Leo IV. in writing * Leo IV. succeeded Sergius II. an. 847 and died 855. For his life see Labb^, ix. 995. The female Pope, Johanna, who is said to have sat in the chair between Leo IV. and Benedict III., is a later fiction. See the authorities cited by Gieseler, ii. 220 ; and the discussion in Labbe, ix. 11 67 ad an. 855. THE FALSE DECRETALS. g-, to princes, placed the name of the prince addressed chap. after his own, omitting- also the title Dominus. His '. successor, Benedict 1 11.,^ not more fortunate than (73) Be- Eugenius II. had been, only obtained the Papal ///. chair against his rival Anastasius by the decision of J^-^- the imperial commissioners ; and Nicolas I. was 855 chosen rather by the favour of the Emperor Lewis ^58 II. and his nobles than by that of the clergy. Under Nicolas I.^ the Papacy appears in all the c. The dimensions of a later age, and, as if to mark the com- developed mencement of a fresh epoch, the new ceremony of ^pfiH j)^_ coronation was Introduced at his consecration.^ cretals. Already strengthened in many of his claims to power 860-888 bv the sanction of the False Decretals, which were (^) ^^: ^ _ ^ ^ colas L now for the first time appealed to as an authoritative a.d. document, Nicolas acquired still more power, owing ^ ~ ^ to the goodness of the causes on behalf of which pion of he interposed, acting as the champion of the op- "^'^.^ /^/^/^^ pressed, and upholding the fundamental rules of affair of morality and civil society. In the disputes between Photius and Ignatius for the Patriarchate of Con- stantinople, he had established his reputation for justice in the East as well as in the West.^ He * Benedict III., Pope from 855 to 858, was succeeded by Nicolas I. For his life see Labb6, ix. 1237. 2 Nicolas I. succeeded Benedict III. in 858, and was succeeded in 867 by Hadrian II. For his life see Labb^, ix. 1270. ^ Anastasius, Vita, cvii. Nicolai I. On this occasion the Emperor Lewis II. acted as equerry. In the words of Anastasius : ' Frenum Caesar equi Pontificis suis manibus apprehendens pedes- ' tri more, quantum sagittae jactus extenditur, traxit' ^ See the account of the controversy in Gies. ii. 464 ; Milman, vol. iii. book v. ch. iv. 160. H g8 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART had espoused the cause of the unjustly deposed '- — Ignatius against the drunkard emperor, Michael III. ; and cancelling the decision of his legates, who had yielded to bribes, in a synod held at Rome ^ he had proceeded to pronounce sentence of deposition on ( ) In the Photius. That same justice was shown in his con- Kijig Lo- duct towards Lothar II., the king of Lorraine, whose divorce from the injured queen Thietberga he absolutely prohibited. It was in vain that Lothar, anxious to marry the guilty Waldrade, circulated an infamous accusation against his lawful queen; ^ in vain S62 that a synod held at Aachen^ of bishops wholly subservient to the guilty pleasures of their prince, declared his first marriage invalid, and gave him permission to marry Waldrade ; in vain even that Lothar so contrived it that nonebut bishops dependent g5^ on himself, either by presents or threats, should meet at the new council, convened by the Pope at Metz,* ^ Concil. Roman, iv. an. 863, Labb£, x. 243. For an account of the Synod see Nicolai I. Ep. vii. Labb^, ix. 1307, sect 4 : ' Reve- ' rentissimum et sanctissimum fratrem et coepiscopum nostrum ' Ignatium, sanctae Constantinopolitanae ecclesiae patriarcham, ' qui primo quid em imperiali violentia ac terrore, proprio throno ' privatus est, et postea a Photio adultero, praevaricatore ac per- ' vasore sedis Constantinopolitanae, et ab ejus complicibus . . . ' anathematizatus est, et . . . infulis est sacerdotalibus de- ' spoliatus, auctoritate summi judicis domini nostri Jesu Christi ' promulgamus, sancimus, atque decernimus, unquam nee fuisse, ' nee esse depositum, vel anathematizatum, tanquam qui ab impe- ' riali potentia est absque uUa canonica auctoritate pulsus ecclesia,' etc. 2 Earn ab ejus fratre constupratam esse. 2 Concil. Aquisquam. iii. an. 862, Labb£^, x. 20a. '* Concil. Metens. an. 863 coram Radoaldo et Joanne aposto- licae sedis legatis habitum, Labb^, x. 231. IV THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETALS. gg and that the bishops then assembled confirmed chap. the decision of the previous synod. Nicolas was superior to the influences which corrupted his le- gates both on this occasion and at Constantinople. In a new synod summoned at Rome ^ in the same year, after a careful investigation of the case, he pronounced the decrees of the synod of Metz to be null and void ; ^ he declared that such an assembly, favouring the cause of adulterers, was not worthy to be called a synod ; he deposed the two leading archbishops, Thietgaud of Triers, and Gunther of Cologne, as men who had bid defiance to the Apostolic ordinances and the rules of justice ; ^ and only accorded pardon to the rest of the bishops, on condition that they testified their repentance in person or by proxy, and submitted to the decrees of the Apostolic chair. Truly imposing, however, was his attitude, when on the occasion of a general fast, and a penitential procession which he had decreed for the purpose of entreating the Almighty to inspire the emperor with a right disposition and respect for St. Peter, a procession of clergy and people was attacked by a band of lawless soldiers who had entered Rome to support the cause of Lothar. Hastily crossing the Tiber for safety, Nicolas retreated to the Church of St. Peter, and there spent two days and two nights ^ Concil. Romanum iii. an. 863, Labb^, x. 235. 2 Cone. Rom. iii. Ibid. Can. i. : ' Synodum in Metensium urbe * . . . collectam ex tunc et nunc et in aetemum judicamus esse ' cassatam, et cum Ephesino latrocinio reputatam, apostolica auc- * toritate in perpetuum esse sancimus damnandam nee vocari ' synodum.' ^ Ibid. Can. 2. H 2 lOO THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART in fasting, and quietly awaited the issue.^ The un- ' ruffled dignity and brave endurance which he then displayed in defending a holy cause could not fail to win the respect of all lovers of right, and materially to strengthen the position of the Papacy. A.D. 865 All the attempts of Lothar to make the Pope acquiesce in his crime, shattered on the firmness of Nicolas ; whom nothing would satisfy short of a total renunciation by Lothar of his criminal connec- tion with Waldrade, and a restoration of Thiet- berga to her rightful position. The king was at length obliged to receive her at the hands of a papal legate, in the presence of the majority of his nobles, and to promise on oath, that for the future he would treat her as his lawful wife and queen.^ When, however, his wickedness had desired a new expe- dient for the gratification of his lust, and Thietberga had been reduced by ill-treatment to such a strait, that with her own hand she wrote to the Pope, declaring that her marriage with Lothar had never been a valid one, and expressing her resolution to devote herself henceforth to a life of chastity, Nicolas detected the refinement of Lothar's cruelty, and again stood up in defence of the oppressed. Thietberga was given to understand ^ that she need be under no ^ MiLMAN, iii. 181 (small edition). ^ Neand. vi. T15. 3 Nicolai I. ep. xlviii. ad Theutbergam, Labbe, ix. 1 444 : ' Cum ' magis nos ita sentiamiis quod justum est, et ita intelligamus quod ' aequum existit, ut te etiam reprobata etiam mortua, Lotharius ' nullis legibus . . . Waldradam moecham in uxorem unquam ' permitteretur assumere . . . Verum nos banc confessionem tuam, ' quam non voluntas sed vis extorsit, nequaquam pro confessione ' recipimus. . . . Nee putamus Lotharium virum videlicet tuum, THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETALS. ^^^ apprehensions for her Hfe, since Lothar should never chap. be allowed to marry the adulteress Waldrade, and ^^' was informed that the laws of the Church could not allow her to take the vow of chastity, unless both husband and wqfe of their own free will came to the same resolution. The sympathies of all who were not prejudiced by party-feeling could not fail to go with Nicolas I. in upholding the cause of justice without fear of man ; and thus in a lawless age all lovers of order were enlisted on his side, and bore without murmuring what might otherwise have seemed overbearing conduct. Nor was the firm adherence of Nicolas to the cause {b) Hu- of right less manifest in his treatment of the deposed ^onjll^^^^ archbishops, Thietgaud of Triers, and Gunther of s^^'^P^^- Cologne, a treatment which at the same time dis- („) Arch- closed the extraordinary strength of the Roman ^cfh^nf'^ bishop. Not all the remonstrances of the emperor, to whom the act was represented as an insult done to himself, not the march of Lewis II. upon Rome, not the privations to which he was himself exposed, not all the intercessions of bishops and princes, could induce Nicolas to revoke his sentence upon them.^ The sudden death of an imperial soldier, who had dashed in pieces a cross held in special veneration, was regarded as a judgment of heaven in favour of the Pope. The emperor was seized with a fever, * in tantam sui perniciem devolvendum, ut vitae tuae insidiari quo- ' cumque modo consentiat, cum non sibi vel regno suo minus ' quam tibi, si ad hoc tam immane piaculum dilapsus esset, acqui- ' reret omnino dispendium.' * Neand. vi. 115 ; MiLMAN, iii. 182. a7id Triers. J02 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART and relented. Lothar deposed Gunther to appoint ... his own son in his place ; Thietgaud bowed before the storm. The two greatest prelates of Germany had been humbled. (/3) Arch- Nor did an archbishop nearer home, John of bishop of ^ A 1 . • 1 Ravenna. Ravenna, fare much better. Ambitious and avari- A.D. 862 cious, resting his haughty pretensions on the fact that Ravenna had once been the imperial residence, and therefore aspiring again to set up Ravenna as superior to Rome, he had taken possession of certain 861 estates claimed by the Roman See, visiting all who offered resistance with imprisonment and excommu- nication. Successful at first in his appeal to the em.peror, Lewis II,, he had retired from Rome, ex- communicated himself, but refusing to acknowledge the authority of the Pope. But his own city did not espouse his cause, and another triumph was in store for Nicolas. The people of Ravenna invited the Pope to visit their city ; at his approach, the archbishop fled ; the emperor left him to his own devices, and bade him humble himself before the great Pope to whom we and the whole Church submit in obedience. No other alternative was left to John, but with tears to implore the mercy of his adversary, to take a Nov. I, public oath of allegiance to Nicolas on the sacred relics, the cross and sandals of Christ, and the four Gospels, and to promise to present himself personally every year at Rome.^ (>) Hinc- A like success attended Nicolas in his struggle pTanis. with the great transalpine prelate, HIncmar, arch- ^ MiLMAN, iii. 172. THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETALS. lO bishop of Rhelms. In this case, however, he seems chap. to have consulted the interests of the Papacy rather than the claims of justice, and on this occasion for the first time the False Decretals were appealed to as an authority.^ In a provincial synod held at Soissons Hincmar, the most learned, powerful, and politic ecclesiastic in France, had deposed Rothad, the bishop of that city, for disobedience to ecclesiastical rule.''^ Neither Hincmar himself, who had deposed ad. 86] Rothad, nor the French bishops who constituted the synod, denied the right of Rothad to appeal in the first instance to the Pope, but they did refuse to re- cognise his second appeal, because he had taken back his first appeal by choosing the bishops themselves for his judges. Great, therefore, was Hincmar's indignation, when the Pope, in violation of the laws of the Church, entertained Rothad's second appeal, and after citing Hincmar to Rome, declared, on his non-appearance, the sentence pronounced by him to 864 be invalid, and sent Rothad back to France with a dictatorial letter to the king and the archbishop. In justification of this conduct, Nicolas at first quoted the canons of Sardica, but he subsequently appealed to the False Decretals. Still more Important than the object gained was the manner in which it was 1 Neand. vi. 117 ; GiES. ii. 341 ; Milman, iii. 184. 2 Concil. Suesson. an. 861, Labb^, x. 196; Antiaks Bertiniani ad an. 861 : ' Hincmarus Durocortori Remorum archiepiscopus * synodo comprovinciali apud martyrium sancti Crispin! et Cris- ' piniani secus civitatem Suessionis Rothadum ipsius urbis epi- ' scopum regulis ecclesiasticis obedire nolentem episcopal! privat ' commiinione secundum decreta canonum, donee obediat.' I04 THE POPES UNDER THE C A ROPING Pi NS. PART effected.^ For the Pope maintained on the authority ' of the decretals that an archbishop is not war- ranted in judging a bishop unless he has received plenary powers from the Pope for that purpose. And not only was this appeal important since it invested the decretals with the Papal sanction, but it was still more so because it employed them in a case in which the episcopal rank was concerned. Henceforth all bishops would advocate them, hoping, as in the case of Rothad, to gain in the Pope a cham- pion of their dignity against the oppression of the greater metropolitans. Nicolas I. did not pass away without leaving his mark on the history of the Papacy.^ No Pope since the time of Gregory I. so well deserves the title of the Great ; and yet the prejudices of a later day have deprived him of his just due. The pitch to which the administration of Nicolas I. had raised the Papal dignity far surpasses the achievements of any of his predecessors. It was supported by his (2) Ha- successor Hadrian H.,^ but neither with equal judg- drian //. ^ Neand. vi, 118; GiES. ii. 341. 2 A description of Nicolas I. ap. Regin. ad an. 868 : ' Post * beatum Gregorium [I.] usque in praesens nullus Praesul in Ro- * mana urbe pontificali honore sublimatus illi videtur aequiparan- ' dus : regibus ac tyrannis imperavit, eisque, ac si dominus orbis ' terrarum, auctoritate praefuit : episcopis et sacerdotibus religiosis ' ac mandata Domini observantibus humilis, blandus, pius, man- ' suetus apparuit ; irreligiosis et a recto tramite exorbitantibus terri- ' bilis atque austeritate plenus extitit, ut merito credatur alter ' Heiias, Deo suscitante, nostris in temporibus resurrexisse, etsi ' non eorpore, tamen spiritu et virtute.' See also Neand. vi. 120. 3 Hadrian II. succeeded Nicolas I. an. 867. He was suc- ceeded by John VIII. in 872. His life in Labb^, x. 387. THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETAES. O- IV. A.D. 867-872 ment, nor with equal success. It might indeed chap seem that heaven was favouring the cause of the Papacy, when Lothar and his nobles, who had been admitted to communion by Hadrian at Rome, {^^struif. under a solemn adjuration 01 their innocence, were charks carried off by a plague before the end of the year.^ '"^ ''^^ But when, seizing the occasion, Hadrian thought to interfere in the disposal of Lothar's kingdom, the world was not ripe for this broad and naked as- sertion of the Papal power, and he learnt that his threats could be despised even when uttered in the cause of justice.''^ Notwithstanding all he could do, the kinpfdom of Lorraine was seized by Charles the , ^ ■ ^ ^ June 28, Bald, the uncle of Lothar H., by whom also it was 870 retained to the detriment of the claims of Lewis H., the brother of Lothar. Still less was Hadrian's in- terference successful in behalf of Carloman, the re- bellious son of Charles the Bald.^ When Carloman, ^ MiLMAN, iii. 202 : ' If thou avouchest thyself innocent of the ' crime of adultery, for which thou hast been excommunicated by ' the Lord Nicolas, and art resolved never again to have unlawful * intercourse with the harlot Waldrade, draw near in faith, and ' receive the holy sacrament for the remission of thy sins. But if ' thou thinkest in thy heart to return to wallow in adultery, beware ' of receiving it, lest thou provoke the terrible judgment of God.* The king shuddered, but did not draw back. 2 On the death of Lothar, his brother the emperor, Lewis II., ought to have been his legal heir, but his uncle, Charles the Bald, seized the kingdom of Lorraine, and was supported by the French bishops. Hadrian II. rebuked the latter, and bade Hincmar have no communion with Charles the Bald, unless he surrendered what he had wrongfully seized. Hincmar in reply wrote a letter full of plain truths. See p. 108; and Neand. vi. 123. 3 MiLMAN. iii. 206. I06 THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. TART having deserted his monastic Hfe for the more con- \ genial Hfe of arms, appeared at the head of a band of robbers ravaging the territory of his father ; and the Prankish bishops were preparing to take the ex- treme measure of degradation against the apostate ecclesiastic and unnatural son ; to their surprise appeared a letter from Hadrian II. : — ' Not only,' it ran,^ ' have you usurped the realm of others, but you have surpassed the wild beasts in cruelty. You have, like the ostrich, hardened your heart against your own son in having banished him from the kingdom and endeavoured to procure his excommuni- cation.' ' Carloman,' it continued, ' has appealed to the Apostolic See, and by the Apostolic authority we command you to refrain from your cruelty : restore him to your favour, receive him as your son, reinstate him in his honours till the arrival of our legates who will settle the case.' These threats were to no purpose. The clergy made common cause with the king ; and supported by the strong-minded prelate, Hincmar of Rheims, Charles defied the Pope to the day of his death. Archbishop Hincmar had succumbed in his ' Epist. xxix. Hadriani II. Labbe, x. 435 : ' Inter cetera exces- ' suum tuorum, quibus aliena usurpando invasisse crederis, illud ' quoque nihilominus objicitur, quod etiam bestiarum feritatem ' excedens, contra propria viscera, id est, contra Carlomannum * genitum tuum saevire minime verearis ; ita ut more struthionis, ' quod ex libro beati Job discimus, obduraveris ad filium tuum, * quasi non sit tuus. . . . Verum quia idem Carlomannus sedem * apostolicam legatis suis, tanquam quibusdam pedum suorum * passibus adiit . . . primo quidem ab hujuscemodi conatuum tuo- * rum intentu auctoritate apostolica refrenamus.' THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETALS. jq^ Struggle with Nicolas. Naturally embittered in con- chap. IV. sequence against the Papal claims, Hincmar readily sided with Charles in his struggles with Hadrian II. gjes wifll When commanded to withdraw from the court of ^y^'^"^^^ of Charles/ he wrote that it was an unheard-of thing Rheims. that the Pope should presume to be king as well as ^° bishop. Earlier Popes had never renounced fellow- ship with even heretical, apostate, and tyrannical princes, whereas Charles was a Catholic desirous of remaining at peace with the Church, and prepared to defend himself against every charge. He more- over reminded the Pope of what had been done for the Church by the older Prankish monarchs, and how, when Gregory IV. had come into France to disturb the peace of the Church, he had been obliged to return not with becoming honour.^ A new cause of disagreement was soon added, when Hadrian II., following the example of his pre- decessor, cited Hincmar to appear at Rome for having deposed his nephew, Hincmar of Laon.^ Again the authority of the decretals was quoted to prove that a definitive judicial sentence in the case of bishops could only come from the Pope ; and again Hincmar defended the principles of the older ecclesiastical law against the new code of the Papal monarchy. Again the Pope refused to recognise the provincial synod 871 ^ See one severe letter of rebuke addressed to Hincmar, Hadriani 11. Epist. xxv. Labbe, x. 430 : ' . . . Restat ut te de tuis ' actibus reprehendere non omittamus.' 2 Neand. vi. 123 ; Hinc. Ep. ad Hadr. a.d. 870 {0pp. ed. Sirm. ii. 689; Bouquet, vii. 537), quoted by Gies. ii. 343. 3 Milman, iii. 209. jQg THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART of Douzi/ and summoned plaintiff and defendant to '_ appear before a Roman synod. On this occasion Hincmar raised his voice in the strongest language of reprobation against the False Decretals,^ styling them a compilation of fictions, a poisoned cup be- smeared with honey — because the decrees bore the name of venerable bishops — and comparing them with the forbidden fruit, which, promising to our first parents independence and equality with God, involved them in miserable bondage. Hadrian II. had not the same power as Nicolas I. Hincmar had grown stronger, and the whole strength of the Prankish Church, called forth by the recent aggressions on its sovereign,^ was enlisted in his support ^ Concil. Duziacense, an. 871, Labbe, x. 105 i. 2 See the quotations in Neand. vi. 127. 3 Thus Hincmar had written to Hadrian in the name of Charles the Bald in Hinc. Op. ii. 701 ; and Bouquet, vii. 542 : 'Cogitis ' nos, indecentibus potestati regiae Uteris vestris inhonoratum, * inconvenientibus episcopah modestiae vestrae mandatis gravatum, * contumeliis et opprobriis dehonestatum, aliter quam vellemus * mente pacifica vobis rescribere : ut tandem animadvertatis, quan- ' quam perturbationibus humanis obnoxium, in imagine tamen Dei ' ambulantem esse nos hominem, habere sen sum paterna et avita ' successione Dei gratia, regio nomine ac culmine sublimatum, et ' quod his majus est, Christianum, Catholicum, fidei orthodoxae * cultorem. Valde mirati sumus, ubi hoc dictator epistolae scrip- ' tum invenerit, esse apostolica auctoritate praecipiendum, ut Rex, * corrector iniquorum, et districtor reorum, ac secundum leges ' ecclesiasticas atque mundanas ultor criminum, reum legaliter ac ' regulariter pro excessibus suis damnatum, sua fretum potentia, * Romam dirigat : maxime autem ilium, qui et ante deposition em ' contra custodiam publicam et contra quietem moliri in tribus ' synodis extitit deprehensus, et post depositionem suam a sua ' pervicacia non quievit. Reges Francorum ex regio genere nati, THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETALS. iqq But HIncmar's success was not a permanent one. chap. The accession of a new and more yielding Pope ^ — J. _ led Charles to the hope of securing the imperial ^//A ''^ crown, for which he was willing to make many a.d. sacrifices."^ For such were the advantages which the possession of it conferred even then, that Charles was not scrupulous as to the means by which he obtained it. It was enough for him if his title were established by the sanction of the Pope. It was enough if the other bishops, the ministers of the Holy Roman Church, the senate and people of Rome, approved the election.^ In his complacency at receiving the new honour, he made no objection when the Pope nominated Ansegis, archbishop of Sens, primate over the French Church and Apostolic Vicar.* In vain Hincmar protested against this step, invading the rights of all metropolitans ; in vain the bishops, following his lead, declared that ' non Episcoporum vicedomini. sed terrae domini hactenus fuimus ' computati ; et ut Leo ac Romana Synodus scripsit : Reges et * Imperatores, quos terris divina potentia praecepit praeesse, jus ' distinguendorum negotiorum Episcopis Sanctis juxta divalia con- ' stituta permiserunt ; non autem Episcoporum villici extitenmt.' 1 John VIII. succeeded Hadrian II. in 872. He was followed by Martin II. in 882. For his life see Labb£, xi. i. 2 Neand. vi. 128 ; MiLMAN, iii. 215. 3 Hadriani Epist. cccxv., Labb£, xi. 216 : * Imperium, quod ei ' constat non humano collatum beneficio, licet per mediocritatis * nostrae ministerium, sed divino . . . ' Epist. cccxviii. Ibid. 223 : * [Carolo] Augustale diadema, sibi divinitus sine dubio collatum, ' per humilitatis nostrae ministerium accipiente.' Synod. Ticin. an. 876, Labb^, xi. 282. "* Neand. vi. 128 ; Gies. ii. 347. I JO THE POPES UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. PART they would only obey the decretals in as far as they '- — ■ were compatible with the rights of metropolitans. John VII I., did not withdraw his vicar, and the king, surrendering the interests of the Church in return for his own advancement, refused to oppose the Papal ordinance. The Papacy of John VIII. closes over a futile attempt on his part to exercise despotic sovereignty over the bishops of Lombardy ; and with the death of John ends the first act in the drama of the Pope's transalpine dominion. That act, beginning under Gregory the Great with the reconciliation of the archbishops of Milan to the Roman See, ended with the excommunication by Rome of an arch- bishop of Milan, Anspert. The North Italian pre- lates sided with Anspert, however, in defying Rome's authority. Ln Provence the clergy paid more defer- ence to John ; and this influence had, no doubt, great weight with the ecclesiastics who assembled at Montaille, and assuming the right of founding a new kingdom, elevated Boso to the rank of King of Provence.^ German and Italian factions were now for a time rival claimants of the Papacy ; a season of unsettledness set in which saw the Popes the abject slaves of factions ; and political disturbances imparted the contagion of disturbance to the See. Nevertheless, the newly won transalpine territory amply compensated Rome for the loss of respect she sustained nearer home. The devotion of the Western ' Concil Mantalense, an. 879, Labbe, xi. 503 ; Milman, iii. 228. THE PAPACY AFTER THE FALSE DECRETALS. m nations became intensified as in Italy disaffection chap. spread. Slowly and in secret the influence of the ' False Decretals was spreading. If in the night of vice, intrigue, and faction which ensued, Europe still remained true to her spiritual head, no wonder that, when the morning broke, she yielded herself up entirely to his political sovereignty. s o O I— I 00 -I < tCv- ON ' c o >» ■ U d c & 00 "^ PH •^ ^! c« M ,J i_, 1 eioo i -< > 1 -ft "^ p5.Soo ^ S •s^ ;^ c5 ^ ^ ►—1 ' — - CO rt CO rx^CO < i^ ii-ON u w "5 5^ ,500 ^22 Pi -Si -r;CO 1—1 ^ .2 'o ^ On ^■g ON ^ .5 CO o (U On 5^ a-^ o ^ O fcfl OJ o O THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. CHAPTER V. THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. \ — 1046.) Dixtrunt Deo : Recede a nobis^ et scientiam viariim tiiarunt noluvius.^ — Job, xxi. 14. T HE darkest period of the history of the Papacy chap set In at a rapid pace after the death of John Vni.2 Martin H. and Hadrian HI.^ followed one another In quick succession at Rome, acknow- ledging, as John had been compelled to do, the sole sovereignty of Charles the Fat,^ an emperor as utterly contemptible as he was physically great, as physically great as his ancestor of the same name had been intellectually. With the death of Charles, which happened during the episcopate of Stephen V.,^ the edifice of the Carolingian Empire crumbled away, and went finally to pieces.^ A ' Concil. Roman, an. 983, Labb£, xi. 976. 2 Martin II. succeeded John VIII. in 882. For his Hfe see Labb6, xi. 527. 3 Hadrian III. succeeded Martin II. in 884 and held the Papacy for one year. For his life see Labb^, xi. 531. '* See the genealogy in ch. iv. p. 112 (note). He died an. B,B>B>. ^ Stephen V. succeeded Hadrian III. in 885, and was succeeded by Formosus in 891. For his life see Labb^, xi. 540. ^ The empire of the Carol ingians had lasted eighty-eight years from the coronation of Charles. The Emperor Otho III. revived I V. 114 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART I. period of anarchy ensued both for the Empire and the Papacy, the former being distracted by the feuds of the Babenbergers and Rothenburgers, until the the Empire of the West in the year 962. The state of things after the death of Charles the Fat, 887, may be best gathered from the following table, remembering that whilst Charles the Fat was emperor, Charles the Simple was king of Germany, and Louis III. and Carloman were kings of France. The Western Empire France Date Date Date 884. CHARLES the 880. Charles the Sim- 879. Louis III. and Fat, Holy Ro- | ple, King of Carloman, 888. man Emperor, died 887. Arnulf Emperor in 1 Germany 888. kings until 884 Eudes Guido and Beren- Germany gar Emperors in Italy 898. Charles the Sim- ple, died 923 900. LEWIS HL (of Provence) died 912 899. 904. Le\vis the Child, died 904 BERENGAR restored, died 922 912. Conrad I. died 920 919. Henry Iv (the Fowler) 923- 926. Rodolf of Bur> gundy Hugh of Aries 923. Rodolf, died ^2,6 936. OTTO L (the Great) 947. Lothair 936. Louis IV. d'Outre Mer, died 954 950- Berengar II. un- 954. til 964 1 Lothair, died 986 964. Revival of the Holy Roman Empire BY Otto I. 1 973- OTTO H. died 983 983- OTTO in. died 1002 986. 987. 996. Louis V. le Fai- neant, died ()%'] HUGH CAPET, died 996 Robert I. 1002. HENRY II. (the Saint), died 1024 1024. CONRAD II. (the Salic) died 1039 103 1. Heniy I. died 1060 1039. HENRY III. died 1056 1 THE RIVAL ITALIAN PARTIES. j^ election of Henry I./ the latter being for more than chap 150 years tossed about in the sea of ItaHan party ^- strife, the darkness of the surrounding vice being only ^-^^ from time to time relieved by the lustre of the virtues of individual Popes, whom the greater emperors of the house of Saxony placed in the chair of St. Peter. No such intervention, however, took place during A. The the first seventy years, nor were the visits of Arnulf j^fJer the to Italy attended with any definite influence on the ^jJ^aUan Roman Church. For seventy years the Popes were P'^^'i^^^- creatures of rival parties,^ nominated by the party 888-^62 which, for the time being, happened to be in the ascendant, obliged to give their spiritual sanction to its objects, obtaining their Pontificate by crime, vacating it by murder, and receiving the fatal dignity of the See, only to lose it as rapidly as it had been won. During the first twenty years, the struggle lay (i) Party between the party of the Duke Guido of Spoleto of^Mo on the one hand, and that of Berenpfar of Friuli on ^'^^^"-^ ^ son Lam- the other, each of whom, on the death of Charles bertm the Fat, aspired to the imperial dignity, as being dent. the representatives of Charles the Great. Around ~^^^ 1 See NiTHARDUS, De dissensionibus Ludov. Pii, lib. IV. ; and Reginonis Chronicorum 11. ii. 2 The spirit of faction had previously shown itself in Italy, the Frankish and the Italian or national party disputing the pre- eminence. Stephen V. in 885 was chosen by the national party : ' Unde,' say the Annales Fiddenses ap. Pertz, i. 402, ' Iniperator * iratus, quod eo inconsulto ilium ordinare praesumserunt, misit ' Liutwartum et quosdam Romanae sedis Episcopos, qui eum * deponerent ; quod perficere minime potuerunt.' I 2 Il6 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART Guldo, who at first formed the wild hope of sue- '- — ceeding peaceably to the transalpine dominions of Charles, and had, it was said, accordingly entered into an amicable arrangement with Berengar, by which Berengar was to have the cisalpine dominions, the dukes and dependants of Spoleto, Camerina, and Tuscany rallied ; the Lombards and the north of Italy generally were on the side of Berengar. Two A.D. 889 bloody battles were fought, but when victory had declared itself in both on the side of Guido, he was elected by the bishops king of Italy,^ and crowned 891 by Stephen V, emperor at Rome/'^ The same dignity was conferred on his son Lambert, by Pope 892 Formosus ; ^ and although, on the appearance of 896 Arnulf in Rome,*^ Formosus declared the inaugura- ^ Concil. Ticinens. an. 889, Can. 12, Labbe, xi. 607: 'Post ' obitum recordandae memoriae domini Caroli gloriosi Impera- ' toris et Senioris nostri quot quantaque pericula huic Italico regno ' usque in praesens tempus supervenerint, nee lingua potest evol- * vere, nee calamus explicare : ipsis denique diebus quasi ad cer- ' turn signum supervenerunt qui pro hoc regno ut sibi volentes ' nolentesque adsentiremus, minis diversis et suasionibus inlectos ' furtive ac fraudulenter adtraxerunt. Sed quia ilii superveniente ' perspicuo Principe Widone bis jam fuga lapsi ut fumus evanue- ' runt, nosque in ambiguo reliquerent . . . necessarium duximus ' at mutuum colloquium . . . convenire, ibique . . . decrevimus ' uno animo eademque sententia praefatum magnanimum Princi- ' pem Widonem ad protegendum et regaliter gubernandum nos in ' regem et seniorem nobis eligere et in regni fastigium Deo miser- ' ante praefigere.' ^ Atinal. Fulde?is. ad. an. 891. 3 Formosus succeeded Stephen V. an. 891, and was followed by Stephen VI. an. 896. His life in Labbe, xi. 612 ; see Mil- man, iii. 2^%. ^ MiLMAN, iii. 240. THE RIVAL IT A LI AX PARTIES. jj- tlon of Lambert Invalid on the ground that It had chap. been extorted by compulsion, and crowned Arnulf ' emperor in his place, nevertheless, the title of Lam- bert was recognised at Rome in the time of John IX., and the coronation of Arnulf was rejected with a.d. 898 scorn. ^ Lewis of Provence was also crowned em« peror by Benedict IV.,^ In the year 901. These successes of the party of Guido and his son (2) As- Lambert, chequered as they had been by occasional o/Beren- reverses, were destined after the death of Lambert "^006-922 to be succeeded by permanent depression, which gave to the party of Berengar the lead for the time being, and ultimately, on the death of his rival, Lewis of Provence,^ transferred to his hands the whole sovereignty of Italy. The turning point in the fortunes of Berengar is marked by the accession of Serglus III., In the year 904. This ecclesiastic had already been twice a candidate for the tiara — once at the election of Formosus, and again at that of John IX., and, after seven years of exile in Tus- cany, had succeeded, by the help of the Tuscan duke, Adalbert, In driving Christopher from Rome after a seven months' episcopate, and placing himself ^ MiLMAN, iv. 244. 2 Formosus was Pope from 891-896 a.d. He was succeeded by Stephen VI. 896-897 a.d. whose Hfe in Laeb]^, xi. 663« Romanus followed Stephen VI. 897-898; then Theodore, 898, died 898 ; John IX. 898-900 ; and Benedict IV. 900-903 a.d. After Benedict IV. came Leo V. 903 ; Christopher 903-904 ; and Sergius III. 904-911. Their lives in Labbe, xi. 663 scq. 3 After the death of Lambert, an. 898, the Spoletan party had put forward Lewis of Provence as their champion, and he was crowned emperor by Benedict IV. at Rome, 901 a.d. jl8 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART on the seat which he had occupied. The triumph of '- Berengar was, however, secured by the terror of the Mahommedan Invasion. In answer to an appeal of the enterprising and highly-gifted, but immoral,^ 914428 Pope, John X.,^ who, to support the cause of suffering Christendom, resolved to invoke the aid of both the Eastern and Western emperors, Berengar, as the undisputed aspirant to the Empire, repaired in person March 24, to Rome. There ^ he was met by the senate with flying banners, singing his praises in the Latin tongue, by the schools of strangers, each paying their homage to the emperor elect in their native dialect, by the brother of the Pope, Peter, representing the Roman nobles, and by the son of Theophylact bearing the proud title of consul of Rome. Alighting from the Pope's white horse, on which he had ridden ac- cording to custom, he ascended the steps of St. Peter to the spot where John X. was seated awaiting his arrival. There he was cordially received by the Pope, and saluted with a kiss. He swore to maintain the privileges and possessions of the Church, and, in return, received from John X. the imperial crown. The donations of Pepin and Charles were read, and the Pope, placing himself at the head of the army, rode forth with the emperor in array to battle. 1 The infamous Theodora, is said to have been his mistress. 2 Sergius III. was succeeded in 911 by Anastasius III. His life in Labbe, xi. 775. Two years later, an. 913, Anastasius was followed by Laudo. See Labb^, xi. 777. In the following year John X. was elected and held the see from 914 to 928. For his life see Labbe, xi. 779. * Milman, iii. 291. THE RIVAL ITALIAN PARTIES. Uq Meantime, a third party, led by Adalbert,^ Mar- chap. grave of Tuscany, had been growing up in Italy, aided by the notorious Theodora, and her equally cendency abandoned daughters, Marozia and Theodora, and ^J^^*^^^ destined soon to wrest the power out of the hands party. of Berengar of Friuli, and to wield an almost 922-962 absolute sovereignty over Rome, and over the Papacy. Already, by the help of Adalbert, the second of that name, one of the richest Italian nobles, and at first, until alienated by his wife Bertha, a faithful supporter of Berengar, the See of Rome had been secured for Serglus III. The succeeding Popes were the nominees of this party.^ Soon after the death of Adalbert II., however, his widow Bertha, and her son Guido,^ had become involved in a quarrel with the emperor Berengar, from which Berengar was only relieved by the mur- derer's hand.* But, before the death of Berengar 922 ^ Adalbert II., surnamed the Rich, was the son of Adalbert I. and the grandson of Boniface, Count of Lucca and Marquis of Tuscany in the time of Charles. Adalbert's influence was great owing to his marriage with Bertha, the illegitimate daughter of King Lothar II. by his concubine Waldrada. Milman, iii. 286. ^ Besides these already mentioned, viz. Anastasius III. 911- 913; Lando, 913-914; and John X. 914-928, the following Popes were nominated by this party : Leo VI. 928-929 ; Stephen VIL 929-931 A.D. ; John XL 931-936; Leo VII. 936-939; Stephen VIII. 939-943; Martin III. 943-946; Agapetus 11. 946-955 ; and John XII. 955 and deposed 963. Their lives in Labb£, xi. 799 seq. ^ Guido was the son of Bertha by her husband Adalbert II. Bertha had another son, however, Hugh of Provence, by her former husband. Hugh was, therefore, the step-brother of Guido. Marozia was the mistress of Guido. Milman, iii. 297. * Milman, iii. 294. I20 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART had placed Italy entirely at the mercy of the '- — Tuscan party, that party was secretly intriguing for obtaining dominion over Rome by the aid of the Infamous Theodora and Marozia, who, not con- tent with disgracing the chief city of Christendom by their licentiousness for many years, placed their profligate paramours or base-born sons in the chair of St. Peter. The archbishopric of Ravenna and the A.D. See of Rome in succession were secured to John X., 914-928 by the influence of his paramour, the elder Theodora.^ The vices of her daughter Marozia raised up a rival 925 to him for the mastery of the city in the person of her lover, the Marquis Alberic,^ and by the aid of a new lover deprived him of his see and of his llfe.'^ When her paramour, Pope Sergius III., had died, Marozia replaced an ecclesiastic by a warrior, the Marquis Alberic ; on the death of the Marquis Alberlc she wedded the rich Margrave of Tuscany, Guldo ; and at his death she offered herself and the city of Rome to the new king of Italy, Hugh of Provence, the step-brother of her late husband. One 931-936 of her sons, John XL, the offspring of Pope Sergius III., was raised to the Papal throne; another, ^ MiLMAN, iii. 289. 2 Ibid. 293 : 'Alberic, the paramour of Marozia, was the father of the Alberic who was afterwards tyrant of the city. He died soon afterwards, and Marozia supplied his place with a new lover, Guido the son of Adalbert II. Marquis of Tuscany. On the death of Guido, Marozia again gave her hand to his step- brother, Hugh of Provence. 3 This is stated on the authority of Liutprandi Anfapodosis, ii. 48 ; Pertz, v. 297. Nevertheless, the fact has been disputed. See MiLM. iii. 287 ; Gies. ii. 351. THE RIVAL ITALIAN PARTIES. j2i Alberic, the son of the Margrave Alberic, offended chap with the haughty conduct of his step-father Hugh, ^- possessed himself of the chief power as patrician a.d. and senator of Rome, and confined his elder bro- ther, the Pope, a prisoner, only permitting him to appear in public to perform his spiritual functions. Pope followed Pope — Leo VII., Stephen VIII., Martin III., Agapetus II. — appointed by the sole nomination of Alberic — all equally powerless, all without either dignity or morals ; and at length, on the death of Alberic, his son Octavian, though only nineteen years of age, aspiring to unite the spiritual and civil powers in his own person, administered the secular government of Rome by the name of Oc- tavian, whilst as John XII. he disgraced the Papal dignity by the most shameless excesses, adultery, rape, and even incest. To such depths of degrada- tion had the Papacy been reduced. Meantime, the dukedom of Tuscany passed from Guido to his brother Lambert,^ from Lambert, by the treachery of Hugh of Provence, to Boso, brother of H ugh. Successful by fraud and by force, but scorning alike ecclesiastical and moral control, Hugh was un- disputed king of Italy, a sovereign everywhere else except in Rome.^ On the death of Hugh, the 947 kingdom descended to his son Lothar ; on his decease, it anew changed its sovereign, passing into the hands of Berengar II., Margrave of Ivrea, and his son Adalbert, successively. The condition of Italy and of Rome, of the kingdom and the Papacy, ' MiLM. iii. 297. 2 /^/^ ^oo I. 122 THE yiGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART seemed utterly hopeless, when the renewed inter- vention of a transalpine monarch restored decency to the Papacy, Italy to the Empire, and founded afresh the Holy Empire, which had been really in abeyance since the death of the last of the Carolineians. B. ////- Many causes combined to bring about the interven- teruen-^' tion of the great Saxon monarch, Otto I.^ As early as the year 951, that chivalrous king had rescued and tlOll A.D 962-1002 married the beautiful Adelheid, the wadow of Lothar, (1) Inter- ^^ ^^^ ^^ Hug^h of Proveuce.^ After having^ been ve7ition of ^ ^ Otto L cruelly persecuted by Berengar II., who had thereby 962-973 j^Qpeci to compel her to accept the -hand of his son Adalbert, she had been rescued by Otto, and had given her hand to her benefactor in return. By right of inheritance, Otto" had obtained with her hand the ^ Consult as authorities for the above Milman, book v. ch. xi. ; Neand. vi. 129 ; GiES. ii. 350. ^ The genealogy of the house of Saxony is as follows : Otto the Illustrious. I HENRY I. (the Fowler), King of Germany, 919-936. I I I Adelheid = OTTO I. Thankmar. Henry of Bavaria. King of Germany 936 ; Emperor 962-973. I I I I OTTO II. =Theophano, Ludolph of Daughter = Conrad Henry II. Emperor Swabia. of Franconia. of Bavaria. 973-983. I OTTO III. HENRY II. Emperor Emperor 983-1002. I 002- I 024. 3 See MiLMAN, book v. ch. xii. ; vol. iii. 306 (small edition). IMPERIAL INTERVENTION IN ITALY. jj-J kmgdom of Italy, which he now granted Berengar II. chap. and Adalbert as vassals. Under their oppressive ' rule the Italians groaned ; the son of Otto, Ludolf, was despatched for their deliverance, and met his death either by fever or treachery ; the excesses of Berengar increased, and the cry for the intervention of the Germans waxed louder and louder. Once when Alberic reigned supreme at Rome the presence of a stranger was not permitted there ; at his dicta- tion the Pope had declined to receive the German Otto or to bestow the imperial crown. Far other- wise thought Alberic's son, John XII.^ Acting at once as patrician and Pope,^ he no sooner found him- self threatened by Berengar II. than he joined the Archbishop of Milan and the Italian princes in ap- pealing to Otto for succour. At Pavia Otto was (^) ^oro- 7iatl07l of crowned kmg of Italy; at Rome he was anointed Otto I. emperor of the West ; Otto swearing to protect the Roman Church against her enemies, to restore her lands and possessions, and to make no change in the government of Rome without the sanction of the Pope; John XII. and the Roman people swearing on the body of St. Peter to be faithful to the emperor, and to abandon all connection with Beren- gar and Adalbert. Never did a more important event in history take a.d. . , . . Feb. 962, place makmg less impression on those who witnessed it, and less commemorated by subsequent historians, than the coronation of Otto I. at Rome in the year ^ John XII. was Pope from 955 until he was deposed by Otto an. 963. 2 MiLMAN, iii. 304. 124 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY TART 962. By the coronation of Charles, one hundred and '- sixty-two years earher, the first foundations had been laid for the Holy Empire ; by the coronation of Otto, that Empire itself was founded afresh, and from that time forward It had an uninterrupted existence. A step, which in the time of Charles had been warranted by exceptional circumstances, and which was then a tentative measure, was now deliberately repeated, and continued henceforth to be repeated as one of the greatest safeguards to the possession of power. One hundred and sixty years had strangely oblite- rated all memories of dependence on an Eastern Empire. Since that time the ceremony of corona- tion had been frequently witnessed. An act w^hich had been done in the first instance to gain the protection of the Franks against the Lombards, was now revived to put an end to the troubles of Italy. What had there been an ecclesiastical movement, or at least a private arrangement between a sove- reign and a prelate, was now a popular one. More- over the feelings with which Otto received the imperial crown were very different from those w^ith which Charles had received it. Charles was glad to have the sanction of religion to assure his doubtful title to his recent conquests, and though aspiring to the crown, received it as a gift for which he amply rewarded the Pope. Otto appeared in Rome to claim it as a customary right. There could be no appeal to precedent to impose terms upon Charles since the ceremony of coronation was then entirely new. Otto, before he received the privilege to which he claimed to be entitled, was made to swear to protect the rights of the Roman Church. IMPERIAL INTERVENTION IN ITALY. I 25 The coronation of Otto Introduced a new power chap. into Italy to correct the enormous scandals of the \ Roman Church; and as long as Otto I. continued o/tiuu^ to sit on the imperial throne, that power was able to JJ(f// ^'^'''^" triumph over all opposition. Whatever might be („) Depo- professed, there could be no doubt that Otto exer- ^y^^^l ^-^ cised a very real power. Not the least proof of this "^^^• power is an event which happened in the year fol- lowing his coronation, when the emperor summoned an ecclesiastical council, and the Archbishops of Milan, Ravenna, and Hamburg, besides two German, two French metropolitans, and a great number of Italian bishops, assembled at his bidding to sit in judgment on Pope John XII. Still less doubt could there be of his power when, after a trial, in which the blackest charges were preferred against the Pope,^ and in the teeth of John's laconic letter ^ Concil. Roman, an. 963, Labbe, xi. 881 : ' Petrus Cardinalis ' presbyter, se vidisse ilium Missam celebrasse, et non communi- ' casse, testatus est : Joannes episcopus Narniensis et Joannes ' cardinalis diaconus, se vidisse ilium diaconum ordinasse in equo- ' rum stabulo non certis temporibus sunt professi. Benedictus ' cum ceteris condiaconis et presbyteris dixit se scire quod ordi- ' nationes episcoporum faceret pretio, et quod armorum decern ' episcopum in Tudertina civitate ordinarit. De sacrilegio non est ' necesse percontari, quia plus videndo et quam audiendo scire ' potuissemus. De adulterio, dixerunt quod oculis non viderant, ' sed pro certo scirent, viduam Rainarii, et Stephanam patris con- ' cubinam, et Annam viduam, cum nepte sua abusum esse, et ' sanctum palatium lupanar et prostibulum fecisse. Venationem ' dixerunt publice exercuisse, Benedictum spiritualem patrem ' suum lumine privasse et mox mortuum esse : Joannem cardi- ' nalem subdiaconum, virilibus amputatis, occidisse : incendia fe- ' cisse ; ense accinctum, galea et lorica indutum fuisse testati sunt. ' Diaboli in amorem vinum bivisse omnes tam clerici quam laici A.D. 963 126 T^^^ NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART to the council — ' John, the servant of God, to all bishops : we hear that you design to elect a new Pope ; if you do, in the name of God I excommu- nicate you, forbidding you to confer orders or cele- Dec. 4, brate mass ' — the emperor deposed the Pontiff, ^ ^ sanctioned the election of a new Pope, Leo VI 11.,^ and upheld his nominee in office in spite of all the opposition of John and his successor Benedict V.^ (/3) Sup- For Rome would not submit to the authority of a of three German prince until she was forced to do so after rebellions, j^^j^y ^ revolt; revolts in which John XII., before his pontifical career was closed by the sword of an injured husband,^ not less than Benedict V., whom the people elected to succeed him, made common cause with the citizens, and were by them supported against the emperor Otto. Thrice Rome rebelled, and was as often reduced by the might of the transalpine A.D. king. Within a month after the deposition of John 964' XII. a furious insurrection broke out, and was sub- dued by the valour of Otto, who forcing the barri- cades of the bridge over the Tiber, took his revenge * acclamarunt. In ludo aleae, Jovis, Veneris, ceterorumque dae- ' monum auxilium poposcisse dixerunt. Matutinas et canonicas ' horas eum non celebrasse, nee signo crucis se muniisse professi * sunt.' 1 Joan. Ep. Labb£, xi. 882 : ' Nos audivimus dicere, quod vos ' vultis alium Papam facere. Si haec feceritis, excommunico vos * de Deo omnipotenti, ut non habeatis licentiam ullum ordinare, ' et Missam celebrare.' ^ Leo VIII. was elected an. 963. He is not recognised by the ultramontane party as a lawful Pope. 3 On the death of John XII. an. 964, Benedict V. was appointed by the Roman party. He surrendered to Otto an. 965, and ended his life in exile at Hamburg. Milman, iii. 313 ; Labbe, xi. 891. ^ Milman, iii. 313. IMPERIAL INTERVENTION IN ITALY, 27 until the supplications of the new Pope arrested the chap. carnaee. Not two months later, on the return of L_ John XII. to the city, a fresh insurrection burst Feb. 27, forth, which was as quickly suppressed by Otto. Benedict V. was deposed and sent into exile. And again, not two years later, when John XI 11.,^ elected Dec. 16, by command or at least with the approbation of the emperor, had succeeded Leo VIII., the barons and people, dissatisfied with his haughtiness, expelled him from the city, and Otto for the third time descended the Alps. Yet such was the terror inspired by his approach, that a counter insurrection ensued in favour of the Pope, and both John XIII. and Otto were received with hymns of joy and gratulation. It was on this occasion that the power of Otto (7) Privi- [gcr^s S€— over the Pope and the city appears in the strongest cured to relief. After the second rebellion had been quelled, ^"^^^^^^' the grateful Leo VIII. had recognised in a council J^ne 23, the full right of the Emperor Otto and his successors in the kingdom of Italy to elect their own successors to the Empire and to approve the Pope,^ declaring that this right should belong for ever to the king of the Roman Empire, and to none else. On Otto's third appearance in Rome, the Roman magistrates who had dared to assume the names of the old re- publican dignities paid the penalty of the insult offered to the Empire. The body of the prefect who had expelled John XIII. was dug up out of his grave and torn to pieces ; the consuls were banished beyond the Alps ; the twelve tribunes were hanged ; ^ John XIII. succeeded Leo VIII. an. 965, and was followed by Donus II. an. 972, and Benedict VI. an. 972. ^ MiLM. iii. 313. .128 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART the actual prefect was set upon an ass with a wine ' bag on his head, led through the streets, scourged, and thrown into prison. The government of the city was entrusted to the Pope as viceroy,^ and during the five remaining years of his pontificate, by the overawing influence of Otto, a considerable degree of order was preserved at Rome. {2)Asce7i- It was Otherwise after the death of Otto I., and Tusccm the decease of John XIII., both of which events took party. place w^ithin eight months of each other.^ The A D. 973-996 Tuscan party elevated itself anew. By the influence {a) Dur- Qf |-}^^^ party Benedict VI. was cast into prison and tng reign r j 0/ Otto II. murdered ; by the influence of the same party, Benedict VI I., ^ the nephew of the famous Alberic, ^ MiLM. iii. 315. 2 John XIII. died September 7, 972, Otto I. died May 7, 973. 3 GiEs. ii. 355 (note) ; Milm. vii. 317. The succession of Popes and Antipopes in this period is as follows : Popes Antipopes John XII. 955: deposed 963. Leo VIII. 963. Johji XII. 963, continues as rival Pope until 964. Benedict V. 964, rival Pope retires into exile. John XIII. 965. Donus II. 972. Benedict VI. 972 : murdered 974. Boniface VII. 974, expelled by the people, 974 ; returns as regular Pope on the death of Otto II. Benedict VII. 974. John XIV. 983 : died in prison, 984. IMPERIAL INTERVENTION IN ITALY. ^ 2Q was elevated to the Papal chair after the one month's chap, episcopate, and the summary ejectment by the people of Boniface VII. By the same party the Roman republic was anew re-established, acknow- ledging as its head the Consul Crescentius, the grandson, it is said, of the elder Theodora and Pope John X., the son of the younger Theodora, and the cousin of Alberic.^ Nevertheless, Otto II. main- tained to some extent the imperial dignity during his ten years' reign. He had been crowned by John XIII. in his father's lifetime. To his protection, no doubt, Benedict VII. owed his nine years' peace- ful possession of the See, and by his intervention the election of John XIV. was secured in the same year a.d. 983 in which he himself died. During the minority of Otto III., the Tuscan ip) Dur- party exercised undisputed sway m Rome, without Hty of any check from without. No sooner was Otto II. dead, than Boniface VII. reappeared from exile, and 983-994 having seized his rival, John XIV., and put him to 984 death by starvation, for two years occupied un- resisted the Papal chair.^ No one offered oppo- 985 sition : for John XIV. was hated as an imperial nominee. Nevertheless, Boniface VII. was not a friend of the Tuscan party. The party of Crescen- Popes An ti popes Boniface VII. 984. John XV. 985. Gregory V. 996: Johfi XVI. 997. dies 999. Sylvester II. 999. * MiLM. iii. 320. 2 GiEs. ii. 355; MiLMAN, iii. 317. K I30 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART tlus rejoiced, on his sudden death, at being dehvered ' from a Pope whose one claim on their allegiance was, that he was as bitter an enemy as themselves of the imperial interest. By the people his dead body was treated with insults.^ The Castle of St. Angelo, lately occupied by the Pope, was now in the hands of Crescentius, and Crescentius was in consequence undisputed master of the city. But Boniface's suc- cessor in the Pontificate, John XV., not proving as pliant as the consul desired, was driven from Rome, and reduced to the necessity of again appealing to the transalpine sovereign.^ (3) Inter- Meantime the name of the great House of Saxony vejition of Otto III. was not altogether forgotten, nor was the remem- A.D, 996-1032 {a) Ear- jluence. found in the youthful Otto a sympathiser with his 987 complaints against a contumacious people, and the rumour had spread that the young monarch was about to come to Rome, there to receive the imperial crown, the Pope was permitted to return.^ He was received with the utmost respect by the consul and the senate, and remained undisturbed for the rest of his life in possession of his temporal supremacy. 996 When at length Otto HI. set forth to cross the Alps, he was received at Ravenna * by an embassy, announcing the sudden death of John XV., and humbly submitting to the wishes of the emperor as to the appointment of a successor. The gentle, brance of the first Otto and the Germans quite extinct in Italy. When, therefore, John XV. had ^ MiLM. iii. 318. ^ Ibid. 320. 2 Ibid. 319. * Ibid. 322. IMPERIAL INTERVENTION IN ITALY. j -, j blameless, spiritual Bruno, a kinsman of Otto III., chap. who succeeded by his appointment, taking the name of Gregory V.,^ stands out In marked relief from L/;^^/' the lone list of worthless Popes who had preceded ^^^'^^ ^-^ ^ ■•• ^ Gregory and succeeded him, proving how advantageous for ^. the Church the emperor's influence might be, but 996-999 proving at the same time how Incapable the Romans ^^^ were of appreciating real virtue. On May 3, 996, ^%3»- Gregory V. bestowed the Imperial crown on Otto III. A year had not elapsed before he was obliged to flee from Rome ; his excommunication was treated with scorn by the rebellious citizens ; and a fresh Pope, John XVI., had usurped his place, nominated by Crescentlus. Again the young and chivalrous emperor. Otto III. {c) Ptin- 1 ri tiriir • i ishmeni — tne wonder of the world, full of promise, talent, of rebel- and projects — was in Rome with an overwhelming ^1^1,^^, force. Again he was received without the least resistance. The usurping Pope was punished more severely than the usurping prefect had been in the time of Otto I., and with eyes put out, with tongue and nose cut off, was paraded through the streets on an ass, with his face to the tail, and a wine-bladder on his head. Such was the penalty for his audacity.^ Crescentlus, with twelve of his leading partisans, was beheaded ; and their bodies, with their heads downwards, hung round the battlements of the Castle of St. Angelo. The rebellion was quenched. ' Gregory V. succeeded an. 996, and died 999. See Gies. ii. 358 ; MiLMAN, iii. 322. 2 MiLMAN, iii. 326. K 2 J ^2 THE NIGHT OF THE PATACY. PART The emperor was victorious, and exercised undls- '. puted sway in the city of the Caesars. At this moment a grand scheme rose before his mental vision.^ Rome was to occupy again her ancient place as the seat of Empire. An emperor w^as to sit on the throne of Constantine who would govern like Constantine, and raise the Empire once more to the pinnacle of power. A truly Apostolic Pope was to be appointed, a second Sylvester who would reform the clergy and correct the infamous avarice and vice of the Roman Church. {(T) Ap- On the death of Gregory V. that scheme seemed ment of about to be realised. The decree issued by Otto III. ^/j ^^^ ^^ for the election of his tutor Gerbert, who assumed A.D. the name of Sylvester II., in allusion to the relations 990—1003 of Constantine and Sylvester I., declared Rome to be the capital of the world, the Roman Church to be the mother of Churches ; it described how the dignity of the Roman Church had been obscured by her neglectful Popes, how the property of the Church had been squandered on the dregs of man- kind, how the prelates had made everything venal, and so despoiled the very altars of the Apostles. It denounced the donations of Constantine and Charles the Bald as void and forgeries ; it assumed the power not only of electing, but, by God's grace, of creating and ordaining the Pope, and it granted eight counties for his support.^ The millennial 1 MiLMAN, book V. ch. xiii.; vol. iii. p. 328 (small edition). 2 Ottonis III. diploma, an. 999 ap. Baronium ad an. 1191, No. 57; Pertz, iv. ii. 162: ' Romam caput mundi profitemur, ' Romanam ecclesiam matrem omnium Ecclesiamm esse testamur. IMPERIAL INTERVENTION IN ITALY. ,^. period of the Christian era was to see all old abuses chap. swept away, and the new regime established.^ The ^ . new age was to begin with a new Constantine and a new Sylvester. The year looo was to inaugurate the change. But how vain are the schemes of men ! The looked-for year came. It found Otto III. indeed at Rome, with a palace built on the Aven- tine, with a regular administrative system for the government of the capital established. It found his ' sed incuria et inscientia Pontificum longe suae claritatis titulos ' obfuscasse. Nam non solum quae extra urbem esse videbantur ' vendiderunt, sed, si quid in hac nostra urbe regia habuerunt, ut * majori licentia evagarentur, omnibus cum vindicante pecunia in * commune dederunt, et sanctum Petrum et sanctum Paulum, ipsa ' quoque altaria spoliaverunt, et pro reparatione semper confusio- ' nem duxerunt Confusis vero Papaticis legibus, et jam abjecta ' ecclesia Romana in tantum quidam Pontificum irruerunt, ut ' maximam partem Imperii nostri apostolatui suo conjungerent. ' Haec sunt enim commenta ab illis ipsis inventa, quibus Joannes ' Diaconus, praeceptum aureis literis scripsit sub titulo magni Con- * stantini longa mendacii tempora finxit. Haec sunt enim com- ' menta, quibus dicunt, quondam Carolum sancto Petro nostra ' publica tribuisse. Sed ac haec respondemus ipsum Carolum ' nihil dare jure potuisse, utpote jam a Carolo meliore fugatum, ' jam imperio privatum, jam destitutum et annullatum. Spretis ' ergo commentitiis praeceptis, et imaginariis scriptis ex nostra '■ liberalitate sancto Petro donamus quae nostra sunt. . . . Sicut '■ enim pro amore sancti Petri dominum Sylvestrum magistrum '■ nostrum Papam elegimus, et Deo volente ipsum serenissimum * ordinavimus et creavimus : ita pro amore ipsius domini Sylvestri ' Papae, sancto Petro de publico nostro dona conferimus, octo * comitatus, Pisaurum, Fanum, SenogaUiam, Anconam, Fossabru- * num. Gallium, Esium et Ausimum.' Conf. also Constitutio De- * cretalis Ottonis III. apud Labbe, xi. 1031. ^ Other bishops took up the idea of universal peace. See Sta- tuta per Widonem Aniciensem episcopum, an. 1000, ap. Labb^, XL T043, ^i^^ below cli. vi. on the Truce of God 134 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART tutor, Sylvester II., on the chair of St. Peter to '. second and direct him. Before three years both of them were dead, the victims of the consummate art of the beautiful but injured Stephania.^ Well may the collapse of the great scheme of Otto III. and Sylvester II. strike a blank into every ambitious soul ! Well may the sad tale of Otto draw forth a passing tear, as it rings even yet faintly in the pages of many a chronicler, lingering with fondness over the young emperor's memory.^ ' Two years had not passed since, setting out on his last journey to Rome, he had opened the tomb of Charles in the basilica at Aachen, had gazed on the great emperor sitting on a marble throne, robed and crowned with the gospel- book before him, and there, touching the dead hand, unclasping from the neck its golden cross, had taken, as it were, an investiture of empire from his Prankish forerunner.' Two years later, he was himself borne by his lamenting followers across the Alps a corpse, and buried in the choir of Aachen, beneath the dome, ^ MiLMAN, iii. 346, 348. 2 MiLMAN (iii. 347) quotes from Hofler the plaintive poem on the death of Otto. It shows the popular feeling. It is as follows : ' Quis dabit aquam capiti % Vivo Ottone tertio Quis succurret pauperi % Salus fuit populo. Quis dabit fontes oculis ? ..... Lacrymosis populis ' Plangat ignitus Oriens, Sufftcientes lacrymae[s] Crudus ploret Occidens : Mala mundi plangere ? Sit aquilo in cinere, Planctus in Meridie. ' Ad triumphum ecclesiae Sit mundus in tristitia, Coepit Otto crescere : Nostra luge cithara. Sumsit Otto imperium Plangat mundus, plangat Roma, Ut floreret saeculum : Lugeat Ecclesia.' ASCENDENCY OF THE TUSCAN PARTY. j^- some twenty paces from the tomb of Charles.^ The chap. death of Otto put an end to all attempts at reform. ' For none but Otto in that lawless age rose above his surroundings, to project a new era of improve- ment. None but his tutor, Sylvester II., could sympathise with his projects. When, comet-like, these two luminaries had darted across the heaven and disappeared, the darkness of night grew thicker than before. Even in the lifetime of Otto III., the association ^'e,fcyof' with Germany was hateful to the Italians.^ Had it p^-^/^^' -' ^ party, not ever been so since the days of Charles ? On a.d. Otto's death the German dominion was cast off, and ^^^"^^'^^ the Tuscan party were again triumphant. Three xviL, undistinguished Popes, John XVII., John XVIII., xvin.^ Sergius I V.,^ ruled for ten years of obscurity, during J^^"^-^ * Quoted from Bryce's Holy Ro7?iaJt Empb-e, p. 162, 3, and based on Alberici Chron. ad an. 1002 (quoted by Gies. ii. 360) : '• Milites transalpini corpus Imperatoris defuncti cum in- ' signibus Imperii ad Galliam [Germaniam] transferentes, crebris ' Italorum incursibus laccessiti armis sibi viam parant' 2 Conf. the Roman fragments in the Rheinisches Museum filr Jurisprudenz, v. 131 (quoted by Gies. ii. 360) : ' Postquam pecca- ' tis nostris exigentibus Romanorum imperium barbarorum patuit ' gladiis feriendum, Romanas leges penitus ignorantes iUiterati ac ' barbari judices legis peritos in legem conantes jurare, judices ' creavere. . . . Comes enim illiteratus ac barbarus nescit vera a ' falsis discernere et ideo fallitur.' Alberici Chron. ad an. 1002 (ed. Leibnit. ii. 26) : ' Otto Imperator degens Romae, dum cum ' Romanis remissius agit, tractans, qualiter jura Regni et Ecclesiae * ad antiquum statum reformaret ; Romani per hoc ad contemp- * tum ejus adducti, subito contra eum conspirant, et aliquot mili- ' tum ejus interfectis eum in palatio obsident, unde . . . vix egres- * sus Roma . . . moritur.' 3 John XVII. [XVI.] succeeded Sylvester II. an. 1003. He 136 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART which Rome was again a repubHc, with the son of '. — Crescentius, the patrician John, at its head. The north of Italy, however, espoused the cause of the Emperor Henry IL, whose claim to the kingdom of Italy was contested by Ardoin, Margrave of Ivrea. {2)Counts But the leadership of the Tuscan party had passed lum. from the descendants of Crescentius to the Counts of Tusculum ; and from the time of Benedict VIII. they treated the Papacy as an appanage of their family, and appointed the holders of it by the most open simony. By these counts Benedict VIII. was appointed, but not without a rival Gregory in the interest of the Crescentii contesting his claims ; and Benedict's position continued precarious, until, by a promise of the imperial crown, he had secured the support of the emperor.^ By the Counts of Tus- culum also, John XIX. ,2 though yet a layman, and was followed by John XVIII. [XVII.] in the same year, and by Sergius IV. an. 1009. Sergius IV. was succeeded by Benedict VIII. an. 1012. For their lives, see Labbi^, xi. 1049 seq. ^ Henry II. was crowned an. 1014. Of this coronation, Thiet- MAR (vi. in fine) says : ' Ista dies pulcro signetur clara lapillo, Qua regi nostro se subdit Roma benigno.' 2 Benedict VIII. was Pope from 1012 to 1024; his brother, John XIX. [XVIII.J, from 1024 to 1033; his nephew, Benedict IX. from 1033 to 1046. See Labbe, xi. 1081 seq. The series of Popes and Antipopes is therefore as follows : Popes Antipopes Sylvester II. 999. John XVII. 1003. John XVIII. 1003. Sergius IV. 1009. Benedict VIII. 1012. ASCENDENCY OF THE TUSCAN PARTY. j^^ prefect of the city, was elevated to the Papal chap. throne to succeed his brother, Benedict VI 1 1. ; and on . '. his decease, the tiara was bestowed on his nephew, '^' ^^^^ Benedict IX., a boy not more than ten or twelve 1033 years of agre. But thoupfh Benedict IX. was a boy, (3) Three . . ^ . rival his vices were the vices of a man, and, moreover. Popes. of a man utterly lost to shame, depraved and con- ^-^^ jx.' temptible. Ruling more like a captain of banditti 1033-1046 than like a prelate, perpetrating adultery, murder, and every kind of abomination, with the greatest impunity, his brother being the patrician of the city — he at length exhausted the patience of the op- pressed people. He was driven from Rome, and a fresh Pope was substituted in his place, who took the name of Sylvester 1 11.^ 1044 Popes Antipopes Gregory. John XIX. 1024. Benedict IX. 1033. Sylvester III. 1 044 ap. Gregory VI. All three deposed at Sutri, an. 1046. ' Desiderii Dialogi, &c. in Bibl. Patrum Ltcdg. xviii. 853 : * Denique cum rapinas, caedes, aliaque nefanda in Romanum ' populum aliquanta per tempora sine ulla dilatione ageret [Bene- ' dictus], congregati in unum populi, quia ejus nequitiam amplius ' ferre nequibant eum a pontificatus cathedra exturbantes, urbe pel- ' lunt, alterumque in locum ejus [Sylvestrem] . . . canonica par- ' vipendentes decreta substituunt. Qui tribus non amplius men- ' sibus Romanae usus est cathedrae successione. . . . Benedictus ' igitur quod amiserat sacerdotium recepit, pristinos tamen mores ' non mutavit. . . . Cumque se a clero simul et populo propter nequi- ' tias suas contemni respiceret . . . tandem cuidam Joanni Archi- ' presbytero qui tum in urbe religiosior caeteris clericis videbatur, ' non parva ab eo accepta pecunia, summum sacerdotium relin- ' quens tradidit.' I -.8 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. o PART But the Counts of Tusculum were too strong for the : people. To their party belonged the patrician ; to their plpfZ^ party the consuls also adhered. Benedict returned s^ylveskr -^^ triumph, Sylvester withdrew to his bishopric of A.D. Sabina. More disgraceful scenes were yet to follow. 1044-104 gj^^j^Q^j.^^^^ jt; i3 said, of his cousin, and finding that his uncle obstinately refused to give him his daugh- ter unless he resigned the Papacy, Benedict went so far as to sell the dignity to an arch-presbyter of learning and unimpeachable chastity, who doing evil in the hope that good might come of it, purchased the pontificate to reform its abuses, and assumed the name hitherto borne by the best of his predecessors, that of Gregory VI. {b) \iyal Forthwith, Gregory VI. devoted himself to the re- Gregory covery of the ecclesiastical possessions of the See, many of which had been lost to the Church in the 1045-1046 restlessness of the preceding administrations at the point of the sword. Thereby, however, he soon found himself involved in a struggle with the late Popes. For Benedict IX. had not obtained his bride,^ and her father Gerard de Saxo, had espoused the cause of Sylvester III. Three rival Popes now contested the chair of St. Peter, each supported by their respective partisans. Benedict IX. held the Lateran ; Gregory VL, Sancta Maria Maggiore; Sylvester III., St. Peter's and the Vatican. {/O Henry At this moment, when the personal disputes of the ^^^^ Popes had become the scandal of Christendom, the 1046 more devout, the clergy and the monks, appealed, as MiLMAN, iii. 358. ASCENDENCY OF THE TUSCAN PARTY, ly had once before been done in the time of John XII., chap. to the transalpine monarch, whose own character as '. — Western Emperor seemed to constitute him the arbiter of all quarrels within the pale of the Empire. Obedient to the summons which was conveyed to him by the archdeacon of Rome, Henry III. crossed the Alps, and was everywhere received with loud joy or silent awe. From Placenza he advanced to Sutri, about thirty miles north of Rome, and there assem- bling a council of prelates, Including among their number the Patriarch of Aqulleia and the Arch- bishop of Aries, he proceeded to examine the claims of the rival Pontiffs. Sylvester III. was at once condemned as a usurper.^ The voluntary abdica- tion of Benedict IX. annulled his claims. Gregory VI., convicted of simony, quietly surrendered up the Papacy ; and there being In the whole Roman Church not one person who was not disqualified either on the ground of Ignorance, or notorious profligacy, or well- known simony, the German Suidger, bishop of Bamberg, was unanimously elected Pope on Christ- mas Eve, and consecrated on the day after Christmas Day, taking the name Clement II. With him, a new era of German Popes and radical reforms was Inaugurated. This was the last occasion on which a German emperor was successful in deposing a Roman bishop, and as such it marks the close of the age in which the Papal power was growing, and the beginning of the new age, in which that power reigned ' See the account in Labb^, xi. 1314. 140 THE NIGHT OF THE PAPACY. PART supreme. Hitherto the Popes had never been able '. to forget that they were subjects of the Empire. Henceforth they begin to aspire to a supremacy above the Emperors. Great indeed must have been the fascination exercised by the Papacy over the Germanic nations, if it could still command their respect after its terrible career during the last 150 years. Should it ever be distinguished for its vir- tues, as it had been for its vices, it was easy to fore- tell that its power would be irresistible. If the desire of Western Christendom was towards Rome and her Popes in the darkest days of the night of the Papacy, what would not its feelings be when the night had been changed into day ? The night in which the age of growth ended, closed with the Pontificate of Benedict IX.; with the accession of Clement II. the dawn of a new day broke. CHURCH AND STATE. 141 CHAPTER VI. CHURCH AND STATE. (590—1046.) Vadavi post amatores meos, qui da fit panes mihi, et aquas meas, lanam meam, ei linum fneufu, oleum meum, et potum vieum. — Hos. II, 5, T HE entire organisation of the Roman Church, chap. VI. reproducing the organisation of Imperial Rome, passed together with Christianity to the Western relations nations. Almost from the time of the first in- andstate troduction of Christianity among those nations, the (i) The course of events had decided that thus It should altered. be; and In England the Synod of Whitby,^ In Ger- (g)^>' many the oath of Boniface,''^ had settled the point ideas. once and for all, that the Roman system should be the model on which the Mediaeval Church In these countries should be built. Coming with all the pageantry of the ancient Empire, at once the vehicle of religion, of civilisation, and of a definite ecclesi- astical system, Roman Christianity overwhelmed the untutored minds of the Germanic tribes ; who, unable in their then stage of culture to distinguish the human elements from the divine, the changeable ^ Synodus Pharensis, an. 664, in Bedae, Hist. Bed. iii. 25 ; and Labbe, vii. 506. - An. 723. See ch. ii. p. 42. J ^2 CHURCH AND STATE. PART forms from the unchangeable truths, the framework . ^' of imperial system from the new life which it was intended to convey, received it as a whole, and be- came henceforth not only Christians, but Roman Christians. Christianity reigned supreme in the West, yet not in its original form, but after it had been already moulded by Greek philosophy, and clothed in the garb of Roman imperialism. (b) By Just as at first, after being the religion of the poor becoming ^^^ ^^^ unlettered, it had, when fashioned by Greek S^'Tv/^"^ philosophy, taken hold on the more educated classes of society, whilst the uneducated villagers, hence called pagans, continued to adhere to their old super- stitions ; so now, when cast in the mould of Roman imperialism it came to the West, it followed the traditions of the metropolis. It addressed itself first to the great, and won its chief victories by the respect which the Roman name inspired. In this, if in nothing else, the Mediaeval Church is diame- trically opposed to the Church of the first three centuries. The Apostles of the first Age went forth to win the poor, the despised, and the outcast ; those of the Middle Ages first addressed themselves to the great, to princes, and nobles. Apostolic Christianity spread as the religion of the poor ; Mediaeval Christianity as the religion of the rich. The Apostolic Church was democratic in its origin and institutions. Far otherwise was the Church of the eighth and ninth centuries, in which the monar- chical ideas of the Empire had superseded the re- publican order of its first founders. (2) Im- Such a change of views could not fail to make poriance N£IV RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE. j i^ itself felt In the circumstances of both Church and chap. State, nor could It fail to influence the conduct and . L__ practice of churchmen. The higher ecclesiastics fj^shofs were now considered as alone constitutinor the ^/^^ ^ princes^ Church, as alone able to express its voice. A mar- vellous importance was attached to the conversion of kings and princes, an example of which had already occurred at the conversion of Constantlne.^ The great mass of Christians — the Christian populace as it were — disappear from view ; the spiritual aris- tocracy of monks and bishops alone become pro- minent. The feelings and wishes of the people are never considered, or are ignored ; the interests and wishes of kings and princes are religiously observed. The Church has become an institution for the great and the rich ; the history of Christianity, a history of the relation of bishops to princes, and princes to bishops, of the Papacy to the Empire, and the Empire to the Papacy. As in politics the great mass of the people have no voice, so in the administration of the Church they are voiceless also. They follow where their princes lead, blindly accepting the creed to which their chiefs are pledged. One after another the nations of Europe are con- verted to the faith ; their conversion Is seen always to proceed from above, never from below. Clovls yields to the bishop Remigius, and forthwith he is followed by the baptism of 3000 Franks.^ Ethelbert ^ See Socrates' Ecdes. Hisf. i. 2. "^ See Neand. v. 9 ; Maclears's Missions of the Middle Ages^ P- 54- 144 CHURCH AND STA TE. PART yields to the mission of Augustine, and forthwith all '. Kent follows his example ; ^ when his son Eadbald apostatises,^ the men of Kent apostatise with him. Essex is finally won by the conversion of King Sigebert, who under the influence of another king, Oswy, allows himself to be baptised.^ Northumber- land is temporarily gained by the conversion of its king, Edwin,^ but falls away as soon as Edwin is dead.^ It anew accepts the faith, when another king, Oswald, promotes its diffusion.^ In the conversion of Germany, a bishop, Boniface, plays a prominent part, in close connection with the princes of the country, Charles Martel and Pepin ; ^ the latter, in return for his patronage, receiving at Soissons the Church's sanction to a violent act of usurpation.^ Denmark is gained by the conversion of its kings, Harald Krag, Harald Blaatand, and Canute ; ^ Sweden by that of the two Olofs ; ^^ and Russia, by the conversion of its sovereign, Vladimir. ^^ Everywhere Christianity addresses itself first to kings and princes ; everywhere the bishops and abbots appear as its only representatives. Nor was this all, for where a king had once been gained, no obstacle was offered by the Mediaeval missionaries to the immediate indiscriminate baptism of his subjects. Three thousand warriors of Clovis * Bedae, Hist. Ecd. i. 26. ^ /^/^ jj ^_ 3 Ibid. iii. 22. ^ Ibid. ii. 12, 13. s Ibid. iii. i. ^ Ibid. iii. 2, 3. 7 Neand. v. 61 seq. ® See p. 61. Ibid. v. 9 9 Maclear's Missions., p. 229 seq. Neand. vi. 2. 10 Neand. vi. 7, 11, 17, 28. ^^ Ibid. vi. 76. NEW RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE. 145 following the example of their king, were at once chap. admitted to the sacred rite ; the subjects of Ethel- '. bert were baptised in numbers after the conversion of their prince, without preparation, and with hardly any instruction. The Germans only were less hasty in following the example of others. In Russia, so great was the number of those who crowded to be baptised after the baptism of Vladimir, that the sacrament had to be administered to hundreds at a time. In Sweden, the missionaries were still less scrupulous, and offered to the masses death or baptism as the only alternatives. Ecclesiastical Rome, like Imperial Rome, was bent on gaining the prince. She troubled herself little about the subjects, but required from them a blind obedience. And in acting thus, she was aided by the superstition and ignorance generally prevailing. There were few obstacles to mar her success. Exercising a stranee o o fascination over men who had been accustomed to regard their rulers as little more than leaders In war, she used that fascination to exalt the prince, and lower the people. Princes welcomed her system as adding strength to their own rule; and the people submitted, though not always without a protest, when that system came before them, not merely as an accessory of the religion they were adopting, but as a necessary part of religious government and civilisation. Nor w^ere the Roman bishops backwards in encou- (3) The raging this view. Leo I. had already announced system that upon himself, as the successor of St. Peter, the ^^^'-'^^i/^^^' 146 CHURCH AND STATE. PART care of the whole Church devolved.^ This notion, I. with re- lii^ion iDia civi- lisation. resting for its origin on the more than doubtful legend of St. Peter having been bishop of Rome,^ became from the time of Gregory I. downwards, the leading idea of the Roman bishops. It was also the idea which took the firmest hold on the Germanic mind, and brought the Germanic nations to a form of ecclesiastical government, otherwise greatly at variance with their political notions. It was to this idea that Laurentius had appealed, and appealed suc- cessfully, to prevent the breaking up of the newly es- tablished Church in Britain ; ^ and this was the Idea A.D. 664 which, at the Synod of Streaneshalch, decided Oswy in favour of Rome against Colman, the champion of the Scots, even more than the glowing account of the city, and the glories of its services, repeated by an enthusiastic admirer, and contrasted with the rustic simplicity of what he was pleased to call these two remote islands."^ Moreover, Gregory III. must have been keenly alive to the influence of this idea 740 when he addressed his letter to Charles Martel, ex- horting him to rescue Rome, and conjuring him by the living and true God, and by the keys of St. Peter, not to prefer an alliance with the Lombards 755 to the love of the great Apostle : ^ yet not more keenly alive than was one of his successors, Stephen, who, in an agony of fear, had resorted to the bold ex- ^ An. 444. See ch. ii. p. 17. 2 See ScHAFF, History of the Christian Churchy p. ()t^. 3 Beda, ii. 6. 4 Ibid. iii. 25. •^ MiLMAN, History of Latin Christianity^ book iv. ch. ix. ; vol. ii. p. 429 (small edition). See above, p. 54. NEir RELATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE. H7 pedient of addressing a letter to Pepin, purporting chap. to come from the Apostle St. Peter himself/ and — — '- — admonishing him in his own name, and in that of the Mother of God, to delay no longer, but to cross the Alps to save the beloved city from the detested Lombards. If further proof were wanted to show how readily the northern nations adopted the system of Rome, even surpassing their teachers in the length to which they pushed Papal absolutism, the fact may be cited that not in Rome, nor yet in any Italian city, but in the very heart of Germany, in the imperial city of Mainz, that successful forgery was perpetrated, which surprised the world at the time, and more than anything fostered the extravagant pretensions of the Papacy. And yet the False Decretals — for so the forgery is now called — however spurious they may be. were needed in those unsettled times, if the new institution of bishops with large dioceses, and exer- ^ The letter ran : ' I, Peter the Apostle, protest, admonish and * conjure you, the most Christian kings, Pepin, Charles and Carlo- ' man, with all the hierarchy, bishops, abbots, priests, and all * monks ; all judges, dukes, counts, and the whole people of the * Franks. The Mother of God likewise adjures you, and ad- ' monishes and commands you, she as well as the thrones and ' dominions, and all the host of heaven, to save the beloved city ' of Rome from the detested Lombards. If ye hasten, I, Peter * the Apostle, promise you my protection in this life and the next, ' will prepare for you the most glorious mansions in heaven, and ' will bestow on you the everlasting joys of Paradise. ... Of * all nations under heaven, the Franks are highest in the esteem ' of St. Peter. To me you owe all your victories. Obey and * obey speedily, and by my suffrage, our Lord Jesus Christ will * give you in this life length of days, security, victory ; in the life * to come will multiply his blessings upon you among his saints * and angels.' — Labb^, viii, 386. See above, p. 65. L 2 148 CHURCH AND STATE. TART cising a summary jurisdiction over the lower clergy, '- was to be upheld alike against the encroachments of princes and the attacks of still greater metropolitans. A foreign institution required support from without, if it was to root itself firmly ; and in order to secure their independence from greater prelates near at hand, the bishops yielded up their independence to a distant Italian pontiff. For two centuries, until the beginning of the ninth century, the Roman bishops had risen to power as the successors of St. Peter ; after the appearance of the False Decretals, they aspired to a higher place as ecclesiastical sovereigns. Theirs w^as to be, not the old Roman Empire, but a new Empire— an Empire bearing the old name, but exercised over a new race, nominally a Rom.an Empire, really a German Empire, nominally a re- vival of the old Western Emipire, really an Empire over countries which had never owed allegiance to Italy, not in the palmiest days of its prosperity. Once the name of Rome was associated with perse- cution of the faith, now it was denied that Chris- tianity could exist except In the communion and under the ecclesiastical headship of her bishop. B. Gains In many respects the Church gained by thi for the Church IS altered state of things ; In many, perhaps In more, she lost. Her gains consisted in the acquisition of wealth, privilege, and power ; her losses were caused by the interference of kings and princes to subvert her established customs. Under the emperors the ecclesiastical hierarchy never received any regular endov/ment by law. They were dependent on the voluntary mxunlficence of Individuals, am.ono- the list GAINS FOR THE CHURCH. , ,^ 149 of whom were many emperors ; and, on the whole, chap. they had no cause for complaint. It was otherwise ' among the Western nations. There, not only was ij/}^!^/^ the Church enriched by the liberality of individuals f^'^^{^ '^^" and the lavish generosity of princes — the Merovin- titiu gian, Carolingian, and Saxon emperors vying with each other in their donations to the Church — but it received a legal endowment In the obligation imposed on all the laity to pay tithes. That result was not, however, attained all at once, nor did it take place in all countries at the same time. As early as the year 567, the bishops of France, In a pastoral letter, had a.d. 567 recomm.ended the faithful to emulate the example of Abraham, by offering tithes of all they possessed in return for the safe enjoyment of the rest. The 585 non-observance of this recommendation was visited by the Council of Mafiscon with ecclesiastical penal- ties.^ Most of the sermons preached In the eighth century Inculcate the payment of tithe as a duty, and even seem to place the summit of Christian perfec- tion In Its performance.^ Pepin, writing to Arch- 764 bishop Lull in the year 764, desires that the bishops should Institute a thanksgiving-feast on account of a rich harvest, for the benefit of the poor, and that ' Concil. Matisconense ii. 585 a.d. Can. 5, Labb£, vi. 675 : * Unde statuimus ac decernimus, ut mos antiquus a fidelibus repa- ' retur ; et decimas ecclesiasticis famulantibus ceremoniis populus '- omnis inferat, quas sacerdotes aut in pauperum usum, aut in cap^ '■ tivorum redemptionem praerogantes, suis orationibus pacem '- populo ac salutem impetrent. Si quis autem contumax nostris * statutis saluberrimis fuerit, a membris ecclesiae omni tempore ' separetur.' ^ Hallam's Alt (idle Ages, vol. ii. ch. vii. pt. i. p. 146. I50 CHURCH AA'B STATE. PART everyone should be required to contribute a tenth, '. whether wIlHng or unwllhng. Not many years later, ^■^" "'^ a capitulary of Charles made the payment of tithes a part of the law of the State,^ leaving the disposal of them to the command of the Pope. From this time forward, tithes became a regular endowment of the Church, and although at first they were often reluc- tantly and irregularly paid, yet, as time advanced, the payment became more general. Let it, however, be borne in mind, that only a portion of the tithes as originally paid, was devoted to the maintenance of the clergy. On the earliest occasion in which they were enjoined by a council, they were to be devoted to the use of the poor, or else for the redemption of captives.^ In England, if they were ever paid be- fore the ninth century,^ they must have been applied according to the rule laid down by Gregory : all 1 Capit an. 779, c. vii. : ' De decimis, ut unusquisque suam ' decimam donet, atque per jussionem Pontificis dispensetur,' Capit. de partibus Saxoniae, c. xvi. (Pertz, iii. 49) : ' Et hoc ' Christo propitio placuit, ut undecumque census aliquid ad fis- ' cum pervenerit . . . decima pars Ecclesiis et Sacerdotibus red- ' datur.' See Gies. ii. 253 ; Planck, ii. 397 ; Gfrorer, ii. 609 ; KiJHLENTHAL's GescJi. des deutschen Ze/udens, Heilbronn, 1837 ; Hallam, p. 146. ^ See note on p. 149. 3 The grant of Ethehvolf, in 855, has appeared to some anti- quaries the most probable origin of the right to tithes in England. The subject is discussed by Hallam in note i to ch. vii. of his Middle Ages. Asser's words are: ' Eodem anno [855] Adelwolfus * venerabilis, rex Occidentalium Saxonum, decimam totius regni * sui partem ab omni regali servitio et tribute iiberavit et in sempi- * terno grafio in cruce Christi, pro redemptione animae suae et ' antecessorum suorum, Uni et Trino Deo immolavit.' Hallam pronounces the two extant charters to be spurious. GAINS FOR THE CHURCH. I^I emoluments were to be divided into four parts : one chap. for the bishop and his attendants, because of hospi- __ __!_ tahty and entertainments ; another for the clergy ; a third for the poor ; and the fourth for the repair of churches.^ The Emperor Charles divided them into three parts — one for the bishop and his clergy, a second for the poor, and a third for the support of the fabric."^ Moreover, the Church obtained wealth by immu- nity from taxation. In the Prankish Empire her estates were, indeed, liable to be taxed in the same manner as all property belonging to the old landed proprietors,^ and they were held by the same feudal tenures. Nor were the Anglo-Saxon clergy exempt, at least at first, from the so-called trinoda necessitas, consisting of Brigbote, for the repair of roads and bridges, Burhbote, for building and repairing for- tresses, and Fyrd or general array of military service. Nevertheless, on the Continent the clergy obtained a secure endowment in the maiisics ecclesiae,^ or small ^ Bedae, Hist. Eccl. i. 27. 2 Schmidt, ii. 206 (quoted by Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 145) ; Concil. Bracarense ii. an. 563, Can. 7, Labbe, vi. 521, had de- creed : ' Placuit ut de rebus ecclesiasticis tres aequae fiant por- ' tiones ; id est episcopi una, alia clericorum, tertia in recupera- ' tione vel in luminariis ecclesiae.' Capitulare Episcoporum vii. of Charles, an. 800, Labbe, ix. 251 : ' Ut et ipsi sacerdotes sus- ' cipiant decimas, et eorum nomina quicumque dederint scripta ' habeant, et secundum auctoritatem canonicam coram testibus ' dividant, et ad ornamentum ecclesiae primam eligant partem : ' secundam autem ad usum pauperum, vel peregrinorum, per * eorum manus misericorditer cum omni humilitate dispensent, ' tertiam vero partem sibimetipsis soli sacerdotes reservent' 3 Neand. v. 135. * Hid. CHURCH AND STATE. PART I. A.D. 8l6 81 1 (2) Pri- of the Clergy. {a) Ex- i^niption trojii Lh'il ju^ risdic- iions. ,504 plots of ground allotted to each church, which they held, perhaps, from the beginning, but certainly after the time of Lewis the Pious, free from all rent and taxes; and in England the exemption from feudal service soon extended to all the lands of the Church. Hence many proprietors granted their estates to the Church, to be held by the tenure known as frankal- moigne, and received them back by way of fief or lease, discharged from public burdens.^ The clergy w^ere even forbidden by a capitulary of Charles to dis- charge their personal service in the field. By these means, the possessions, the wealth, and the im.muni- ties of the clergy greatly increased; and in the lapse of time, legitimate riches accrued to the monasteries by the cultivation of tracts of country hitherto wild and deserted. Nor was the acquisition of wealth the only privi- lege which accrued to the Church from the favour of nobles and of princes. Other privileges fell to her lot as well. In some cases, the clergy received judicial power over their dependents, being themselves ex- empted from secular jurisdiction. This had been of rare occurrence under the Merovingians ; It became more frequent afterwards. Triers received from Pepin the privilege of immunity from the jurisdiction of Counts; 2 Osnabrtiek was exem^pted by Charles from the jurisdictions of all judicial courts, not excepting ^ Hallam ; Ibid. p. 144. The same was the case on the Con- tinent. See capit. iii. an. 811, c. iii. (quoted by Gieseler, ii. 255). 2 HoNTHEiNS, Hist. Dipl. i. 120. The right was confirmed by Charles, 773 a.d., Ibid. p. 132, and by Lewis the Pious, 816 a.d., J bid. p. 167. GAINS FOR THE CHURCH. 153 those of the Missi.^ In other cases, churches received chap. regalia or royal rights; Lewis the Pious, in particular, '. having bestowed on many monasteries and churches the right of tolls, markets, and coinage.'^ To such an extent were these secular privileges bestowed, that in the time of Charles all prelates were required to 813 a.d. keep advocates for transacting their secular business, this business being considered Incompatible with their spiritual calling.^ More often the clergy were exempted from the jurisdiction of civil courts. The early Merovingian kings gave exclusive jurisdiction to the bishop In all cases wherein clerks were In- terested, and the temporal magistrates were strictly prohibited by the laws of Charles from judging the causes of ecclesiastics.^ Laymen who had suits with ecclesiastics, and felt themselves aggrieved by the bishop's verdict, might, however, appeal to the sovereign. On the whole. It may be doubted whether the Church did not lose quite as much as she gained by this privilege. For lay jurisdiction, like lay pa- tronage, must have retarded the growth of an over- bearing hierarchy ; and episcopal jurisdiction be- came in subsequent times an instrument for screening ^ Moser's Osnabruck, Gesch. 3te Aufl. i. 405. Berlin, 181 9. 2 MoNTAG, i. 285 ; GiES. ii. 255 ; Heimoldus in Chro?i. Slav. lib. i. ch. iv. § 2. ^ Caroli capit. ii. an. 813, c. xiv. : ' UtEpiscopi et Abbates Ad- ' vocatos habeant.' These advocates had to appear in court on behalf of the churches they represented. Montag, i. 232. Some churches had also Defensores. Montag, p. 250. Both offices were soon united, and the expressions Advocati, Defensores, Vice- domini became synonymous. See note in Gies. ii. 255. ^ See Hallam's Middle Ages ^ ii. 150 ; Gieseler, ii. 256. 154 CHURCH A\D STATE. PART the vices of ecclesiastics from the punishment they deserved. {b) Ex- ]\Tot the least important amongst other privileges f,-om which passed from the old to the new state of things, 7ervla\ though somewhat modified in its application, was the exemption of the Church from military service. Amongst the Germanic nations, the obligation to perform military service rested on all freemen, clerical as well as lay. But as the feeling spread of the incompatibility of military service with the spiri- tual office, several attempts were made to exempt ^ the clergy from the obligation, and to reconcile that exemption with the interests of the State. Thus a A.D. 511 canon of the Council of Orleans, in the time of Clovis, forbade any freeman to be advanced to the clerical office, except by command of the king or the wish of the judge ; ^ and, in consequence, the Church selected for the lower spiritual offices men taken from the ranks of bondmen, who were not affected by the obligation to do military service."' Thus, whilst the Church vindicated her claim to exemption from the duty of military service, she was developing the distinction of a high-born and a low-born clergy, of a clerical aristocracy and clerical commoners : ^ For instance that of Boniface ; Neand. v. 74 ; Concil. Germ, an. 742, Can. 2, Labb^, viii. 270. 2 Concil. Aurelianense i. a.d. 511, Can. 4, Labb^, v. 544: ' De ordinationibus clericorum id observandum esse decrevimus, ' ut nullus saecularium ad clericatus ofificium praesumatur, nisi aut * cum regis jussione, aut cum judicis voluntate ; ita ut filii cleri- ' corum ... in episcoporum potestate ac districtione consistant' Also Capit. Carol, a.d. 805, c. xv. ; see Neand. v. 129. 3 Neand. v. 130. GAINS FOR THE CHURCH. 155 the high-born clergy occupying the places of dignity chap and emolument, discharging the ordinary duties of 1 . freemen, and therefore possessing a voice in the great council of the nation ; the low-born clergy fillincr the lower clerical offices, which were accor- dingly degraded in dignity and position, like other bondmen possessing no political status, unable to claim any rights, often oppressed by their feudal superiors, the bishops, and obliged, without redress, to submit to their wishes and commands.^ By these means, that wide distinction between the {2>)Po'^'er •' _ of higher higher and the lower clergy, between the bishops and clergy, the priests, was developed, which had been unknown in the early ages of Christianity. And more than that, there rose among the bishops themselves, tower- ing over the heads of the rest, those great prelates of the West,^ for the most part, relatives or favourites of the ruling princes, who formed the stepping-stones from episcopal government to papal absolutism. 1 This practice was condemned by the Fourth Council of Toledo in 633, Can. 74, Labbe, vi. 1468 : ' De familiis ecclesiae ' constituere presbyteros et diacones per parochias liceat ; quos ' tamen vitae rectitudo et probitas morum commendat : ea tamen ' ratione, ut antea manumissi libertatem status sui percipiant et ' denuo ad ecclesiasticos honores succedant ; irreligiosum est ' enim obligatos existere servituti, qui sacri ordinis suscipiunt dig- ' nitatem/ Also by Council of Aix in 816, Can. 119, Labb^, ix. 480 : ' Sunt nonnulli qui tantum ex faniilia ecclesiastica clericos ' in sibi commissis congregant ecclesiis ; et hoc ideo facere viden- • tur, ut si quando eis aliquid incommodum fecerint, aut stipendia ' opportuna subtraxerint, nihil querimoniae contra se objicere prae- ' sumant ; timentes scilicet, ne aut severissimis verberibus effician- ' tur, aut humanae servituti denuo crudeliter addicantur.' 2 They were recognised by Carloman 742 a.d. and Pepin 755. See GiES. ii. 238. 156 CHURCH AND STATE. TART The bishops occupied a position of ahnost absolute '. command over an army of inferior clergy. They alone disposed of all the tithes and revenues of the Church ; they alone claimed to express the opinions of the Church. Already powerful In ecclesiasti- cal matters, powerful too in secular matters by the acquisition of royal prerogatives, powerful more- over by the share which they had in the pul^lic councils of the realm, they became still more power- ful by means of the places w^hich they already pos- sessed. To the emperors, and especially since the time of Otto I., the ecclesiastical oligarchy of prelates seemed a useful counterpoise to the overgrown power of the nobles.^ To make the bishops equal to this task, fresh privileges were heaped upon them ;^ whole counties were transferred to them as fiefs ; ^ they were for the most part appointed by the kings, the 1 GiES. ii. 374. 2 Lewis the Child conferred on the abbot of Corvey 900 a.d., on the bishop of Triers 902, on the bishop of Tengern 908, and on others, the rank of Counts of the Empire. Gatterer, Comm. de Lndov. iv. inf. 34, 53, Gotting. 1759; Bohmer's Regesta Caro- lonwi, p. 15. 3 Henry I. conferred on the bishop of Toul 928 a.d. the duke- dom and dignity of the city of Toul. Bohmer's Regesta von Conrad I. bis Heiiu'ich VII. p. 3 ; Thomassinus, lib. i. pt. iii. c. xxviii. xxx. ; MoNTAG, ii. 41, 48 ; HDllman's Gesch. d. U?'sprimgs d. Regalien in Deiitschland^ Frankfort, 1866. Otto I. invested his brother Bruno, archbishop of Cologne, with the dukedom of Lorrain, and conferred on him the privileges of a count. Otto III. and Henry n. bestowed numerous counties on different churches. The old German chronicle in Leibnith Introd. tfi Script, rer. Bnins. i. 13, says of the time of Otto I. : 'Da begunten zuerst die Bischopfe ' weltliche Rechte zu haben, das dauchte damals unbillig manchem * Manne.' See Stenzel's Gesch. Deutschlands, ii. 127, 135. GAINS FOR THE CHURCH. 157 VI. privilege of free choice being made subject to the chap royal confirmation ; ^ by Lewis the German, Arnulf, Otto I., they were often installed in office ;^ from the time of Charles they were required to take an oath of allegiance, like other vassals,^ in return for their secular possessions ; they were obliged in the tenth century to lead their troops in person to the wars.^ They were often deposed by the emperors — the bishop of Asti, for instance, by Henry II., the arch- bishop of Milan, and the bishops of Vercelli, Cre- mona and Piacenza, by Conrad II. ;^ and often, too, their exalted secular position involved them in all the incidents of the great secular lordships,^ and drew ^ In 1004 Henry II. pointed out Tagino to the electors to be archbishop of Magdeburg {Thietmar, v. 24, ap. Pertz, v. 802), and in 1012 Walterd (Thietmar, vi. 44). In other cases, instead of confirming a choice, he appointed another ; Meingaud in 1008 to be archbishop of Triers (Thietmar, xi. 25), and Himrao, 1006, to be abbot of Reichenau (Hermann, Contractus, ad an. 1006, ap. Pertz, vii. 118). Other cases are quoted by Gies, ii. 376 (note). 2 Instances of investiture by Lewis the German in Vita Rem- berti, c. iv. Act. SS. Feb. i. 562 ; by Arnulf in Adam Brem. i. 39; by Otto I. in ThieTxMar, ii. 16 ; by Henry II. in Thietmar, vi. 44; by Conrad II. in Vita Bardonis Archiep. Mogunt. c. xxiv. in Act. SS. Jan. ii. 381. 3 Not, however, without a protest on their part. See the Epistle of the Bishops in 858 (quoted in Gies. ii. 376). ^ See the instances of Liutberg, archbishop of Mainz in 872 A.D. ; of Arno, bishop of Wurzburg in 892 a.d. ; of Henry, bishop of Augsburg and Werner, abbot of Fulda in 982 a.d. ; of Michael, bishop of Ratisbon, and others (quoted by Gies. ii. 377, note). ^ See Gieseler, ii. 377. 6 Bishops and specially abbots were defrauded by their bailifts. See Mabillon, Vet. Analccta, p. 135 ; Hullmann, p. 250 ; Mon- tag, ii. 222 ; Planck, iii. 611. They were forced to make grants of Church property in order to obtain men fit for military service. See Gies. ii. 378. 1^8 CHURCH AND STATE. PART down upon them the envy of the nobihty.^ Yet most '. of these drawbacks were not experienced till the end of the tenth century. It may be doubted whether, on the whole, their losses were not quite as great as their gains. They had gained in power — they had lost in independence. Moreover, the concentration of authority in the hands of a few individuals may have been serviceable at the time in strengthening the clergy against the world ; but whether it was on the whole a gain for the Church, is a point about which great difference of opinion may be entertained. C.Disad- Foremost among the disadvantages from which for the the Church now suffered, owing to the dependence nucu ^£ ^^ bishops on the court, and the dependence of (i) Free ^ ^ -^ _ elections the lower clergy on the bishops, was the disuse of free elections. In the old Roman Empire the influence of the emperors had only been used in abolished. {a) Kings 7iomtnate to bishop- rics, filling up bishoprics in the more important cities ; among the Western nations the large revenues and great political privileges of most of the new Sees brought those Sees more and more under the direct patronage of the sovereigns. '^^ The exercise of this kind of patronage was still further advanced by the clergy themselves, who sought to obtain bishoprics by appealing to the interested motives of princes, or even by simony.'^ In the Prankish kingdom, the ^ HiJLLMANN, p. 237 ; MONTAG. ii. 1 7, 79. 2 Neand. v. 123. 3 See Attonis, Ep. Vercellensis, Lib. de pressuris ecclesiasticis, in d'Achery, Spicileg. i. 414. The bishops, says Atto, Ibid. 427 : ' Irreligiose eliguntur, inaniter ordinantur, indifferenter accusantur, ' injuste opprimuntur, perfide dejiciuntur, crudeliter ahquando et LOSSES FOR THE CHURCH. 159 regulations respecting ecclesiastical elections went chap. VI. A.D. 557 & 615 wholly into disuse, and bishoprics were either arbi- trarily bestowed upon favourites or sold to the highest bidders. In England, as early as the year 640, Wini obtained the bishopric of London by pur- chase.^ The attempts of the councils of Paris to restore canonical election proved unavailing.^ By Carloman and Pepin, endeavours were made to rein- 743 state metropolitans in their ancient rights,^ and to diminish the abuses of bishoprics and abbacies, being in lay hands ; but the feudal relations remained unal- tered, and the nomination to prelacies still continued to be decided by princes. Thus Willibrord was conse- ' necantur.' See Gies. ii. 379. Atto is, however, speaking of the state of things in the tenth centuty. At an earher period Gregory OF Tours in his hfe of Gallus, bishop of Clermont, apud Ruinart, Vifae Fat?'i(m, vi. 1171, relates how the clergy of Clermont came with many presents before Theodoric, the son of Clovis, hoping to persuade him to confirm the choice made by themselves ; on which he observes : ' Jam tunc germen illud iniquum coeperat ' fructificare, ut sacerdotium aut venderetur a regibus aut compara- ' retur a clericis.' In Hist. Francor. iv. 35, it is mentioned as the common means of obtaining a bishopric : ' Offerre multa, plurima ' promittere.' ^ Bedae Hist. Ecd. iii. 7. 2 Concil. Paris, iii. an. 557, Can. 8, Labbe, vi. 495, decrees : * Nullus civibus invitis ordinetur episcopus, nisi quem populi et ' clericorum electio plenissima quaesierit voluntate ; non principis ' imperio, neque per quamlibet conditionem, contra metropolis ' voluntatem, vel episcoporum comprovincialium, ingeratur.' Con- cil. Paris, v. an. 615, Can. i, Labbe, vi. 1388, decrees : ' Decedente ' episcopo, in loco ipsius ille Christo propitio debeat ordinari, * quem metropolitanus a quo ordinandus est cum provincialibus * suis, clerus vel populus civitatis, absque ullo commode vel ' datione pecuniae elegerint' 3 Gies. ii. 238. j5o ' CHURCH AND STATE. TART crated bishop of Utrecht at the wish of Pepin. ^ '. Gewilheb, the son of a martial and married ecclesias- tic, was appointed by Charles to succeed his father Ceroid, in the See of Mentz.^ Boniface complained of the abuse, but yet he was obliged to appeal to A.D. 755 Pepin to recognise Lull as his successor in the See of Mentz, without which he felt that his succession was more than doubtful.^ To Charles, it is true, the honour belongs of having in the year 803 restored the ancient practice of elections;^ but the laws on this point were not universally carried out. Still no choice could be made without the king's special permission.^ Most of the bishops continued to be appointed by the prince, and since confirmation and investiture by the sovereign began to be every- where considered necessary,^ general opinion con- ceded the substantial part of the appointment to the sovereign, although ecclesiastics considered it an abuse, if the nomination was made direct. 1 Circa 700 a.d. See Neand. v. 58. ^ Ibid. 87. 3 See Neand. v. 93, and the letter of Boniface there quoted. ^ Ibid. 126; GiES. ii. 238. ^ Concil. Valentinum iii. an. 855, Can. 7, Labbe, ix. 11 54, decrees : ' Si quando . . . episcopus a vocatione domini deces- ' serit, a gloriosissimo principe snpplicando postuletur, ut canoni- * cam electionem clero et populo ipsius civitatis pennittere dig- ' netur.' 6 HiNCMAR, Epist. 12 ad Ludov. III. Franc. Regem : ' Episcopi * talem ehgant, qui et sanctae Ecclesiae utilis, et regno proficiens * et vobis fidehs ac devotus cooperator existat : et consentientibus ' clero et plebe* eum vobis adducant, ut secundum ministerium * vestrum res et facultates Ecclesiae, quas ad defendendum et ' tuendum vobis Dominus commendat, suae dispositioni commit- ' tatis, et cum consensu ac literis vestris eum ad metropolitanum ' Episcopum ac coepiscopos ipsius dioceseos, qui- eum ordinare ' deberet. transmittatis.' LOSSES FOR THE CHUKCIL l5£ Another disadvantage for the Church arising chap. indeed out of her position as the possessor of great 11 11- • r 1 • • 1 {b)Chiirch wealth, was the diversion of ecclesiastical property property to secular purposes. By the Prankish kings, her l^ secular possessions were not unfrequently resumed, being P^^^P^^^^'- regarded as on the same footine with other feudal tenures.^ When the bishops in the seventh century took part in the feuds of the nobles, the robbing of Churches became not uncommon ; and Charles Martel a.d. even distributed ecclesiastical revenues and offices in usufruct to valiant soldiers.^ Boniface wrote to Ethelbald, king of Mercia, to deter him from a similar course.^ If bishoprics were no longer bestowed in usufruct by the Carolingians, single estates and abbacies were frequently conferred on valiant sol- diers by Lewis the Pious, and still more frequently by his sons.'^ The feudal system was introduced > In France the prelates lost most of their regalia under the Capet family. See Gies. ii. 380. 2 See Hallam's Middle Ages, ii. 147 : Neand. v. 135 ; Gies. ii. 238. 3 Neand. v. 92. * Lewis was blamed for this in 828 by Wala, abbot of Corvey, Pertz, Monum. ii. 549 : ' Ecce rex noster, iit saepe ostensum est, * de facultatibus Ecclesiarum multo in suis suorumque praesumit ' usibus.' Concil. Paris, vi. an. 829, lib. iii. Can. 15, Labbe, ix. 773, prays the emperor 'ut quasdam sedes episcopales, quae ' rebus propriis viduatae, nimio annullatae esse videntur, de earum ' sublevatione et consolatione cogitetis.' Concil. Aquisgran. ii. an. 836, says in its letter to Pepin, lib. i. c. iii., Labb^, ix. 844 : ' Sunt etiam quidam dignitatem ecclesiasticam non curantes, immo '■ suam cupiditatem explere volentes . . . qui . . . solent dicere : ' Quid mali, quidve discriminis est, si rebus ecclesiasticis in nostris ' pro libitu nostro utimur necessitatibus % ' The case was worse M 745 1 62 CHURCH AXD STATE. PART among the lower ecclesiastical orders;^ and candi- dates for ordination were obliged after the eighth century to take a species of oath of fealty to the bishop. {c) Rights In this way those rlg^hts of patronage, which are of patron- . \ ... • j n age. now universally accepted without question, gradually came Into existence, yet only gradually, and like so many other things having their foundation in a Roman custom. A.D. Two laws had been passed by Justinian In the 541 & 555 . ^ ^ ^ -^ sixth century,^ granting to those who founded new Churches with specific endowments, a right for them- selves and their posterity to propose worthy candi- dates to the bishop. The nomination, however, was not absolute, and the decision was made to depend upon the bishop's examination. From Rome the idea of patronage crept Into Europe. It seemed only fair that the founders of new Churches should have some guarantee that the property which they had set apart for religion should not be dissipated by the negligence or greed of bishops, or plundered by robber laymen.^ Several councils recognised this under the sons of Lewis. See the authorities quoted by Gies. ii. 240 (note). * Gies. ii. 240. ^ Quoted by Neand. v. 146 : ' E'l tlq evKTiipiov oIkov KaraaKevd- * aeij Kai fjiovXrjdelr] kv aurw kXtiplkovq 7rpof3aXXtZ^-> 3375 the ' wer ' of a ceorl was 30^-., that of a six-hynde man 8oj-., and that of a twelve hynde-man i20j-. In case of murder, the relations of the slain received the whole wergild annexed to his rank, the rela- tions of the slayer being bound to present him to justice that he might be made to pay. Should the slayer flee, his relatives were called upon to pay the wergild, but in this case they were not required to pay the whole but a sum varying according to their degree of affinity. See Neand. v. 137. RESULTS FOR SOCIETY, ^jy justice, and regular forms of law succeeded to pecu- chap. niary justice, and to the license accorded to wealth. '- — At the same time, the more rigid administration of justice which now grew up, was tempered by ideas of mercy and compassion. Whilst a special sacred- ness was attached to human life, and the forfeiture of life was denounced as the penalty for murder, there were not wanting pious monks, and even ecclesiastics, who were altogether opposed to capital punishment. Sometimes, as in the case of Alculn,^ the intellectual prime minister of the Emperor Charles, dislike of capital punishment was openly avowed ; but more often it showed itself only in a covert manner. The clergy interceded with the judges to obtain a milder punishment for the guilty ; they sought to procure pardon for those condemned to death, or, in case they failed, attempted to reanimate their bodies when taken down from the gallows. If these intercessions were occasionally carried to such an extent as to inter- fere with the existence of civil order, nevertheless, they brought the Church before men's minds as a benefi- cent and kindly power, and taught a lesson of gen- tleness and charity to an age which needed such lessons to correct its hardness. In the same spirit of charity, the privilege and (6-) in right of asylum w^as claimed by prelates for churches. \nercy[^ Under the Roman Empire, this privilege had legally (").^7 attached to churches, based on an ancient custom ofasy- lum. ^ Alcuix. Ep. 176 : ' Non ego tamen mortem alicujus suadeo ; * dicente Deo Ezek. xxxiii. : Nolo mortem peccatoris, sed ut con- * vertatur et vivat ; sed ut sapienti consilio vindicta fiat per alia poe- * narum genera vel perpetuum [carcerem vel] exilii damnatione[m].' N j^g CHURCH AND STATE. PART handed down from Pagan times. Passing from '- Rome to the West, it became a most important and salutary privilege in days of arbitrary rule and im- petuous cruelty. For the moment, the persecuted were safe from their oppressors, serfs from their masters, criminals from the hand of justice. Time was allowed for the outburst of passion to cool down, for the clergy to interpose as mediators. The laws of Ine required that the penalty of death should be commuted into a fixed pecuniary fine, in all cases in which the guilty persons took refuge within the asylum of a church.^ Lest, however, this privi- lege should be abused, and those places of refuge should become places of impunity for transgressors, A.D. 779 a capitulary of Charles commanded that no means of subsistence should be allowed in them, to mur- derers and others liable to capital punishment.^ Popular feeling was, however, strong in favour of these rights, stronger even than legal enactment ; and if, as from time to time occurred, they were infringed by the less scrupulous or more insolent nobles, men did not fail to watch narrowly the sub- sequent career of the delinquent, and to see in any misfortune which befel him a visible manifestation of Divine judgment, and a terrible warning to others to abstain from following his example.^ 1 See Neand. v. 139. 2 WiLKixs, Coiicil. Aug. p. 59. 3 Neand. v. 138, quotes from Gregory of Tours, iv. 19. the story of a duke who had fled from the oppression of the Frankish prince, Chramnus, to the church of St. Martin of Tours. Chramnus, in the hope of starving him to submission, had the church sur- RESULTS FOR SOCIETY. I 79 Nor was the Church behindhand In Inculcating chap. . , vi. on her clergy the duty of themselves succouring the needy and the oppressed. The fifth Council of relieving Orleans ^ decreed that on every Sunday, the arch- ^^^^^ ^,^^ deacon or presiding clergyman should visit the ^/^^^y;/^' prisons, in order that the wants of the prisoners op- pressed. might be mercifully provided for ; and it required the ^ ^^ ^^^ bishop to take care that a sufficient supply of food for this purpose was furnished by the Church. In Spain, the fourth Council of Toledo ^ decreed that 633 bishops should not neglect the sacred charge of rounded and narrowly watched. By some means or other, how- ever, a jug of water was conveyed to the church when the unfor- tunate man was nearly dead. The local judge at once inter- posed to prevent his using it himself, and poured the contents on the ground. The very same day he was attacked by a fever and died. Such was the sensation which this occurrence created that food was brought in abundance from all quarters. The unfortunate man was saved, and, to crown the whole, Chramnus himself at a later period met with a miserable end. ^ Concil. Aurel. v. an. 549, Can. 20, LabbiS, v. 1382 : ' Id etiam ' miserationis intuitu aequum duximus custodiri, ut qui pro qui- ' buscumque culpis in carceribus deputantur, ab archidiacono seu * a praeposito Ecclesiae singulis diebus dominicis requirantur, ut ' necessitas vinctorum secundum praeceptum divinum misericor- * diter sublevetur ; atque a pontifice, instituta fideli et diligent! ' persona, quae necessaria provideat, competens eis victus de ' domo ecclesiae tribuatur.' 2 Concil. Tolet. iv. an. 633, Can. 32, Labb^, vi. 1460 : ' Epi- * scopi in protegendis populis ac defendendis impositam a Deo ' sibi curam non ambigant ; ideoque dum conspiciunt judices et ' potestates, pauperum oppressores existere, prius eos sacerdotali ' admonitione redarguant ; et si contempserint emendare, eorum * insolentiam regis auribus intiment : ut quos sacerdotalis admo- * nitio non flectit ad justitiam, regalis potestas ab improbitate * coerceat. Si quis autem episcoporum neglexerit, concilio reus * erit.' N 2 I So CHURCH AND STATE. PART defending and protecting the people, but should ^ endeavour first by priestly admonition, or, failing that^ by appeal to the king, to set judges and magistrates right, when they acted as oppressors of the poor. A.D. 589 £^.gj^ ^ royal law ^ had already ordained that judges and tax-gatherers should learn from the bishops how to treat the people with piety and justice, and required the bishops to keep an eye on the conduct of the judges. An opportunity was thus placed within their reach of exercising a great and salutary influence on the habits of civil society — an oppor- tunity, by many no doubt neglected, whilst they were involved in the vortex of secular affairs, and indif- ferent to their spiritual charges ; but one warmly em- braced by others who took a higher view of their calling, and were honestly bent upon raising and improving the condition of their fellow-creatures.^ {d) The Perhaps the most remarkable step towards this Gadf ^^^' ^^"^^ ^^^ most indicative, of the power of the {a) First Church over the minds of men, was the establishment mpis. ^^ ^^ Truce of God at the beginning of the eleventh Ai>- ceatury. In that century, opening amidst wars and rumours of wars, when the already slender bands of government were still further relaxed by the general anticipation of the coming end of all things, the J ConciK Tolet. iii. an. 589, Can. i8, Labb^, vi. 710^ observ^es r * Sunt enim prospectores episcopi secimdavi regiam edmonitiojiem * qualiter judices cum populis agant.' CapiuU. Bajoar. an. 803, a iv. Pertz, Monum. iii. 1^7 s ' Ut episcopi cum Comitibus ^ stent, et Comites cum Episcopis, ut uterque pleniter suum mini- * sterium peragere possint.' See Gies. ii. 243. ' See the note Neand, v. 140. I^£SULTS FOR SOCIETY. l8r practice of private warfare had gained a memorable chap. ascendency. Everywhere noble was engaged in war with noble ; the right of the stronger was alone respected. There reigned in fact a political chaos. Then it was that an attempt was made by the bishops assembled at Limoges ^ on the occasion of an unlooked-for year of plenty, after several years of severe famine, to bring the feeling of gratitude and •^•^- "^^^^ contrition to some real fruit Already at several ecclesiastical assemblies," at those of Orleans^ and Burgundy,* the bishops had exhorted the people to peace, in some instances probably resorting to pious frauds to attain their object. Their exhortations, coming at an opportune moment, now found ready listeners. Everywhere the cry for peace resounded. The people were admonished to lay aside all weapons of war, and mutually to forgive all injuries. Every Friday they were to restrict themselves to a diet of bread and water ; every Saturday to abstain from flesh and all food of fat. To this they were to pledge themselves upon oath ; and in return all ecclesiastical penances w^ere to be forgiven them. It was a grand attempt, and a truly Christian conception ; and yet It met with opposition from some of the bishops ; from Gerhard, for instance, bishop of Arras and Cambray. ' Concil. Lemovic ii. an. 1031, Labb^, xi. 1232 setj, 2 Chron. Ademari in Bouquet, x. 147,. an. 994: 'Pactum * pacis et justitia a Duce et Principibus vicissim foederata est.' Mansi, Suppl. to Labb]^, i. 1199. See Neand. vi. 183. ^ Fulberti carnot.Ep. 21 ad Robert, in Bouquet, x. 454. King Robert, an, 10 16, proposed a council at Orleans de pace com- ponenda. * Bouquet, x. 2ot. J 82 CHURCH AXD STATE. PART Nor was It altocfether successful, since the excitement I. t5 ' — - — of feeling soon passed away, and the proposed uni- versal peace, as has so often since been the case, was. never realised. ('•>) ^^- Greater success, however, attended a second at- attempt tempt of a less exactmg character, miade ten years yj' ' later. It was enacted by William Duke of Nor- A.D. 1042 j^^j^^^y^ afterwards king of England, at a synod held at Caen,^ — and from that time forth the enact- \ Synodale decretum de pace apud Cadomum, an. ro42, Labbe, xi. 1294: ' Fratres in Domino carissimi, in pace quae vulgo ' dicitur Trevia Dei, et quae die Mercurii sole occidente incipit, ' et die Lunae sole nascente finit, haec quae dicam vobis prom- * ptissima mente dehinc in antea debetis observare : Nullus homo ' nee foemina hominem aut foeminam usquam assaliat, nee vul- * neret, nee occidet, nee castellum, nee burgum nee villam in hoc * spatio quatuor dierum et quinque noctium assaliat nee deprae- ' detur, nee capiat nee ardeat ullo ingenio, aut violentia, aut aliqua * fraude. Quod si aliquis, quod absit, illam non tenendo quae ' praecepimus infregerit ; si non 30 annorum poenitentiam in exilio ' fecerit, et antequam ab Episcopatu nostro exeat, quicquid fecit * contra pacem emendaverit, a Domino Deo sit excommunicatus * et a tota Christianitate sit separatus. . . . ' Praeterea fratres, hanc pacem et Treviam Dei de terris ac de * bestiis, insuper de rebus omnibus quae haberi possint, tenebitis * inter vos. Quod si quis aut aliquam bestiam, aut etiam obolum, * sive vestimentum in ista pace tulerit alieni, sit excommunicatus, ' donee ad emendationem venerit. . . . * Ceterum in hac pace nullus nisi Rex aut Comes caballica- ' tionem aut hostiHtatem faciat ; et quicumque in caballicatione ' aut hostilitate Regis fuerit, in hoc Episcopatu : nihil plusquam ' sibi ac suis equis necessaria ad victum accipiant. Alercatores * autem, et omnes homines qui ab aliis regionibus per vos trans- * ierunt, pacem habeant a vobis. ' Hanc etiam Dei Treviam ab initio Adventus Dominici usque ' ad Octavas Epiphaniae, et a capite jejunii usque ad Octavas ' Paschae, et a diebus Rogationum inchoantibus per omnes dies * tenebitis.* RESULTS FOR SOCIETY. 183 mcnt became a custom — that, in remembrance of chap. Christ's passion and resurrection, no person should ^- be arraigned before a tribunal from Thursday eve- ning until Monday morning, nor should any person use violence towards another during that interval. Those four days were to be days of peace, and hence they w^ere called the Truce of God, Treuga or Trevia Dei. Moreover, the non-observance of this truce was visited by the penalty of excommunication, and, in case reparation were not forthcoming, the right of sepulture was denied to such as died ex- communicated. Thus, Church and State, political and ecclesiastical relations, interlaced and Intertwined in a way pre- viously unknown ; and thus were laid the foundations for the great political Church-system which reigned supreme from the time of Hlldebrand to that of Boniface VIII. An observant eye might have already detected on the horizon of history traces of the near approach of the Holy Empire. It might have observed how the centralising influence of the feudal system was simultaneously consolidating both Church and State ; wresting the power out of the hands of the people to place it In the hands of the emperor, out of the hands of the clergy to place it In the hands of the Popes. The Church had be- come an aristocratic, not a democratic institution. She was soon to become Imperial. The local bishops of the three first centuries, with their parliaments of presbyters, had disappeared. Metropolitan bishops with absolute powers had succeeded them : they \vere about to be displaced by one more powerful 1 84 CHURCH AXD STATE. PART than themselves. The free elections of primitive times had gone into disuse ; nomination by great lay lords had superseded them. The voice of laymen in Church matters, unless they happened to be princes, was stifled ; the independence of priests was gone. A few great men governed the State ; a few great prelates ruled the Church. Once it had been a note of Christianity, that to the poor the Gospel was preached. Now it was otherwise : the Gospel was for princes, and the way to heaven was open for the great and the wealthy. Was the change a falling away, or was it a necessity ? Could the poor only be won by winning the great ? Could they only be retained by retaining the great ? Or was it that the Church was leaving her children to go after her lovers ? Those who have studied the subject most deeply have given to this question the most opposite answers. It may, therefore, be impossible here to dogmatise. But one thing is certain. If, notwith- standing a variety of opinions on this point, none can deny the civilising influence of Christianity during these centuries of ignorance, no doubt, but yet of heroism, is it just to call them ages of darkness ? With all our Intellectual light, does the light of our morality shine so brightly as did theirs ? Part II. AGE OF GREATNESS. 1046— 1303. THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. ^7 CHAPTER VII. THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. (1046 — 1085.) Et doniinabioitur eoi'um justi in niaUitino. — Ps. xcviii. [xcix.] \ A NEW day dawned on the Papacy after the ^ylf' dark night of Italian party-strife when by the .~ synod at Sutri, acting under the guidance of Henry ofrefoDn. HI., the three rival claimants were deposed, and the German, Clement H., was elevated to the Papal dig- nity. Sunk as the Church had been during the last century in a deep slough of vice, simony and intrigue, save when it received a few better appoint- ments at the hands of the emperors Otto I. and Otto HI., it now owed its permanent elevation to the ap- pointment made by another emperor, Henry HI. The grateful synod of Sutri owned its obligations to Henry, and granted to him, as the synod of Rome ^^■^• had already done to Otto I., as Hadrian II. had granted to Charles the Bald,^ the privilege of nomi- nating the Popes in future. One party alone was aggrieved by this concession : the Roman people ^ Both of these grants are denied by Severinus Binius. See Labb^, xi. p. 892, ad an. 964. He maintains that the emperors never received the right of appointing the pontiffs, and that the historian Luitprand ' plusquam oportebat, Ottoni favit.' 88 ■ '^HE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA, PART and clergy who had formerly enjoyed this right ; and the grievance of the Roman clergy found a mouth- piece and a ready agent in the young but zealous subdeacon Hildebrand. This monk, regardless of the services conferred by the emperors, and with no appreciation of the practical benefits of such an arrangement, considered it a sacrilege that the em- peror should nominate the sovereign Pontiff; and, uniting with the aggrieved Roman people to remedy this abuse, entered on a long struggle with the Empire, out of which he came forth successful Indeed, but lost his advantage by his bitterness towards a fallen foe. The Italians were alarmed at the granting away of a right so valuable for their own Interests. They had been accustomed to look upon the bishopric of Rome as their own peculiar property during the last one hundred and fifty years. With few exceptions they had seen it filled by Italian after Italian, often worth- less, frequently avaricious, but still Italians, who, to secure their own election, had had to conciliate the most powerful families of Italy, and whose very vices were national. Now they found themselves debarred from all participation in the election. Whether willing or unwilling, they were forced to receive German after German as their bishop, at the bidding of a ruler at once powerful, severe, devout. Oppo- sition w^ouid have been fruitless. They dissembled their Hi-will, yielding that obedience which is due to the stronger until the death of the emperor should bring a favourable opportunity for resistance. Meantime there was a small but growing party at CAUSES OF REFOR.\f, 189 whose head stood Peter Damiani ^ and the monk chap. Hildebrand,^ who were dissatisfied with the existing — 'i5 state of things on entirely different grounds. No (^) £ar~ national or interested considerations swayed their ^'^^^J^!^/* poHcy ; but holding high ideas of the functions of the clergy, and of the dignity of the Roman bishop, It seemed to tliem a sacrlleo'ious act that he should owe his authority to a secular monarch. A real zeal for the restoration of the dignity of the priest- hood, and of a stricter Church discipline, distinguished Peter Damiani, bishop of Ostia, among his cotem- poraries ; but his zeal, though earnest, was not free from narrowness and bigotry. Of the two, the mind of Hlldebrand was the more energetic. His monas- tic life had imbued him with deep earnestness, while his travels in company with the deposed Gregory VI. had given him a knowledge of the world. Nor was it long before an acquaintance and friendship with Leo IX. enabled him to exercise the greatest influence over the policy of that Pope and his succes- sors, and ultimately to place himself upon the chair of St. Peter. Hitherto the initiative in all measures of reform (f) ^^' forms ^ ctnncfrom luithitu ^ Peter Damiani, bishop of Ostia, was an earnest man but narrow and bigoted, zealous for the restoration of the dignity of the priesthood, and of a stricter Church discipline. Neand. vi. 146. ^ Hildebrand was a native of Soan in Tuscany, the son of a carpenter. He received his first training in the monastic life under the direction of an uncle, who was an abbot in a Roman monastery. Among his teachers were Laurentius, archbishop of Amalfi, and Pope Gregory VI. See Labbe, xii. 230 ; Neand. VI. 147. IQO THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. TART had been clue to the interposition of the civil magis- - trate. Now, under the combined influence of the Italian and the ecclesiastical parties, a new phase appears in the history of the Papacy : reforms come no longer from without but from within the Church ; they emanate in fact from the Popes themselves. Nothing more clearly marks the Hildebrandian era than this change. At the beginning of that era, the Church seemed sunk in corruption, and any checks to its headlong course of vice were set by the summary power of the imperial party ; at its close this state of things had entirely changed. All lovers of reform, all who aspired to a higher Christian life, had rallied around the standard of the Popes ; the profligate, the dissolute, the worldly clergy were left, though not alone, to defend the emperors. The pre- judice and narrow-mindedness of modern times may see in Hildebrand nothing but an ambitious Pontiff, endeavouring to enforce on the clergy a restriction contrary to the Gospel. Not so thought his cotem- poraries ; not so thought the morally earnest men of that time : to them as to Hildebrand the marriage of a priest seemed little short of adultery. B. Chief One of the first objects of Hildebrand's design refonn'! ^as to make the Popes independent of the emperor ; (i) inde- nor was it long before this design began to show of the itself. He appeared before Leo IX. on the occasion ^ 9 of his being appointed by the emperor, in the year takeji in 1049,^ and with that extraordinary power of swaying 1 Clement II. appointed 1 died in 1048. Damasus was by the emperor Henry III. in 1046, s nominated by Henry in his place. CHIEF POINTS FOR REFORM. 191 tliG minds of others, to which so much of his after citap. VII. success was due, he induced him to lay aside all the — —^ insignia of the dignity to which he had been ap- Hmc of pointed, to travel to Rome in the habit of a pilgrim, j/}'"^^ and not to consider himself invested with the sacred office until he had been there chosen in the custo- mary form.^ On the death of Leo IX., he secured for himself the appointment of plenipotentiary of the Roman clergy and the Roman people, and a.d. 1055 travelled to the court of the emperor in order to support the claims of hjs own candidate, Victor II. : ^ but the emperor dying In the next year, w^hilst a child was left at the helm of the state, Hlldebrand was enabled to take a bolder line. Durinor Hildebrand's absence, Stephen IX.^ was ^^\^'^^^'^: ^ ^ nation of the Col- lege of Car- ditials. See LabbJ?, xi. 13 15, but died twenty-three days later. He was 1059 succeeded by Bruno in 1049, who took the name of Leo IX., and was followed in 1055 by Victor II. For the life of Leo IX. see LabbS, xi. 131 7. ^ Neand. vi. 148. 2 Gebhard of Eichstadt succeeded Leo IX. in the year 1055 by the name of Victor 11. He died July 28, 1057, and was followed by Stephen IX. His life, Labbi?, xii. i. For the part taken by Hildebrand in his appointment see Neand. vi. 155. 3 Stephen IX. succeeded Victor II. in 1057. He died in April 1058, and was succeeded by Benedict X. See Labb^, xii. 23. 4 Benedict X. was appointed by Leo of Ostia and the Count of Tusculum in 1058, during Hildebrand's absence from Rome. "J'he election was therefore a violation of the decretum of Stephen IX. : ' Ut si, antequam Hildebrandus Romanae tunc ecclesiae ' subdiaconus ab Imperatrice, ad quam pro quibusdam reipublicae ' negotiis communi consilio mittebatur, rediret, se mori contingeret, ' nullus omnino papam eligere auderet : sed usque ad illius reditum ' sedes apostolica intacta vacaret, ejus demum ordinandi consilio.' elected by the people, as was also Benedict X.^ on T92 THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA, PART the death of Stephen. The former election was ac- — — quiesced in by Hildebrand ; the latter Pope he deposed and substituted Nicholas 11.^ in his place. Nevertheless, to prevent future cavil, the concurrence of the imperial court was obtained for his election. But Nicholas II. had no sooner been consecrated, than taking advantage of the unsettled state of the empire, Hildebrand thought the time come to deal a blow at the imperial prerogative and to undo what the synod of Sutri had previously ratified.^ In the Lateran council of the year 1059, a decree was passed by his influence.^ It provided that the LABBfi, xii. 24. Benedict X. was accordingly regarded by Hilde- brand as an antipope. ^ Gerard, bishop of Florence, who took the name of Victor II., was elected by the banished cardinals, an. 1058, but was not installed as Pope till the following year. He died in July 1060, whereupon there was a vacancy in the See for nearly tliree months. Labb:6, xii. 28. 3 Neand. vi. 156, 3 The decretum, LabbS, xii. 50, after recounting the late troubles, continues : ' Quapropter instructi praedecessorum nos- * trorum, aliorumque sanctorum patrum auctoritate, decernimus * atque statuimus, ut abeunte hujus Romanae ecclesiae pontifice, * in primis cardinales episcopi diligentissime simul de electione ' tractantes, mox ipsi clericos cardinales adhibeant, sicque reliquus ' clerus, et populus ad consensum novae electionis accedat : nimi- * rum praecaventes, ne venalitatis morbus aliqua occasion e sub- * repat. Et ideo religiosissimi viri praeduces sint in promovenda * pontificis electione ; reliqui autem sequaces. Certus vero atque * legitimus electionis ordo perpenditur, si perspectis diversorum ' patrum regulis, sini gestis, etiam in ilia beati Leonis praedeces- * soris nostri sententia recolatur : Nnlla, inquit, ratio sinii, ut * inter episcopos Jiabeantur, qui nee a dericis sunt ekcti, nee a plebibus * expetiti, nee a comprovincialibics episcopis cum metropolitani judieio * consea'ati. Quia \ero sedes apostolica cunctis in orbe terrarum CHIEF POINTS OF REFORM. ^93 Pope should be chosen by the cardinal bishops and chap VII. priests with the consent of the rest of the Roman clergy and the Roman people ; and left to the emperor a merely nominal participation in the appointment. But Hildebrand had calculated his strength. He knew that he could not only rely on the support of the Italians, but that he also had the sympathies of the most virtuous prelates of the day : and he knew that he could expect assistance from the turbulent Normans, whose settlement in southern Italy had ^•^- 1054 been sanctioned by Leo IX.,^ and was anew sane- 1059 ' praefertur ecclesiis, atque ideo supra se metropolitanum habere ' non potest ; cardinales episcopi procul dubio metropolitan! vice ' funguntur, qui videlicet electum episcopum ad apostolic! cul- ' minis apicem provehant. ' Eligatur autem de ipsius ecclesiae gremio, si reperitur idoneus ; ' vel si de ipsa non invenitur, ex alia assumatur : salvo debito ' honore et reverentia dilecti filii nostri Henrici, qui impraesen- ' tiarum rex habetur, et futurus imperator, Deo concedente, ' speratur, sicut jam sibi concessimus ; et successoribus illius, qui * ab apostolica sede personaliter hoc jus impetraverunt. Quod ' pravorum atque iniquorum hominum ita perversitatis invaluerit, ' ut pura, sincera, atque gratuita fieri in Urbe non possit electio ; ' cardinales episcopi cum religiosis clericis, catholicisque laicis, ' licet paucis, jus potestatis obtineant eligere apostolicae sedis * pontificem, ubi congruere viderint. Placuit postquam electio '■ fuerit facta, si bellica tempestas, vel qualiscumque hominum * conatus, malignitatis studio restiterit, ut is qui electus est in ' apostolica sede juxta consuetudinem auctorisari non valeat : * electus tamen, sicut verus Papa obtineat auctoritatem regendi ' Romanam ecclesiam et disponendi omnes facultates illius.' ^ Leo IX. had taken the field against the Normans, been defeated, and taken captive by them. Hereupon he deserted an alliance which he had preached as the cause of God, and ratified the past and future conquests of the Normans. Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Ivi, p. 334 ; see also Milman, vol. iii. book vl ch. ii. p. 404. O 194 THE HILDEBRAXDIAX ERA. PART TI. (2) Cleri- cal celi- bacy. {a; Rea- sons f 07- it. (.) Cleri- cal 7nar- riage con- sidered immoral. A.D. 843 tioned by Xicolas 11.^ Nevertheless, at his own elevation in the year 1073, Hildebrand took the pre- caution of deferrinor his inauguration until he had received the emperor's assent ; thinking it no doubt politic to yield on this point,- lest a rival Pope might baffle him in the execution of his other reforms. But at the same time that he yielded to the emperor, he was making a protest against the emperor's claim to interfere, by taking the title of Gregory \'IL, thus recognising his predecessor. Gregory VI., as a lawful Pontiff. Besides securing the free election of the Popes by the college of cardinals, two other points chiefly occupied the attention of the reformers of the Hilde- brandian era — simony and marriage, or as it was then considered, the immorality of the clerg}^^ Many circumstances combined to make the Pope anxious to put a stop to the latter evil. The growing respect for the monastic life led all, both clerg}' and laity, to regard a state of celibacy as higher than a state of mxarriage. The influence of the False Decretals, drawing as they did a hedge of privilege around the ^ At the Synod of Amalfi Robert Guiscard was invested by- Nicolas II. with the ducal title, together with Apulia, Calabria, and all the lands both in Italy and Sicily, which his sword could rescue from the schismatic Greeks and the unbelieving Saracens. Baronius, A?i7i. Eccls. an. 1059, No. 69 ; Labbe, xii. 53, ad an. 1059; Gibbon, v. 337. 2 In his life, apud Labb£, xii. 231, is the following : 'Patet ex ' actis \-itae hujus Gregorii in quibus refertur, quod cum ille ad * regem scripsisset, ne ^•igore concessi privilegii factae electioni ' assensum praeberet, rex non modo non dissenserit, sed missa * legatione factam electionem confirmavit.' ^ NEAXD'.'vi. 149; GiES. iii. 9. CHIEF POIXTS OF REFORM. 195 clerev, also led the laitv to res^ard clerical marriaofe chap. . . . VII as immoral and as simply open vice. It mattered ^ not whether this view were right or wrong : as long as it prevailed, the spectacle of clergy living in the married state must have seemed a scandal. Hence no sooner was the desire manifested to reform the Church, than one of the first points to which attention was directed, was that of clerical immorality. In theory and law, the marriage of ecclesiastics had always since the time of Siricius been forbidden in ■^■^' ^ ^ the Western Church; but it was now felt desirable to enforce by new sanctions a law, which constant vio- lations had almost rendered obsolete.-^ Another reason for insisting- on clerical celibacy was, (/3) Celi- the wish to separate more definitely the clergy from necessary the world. By their relationships, their marriages t]u clergy and their intrigues, the bishops and Popes of the pre- ^^^^^ cedinof epoch had been entangled in all the disputes ^ver- ^ ^ . ^ . . ^ -whelmed and struggles which make up the ordinary life of an in world- unsettled state of society. Into how many troubles had they not been drawn by these relations! Into how many scenes of bloodshed and violence had they not been brought ! The Church seemed likely to lose her distinctive character altogether amidst the feuds ly feuds. ' Neaxd. vi. 149. Among the decreta Nicolai II. Labbe, xii. 36, No. iv. : ' Ut presbyteri et diaconi et subdiaconi et omnes ' qui canonici sunt uxores non habeant. Et si duxerint, depo- ' nantur.' Concil. Roman, an. 1059, Labbe, xii. 44, Can. 3 : '■ Ut nullus missam audiat presbyteri, quern scit concubinam indu- ' bitanter habere, aut subintroductam mulierem.' Concil. Turon. an. 1060, Labb^, xii. 60, Can. 6 ; Concil. Roman. I. an. 1063, Labb^, xii. 138, Can. 3 ; Concil. Gerundense, an. 1068, Labbe, xii. 1 74, Can. 7 : ' A presbytero usque ad subdiaconum si uxorem ' duxerint, aut concubinam retinuerint, de clero exeant/ A.D. 1042 196 THE^HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. TART of her rulers. Besides, it must be remembered, that the practice of private war had been unHmited. Not until four years before the Papacy of Clement II., had the Church, by establishing the Truce of God, been able to put any check to this practice.^ Before all things, therefore, it was necessary to raise the bishops out of the domain of private warfare, out of the atmo- sphere of the castle and the battle-field, and to make them realise that theirs was a spiritual mission ; that if they took part in the contentions of this world, it must be done by them not as isolated units, but as members of a great spiritual body, not by the carnal weapons of flesh, but by the spiritual weapon of excommunication. It may be said that such a separation of the clergy from society was a withdrawal of a leavening (y) Celt- influence from the world ; but this statement does cessaryto ^ot give a true view of the case. In a rude state '^sUrUual ^^ society, individuals standing alone are powerless army, to Stem the Current ; they are swept away by it, and are often even carried along by it more rapidly than others. Strong lawlessness needs to be met by strong co-operation, and this Hildebrand did not fail to remember in his reforms. His motive in en- forcing clerical celibacy was not only to withdraw the clergy from too close connection with the world, but to unite them in a grand spiritual army. His aim ^ The Truce of God was sanctioned in 1042. See p. 182. The first of the decreta of Nicolas II. Labb;^, xii. 36 is : ' Primum * quidem ut pax et Treuga Domini a fidelibus Christianis reperta '• et laudata, sicut scriptura habentur, ita firm iter teneantur, infrac- ' tores vero anathemate feriantur.' It was again sanctioned by- Alexander II. an. 1065, Labb^, xii. 151, and 1069, Labb^, xii. 175. CHIEF POINTS OF REFORM. jq^ was to draw about him a band of many supporters, chap. In this aim he was successful. All those who wished '— to see a higher tone of morality, all who believed in the spiritual functions of the clergy, all who had sufficient foresight to know that a strongly concen- trated ecclesiastical army was absolutely necessary to defend the Church against the wild attacks of a rude age, were on the side of clerical celibacy. None of them probably foresaw how grossly the power they fostered would afterwards be abused. Nor did the reform of clerical immorality come ip) How TAT1 11 1 enforced. too soon. vVhen a cotemporary could say that so /^,) ^y low was the morality of the bishops and clergy, and ^^J^ of the Popes themselves, that no salt was left where- with to salt the earth ; when a bishop could be al- lowed to seduce the betrothed wife of his uncle with such impunity, that the latter could not even obtain a hearing from the Pope ; ^ when Bishop Ratherius could complain,^ that among his clergy, not one was free from adultery or a worse vice ; it was indeed necessary that a stern and sweeping reform should be inaugurated. Leo IX. began by reviving the ancient laws concerning celibacy;^ but it 1 Berengar of Tours, De Coena Sacra, tells this story of the bishop of Vercelli, an. 1050, and Leo IX. was the Pope from whom the injured nobleman could obtain no redress. 2 'Quam perdita tonsuratorum universitas, si nemo in iis, qui * non aut adulter aut sit arsenokoita % Adulter enim nobis est, • qui contra canones uxorius.' See Neand. vi. 150. ^ Capitulare xii. Labbe, xi. 1380: 'Nulla foemina cum pres- ' bytero in una domo habitet' Concil. Coyacense, an. 1050, Can. 3 : ' Presbyteri vero et diacones, et qui ministerio funguntur ' ecclesiae arma belli non deferant, semper coronas apertas ha- ' beant, barbas radant, mulieres secum in domo non habeant.' 198 THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. PART was found impossible to carry them out at once,^ not- withstanding the many synods held at Rome, not- withstanding Leo's frequent journeys to France, to Germany, and even to Hungary. More stringent measures were taken by Nicolas II., who at the Lateran Council of 1059, prohibited, under pain of excommunication, all ecclesiastics who lived in wed- lock from celebrating mass or holding divine service.^ The same laws were renewed by Alexander 11.;^ and when Hildebrand had succeeded to the chair of St. Peter,^ he repeated the ordinances of his prede- cessors at the Lenten synod of the year 1074, and determined henceforth to enforce them at every hazard.^ 1 Damiani, OpusciiL 17, De Coelibatii sacerdotum^ iii. 188, says circa 1058 : ' Nostris temporibus genuina quodammodo Romanae ' ecclesiae consuetudo servatur, ut de ceteris quidem ecclesiasticae ' disciplinae studiis, prout dignum est, moneat, de clericorum vero ' libidine propter insultationem saecularium dispensatorie contis- * cescat.' 2 Can. 3, Labbe, xii. 44. 3 See the authorities quoted in note i on page 195. ■* The list of the Popes of this period is as follows : Popes Antipopes Clement II. 1046. Damasus II. 1048, died 1048. Leo IX. 1049. Victor II. 1055. Stephen IX. 1057, died 1058. Benedict IX. 1048. Benedict X. 10^8. Nicolas II. 1059, died 1060. 3 months' vacancy. Alexander II. to6i, died 1072. Honor ins II. 106 1. Gregory VII. 1073, died 1085. Ckment. ^ See the somewhat lengthy Canons 13 and 14 of Concil. Roman, I. an. 1074, in Labb^, xii. 561. CHIEF POINTS OF REFORM. '■ jqq The means which Nicolas II. had as vet em- chap. , VII. ployed, declaring ecclesiastics who lived in marriage incapable of administering the duties of their office, appeal to were found by experience to be insufficient. It was ^^^'' necessary to employ new means. Already Nicolas had called upon the laity not to be present at any service performed by married ecclesiastics. Gregory VII. addressed himself anew to the laity with a view to stir them up against the clergy. He wrote to princes, on whose submission and interest he thought he could rely, exhorting them to refuse all priestly offices from priests who lived in unchastity.^ He bade them publish these laws everywhere, and by force to hinder married ecclesiastics from adminis- tering the sacraments. He told them not to be abashed if the bishops neglected their duty, but to labour for their own, and their people's salvation. The experiment was a dangerous one. Though successful for the time, it defeated its own end. The laity who had learnt from Gregory VII. to oppose their clergy, in the next century learnt from Arnold how to oppose their Pope,'^ and the full harvest of the rebellion of which Gregory sowed the seed in the year 1074 was gathered in in the time of Luther, when the Teutonic laity threw off their allegiance to the Pope for ever. ^ Ep. lib. ii. 45 ad Rudolphum ducem Sueviae, ap. Labb^, xii. 331 : *. . . rogantes te, ut quicquid episcopi dehinc loquan- * tur aut taceant, vos officium illorum quos aut simoniace promotes ' . . . aut in crimine fornicationis jacentes cognoveritis, nullatenus * recipiatis.' 2 Arnold of Brescia, an. 11 54. See Chap. VIII. 200 ^^^ HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. PART The Other chief Instrument by which Gregory VII. \ — sought to enforce his decree was by means of coun- cmuicils cils held in different countries, and by sending papal l,e^ates l^g^-tes to assist the metropolitans, and to stir up the laity against the clergy. Two synods which the archbishop of Menz, Sigfrid, convened to put the papal decree in execution, ended in tumult. When A.D. Sio^frid required his clergy assembled at Erfurt,^ either Oct. 1074 & ^l fc>/ ' to separate from their wives or to resign their places, the most determined resistance was offered. The clergy threatened to depose and even to murder their archbishop if he persisted in carrying the measure. Oct. 1075 At Mainz '^ in the following year, the resistance was still more determined : the papal legate who was present to enforce obedience nearly lost his life, and Sigfrid contented himself with ordering that in future none but unmarried persons should be elected to 1074 spiritual offices. Similar disturbances happened elsewhere, at Rouen ^ and Paris. At the latter synod, the bishops, abbots, and assembled clergy declared Hildebrand's orders to be unendurable, and therefore irrational ; the abbot of Pont- 1 sere, who had ventured to speak in behalf of the papal order, was beaten and spit upon, and loaded with insults.^ ^ Oct. 1074. See GiES. iii. 10. Neand. vii. 128, confounds the order of the two synods. The Synod of Erfurt is not noticed at all by Labbe. 2 Concil. Mogunt. Oct. 1075, Labb^, xii. 582 : * Exurgentes ' qui undique assidebant clerici, ita eum [Sigefridum] verbis con- * fundebant, ita manibus et totius corporis gestu in eum debaccha- ' bantur, ut se vita comite a synodo discessurum desperaret' See also Gregory's Letter to Sigfrid, lib. iii. 4. 3 Concil. Rotomag. Labbe, xii. 579. ^ Concil. Paris, an. 1074, Mansi, Suppl. ii. 6: ' Vehementes CHIEF POINTS OF REFORM. 20I Nothing daunted, however, by this opposition, cHxVp. Gregory continued to pursue the path which he had once struck out. Legates ^ were despatched every- cess. where armed with full penal powers to suspend and to excommunicate the married clergy, and to stir up the people against them. Gerhard, bishop of Salz- burg, was rebuked ^ because he allowed his clergy to go on in their old manner of life. Otto, bishop of Constance,^ was reprimanded for the same offence. The monks were supported against the free-minded bishop of Turin, Cunibert, who had allowed his clergy to marry. ^ Partly by the fanaticism of the people, partly by the help of the monks, and partly too by the energy of his own character, Gregory was at last so far successful, that his decrees were every- where outwardly adopted. In England only, where William the Conqueror maintained his supremacy over the Church with an iron arm, the law of celibacy received important alterations at the synod of Win- chester,^ and the king refused the bishops, com- ' ira succensi qui aderant ad versus Dei famulum, mancipia regis ' suo sceleri conjungentes, exclamantesque omnes in una conspi- ' ratione consurgunt, ipsum de concilio rapiunt, trahunt, impin- * gunt, colaphizant, conspuunt, multisque contumeliis affectum ad * domum regis perducunt.' ^ On Legates, see below, chap. xii. ^ Ep. lib. i. 30, Labb^, xii. 260. ^ Ep. App. B. Labb^, xii. 538 ; and Neand. vii. 129. * Neand. vi. 150 ; vii. 131. •^ Concil. Winton. an. 1076, Labb6, xii. 593 : ' Decretum est, ' ut nullus canonicus uxorem habeat : sacerdotum vero in castellis, * vel in vicis habitantium, habentes uxores, non cogantur, ut dimit- ' tant ; non habentes, interdicantur ut habeant. Et deinceps * caveant episcopi ut sacerdotes vel diaconos non praesumant * ordinare, nisi prius profiteantur ut uxores non habeant.' 202 THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. PART II. (3) Sir mony. missioned by the synod, permission to travel to Rome.' The other point to which the attention of the re- forming party was directed, was the suppression of simony. So universal was the practice of purchasing preferment from the lowest to the highest offices, that Berengar could speak of it ^ as a notorious fact that no cities received bishops by canonical appointment. Indeed one of the first acts which marked the dawn of a new day for the Papacy, was the holding of a synod at Rome to devise measures for suppressing simony.^ Above other churches, Milan was distin- guished for her traffic in benefices : the condition of the clergy was correspondingly bad,^ and violent disputes broke out on two occasions in that city, when attempts were made to suppress the abuse.^ One of the first measures of reform undertaken by Leo IX. had been the revival of the laws against simony.^ ^ GiEs. iii. 27. 2 Berengar. De sacra Coejia, p. (y^ : ' Novi nostrorum tempo- * rum episcopos et abbates, quam nullae urbes hoc tempore eccle- * siastica institutione episcopos accipiant.' ^ Concil. Rom. an. 1047. Labbj^, xi. 1314, ^ In Landulph de St. Paulo's Life of Ariald (published by PuricelH), the following account is given, ch. ii. : ' Istis temporibus ' inter clericos tanta erat dissolutio, ut alii uxores, alii meretrices ' publice tenerent ; alii venationibus, alii aucupio vacabant ; par- ' tim foenerabantur in publico ; partim in vicis tabernas exerce- * bant cunctaque ecclesiastica beneficia more pecudum vendebant.' This had been the state of things at Rome and elsewhere. See p. 125. See the complaint of Ratherius apud Labb^, xi. 814, ad an, 932. ^ First in the Papacy of Nicolas II., Neand. vi. 164, afterwards in that of Alexander II. Neand. vi. 169. 6 Capit. 16 Leonis IX. apud Labbe, xi. 1380 ; Concil. Roman. CHIEF POINTS OF REFORM. Both Nicolas II. and Alexander 11.^ repeated enact- chap. VII. ments on the same subject, but apparently with little eftect, and both of them had attempted to quell the disturbances which had broken out in the church of IMilan in the attempt to suppress simony. After ten years of toil, Ariald, who had first appeared as a preacher of repentance against the corruption of the Milanese Church,^ but had afterwards become the leader of the popular party, fell a victim to the ven- geance of the aristocracy,^ and now Alexander II. a. d. 1067 succeeded in time in healing the schism in that church, and renewed the former ordinances against simony. At Florence, divisions ending in bloodshed had resulted between the party accused of simony ^ and the more zealous clergy, nor could they be allayed until the archbishop who supported the former party had resigned. But although the tide of popular sympathy set against the simoniacal prelates, and simony had been so frequently denounced by the preceding Popes, yet the vice was the most formid- able one which Gregory had to overcome. It involved him in a struggle with the emperor ; it caused him to threaten Philip king of France with I. an. 1049, Labb^, xi. 1394; Concil. Roman. III. an. 1050, Labb^, xi. 1446. 1 Enactments on simony in the time of Victor 11. at Concil. Lugd. 1055, Labbe, xii. 4 and Concil. Tolos. an. 1056, Labbe, p. 13 ; in the time of Nicolas II., Decretum contra simoniacos at Concil. Roman. 1059, Labb£, xii. 45 ; in the time of Alexander II. at Concil. Rom. I. an. 1063, Labb6, xii. 137, at Concil. Mogun. II. an. 107 1, Labbe, xii. 185. 2 Neand. vi. 159. ^ Ibid. p. 164, 171. ■* Ibid. p. 171. 204 THE HILDEBRANDJAN ERA. PART the ban ; It was the beginning of the long train of '- — opposition which he encountered, which ended In his own death In exile. ^/"^-/v/ -^^ ^ synod held at Rome in the year 1075/ the princes decree went forth that if any person accepted a of the bishopric or an abbacy from the hands of a layman, 7e/on?i. 5m^}^ person should not be regarded as a bishop or Threat- abbot, nor be allowed to enter a church, till he had e?is Philip of given up the place thus obtained ; and It declared France. ^^^ ^^ Same should hold good of inferior Church offices. By one blow aimed at the root of the matter, and by forbidding lay investiture at all, Gre- gory thought to eradicate simony for ever. For this offence he excommunicated five privy coun- cillors of the German king, Henry IV.^ He had already threatened King Philip of France with a similar penalty.^ This last step was followed up by . a letter addressed to the French bishops,^ reproach- 1 In Anselmus Liiccetisis cont?'a Guibert, ii. 383, in Canish Led. ed. Basnage, iii. i : ' Si quis deinceps episcopatum vel abbatiam * de manu alicujus laicae personae susceperit, nullatenus inter *■ Episcopos vel Abbates habeatur, nee uUa ei ut Episcopo vel ' Abbati audientia concedatur, insuper ei gratiam beati Petri et * introitum ecclesiae interdicimus, quousque locum, quern sub * crimine tarn ambitionis quam inobedientiae, quod est salus idola- * triae, cepit, resipiscendo non deserit. Similiter etiam de inferio- ' ribus ecclesiasticis dignitatibus constituimus. Item si quis Im- * peratorum, Regum, Ducum, Marchionum, Comitum, vel quilibet * saecularium potestatum vel personarum, investituram episco- * patuum vel alicujus ecclesiasticae dignitatis dare praesumserit, * ejusdem senlentiae vinculo se adstrictum sciat.' 2 Concil. Rom. II. an. 1075, Labbe, xii. 581. 3 Lib. i. Ep. 35, an. 1073, Labbe, xii. 263. ^ Lib. ii. Ep. 5, an. 1074, Labb^, xii. 302 : ' Quod si nee hujus- ' modi districtione voluerit respiscere, nulli clam aut dubium STRUGGLE W7TH THE EMPIRE. 205 Ing them most severely for not exercising a restrain- chap. ing influence on the king, and assuring them that should the king not listen to their representations and show signs of repentance, he would, with God's help, use every means to wrest the kingdom of France from his hands. Greater matters, however, than mere simonlacal abuses diverted Gregory's attention from France strnlp-le to Germany, when the ungoverned passions of "^^^^-^ Henry IV. were aroused to their highest pitch by iv. the excomrrtunication of his ministers. Vacillating f^^Jj'^i' and licentious, passionate and wayward, Henry IV. the Pope. had already estranged the affections of a great part of his subjects, upon whose support Gregory could count with certainty if the quarrel were pushed to extremities. When, therefore, it appeared that the king defied the sentence of excommunication pro- nounced upon his ministers, and that he continued to fill vacant bishoprics in Germany and Italy in an arbitrary manner, Gregory, taking advantage of the disaffection of Henry's subjects, ventured to do what he dared not attempt towards the haughty William the Conqueror, guilty of the same offence : he summoned Henry to appear before his judgment- seat at Rome. The heading of his letter ' Gregory to King Henry, health and Apostolic greeting, i. e. in case he obeys the Apostolic See, as becomes a Christian prince,^ was of itself enough to arouse the * esse volumus, quin modis omnibus regnum Franciae de ejus * occupatione, adjuvante Deo, tentemus eripere.' * Lib. iii. Ep. 10, an. 1075, Labb^, xii. 367 : ' Gregorius epi ' scopus servus servorum Dei Henrico rege, salutem et apostolicam 2o6 THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. PART anger of the emperor, and was an indignity offered to the greatest monarch in Christendom. Nor was the indignity rendered less by his sending three legates, natives of countries subject to the emperor, to reprove him for his transgressions, and to inform him that unless he appeared at Rome, he would be cut off from the communion of the Church. Well might Henry feel the indignity, and declare that the Pope was overstepping the limits of his spiritual duties. But it was a rash act on his part to meet A.D. 1076 that threat by convening a Council at Worms ; ^ still more rash was it for him to receive against Gregory the charges of the cardinal, Hugo Blancus, once the Pope's friend, now his bitterest enemy, and to ele- vate a Germ.an council to be a court of inquiry on an absent bishop. But perhaps the rashest act of all was the way in which that Synod of Worms, on January 24, 1076, pronounced sentence of deposition on Gregory ; bishops and abbots, without hearing one word in his defence, allowing themselves to be used as blind tools of the emperor, and all, with two excep- tions, acquiescing in the sentence of deposition. If Gregory had before overstepped his powers, Henry in turn overstepped his, and thus the false step of the Pope was recovered by the precipitation of the emperor. {b) Inso- Still more did Henry put himself in a position of liejiry. disadvantage by the way in which he announced this benedictionem, si tamen apostolicae sedi ut Christianum decet regem obedierit.' ^ An. 1076. Labbe, xii. 595. STRUGGLE WITH THE EMPIRE. 207 decision to the Pope. If Gregory's letter to Henry chap. had been insulting, Henry's reply to the Pope was '- — not less insulting.^ ' Henry, king by the grace of God, and not by the will of man, to Hildebrand, no longer Apostolical, but a false monk.' It ended — ' This sentence of condemnation having been pro- nounced upon you by us and all our bishops, descend from the Apostolical chair you have usurped : Let another mount the chair of St. Peter, who will not cloak deeds of violence under religion, but set forth the sound doctrines of St. Peter. I, Henry, and all our bishops bid you come down, come down.' If Gregory had treated Henry with indignity by send- ing three of his subjects as legates, Henry now sent this letter to Gregory by an Italian ecclesiastic, Ro- land of Parma. If Henry's indignation had been great when he received the Pope's message, not less was the indignation great at the synod of Rome, when Roland delivered the emperor's message. Gregory sat among the assembled bishops in the W Henry Lateran. 1 he hymn implonng the descent of the vimii- Holy Ghost had scarcely ceased, when Roland ap- '^^ ^ ' peared in the midst of the assembly, and delivering his letter, announced its contents by bidding Gregory come down. The bishop of Porto shouted ' Seize him ; ' and already Cencius, the governor of the city, had sprung forth with his soldiers, when Gregory interposed his own person, protected the ambassador, and restored order. Then standing up, he spoke of ^ An. 1076, Mansi, SiippL ii. 16: * Henricus non usiirpative, ' sed pia Dei ordinatione rex, Hildebrando, jam non apostolico ' sed falso monacho.' 2o8 ^^^^ HILDEDRANDIAN ERA. PART the coming latter days ; of the dry harvest about to '- — be wet with the blood of the saints ; of the time for vengeance being come ; of the little flock for whom the kingdom was prepared ; and waiting till the next day to give greater solemnity to his sentence, he pronounced the interdict on Henry in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, and, by the authority of St. Peter, declared him deposed from the government of Germany and Italy, and absolved all subjects from their oath of allegiance to hlm.^ A.D. This sentence was hailed with delight by Henry's discontented subjects. The Saxon and Suabian princes assembled at Tribur In the autumn of the same year, and, after hearing the Papal legates, de- cided to elect a new king.^ A variety of fruitless negotiations with Henry ensued; and at length it was agreed that the disputes between Henry and his subjects should be laid before the Pope at Augsburg on the festival of the Purification next, and that if, by any fault of his own, the emperor remained ex- communicate for a year, he should be for ever after- wards Incapable of holding the government.^ {d) Henry This was by far the most galling of the conditions penance to whlch Henry submitted. Yet it would have been well if he had calmly adhered to these conditions. Now everything seemed to him to depend on his being absolved from the Papal sentence. Without such absolution he thought he had no hope of being able to treat with the princes on an equal footing. ^ Concil. Roman, iii. 1076, Labbe, xii. 598; Mansi, Sicppl. ii. 18 ; MiLMAN, book vii. chap. ii. vol. iv. p. 75 (small edition). 2 GiES. iii. 17. * Neanp. vii. 150. ai Ca- nossa. STRUGGLE WITH THE EMPIRE. 209 VII. Hence he determined to risk everything to obtain chap. absokition. From Speier he set out, and in the un- usually cold winter of the year 1076, he crossed the Alps with his wife and little son, and one attendant of no rank. And there encouraged by the mild treatment, which the excommunicate bishops and laity who had preceded hirn met with at the hands of Gregory, Henry determined to throw himself at the feet of the Pope, and to implore forgiveness. On a dreary winter morning, with the ground deep in snow, the king, the heir of a long line of empe- rors, was permitted to enter within the two outer of the three walls which girded the castle of Canossa, within which were Gregory, the aged Abbot of Clugny, and the Countess Matilda. With no mark of royalty about him, clad only in the thin white dress of a penitent, and fasting, he awaited the pleasure of the Pope. But the gates did not unclose. A second day he stood cold, hungry, and mocked by vain hope ; and yet a third day dragged on, from morning to evening ; and every heart was moved save that of the representative of Jesus Christ.^ Yielding, however, at length to the pressing en- treaties of the countess, Gregory so far relented, that he allowed the king to approach his presence. But there his reception was most humiliating. He was required to take an oath that he would fulfil the severe conditions which Gregory announced. Only on these terms could absolution be granted him. The emperor, who had humbled himself so far to ^ MiLMAN, iv. 97. p 2i:o THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. PART obtain the one object which he had in view, did not II. . '. — shrink from the new conditions. He consented reluctantly, perhaps even with a mental reservation, and absolution was bestowed on him. But, at the very moment that Gregory gave him absolution, as though to humble him still more, he called on him to vindicate his innocence by the ordeal of the sacrament. Taking in his hands the conse- crated host, the Pope referred to the accusations which Henry had raised against him ; and praying that if he had usurped the Apostolic See by simo- niacal practices, he might be struck dead at once, or if innocent, that God would acquit him that day, he partook of the consecrated host.^ A sudden burst of admiration thrilled the w^hole congregation, when he was seen to stand unscathed in calm assurance. But when he appealed to Henry to follow his ex- ample, and by one short course to free the Church from scandal, and himself from a long and doubtful trial, the emperor paused, and trembled. Was it that he was really guilty, or was it that he was broken down by the sufferings of the last few days? He declared that though this trial might be satisfactory to the few present, it would have no effect on his most violent enemies who were absent, and prayed that the whole question might be reserved for a general council. {e) Gre- Gregory had now pushed matters too far. Earnest ^death in ^^^ sincere as he was in his desire to reform the Church, and in his view of his own exalted position, 1 Neand. vii. 154. exile. STRUGGLE WITH THE EMPIRE. 211 he had too deeply entrenched on the prerogative of chap. the secular power to escape the penalty of his rash- ness. The German princes might meet and elect a rival emperor ; Gregory might anew pronounce sentence of excommunication on Henry, when Henry seemed completely conquered at the battle of Flarc- heim;^ but retribution at length overtook the Pope. a.d. ioSo He had invoked the sword to defend his prerogative. To the sword he owed his own exile from Rome. The scene at Canossa had been one of insolent triumph for the priest ; the scene at Salerno was its counter- part for the emperor. The Emperor Rudolph of Swabia was dead, slain by the hand of a future crusader, Godfrey of Boulogne. The lands of the Countess Matilda were In Henry's hands, laid waste by the vengeance of his soldiers. Rome itself was a mass of smoking ruins ; the Nor- mans, who appeared as the champions of the Pope, and had^ wrested it from Henry, having plundered, murdered, defiled, destroyed everything. There only a year previously the solemn ceremonial had taken place of the coronation of the victorious Henry, by the antlpope, Clement HI. Now, although the Nor- mans had recovered Rome, Henry and the antlpope were still all powerful. Gregory could not trust himself in his own episcopal city. In exile he lived at Salerno, and there death came upon him slowly. Unrelenting even in his last moments, he excepted from the general absolution which he pronounced ^ GiES. iii. 19. ^ The Norman prince, Richard, had taken an oath of fideHty to Gregory in 1073. Lib. i. Ep. 21, Labb^, xii. 252, p 2 212 THE HILDEBRANDIAN ERA. PART on mankind, his implacable enemies, the Emperor '- — Henry, and the usurping Pontiff, together with their counsellors and abettors, and then giving vent to the bitterness of his soul, he uttered his last memorable words, ' I have loved justice, and hated iniquity, therefore I die in exile/ An ecclesiastic who attended on him, replied : ' Thou canst not die in exile, Vicar of Christ and his apostle : for thou hast the heathen for thine inheritance, and the utter- most parts of the earth for thy possession.' ^ A.D. But in exile Gregory did die, forlorn, deserted, 1085' friendless ; in exile he atoned for his undue severity to Henry at Canossa. Beginning his Pontificate with a sincere wish to reform the Church, he had soon confounded the end with the means, his own theory of government with reform. Afterwards, as this theory obtained a firmer hold upon his mind, the enthusiasm of a fanatic grew upon him, and he ended his life the champion of the Papal theocracy. He had pushed his theory to its logical consequences, and asserted it against kings and bishops; but his conduct was premature. Gregory's treatment of the em- peror unmasked his projects, and turned back for a time the course of papal victories. In the storm, which his own conduct had raised about the Papacy, his life was ended. It was reserved for his suc- cessors to realise the schemes which their daring predecessor had mapped out. Meantime the Hilde- brandian era did not pass away without seeing the fall of both its great actors — Henry humbled at Canossa, Gregory dying in exile. ^ Neand. \'ii. 161 j GiES. ii. 2^. AGE OF GREATNESS. 213 CHAPTER VIII. THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES : ALEXANDER II. TO ALEXANDER III. (1059— 1179.) Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis ; et conculcabis leonem et draconein. — Ps. xc. [xc] 13. THE struggle between the Popes and antipopes, chap. which occupies the central place in the history '- of the See of Rome for rather more than a century, beginning with the Papacy of Alexander II. and ending with that of Alexander III., was but one ex- pression of a general rivalry, which dates from the coronation of Charles the Great, and does not conclude until the collapse of the Holy Empire. It was a struggle, in fact, between two rival powers for the appointment to the most important place in Christendom. If the Bishop of Rome was the supreme sovereign of Christendom, it could not be indifferent to the powers of Europe, whether he were appointed in their own interests and by their influence, or whether he were created by a body opposed to themselves. Hence they who aspired to lead the Christian world, naturally aspired to have a voice in the election of the Pontiff No wonder, therefore, that the age of antipopes should begin with the coronation of Charles. For were there not after that coronation Popes. 21 A THE POPES AND ANTI POPES. PART two rival aspirants to supremacy, the newly-crowned — Transalpine emperors, and the people of Rome, jea- lous of their old privilege of election ? No wonder, too, that antipopes should continue to be raised up from time to time, even after the submission of the emperors, until the age of the reformation. For were not the interests of the Transalpine and Cis- alpine Churches divided, and was not therefore each Church anxious, whenever it had an opportunity, to secure a Pope favourable to itself ? A. Causes It IS not, however. with the earlier or the later pearance forms of this rival struggle that we are at present con- %nhP.f cerned. In a preceding chapter, several instances of antipopes raised up to resist the imperial authority in Italy have been mentioned.^ In a subsequent chapter, the great schism of the West, and its con- clusion after the Council of Basle, will engage discus- sion.^ One period therefore only occupies our atten- tion here, the period of antipopes in the narrower sense of the term, the period which w^as ushered in by the bull of Nicolas II., constituting the Electoral College, and which was concluded by that of Alexander III., requiring a majority of two-thirds in that college to make an election valid. The bull of Nicolas 1 1, indeed limited the right, which had hitherto either belonged to the people or been exercised by the emperors, to the College of Cardinals at Rome; but as within that elective body there was the same play and antagonism of interests as in Christendom gene- rally, it likewise compressed this rivalry and an- tagonism within narrower limits. Antipopes became 1 See Chap. V. pp. 128, 137. 2 chap. XIV. CAUSES OF THE RIVALRY. 215 more common than they had been heretofore. With- chap. VIII. in the newly-erected College of Cardinals the same struggles went on which were going on in the world at large — struggles between the Italian and the Ger- man, between the Roman and the imperial parties. The Roman party, with which the clerical was now combined, was anxious to emancipate itself from all other control ; the imperial to vindicate the preroga- tives of the Empire. The rival elections of the college represent these parties respectively, and were made in the interests of either the one or the other party. They were but another instance of the rivalry of interests which lay at the root of the strife about investitures, which was involved in Becket's dis- pute with Henry II. about jurisdiction, and which prompted the papal interference with clerical pro- perty. The rivalry was, in fact, as old as the intro- duction of Latin Christianity among the Teutonic races. It was the same rivalry which, under other forms, agitates the world now. The first period in the history of the struggle dates (0 De- from the Papacy of Alexander II., and extends to Nicolas the time of the compromise on the subject of investi- j^^l^ tures concluded at Worms, between Henry I. and '"^'^■^^• Calixtus II. After that compromise follows a period during which the struggle was temporarily in abey- ance, both the Pope and the emperor being engaged with other matters. And again, thirty years later, the struggle was revived between Frederic I. and Hadrian IV., and continued until the year 11 79, when Alexander III., by a new bull, rendered a double election within the college of cardinals im- possible. 1 6 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART In founding the College of Cardinals, and commit- ting to it the election of all future Popes, Nicolas was unmistakably raising up a new rival authority to that of the emperor. The emperor was no longer to have the privilege — granted by Hadrian II. to Charles the Bald, by Leo VIII. to Otto I., and exercised by Otto I. in the appointment of Leo VIII., by Otto IIL in that of Gregory V. and Sylvester n.,by Henry III. in that of Clement IL — the privilege of nominating the Pope. Only a limited right of approval was allowed to him ; the election was to rest with the cardinals of the people and city of Rome.^ It was the emperor's wish to assert the imperial authority in Italy : that of the Pope was to have Italy independent and himself supreme in Rome. With interests so op- posed, it was natural to expect that the views of the Pope and the emperor would clash; that the papal and imperial parties would come into collision. Nor were those expectations mistaken. When at the next vacancy of the papal chair after the decree of Nicolas II., Alexander II. was elected according to its provisions,^ the imperial party, headed by the Count of Galeria, refused to accept his election as valid, and at Basle elected an antipope in the person of Honorius 11.^ ^ See the decree quoted, Chap. VII. p. 192 (note). 2 Neand. vi. 167 ; LABBf, Vit. Alex. II. xii. 70. 3 The list of Popes during this period is as follows : Popes Antipopes Alexander II. 1 06 1 , died 1072. Honorius II. i o 6 1 , died Gregory VII. 1073, died 1085. 1066. Clement III. 1080, died HOC. VIII. (2) Nor- man as- sistance. CAUSES OF THE RIVALRY. 2 17 Taken by itself, the decree of Nicolas would have chap. been powerless to secure success to the Roman party. Nay, more, it would have been readily superseded by the Imperial authority. But there were other circumstances, which helped to give it weight. Chief among these were the military support which the Popes had latterly experienced from a new power settled in Italy — the Normans — and the moral sup- a.d. 1054 port which they gained from the anti-German sym- pathies of the people. Once Leo IX., when a captive, had sanctioned the conquests of his captors.^ Since then Nicolas had confirmed Robert Guiscard, the Norman Duke, in the possession of Southern Italy and Sicily;^ and, what was more, had received ^073 from him in return an oath of fealty and a promise of support. To cement the friendship between the Normans and the Popes, Alexander II. sent a con- secrated banner to William, when about to undertake the conquest of England ; ^ and the Normans had in Popes Antipopes Victor III. 1086, died 1087. "• \ Urban II. 1087, died 1099. \,, Paschal II. 1099, died 11 18. Gelasius 11. 11 18, died 11 19. Gregory VIII. 11 18, taken prisoner 1121. Calixtus II. 1 1 19, died. 11 24. The life of Alexander II. will be found in Labbe, xii. 70; that of Gregory VII., ibid. p. 230 ; that of Victor III., ibid. p. 703 ; that of Urban II., ibid. p. 711 ; that of Paschal II., ibid. p. 963 ; that of Gelasius II., ibid. p. 1235 ; that of Calixtus II., ibid. p. 1 25 1. ^ Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Ivi. p. 333. 2 Gibbon, ibid. p. 334; Gregorii VII. Ep. i. 21; Labbe, xii. 252. ^ LiNGARD; vol. i. ch. vi. p. 186. 2i8 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART return shown their fideHty to the Pope. When Gregory VII. was enclosed by the victorious em- peror in the castle of St. Angelo, Robert Guiscard came to his relief, and rescuing him from confinement, recovered Rome from the emperor's hands. The friendship between the Popes and the Normans increased whilst Urban II. was an exile. He found a refuge in a Norman city under Norman protection. At a later time, Eugenius III. was brought back from exile by Roger, King of Sicily, and the gratitude of Hadrian IV. confirmed Roger's successor, William, in his newly-won conquests. (3) Po- The other cause which favoured the growth of sym- papal independence was popular sympathy. No- ^^ ^^' where was this so clearly manifested as in the life of Gregory VII. Once the lawless Roman, Cencius, had ventured to carry him off by force from the church, when he was keeping the vigil on the eve of Christmas Day, but it was no sooner discovered that Gregory was a prisoner, than the populace surged round the castle of Cencius, anxious to effect a rescue by force. Engines were brought from all quarters : the walls began to yield : they were broken down or climbed over. When at lenorth Gregory stood in the midst of his deliverers, a res- cued man, so great was the enthusiasm in his favour, that he was borne in triumph to the church of St. Maria Maggiore, and thence to the Lateran.^ When the first crusade had been preached, the popular ^ MiLMAN, book vii. vol. iv. ch. ii. p. 66 (small edition). FIRST PERIOD OF THE RIVALRY. 2ig sympathy again showed itself on the side of the chap. Popes. A crusading army marched upon Rome — — — to dethrone the antipope, to re-estabhsh Urban II. And who will say, to what extent popular sympathy was influential in facilitating the return of Euge- nius III. to Rome, at the very time that the second crusade was being undertaken } The Popes would have had a slender chance of success in a lengthened struggle with so mighty a potentate as the emperor, had not the sympathies of the people been enlisted in their behalf In advancing to power they only expressed the popular wish. All men of any moral earnestness were to be found in the ranks of their supporters — Anselm, Peter Damiani, Bernard, Thomas a Becket. Those who opposed the Pope were mostly the licentious and lawless prelates. It may be granted that the channel in which the popular sympathy flowed, was one likely to lead to mischief, but it ought never to be forgotten that it was the one in which all the earnest and devout men of the day were to be found. Until the time of Gregory VII., the contest be- b. First tween the rival parties did not assume any grreat ^^''^^'^• •^ ^ A.D. importance. Honorius II. had been set up in oppo- 1061-1122 sition to Alexander II., but the emperor was a ^aldfrTi child at the time, and the schism was soon healed bv ^'^'^.^^-^ •^ fionus II. the intervention of his guardian, Anno of Cologne. 1061 No doubt the desire felt by the German princes to weaken the royal power may have helped to settle the dispute, since to them it was a matter of moment to strengthen the Pope's hand against the 2 20 ^^^ POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART emperor.^ Honorius was soon forsaken, and Alex- vicnt III. A.D ander was universally acknowledged at Mantua. (2) Grc- Far different was the case of the rival Pope, and Ch'-' Clement III., who was elected at Brescia in the year oSo' 1080 by the imperial party — a party then consoli- dated by Henry's unfortunate struggle with Gregory V II., and daily gaining in strength. Gregory's designs had been unmasked, and the rival emperor was dead. ^ For ten years, the antipope, Clement III., ruled at Rome. Meantime, Gregory VII. ended his days at Salerno, Victor III. lived and died at Monte Casino, and Urban II. was an exile at Amalfi, Monte Casino, or some other of the Norman cities under Norman protection. It seemed as though the emperor had recovered all his ancient authority, as though the decree of Nicolas would henceforth be no more than a dead letter. Suddenly a new power was thrown into the scale of the Pope, and all was changed. This new power was no other than popular sym- pathy, which found an opportunity for expressing itself in the first crusade. In the spring of the year 1095, there assembled at Piacenza; at the summons of ^ Neand. vi. 168. Alexander was first acknowledged at the Synod of Osborn, 1062, afterwards, generally, at the Synod of Mantua, 1064. 2 After Henry IV.'s penance at Canossa, January 1077, the majority of German princes assembled at Forchheim, March 1077, and elected Rudolph, Duke of Swabia, to be their king. Gregory VII. declared for Rudolph, March 1080, whereupon Henry's par- tisans, meeting at Mainz and Brescia, elected Guibert, Archbishop of Ravenna, to be Pope, June 1080. He took the name of Clement III. The rival emperor died in October 1080. See GiES. iii. 20, Labb£, xii. 646. FIRST PERIOD OF THE RIVALRY. 22 1 Urban, a vast concourse of people, of bishops and chap. . VIII. abbots, of clergy and of laity : no church or public building could contain the host : they met in the great plain outside the city. One spirit seemed to have possessed them all ; one petition seemed to be in the mouth of all — to go forth against the unbe- lievers who had captured Jerusalem. Not less was the enthusiasm shown at Clermont, where another council was held, and where Urban himself, in glow- ing terms, described how the infidels were the lords of the Holy City, hallowed by the life and death of the Saviour ; how now the churches and the Holy Sepul- chre had become stalls for cattle, and Christian men were massacred, and Christian women ravished within its holy precincts. The desire to respond to the sum- mons spread like an epidemic madness ; ^ and those whose enthusiasm had been enkindled against the enemies of Christendom, were not less bitter against the enemies of the Pope who had fanned the enthu- siasm. A crusading army marched upon Rome, to restore the Pope before it marched to Jerusalem. The antlpope, Clement HI., was driven from Rome ; his Influence was gone; and he died in obscurity. a.d. noo Urban H. was restored to his See. No rival Pope ventured to contest the chair of St. The Peter during the Papacy of Paschal H. His nine- in abey- teen years of office were occupied with other troubles. ^J^^^^^ In England the struggle respecting investitures was Pj^^chal going on between Anselm and King Henry I., and 1099-1118 not concluded till the year 1 106 : In Germany, those i"'^ 1 Neand. vii. 168; GiES. iii. 31. 222 THE POPES AXD AXTIPOPES. PART between the Pope and Henry IV. and the Pope and Henry V. on the same subject — Henry, stern and exacting ; the Pope, weak and vacillating, agreeing to a compact one year and annulling his grant the next. But no sooner was Paschal H. dead, than the emperor set up Gregory VHI. in opposition to the (3) Gfia- regularly-elected Pope, Gelasius H.^ For the third luiif time since the decree of Nicolas, within the space of J 77/. sixty years, an antipope had been set up. This time A.D. iiis the emperor seemed determined to carry matters with a high hand, and the rightful Pope lingered and died in exile. And yet it was only so in appearance, the imperial victory was short-lived. Three years after the rival pope, Gregory VHI., had been ap- pointed, Calixtus 1 1 . was master of Rome, the anti- pope his prisoner. Over the Concordat of Worms, the first scene in the history of antipopes closes.^ The last Franconian emperor, Henry V., is seen releasing to God and St. Peter all investiture by ring and staff. ^ GiES. iii. 44. 2 Conventus Wormati. an. 1122, Labbie, xii. 1325 : 'Ego Cal- * listus Episcopus, sen^us servonim Dei, tibi dilecto filio Henrico, ' Dei gratia Romanonim imperatori augusto, concedo electiones ' episcoporum et atbatum Teutonici regni, qui ad regniim perti- * nent, in praesentia tua fieri, absque simonia et aliqua violentia. * . . . Electus autem a te regalia accipiat per sceptrum ; exceptis ' omnibus quae ad Romanam ecclesiam pertinere noscuntur. . . . ' Ego Henricus Romanonim imperator augustus, pro amore ' Dei et sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, et domini papae Callisti, et ' pro remedio animae meae, remitto Deo et Sanctis apostolis Dei * Petro et Paulo, sanctaeque catholicae ecclesiae, omnem investi- ' turam per annulum et baculum ; et concedo in omnibus ecclesiis 'quae in regno et imperio meo sunt, canonicam fieri electionem ' et liberam fieri consecrationem.' DEPRESSION OF PAPACY AND EMPIRE, 223 restoring to the Roman Church the possessions and chap. regaha of St. Peter, and declaring true peace with his lord, Pope Calixtus and the Roman Church. Calixtus is seen allowing. ecclesiastical elections to be made in the presence of the emperor, and permitting the person elect to receive the regalia by the sceptre. Then the curtain falls. When it next rises, it is on a new scene. The imperial house of Franconia has become extinct; Lothar II., an emperor devoted to the Papacy, has succeeded to the throne.^ And yet the troubles of the Papacy were by no c. De- means over, although its first struggle for re- o/thT^ cognised equality with the empire had ended in a f^^^"^^-^ successful compromise.^ For a time it withdrew from ^"^P^^'^- the struggle. Its power was depressed. Foremost p-essiofi among the causes of this depression was an internal ^^fl^c struggle, a rivalry of Pope against Pope, not of an (a) ^ Henry V. died 11 25. Lothar II., who followed him, was a Saxon. ^ The Popes during the next epoch are as follows : Popes Antipopes Honorius II. 11 24, died 1130. Innocent II. 1 130, ^/V^ 1143. Anadetus II. 1130, died 1138. Coelestine II. 1143, died 1144. Lucius II. ii44j died 1145. Eugenius HI. 1145, died 1153. Anastasius IV. 1153, died 1154. Hadrian IV. 11 54, died 1159. The lives of these Popes will be found in Labb^ ; that of Honorius II., Labb6, xii. 1349 ; that of Innocent II., ibid. p. 1407 ; that of Coelestine II., ibid. p. 1549; that of Lucius IL, ibid. p. 1561; that of Eugenius III., ibid. p. i57r;"~thaY"bf Anastasius IV., ibid. xiii. p. i ; that of Hadrian IV., ibid. p. 11. Schism. A.D. 1 1^0 224 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART antipope set up In the imperial Interest against a Pope elected in the Interests of Italy, but of two rival Popes, each of whom had the support of a party among the cardinals. Such a division would have been impossible but for the decree of Nicolas. It would also have been impossible, if that decree had been explicit as to the number of votes neces- sary to secure an election. The rival Popes were A.D. 1 130 Innocent II. and Anacletus 11.^ — Innocent, who had the advantage of an earlier election, but of doubtful validity ; Anacletus, who had the majo- rity of the cardinals In his favour, and who early gained the support of Roger, Duke of Sicily. But there was one circumstance which from the first told against Anacletus. He was a Jew by descent, the grandson of a rich Jewish banker, who had embraced Christianity. It is difficult to say to what extent the prejudice against his birth told against his cause. In most countries Jews were hated, plundered, pro- scribed, executed ; ecclesiastics had no mercy for them ; and even the spiritual St. Bernard, who from the first warmly espoused the cause of Innocent, called on the emperor to vindicate his throne from the Sicilian usurper, and to defend the Church from the Jewish schismatic. It is probable that this pre- judice weighed greatly In the mind of St. Bernard, and to St. Bernard Innocent was indebted for the possession of his See in the long run. Driven from Rome, where Anacletus reigned supreme. Innocent had taken refuge In France. There by St. Bernard's ^ Neand. vii. 130. DEPRESSIOX OF PAPACY AXD EMPIRE. 225 Influence he was acknov/ledged as lawful Pope by chap. the kings of France, England, Spain, and at last by _ J — the Emperor Lothar. Yielding to the Instances of St. Bernard, the latter even crossed the Alps, and a.d. 1133 advanced on Rome in company with Innocent.^ To reward his fidelity, the Pope solemnly crowned him in the Lateran Church, when Lothar swore to pro- tect the Pope and the royalties of St. Peter to the utmost of his power, and to enforce the restoration of all the rights and possessions withheld by violence from the See. Three years later, he again appeared "3^ with the Intention of restoring Innocent to P.ome, and Rome to Italy ; but the death of Anacletus, whilst he was being besieged in the impregnable fortress of Jan. 1138 St. Angelo, relieved him of his formidable antagonist. At Rome, on April 4, 1139, a thousand bishops, "39 countless abbots, and other ecclesiastical dignitaries, assembled for the second Lateran Council, to com- memorate the termination of the schism, which had so long depressed the Papal power ; and there the Pope distinctly enunciated the new doctrine that he was a spiritual liege-lord on a level with temporal liege-lords, of whom all ecclesiastical dignities were held, as temporal dignities were held of kings. There, too, he denounced the sacrilegious ambition of the antlpope, degraded all whom he had promoted, expelled and deposed all whom he had consecrated.^ ^ Lothar's first appearance in Italy was in the year 1133. His second visit 1136. He died before the siege of Rome, December 1 137. See MiLMAN, vol. iv. book viii. ch. iv. p. 320; Neand. vii. 195. 2 Chronicon Mauriniacense, apud Labbe, xii. 1507, an. 1139, Q 226 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART II. {b) Ro- man Re- piiblic. But the voice of triumph had hardly died away, when the council had to treat of another subject, which threatened the papal power with new danger. Arnold, a young- clergyman of Brescia, trained In the school of Abelard, who had learnt from Gregory VI I. the lesson of stirring up the laity against the corrupt clergy, had come forward as a preacher of righteous- ness. His aim was to make a distinction between the Church and the State ; to bring back the Church to the pattern of Apostolic times ; to leave the State to take care of itself.^ At the second Lateran Coun- cil he was condemned and driven from Italy. But from his exile In France his teaching came back to Italy and Rome. The old dream of a Roman re- public revived In men's minds, as they heard that the Pope's claim to temporal sovereignty was a new the Pope in his allocution says : ' Nostis, quia Roma caput est ' mundi, et quia a Romani pontificis licentia ecclesiastici honoris ' celsitudo quasi feodalis juris consuetudine suscipitur et sine ejus ' permissione legaliter non tenetur. Scitis etiam, quia ejus pro- ' prium est, ut dissentientes pacificet, et confusa sapienter disponat ' et ordinet. Porro inipossibile est, ut unguentum in barbam de- ' scendat, si in capite non redundat' See Can. 30. ^ According to the authorities in Labbe, xii. 15 10: '[Arnold] ' dicebat nee clericos proprietatem, nee episcopos regalia, nee ' monachos possessiones habentes, aliqua ratione salvari posse ; ' cunctaque haec principis esse, ab ejusque beneficentia in usum ' tantum laicorum cedere oportere. Praeter haec de sacramento * altaris et baptismo parvulorum non sane dicitur sensisse.' Pro- bably Canon 23, ibid. 1505, was directed against Arnold : ' Eos autem qui religiositatis speciem simulantes, Domini corporis ' et sanguinis sacramentum, baptisma puerorum, sacerdotium, et ' caeteros ecclesiasticos ordines, et legitimarum damnant foedera ' nuptiarum, tanquam haereticos ab ecclesia Dei pellimus et dam- ' namus et per potestates exteras coerceri praecipimus.' DEPRESSION OE PAPACY AND EMPIRE. 2 27 thi.io-. They required the Pope to confine himself chap. to spiritual affairs. They committed to a senate es- L_ tablished on the capital, the supreme direction of affairs.^ They renounced their allegiance to Inno- a.d. 1143 cent. His successor, Lucius II., met his death in 1145 attempting to storm the capital. And Eugenius III. was forced to yield to superior force, and to take 1146 refuge in France. The Papacy seemed prostrate ; this time prostrate before the Romans them- selves. Meantime the imperial preros^ative was also de- W De- ^ ^ <^ pression pressed. The nobles had taken advantage of the of Em- long state of anarchy under Henry IV. and Henry V. to make their fiefs hereditary ; and these, when now vacant, could only be granted afresh by the con- sent of the states. The jurisdiction of the crown had been confined within narrower limits. The principle of imperial elections was gradually supplanting that of hereditary descent.^ Lothar II. and Conrad III. both owed their elevation to election. Instead of the reverence which had formerly encircled the emperor, as the august head of Christendom, enjoying the privilege of naming his successors, a greater import- ance was now attached to the commonwealth of princes and barons. And there was not wanting in Germany a strong party, that of the Welfs, related but opposed to the ruling family of the Hohen- staufen, and supported by the descendants of those ^ Neand. vii. 200; GiES. iii. 52. 2 See the note in Chap. XVII. Q 2 228 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. TART II. A.D. 1 1 22 1 139 ^nz who had been attached to the old house of Saxony/ which preferred to side with the Pope rather than give allegiance to the new imperial house. The clergy, too, had become dangerous, partly owing to the Hildebrandian reforms, which knit them more closely together, partly owing to the spiritual feudal- ism which the Concordat of Worms implied and the second Lateran council expressed. Neither Lo- thar II. nor Conrad III. were able to contend against these disadvantages. Lothar had not de- manded the homage of the clergy for their imperial fiefs ; he had received Matilda's allodial lands as a fee to be held of the Pope.^ Conrad III. had been ^ The genealogy of the Welfs is as follows : Welf IV., Duke of Bavaria, died iioi. I W^ELF v. m. Matilda of Tuscany, died 1 1 20. Henry the Black, Duke of Bavana, m. Wulfhilde Billung, died 1 1 26. 1 HENRY the Proud, m. Gertrude of Supplinburg. Judith, Welf VI. ?//. Frederick, Duke died ii^i. of Swabia. I HENRY the Lion, Emperor FREDERICK I. Welf, Duke of Saxony and Bavaria, (Barbarossa), died 1167. ni. Matilda of England, of Hohenstaufen. died 1 195. Henry the Younger, of the Palatinate, m. Agnes of Hohen- staufen, died 1227. I Lothar, died 1 1 90, i I OTTO IV. W^illiam Longsword, m. Beatrix of 7/1. Helen of Denmark, Hohenstaufen, died 1213. died I2i8, as Emperor OTTO the Child, Duke of Brunswick- Luneburg, Ancestor of the House of BrunsAvick, died 1 252. 2 The document, Innocent II., Ep. ii. Labbe, xii. 1409. DEPKESSION OF PAPACY AND EMPIRE. 2 20 involved In domestic troubles ; he had been absent chap. on a crusade, without having gained any advantage ^__ in battle. The emperors were in fact too weak to take advantage of the depressed state of the Papacy for recovering their own power. Just as the first crusade turned the ebblncr-tlde of (2) ^^- tiirmiig Papal advancement, so the second crusade was the power. signal for the return of the Popes to prosperity and to Rome. The same year that saw the return of Conrad and Louis, and the remains of the vast host, whose enthusiasm at Vezelay under the preaching of St. Bernard knew no bounds, and which had vented itself In a tumultuous cry of 'the Cross ! the Cross !' saw Eugenlus III. return from his exile to Italy.^ The following year saw him at Rome. His return a.d. 1149 to Rome was brought about by the help of Roger, King of Sicily, and the Normans, the ancient allies of the Popes. Probably, too, the enthusiasm for the crusades directed popular sympathy at Rome towards their bishop, and disposed the Roman people to re- ceive Eugenlus as their Pope, whilst they refused to own him as their sovereign.^ Once at Rome, his influence rapidly increased. His skilful and well- timed use of means wrought wonders in his favour, far more than arms or excommunications could have done. His gentleness, generosity, magnificence, and charity slowly supplanted the senate in popular ^ He returned to Rome, an. 1149, by the help of Roger, King of Sicily. GiES. iii. 54. 2 After his first return to Rome Eugenius III. went away. On his second return, an. 1152, he won the city. See Mil. vol. iv. book viii. ch. vii. p. 404. 230 THE POPES AND A A TIP OPES. PART attachment. Arnold's power was wasting away, and '- the victory which was inaugurated by Eugenius III. was completed by Hadrian IV. This Pope, the only Englishman who ever filled the Papal chair, confronted Arnold with severer weapons than his predecessor had done.^ He pronounced on him sentence of banishment ; he laid Rome under an interdict. His spiritual censures overcame the senate. A.D. 1 155 Arnold was banished ; the Republic was at an end ; the Pope was master in the metropolis ; and Hadrian IV., in return for the support vouchsafed by the Normans- to his cause, confirmed William, King of Sicily, in all his conquests.^ Well might the lan- guage addressed by St. Bernard to Eugenius HI. appear to his contemporaries not unfitting language to be addressed to Hadrian after such a success:^ ^ Between Eugenius III. and Hadrian IV. a Pope, Anastasius IV., intervenes, who held the dignity for one year only. 2 Ep. viii. ad Willelmum Regem Siciliae, Labbe, xiii. 21 : ' Hadrianus episcopus servus servorum Dei, carissimo in Christo ' Filio Willelmo illustri et glorioso Siciliae regi ejusque heredibus, ' quos pro voluntaria ordinatione sua statuerit in regnum, in per- ' petuum. . . . Ut autem quae supra diximus tani nostro quani ' successorum nostrorum tempore perpetuam obtineant firmitatem, * et nee tuis, nee tuorum heredum temporibus, alicujus valeant * praesumptione turbari : nos ea de communi consilio et voluntate ' fratrum nostrorum auctoritate apostolica confirmamus, et vali- ' tura in perpetuum praesentis scripti pagina communimus ; et ' tam a nobis quam a nostris successoribus perpetuis temporibus ' statuimus observanda.' 3 S. Bernard. De Consid. ii. 8 : ' Tu quis es % Sacerdos mag- ' nus, summus Pontifex. Tu princeps Episcoporum, tu haeres ' Apostolorum, tu primatu Abel, gubernatu Noe, patriarchatu ' Abraham, ordine Melchisedech, dignitate Aaron, auctoritate ' Moyses, judicatu Sam.uel, potestate Petrus, unctione Christus. LAST PERIOD OF THE STRUGGLE. ^^j ' Chief of bishops, heir of the apostles, in precedence chap. an Abel, In government a Noah, in sireship an Abra- 1_ ham, in order a Melchlsedek, In dignity an Aaron, in authority a Moses, in judgeship a Samuel, In power a Peter, in unction a Christ ; to thee are de- livered the keys, to thee the sheep are entrusted. Others too are porters of heaven, and shepherds of flocks ; but thou art more glorious than they. Inas- much as thou hast inherited a name far above the rest. They have each one a single flock to tend, but to thee all are entrusted, to thee as one fold : Nor art thou the guardian only of the flocks, but also of all the shepherds, thou alone.' A thrill of enthusiasm runs through every historian n. Re- at the mention of the name of the great emperor, ^Itn^^gle Frederic Barbarossa, under whom the Empire re- ^Lf^^^^' covered from Its depression, but recovered only to a.d. succumb afresh to the growing power of the Popes ; ^ ' his reign being like the last bright ray which lights up the heaven at sunset, before the evening finally closes In. About the person and history of this emperor, ' of stature moderately tall, with red hair and beard, with sparkling eyes, broad shoulders, and manly bearing,' ^ there hangs a tale of Interest, not merely connected with the circumstances under which he lost his life, but with his whole relations to the * Tu es, cui daves traditae, cui oves creditae sunt. Sunt quidem ' et alii caeli janitores, et gregum pastores ; sed tu tanto gloriosius, * quanto et differentius utrumque prae ceteris nomen haereditasti. ' Habent illi sibi assignatos greges, singuli singulos ; tibi universi * crediti, uni unus. Nee modo ovium, sed et pastoruni tu unus ' omnium pastor.' * Itinerar. Regis Anglor. Ric. ch. xxiv. 2^2 THE POPES AND AN TIP OPES, PART Popes. It was his destiny first to help them to '- — recover their ^ power in Rome, and then to learn to his cost what it was to be the first victim upon whom that recovered power was exercised. During the Papacy of Hadrian IV., ^ the struggle ^^ (^) , broke out between the Popes and the emperors on struggles ^ ^ ^ of Fredc- three separate occasions. Twice Frederic crossed vie I. luith the Alps and visited Italy, and on each occasion he jy^ '^'^'^ returned victorious from the conflict. On the first occasion a rupture seemed imminent. He had A.D. 1 1 54 crossed the Alps intending to restore the almost for- gotten imperial rights in Italy, and had refused to hold the Pope's stirrup as his predecessor, the Em- ^ Hadrian IV. in the first year of his Pontificate, an. 1155, had placed Rome under a ban, because one of the Cardinals had been attacked and wounded by Arnold's followers. This v/as more than the Romans could bear, and Arnold was driven from Rome. He thereupon found protection and an asylum among some Italian nobles ; but he was torn from his protectors by order of the Emperor Frederic, and handed over to the papal authority. His punishment was inflicted by the prefect of Rome : he was hung ; his body was burned, and his ashes were thrown into the Tiber. See Neand. vii. 217. 2 The Popes during this period are as follows : Popes Antipopes Hadrian IV. 11 54, died 1159. Alexander III. 1159, ob. 1180. Viefor IV. 1159, ob. 1164. Paschal III. 1 1 64, ob. 1 1 68. Calixtiis III 1 168, deposed by Lateran Council, an. 1179. Lucius III. 1 181, ob. 1 185. For the life of Hadrian IV., see Labb£, xiii. 1 1 ; for that of Alexander III., ibid. 65 ; for that of Lucius TIL, ibid. 630. VIII. 155 LAST PERIOD OF THE STRUGGLE. 2'\X peror Lothar II., had done. But the threatened chap. rupture was this time averted by mutual concessions : Frederic yielding the point, in order to obtain the imperial crown, without which his claims to rule might have been constantly disputed ; Hadrian willing June i8, to give the crown in return for the emperor's help in overthrowing Arnold and his party. ^ When, how- ever, Hadrian, in a letter addressed to the emperor, prayed for the punishment of some German knights who had plundered a bishop returning from a pil- grimage, and reminded him of the imperial crown and other beneficia, which had been bestowed on him by the favour of the Popes, his language^ was the signal of a renewed outbreak, in which all estates, not excluding the bishops, took part.^ For the second time, Frederic marched into Italy.^ The Pope ^ GiES. iii. 58. Frederic was crowned June 18, 1155. 2 Ep. ii. Labbe, xiii. 16 : Ad Fredericum Imperatorem, de non * vindicata injuria Lundoniensi archiepiscopo illata : ' Debes enim, * gloriosissime fili, ante oculos mentis reducere, quam gratanter et * quam jucunde alio anno mater tua sacrosancta Romana ecclesia * te susceperit, quanta cordis affectione tractaverit, quantam tibi * dignitatis plenitudinem contulerit et honoris, et qualiter imperialis * insigne coronae libentissime conferens, benignissimo gremio suo ' sublimitatis apicem studuerit confovere : nihil prorsus efficiens ' quod regiae voluntati vel in minimo cognosceret obviare. Neque ' tamen poenitet nos desideria tuae voluntatis in omnibus imple- ' visse ; sed si majora beneficia excellentia tua de manu nostra * suscepisset, si fieri posset, considerantes quanto ecclesiae Dei et * nobis per te incrementa possint et commoda proven ire, non ' imrnerito gauderemus.' Nor was this letter all. For the feudal grant of Matilda's lands to Conrad III. was explained to mean a grant of empire. ^ GiES. iii. 59. ^ Frederic was five times in Italy ; and twice his visits occurred 2 34 ^^^^ POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART sent a milder explanation of the offensive terms, de- '- — daring that his language had been misunderstood/ A.D. 115S and on the fields of Roncaglia a brilliant diet was held, in which the imperial privileges were defined accord- ing to the principles of Roman jurisprudence by civi- lians from Bologna. But from these very definitions, which seemed to infringe on the Papal prerogatives, arose a renewal of the struggle, from w^iich, after lengthy and fruitless negoclatlons,^ death took away Hadrian IV., but only just In time to save Frederic from the threatened sentence of excommunication." (2) Alex- The death of Hadrian IV. came opportunely for IIP and the two Contending parties, and, as might have been dole's expected, It was the signal for raising up a new antl- 1159-1177 pope In the Imperial interest. The College of Car- {p) Vie- (finals was divided between Roland, the chancellor of tor IV. Aiitipope. the Apostolic See — the same Individual who had so 1159-1164 arrogantly pressed the papal claims In the disputes between Frederic I. and Hadrian IV., and who now assumed the name of Alexander III. — and the car- dinal priest, Octavlan, who took the title of Victor IV.^ Following the example of his predecessor in the Papacy of Hadrian: (i) In 1154-55, memorable for the destruction of Tortona. On this occasion he was crowned king of Italy at Pavia, and emperor at Rome. (2) In 1158-62 Milan was reduced. The diet of Roncaglia was held, and the rival Popes, Victor IV. and Paschal IIP, were supported. (3) In 1163. (4) In 1166-68, Alexander III. was driven from Rome, and he was again crowned by Paschal III. His army suffered from fever. (5) In 1174-76, Siege of Alessandria. He was deserted by Henry the Lion and defeated at Legnano. ^ Ep. iv. Labbe, xiii. 18. 2 See the two letters of the Pope. Ep. v. vi. Labbe, xiii. 19. 2 GiES. iii. 61. ^ Neand. vii. 225. LAST PERIOD OF THE STRUGGLE. 2-^5 Henry III., Frederic summoned a council to meet at chap. Pavia in the year 1160, there to decide their claims, ^ and cited the two Pontiffs to appear before it. He ■was met by Alexander, in the spirit of Gregory VH., with a refusal to answer before a lay judge ; and Victor IV. was accordingly recognised by the coun- cil.^ Many countries, however, still upheld Alexander III. Nevertheless, so great for the time being was the success of the imperial party that Alexander was compelled to take refuge in France. But the times were troublous ; Frederic's power was crippled by the hatred and rebellion of the Lombard cities, while the cause of Alexander was in proportion advanced by their disaffection. Besides, Alexander was zealously supported by the monks and recognised by the kings of England and France. Bold and experienced though Frederic might be, he was not a match for the united forces of the hierarchy and the Lombard cities. Supported by the sympathy of the French, it is true, he was able to secure the election of Paschal III. as anti- (p) Pas- pope on the death of Victor IV., that of Calixtus III. '^caiixtus on the death of Paschal III., each one of whom, ^{^'i. ' ' A)iti- however, possessed less authority than his prede- popes. cessor. But meantime, Alexander HI. had returned "^'^ies ^ to Rome. Encouraged by this step, the Veronese league quickly expanded itself, and became a league of the Lombard cities under the leadership of Mi- lan. Frederic's success in again driving Alexander from Rome was only temporary.^ Harassed by the ^ Concil. Papiense, an. 11 60, LabbS, xiii. 266. 2 These events happened on the occasion of his fourth visit to 2^6 ^"^^ POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART disaffection at home of Henry the Lion, the leader II '- — of the Welfs ; weakened abroad by losses through fever and on the battle-field; meeting with continually- increasing resistance in Italy ; he was unable to bear up in the unequal conflict. The victory which was A.D. 1 176 eventually gained by the confederate cities at Leg- nano was hallowed by being fought on the side of the Pope ; and in the following year at Venice, on the 1177 Eve of St. James, a six years' truce was concluded between the Pope and the emperor, according to which Frederic finally abandoned the cause of the antipope Calixtus.-^ Italy, in 1166-68 ; the following on his fifth visit, 1174-76. See Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. i. pt. i. ch. iii. p. 376. * The account of this is given in Labbe, xiii. 386, under Concil. Venet. an. 1177 : 'In vigilia sancti Jacobi summo mane Pontifex ' misit ad Imperatoris praesentiam Humbaldum Ostiensem et * Willelmum Portuensem episcopos. . . . Qui ad eum venientes, * postquam Imperator renunciavit schisma Octaviani, Guidonis ' Cremensis, et Joannis de Struma . . . ipsum a sententia excom- ' municationis pariter absolverunt. . . . Exinde Imperator tan- ' quam catholicus princeps accessit ad praesentiam ipsius pontificis, * qui ante fores ecclesiae sancte Marie cum fratribus suis cardinali- ' bus residebat, in communi unionem pacis expectantibus ; et ' deposita chlamyde, prostravit se in terram, et deosculatis ponti- ' ficis . . . pedibus, verae pacis osculum ipse devotissime dedit. ' Tunc repleti sunt omnes gaudio magno, et prae nimia laetitia ' vox clamantium Te Deiim laudajnus, insonuit usque ad sidera ; ' statimque Augustus apprehensa Pontificis dextera, cum canticis * et laudibus usque ad chorum ecclesiae ipsum deduxit, et incli- * nato capite benedictionem ipsius reverenter suscepit. ' In sequenti vero die, qua celebratur festum sancti Jacobi ' apostoli, idem Alexander papa rediit. . . . Decantata itaque ' Missa [Imperator] dexteram pontificis apprehendit, et extra ' ecclesiam usque ad album caballum conduxit ipsum, et streguam, * stapham scilicet, fortiter tenuit. Cum autem frenum acciperet, LAST PERIOD OF THE STRUGGLE. o -2 7 VIII. 116:; Absolved from his sentence of excommunication, ctiap Frederic now advanced to the presence of the Pope, who awaited him surrounded by the cardinals before the great doors of St. Mark's. It was a scene solemn 1176 and joyous to the bystanders, to behold the emperor, throwing off his imperial mantle, kneeling and kissing the feet of the Pope, and then bestowing on him the kiss of peace. One loud Te Deum burst forth, and rose up to heaven. Thereupon Frederic, taking hold of the hand of the Pope, led him to the 1177 choir of the church, and then knelt to receive his benediction. The next day, when mass had been sung, the emperor again took the Pope's hand, led him from church to his horse, then held his stirrup, and would have attended him to the port, holding his bridle, had not the courtesy of Alexander been pleased to accept the will for the deed. Such a humiliating experience proved that Frederic, whom a cotemporary, himself a foreigner,^ describes as ' the ruler of the Roman Empire ever august. In whom the glory of ancient Rome again flourished. Its honour again revived, and its power was augmented,' had succumbed before a power still more august. It proved that the Pope was master of the occasion, that he had established his claim to be exalted above kings. He had trodden under foot the greatest potentate of the West. Alexander followed up his victory by a measure ' et stratoris officium vellet adimplere, Pontifex, quia iter ad ' mare nimis videbatur prolixiim, pro facto habuit quod affectuose * voluit adimplere.' * J tin. Regis Anglor. Ric, c. xxiv. 238 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. TART destined to prevent the election of an antipope ever '- — again. A decree of the third Lateran Council en- acted that the election of a Pope lay with the cardi- nals alone, that the concurrence of two thirds of the cardinals was necessary for a valid election, and that if the minority thought of setting up their nominee, both themselves and their candidate should be lia- ble to excommunication.^ To this decree Frederic offered no resistance. It was probably out of his power to do so. Besides, it would only have im- perilled the descent of the crown to his son, which he was most anxious to secure. Four years later, 1083 when the truce had expired, another treaty was con- cluded at Constance, by which the relations of the emperor and the Lombard republics were fixed on lasting grounds : little was left to the emperor but a titular supremacy in Italy; the Lombard republics ^ Concil. Lateran. iii. an. 1179, cap. i. Labb^, xiii. 417: * Statuimus igitur, ut si forte inimico homine superseminante ' zizania, inter cardinales de substituendo pontifice non potuerit ' Concordia plena esse, et duabus partibus concordantibus tertia * pars noluerit concordare, aut sibi alium praesumpserit ordinare : ' ille Romanus pontifex habeatur, qui a duabus partibus fuerit ' electus et receptus. Si quis autem de tertiae partis nominatione ' confisus, quia rem non potest, sibi nomen episcopi usurpaverit ; ' tam ipse, quam qui eum receperint, excommunicationi subjaceant, ' et totius sacri ordinis privatione mulctentur . . . et nisi resi- ' puerint, cum Dathan et Abiron, quos terra vivos absorbuit, acci- ' piant portionem. Praeterea si a paucioribus aliquis quam a dua- ' bus partibus fuerit electus ad apostolatus officium, nisi major ' Concordia intercesserit ; nullatenus assumatur, et praedictae poe- ' nae subjaceat, si humiliter noluerit abstinere. Ex hoc tamen ' nullam canonicis constitutionibus et aliis ecclesiasticis prae- ' judicium generetur. ... In Romana vero ecclesia aliquid speciale ' constituitur, quia non potest recursus ad superiorem haberi.' LAST PERIOD OF THE STRUGGLE, 2V were established in real independence. The age of chap. antipopes was now at an end ; the right of the em- L peror to control the election of the Roman bishop was formally denied. The Papacy had secured its independence, it had risen to equality, nay more, it had risen to supremacy. For elsewhere, too, the Pope had set kings at defiance. In face of the claims of Castile and Leon, he had declared in favour of the independence of Portugal, and had granted to the new kingdom all the territory which it could recover from the Saracens.^ Well might the Germans of a later day, when they saw the Popes disposing of the imperial crown, and filling their land with bloodshed and violence, look back with reverential fondness to the great Frederic, with his manly form and chivalrous disposition, and invest him with a kind of shadowy superhuman exis- tence, as the national hero who had fought their last battle for freedom. Well might a legend gather about his death — a death so sudden, so far from his country, and endured in the sacred cause of a cru- sade afjainst the infidels — not unlike that which has gathered about the death of St. John, and the seven sleepers of Ephesus ; '^ telling how far up the moun- tain Kyffhauser, in an enchanted cave, Barbarossa ^ See the documents in Lucii II. Ep. xi. Labbe, xii. 1570; and quoted by Gies. iii. 68, § 52. 2 The legend about St. John is that he did not die at all, but is only slumbering, moving the grave-mound with his breath till the return of the Lord. The legend of the seven sleepers who went to sleep in the third century, and awoke in the fifth, is well-told in Dr. Neale's Z^;// Legends, and J. Martineau's Endeavours after the Christian Life. 240 THE POPES AND ANTIPOPES. PART sits dosinof on a slab of stone, waiting the hour when II ' s '. the ravens shall cease to hover round the peak, and the pear-tree blossom In the valley ; when he will issue forth with his knights to punish the murderer and oppressor, and to bring back to Germany the golden age of peace and strength and unity. ^ Yet, * The legend of Barbarossa is told by Heinrich Heine in his Foem on Germany, cap. xiv. ; and by Ruckert in the striking ballad of Barbarossa. * I. Der alte Barbarossa, Der Kaiser Friederich, Im unterird'schen Schlosse Halt er verzaubert sich. ' 2. Er ist niemals gestorben, Er lebt darin noch jetzt ; Er hat im Schloss verborgen Zum Schlaf sich hingesetzt. ' 3. Er hat hinabgenommen Des Reiches Herrlichkeit Und wird einst wiederkommen Mit ihr zu seiner Zeit. ' 4. Der Stuhl ist elfenbeinern, Darauf der Kaiser sitzt ; Der Tisch ist marmelsteinern, Worauf sein Haupt er stiitzt. * 5. Sein Bart ist nicht von Flachse, Er ist von Feuersglut, Ist durch den Tisch gewachsen, Worauf sein Kinn ausruht. * 6. Er nickt als wie im Traume, Sein Aug' halb offen zwinkt ; Und je nach langem Raume Er einem Knaben winkt. LAST PERIOD OF THE STRUGGLE. 241 whilst the Empire lasted, that age was not to come chap. back, and darker times were still in store. In fact, L_ w^ill that expectation be ever realised ? Will a second Barbarossa ever appear again to reunite Ger-- many once more, perhaps under another name, and to revive the struggle with the now worn-out Papacy, dealing to it a final death-blow, and inaugurating a regenerated Empire ? ' 7. Er spricht im Schlaf zum Knaben : " Geh hin vor's Schloss, o Zwerg, Und sieh, ob noch die Raben Herfliegen um den Berg. * 8. Und wenn die alten Raben Noch fliegen immerdar, So muss ich auch noch schlafen, Verzaubert hundert Jahr." ' 242- CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART II. CHAPTER IX. CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. (1183— 1303.) Si doriniatis inter medios cleros, pennae cohimbae dcargentaiae, et posteriora dorsi ejus in pallore aiiri. — Ps. LXVII. 14 [lxviii. 13].' A. First period. The era of Inno- cent III. A.D. 1 1 79-1243 (I) The Popes before Iimocent III. 1179-1198 {a) De- pression of the Empire. TH E treaty of Constance which had been con- cluded during the Pontificate of Pope Lucius 1 11.^ seemed to fix the relations of the emperor and the Lombard republics on lasting ground. Depriv- ing the former of many of the rights which he had hitherto claimed over those republics, and regarded as a sequel to his treaty with Alexander IIL at Venice six years previously, it seems to mark the climax of the papal power, and to be the beginning of a new age, in which the Pope would reign supreme without a rival.^ In this light, too, it appeared to many historians of a later day, who delighted to speak of the emperor as a beast of prey, and re- counted with satisfaction how at Venice the young ^ Vide Innocent's Sermon at Lateran Council, an. 12 15, Labb^, xiii. 921. 2 Lucius III. succeeded Pope Alexander III. in ti8i. He died November 11 84, and was succeeded by Urban III. His life in Labbe, xiii. 639. 3 See Chap. VIII. p. 236. THE ERA OF INNOCENT III. ^.^ lion and the dragon had been trampled under foot. chap. Yet there was another aspect to this treaty, and _i^^L_ until Jerusalem had fallen and Frederic had been drowned in his unfortunate crusade, the course of events went decidedly in favour of the emperor. On the death of Alexander III. — in his lifetime {b) EU. almost a stranger in Rome — five Popes followed in '^oflhe rapid succession,^ two only of whom were even as ^^"P^^^' well known to the Romans as Alexander had been. Their tenure of office, if the last of them, Coelestine III., is excepted, was short; their administration, if the turbulent violence of Urban III. is excluded, was feeble. Meantime, Frederic Barbarossa was not less active than before, and possessed now the full experience of age ; his son Henry VI. was ferocious and cruel, and not willing to yield one iota of his father's pretensions. The Treaty of Constance had set Frederic at liberty to reunite his forces and to consolidate his power. The territories of the Coun- tess Matilda were in his hands, and though he had promised to. restore them, he prudently delayed to perform his promise. Moreover, his son Henry VI. had obtained the hand of Constantia, the heiress of the kingdom of Sicily,''^ and thus a country, which had 1 The Popes from Alexander III. to Innocent III. are as follows : Died Lucius III. 1181 Nov. 1 1 84, his life in Labb^, xiii. 639. Urban III. 1185 Sept. 1 187, ibid. p. 651. Gregory VIII. 1187 Dec. 1 1 87, ibid. p. 661. Clement III. 1188 April 1 191, ibid. p. 665. Coelestine III. 119E Jan. 1 198, ibid. p. 687. ^ The Norman Kingdom in Italy was founded by Robert Guis- card in 1054. He assumed the title of Duke of Apulia in 1060, and R 2 244 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. II. PART been the stronghold of the Popes since the time of Leo IX., and their chief lay-assistant in the struggle with the Empire, was detached from its former alle- giance, and its forces thrown into the imperial scale. Accordingly, when Frederic died, Coelestine III. did not dare to refuse the coronation of his son Henry VI.; and although he might behold with secret satis- faction the seizure of the kingdom of Sicily by the Norman Tancred, he could not refuse to crown the rightful heiress, Constantia, together with her hus- band. Fortune miorht oscillate from time to time — now the surrender of Tusculum being wrung from the emperor by the Pope, and his queen being cap- tured by the Normans at Salerno ; anon Apulia and Sicily being reconquered, and his rival Tancred dead ; died 1085. His younger brother, Roger, 1060-1090, completed the conquest of Sicily, and is known as Count Roger. His son, Roger, reigned iioi to 1154 as great Count of Sicily, and was succeeded by William I. (the Bad), and afterwards by William II., who died without issue. Thereupon the inheritance passed to his aunt Constantia, who had married the Emperor Henry VI. in 1 186. See Gibbon, ch. Ivi. ; and Istoria Civile of Giannore, tom. ii. 1. xi.-xiv. pp. 136-340 ; and Muratori's Italian A?malSj vols, ix., X. The genealogy is as follows : Tancred de Hauteville. ROBERT GUISCARD, Roger, borjt 1 1 20, died lo?>^, 1060- 1090, Duke of Apulia. Count of Sicily. 1 I I Boemund ROGER, ROGER, the Crvisader. 1085-1101, 1101-1154, Frederic I. Duke of Apulia. Great Count of Sicily. Emperor L I i I I WILLIAM I. (the Bad), Constantia = Henry VI., Emperor, 1154-1166. I 1 189. WILLIAM II. (the Good), FREDERIC II. 1 1 65- 1 189. •: Emperor. THE ERA OF INNOCENT III. 245 now the emperor retaining possession of Matilda's chap. lands In spite of the Pope's threats, and anon, being — — — excommunicated for his cruelties at Palermo ; but on the whole, Henry was more than a match for his rival. Popular at home, and successful abroad, he could defy anodier Lombard league which was form- ing to control him ; he could with ease quell every threatened insurrection. He could level the walls of Capua and Naples, and besiege the castle of a rebel- lious chieftain at St. John. But he could not avert destiny. A copious draught of cold water after a day's hunting, on an autumn evening m a southern clime, brought on an attack of fever, and he died at Messina in the arms of his wife. He was followed within four months by Coelestine HI. to the grave. Thirteen months later his wife Constantia follovv^ed him, leaving Innocent HI. the guardian of her infant son Frederic.^ Greatest without exception among the great Popes fj^^^ jjj' the Middle Ages was Innocent III., the arbiter of e destinies of the Empire, the liege lord of vassal kings.^ None among his predecessors could lay ^ For genealogy of the House of Hohenstaufen, see pp. 228, 244 and 279. 2 A short Hfe of Innocent III. in Labbe, xiii. 737. He suc- ceeded Coelestine III. in 1198, and died in July 12 16, being suc- ceeded by Honorius III. His life and labours are summed up by MiLMAN, vol. V. book ix. ch. i, p. 180, under the following twelve heads. His labours (i) in Rome; (2) in Italy; (3) in the Empire ; (4) in France ; (5) in England ; (6) in Spain ; (7) in the northern kingdoms ; (8) in Bulgaria and Hungary ; (9) in the Byzantine Empire and the East ; (10) In the wars of Languedoc ; (11) and (12) In establishing the two great monastic orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis. His letters may be found in the. col- lections by Bzoviys, Raynaldus. Vadlingus, and Spondanus. ^-246 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART claim to a sovereignty so extensive and undisputed ; '. amone his successors none ruled with such acknow- ledged authority. By Gregory VII. the idea of the papal monarchy had been conceived as clearly as by Innocent ; ^ Gregory had held the belief that to him, as the successor of St. Peter, the care of all the Churches belonged : his humiliation of Henry IV. at Canossa might seem to be a triumph which it was impossible for anyone to surpass. But that triumph was transient ; the struggle had to be fought over again by his successors : his victory was short-lived, and Gregory himself died in exile. Moreover, Gregory's strength had been principally manifested in opposing one individual : towards the kings of England and France he had held a different tone. Much too of what he had dared in his struggles with the emperor had been undertaken, not in bare re- liance on his own resources, but in confidence In the sympathies of Italy, and the more available support of the Normans.^ But the position of Innocent III., was a far different one. The young prince, Frederic II., King of the Romans elect, was a child; Innocent was the guar- dian of his kingdom. Rival princes, Philip of Suabia and Otto of Saxony, contended for the imperial dig- nity : Innocent was the arbiter of their disputes. At Innocent's bidding, Philip of France took back his divorced wife. At Innocent's bidding he prepared to invade England. Before Innocent's legate, John, who could for a time defy the interdict, was at * Neand. vii. 233. 2 Sgg Chap. VII. p. 193. THE ERA OF INNOCENT III. 247 length forced to bow, acknowledging the Pope as his chap. liege-lord, and resigning his crown into his hands. 11_ England and France, Germany and Italy, Norway and Hungary, all felt the power of Innocent : Na- varre, Castile and Portugal, acknowledged his sway : even Constantinople owned his supremacy, and owned it to her cost.-^ Uniting in himself the three qualifications which Alexander III. required from an occupant of the chair of St. Peter — zeal in preaching, ability in government, skill in the management of penance ; ^ — possessed moreover of an extensive learning in eccle- siastical law ; well acquainted with the state and the wants of the Church, both personally and by means of his legates ; Innocent III. was in every way most fitted to assert without concealment the idea of the papal theocracy. That idea had been silently grow- ing apace since the time of Gregory ; it was now maintained by Innocent In all its severity. The Pope was ' the vicegerent of God upon earth ; ' ^ to him ' was intrusted by St. Peter the go- vernment not only of the whole Church, but of the whole world ; ' ^ ' next to God he was to be so hon- oured by princes, that their claim to rule was lost if they failed to serve him ; ' ^ ' princes might have * Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 199. 2 Neand. vii. 232. ^ Lib. i. Ep. 326 : ' Non hominis puri sed veii Dei vere vicarius * appellatur.' ^ Lib. ii. Ep. 209 ad Patriarch. Const. : ' Dominus Petro non *■ solum universam Ecclesiam sed totum reliquit saeculum guber- 'nandum.' * Lib. xvi. Ep. 131 ad Joannem Anglorum Regem : 'Rex ►48 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART power on earth, but priests had power in heaven ; ' ^ '. the claim of princes to rule rested 'on human might, that of priests on a divine ordinance ; ' ^ ' two lights had been planted by God in the firmament of the Church, the greater light to lighten men's souls, the lesser light to preside over their bodies ; but as the moon derived her light from the sun, so the authority of princes was derived from that of the Pope/ ^ In short, all the prerogatives which had once attached to the emperors, were wrested from them, and trans- ferred with additions to the Popes. * Regum et Dominus Dominantium Jesus Christus . . . ita reg- * num et sacerdotium in Ecclesia stabilivit, ut sacerdotale sit reg- * num, et sacerdotium sit regale, sicut in epistola Petrus, et Moyses * in lege testantur, unum praeficiens universis, quem suum in terris * vicarium ordinavit ; ut sicut ei Hectitur omne genu coelestiura, * terrestrium, et etiam infernorum, ita illi omnes obediant et inten- * dant, ut sit unum ovile et unus pastor. Hunc itaque reges sae- * culi propter Deum ita venerantur, ut non reputent se rite regnare, * nisi studeant ei devote servire.' Quoted by Gies. vol. iii. § 54, p. 78. ^ Ep. 18: 'Principibus datur potestas in terris; sacerdotibus * autem potestas tribuitur et in coelis.' 2 Ep. 18 : ' Utrumque tam regnum quam sacerdotium institu- * tum fuit in populo Dei : sed sacerdotium per ordinationem divi- * nam, regnum autem per extorsionem humanam.' 3 Lib. i. Ep. 401 ad Acerbum : 'Sicut universitatis conditor * Deus duo magna luminaria in firmamento coeli constituit, lumi- * nare majus, ut praeesset diei, et luminare minus, ut nocti praees- ' set ; sic ad firmamentum universalis Ecclesiae, quae coeli no- * mine nuncupatur, duas magnas instituit dignitates, majorem, * quae quasi diebus, animabus praeesset, et minorem, quae quasi * noctibus, praeesset corporibus ; quae sunt pontificalis auctoritas, ' et regalis potestas. Porro sicut luna lumen suum a sole sortitur, * quae ne vera minor est illo quantitate simul et qualitate, situ * pariter et effectu ; sic regalis potestas ab auctoritate pontifical! ' suae sortitur dignitatis splendorem.' THE ERA OF INNOCENT III. Not without a struggle could the sovereigns of chap. Europe acquiesce In these claims, and renouncing their just rights to independence, own themselves struggles the subjects of another. In the case of many the ""^^^/^ J •' princes. Struggle was short; In the case of all It ended In con- („) wa/i fusion. The first to enter the lists was Philip Au- ^\l^f^,_ • gustus,^ the King of France, who had divorced his ^^''•^• lawful wife, Isemburga of Denmark. The interdict a.d. 1196 was laid on France ; the dead lay unburled ; the living were deprived of the services of religion. Against an antagonist armed with such a weapon, even Philip Augustus, brave and firm though he was, was not a match.^ The idea of the papal power had too firmly taken hold of men's minds ; the French would gladly .have remained true to their king ; they dared not disobey the Vicar of Christ. Besides, as in the case of Nicolas I.'s Intervention with Lothar, Innocent's power was exercised on behalf of morality. Philip was obliged to take back his divorced wife, i2ot not yielding, as one of his predecessors, Robert, had done,^ to a feeble superstition, not subdued like ' Philip II. (Augustus) was King of France 1 180-1223, 2 MiLMAN, vol. V. book ix. ch. iv. p. 246 (small edition) ; Gies. vol. iii. § 54, P- 86. 3 Robert I., King of France 996-1031, son of Hugh Capet, sur- named the Pious, had abandoned his wife Bertha, to whom he was deeply attached, because the Church discovered some remote impediment to his union, and had undergone seven years pe- nance. MiLMAN, vol. iv. book vii. ch. i. p. 32. Another king of France, Philip I., 1060-1108, had been excommunicated by Pope Urban II. an. 1095 for having divorced his wife Bertha, and seduced Beltrada, the daughter of a powerful noble. This time the excommunication attracted little attention, all minds being engaged with the Crusades. Milman, vol iv. book vii. ch. v. p. 165. ?5o CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART Henry IV. by internal dissensions, but vanquished II. in open fight with an opponent stronger than him- {&) self. Somewhat similar was the fate of Alfonso IX., Tvi/A King of Leon, who, contrary to the ecclesiastical ix^KbiP canons, forbidding marriages up to the seventh de- ofLeo7i. gree,^ had married his cousin. To enforce the ob- servance of the canon, Leon was laid under an in- terdict. In vain the clergy petitioned Innocent to remove it, pleading, in support of their petition, the fact that the laity refused to pay tithes, and were going after heretical teachers. Not till Alfonso sent back his cousin would Innocent hear of surrender, or relieve the kingdom from the dreaded ban.^ (y) Nor was John, King of England, more successful with than the kings of France and Leon had been, jThfi. although his cause was juster by far than theirs. As early as the year 1208, the second week before Easter saw the interdict published throughout Eng- ; land, its object being to compel John to admit Stephen Langton, Innocent's nominee, to the arch- bishopric of Canterbury.^ In vain John protested against this encroachment on the prerogatives of the crown ; in vain he visited with severity the clergy. On the present occasion Philip II., after divorcing Isemburga or Ingeburga, 1196, had entered into an adulterous intercourse with Agnes of Meran. Milman, vol. v. book ix. ch. iv. p. 246. There is a close parallel between the case of Philip II. and that of Lothar II. See Chap. IV. p. 98. ^ See Hali,am's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. vii. p. 208. 2 Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 199 ; Gies. vol. iii. § 54, p. 86. 3 LiNGARD, vol. ii. ch. v. p. 158; Gies. vol. iii. § 54, p. 87; Neand. vii. 235. IX. A.D. I2i; THE ERA Oh INNOCENT TIL 25 1 regular and secular, who obeyed the papal mandate ; chap. in vain he affected to despise the menaces of the Pope. His successes against his defaulting vassal, William of Scotland, against the lawless chieftains in Ireland, and against the intrepid Lewellyn in Wales, did not frighten Innocent. The interdict had been previously proclaimed. And more than that, a bull of excommunication was fulminated against the king.-^ Still the king held out ; still the struggle went on, and the obstinacy of the Pope and the king were nearly evenly matched. It had already lasted for years, when the terror of a French invasion, to which the Pope had invited Philip Augustus, threw a deci- sive weight into the papal balance. To secure his kingdom against so formidable a foe as Philip, John was fain to yield the point in dispute, and not only yielded, promising to admit Langton to the arch- bishopric, but perpetrated an act of disgraceful cow- ardice, which has heaped everlasting infamy on his memory. On the fifteenth day of May, in the year 121 3, in the church of the Templars at Ewell, the king put into the hands of Pandulph, the papal envoy, a charter subscribed by himself, one archbishop, one bishop, nine earls, and three barons, setting forth ^ that, * as an atonement for his offences against God and the Church, he had determined to humble him- self, and therefore of his own free-will granted to God, to the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, to Pope Innocent, and Innocent's rightful successors, the ^ Concil. Northampton, an. 121 1 ; Mansi, Suppl. vol. ii. p. 818. ^ LiNGARD vol. ii. ch. V. p. 165, and Appendix D, p. 311. 252 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER, PART kingdom of England and the kingdom of Ireland, to '. be holden by himself and the heirs of his body, of the bishops of Rome In fee, by the annual rent of one thousand marks, reserving however to himself and his heirs the administration of justice, and all other rights of the crown.' ^ He then took the oath ^ In Rymer, i. Ill, T15, the chirter is : 'Johannes Dei gratia * Rex AngHae . . . omnibus Christi fideUbus . . . salutem. Uni- * versitati vestrae per hanc chartam nostram sigillo nostro muni- * tarn volumus esse notum, quia, cum Deum et matrem nostram ' sanctam Ecclesiam offenderimus in multis, et proinde divina * misericordia plurimum indigere noscamur, nee quid digne offerre * possimus, pro satisfactione Dei et Ecclesiae debita facienda, * nisi nos ipsos et Regna nostra humiHemus : volentes nos ipsos ' humihare pro Illo, qui se pro nobis humiUavit usque ad mortem, * gratia Sancti Spiritus inspirante, non vi inducti nee timore coacti, ' sed nostra bona spontaneaque voluntate, ac communi consilio * Baronum nostrorum, offerimus et libere concedimus Deo et *■ Sanctis ApostoHs ejus Petro et Paulo, et sanctae Romanae * ecclesiae matri nostrae, ac domino nostro Papae Innocentio * ejusque catholicis successoribus totum regnum Angliae et totum * regnum Hiberniae cum omni jure et pertinentiis suis, pro remis- * sione peccatorum nostrorum et totius generis nostri, tarn pro * vivis quam defunctis : et amodo ilia a Deo et Ecclesia Romana * tanquam feodatarius recipientes et tenentes, in praesentia pru^ * dentis viri Pandulphi, domini Papae sub-diaconi et familiaris, * fidelitatem exinde praedicto domino nostro Papae Innocentio, * ejusque catholicis successoribus, et Ecclesiae Romanae secun- ' dum subscriptam formam facimus et juramus, et homagium * ligium in praesentia domini Papae, si coram eo esse poterimus, * eidem faciemus ; successores et haeredes nostros de uxore nostra ' in perpetuum obligantes, ut simili modo summo Pontifici, qui * pro tempore fuerit, et Ecclesiae Romanae, sine contradictione ' debeant fidelitatem praestare et homagium recognoscere. Ad * indicium autem hujus perpetuae nostrae obligationis et conces- ' sionis volumus et stabilimus, ut de propriis et specialibus reddi- * tibus praedictorum regnorum nostrorum, pro omni servitio et * consuetudine, quod pro ipsis facere deberemus, salvo per omnia THE ERA OF INNOCENT III. 2C^ of fealty in the very same terms which vassals took chap. to their lords, swearing to be faithful to God, to the ^^' blessed Peter, to the Roman Church, to Pope Inno- cent, and Innocent's rightful successors ; not to abet their enemies to the loss of life, limb, or liberty, either by word, deed, or assent ; to keep their coun- sel, and to aid them to the best of his power ; to pre- serve and defend against all men the patrimony of St. Peter, and especially the two kingdoms of Eng- land and Ireland.^ He did more. On the third of October of the same year, when the Papal legate had arrived, he put into the hands of the legate a charter of recognition, an exact counterpart of that which he had given to Pandulph : he then took the oath of fealty again ; and afterwards performed homage to the legate as the representative of Innocent. That charter was the signal of Innocent's victory over John. Two years later, a similar charter, extorted at Runnymede, marked the victory of the barons over the same klnor.^ Nor was England the only country over which In- ('') -^?^'- nocent acquired the rights of a feudal suzerain. In Peter of order to make his crown independent of his power- ^^S^-^* ful vassals, and to baffle the claim to supremacy of the King of Castile, Peter II., of Aragon, volun- a. d. 1204 tarlly made himself tributary to the Pope, binding himself and his successors to the annual payment of ' denario beati Petri, Ecclesia Romana mille marcas sterlingorum * percipiat annuatim etc' Reference was made to this document at Concil. Londinen. an. 12 13. Mansi, Suppl. ii. 848. * The oath in Rymer, ed. Clarke i. 112. 2 For the Great Charter see Appendix I. 254 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART 200 pieces of gold.^ In return he was crowned by - "' Innocent at Rome, and took an oath to the Pope as his feudal suzerain.'^ From Innocent, too, as his liege-lord, John Duke of Bavaria accepted the kingly- crown. Over Sicily Innocent ruled in the character of guardian to Frederic II., whom his mother had, on her death-bed, commended to his care. Denmark looked to him, and obtained from him justice and redress for the injury inflicted on her royal daughter ; and his legate was despatched to Iceland to warn the inhabitants not to submit to the excommunicated and apostate priest Swero. Perhaps it was well, that in those aees there should be some recognised tribu- nal and fountain for royal honour ; and in times of turbulence, princes probably gained more than they lost by becoming the vassals of the pontiffs. Still such power vested in the hands of an ecclesiastic was a new thing in the Church, and placed beyond dis- pute the greatness which the papal power had reached. {c) Inter- Most clearly of all, however, was the greatness of ference in .^ . . . • i . i Germany, the papal power manifested, m the way m which ^cides%r ^^^^^cent influenced the destinies of the Empire. Otto IV. To him it was, no doubt, a subject of congratulation, that two claimants were contending for the imperial crown, so evenly matched as Otto and Philip ; and hence he had no sooner consolidated his power in Italy than he commenced a spirited interference in German politics. As a preliminary step to deciding * Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 200 ; Gies. vol. iii. § 54, p. 86 ; AIilmax, vol. v. book ix. ch. vi. p. 314. 2 Quoted by Milmax, i^id. p. 313. IX. THE ERA OF INNOCENT Tir. ' 2rc the rival claims, a writing was drawn up in the citaf. usual scholastic form, reciting the arguments in favour of, and those against, the claims of each. Philip it charged with belonging to a race hostile to the Church, and therefore likely to be punished, since the sins of the fathers were visited upon the children to the third and fourth generation. Otto, on the other hand, it stated, belonged to a race de- voted to the Church, and therefore declared that the Pope would support Otto in case the princes failed to unite in choosing him.^ For Otto, accordingly, Innocent declared in i2or, and proceeded to excom- municate his rival Philip.^ This step on the part of the Pope aroused a determined resistance on the part of Philip and his adherents. It seemed for a time as though Philip would have been successful. Even Innocent was obliged to enter into negotia- tions with him ; but his assassination, which happened soon afterwards, gave a new turn to the case. No power now remained to oppose King Otto ; Otto had previously taken an oath of allegiance to the pontiff;^ ^ Neand. vii. 237 ; and Rcgist. Imp. Ep. 29. 2 Rcgist. Ifiip. Ep. 2)Z '- ' Personam Philippi, tanquam indignam ' quoad Imperium, praesertim hoc tempore, obtinendum, penitus ' reprobamus, et juramenta, quae ratione regni sunt ei praestita, ' decernimus non servanda. . . . Cum autem carissimus in Christo ' filius noster Otto vir sit industrius, providus et discretus, fortis et ' constans, et per se devotus existat ecclesiae, ac descendat ex * utraque parte de genere devotorum . . . nos auctoritate beati * Petri et nostra eum in regem recepimus, et regalem ei praecepi- ' mus honorificentiam exhiberi, ipsumque ad coronam Imperii, ' sicut decet, vocare curabimus.' ^ The oath was taken at Neuss on June 8, 1201. It ran {Regist. Imp. Ep. 77) : ' Juro quod omnes possessiones, honores et jura 256 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART Innocent's first triumph In Germany was complete, '. and his vassal-emperor was temporal lord of the West. The Pope had played the old game. He had fostered division, and he had reaped the fruits thereof. {e>) De- A further triumph was yet In store for him. The 0//0 /v. Empire had been bestowed upon Otto by the help "pl^derk ^^ ^^^ Intervention. But could not the power which ^^- had given, also take away ? It was not long before circumstances suggested to Innocent a practical an- swer to this question. No sooner had Otto ob- tained the imperial crown at the hands of the Pope,* than the g^ood understandino^ between himself and Rome was at an end. The imperial rights In Italy ' Romanae Ecclesiae pro posse meo bona fide protegam et ser- * vabo. Possessiones autem, quas Ecclesia Romana recuperavit, * liberas et quietas sibi dimittam, et ipsam ad eas retinendas ' bona fide juvabo ; quas autem nondum recuperavit, adjutor ero ' ad recuperandum. . . . Ad has pertinet tota terra, quae est a Radicofano usque Ceperanum, exarchatus Ravennae, Pentapolis, * Marchia, ducatus Spoletanus, terra comatissae Matildis, comi- * tatus Brittenorii cum aliis adjacentibus terris express! s in multis * privilegiis Imperatorum a tempore Ladoici. . . . Adjutor etiam * ero ad retinendum et defendendum Ecclesiae Romanae regnum * Siciliae. Tibi etiam Domino meo Innocentio Papae et succes- * soribus tuis omnem obedientiam et honorificentiam exliibebo, * quam devoti et catholici Imperatores consueverunt sedi apostoli- ' cae exhibere. . . . Similiter etiam consilio tuo et mandato parebo * de pace vel concordia facienda inter me et Philippum regem * Francorum.' ^ Otto was crowned by Innocent on September 27, 1209, but five months previously, on March 22, 1209, he had been obliged to take a new oath to the Pope at Speier, adding fi-esh conditions to those of the oath taken eight years previously. See Regist. Imp. Ep. 189 ; and Gies. vol. iii. § 54, p. 84, who quotes the terms of the oath. THE ERA OF INNOCENT II L 257 were vindicated : the Pope's new creations over- chap. thrown.^ Remonstrances proving- valn,'^ sentence 1L_ of excommunication and dethronement followed.^ Meantime, Frederic II., whose interests had been hitherto so unscrupulously sacrificed in the previous contests, was judiciously brought forward as a candi- date for the now vacant throne, and the legality of his election havlnof been tested at the Lateran Coun- cil, he was crowned emperor at Aachen.^ For the second time, Innocent was triumphant in Germany. Twice he had decided an imperial election. Against one of the emperors whom he supported, he had made his sentence of excommunication and deposi- tion valid ; the other he had put forward, Intending him to be a mere puppet and instrument in his own hands. But terrible was the vengeance about to recoil on the heads of the Papacy for these abuses of its power. In the proudest moment of Innocent's ^ Math. Paris, ad an. 1210 : 'Circa dies istos Otto Romano- ' rum Iniperator, memor sacramenti quod fecerat, cum a Papa ad ' Imperium fuerat sublimatus, quod videlicet dignitates Imperii ' conservaret, et jura dispersa pro possibilitate sua revocaret ; * fecit per sacramentum legalium hominum Imperii dominica cas- * tella sua, et alia jura ad dignitatem imperialem spectantia per- * quiri, et quaecumque per recognitionem ad jus Imperii spectare ' didicerat, in usus suos convertere laborabat' ^ The first letter from Innocent to Otto complains : ' Turbamur ' non niodicum et dolemus, te subito conversum in arcum perver- ' sum, quem fore sedis apostolicae magnificum protectorem, * quondam firmissime credebamus.' It goes on to threaten him with the fate of Nebuchadnezzar, Pharaoh, and the family of the Hohenstaufen. ^ November 10, 12 10, a Concil. Roman, an. 12 10. Labb£, xiii. 818. ^ Additio ad Concil. Lat. iv. an. 12 15. Labb^, xiii. 1024. S 258 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART life — the Lateran Council of the year 1 2 1 5^ — when all '. his projects seemed to be successful, when all Europe was obedient to his beck, when even one part of the Eastern Churcli, thanks to the success of the crusades against Constantinople, had been brought into sub- jection to the Roman See, and the accomplishment of another crusade was solemnly decreed ^ — in that mo- ment of triumph. Innocent little thought that a storm was impending, and was even then gathering on the horizon which, a few years later, under Frederic II., was about to burst over the Papacy, but not till Innocent III. and his more yielding successor, Honorius III., had passed away. (3) inno- The papal power, like the surface of the sea, pre- sents in its growth a constant succession of varying levels.^ At one moment it rises on the crest of a wave ; at another, it is depressed in the adjoining hollow. Under Innocent III., that power had succes- sors to the time A.D. 1216-1243 1 Amongst other things decreed by this Council, an. 1215 (Labb^, xiii. 926 seq.)., were : The election to bishoprics per scru- tinium vel compromissum, Can. 24 ; the prohibition of plurali- ties. Can. 29 ; the exclusion of the sons of capitular clerks from capitular benefices, Can. 31. Can. 44 ruled that the enactments of princes should not prejudice the Church ; Can. 50 diminished the prohibited degrees to the fourth degree of affinity ; Can. 54 places tithes before taxes ; Can. 60 forbids abbots to encroach on episcopal duties ; Cans. 67-70 impose restrictions on the Jews. 2 Labb;e, xiii. 1007. ^ The Popes after Innocent III. were Honorius III., 12 16. He died in March 1227. His life in Labb^, xiii. 1037. Honorius III. was succeeded by Gregory IX. in 1227. He died in August 1 241. His life, ibid.^ p. mo. Coelestine IV. followed Gregory in 1 241, and ruled for fourteen days. Ibid. p. 1463. The See of Rome was then vacant for some time, until Innocent IV. was elected June 24, 1243. Labb^, xiv. i. THE ERA OF INNOCENT I IT. ^.-. risen on the summit of its highest wave ; then, under chap. Honorius III., came a period of comparative de- ^^' pression, during which httle resistance was offered to Frederic's attempts to restore the rights of the crown in his SiciHan dominions ^ and to reduce Lom- bardy to the Empire.''^ But under Gregory IX. the Papacy was again borne aloft on the top of a new wave, which threatened, as it broke, to submerge the only temporal sovereign who still ventured to encounter the Pope. Under Gregory IX., too, the storm, which had long been gathering, burst forth, first on the Papacy, then on the Empire. When it had passed away, neither held the position which they formerly enjoyed. For terrible was the collision between the two mightiest elements of society, the political and the ecclesiastical powers. Gregory IX. represented the moral and religious forces of society, but these forces distorted by superstition into a power, the rival of political government. Frederic II., the knight, the poet, the lawgiver, the patron of arts, letters and science, the Teutonic emperor, was the champion of civil order. Gregory IX. was passionate and headstrong; Frederic II. bold, un- scrupulous and crafty. The first collision between these forces, broke out in) First , • 1 1 r 1 1 collision m the year 1227; it lasted for three years, and ofGre- though at its close Frederic had the upper hand, ^^nd FVe- deric II, A.D. ^ See the letter of Honorius III. to Frederic II., an. 1226, 1223-1230 beginning ' Miranda tuis sensibus,' attributed by mistake to Gre- gory IX. and found among his letters. Ep. xvii. Labbe, xiii. 1161 ; cf GiEs. vol. iii. § 55, p. 94. 2 MiLMAN, vol. vi. book X. ch. iii. p. 94 (small edition). s 2 2 6o CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART yet he understood too well the spirit of the age, to '. push matters to extremities, and at St. Germano he concluded a treaty with the Pope to the advantage of the latter. The sentence of excommunication which had been pronounced on Frederic,^ because he had failed to start on his crusade at the appointed time, which had been again pronounced upon him as soon as he prepared ^ to start, which had followed him into Palestine, branding him as a persecutor of the Church,^ and thwarting him at every step, was with- drawn : Frederic granted a complete amnesty to all his rebellious subjects ; he consented to restore all the places he occupied in the papal dominions, and all the estates which he had seized belonging to churches, monasteries, the Templars, Hospitallers, and other adherents and supporters of the Pope ; he renounced the right of judging the ecclesiastics of his realm, surrendered the claim to lay taxes on ecclesiastical ^ The reasons for the sentence of excommunication pronounced on Frederic, September 30, 1227, are set forth by Gregory IX. Ep. ii. ad Stephan. Archiep. Cant. Labb^, xiii. 11 12. 2 The first sentence was pronounced September 30, 1227, the second March 23, 1228. One of the sentences in Greg. ix. Ep. xi. Labb^, xiii. 1147. See Milm. vol. vi. book x. ch. iii. p. 112. 3 Gregor. IX. Ep. 3 ad Romanum Francorum legatum, Labb^:, xiii. 1 1 16; 'Attende quaesumus, et vide, si est dolor sicut dolor ' noster, quia filium quern nutrivit ecclesia Romana et exaltavit, ' sperans eum propugnatorem habere contra perfidas nationes, ' ecce nunc persecutorem sentit immanem et hostem validum ' experitur. Et ne taceamus atroces injurias et jacturas enormes, ' quibus Fredericus dictus imperator ecclesiam et personas eccle- ' siasticas damnabihter hactenus flagellavit, patrimonium aposto- '■ Hcae sedis per Saracenos et alios impugnat : et quod detesta- * bilius est, cum Soldano et aliis Saracenis nefandis contrahens ' pactiones, ilUs favorem, Christianis odium exhibet manifestum.' THE ERA OF LV NO CENT III. 26 1 property, and, It was said, promised to defray the chap. expenses of the war. The Pope and the emperor —^ — w^ere once more at one.^ But this friendship was not destined to be of long {b) Second duration. It was wrecked on the rock of ItaHan A. D. pohtlcs. Frederic was anxious to recover the old 1239-1241 right of the emperors in Lombardy ; the Pope was equally anxious to prevent his doing so. When Frederic, having experienced the futility of media- tion, took up arms to effect his object, Gregory espoused the cause of the Lombard towns ; and charging him with oppressing the Church, and spoiling her of her possessions, again pronounced on him, on Palm Sunday In the year 1239, the sentence of excommunication.^ Still Gregory was 1239 able to do little more than threaten, prefer charges, and attempt unsuccessful schemes. The force of circumstances added to the energetic and politic character of Frederic ever thwarted his projects. He might Indite letters ^ in which the emperor was • Treaty of St. Germano was concluded August 28, 1230. See GiES. vol. iii. § 55, p. 99; Rayn. an. 1230, No. 3; RaUiMER, iii. 458 ; MiLMAN, vol. vi. p. 145. 2 MiLMAN, vol. vi. book X. ch. iv. p. 182. 3 Gregor. IX. Ep. 12 ad Archiep. Cant. Labbe, xiii. 1149 : * Ascendit de mari bestia blasphemiae plena nominibus ; quae ' pedibus ursi et leonis ore desaeviens, ac membris formata ceteris ' sicut pardus, os suum in blasphemias divini nominis aperit, ' tabernaculum ejus et sanctos qui in coelis habitant, similibus ' impetere jaculis non omittit. Haec unguibus et dentibus ferreis ' cuncta confringere, et suis pedibus uni versa desiderans conculcare, ' fidei occultos olim paravit arietes ; et nunc apertas machinas ' instruit Ismaelitarum, gymasia animas avertentia construit, et in * Christum humani generis redemptorem, cujus testamenti tabulas ' stylo pravitatis haereticae nititur abolere, fama testante consurgit 262 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART portrayed in the blackest colours, as the beast rising '. from the sea full of names of blasphemy, with the feet of a bear, and the jaws of a lion, raging against the saints of God ; as the dragon set for the annoy- ance of himself, and pouring forth from his lips waters of persecution against the Church ; as the staff of the impious, the sledge hammer of the earth, building up the walls of Babylon on the habitations of Christians ; as holding Christ, Moses, and Mahomet alike for impostors, and asserting that nothing ought to be believed except what could be rationally sup- ported. Such charges, whether true or untrue, could not injure the victorious monarch, but they could injure the Pope, since their whole tone was one of the most violent rancour. Hence, when Gregory * . . . ut ejus resistere aperta veritate mendaciis, acallius confutare * fallacias puritatis argumento possitis, caput, medium, et finem * hujus bestiae Frederici dicti imperatoris inspicite. . . . ' Ibid. p. 1154 : ' Licet draco iste, qui ad illudendum nobis formatus, et ' in escam populo Aethiopum datus existit, aquas persecutionum ' in subversionem ecclesiae ex ore quasi fluvium miserit ; apos- * tolica tamen sedes ipsius nequitiam inaestimabili beneficiorum * misericordia superavit. . . . Iste baculus impiorum, terrae mal- ' leus, universam conturbare terram . . . cupiens . . . personas * ecclesiasticas carceri mancipavit, . . . et bona ecclesiastica . . . ' exulare coarctat. Ecclesiis pastorum solatio viduatis non per- ' mittit sibi sponsum eligere. . . . De Christianonmi habitaculis ' construens moenia Babylonis. . . .' Ibid. p. 1157 : ' Sicque ' affirmans non esse apud ecclesiam a Domino beato Petro et ' ejus successoribus ligandi atque solvendi traditam potestatem. * . . . Sed quia aminus bene ab aliquibus credi possit quod se verbis ' illaqueaverit oris sui, probationes in fidei victoriam sunt paratae : ' quia iste rex pestilentiae a tribus baratatoribus, ut ejus verbis ' utamur, scilicet Christe Jesu, Moyse, et Machometo, totum ' Mundum fuisse deceptum. . . . Insuper quod omnes fatui sunt, * qui credunt nasci de Virgine Deum, qui creavit naturam.' INiYOCENT IV. AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 26^ tried to raise up a rival emperor, Germany resisted, cil\p. and loudly expressed her indignation because her __1J natural defender was detained in Italy, whilst the Mongols were devastating her borders : ^ France refused to hear of the project, although the crown was offered to Robert, the king's brother : and England, already the victim of most impudent plun- dering, resounded with most bitter outcries against Rome and the Roman policy. Frustrated in his last attempt to convene a council at Rome, to identify his cause with the cause of ^•°- ^^41 the Church, Gregory IX. died, whilst the power of Frederic was still unbroken. He had be^un his papal career by stating the claims of the Popes at the exalted pitch at which the great Innocent had placed them. He had ended in vexation, since he found in Frederic an antagonist more than his equal. The storm had burst over the Papacy, and temporarily humbled it, but not to such an extent that it could not recover. Tenfold was the ven- geance which it ultimately wreaked on its opponent, but not immediately. As long as Frederic was alive, the state of things continued nearly unaltered ; Innocent IV., the sue- B. T/ie cessor of Gregory,^ only becoming more hostile to loitfuhe the emperor, in proportion as the adherents of ^j"f^"'^,lf. Frederic rallied more closely about him. After ^^- ^'^^ his siic- valnly seeking to obtain a reception in Aragon, France, and England,^ the Pope suddenly escaped to 1 See the passages quoted by Gies. vol. iii. § 55, p. 104. 2 After Coelestine IV. See note 3 on p. 258. 3 Math. Par. p. 655. cessors. 1243- 1294 264 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. TART Lyons, and there proceeded to convene a general council in 1245, in which sentence of excommuni- (i) Perse- cution of Hohcu- st an fell. cation and dethronement ao^ainst Frederic was re- newed on the ground of perjury, sacrilege, heresy, and G7) /.'/ defiance of the Church.^ A rebellion was stirred up Frederic Ii:s life- ti))ie. A.D. in Sicily, a rival king set up in Germany. For the sentence Frederic cared little ; the rebellion was 243-1250 soon quelled ; the rival king fell before King Conrad ; and soon Frederic's ascendency was so decisive, that the Pope could find no one willing to accept the offered crown, except William, Count of Holland. It seemed as though the work of Innocent III. were undone ; as though for the second time since Innocent III. the fortunes of the Papacy had sunk to a low ebb ; this time lower than before, as though the storm which had burst forth had utterly prostrated it. Then by one of those changes apparently slight, but fraught with great consequences in history, the tide turned once more ; a new wave of ele- vation rolled in. Innocent IV. was still Pope, but Frederic II. was gone, having died on December 13th, 1250. ib) Perse- Now follows a period of eighteen years, including Hohen- the last years of the pontificate of Innocent IV., and after the the pontificates of Alexander IV., Urban IV. and Frederic. Clement IV., all Popes of average ability, all up- 12-0^^1268 holding the principles of Innocent III., all furthering the two schemes which engaged the attention of their predecessors — the overthrow of the house of Hohenstaufen, and the decision of imperial ^ The sentence in Labb^, xiv. 47, an. 1245. INNOCENT IV. AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 265 elections In Germany. Of the Hohenstaufen three chap. representatives alone survived, Conrad the son of '^_ Frederic II., his son Conradin, born in 1252, and his half-brother Manfred. Against Conrad Inno- cent could do little ; the rival emperor whom he favoured in Germany commanded feeble respect, and Manfred defended for Conrad his ancestral kingdom of Sicily. The year 1254, however, saw the death of both Conrad and his rival, Innocent IV.,^ yet not. of Innocent till he had treacherously presented the crown of Sicily to the English prince Edmund, whilst at the same time he had engaged to Manfred to respect the rights of Con- radin, the infant son of Conrad. Roused by this act of perfidy, Manfred anew took up arms as the ^ The Popes during this period are as follows : Innocent IV. elected in 1243, died December 1254 ; for his life, Labbe, xiv. 2. Innocent IV. was succeeded by Alexander IV. in 1254: he died April 1261 ; for his life, ibid. p. 145, After a vacancy of three months Urban IV. was elected in 1261: he died October 1264; his life, ibid. p. 305. Clement IV. succeeded in February 1265, and died November 1268; his life, ibid. p. 325. The See was then vacant for two years and nine months, until the election of Gregory X. in 1271: Gregory died January 1276 ; his life, ibid. p. 467. Innocent V. succeeded February 1276, dying five months later; ibid. p. 561. Hadrian V. elected July 1276, died forty days later ; ibid. He was followed by John XIX. [XX.] Sep- tember 1276, who died in the following year ; his life, ibid. p. 585. Nicolas III. succeeded December 1277, and died 1280; ibid. p. 595. After a five months' vacancy Martin II [IV.] was elected February 1281, and died 1285 ; ibid. p. 721. Next followed Honorius IV. in April 1285 to April 1287; ibid. ^. 851. Then after a year's vacancy in 1288, Nicolas IV., who held it until 1292 ; ibid. p. 1 161. After a two years' vacancy Coelestine V. suc- ceeded in 1294-; his life, ibid. p. 1206. 266 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART guardian and protector of his nephew. Supported '. by his brave and faithful Saracens, he bade defiance to Alexander I\'\, who had almost exhausted Eng- A.D. 1258 land in his endeavours to support Edmund's cause ; he was himself elected to the crown of Sicily, overran the states of the Church, and compelled 1260 the Pope to sue for peace. When England could pay no more, the crown was offered by Urban IV. to Charles of Anjou ; but, nothing daunted, Manfred came forth to meet his new opponent, and at Urban's death was in possession of a great part of the states of the Church. How long the contest would have been prolonged, it is impossible to say. But a papal bull gathered an army of crusaders from Provence about Charles, and treachery aided his de- Feb. 26, . -^ . 1266 signs. At Benevento, the noble Manfred fell, losing the battle together with his life. And now the time was come for the lofty race of the Hohenstaufen to fall. Conradin, the grandson of Frederic, alone survived. That unhappy youth, Aug. 23, making one ineffectual attempt to recover his father's dominions, was defeated and taken prisoner at Tag- liacozzo, and bloody vengeance executed on him. On a scaffold at Naples, the execution of five persons might have been witnessed on October 29, 1268, undertaken by command of the Count of Anjou, among them being two in particular, the one Frederic of Bavaria, the other Conradin.^ As the latter knelt with uplifted hands, awaiting the blow of the executioner, and uttered these last words : ' O my mother ! how deep will be thy * See MiLMAN, vol. vi. book xi. ch. iii. p. 391. INNOCENT IV. AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 267 sorrow at the news of this day ! ' even the followers chap. of Charles could hardly restrain their pity and indig- . — U nation. Yet their pity did not avail him. He lies not in consecrated ground — the inexorable rancour of his enemies would not grant that boon. No death-knell except his own words sounded over the decease of the last scion of the house of Hohen- staufen, dead in his early youth. That house, greatest of Germany's imperial families, had for nearly a cen- tury and a half headed the van of opposition to the growing papal claims. Rarely had it been defeated, except when other circumstances combined against it, as they did against the great Frederic at Venice, or the second Frederic at St. Germano. But now its glory was gone for ever ; its last gleam of light was extinguished, itself the victim of the enduring hatred of Clement IV. ignobly sacrificed to the rancour of an ignoble foe. The Papacy had tri- umphed, and the Hohenstaufen were extinct. The other point to which Innocent IV. and the {2) De- succeeding Popes chiefly directed their attention was imperial the decision of imperial elections.^ Already, in 1246, ^ " ^'^'^^' Innocent IV. hacl put forward ' the priest's king,' Henry Raspe, and on his death William of Holland, as a rival emperor to Frederic II. When death had carried off both Frederic and William, Alexander IV. possessed sufficient influence to prevent the elec- tion of Frederic's son Conrad. At a still later time, Alexander was looked to by Germany to decide between the two candidates, Richard of Cornwall and ^ See note on imperial elections, Chap. X. mfra. A.D. 1259 268 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART Alfonso of Castile.^ Althoueh he decided in favour II. . '■ of Richard, who was supported by the Archbishop of Cologne, and among others by the cities of Frankfurt, Oppenheim, Wesslar and Friedberg, yet his successor, conscious of his own strength, professed to regard the question as still open, and repeatedly summoned the candidates before his throne, but without pronouncing any decision. At length, by a long series of aggressions, the idea of the ascendency of the papal power over the German crown was so firmly established, that on Richard's death, Gregory X. wrote to the electors, threatening himself ' to provide for the desolate conditions of the Roman Empire, unless within the time prescribed they agreed in their choice."" Once the emperors had decided papal elections, now the Popes took upon themselves to decide imperial elections. Such is the nemesis of history. The newly elected emperor, Rudolph of Hapsburg, was obliged to acknowledge the papal supremacy, and to swear ' to preserve and protect the honours and rights of the Roman Church, and to honour and obey his lord, Gregory X., and his successors.' By a threat of excom- munication, Alfonso w^as Induced to renounce his pretensions ; and to complete the triumph, a few ' See the documents quoted by Gies. vol. iii. § 57, p. 119. 2 An historian in Urctisii, Gej-ma?!. Histo7-ie, ii. 93 relates : ' Gregorius P. X. . . . praecepit principibus Alemanniae electoribus, ' ut de Romanorum Rege, sicut sua ab antiqua et approbata con- ' suetudine intererat, providerent, infra tempus eis ad hoc de ' Papa Gregorio statutum : alias ipse de consensu Cardinalium * Romani Imperii providere vellet desolationi.' BONIFACE VII f. 269 IX. A.D. 1278 years later, not ten years after the unfortunate chap. Conradin had perished on the scaffold, Nicolas III. secured the territorial independence of the states of the Church by gaining from Rudolph an absolute release from imperial sovereignty for all the do- minions already granted to the Roman See.^ The historian tracinor the growth of the papal C. Boni- r ^ -r ^ faceVIIL power, naturally passes on from the pontificate of 1 294-1 -03 Nicolas III. to that of Boniface VIII., who, by a (0 His combination of ambition, daring and craft, made his way to the papal throne, and now carried its pre- tensions to power to their highest pitch. Without any claim to spiritual character, without even moral worth, avaricious, unscrupulous, and revengeful, dig- nified only in distress, Boniface VIII., in wanton abuse of power, went far beyond his great prede- cessor. Innocent III., but his moral ascendency over the minds of men was far less than that of Innocent. Innocent's acts were those of a monarch powerfully heading the current of popular sympathies ; those of Boniface were the acts of a cruel tyrant, whose might is his only right, and whose dominion is sullenly endured. Innocent's pontificate prepared the way for the greatest triumphs of the Papacy ; that of Boniface for the great reaction against it, which culminated in the Reformation.'^ The accession of Boniface is marked by an occur- (2) His rence unprecedented in the annals of the Papacy since //tfe^ ^^^ ^ Hallam's Middle Agcs^ vol. i. pt. if. ch. iii. p. 114 (smal edition). * For the life of Boniface VIII., who succeeded Coelestine V. in 1294, and died October 1303, see Labbe, xiv. 1222. JO CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART the era of the Hildebrandlan Church reforms. Before '- — that era, Instances had occurred of Popes resigning their See. The worthless Benedict IX. had been de- posed to make way for Silvester III. ; he had after- wards sold his See to Gregory VI. ; ^ Benedict X. had been displaced to make way for Nicolas 11.^ But how could a Pope be lawfully deposed or be able to resign, now that he was conceived to be Invested with the highest dignity upon earth, and stood forth as the vicar of Christ ? Benedetti, however, artfully taking advantage of the feeble Coelestlne V., whom age and monkish life ill fitted for the round of busi- ness in the papal court, suggested scruples of con- science, and Induced him to retire to his former life ; then, having secured his own election, he kept his predecessor In close confinement for the rest of his days, lest he should at any time reassert his claims. In acting thus, he certainly established the greatness of his own power, but he weakened that of his successors by giving a precedent, of which the Councils of Pisa and Constance were afterwards not slow to avail themselves. A like result followed from another of Boniface's most overbearing and revengeful acts. That terrible vengeance which, for the offence of one knight, who had plundered a convoy of papal treasure, placed the entire family of the Colonnas under the ban, and, recounting the sins of that family from distant generations, deposed all Its members from every spi- ritual and secular office, destroyed their castles, and ' See Chap. V. p. 138. '' See Chap. VII. p. 192. BONIFACE VI I L 271 confiscated their estates, was a stretch of power chap, which, even if exerted in a just cause, went beyond U the hmits of human endurance.^ Great, therefore, was the resentment which it called forth, when it was seen to be an act of personal revenge, aimed at two cardinals of the Colonna family, who had op- posed the Pope's election. From their humiliation those cardinals called for justice. Boniface, it is true, gained the day ; nothing remained for the Colonnas, when a crusade had been preached against them, but to throw themselves at the feet of the Pope, and sue for mercy. When he anew persecuted them, they fled to France. But the fact remained on record to form a precedent for future times, that an appeal had been made to a general council, and that a higher tribunal had been invoked which should pass judgment even on the Pope. A Pope who could travesty the solemn words, (4) Graiit * Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return,' into gences. * A Ghibelline thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return with the Ghibellines,' might be expected on other occasions to sacrifice religious proprieties for wordly gains. And so it actually happened. Taking advantage of the close of the century, Boniface, on - January i, 1300, ascended the pulpit of St. Peter's, which was draped with rich tapestry for the occasion and crowded with expectant votaries. There, having concluded his sermon, he unfolded a bull, sealed with the pontifical seal, granting to all Romans who for thirty days, to all strangers who for fifteen > Neand. ix. 5. 2 72 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART days after Easter, should devoutly visit the churches II. ^. '- of St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome, the fullest indul- gence, on condition that they truly repented and con- fessed their sins.^ The bull was received as a general boon, and Rome was thronged with crowds of penitents — a source of gain to the Romans, a mine of untold wealth to Boniface. Far exceedinof what any one of his predecessors had ventured to do before, this lavish exercise of spiritual jurisdiction by Boniface displayed in its fullest dimensions the extravagance of his assumptions ; but, like so many of his other acts, it weakened the papal power, pro- voking opposition by its wantonness, though in this case the opposition was directed against its spiritual, and not against its temporal pretensions. ^i) ^^'/" And now bes^an the memorable conflict between fitct with ^ ^ ^ ^ Philip Boniface and Philip the Fair of France, the last great struggle between a Pope and a king — Philip in avarice and ambition the equal of Boniface, in un- flinching unscrupulousness, if it were possible, his superior. Neither shrunk from pushing his claims to their extreme limit ; neither from couching them in the plainest and most abrupt language. {d) First The conflict began in 1296, when the Pope issued A?D. ' a bull, known from its initial words as Clcricis laicos, ^zgT' which pronounced the ban on all princes and nobles, who under any pretext imposed tallages on the Church and clergy.^ Although the bull did not ^ Neand. ix. 3. 2 Quoted in Lib. Sex. Decretal. lib. iii. t. xxiii. cap. iii. ; in Rymer, Foed. ed. Clarke, i. ii. 836 ; in Gies. vol. iii. § 59, p. 134 : * Clericis laicos infestos oppido tradit antiquitas, quod et praesen- IX. BONIFACE VIII. ^^^ mention Philip by name, it was clearly aimed at him ; chap. the Pope's object being to induce Philip by fear of wanting supplies to refer his dispute with the English king Edward I. to himself for decision. In this object he failed at the time, having entirely misjudged the character of his opponent. Philip retaliated by prohibiting the exportation of gold and silver out of France, thus depriving Boniface of an important portion of his revenues, and Boniface found it best for his own interests to repeal the bull with regard to France,^ and to court the favour of Philip. Friendly * tium experimenta temporum manifeste declarant dum suis finibus *■ non contenti nituntur in vetitum, ad illicita fraena relaxant nee * prudenter attendant, quae sit eis in clericos, ecclesiasticasve ' personas et bona interdicta potestas : . . . et (quod dolenter * referimus) nonnulli Ecclesiarum Praelati . . . trepidantes, ubi * trepidandum non est, . . . plus timentes majestatem temporalem * offendere quam aeternam, talium abusibus . . . adquiescunt, * sedis apostolicae auctoritate seu licentia non obtenta. Nos * igitur, talibus iniquis actibus obviare volentes, de fratrum nos- * trorum consilio apostolica auctoritate statuimus, quod quicumque * Praelati, ecclesiasticaeque personae . . . collectas vel tallias, * decimam, vicesimam seu centesimam suorum et Ecclesiarum pro- * ventiuum . . . laicis solverint vel promiserint, aut quamvis aliam ' quantitatem , . . sub adjutorii, mutui, subventionis, subsidii vel ' doni nomine, seu quovis alio titulo, modo, vel quaesito colore, ' absque auctoritate sedis ejusdem ; necnon Imperatores, Reges ' seu Principes, . . . qui talia imposuerunt, exegerint vel rece- ' perint, aut apud aedes sacras deposita Ecclesiarum . . . arres- * taverint, saisiverint, seu occupare praesumserint, necnon omnes, * qui scienter dederint in praedictis auxilium, . . . eo ipso sen- * tentiam excoramunicationis incurrant. ... A supradictis autem * excommunicationum et interdicti sentertiis nullus absolvi valeat, ' praeterquam in mortis articulo, absque sedis apostolicae auc- * toritate.' ^ Or rather to explain it twice; first, February 7, 1297, after- wards, July 31, 1297. The former explanation in Raynald ad h. T 2 74 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART relations were restored, and Philip agreed to accept — - — ^— the arbitration of the Pope. Thus by a yielding policy Boniface succeeded In obtaining a success, which he had been unable to gain by force ; but whilst the gain was personal, a sacrifice had been made of the dignity of his office. ib) Second A year or two later the quarrel broke out afresh ; ^.^^(298 Philip being dissatisfied with the Pope's award ; Boniface charging Philip with oppressing the Church. Saiset de Pamlers, the papal legate, threatened the king with excommunication, his whole kingdom with the Interdict.^ To Philip Boniface wrote : ' Thou art to know that In things spiritual and temporal thou art subject to us. . . . Those who think otherwise we hold to be heretics.' ^ The French prelates he summoned to Rome to confer with him on the abuses in Philip's administration ; Philip himself he cited to an. No. 49, and Gies. vol. iii. § 59, p. 137 : 'Quia ejus est inter- ' pretari cujus est condere, ad cautelam tuam . . . decernimus, * quod si Praelatus aliquis . . . voluntarie . . . donum aut mu- * tuum tibi dare . . . voluerit, . . . te Praelatos etc. ipsa consti- ' tutio non astringat.' The latter, wid. No. 50, and Gies. zdid. : ' Adjicimus insuper hujusmodi declarationi nostrae, quod si prae- ' fatis Regi et successoribus suis pro universali vel particulari ejus- ' dem regni defensione periculosa necessitas immineret, ad hujus- ' modi necessitatis casum se nequaquam extendat constitutio me- * morata.' 1 See the documents in Du Puy, p. 621 ; Martene, Thesaurus^ i. 1319. 2 BuLAEUS, iv. 7 ; Baillet, p. 163 : ' Deum time et mandata * ejus observa. Scire te volumus, quod in spiritualibus et tempo- * ralibus nobis subes. Beneficiorum et Praebendarum ad te col- ' latio nulla spectat : et si aliquorum vacantium custodiam habeas, * fructus eorum successoribus reserves. . . . Aliud autem credentes '• haereticos reputamus.' BONIFACE VII I. /:) appear before them, bidding him observe, so the chap. letter ran, ' what the Lord our God utters through — 1-1— us.'^ The celebrated bull, Unam Sanctam, was put ^^;^^\^ forth, repeating in a still more advanced form the ^302 principles of Innocent III., declaringthat to St. Peter, as the one head of the Church, and to his successors, two swords had been committed, the one temporal, the other spiritual ; that the temporal sword was to be usedy^r the Church, the spiritual by the Church ; and concluding by the assertion that for every human being subjection to the Pope was necessary for salvation.''^ To crown the whole, a bull was issued on April 13, 1303, pronouncing sentence of excommu- nication on the king.^ To all these menaces Philip replied with equal ' Raynald, 1. c. No. 31 ; Bulaeus, iv. 7 ; Du Puy, p. 48 : * Ausculta, fill carissime, praecepta patris, et ad doctrinam magistri, ' qui gerit illius vices in terris, qui solus est Magister et Dominus, ' aurem tui cordis inclina. . . . Tu autem audies, quid loquetur in ' nobis Dominus Deus noster.' 2 Raynald, an. 1302, No. 13 ; Gies. vol. iii. § 59, p. 146 : ' Unam sanctam Ecclesiam catholicam et ipsam apostolicam ur- ' gente fide credere cogimur et tenere. . . . Igitur Ecclesiae unius ' et unicae unum corpus, unum caput, non duo capita, quasi mon- ' strum, Christus videlicet et Christi vicarius Petrus, Petrique suc- ' cessor. ... In hac ejusque potestate duos esse gladios, spiri- *■ tualem videlicet et temporalem, evangelicis dictis instruimur. ' Nam dicentibus Apostolis Ecce gladii duo hie (Luc. xxii. 38) in ' Ecclesia scilicet. . . . uterque ergo est in potestate Ecclesiae, * spiritualis scilicet gladius et materialis. Sed is quidem pro Ec- ' clesia, ille vero ab Ecclesia exercendus. Ille sacerdotis, is manu ' Regum et militum, sed ad nutum et patientiam sacerdotis. . . . ' Porro subesse Romano Pontifici, omni humanae creaturae de- ' claramus, dicimus, definimus et pronunciamus omnino esse de ' necessitate salutis.' 3 Du Puy, p. 98 ; Bulaeus, iv. t^Z. T 2 2^6 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. PART boldness ; Salset, the legate, who was moreover a '- — subject of France, he contemptuously sent out of the kingdom unanswered. To Boniface's laconic letter he replied by one equally laconic : ' Let thy most consummate folly know that in temporal things we are subject to no man. . . . Those who think other- A.D. April, wise we hold to be foolish or mad.'^ He forbade the prelates to leave the kingdom and sequestrated the goods of those w^ho disobeyed, and assembling the States General, to assure himself of the support of his subjects, he recounted the attacks which had been made on his sovereignty. The bull, Unam Sanctam, June 13, was publicly burnt, and to the bull of excommunica- ^ ^ tion he replied by preferring before the States Gene- ral a list of charges against the Pope, and making a solemn appeal to a general council to examine these charges. Thus for the second time in Philip's reign an appeal was made from the Pope to a council ; the sympathies of the States General were enlisted on the side of the king ; and the weapon which Hildebrand had first employed against the clergy was now employed by Philip against Hildebrand's successor. {c) Fall The sequel of the struggle is soon told. Boniface of Bonu face. ^ BuLAEUs, iv. II ; Baillet, p. iii ; Gies. vol. iii. § 59, p. 143. ' Philippus Dei Gratia Francorum Rex Bonifacio se gerenti pro ' summo Pontifice salutem modicam, seu nullam. Sciat maxima ' tua fatuitas, in temporalibus nos alicui non subesse ; Ecclesiarum ' ac Praebendarum vacantium collationem ad Nos jure regio per- ' tinere ; fructus earum nostros facere ; collationes a nobis hac- ' tenus factas et in posterum faciendas fore validas in praeteritum ' et futurum ; et earum possessores contra omnes viriliter nos ' tueri ) secus autem credentes fatuos et dementes reputamus.' IX. BONIFACE VIIL o-- had gone too far to be able to withdraw, and PhiHp chap. was not disposed to give way. Whilst the Pope thought to celebrate his triumph over France, the handwriting was seen on the wall. Before Anagni, his native city, whither he had withdrawn with his cardinals from the summer heat of Rome, William de Nogaret, Philip's keeper of the seals, appeared on September 7, 1303, at the head of a troop of armed men. He entered the city at early dawn, and soon the cry resounded : ' Death to Pope Boniface ! Long live the King of France!' The people took part with the soldiers ; the cardinals fled. Not losing his self-command, but declaring himself ready to die like Christ, if like Christ he were betrayed, Boniface put on the stole of St. Peter, and with the imperial crown on his head, the keys of St. Peter in one hand, the cross in the other, took his seat on the papal throne ; and, like the Roman senators of old, awaited the ap- proach of the Gaul.^ But he had not been three days in the hands of Nogaret, when the citizens of Anagni by a sudden impulse turned round ; the French were driven from Rome, and Boniface was once more at liberty. To Rome he returned ; no longer to exercise that sway over men's minds which he had wielded in the days of his prosperity, but to find himself a prisoner, the Sacred College his enemies. In an access of fury, the Ghibelline his- torians relate, brought on by wounded pride and ambition, the fallen Pontiff sat gnawing the top of his staff, and at length beat out his brains against the wall. ^ See MiLMAN, vol. vii. book xl. ch. ix. p. 149. 278 CLIMAX OF THE PAPAL POWER. TART In the fall of Boniface was shadowed forth the fall ' ^— of the papal supremacy, which for so long had held dominion over men's minds and bodies. In the bold and unscrupulous use of ecclesiastical power no Pope had ever been the equal of Boniface ; there is nothing in the life of the great Innocent III. which equals Boniface's crusade against the Colonnas, nothing in that of Gregory VII. which approaches the series of bulls hurled at the head of Philip. Nevertheless, had all other signs of decline been wanting, and could the last scene of Boniface's life be expunged from history, those two appeals to a general council, that successful enlistment of the sympathies of the States General against Boniface, showed that the papal power had begun to decline. The year of Jubilee, with its lavish grant of indul- gences, provoked the reaction which prepared the way for the era of the Reformation, fe; S ^4. 1 5 3 <^0 X Q - o ^' 2 s V S of ^ W . Dealing with prelates so worldly, so contentious, chap. so sharp-witted, kings and emperors might well feel it "_ necessary to be on their guard ; they might well hesi- tate to Invest with the temporalities of a see any person who should happen to be elected without having pre- viously made trial of his fidelity ; they might well demand that a bishop elect should take the oath of fealty, and do homage like the lay barons of their kingdoms. But not so thought the Pope. He would have an undivided allegiance from his liegemen. No homage or fealty should they render to any but him- self. Least of all would he allow the ecclesiastical power to be degraded by any sign of subservience to the civil power. Thus arose the dispute on investi- ture.^ It was another instance of a struo^Qrle brouorht on by attempting to realise the idea of the Holy Empire. Within forty years of the death of Gregory VH. It had ended, concluded by a compromise, a.d. 1122 More important subjects occupied the minds of later Popes ; for had it been revived in the time of Inno- cent III., It would probably have had a very different termination. On yet another point the royal and papal pre- (5) Rival rogatives were involved In a collision owing to their '^tlon!^'^' very nearness ; but the collision was brief, the struggle was confined to one country, and the Issue was too decidedly in favour of the Popes to lead any subsequent monarch to seek to revive the contest. In the lapse of centuries the ecclesiastical courts, which had been originally founded to avoid litigation ^ See Chap. XII. ^OA ^^^ HOLY EMPIRE. TART ' before the unbelievers,' had assumed a fixed form, ' and acquired a legal sanction. Into England, which A.D. 1066 ill tiiis respect was behind the rest of Europe, they had been first introduced by William the Conqueror, and soon began to encroach on the province of the civil courts, particularly after their jurisdiction had been extended by the revived study of the civil law. These encroachments led to the memorable struggle between King Henry 1 1, and Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury— Henry the champion of the civil courts, Becket the upholder of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The barbarous assassination of Becket threw the whole weight of popular sympathy into the scale of the Church, and secured the triumph of the Papal party. Hence, as the result of the struggle, Becket was canonised, and Henry had to undergo a dis- 29 Dec. graceful penance at the tomb of his adversary.^ Thus by many a struggle — at one time on the domain of the Papacy, at another on that of the Empire, at one time respecting investitures, at another respecting jurisdiction — was proved to a world unwilling to admit it, the impracticability of realising the idea of the Holy Empire. Grand as was the idea, able as were its adherents, zealous as were its supporters, it was tried in the balance of history and found wanting. It shattered on the maxim, ' Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's.' But long after these words had been quoted against it by an ambitious and stubborn opponent, like a • ___^ _^ 1 See Chap. XII. CONSEQUENCES OF THE IDEA. 305 great oak dying away and decaying, which still lasts chap. for ages, a mere skeleton of former greatness, the _^.^_ relics of that idea continued to survive, destitute of power, but strong in the affections of men. In one form or other they have affected the religious legis- lation of most countries ; and in this way have lingered on to our time. Yet the beginning of the present century has seen the original tree swept away by the storm of reaction, obviously suggesting the inquiry, ' Will its later offshoots be able to bear the violence of the storm? Will they be able to survive until the period of reaction is over .-^ Or is the Church destined to enter upon a new phase of existence, such as it has never yet known since Christianity first reached Europe } The work of Constantine may be indeed undone — but will the doctrine of the '0//,ootj,j5 ^^^^ CRUSADES. PART how it became possible In later times to speak of '- — crusades against heretics, as well as of crusades against the Pope's enemies, to initiate a war of ex- termination against the Albigenses, as well as one of intended conquest against England, to call the taking of Constantinople a crusade, equally with the war of Charles of Anjou against Manfred, with the perse- cution of Frederic II. by Innocent III., or with that of the Colonnas by Boniface VIII. {c) Es- Perhaps the saddest feature about the crusades me)f/of was their effect In estranging the Eastern and the fvesf^"^ Western Churches — a result the very .opposite of that which had been originally intended. The Greek emperors had Invited the crusaders to come to their rescue : they found that their friends might be as dangerous as their enemies. They were appalled by the utter want of discipline and self-control of the abandoned multitude that set forth under the guid- ance of Peter the Hermit and Walter the Penniless. They were terrified with their numbers, host follow- ing host; and they dreaded the power of the Franks, should they think of turning their power upon them- selves. To extort the recognition of their own sovereignty, they treated the crusading chiefs with craft and cunning. On more than one occasion they basely deceived them, and It is said that they conde- scended to intrigues with the Saracens. Could the;-- wonder if, in return for the mistrust, hatred and con- tempt, which they displayed towards the friends they had invited, they had to experience the contempt Clarom. an. 1095, Can. 4, Labbe, xii. 830 : ' Ne aliquis clericus ' arma deferat.' HIE FIRST CRUSADE. ^j^ and insolence of the Franks ? — or that this contempt, chap. increased by other difficulties, advanced towards Its — ^~ — culminating point, until Constantinople was taken, and a Latin kingdom established in place of the effete Greek kingdom ? Perhaps the rudeness of the Franks may have been as much to blame for these results as the treachery of the Greeks ; but the results were in any case sad. The Greeks were henceforth known to the Franks only as treacherous, the Franks to the Greeks only as rude barbarians. Tenfold was the flame of hatred increased, already burning between the East and West.^ The causes which led to the crusades might B. First have existed in full force, without a crusade having I 096- I 099 ^ The causes of the disunion of the Eastern and Western Churches must be sought two centuries back. The usurpation of the patriarchate of Constantinople by Photius, and the claims of Constantinople to ecclesiastical supremacy over Bulgaria, had led to a schism between the two Churches in the Papacy of Nicolas. It had been healed by the deposition of Photius and the accession of the Emperor Basil, the Macedonian, in 869. Ten years later, in 879, the schism broke out afresh. Photius had been restored on the death of Ignatius, but, refusing to allow a supremacy over the whole Church to John VIII., or to cede the ecclesiastical province of Bulgaria, had been anew excommuni- cated. Communion was temporarily restored in 886 by the depo- sition of Photius for the second time. Overtures between the two Churches had been revived in 1024, but without effect. A new series of overtures was attempted in 1053, but the only result was the final separation of the two Churches. On July 16, 1054, the papal legates deposited on the altar of the Church of St. Sophia, at Constantinople, a bull of excommunication. The breach then caused was increased in tlie succeeding centuries by the following causes : (i) the growth of the Papacy, (2) the growtli of the Western Empire, (3) the Cru- sades, and (4) scholasticism. iS THE CRUSADES. PART ever actually come to pass, had not a fitting occasion II. (i) Occa- sions. offered to bring these causes into play. That oc- casion was the conquest of Jerusalem by the Turks. {a) Cap- Some twenty years before the first crusade left turc of ^ -^ jerusa- Europc, a chano^e had come over the political re- levibythe ^ . \ ^ , . ^ , r ^ i Tur/:s. lations of Palestme. Instead of the regular govern- ^/^- . ment of the Fatlmlte Caliphs,^ the house of Seljuk was enthroned at Jerusalem, and the government was entrusted by them to the chief of a tribe of Turkmans, Ortok by name, whose fierceness and cruelty were the terror of all from Palestine to Nice and Bythlnla. This change of government in a foreign country was felt all the more at the moment, 1024 owing to the new zeal for pilgrimages which had arisen in Europe, and which on one occasion, some thirty years before the first crusade, had brought as many as 7,000 at a time to visit the tomb of the 1064 Redeemer.^ Now these pilgrims were treated with severity. The tax which they were required to pay was increased : the patriarch was cast Into a dungeon to extort a heavy ransom ; and divine services In the Church of the Resurrection were often interrupted by the rudeness of the Mohammedans. (^) Pe^er The tale of these grievances when borne back to mil. Europe, and there repeated by the glowing eloquence ^ The Fatimite caliphs reigned over Palestine from 969 to 1076. In the last-named year Jerusalem was conquered by the Turks. See Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Ivii. p. 403. 2 The Archbishop of Mentz with the bishops of Utrecht, Bam- berg and Ratisbon, travelled from the Rhine to Jerusalem, an. 1064, with a retinue of some 7,000 persons. Baronius (an. 1064, No. 43-56) has transcribed the narratives of Ingulphus, Marianus, and Lambertus. THE FIRST CRUSADE. ^jn of Peter the Hermit, was not likely to lose in chap. XI dimension. Short in stature and contemptible in '- — appearance, with a keen eye and the eloquence of conviction, once a knight of the sword, then re- nouncing the sword for the convent, passing from the convent to a hermitage, and from a hermitage to a pilgrimage, Peter had gone the round of every career in life. He could speak with experience, and address all classes. Herein lay the secret of his success. Abstemious in diet, liberal in giving away what he received, with bare head and naked feet, wrapt in a coarse garment, and bearing a crucifix, he rode about, telling what he had seen, and enlisting alike the noble and the peasant, the priest and the layman, the regular and the secular, in the cause which he had at heart — the first instance of a Men- dicant Friar. None could resist his appeal ; Pope Urban H. was won; and so great was the number of those who flocked to the Council of Piacenza, that no church could contain them, and the assembly was held in the open plain. An embassy from the a.d. 1095 Eastern emperor was there to plead the cause of the Eastern Christians, and many promised on the spot to go to their rescue.^ ^ Account of the Concil. Placent. an. 1095, Labbe, xii. 821 : * Facta est autem haec synodus circa mediam quadragesimam * Placentiae : ad quam synodum multitudo tarn innumerabilis con- * fluxit, ut nequaquam in qualibet ecclesia illius loci posset com- * prehendi. Unde et dominus Papa extra urbem in campo illam ' celebrare compulsus est. Hoc tamen non absque probabilis * exempli auctoritate : nam primus legislator Moyses populum * Dei in campestribus, legalibus praeceptis, Deo jubente, instituit ; ' et ipse Dominus non in domibus, sed in monte et in campestri- * bus, discipulos suos evangelicis statutis informavit. . . . ,20 ^^^" CRUSADES. PART Nor was It otherwise at Clermont, where Pope '- — Urban II. appeared himself as the preacher. He spoke of Jerusalem being trodden down of the Gentiles, how Christians were become a scorn and derision to those round about them. He praised the first martyr, St. Stephen, and John the Baptist, and called upon those who heard him to fight more bravely than the Israelites of old had done, against Turks who were worse than the Jebusltes, declaring that he, like Moses, would pray whilst they went up to fight against the Amalekltes.^ His speech was ' Item legatio Constantinopolitani imperatoris ad hanc synodum * pervenit, qui dominum Papam omnesque Christi fideles suppli- ' citer imploravit, ut aliquod auxilium sibi contra paganos pro * defensione sanctae ecclesiae conferrent. . . . Ad hoc ergo auxi- * Hum dominus Papa multos incitavit, ut etiam jurejurando pro- ' mitterent se illuc, Deo annuente, ituros.' • Concil. Clarom. an. 1095, Labb^, xii. 839 : ' Nos miseri, nos ' infelices, quorum tempore Dei prophetia ista completa est : * Deus, venerunt gentes in hereditatem tuam : poUuerunt templum * sanctum tuum : posuerunt Jerusalem in pomorum custodiam. . . . * Quam terram merito sanctam diximus, in qua non est etiam * passus pedis quem non illustraverit et sanctificaverit vel corpus * vel umbra Salvatoris, vel gloriosa praesentia sanctae Dei geni- * tricis, vel amplectendus apostolorum commeatus, vel martyrum * ebibendus sanguis effusus. Quam beati, O Stephane proto- * martyr, qui te laureaverunt lapides ! Quam felices, O tunc, * Baptista Joannes, qui tibi ad Salvatorem baptizandum servierunt * Jordanici latices ! Filii Israel ab Aegyptiis educti, qui rubri * maris transitu vos praefiguraverunt, terram Illam armis suis, Jesu * duce, sibi vendicaverunt ; Jebusaeos, et alios convenas inde * expulerunt, et instar Jerusalem coelestis, Jerusalem terrenam * excoluerunt. . . . * Haec ideo fratres, dicimus, ut et manus homicidas a fraterna ' nece contineatis, et pro fidei domesticis vos externis nationibus ' opponatis, et sub Jesu Christo duce vestro acies Christiana, acies ' invictissima, melius quam ipsi veteres Israelitae pro vestra Jeru- THE FIRST CRUSADE, 21 Interrupted by loud cries of ' God wills it ! God chap. wills it!' The cross was distributed as a badge to L_ the crowds who pressed forward to receive it. The crusade was decreed, and the Pope was invited to march at its head. The story of that crusade is a well-known one. (2) The It is really a story of several crusades, and brings mg before us in vivid colours the devotion of some, the ^^ ^' heroism of others, the ferocity of many, the ignorance of all. There was the first outburst of enthusiasm, the more than sixty thousand of both sexes, who im- patient of delay set forth from P" ranee and Lorraine under the generalship of Walter the Penniless ; the fifteen or twenty thousand peasants from the villages of Germany, led by the monk Godescal ; the indis- criminate herd of two hundred thousand who pressed their rear, guided, it is said, by a goose and a goat. The impatience of these pilgrims brought on them a sad retribution. Distinguished in the early part of their route for their rapine and drunkenness, and the wild fury with which they persecuted and massacred the Jews; bringing down on themselves by their rude injuries, the revenge of the native Christians amidst the morasses and forests of Bulgaria ; escaping with but one third of their number to the mountains of Thrace, and thence reaching Constantinople ; there received with kindness, and retaliating with * salem decertetis, et Turcos, qui in ea sunt nefandiores quam • Jebusaei, impugnetis et expugnetis. . . . * Vos autem qui ituri estis, habebitis nos pro vobis oratores : ' nos habeamus vos pro populo Dei pugnatores. Nostrum est ' orare, vestnim est contra Amalecitas pugnare.' Y 322 THE CRUSADES. PART depredations ; unable to control themselves, and a — — burden to others ; they were conveyed across the Bosporus by the emperor Alexius, only to fall an easy prey to the arts of the sultan. A false rumour tempted them into the plain of Nice, and all that remained to tell of the sad fate which befell the three hundred thousand crusaders who first set forth in obedience to Peter's summons, was a heap of whiten- ing bones. (3) The A better fate awaited the more disciplined army real Cm- . sade. which set out m the autumn 01 the same year, under {a) The ^^ leadership of Godfrey of Bouillon, the princes leaders. ^ "^ ^ of Northern and Southern France, and the princes of Italy. No character, however, shines so bright in their midst as does that of the noble Godfrey of Bouillon, valorous, pious, humble, and virtuous. With his two brothers, Eustace and Baldwin, he was at the head of some 90,000 men. Four princes commanded the contingent from Northern France : Hugh, Count of Vermandois, brother of the king, and hence called the Great ; Robert, the eldest son of William the Conqueror ; Robert, Count of Flanders, the sword and lance of the Christians, and the wealthiest prince of the age ; Stephen, Count of Char- tres, Blols, and Troyes, who had castles as many as the days of the year. In Southern France the com- mand was assumed by Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, the Pope's legate, and Raymond, Count of St. Giles and Toulouse ; and Italy sent forth at once the base and intriguing Boemund, and his cousin, the chivalrous Tancred.^ 1 See the account in Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Iviii. p. 423 saj. THE FIRST CRUSADE. .^^ Advancing by three different routes, all the chap. divisions of the army reached Constantinople by '—1 INIay in the following year, yet not without en- route!^ countering many difficulties. The Hungarians had attacked Godfrey's army, smarting under the injuries inflicted by the first Christian rabble. Probably owing to the same cause, Raymond had to complain of the hostility of the natives of Dalmatia and Sclavonia. Hugh was at Constantinople, a prisoner in the hands of Alexius. From Constantinople, after experiencing the treachery of Alexius, they crossed the Bosporus. In Asia Minor they mustered a force, if the authority may be believed, of 600,000 14 May to men. Their first exploit in paynim land was the ^'a.^d^°' siege of Nice, wrested from them, however, by the ^°^^ treachery of Alexius. The successful battle of Dory- juiy 4, laeum follow^ed, w-hen, besides 3,000 pagan knights, ^°^ a countless multitude of pagans fell. Next came the celebrated siege of Antloch, five-and-twenty days being spent by the Christians on the verge of destruction ; then they w^ere in turn besieged in Antloch, and owed their deliverance to the discovery of the Holy Lance. But by this time, most of the leaders who had first set out had turned back, the Duke of Normandy to face the Church's censures, Stephen to enjoy his ease, Peter to avoid the pen- ance of a fast, Baldwin to found the principality of Edessa. Few only remained, who, having once taken the Cross, refused to look back ; and among these the principal ones were Godfrey, actuated by motives of disinterested piety, Tancred by chivalry. 324 I^H^ CRUSADES. PART and the two Roberts. Worse than all, the soldiers '- were discouraored, because William of Melun, their favourite, who from the violence of his blows had obtained the name of Carpenter, had also deserted the cause. [c) Cap- Saddened but yet not daunted, after a long delay jeru- at Antioch, the relics of the mighty host, some ^^'a.d. 40,000 in number, set out for Jerusalem. Laodicea, ^lay, 1099 ^1^^ Libanus, Caesarea, Lydda, Ramla, Emmaus and Bethlem ^ were soon reached, and when the first glimpse of the holy city was obtained, they felt amply recompensed for their toils, and were animated with new courao^e. On the first swell of Mount Calvary Godfrey's standard was erected : to the left, the line of attack was continued by Tancred and the two Roberts ; Raymond established his quarters from the citadel to the foot of Mount Sion. For forty days the siege went on — forty days of calamity and anguish indeed ; and at length, on July 15, in the last year of the century, more than four years after the crusade had been first preached, their labours were ended, and the city was taken. On that day, a Friday, at three in the afternoon, the day and hour of the Passion, Godfrey of Bouillon stood victorious on the walls. Success had at length crowned the crusaders' efforts : the holy sepulchre was now free ; and the victors prepared to accomplish their vow. But how few were left of those who had first listened to Peter's preaching, or taken the vow at Clermont ! ^ Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Iviii. 452. Bethlem is not the well- known Bethlehem, south of Jerusalem. THE FIRST CRUSADE. ^25 The capture of Jerusalem was not the sole result chap. of the first crusade. For that crusade, unlike any A.D. K Other except the fourth, left permanent results behind Frankih it in the establishment of Prankish princedoms in infj[e^'^^ the East. Nice might have formed the seat of one ^^^^' such princedom, had not Alexius craftily persuaded the inhabitants to accept his protection, and to sur- render to the Eastern Empire.^ Boemund, Prince of Tarento, had secured for himself the city of Antioch before it was taken, and now held that principality as an independent sovereign, owning no feudal superior.^ Baldwin was established at Edessa.^ At Tripoli and Tiberias princedoms were likew^ise established, which owned themselves the vassals of Jerusalem. And above them all towered the king- dom of Jerusalem, memorable for the modesty of its first king, Godfrey, who, although elected to be its sovereign by universal acclamations, refused to wear the insignia of dignity, a golden crown, in the place where the Redeemer had only worn a crown of thorns ; memorable, too, for its code of feudal jurisprudence, commonly known as the Assise of Jerusalem ; and memorable for its overthrow, after a duration of eighty-eight years, by the arms of Sala- din. The eleventh century closed over the estab- lishment of all these kingrdoms. It seemed as though a new field of conquest and settlement had opened out for the Franks in the East. But soon those ^ Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Iviii. 439. ^ Ibid. p. 444. ^ Ibid. p. 442. The kingdom of Edessa subsisted forty-four years, from 1099 to 1144. sades of twelfth cent my, ^26 '^^-^^^ CRUSADES. TART prospects were blighted. Within fifty years, Edessa - - had fallen, giving occasion to the second crusade ; within one hundred, Tripoli, Tiberias and Jerusalem ; within a hundred and fifty, Antioch ; and before the thirteenth century closed, Ptolemais or Acre, the last possession of the Christians in Palestine, had followed the fate of its predecessors. C. C?u- The zeal for crusades having been once called forth, and success having crow^ned the first attempt to gain Jerusalem, there w^as no stopping the flow of pilgrims which now set tow^ards the Holy Land. Christians from the West combined with Christians in the East to drive out the Turks. But whilst the Franks did the most of the fighting, the Eastern emperors contrived to get the most of the results, ' and, openly avowing friendship, secretly indulged in treachery. No wonder, therefore, that when the Franks became alive to their double-handedness, they had to pay the penalty of their perfidy. In the twelfth century, however, there was still enough to occupy both in dealing with their common enemy. In this century, not less than three great emigrations marched by land to the relief of Palestine, the first of them less known than the others, the two latter usually bearing the names respectively of the second and third crusade. (i) Cm- And yet as far as numbers are concerned, the first sade of 1101-1103 of these three crusades, which left Europe in the year 1 10 1, under the guidance of the Dukes of Burgundy, Bavaria and Aquitaine, a crusade so little known that it is hardly ever reckoned as a separate crusade, was not inferior to either of the two which came after it. CRUSADES OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 03' Two columns of pilgrims composed it, the one con- chap. XI. sisting- of two hundred and sixty thousand persons, the other of sixty thousand horse, and one hundred thousand foot. With them, too, went the Archbishop of Milan, and the repentant renegades, Hugh of Vermandois and Stephen of Chartres.^ It was a mighty crusade, the sequel to Godfrey's conquest of Jerusalem. Forty years later the news reached Europe that (2) The Edessa had fallen before the attacks of Emadeddin Cmsade. Zengi, and simultaneously therewith there arose a ii47_i'ig9 preacher equal to the occasion, a second Peter the Hermit, to kindle the flagging energies of the Franks, no other than the well-known Bernard, Abbot of Clairveaux. At Vezelay he appeared before the King of France, Louis VH.,and uttered his glowing words. Nor were they uttered in vain; the king and his wife, Alienordis, took the Cross. They w^ere followed by the great men of the realm, by bishops and abbots. Louis VH. exhorted them to avert from the family of David the disgrace of a defeat at the hands of the Philistines ; he reminded them of the valour of the Franks, even in chains. He called on them to rise up against the worshippers of idols, and assured them that God w^ould arise on their behalf, and that his enemies would be scattered.^ Equal * Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Iviii. 468. 2 Concil. Vizeliac. an. 1146, Labb^, xii. 1633 : 'Rex ut audivit ' inimicos crucis in tantam praesumptionem prorupisse . . . in- * juriam proposuit vindicare ; et . . . eodem anno castro Vize- * liaci magnum parlamentum congregavit. . . . Nee defuit ibi S. ' Bernardus Claraevallis abbas, qui . . . monuit barones et popu- ^2S THE CRUSADES. TART success attended Bernard's preaching in Germany.^ '- — - The Emperor Conrad took the Cross, as well as his grandson Frederic, afterwards emperor. Many German and Saxon nobles followed their example : with them were the kings of Bohemia and Poland ; and it is computed that not less than four hundred thousand crusaders set out under the Emperor Con- rad III. and the King Louis VII. The failure of this crusade, if it may be assigned lum ut ad vindicandas Christi injurias viribus totis insurgerent. . . . Cujus OS in praedicando opitulante sanctitate non laboravit in vacuum. Nam rex primus prosiliens cum magno devotionis ardore signum sanctae crucis assumpsit, et post ipsum regina Alienordis uxor sua. . . . Tunc videntes regem et reginam sig- num crucis assumsisse, cum magno devotionis affectu isti, quos litera nominabit crucem unanimiter assumpserunt. Videlicet Alphonsus comes S. Aegidii ; Thiericus, Comes Flandriae ; Henricus filius comitis Theobaldi Blesensis ; Guido comes Niver- nensis ; Reginaldus frater ejus Comes Thenodori ; Comes Dro- charum Robertus frater regis ; Yvo comes Suessionensis ; Gul- lielmus comes Pontiviensis ; Gullielmus comes Guarentiae ; Ar- cambandus de Borbonio ; Engerranus de Conciaco ; Gaufridus de Ramonio ; Hugo de Lusigniaco ; Gullielmus de Cortegniaco ; Renondus de Monte-Argiz ; Ytherus de Thociaco ; Guicherus de Monte-Gaii ; Evrardus de Bretholio ; Droeo de Moniaco ; Ma- nasserus de Bugues ; Ansellus de Trienello ; Guerinus frater ejus ; Gullielmus Buticularius ; Gullielmus Agilous de Tria, et plures alii nobiles. . . . De praelatis Simon episcopus Novio- mensis, Godefridus episcopus Lingonensis ; Arnulphus episcopus Lisievensis. De abbatibus, Herbertus abbas S. Petri vivi Leno- nensis ; Theobaldus abbas S. Columbae Lenonensis, et multae aliae personae nobiles. . . . Eodem anno Conradus Alemannus imperator, et Fredricus dux Saxoniae nepos suus qui postea fuit Imperator. . cruces similiter assumpserunt,' Another source, ibid. : Famosiores autem inter omnes qui cum rege hujus itineris angus- tiam subierunt, fuerunt hi. Alamannorum imperator Henricus, Robertus frater regis,' &c. ^ Concil. Camotense, an. 1146, Labb^, 1637. CRUSADES OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY. ^on to any one cause in particular, was occasioned by the chap. treachery of the Greek emperor, Manuel. Rivalry ^^' and emulation already existed between Franks and Germans. This rivalry was fostered by Manuel. By him, seasonable intelligence was conveyed to the sultan, and treacherous guides were given to the Latin princes. Inferior in the arts of simple warfare to the Turks, this inferiority was felt overwhelmingly by the Latins, when their forces were divided and themselves taken at a disadvantage. The greater part of Conrad's army fell in unsuccessful action on the banks of the Maeander, that of Louis VIL was left to perish at the foot of the Pamphylian hills for lack of transport ships. The emperor and the king met and wept at Jerusalem, safe themselves, but their armies mere shadows. They returned to Europe, bearing a name for piety and courage, but unable to effect the object for which they had started.^ Nor did the Turks, who had braved the joint- (3) The armies of a king and an emperor, relax their efforts Cnisade. after the departure of the Franks. Arabia was ^'^' "^^ already theirs, Egypt was wrested from the Fatimites, and Syria was soon in their hands. They had gained Tripoli and Tiberias by Christian connivance, and the hero of the hour, Saladin, captured Jerusalem o^t. 2, without difficulty. The golden cross that for eighty eight years had glittered on the dome of the mosque of Omar, had been cast down and dragged through the streets, and Christians of every sect, themselves the objects of * Gibbon, vol. v. ch. lix. p. 472. 330 THE CRUSADES. PART Saladin's clemency, groaned lamentably at the sad '- — spectacle. Pathetic tales were borne to Europe of the servitude and profanation of Jerusalem, of the banished king, of the oppressed pilgrims : and there, too, the cry went up that God would arise, and let his enemy be scattered. The groans of the oppressed Christians in the East awakened a kindred strain in the bosoms of their brethren in the West, and found voice in the pitiful plaints of Pope Gregory VIII. He has heard of the terrible judgment of God, and can only say with the Psalmist : ' O God ! the heathen are come into thine heritage.' He has heard of the captured cross, of the slain bishops, of the imprisoned king, of the multitudes put to death at the edge of the sword ; and with the prophet he can only say : ' O that my head were waters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep night and day for the slain of my people.' But yet he encourages not to despair. He bids men regard the calamity as a punishment for sin, and ends with seasonable advice.^ The ^ See the three letters of Gregory VIII. an. 1187, in Labb^, xiii. 661. The first is addressed, 'Ad omnes Christi fideles.' It ends with the following practical advice : ' Eis autem qui corde ' contrito et humiliato spiritu, itineris hujus laborem assumpserint, ' et in poenitentia peccatorum et fide recta decesserint, plenam * suorum criminum indulgentiam, et vitam pollicemur aeternam. ' . . . Bona quoque ipsorum, ex quo crucem acceperint, cum suis ' familiis, sub sanctae Romanae ecclesiae . . . protectione con- ' sistant ; et nullam de his quae in susceptione crucis quiete pos- ' sederunt . . . sustineant quaestionem. ... Ad dandas quoque ' usuras, si tenentur aHcui, non cogantur. Nee eant in vestibus ' preciosis, et cum canibus, sive avibus, aut aliis quae ostentationi ' potius et lasciviae, quam necessariis videantur usibus deservire : ' sed in modesto apparatu et habitu, in quo poenitentiam potius CRUSADES OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY. 331 achievement of the first crusade was undone, but he chap. calls on Christendom to come to the rescue. '- — . The Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, King Henry II. of England, and Philip Augustus of France re- sponded to the call, and came forward as the cham- pions of a new movement^ — a movement not less po- pular than the preceding ones, but more tragic in its results. There was again the same enormous multi- tude of crusaders, estimated at from five to six hun- dred thousand ; the same losses on the journey, although this time it was undertaken by sea, and not by land ; the same account of the masses dying in fight, and by disease ; of battles won and lost, of the reinforcements who crowded to occupy the places left vacant by death, and of the hardships which all had to endure. But the third crusade has also points which invest it with a more than ordinary interest. Such was the heroic defence of Tyre by Conrad of Montferrat,''^ who braved the sultan's threats, that he * agere quam inanem affectare gloriam videantur.' The second letter is ' De jejunio servando ad placandum Deum offensum ' ; the third, ' Pro justitia facienda et Htibus componendis.' ^ Conventus ad Gisortium, an. 1188, Labb6, xiii. 671 : 'Factum ' est colloquium intra regem Franciae Philippum et Henricum * regem Angliae inter Triam et Gisortium, ubi, praeter omnium * hominum opinionem. Domino miraculose operante factum est, * quod per inspirationem Spiritus sancti coelitus missi, illi duo ' reges in eodem loco pro liberatione sancti sepulcri Domini . . . * signum sanctae crucis assumpserunt, et multi archiepiscopi, epi- * scopi, et comites, duces et barones cum eis : scilicet Galterus * Rotomagensis archiepiscopus ; Balduinus Cantuariensis archi- ' episcopus ; episcopus Belvacensis ; episcopus Carnotensis ; Dux ' Burgundiae ; Richardus comes Pictaviae ; Philippus comes Flan- * driae ; Thibaldus comes Blesensis,' etc. ^ Gibbon, vol. v. ch. lix, p. 489. 332 THE CRUSADES. PART would expose his aged parent, a prisoner In the hands '- — of the Turks, to the darts of the besieged ; such was the siege of Acre, which lasted nearly two years, and consumed In a narrow space the forces of Europe and Asia ; such were the prowess and the emulation of the two kings, ^ — Philip Augustus brave, but a statesman, Richard possessing the brutal, thoughtless courage of a beast of prey ; the departure of Philip, the further conquests of Richard, his treaty with Saladin, his retreat when in sight of Jerusalem, and his return to Europe, there to encounter a long cap- tivity, and a premature grave. But most telling and touching of all, is the plaintive tale of the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, trained by forty campaigns to lead and to command. He had advanced from Philadelphia to Laodlcea, and there plunged into the salt and barren desert, a land of horror and tribula- tion. During twenty days his march was besieged by hordes of Turcmans, until he reached Iconium with no more than a thousand knights. By a sudden and resolute assault, Iconium was captured, the June lo, sultan reduced to sue for pardon and peace ; and when about to advance towards the Holy City, and a halt had been made before a petty stream, until the sumpter horses should have crossed it, the emperor, impatient of delay, put his horse to the waters and thought to cross the Seleslus by swim- ming, when, ' O heaven ! O earth ! O sea ! ' says the chronicler,'^ ' the ruler of the Roman Empire, ever august, in whom the glory of ancient Rome again 1 Gibbon, vol. v. ch. lix. p. 492. ^ Itiner. Ric. I. ch. xxiv. 1 190 CRUSADES OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. y:>i, flourished, Its honour again Hved, and its power was chap. augmented, was overwhelmed In the waters, sud '- — denly swept away, and perished.' When his funeral rites were over, they left the fatal spot, bearing with them the body of the emperor adorned with royal magnificence, that it might be carried to Antloch. There the flesh reposes in the church of the apostolic See, and the bones were conveyed by sea to Tyre, thence to be transported to Jerusalem. ' It was indeed fit and wonderfully contrived by God's pro- vidence, that one, who had contended gloriously for Christ, should repose In the two principal churches of the Christian religion, for both of which he had been a champion — part of him In the one, part in the other — the one which our Lord's burial ren- dered the most distinguished, the other that which was honoured by being the See of the chief of the apostles.' ^ But It was a melancholy end to the last of the great crusades to Palestine. To the succeeding ones a new character attached. There was more in them of policy, and less of zeal. They were not di- rected as they had hitherto been, exclusively against the enemies of Christendom ; but fellow-Christians were the objects of vengeance. The fatal privilege of fighting against the Turks had been dearly purchased. One of the great objects contemplated in organis- d. The ing the crusades had been to bring the East and J]/f^ ^^ the West into closer union with each other. This fi^f^ ^l^V ofthtr- object had been so far obtained in the preceding teenth crusades that the Franks had learned to look upon ' Itincr. Ric. I. ch. xxiv. ad fin. PART II. (I) " Fourth Crusade to Con- stanti- nopie. A.D. 1 198-1204 {a) Hos- tility of Vene- tians to the Greeks. Preach- ers and leaders of the Crusade. THE CRUSADES. the Greeks as treacherous, and the Greeks had come to consider the Franks as barbarians. More than once the flower of the chivalry of Europe had met with an untimely end, owing to the baseness of the Greek emperors. Alexius at least contrived the absence of the formidable pilgrims; his successors, Manuel and Isaac Angelus, conspired with the Moslems for the ruin of the greatest princes of the Franks.^ The temporary encouragement which the Venetians, the Pisans, and the Genoese received at Constantinople from Manuel and his successor Alexius was bitterly atoned for by the violence with which they were visited in the tumult which announced the return and elevation of Andronicus. The people rose in arms against the Franks : neither age nor sex could protect them ; and they were mercilessly slaughtered in their houses and in the streets, amid the loud denunciations of the schismatical priests and monks. And in consequence, as might be expected, no good- feeling existed between the Greeks and the Franks. The Venetians were embittered more than others against the foes who had deprived them of their lucrative trade. At this moment there appeared in France a new preacher of a holy war, in learning and ability far below St. Bernard, in wild extravagance, second only to Peter the Hermit, an illiterate priest en- circled with a halo of sanctity, by name Fulk of Neuilly. Assuming the character of an itine- rant preacher, he traversed the country, declaiming GiBDON, vol. vi. ch. Ix. p. :d- CRUSADES OF THE THIRTEEXTH CENTURY OOD against the vices of the age, and warmly espousing chap. the new crusade which Innocent III. on his accession '■ — • was anxious to promote. Amongst princes his preaching found httle favour. PhiHp Augustus had been once to Jerusalem; so had Richard of Eng- land; and the emperor Frederic II. was a child. So much the greater, however, was the success which he obtained among nobles of the second order. Thibaut, Count of Champagne, was the foremost in the holy race : his companions in arms were Louis, Count of Blois and Chartres, Mathew of Montmor- ency, the famous Simon of Montfort, the chronicler of the crusade, Jeffrey of Villehardouin, and Baldwin, Count of Flanders. It was resolved that the Turks should be assailed in Egypt. ^ This resolve, however, obliged the crusaders to ic) Cm- apply to Venice ; for how could Egypt be reached enlisted except by sea ? and who but the Venetians could ^'^ ^^^ . i •' service of supply ships sufficient to transport so large a host ? ^'^'"'^^^ The application was accordingly made, and was a.d. 1201 courteously received by the Doge Henry Dandolo ; and it was agreed between the French ambassadors, acting on behalf of the crusaders and the Venetians, that those who had taken the Cross should assemble at Venice on the feast of St. John in the ensuing year; that vessels should be provided for transporting four thousand five hundred horses, nine thousand squires, four thousand five hundred knights, and twenty thousand foot ; that during a term of nine months they should be supplied with provisions, and ' GicLox, vol. vi. ch. Ix. ^-^A THE CRUSADES. II. PART transported to whatsoever coast the service of God and Christendom should require ; and that, in return, the pilgrims should pay before their departure a sum of 85,000 marks of silver, and hereafter share equally with the Venetians all conquests which should be made by land or sea. The terms were hard, but the Franks had no alternative but to accept them. When, however, the time came for the payment of the stipulated sum, notwithstanding all the contributions and self-sacrifice of the chiefs and pilgrims, 34,000 marks were still wanting to complete the total sum. Many had already sailed from Marseilles and Apulia to the Holy Land. The crusade could not be abandoned. But whence were the lacking funds to be supplied ? The warriors were at the mercy of their creditors. In this distress, the Venetians treated them well. Yielding to the persuasions of the doge, they agreed to postpone the time of pay- ment, until some rich conquest should supply the Franks with the necessary means, provided the latter would accede to one condition, and would join their arms in reducing some revolted cities of Dal- matla. There was no option but to obey; the terms were accepted, and the first hostilities of the fleet and army were directed against the revolted city of Zara. and But soon events happened, which turned the against united forces of the Venetians and crusaders against tinUle ' ^<^t>ler game. Innocent III. had excommunicated the false crusaders for pillaging and massacring at ' Gibbon, vol. vi. ch. Ix. p. 22. CRUSADES OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. -^7 Zara brother Christians. He gave his warmest chap. sanction to the new scheme, concocted in this emer- gency at Venice, and eagerly promoted by the young Alexius, the exiled son of the deposed Eastern emperor, Isaac. The scheme was simply this. The crusaders should sail to Constantinople, and restore the deposed emperor Isaac to his throne. They should avenge the blood of the Latins shed by the wanton Greeks ; open to the Venetians a new field of commerce, and, reuniting East and West, bring the Greek Church to acknowledge the Pope's su- premacy. As Gregory VII. had thought, so Inno- cent III. thought also. The Holy Empire should be made coextensive with the civilised world ; and two emperors, not one alone, should be brought to offer homao^e to the successor of St. Peter. The scheme was favourably received by all, by the Pope, the Venetians, and the Franks, and accordingly it was acted upon. Preofnant it was with results, since it broke the ^^,^^^' => . . SHUS of spell of the belief, which had gathered durmg nme the centuries about Constantinople, that the city was in- twofold. vincible, destined, like old Rome, to survive every («) Cap- Storm. It led to the establishment of a foreign king- Constan- dom in that metropolis, which asserted Itself for fifty- ^'^^ J^* six years, and was thus the prelude to the establish- 1203-1204 ment of that foreign dominion, which the Turks set X^^^ up exactly two and a half centuries later. The J"^>' 7-iS, Bosporus was passed by the Franks in safety : Con- 1203 ' stantinople was reached ; Isaac was restored to his throne. Then the Franks were requested to stay to secure him In possession of his throne; then jealousies o^8 ^'^^' CRUSADES. PART broke out between the Latins and the Franks ; II. a cunning courtier, Mourzoufle, seizing his oppor- tunity, deposed and put to death Alexius ; his father Isaac followed him ; Mourzoufle was master of the occasion, and the Latins were shut out of the clty.^ Second Vowlno" veno^eance on the Greeks, the Franks set A-D. themselves a second time to besles^e Constantinople, Jan. to . . . ^ , ^ ' April, their hostility against a usurping family having been 1204 now exchanged for a deep animosity towards a whole race. This time the siege was longer than before, but this time also the city was taken, and so much severer was the vengeance when it was taken. The scenes of bloodshed, rapine, and plunder which then ensued, need not engage our attention long, since an event far more important than any of them^ resulted from the capture.- {s) Esfa- i^ |-|^g chapel of the palace at Constantinople, on of Latin May 1 6, 1204, the twelve electors met, six of them dom. French prelates, and six the principal officers of the ^^^L^.^' state of Venice, to whom the task had been assigned of electing an emperor of the East v/ho should hold the throne vacant by the death of Isaac, and recovered from the usurper Mourzoufle. Around the chapel were gathered the French barons, with the doge, Dandolo, and the Marquis of Montferrat at their head, both of whom had been proposed as candidates, though the one had refused the honour, and the other was diffident of success, awaiting the decision of the electors whom they had appointed. ' Sirs,' said 204 ' Gibbon, vol. vi. ch. ]x. p. 27. ^ jud. p. 33. CRUSADES OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 339 the Bishop of Solssons, speaking in the name of his chap. A.i. colleagues, * ye have swore to obey the prince whom Ave should choose : by our unanimous suffrage, Baldwin, Count of Flanders and Hainault, is now your sovereign, and the emperor of the East.' Loud bursts of joy greeted this announcement. Baldwin was elevated on a buckler, transported to the cathe- dral, and solemnly invested with the purple buskins. All were gladdened at his elevation, excepting per- haps the disappointed Marquis of Montferrat ; but he was the first to kiss the hand of his rival. ^ It was the birthday of a new Empire.^ Strange and che- quered had been the crusaders' career. They had not wrested Jerusalem from the Turks, but they had won Constantinople from the Greeks. To return to Palestine. Success always promotes' (2) Fi/ih fresh enterprise, and the Holy Land was still in the a.d. 1218 1 Gibbon, vol. vi. ch. Ixi. p. 45. 2 The Latin kingdom of Constantinople was established in 1204, and lasted until the year 1260. The following were its five sove- reigns : (i) Baldwin, Count of Flanders, 1 204-1 206 ; (2) his brother Henry, 1206-I217 ; (3) Peter Courtney, Count of Auxerre, who had married their sister Yolande, 1217-1221 ; (4) the son of Yolande, Robert, 1 221-1228 ; and (5) her other son, Baldwin II., 1 228-1 260. The granddaughter of the second Baldwin, Catharine, married Charles of Valois. See Gibbon, ch. Ixi. The genealogy is therefore as follows : Count of Flanders. I BALDWIN, HENRV, Yolande. = PETER COURTNEV Emperor 1204- 1 206. Emperor, I Emperor 121 7-1 221. 1 206-1 2 1 7. \ I I ROHERT, BALDWIN IF. Emperur 1221-122S. Emperor I22S-1260. Z 2 340 THE CRUSADES. PART hands of pagans. The Popes were zealous in '■ — preaching crusades against their enemies,^ nor Avas their preaching in vain. In the year 1212 a number of children set out to undertake a crusade. It was supposed that God must favour the efforts of the innocents. Six years later, two hundred thousand Franks were landed at the eastern mouth of the Nile.' They thought to carry out the scheme which had been abandoned in the last crusade, that of attacking the sultan from Egypt. Damietta was captured, but then the exploit ended. Under the incompetent generalship of the papal legate, Pelagius, the war- riors of the Cross were encompassed by the waters of the Nile, their ranks were thinned by pestilence, and themselves attacked by the forces of the Moslems. Only too gladly they surrendered their conquest in return for a safe retreat, some concessions for the pilgrims, and restitution of the wood of the true Cross.^ The fifth crusade ended without more glory than any which preceded it. (3) Cru- Nor was it otherwise with the expedition which sade of , .-,. Frederic Frederic II. undertook ten years later, m obedience A.D. 1228 to the Pope's commands.^ Early forced to assume the Cross at the bidding of his guardian, forced after- ^ Concil. Paris, an. 1186, Labb^, xiii. 657, sub Urbano III.; letters of Gregory VIII. already referred to, ibid. p. 661 ; Convent. Cenoman. an. 1188, sub Clementi III., ibid. p. 673; Concil. Paris, an. 11 88, ibid. p. 675 ; Concil. Avenio. an. 1209, cap. ii. ibid. p. 797 ; Epist. Innoc. III. ad Concil. Lat. spectans, ibid. p. 905 seq.., and Regist. Epist. Imioc. III. lib. xvi. Eps. 28, 30, 31, 33? 34? 36 ; Later Concil. iv. an. 12 15, ibid. p. 1024 ; Gregory IX. Ep. i. an. 1227, ibid. p. mi. 2 Gibbon, vol. v. ch. lix. p. 496. ^ Ibid. p. 497. CRUSADES OF ST. LOUIS. 34 1 wards to renew the vow at his royal and imperial chap. coronations, forced anew by his marriage with the — — — heiress of Jerusalem to defend the kingdom of his son Conrad, that prince had with advancing age, re- pented of the engagements of his youth, and sought to escape the toils in which he had been Ignorantly involved. Perhaps, too, he had divined the secret of the Pope's zeal for crusades, and was loath to pro- mote a measure intended for his own abasement. Compelled, however, to fulfil his promise, he had set about his task with a caution, not more than the magnitude of the undertaking required. Excommu- nicated for his caution, he set forth on the enter- prise : and for venturing to move, he was again excommunicated. Whilst engaged in a crusade to Palestine, a crusade was preached against him in Italy. Everywhere the clergy and military orders were against him. Yet Jerusalem was reached, and entered in triumph ; and in Jerusalem, from the altar of the holy sepulchre, with his own hands he took the crown which no one else was willing to bestow. The Christians intrigued to betray him ; the Turks were disposed to be his friends ; and preferring to conclude an advantageous treaty to carrying on a hopeless struggle, he returned to his Empire, bearing the brunt of the Pope's indignation. How changed the idea of crusades had been within a century and a quarter ! Once they had been holy wars against the paynim ; now they were unholy wars against the Pope's personal enemies. The age of crusades did not, however, pass away E. T/ie .... . , Crusades Without witnessmg two more attempts to revive the of St. Louis. 342 TH?: CRUSADES. TART old idea.^ The author of those attempts was Louis IX., King- of France, better known by the title of (i) Sixth ^ . , ,. . Crusade. Saint ; but they were both the attempts of an mdivi- A D 1249-1254 dual to revive an idea the day of which had passed away for ever. Down the Rhone, St. Louis marched. He embarked for Cyprus. From Cyprus he invaded Africa. Damietta was abandoned by the Saracens. The French were masters of the city. But Damietta was at once the first and the last of his conquests. The same causes brought disaster on the sixth crusade, that brought disaster on the preceding one. Visited by epidemical disease, incessantly exposed to showers of Greek fire, cut off from supplies both by land and water — by land owing to the Arabs, by water owing to the Egyptian galleys — wasted by famine and sickness, the French barons and nobles succumbed to misfortune ; St. Louis was taken prisoner with the greatest part of his attendants ; those who could not redeem their lives were inhu- manly massacred or sold into slavery, and the king was only set free by restoring Damietta, and paying a sum of 100,000 marks. (^) Yet once again some sixteen years later, St. Louis, Crusade, nothing daunted by previous failures, in the ardour of religious zeal, set out to undertake the seventh and last crusade — a crusade the most ignoble, and not the least calamitous of all the crusades. The loss of Antioch had provoked the enterprise. Its course was directed to Africa, in the belief that the king of 1 Gibbon, vol. v. ch. lix. 499. For the account of these cru- sades, see Joinville's Memoirs of St. Louis. CRUSADES OF ST. LOUIS. "> A ^ Tunis would be a convert. The belief proved to be chap. a false one, and the French army sat down before Carthage. Then, as many of his soldiers had perished before him, the king was seized with an illness, and took to his bed. Well knowing that he was about to quit this life for another, he called for his children, and gave them his parting wishes. ' He then ordered his body to be placed on a bed of ashes, and crossing his hands on his breast, with eyes uplifted to heaven, rendered his soul back to his Creator, at the very same hour that our Lord Jesus Christ expired on the Cross for the salvation of his people, passing from this life to another, the morrow after the feast of St. Bartholomew.' ^ * Joinville's Life of SL Louis (English translation), ad fin. : ' When the good king St. Louis had finished giving the above * instructions to the lord Philip, his son, his disorder so greatly ' increased, that he asked for the sacraments of the Holy Church; ' which were duly administered to him, while he enjoyed full life ' and perfect memory. This was very apparent when they came * to the unction ; for when they chanted the seven penitential ' psalms, he himself repeated the responses with the assistants, ' who replied to the priest that was anointing him. I have since ' heard from my lord the Count d'Alengon, his son, that while the ' good king was in the agonies of death, he made efforts to call on ' all the saints in paradise to come and aid him in his distress. * He, in particular, called on my lord St. James, repeating his * prayer, which begins, ' Esto Domine.' He prayed to my lord ' St. Denis of France, in words that were nearly as follows : — "Lord ' " God, give us grace to have the power of despising and forgetting * " the things of this world, so that we may not fear any evil." He ' called, likewise, on St. Genevieve. He then ordered his body to ' be placed on a bed of ashes, and crossing his hands on his * breast, with eyes uplifted to heaven, rendered his soul back to ' his Creator at the very same hour that our Lord Jesus Christ ' expired on the Cross for the salvation of his people.' THE CRUSADES. TART With the death of Louis IX., at once a kinor and II. . a hero, a devout monk and a chivalrous man, frank, honest, gentle, affable, humane, who ' had lived like a saint, had taken orood care of his kingfdom, and done many religious acts towards God,' the seventh crusade, not more successful than any of those before it, came to an end. It was a melancholy ending to enterprises worthy of a better cause, in which so much of the best blood of Europe had been spilt, and spilt to little purpose. Yet nothing can show more clearly the change in the spirit of the age, than does the history of these crusades. Undertaken at first as holy wars, as wars in behalf of the spiritual side of the Holy Empire, they end at last as ecclesiastical wars, as wars undertaken in the interests of the Papacy ; and the popularity which attached to them in the first ages dwindles away in proportion as they become directed to extraneous objects. The cry which raised them was the cry of suffering anguish : ' O God, the heathen are come into thine heritage ; they have defiled thy temple ; they have made Jerusalem an heap of stones!' The motive which set them on foot, was the desire to rescue Jerusalem upon earth in her conflict with Babylon. The memory of her glory was then fresher than now. The memory of her independence more recent. But as time elapsed, and the papal pretensions increased, as the Popes aspired to higher place, and claimed to be reofarded as the vicesferents of God upon earth, the cry is another one. It is no longer the cry of suffering, but the exultation of triumph. The watchword is henceforth another one : ' Let God CRUSADES OF ST. LOUIS. 345 arise, and let his enemies be scattered ; and let them chap. XI that hate Him flee before Him.' Nay more, it is no '- — longer the triumph of a good cause merely, but of the Papacy, for the enemies of God and the enemies of the Papacy are identical. Henceforth the term crusade is no longer applied to the wars of united Christendom against the infidels, but to every petty feud undertaken with the sanction of the Pope, either for the purpose of advancing his own temporal well- being, or for the sake of punishing his enemies. Yet, looking back upon the crusades, and seeing how far they fell short of securing the objects for which they were undertaken, and how far they fall short of expressing the highest view of Christianity, it would still be a great mistake to suppose that they passed away without leaving any trace behind them in history. For did they not found the kingdom of Jerusalem,^ which, during its eighty-eight years of duration, gave to Europe her noblest system of feudal jurisprudence ? Did they not establish a Latin Empire at Constanti- nople, which rudely disturbed the self-complacent dream of Eastern power, and maintained itself for fifty-six years in spite of opposition ? Did they not teach the sterner virtues of unselfishness and self- restraint, to a selfish and unrestrained age ; enforcing the lesson too by bright examples, a Godfrey of Boulogne, a Frederic Barbarossa, a St. Louis ? Did ^ The kingdom of Jerusalem lasted from 1099 to 1187; the sovereigns who reigned over it were the following : (i) Godfrey of Boulogne; (2) his brother, Baldwin I.; (3) his cousin, Baldwin II. ; (4) Fulk, Count of Anjou ; (5) his son, Baldwin III. ; (6) his other son, Amaury; (7) Baldwin IV., son of Amaury ; (8) 346 THE CRUSADES. TART II. they not, whilst purging Europe of its social dross, create the new feeling of chivalry?^ Have they then passed away without a mark ? Has their heroism been simply a prodigal waste of power ? Baldwin V., nephew to Baldwin IV. ; (9) Guy of Lusignan. following is the genealogy : The Eustace = Ida. I I \ GODFREY Eustace BALDWIN I. cousin to of Boulogne, Prince of Edessa, first king of and second king of Jenxsalem. Jerusalem. BALDWIN 11. third king of Jerusalem. Stephen, = Matilda. king of England. Melisenda: FuLK OF Anjou, fourth king of Jerusalem. BALDWIN IIL fifth king. AMAURY, sixth king. I BALDWIN IV. Sybma = GUY OF LUSIGNAN, seventh king. I ninth king of Jerusalem. BALDWIN V. eighth king. ^ The feeling of chivalry is analysed by Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. iii. pt. ii. ch. ix. p. 402, and the result obtained is this : ' Fa/our, loyalty^ courtesy^ munificetice formed collectively the cha- * racter of an accomplished knight. . . . Yet something more was 'required for the perfect idea of chivalry, and enjoined by its ' principles ; an active sense of justice^ an ardent indignatioft ' agai?ist wro?ig, a determination of courage to its best end, the * prevention or redress of injury.' Aa£ OF GREATNESS. ,47 CHAPTER XII. COL.COLL>| IJBRARY ' N.YOKK. INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION: CLERICAL TAXATION. Etc7ihn sedenmt pi'incipcs et adversiwi me loquebantur. — Ps. cxix. 23. ' AMONG the various struggles which necessarily chap. grew out of the attempt to realise the idea of the Holy Empire, none perhaps are more famous than those which arose respecting investitures and juris- diction, none possess a deeper interest for the English reader, none involve more of the manifold relations of the Church to the State. The former of these struggles — that about investitures — revolves prin- cipally about two points — the possession of property by the Church, and the question of feudal symbols. The latter struggle about jurisdiction refers not only, as in the case of Henry H. and Becket, to the limits of the civil and ecclesiastical courts, but it includes the whole question of the rights which laymen pos- sess over the property of the clergy, whether it be a right to decide who shall enjoy the revenues of a benefice, or the right enjoyed by sovereigns of taxing ecclesiastical property. Out of all these struggles the Popes came forth triumphant, not only rising to a supremacy over the princes of the earth, but draw- ^ Becket at Northampton. 348 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. TART ing- Into their own hands all civil government, and aspiring to be the supreme disposers of the Christian world with all its belongings. Since the possession of property was at the root of the struggles, both about investitures and jurisdiction, as Vv^ell as of the less famous one about the taxation of the clergy, it may not be amiss to say a few words about the property of the Church. A. Pro- By the liberality of the northern nations the perty. ^ ^ , , (i) Real Western Church was in possession of considerable propa y, ^^,^^^^ \yo\}i\ personal and real, at the time when the Hildebrandian reforms began. The Carlovingian and Saxon emperors, the kings of England and (^) Leon, had vied with their predecessors in bestowlnof on her m lavish benefaction, and the clergy were in consequence no strangers to wealth. Many churches possessed seven or eight thousand manses ; one with only two thousand passed for indifferently rich. ^ Of the lands possessed by the clergy the greater part might be of little value at the time they had been given, perhaps consisting of wild and deserted tracts of country ; but they were capable of cultivation and improvement ; and as civilisation and population increased, they became a source of gain and profit. Not unfrequently, too, estates had been obtained by forged charters, laymen ignorant of writing being unable to detect the frauds of those who alone pos- sessed the key of knowledge ; and clerks being un- willing to betray their fellow-clerks. Besides, the * Hallam's Middle Ages^ vol. ii. pt. i. ch, vii. p. 142 (small edition). PROPERTY OF THE CHURCH. ^.q property of the Church, already considerable In the chap. beginning of the eleventh century, was from a variety '- — ■ of causes greatly Increased In the two succeeding centuries. Partly It had Increased in value with the steady Increase of population ; partly it had been {b) im- brought under prudent management and an Improved value, style of agriculture. Large tracts hitherto unpro- ductive, had been rescued from the marsh or the forest, and began to yield appreciable returns. If occasionally individual prelates alienated the estates of their churches, if Church property was occasion- ally plundered and diminished by feudal lords claim- ing the property of deceased bishops and the revenues of vacant benefices, these losses were amply com- pensated for by the continual purchase of landed estates durin'g the crusades,^ when the fiefs of the nobility were frequently offered for sale or mortgage, and few Avere able to purchase them. Thus the (^) pur^ Church acquired still greater territorial possessions ^^^^^' on the easiest of terms. Not unfrequently lay pro- prietors, In order to be exempted from public burdens, (^) ^'^' ^ . ^ ^ , feuda- granted their estates to the Church, receiving them Hon. back by way of fief or lease ; and in such cases the Church always took care to derive some profit for her services. Soon the accumulation of lands in the 1 Eugenii III. Ep. i. ad Ludov. Reg. Labb^, xi. 1577 : * Qui- * cumque vero aere premuntur alieno, et tarn sanctum iter puro * corde inceperint, de praeterito iisuras non solvant . . . Liceat ' eis etiam terras sive ceteras possessiones siias, postquam commo- * niti propinqui sive domini, ad quorum feudum pertinent, pecu- ' niam commodare aut noluerint aut non voluerint, Ecclesiis vel ' aliis quoque fidelibus libere sine ulla reclamatione impignorare.' 350 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART II. {e) Re stric- iions. hands of the clergy progressed so rapidly, that it excited the jealousy of sovereigns. In Kent, for instance, In the time of William the Conqueror, out of twelve landowners, eight were clerical ; in Middle- sex out of twenty-five, seven were clerical ; In the county of Worcester out of twenty-six, ten were clerical ; in Berkshire, fifteen out of sixty-three ; In Devonshire, twelve out of fifty-three ; ^ and the estates of the clerical proprietors were often far greater In size than those of the lay proprietors. Besides they were always being Increased and hardly ever diminished. Hence the sovereigns experienced a falling off in the reliefs upon succession and other feudal dues ; they found the number of their military nobles diminished, and saw great parts of their king- doms in the hands of men, who paid them a half- hearted allegiance, and were really devoted to the A.D. 1 158 Interests of another. As early as the middle of the twelfth century restrictions were placed in the Em- pire by Frederic Barbarossa on alienations in mort- main, as gifts to the Church were called.'^ Similar ^ MiLMAN, vol. ix. book xiv. ch. i. p. 16 (small edition), says that according to Doomsday in the whole county of Kent, besides the king and two churches, appear as landowners, '(i) the»Arch- * bishop of Canterbury ; (2) the monks of Christ Church ; (3) the ' Bishop of Rochester ; (4) the Bishop of Bayeux ; (5) the Abbey ' of Battle ; (6) St. Augustine's ; (7) Abbey of St. Peter's, Ghent; ' and (8) Albert the chaplain.' There were only four knights. The state of things in other countries was only a little better. 2 Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. vii. p. 227. Ac- cording to GiES. sec. 66, ch. iii. p. 215, the leaving of lands in mortmain was prohibited in Montpelier as early as 11 13 a.d. It was also forbidden in Liibeck. In the year 12 11 Alfonso II., king of Portugal, forbade churches and monasteries to acquire PROPERTY OF THE CHURCH, ^rj restrictions were imposed in England by the great chap. Charter, and again in the reign of Edward L France, ■- ' — in the EstabHshments of St. Louis, followed the same 1279 course, as did also Castile ; and by the end of the thirteenth century the Church was only allowed to acquire lands by special license from the crown. But the means by which the coffers of the Church (2) Per- were constantly kept replenished were not only de- ^property. rived from lands. They came also from several other (^0 Tithe. sources. Chief among these was the payment of tithes, the gradual growth of which has been already traced in the preceding epoch. In the ninth century indications are found of legal sanctions for this pay- ment ; but it does not appear to have become uni- versal until some time later. ^ Tithes were mostly paid to the bishop, and were by him distributed among his assistant clergy. Previously to the eighth century the cathedral churches were the only recog- nised churches ; rural chapelries being served by itinerant ministers at the bishop's discretion ; but in the early part of the ninth century there existed a large number of rural churches in England, which obtained by the bishop's concession a fixed share of ecclesiastical profits, and came to be viewed as lands, except such as Avere needed for anniversaries and other duties for the dead : but the law was inoperative. * Thus in Portugal it was recognised at the end of the eleventh century, and in the twelfth prevailed universally. Schafer's Gesch. V. Port. i. 167. In Castile and Leon it obtained force of law under Alfonso X. Gies. sec. 66, ch. iii. p. 213. In Denmark the ])ayment was introduced by Canute the Saint in 1086, but not regularly observed till more than a century later. In Norway it was enforced by King Magnus in 1267. Munter, ii. i. 37. 352 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART II. {b) Obla- tions, {c) Intes- tacy, distinct parishes. It also frequently happened that landowners diverted tithe, which had been originally paid to the bishop towards the support of particular churches, or to monastic foundations ; and parishes distinct from capitular offices with revenues attached came into existence. The division of parishes as they now stand in England appears to have been settled before the Norman Conquest.^ Still the payment of tithes was a thing of gradual growth, and the setting of them apart for the support of particular parishes was also a thing of gradual growth,^ which did not attain its full development till the end of the twelfth century, when the obligations of tithe was extended from the simple fruits of the earth, or what are called predial tithes, to every kind of produce, to wool, and hay, to orchards, bees, and fisheries.^ Another source of income was derived from the free donations and offerings of the laity. Some made oblations to the Church before entering on military expeditions ; bequests were made by others in the terrors of dissolution. It became a pious custom for a portion of the property of deceased persons to be granted to the clergy, to be distributed ^ Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. book iii. ch. xi. p. 542. 2 Concil. Melfit. an. 1090, Can. 5, Labbe, xii. 781 : ' Nullus ' laicus decimas suas, aut ecclesiam aut quicqiiid ecclesiastici juris * est, sine consensu episcopi, vel Romani concessione pontificis, * monasteriis aut canonicis offerre praesumat.' Concil. Clarom. an. 1095, Can. 19, ibid, p. 831 : ' Ne laici decimam partem de * laboribus suis retineant' 3 See four letters of Alexander III. in Concil. Later, iii. an. 1179, Labbe, xiii. 477. PROPERTY OF THE CHURCH. 53 among- the poor and needy ; by degrees churches chap. came to be ranked among the poor : and, as It was '- — beHeved that the deceased would regard them with special favour, they absorbed the lion's share of the alms, until the other poor were forgotten altogether. Thus what at first was a pious custom, ended in being imposed as a compulsory tribute.^ In general, however, and in the early part of the Middle Ages, the Church was liberal to the poor, and whatever might be the feelings of the king and the nobles, the people at large were pleased to see her in the pos- session of wealth. That ' softening of penance belonging to wealthy (^0 ^^«- cinc^s, men,' which had been discussed in the code of St. Dunstan, had in this epoch assumed formidable a.d. 959 dimensions, and become another fertile source of gain to the Church.^ The canonical penances im- ' Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 143 (small edition). 2 Johnson's English Laws a?id Ca7ioiis, i. 445-447 ; Wilkins' Concil. i. 238, 239 : ' When the [wealthy] man fasts let him dis- ' tribute to all God's poor all the entertainments which he should ' himself have enjoyed ; and let him lay aside all worldly business ' for the three days of fasting ; and frequent the church night and ' day as oft as possible, and watch there with alms-light, and call * on God, and pray earnestly for forgiveness with weeping and * wailing, and often kneel before the sign of the Cross, and some- * times in an erect posture, and sometimes prostrating himself on * the ground. And let the great man learn diligently to shed tears ' from his eyes, and to weep for his sins ; and let him feed as many ' poor as possible for those three days, and on the fourth day let ' him bathe them all, and distribute provision and money ; and ' in his own person make satisfaction for his sins by washing of ' their feet. And let masses be said for him this day, as many as * can possibly be procured ; and at the time of the masses let A A 354 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART posed Upon repentant offenders, which in days of '- — lawlessness would have taken more than an average lifetime to discharge, were allowed to be commuted for money payments. One day's fasting might be redeemed with a penny ; a year's fasting with thirty shillings, or with freeing a slave that was worth that money. -^ Many in a glow of zeal vowed to go on a ' absolution be given him, and then let him go to housel unless he ' be yet involved in so much guilt, that he ought not to receive ' it. . . . ' This is that softening of penances, which belongs to wealthy * men and such as abound in friends ; but one in a lower condition ' cannot make such dispatch ; but therefore he must pursue it in * his own person with greater earnestness. . . . ' Infirm me?i, however, may redeem their fasting. — One day's * fasting may be redeemed with a penny or with two hundred ' psalms. A year's fasting may be redeemed with thirty shillings, ' or with freeing a slave that is worth that money. A man for one ' day's fasting may sing Beati six times, and six times Pater Noster. * And for one day's fasting, let a man bow down to the ground * with Pater Noster sixty times. And a man may redeem one ' day's fasting, if he will prostrate himself on all his limbs to God ' in prayer, and with sincere grief and sound faith sing fifteen ' times Miserere mei JDeus, and fifteen times Pater Noster ; and ' then his penance for the whole day is forgiven him.' 1 Gibbon, vol. v. ch. Iviii. p. 414, says : 'A modest sinner ' might easily incur a debt of three hundred years. His insolvency * was relieved by a commutation or indulgence : a year of penance ' was appreciated at twenty-six so/idi of silver, about four pounds ' sterling for the rich ; at three so/idi, or nine shillings, for the ' indigent.' Morinus, De Sacrat7i. Poe?iitentiae, lib. vii. ch. xi. p. 16 : ' Itaque judicabatur grande scelus viginti et quatuor asses.' Ibid. ch. xii. p. 3, gives the rules of Fulbert, Bishop of Carnutum, who died 1028 : 'Si quis hominem occiderit sponte, septem annis ' poeniteat ; si immeritum decern annis poeniteat ; si Diaconum * quatuordecim annis ; si presbyterum, uno et viginti annis poe- '■ niteat. Si quis hominem non sponte occiderit, tribus annis ; si ' publico bello, uno anno. ... Si quis fornicatur inter femora PROPERTY OF THE CHURCH. ^.c crusade, but when the first ardour had cooled down chap. XII were glad to purchase exemption. Many, to atone '— for their sins, set out on pilgrimages to well-known shrines;^ and as the clergy had not failed to inculcate that no atonement could be so acceptable to heaven as liberal presents, large offerings were presented at such churches by the remorse of repentance. At ^-d- ^300 Rome, in the year of Jubilee, two priests stood with rakes in their hands sweeping the uncounted gold and silver from the altars. Similar accounts are given of the lavishness with which at favourite shrines — that of St. Thomas a Becket, for instance — wealth was poured into the hands of the clergy.^ Well might the bishops and clergy, with such large possessions and such fertile resources, become objects of suspicion to their sovereigns, and objects of envy to their fellow nobles. Well might the emperor and the King of England, in order to prevent such an influence being thrown into the hands of men hostile to themselves, require to be allowed to recommend trusty persons for bishoprics, and demand from the persons appointed an oath of fealty and homage, as in the case of other barons. Yet out of these ' semel, quatuor Quadragenis poeniteat ; si consiieverit tribus ' annis. ... Si quis adulterat simpliciter, quinque annis poeni- * teat ; si dupliciter, decern annis. ... Si quis nonnam conuperit, ' septem annis ; si quis consanguineam quinque annis.' Extensive regulations on price, apud Morinus, lib. x. cap. xvi. ^ According to Morinus, De Sac. Poen. lib. vii. ch. xv., pilgrim- ages and the profession of monasticism were among the oldest kinds of penance. 2 MiLMAN, vol. ix. book xiv. ch. i. p. 23. A A 2 356 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART II. B. Inves- titures. (i) Causes of the struggle. Property and Feudal emblems. (2) Be- ginning of the struggle. just demands arose the famous struggle respecting investiture. The possession of property by the Church was, as has been seen, the primary cause of this struggle, which was carried on in Germany and England at the close of the eleventh and the beginning of the twelfth century. Nevertheless, the struggle really broke out about the symbols incidental to feudal tenures. Investiture by the lord and an oath of fealty by the tenant, which were necessary in the case of all lay barons, had as early as the time of Charlemagne been required of ecclesiastics before they were admitted to the temporalities of a see ; ^ but whereas fealty and homage were required of a lay baron, the symbols used in the investiture of ecclesiastics were the ring and the crozier.^ For more than two centuries the practice had continued without exciting scandal or resistance, when excep- tion was taken to it by Gregory VII. In France only, where the ring and the crozier were not in use, no such struggle occurred, although the possessions of the Church were not less there than elsewhere. In England and Germany the struggle was waged most fiercely. The gauntlet was thrown down by Gregory VII. at the beginning of the year 1075. ^ decree was promulgated in a synod held at Rome that, if any bishop, abbot, or inferior ecclesiastic should receive ^ Hallam's Middle Ages ^ vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 181. 2 LiNGARD, vol. ii. ch. i. p. 7 ; Church's Essays and Reviews^ p. 176; Hallam's Middle Ages ^ vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 185. "'"' INVESTITURES. --^ investiture from any lay person, his appointment chap. should be considered null and void. He was cut off ^ 1_ from communion with St. Peter, and forbidden to enter the Church until he should have abandoned the place so acquired. Moreover, any emperor, diike, marquis, count, or secular potentate who should presume to grant such investiture was con- demned in a similar penalty.^ Twelve years later a.d. 1087 this decree was renewed by Gregory's successor, Victor 1 1 1.,^ and again, three years later, by Urban 1 1. 1090 in a still more stringent form.^ The latter occasion was well chosen. During the lifetime of Gregory other and more important subjects, however, occupied the attention of the Pope as well as that of the emperor ; Victor III.'s ^ See the decree already quoted, Chap. VII. (note). The con- cluding clause is : ' Item si quis Imperatoruni, Regum, Ducum, * Marchionum, Comitum, vel quilibet saecularium potestatum vel * personarum, investituram episcopatuum vel alicujus ecclesiasticae * dignitatis dare praesumserit, ejusdem sententiae vinculo se adstric- * turn sciat' See also Gies. vol. iii. sec. 47, p. 14 ; Neand. vii. 135. 2 Concil. Benev. an. 1087, Labbe, xii. 710. 3 Concil. Melfit. an. 1090, Can. 11, LabbiS, xii. 781 : 'Ne gra- * vamen aliquod sancta patiatur ecclesia, nullum jus laicis in cleri- * cos esse volumus et censemus. Unde cavendum est, ne servilis * conditionis, aut curialium officiorum obnoxii ab episcopis promo- * veantur in clenim. Neque liceat laicis exactionem aliquam pro * ecclesiae beneficiis aut paternis matemisve facultatibus quaerere. ' Quod si forte clericorum aliquis cujuslibet laici possessionibus * usus fuerit, aut vicarium qui debitum reddat inveniat, aut posses- * sione cadat.' Concil. Clarom. an. 1095, Can. 161, ibid. p. 831 : * Interdictum est, ne reges vel alii principes aliquam investituram ' de ecclesiasticis honoribus faciant.^ Can. 17: ' Ne episcopus * vel sacerdos regi vel alicui laico in manibus ligiam fidelitatem * faciat.' 358 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART II. (3) Struggle in Eng- land. (a) Wi/ham the Con- queror. A.D. 1066-1087 life was spent in exile, from whence he might issue decrees, but was powerless to enforce them ; and Urban II. was not in a much better condition during the earlier years of his administration. But the same enthusiasm which brought Urban II. back to Rome, gained respect for his decision, and whilst Urban was in power no attempt at any compromise was made. It was otherwise on the accession of his successor. Paschal II. His name is prominently connected with the question of investitures both in England and Germany. In England William the Conqueror had main- tained his supremacy over the Church with an iron arm. Thus no one was allowed to acknowledge the Pope, when chosen, except by the king's permission ; no one might receive letters from Rome, unless they had been previously shown to him for approval. The archbishop was not permitted to frame any canon, although with the assistance of the bishops of the realm, unless it had been previously sanctioned by the sovereign.^ Nor was any bishop allowed to 1 Eadmeri Historia novorum, lib. i. apud Anselmi Oj>. ed. Gerberon, p. 29 : ' Cuncta ergo divina simul et humana ejus * nutum expectabant. Non ergo pati volebat, quenquam in omni * dominatione sua constitutum Romanae urbis Pontificem pro * apostolico, nisi se jubente, recipere ; aut ejus literas, si primitus ' sibi ostensae non fuissent, ullo pacto suscipere. Primatem quo- ' que regni sui, Archiepiscopum dico Cantuariensem, si coacto ' generali Episcoporum concilio praesideret, non sinebat quicquam ' statuere aut prohibere, nisi quae suae voluntati accommoda et a ' se primo essent ordinata. Nulli nihilominus Episcoporum suo- * ram concessum iri permittebat, ut aliquem de Baronibus suis seu * Ministris, sive incesto, seu adulterio, sive aliquo capitali crimine INVESTITURES. 359 excommunicate a baron or minister of the crown, on chap. XII any charge, without having first obtained the king's '— consent.^ The same poHcy was pursued by his son a.d. WilHam Rufus without any difficulties being raised on the part of the Popes. They had too many reasons for conciHating the friendship of the Nor- mans in Italy to venture to oppose their wishes in Eng- land. Anselm had to bear alone the whole brunt of the indignation of Rufus and Henry I., when they felt their prerogatives invaded by the Pope's prohibi- tion of lay investiture. More than twenty-five years have elapsed since (^) the conquest of England by William the Bastard. Rufus The gentle, unworldly monk and philosopher, Anselm, Afiselm. is Archbishop of Canterbury ; the avaricious and ^^^93 profligate William Rufus is on the throne, having just recovered from his illness, and having lost his former remorse.^ Accustomed to be flattered on all sides, to have his every word taken for absolute law, the impetuous Norman could ill brook the gentle obstinacy of Anselm, who had allowed seven months to elapse before he would consent to do homage to the king ; and he had already formed a plan for ' denotatum, publice nisi ejus praecepto implacitaret aut excom- * municaret, aut uUa ecclesiastici rigoris poena constringeret' * After the conquest, bishops and abbots of EngHsh birth had been deposed with the concurrence and full sanction of the Pope to make way for others in the Norman interest. See Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. viii. p. 305 (small edition). 2 Anselm was Archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109 a.d. William Rufus reigned from 1087 to iioo a.d. Henry I. from 1 1 00 to 1 135 A.D. Anselm's episcopate, therefore, falls in both reigns. 36o INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART .subduing; the independent spirit of the archbishop. Anselm was summoned to answer in the king's court, and being unable to supply the demands of the king for money, William swore that he would never acknowledge him as archbishop, and charged him with a breach of allegiance for acknowledging Urban II. as Pope, before Urban had been acknow- ledged by himself For this offence he endeavoured to prevail on the other prelates to depose him. This time he failed in his attempt. But those two acts of Anselm — his hesitation upon doing homage to the king and his independent recognition of Urban II. — had embittered the mind of William against him for ever ; and he was forced to leave England. To Rome he removed, where his cause was feebly taken up by the Pontiff, and from Rome ^ j^ he repaired to the Archbishop of Lyons. Soon the Oct. 1099 death of Urban, and the death of William in the Aug. 1 100 following year, occurred to put an end to the first act in the dispute.-^ Anselm was able to return to his see. {c) Henry Qn the accessIon of Henry I.,^ the dispute was /. and . . ^'' ^ ^ Afiselm. for a time in abeyance. It is true, that at his first "^ interview with the king, Anselm had declared his inflexible determination to abide by the laws passed against lay investiture,^ and the king had avowed an 1 For a fuller account, see Lingard, vol. i. ch. ix. p. 272 ; Church's Essays and Reviews. Anselm stopped with the Arch- bishop of Lyons until he was recalled by Henry. 2 The relationship of the English sovereigns, see p. 396. 3 Anselm during his exile had been present at the councils of Bari, 1097, and Rome, 1098 a.d. At the former he is said to have xi; INVES TI TURKS. ^ 5 j equally fixed determination to retain what he con- chap. sidered the lawful prerogative of his crown. But Henry was aware that his own position was a critical one/ and could not at the moment hazard a rupture with the primate. Without waiving his rights, the controversy was for the moment suspended by being referred to the Pope, and Henry, no doubt, hoped to be able to extort from the gratitude of the Pope an answer favourable to himself. In this hope he was, however, disappointed. Message after message was sent to Rome, and answer after answer returned to England ; artifices were employed to deceive, and expedients suggested to mollify Anselm, till at last, by the king's request, the archbishop undertook a journey to Rome to lay the whole controversy before the Pope. Suddenly, when he was returning, and had reached Lyons, Henry's delegate communicated to him his master's wishes. The king earnestly desired his return to England If he was willing to do all that his prede- cessors had done to former kings. Anselm could not mistake the purport of the message, and for the second time was obliged to take refuge under the hospitable roof of the Archbishop of Lyons. After interceded in behalf of William Rufus. The latter council allowed William Rufus a longer time for repentance. Labbe, xiii. 951 ; See Ling. vol. ii. ch. i. p. 8. 1 Robert, Duke of Normandy, was his elder brother, and had therefore a better claim to the crown, although he was expressly excluded by his father's will. Besides Henry the Clerk and Scholar was despised by the Norman barons. To secure his throne he was obliged to conciliate the people, and above all to conciliate the clergy. 362 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART waiting a year and a half, criticised, mistaken, mo- lested alike by friends and foes, Anselm's patience was at length exhausted, and Henry was admonished that within a few weeks the sentence of excommuni- cation, which had been already pronounced on his advisers, would be pronounced against himself. Henry was not prepared for excommunication at A.D. 1106 this crisis. His people were disaffected. At the Abbey of Bee he met Anselm, and there, in the true spirit of conciliation, the king, allowing that the ring and crosier denoted spiritual jurisdiction, re- nounced all sorts of Investitures, and Anselm, ad- mitting that fealty and homage were civil duties, consented that they should be exacted from every clergyman before he received the temporalities. The agreement was solemnly proclaimed at a synod in London in 1107.^ By it Henry, whilst surrendering an unnecessary ceremony, retained a substantial power ; and Anselm's scruples were set at rest by a letter from Paschal, in which he frees those who had received lay investiture from the penalties pronounced by his predecessor.^ ^ Eadmar ap. Labbe, xii. 1137 : ' Dehinc praesente Anselmo, * adstante multitudine, annuit rex et statuit, ut ab eo tempore in * reliquum nunquam per donationem baculi pastoralis vel annuli ' quisquam de episcopatu vel abbatia per regera vel quamlibet ' laicam manum investiretur in Anglia : concedente quoque An- ' selmo, ut nullus in praelationem electus, pro hominio quod regi * faceret, consecratione suscepti honoris privaretur.' 2 Pasch. ii. Ep. xvi. ad Anselmum, Labbe, xii. 990 : ' Te ' autem in Christo venerabilis et carissime frater, ab ilia prohi- ' bitione, sive, ut tu credis, excommunicatione absolvimus, quam * ab antecessore nostro sanctae memoriae Urbano papa adversus INVESTITURES. ^ Still more fortunate than the English kings were chap. the kings of Castile, who, by discreetly yielding when L_ Urban's decree was first published, obtained from ofCastfu. him an absolute privilege of nomination to all bishop- rics in their dominions — a privilege which they have since retained by virtue of a particular indulgence renewed by the Pope for the life of each prince.^ But in Germany the struggle about investitures (5) was waged most fiercely, and there it also continued {a) Henry longest. Not only had Paschal II. begun his career pasdml by denouncing lay investiture as strongly as his ^^* predecessor, Urban II., but he had also followed the tactics of Urban in his struggle with the emperor, Henry IV., by instigating the emperor's second son, Henry, to rebellion against his father. When, therefore, Henry IV. died in 1106, the Pope might well think that he was sure of success, and that the young emperor, Henry V., would yield the points in dispute. He might almost seem to be justified in triumphantly boasting that ' the Church had now risen again to true liberty, since, by the grace of God, the authors of this iniquity had been taken away.' ^ ' investituras aut hominia factam intelligis. Tu vero eos qui aut ' investituras accepere aut investitas benedixere, aut hominia ' fecere, cum ea satisfactione . . . suscipito, et eos vice nostrae * auctoritatis absolvito.' 1 Hallam's Middle Ages^ vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 190 (small edition). 2 Concil. Guastallense, an. 1106, cap. al. Labbe, xii. 11 27: ' Jamdiu a pravis hominibus tarn clericis quam laicis, catholica est ' ecclesia conculcata ; unde plura nostris temporibus schismata ' et haereses emerserunt. Nunc autem per Dei gratiam, hujus ' nequitiae deficientibus auctoribus, in ingenuam libertatem resur 364 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART Yet how empty was that boast ! He had not to wait II. ^ \ long- before he discovered its vainness. For Henry V. V. and was no sooner in undisputed possession of the throne, Paschal ^j^^^^ j^^ maintained as stoutly as his father had done his own right to invest bishops. When he was unable to bring the Pope to the same way of think- A.D. 1 107 Ing by a conference at Chalons, he resorted to arms. When he appeared in Italy, the Pope in terror gave way, and concluded with him a compact. When the German bishops refused to sanction that com- Apriiiiii pact, Paschal H. yielded to a new agreement, grant- II 12 ing investiture to the emperor. Finally, when this agreement was disapproved by the Hildebrandian party, nothing remained for Paschal, weak and vacillating Paschal, but to annul the grant ^ and to assemble a council in the Lateran, and to plead before it that the agreement had been concluded under the pressure of circumstances, in order to save the cardinals and the city of Rome ; that it was beyond his power to surrender any of the liberties and rights of the Church ; that it was for the as- sembly to examine the agreement and pronounce thereupon ; but that for himself he would adhere to his oath, and undertake nothing personally against Henry. Thus Paschal pleaded ; and thus he ex- cused his own wavering, and, as his temporising policy deserved, he died in banishment. The coun- * git.' See also the letter of Paschal to Henry V., Ep. xxii. Labb^, xiii. 993. 1 According to GiES. iii. 40, this took place in mi ; according to LABBf, xiii. 1 1 55, it took place at the Synod of Capua, an. mo. INVESTITURES. 165 cil reversed the agreement.^ It was the legitimate chap. consequence of Boniface's oath. A.D. The glory of concluding the long-protracted jan. 21 struggle was reserved for Callxtus II., but "^^^ i(\ Henrv before one preliminary contract had been concluded ^- ^''^ ^ _ '' Cahxtiis and as soon violated, nor before the utterance of a //. sentence of excommunication and dethronement on Henry V. at the great synod at Rhelms.^ By that "19 preliminary contract Henry had renounced the in- vestiture of churches, and the Pope had promised him peace.^ Upon second thoughts, however, they relented. The Pope decided that the Imperial fief should still remain attached to the prelacies, whilst the emperor maintained that no fief could be be- stowed without feudal Investiture. Thus the struggle was renewed : the disturbances In Germany grew more dangerous; Callxtus II. was once more master of 1 Concil. Lateran. an. 11 12, Labbe, xii. 1165 : ' Privilegium *■ illud, quod non est privilegium . . . pro liberatione captivorum, ' et ecclesiae a domino Papa Paschali per violentiam Henrici regis ' extortum, nos omnes in hoc sancto concilio cum eodem domino * papa congregati, canonica censura et ecclesiastica auctoritate, * judicio sancti Spiritus damnamus et irritum esse judicamus, atque ' omnino cassamus, et nequid auctoritatis et efficacitatis habeat ' penitus excommunicamus.' 2 Concil. Remens. an. 11 19, Labb^, xii. 1291. 3 In Hessonis Scholastici Descripta Concil. Remen. an. 11 19, Labb£, xii. 1302, it is quoted as follows : ' Ego Henri cus, Dei ' gratia Romanorum Imperator Augustus, pro amore Dei et beati * Petri, et domini papae Calixti, dimitto omnem investituram om- * nium ecclesiarum et do veram pacem. . . . ' Ego Calixtus secundus, Dei gratia Romanae ecclesiae epi- . * scopus catholicus, do veram pacem Henrico Romanorum impera- ' tori augusto, et omnibus qui pro eo contra ecclesiam fuerunt vel ' sunt : . . . ' 366 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART Rome, the antipope his prisoner. The Pope's de- — mands were severer than ever. Still Henry refused to yield. At length the course which had been pointed out by Ivo of Chartres/ and the monk Hugo of Fleury,''^ began to commend Itself to both parties, now growing weary of the struggle. It was an in- termediate course between the extreme views of the Gregorian party on the one hand, and the secularising tendencies of their opponents on the other. It com- bated the Gregorian position that it was a degradation for the priesthood to own itself subject to any lay authority, and held fast to the principle that to God must be rendered that which is God's and to Caesar that which Is Caesar's. It therefore maintained that the king ought not to invest the candidate bishop with staff and ring, these being the symbols of spiritual jurisdiction, and, as such, belonging to the archbishop ; but it allowed homage to be done to the A.D. emperor, and the use of some other symbol for bestowing the temporalities. In September, 1122, was concluded the Concordat of Worms, w^hich finally settled the question of the investitures. Henry, from love to God and for the welfare of his soul, releases to God and to his apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, all investiture by ring and staff, and * See Ep. 69, an. 1099, of Ivo to Hugo, Archbishop of Lyons. 2 Hug. Floriacensis Tract, de regia potest, etc. in Baluz. Miscell. iv. 5 : ' Post electionem autem non annulum aut baculum * a manu regia, sed investituram rerum saecularium electus antistes ' debet suscipere, et in suis ordinibus per annulum aut baculum ' animarum curam ab Archiepiscopo suo : ut negotium hujusmodi ' sine disceptatione agatur, et terrenis et spiritalibus potestatibus ' suae auctoritatis privilegium conservetur.' Sept. 1 1 22 JURISDICTION. 057 pledges himself to restore the possessions and tern- chap. poralities of St. Peter ; Calixtus allows the elections '- of bishops and abbots within the Empire to take place in Henry's presence, free from simony and violence, and permits the persons elected to receive the temporalities by investiture with the sceptre. In the following year this concordat was ratified by the first Lateran Council.^ Henceforth the imperial influence in episcopal elections came into vogue which Otto IV. and Frederic II. had to disclaim as a right. ''^ Henceforth the feudal obligations of the prelates were so fully acknowledged that not even Innocent III. ventured to call them in question. The rivalry, however, between the secular and ^ C- , . . Struggle ecclesiastical authorities was too deeply seated to be forjuHs- . - . - - . . , , diction in extmguished by the compromise arrived at on the EnglancL subject of investitures. It could not fail to show Itself in other matters also wherever the provinces ^ Concil, Later, i. an. 11 23, Labbe, xii. 1338 : ' Ego Henricus, ' Romanorum Imperator, pro amore Dei et sanctae Romanae * ecclesiae et domini papae Callisti, et pro remedio animae meae, ' dimitto Deo, et Sanctis ejus apostolis Petro et Paulo, et sanctae ' Catholicae ecclesiae, omnem investituram per annulum et bacu- * lum, et concede in omnibus ecclesiis fieri electionem et liberam * consecrationem. Possessiones et regalia beati Petri, quae a prin- ' cipio hujus discordiae usque ad hodiernam diem, sive tempore ' patris mei, sive etiam meo ablata sunt, quae habeo . . . restituo, * quae autem non habeo, ut restituantur fideliter, adjuvabo. * Ego Callistus, servus servorum Dei, tibi dilecto filio Henrico ' Dei gratia Romanorum Imperatori augusto, concedo electiones ' episcoporum et abbatum Teutonici regni, quae ad regnum perti- * nent, in praesentia tua fieri, absque simonia et aliqua violentia. ' . . . Electus autem regalia per sceptrum a te accipiat, exceptis ' omnibus quae ad Romanam ecclesiam pertinere noscuntur.' 2 GiES. ch. iii. sec. 63, p. 190. 368 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART of Church and State overlapped. Within the Empire '- — itself, the rivalry added fuel to the engrossing dis- putes of Popes and antipopes, emperors and rival emperors. It was in fact coloured by the political struggles which distracted the Empire. Nor was it otherwise in England — a country not distracted like Germany, between adherents of rival Popes, but agitated between English and Norman sympathies ; the bulk of the population being English, the greater part of the nobles being Normans. Here, too, it assumed the colouring of its political surroundings, and embittered the political rivalries of the kingdom. Nor was it a matter of no importance that Thomas a Becket, the leader of the clerical party in the struggle for ecclesiastical jurisdiction with the Nor- man king, Henry H., was the first Englishman who had risen to distinction since the Conquest. This fact gave to the struggle a national character. It was not therefore simply a struggle between ec- clesiastical and lay jurisdiction — between the Church and the State — but it was a struggle between English- men and Normans. On the side of the Church was Becket, an Englishman himself,^ a leader of the English party, whose name long after his death was held in highest esteem in England, whose shrine was the favourite one for pilgrims. On the side of the state was Henry II., an Angevin by birth, but yet through his mother a descendant of the Conqueror, supported by Norman barons, and anxious ^ Lord Lyttleton's History of Henry II. vol. ii. p. 22 ; Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. viii. p. 306. JURISDICriOX. n 5q to make the Norman courts, in which justice could chap. X IT never be obtained without purchase (if it could be L_ obtained at all by Englishmen), the sole tribunals in the country. Hence the joy of the English when he had to do penance at the tomb of the martyred ecclesiastic and Englishman. Hence the enthusiasm which Becket's name inspired among the people. Difficult though it may be to fix the original {^)Causes ground of dissension between Henry and his arch- struggle. bishop, it is sufficiently clear that the circumstance i^)7^^^^^- ^' -^ diction oj which broup^ht the two into immediate collision, was ecdesias-' . .... tical a controversy respecting the jurisdiction of the eccle- courts. siastical courts. These courts were new in Ene- land. Not as in the Empire, where since the days of the great Charles ecclesiastical courts existed side by side with the secular tribunals, in England the decision of causes, both lay and ecclesiastical, had originally rested with a mixed tribunal, consisting of laymen and bishops together.-^ Only recently, since ^ In England before the Conquest the bishops had always heard and decided spiritual causes in the courts of the hundred. William disapproved of the custom, and authorised them to esta- blish tribunals of their own, commanding the sheriffs to compel obedience to the citations of the ecclesiastical judge. See Lin- GARD, vol. i. ch. viii. p. 247. These Courts Christian were not abolished by Henry I., as Blackstone supposes. See Lingard, vol. ii. ch. iii. p. d^. On the contrary, they soon obtained a marked superiority over secular courts, partly because they pro- ceeded on fixed principles — such as the collection of Isidore, that of Burchard of Worms, that of Ivo of Chartres, and after the year 1151 the Decretum of Gratian (Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. iii. pt. ii. ch. ix. p. 415) — partly because the clerical judges were men of talent and education, which the lay judges were not ; and most of all because they were less biassed by fear and favour B B 370 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART II. ib) Ques- tion of criminal jurisdic- tion. the Conquest, had the two branches of judicature been separated and ecclesiastical tribunals brought into existence. But the working of the Christian Courts was new, and as yet their province was not strictly defined ; or rather it varied as the earlier kings from time to time relaxed or tightened their hold on the Church. In the troubles under Stephen, however, the clergy had greatly increased in power. They w^ere therefore not disposed to yield the prerogatives which they had acquired, at the bid- ding of a king like Henry II. Moreover, the eleva- tion of Thomas a Becket to the see of Canterbury came for them most opportunely, since it supplied them with a champion able and willing to defend these prerogatives against the king. The struggle broke out more particularly on a question of criminal jurisdiction. The punishment which the ecclesiastical courts had imposed on Philip de Brois, canon of Bedford, when convicted of man- slaughter, seemed altogether inadequate to the great- ness of his offence. When killing a deer was punished with loss of eyesight, a pecuniary fine for killing a man seemed no punishment at all. The somewhat severer punishment which the ecclesias- tical courts afterwards imposed on the same canon for using expressions of insult and contempt to the king's justiciary, Fitz-Peter, seemed also inadequate to a sovereign already chafing against the jurisdic- tion of the ecclesiastical courts. To appease the than the secular courts. They accordingly rapidly gained in popularity. Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. vii. p. 202. JURISDICTION. Zl^ king for the indignity offered to himself in the person chap. of his justiciary, the canon was condemned to a ' public whipping, and to suspension for two years. But it was all to no purpose, Henry would not be appeased. He revolted against the leniency of the a.d. 1162 ecclesiastical courts, and at Westminster addressed a demand to his assembled bishops, that whenever a clergyman had been degraded for a public crime by the sentence of the spiritual judge, he should be immediately delivered into the custody of a lay officer to be punished by the sentence of a lay tri- bunal. In itself the demand was not an unreason- able one. It allowed to ecclesiastical courts the jurisdiction they already possessed, but it sought to make the penalties imposed on ecclesiastics as severe as those to which laymen were subject. Neverthe- less, with the ideas then prevalent as to the powers and rights of the clergy, it was tantamount to an attack upon them. It was an attempt to subvert a gene- rally received position, and to lower the clergy in order to give more power to the sovereign.^ In this light it was regarded by the bishops, and, (^) Q^^^^- as might have been anticipated, it met with a refusal, custom. But Henry was determined to gain his point, and adroitly changing his ground, preferred a second question, ' Whether the bishops would promise to observe the ancient customs of the realm?' The first demand was now dropped altogether, and the point which henceforth becomes the watchword of the dispute is the observance of the customs of the realm. ^ LiNGARD, vol. ii. ch. iii. p. 65. B B 2 372 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART The question was an ingenious one, and involved an '. ambiguity, and was no doubt put in the hope of entrapping the clergy on the horns of a dilemma. For although, when Becket afterwards asked what the customs of the realm were, no definite reply could be given him till a commission had been ap- pointed, so that the clergy would have been giving in their adherence to an unknown quantity : yet it required no great knowledge of the events of the preceding reigns to perceive that the powers of the clergy had been far less under the three first Norman monarchs than they now were or claimed to be. But the bishops were alive to Henry's ruse ; and, bent on maintaining their newly acquired power, they returned an ambiguous answer, declaring their willingness to observe the customs, ' saving their order.' This answer only embittered Henry more than before. Threats and promises, hope and fear, were freely employed. At length the obnoxious clause was withdrawn, and even the archbishop, sacrificing his own judgment to the entreaties of his fellow bishops, reluctantly gave way, promising on the word of truth to observe the 'customs.' Success seemed to have crowned Henry's attempt. (2) Course But no sooner had those customs been ascertained struggle, by 3. committee of inquiry, and the famous sixteen {a) The Constitutions of Clarendon ^ been exhibited, and sub- Constitu- iions of Claren- don. A D 1164. ^ ^^^ sixteen Constitutions of Clarendon, Concil. Claren. an. 1 1 64, Labb£, xiii. 318, are as follows : '(i) De advocatione et praesentatione ecclesiarum si contro- * versia emerserit inter laicos, vel inter clericos et laicos, vel inter ycRisDiCTioN. 373 scribed by the king, the prelates, among them the chap. archbishop, and thirty-seven barons, than Becket's '- — * clericos et clericos, in curia domini regis tractetur et terminetur. * — Condemned by Alexander III. ' (2) Ecclesiae de feudo domini regis non possunt in perpetuum ' dari absque assensu et concessione ipsius. — Tolerated. * (3) Clerici citati et accusati de quacumque re, moniti a justitia ' regis, venient in curiam ipsius, responsuri ibidem de hoc, unde ' videbitur curiae regis, quod sit ibi respondendum. Ita quod jus- ' titia regis mittet in curiam sanctae ecclesiae ad videndum, qua * ratione res ibi tractabitur ; et si clericus convictus vel confessus ' fuerit, non debet de cetero eum ecclesia tueri. — Coiidemned. ' (4) Archiepiscopis, episcopis, et personis regni, non licet exire ' de regno absque licentia domini regis. Et si exire voluerint, si ' domino regi placuerit, assecurabunt, quod nee in eundo, nee in ' moram faciendo, nee in redeundo, perquirent malum vel damnum * domino regi vel regno. — Condemned. '(5) Excommunicati non debent dare vadium ad remanens, nee ' praestare juramentum, sed tantum vadium et plegium standi ' judicio ecclesiae, ut absolvantur. — Co7idem?ied. ' (6) Laici non debent accusari nisi per certos et legales accusa- ' tores et testes in praesentia episcopi : ita quod archidiaconus * non perdat jus suum, nee quidquam quod inde habere debeat. ' Et si tales fuerint qui culpantur, quod non velit nee audeat * aliquis accusare eos : vicecomes requisitus ab episcopo faciet * jurare duodecim legales homines de visueto, seu de villa coram * episcopo, quod inde veritatem secundum conscientiam manifes- ' tabunt. — Tolerated. ' (7) Nullus qui de rege teneat in capite, nee aliquis domini- * corum ministrorum ejus, excommunicetur, nee terrae alicujus ' eorum sub interdicto ponantur, nisi prius dominus rex si in terra ' fuerit, conveniatur, vel justitia ejus, si fuerit extra regnum, ut ' rectum de ipso faciat, et ita ut quod pertineat ad curiam regiam, ' ibidem terminetur, et de eo quod spectabat ad ecclesiasticam ' curiam, ad eundem mittatur, ut terminetur. — Conde?nned. ' (8) De appellationibus, si emerserint, ab archidiacono debent ' procedere ad episcopum, et ab episcopo ad archiepiscopum : et ' si archiepiscopus defuerit in justitia exhibenda, ad dominum * regem perveniendum est postremo, ut praecepto ipsius in curia 374 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART conscience smote him for the deed he had done. '- He had pledged himself to observe the Constitutions, ' archiepiscopi controversia terminetur, ita quod non debeat ' ulterius procedere absque assensu regis. — Condemned. ' (9) Si calumnia emerserit inter clericum et laicum, vel e con- '■ verso, de ullo tenemento, quod clericus velit ad eleemosynam * attrahere, laicus vero ad laicum feudum : recognitione duodecim ' legalium hominum, per capitalis justitiae regis considerationem ' terminabitur, utrum tenementum sit pertinens ad eleemosynam, ' sive ad feudum laicum coram ipsa justitia regis. Et si recog- ' nitum fuerit ad eleemosynam pertinere, placitum erit in curia ' ecclesiastica ; si vero ad laicum feudum, nisi ambo tenementum * de eodem episcopo vel barone advocaverint, erit placitum in ' curia regia. Si uterque advocaverit de feudo illo eundem epi- ' scopum vel baronem, erit placitum in curia ipsius, ita quod prop- * ter factam recognitionem saisinam non amittat qui prius saisitus ' fuerat. — Conde7nned. '(10) Qui de civitate vel castello vel burgo vel dominico ' manerio regis fuerit, si ab archidiacono vel episcopo de aliquo ' delicto citatus fuerit, unde debeat eidem respondere, et ad cita- ' tiones eorum satisfacere noluerit : bene licet eum sub interdicto ' ponere, sed non debet excommunicari, priusquam capitalis mini- ' ster regis villae illius conveniatur, ut justitiet eum ad satisfactio- ' nem venire. Et si minister regis inde defecerit, ipse erit in ' misericordia regis, et exinde poterit episcopus ipsum accusatum ' ecclesiastica justitia coercere. — Co?idemned. '(11) Archiepiscopi, episcopi, et universae personae regni, qui ' de rege tenent in capite, habeant possessiones suas de dominio * regis, sicut baroniam, et inde respondeant justitiariis et mini'stris ' regis, et sequantur et faciant omnes consuetudines regias et recti- ' tudines : et sicut ceteri barones, debent interesse judiciis curiae ' domini regis cum baronibus, quousque perveniatur in judicio ad ' diminutionem membrorum, vel ad mortem. — AUoived. '(12) Cum vacaverit archiepiscopatus, vel episcopatus, vel ' abbatia, vel prioratus de dominio regis, debet esse in manu ejus, ' et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus, sicut dominicos. Et ' cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum ecclesiae, debet dominus rex ' mandare potiores personas ecclesiae, et in capella ipsius debet '■ electio fieri assensu regis, et consilio personarum regis, quas ad JURISDICTION. ^7^ and yet many of them went against what he con- chap. XII ceived to be the rights of the Church. Amongst '. — other things it was enacted by the Constitutions, that the custody of every vacant archbishopric, bishop- ric, abbey or priory of royal foundation should be given, and its revenues paid, during a vacancy, to the king, and that the election of a new incumbent should be made in consequence of the king's writ by the chief clergy assembled in the king's chapel, with the assent of the king, and the advice of such clergy as the king might call to his assistance. It was further enacted that in every suit in which a clergyman was concerned, proceedings should commence before the king's justices, who should determine whether the cause ought to be tried in the secular or episcopal courts, and that in the latter case, if he were convicted in a criminal action, he should lose the benefit of clergy. It was ordained that no tenant-in-chief of * hoc faciendum vocaverit. Et ibidem faciet electus homagium et ' fidelitatem domino regi, sicut ligio domino, de vita et membris, ' et de honore suo terreno, salvo ordine suo, priusquam sit conse- ' cratus. — Cofidemjied. '(13) Si quisquam de proceribus regni diffortiaverit archiepi- ' scopo vel episcopo, vel archidiacono, de se vel de suis justitiam ' exhibere : rex debet justitiare. Et si forte aliquis diffortiaverit ' domino regi rectitudinem suam : archiepiscopi, vel episcopi et * archidiaconi debent eum justitiare ut domino regi satisfaciat. — * Allowed. '(14) Catalla eorum, qui sunt in regis forisfacto, non detineat * ecclesia vel coemeterium, contra justitiam regis ; quia ipsius regis ' sunt, sive in ecclesiis sive extra fuerint inventa. — Alloived. ' (15) Placita de debitis, quae fide interposita debentur, vel * absque interpositione fidei, sint in curia regis. — Condem?ied. '(16) Filii rusticorum non debent ordinari absque assensu ' domini, de cujus terra nati dignoscuntur. — Allowed.' 376 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART the king, no officer of his household or of his de- mesne, should be excommunicated, or his lands put under an interdict, until application had been made to the king or his justiciary, who would determine what belonged to the kind's courts and what be- es o longed to the ecclesiastical courts. Archbishops, bishops, or parsons were forbidden to go beyond the sea without the king's permission ; and in case of appeals, it was provided that no appeal should lie from the archbishop to the Pope without the king's consent ; but that if the archbishop failed to do justice, the cause should be carried before the king, that by his precept the suit might be terminated in the arch- bishop's court. All these were points which Becket could not approve. He could not feel happy in having given them his sanction. He relented. In an agony of mind, he interdicted himself from the exercise of his functions, wrote to Alexander HI. a full account of the transaction, and humbly solicited absolution. {b) Rui7t If Becket's refusal to observe the customs uncon- the king's ditionally had previously incensed King Henry, his ^^^^' present repentance now incensed him still more, since it reopened a question which he had hoped was already settled. Henceforth the ruin of a single prelate became one of the chief objects which en- gaged the perplexed monarch's attention. A series of charges was prepared against the archbishop, and the primate was summoned before a great council at Northampton.^ That was indeed a curious instance ^ Concil. Northampton, an. 1164, Labbe, xiii. 320. XII. JURISDICTION. ^^j of the administration of justice, where the accused chap. was the greatest prelate in England, the highest in dignity next to the sovereign, and the accuser the king himself; where the judge was a favourite clerk of the king, and the jury bishops who had taken an oath of fealty to the accused ; where Henry was preferring charges against an ecclesiastic once his most intimate friend, and the spiritual father of the land was arraigned before a tribunal of his own lieee children. There could be no doubt as to the king's aim at Northampton. He wished to ruin Becket by the enormous demands for money made on him, now for an imaginary contempt of court, then for the rents which he had received as warden of Eye and Berkhamstead, again for a sum which the king had formerly given him before the walls of Toulouse, and then for the receipts which had come into his hands as chancellor from vacant abbeys and bishoprics.^ He wilfully ignored the fact that Becket had been previously released by his own commands from all these claims. Nor was the archbishop ignorant of the object which the king had in view. Still he refused to yield to the advice which was privately tendered by the prelates, to surrender and to avert Henry's wrath by resigning his see. Mat- ters grew more serious; Henry's feelings became more embittered ; it seemed as though his perse- verance would lead to bloodshed. One after another the bishops withdrew from the judgment hall, each as he passed renouncing his fealty to the archbishop, ^ LiNGARD, vol. ii. ch. iii. p. 69. ^yg INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART and appealing to the Pope. Becket was left alone ^^' with the lay barons. But when the Earl of Leicester, his private friend, called on him to hear his sentence, this laneuaee was more than he could endure, and the hlorh bearing of the former chancellor burst forth, blended with the tone of a martyred ecclesiastic : ' My sentence,' said the archbishop ; ' hear me first. You know with what fidelity I served the king ; how reluctantly, to please him, I accepted my present office. . . . Know moreover that you are my children in God. Neither law nor reason allows you to judge your father. I decline your tribunal, and refer my quarrel to the Pope for decision. To him I appeal, and shall now under the protection of the Catholic and Apostolic Church depart' (3) Under that protection Becket did depart. Crowds of people flocked about him as he passed through Sequel. Beckefs Northampton. They saluted him with acclamations; exile. 1-1 . , . threw themselves on their knees to receive his blessing, and accompanied him to the monastery of St. Andrew's. His knights and his clerks came to him, and begged him with tears to return them their homage and license them to depart. With three companions he left St. Andrew's. Three weeks later he landed safely in France. Into Alexander III.'s hands he surrendered his archbishopric, but only to be reinvested by Alexander with the archiepiscopal dignity. Driven from Pontigny by Henry's threat that if it afforded him an asylum any longer all the Cistercians should be expelled from England, he removed to Sens, and there, as he had done at Pon- tigny, continued to live the life of a recluse. Gradu- JURISDICTION, 379 ally his opinions became tinged with enthusiasm ; he chap. identified his cause with that of God and the Church ; ^ and assuming a bolder tone, he promulgated a decree with more than ordinary severity, cutting off from the society of the faithful such of the royal ministers as had communicated with the antipope, those who had framed the Constitutions of Clarendon, and all who had invaded the property of the Church. Before this weapon Henry quailed, however much {p) BcckcV s he might affect to despise it. Whilst Becket was at return. Pontlgny he had denounced the punishment of trea- son against any person who should presume to bring into England letters of excommunication or interdict. Now he had still greater reason to fear such a sen- tence : for the antipope was dead, and Alexander III. a.d. ii6 had returned to Rome and was supporting Becket. He therefore condescended to receive the primate, and twice conferred with him on the points at issue ; but the conferences on each occasion broke down, as Henry refused to give the kiss of peace. At length circumstances became too pressing for the king : the French king, Louis, invaded Normandy ; Alexander threatened to lay all his Continental territories under the Interdict, and he consented to receive the arch- bishop. In the meadows of Freteville Henry and Becket met; — Henry embittered, but forced to ac- quiesce under the pressure of circumstances ; Becket sad but resolute, and conscious of coming troubles. The king was relieved from his sentence ; Becket was restored to favour; Henry repaired to Bure in Normandy, to celebrate the holidays in the midst of his prelates and nobles ; Becket hastened to revisit "7o ,8o INVESTITURE^^ AND JURISDICTION. PART his church at Canterbury, from which he had been six II. ., years an exile. Although he was joyfully received by the clergy and people, he had not been long there before signs appeared of a gathering storm. His provisions were hourly intercepted; his property was plundered; his servants were beaten and insulted. The excom- munication which he pronounced on Christmas Day on Ranulph and Robert de Broc did not lessen the ill-will of the enemies, who, for seven years, had inflicted every injury in their power on him and his church. Only a few days later four knights — Reginald Fitzurse, William Tracy, Hugh de Mor- ville, and Richard Brito — assembled at Saltwood to compass the death of the archbishop, which a hasty expression of Henry's had suggested. {c) On the Wednesday after Christmas, the four knights appeared before the palace of the archbishop, and demanded to speak with him on business from the king. Finding him unwilling to absolve the ex- communicated bishops until they professed submis- sion to the Church, they left him, and withdrew to a large house opposite to arm themselves. Becket's attendants anticipated their intentions. It was the hour of evening service, and at the sound of the psalmody in the choir, a voice exclaimed : ' To the Church : It will afford protection.' Thither Becket was hurried by his attendants, but not till the knights were close in pursuit, and the door was closed behind him. Slowly and calmly he passed through the transept, and ascended the steps which led to his favourite altar — the well-known steps which he was JURISDICTION, ^gj now ascending for the last time — when the cries of chap. ■y T T the knights demanding admission without were heard. ' Scorning the material defences of bars and bolts, he at once ordered the doors to be thrown open, and turned to meet his assassins. It was a scene not easily to be forgotten. Stationed with his back against a column between the altars of St. Mary and St. Bennet, the archbishop quietly awaited their approach, whilst they burst into the church, and rushed in furiously, demanding, ' Where is the traitor ? ' To this question no answer was returned. But when they asked : 'Where is the archbishop,' Becket replied : ' Here I am, the archbishop, but no traitor.' ' Then die,' exclaimed a voice. ' I am ready,' returned the prelate, * to die for the cause of God and his Church ; but I forbid you in the name of the Almighty God to touch any one of my household, clerk or layman.' It seemed as though they were afraid. There was a few minutes' pause. An attempt was made to drag him from the church. In the struggle which ensued, Fitzurse dealt a blow, wounding the archbishop on the crown. Feeling the blood trickling down his cheek, he wiped it away with his sleeve, then joined his hands, and bent his head in the attitude of prayer, uttering the words : ' Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit.' In this posture, with his face to his murderers, he awaited the blows which ended his life. The archbishop was murdered, but that death, so (4) The sudden, so tragic, so unmerited, procured the most vlctZ^ brilliant victory for the cause for which he contended. ^'^^'^^' The assassins, with all their abettors, were excommu- ^82 INVESriTURES AND JURISDICTION. PART nicated by Alexander : the interdict on Henry's '- dominions in Gaul was confirmed. Crowds flocked to pray before the tomb of the martyred archbishop ; stories got abroad of the miraculous cures there performed. Henry himself was deeply affected. He made every effort to justify himself before the Pope. He acquiesced in all the conditions prescribed, and yielded more than Thomas a Becket had been able to gain during his lifetime. To crown the whole, he made a pilgrimage to the tomb, and as his hasty words had been the cause of the crime, he sub- mitted to the penance imposed. A night and a day was spent in prayers and tears, imploring the inter- cession in heaven of him whom he had pursued with relentless animosity on earth. ^ The Church was triumphant, but her victory was dearly pur- chased with the martyrdom of one of her most loyal sons. D. /;/- In each struggle in which the Church, or rather the the Papacy — for the Papacy now becomes identical "onhe "^^^^^ ^^^^ Church — engaged, greater success attended clergy. j^gj. efforts. The struggle for investitures had ended in a favourable compromise, that for jurisdiction had resulted in a complete triumph. Subsequent triumphs were gained almost without any struggle at all, and among them three in particular — the power of the Popes to tax the clergy, the administration of the Church by means of legates, and the right to dispose of benefices. The right to dispose of benefices was in fact, at ^ LiNGARD, vol. ii. ch. iii. pp. ^t,, ioi. INVASIOX OF CLERICAL RIGHTS. first, no right at all, but simply an innovation on the chap. XII. rights of the recognised patrons, which was ac- quiesced in as a matter of courtesy. Nevertheless, it jj^-,^ J^J}^^ followed as a necessary corolkiry from the advanced ^^S^^^- claims of the Papacy. In the middle of the twelfth century it was still in its infancy. Hadrian IV. then a.d. 1154 addressed a letter to Theobald, bishop of Paris, on behalf of Hugh Chancellor of France, urgently beg- ging the bishop to confer on him the first place of emolument or dignity which should be in his gift, that both the chancellor might experience the benefit of the Pope's intercession, and the Pope might be able to thank the bishop for his kindness.^ Under Hadrian's successor, however, Alexander III., these 1159-1185 letters began to assume a tone of command.'^ It was the same story as formerly with the Pope's decretal letters. From the tone of advice, these commendatory letters passed to the tone of command. They no longer recommended a suitable person for an office, but they asked for a personal favour ; and who could refuse a favour asked for by the vicege- rent of Christ ? In the time of Innocent HI., the privilege had 1198-1216 advanced a step further. Having now come to be ' Ep. xiii. Had. IV., Labb:^, xiii. p. 24 : ' Fraternitatem tuam * pro his qui nobis cari sunt et accepti, vagare non dubitamus. . . . * Inde est ([uod ilium [Hugonem] fraternitati tuae duximus pluri- * mum commendandum, rogantes attentius, . . . primum perso- ' natum vel honorem qui in tua vocabit ecclesia ei concedas.' 2 Ep. App. vi. Alex. III. Labb^, xiii. 122 : ' Ipsum [Ubertum] * caritati tuae sollicite commendamus, rogantes et rogando man- * dantes . . . praebendam in ecclesia S. Timothei, si qua nunc ' vacat, vel quae primo vacaverit, ei concedas liberaliter.' 284 LXVES77'rURES AND JURISDICTION. PART regarded as a right, it was maintained in spite of all '. — opposition by officers appointed for the purpose, and ecclesiastical penalties were threatened in case of non-compliance.^ Everywhere the best livings and dignities were filled with the nominees of the Popes, able indeed to discharge the necessary services, un- less too these were neglected, but often foreigners unknow^n to the people, speaking a foreign language, unable to understand the people, and mostly non- resident. Hence arose the outcry, afterwards pro- minent at the Reformation, against non-resident clergy, who fed themselves but not their flocks ; and hence in part came the prejudice against service in any but the language of the people. It was not that in itself the people would understand the mass better whether it were in the vernacular, or whe- ther it were in the ecclesiastical language, but it was that the people were Impatient of ecclesiastics who could not understand or be understood by their parishioners. (^) Nowhere, probably, was the practice of papal pro- Abusesin . ... England, vlsions Carried to a greater extent than it was in England, and hence nowhere was so strong a pre- judice engendered against a non-resident clergy and against foreign ecclesiastics. Thus in the thirteenth A.D. 1231 century, according to Mathew of Paris, a conspiracy was made against the Roman legates, who arbitrarily disposed of benefices according to their good pleasure, and compelled the collators to obey their wishes I Innoc. III. lib. i. Ep. cxvi. cxxvii. cxlv. ; lib. xvi. Ep. clxxvii. Sec Hurter's Innocent III iii. 109. INVASIOX OF CLERICAL RIGHTS. 385 under the threat of suspension.^ Indeed, how could chap. XII the Pope's power be other than oppressive in a '. — country which was at the time held by the king as a fief of the Roman See ? The conspirators tore down the tithe barns of the Roman clergy throughout the length and breadth of the land. The Italians were a.d. 1232 obliged to conceal themselves in the monasteries.^ The papal messengers who brought over new bulls of collation fared no better, and Gregory IX., in con- sequence, accused the English bishops of seizing and destroying his bulls ; of imprisoning and plundering 1232 his clergy, of offering violence to his messengers, one having been cut to pieces, and the other having been left all but lifeless. Yet, notwithstanding all that had happened, Gregory IX. had the audacity to write to the English bishops, a few years later, 1240 charging them to appoint three hundred Romans to the benefices next vacant.^ No wonder that to the English mind papal bulls came to be associated with acts of oppression and grasping ! No wonder that the Pope came to be regarded with abhorrence as a usurping foreigner. No wonder that the Eng- lish legates at the Council of Lyons complained that Italians grew fat in England, that an infinite number of them had obtruded themselves as rectors upon 1245 ' Math. Par. (p. 313) says that the Roman Legates arbitrarily dispose of the beneficia regni^ suis^ secundum quod eis placet, con- fere?tdo, and compel the collators to obey their wishes suspensionis senteiitias fulminando. 2 Ibid. p. 316 : 'Distracta sunt horrea Romanorum per totam ' fere Angliam. . . . Delituerunt clerici Romani in abbatiis.' 3 Ibid. p. 532. C C 386 INVESTITURES AKD JURISDICTION. ' PART churches, for which they cared nothing at all, that '- they received in England a sum of 60,000 marks, and derived from the realm a greater revenue than the king himself^ {c) Abuse Nor was England the only country which com- France. plained of this abuse. The Church of France also A.D. 124 j-^jggj j^gj. voice against the injustice of collation in the Gravamina, presented by Lewis IX. to Innocent IV. * Churches/ it ran, ' are oppressed in the collation to benefices and prebends. For in every church you have bestowed many prebends, even before they are vacant, and not only prebends but also livings, which seems to us all a strange thing, and such has been unknown heretofore. Alexander once took refuge with King Lewis in France, but he never ventured to bestow a benefice or prebend while there. Nor did any of his predecessors. Of his successors, few, ^ Math. Par. Concil. Lugd. an. 1245, Laebe, xiv. 71 : 'Sed ' ecce per vos et praedecessores vestros, nullam considerationem * habentes, quod praeter siibsidia supradicta, jam ditantur in * Anglia Italici, quorum est jam numerus infinitus in ecclesiis ad * ipsorum religiosorum spectantibus patronatus, qui rectores eccle- ' siarum dicuntur, praefatos religiosos, quos deberent defendere, • * relinquentes penitus indefensos, nullam curam animarum gerentes, ' sed lupos rapacissimos gregem dispergere et oves rapere permit- * tentes. Unde vere dicere possunt, quod non sunt boni pastores, ' quoniam oves suas non cognoscunt, nee pastorum notitiam oves ' habent ; hospitalitate eleemosynarumque largitioni, sicut statu- * tum est in ecclesia, non insistunt, sed fructus tantum percipiunt, * extra regnum asportantes, regnum non mediocriter depauperando * et redditus occupando. . . . Ut autem vobis Veritas plenius ' innotescat, Italici percipientes in Anglia sexaginta millia mar- ' carum et eo amplius annuatim, plus emolumento meri reditus de ' regno reportant quam ipse rex, qui est tutor ecclesiae et regni * gubernacula moderatur.' INVASION OF CLERICAL RIGHTS. ^g- too, bestowed of their own authority a benefice chap. until the time of Innocent III., whose example _1_ Honorius and Gregory followed. And yet all your predecessors together did not confer so many bene- fices as you have already done in your short tenure ^•^- ^266 of office.'^ Yet twenty years later, Clement IV. actually declared that the plenary disposition of all benefices belonged to the sovereio^n Pontiff.^ The right of appointment to vacant bishoprics w^as (2) not, however, so universally claimed by the Popes instead of as that to dignities and benefices. Probably the old ments to -struggles for investitures had taught them where to f^^^f^-^' expect resistance ; and, In general, their pretensions to {a) Share appoint to sees were limited to certain cases only. ^riJ! In France, England, and Spain, a regulation w'as established by law, that the king's permission to elect, and afterwards his confirmation of the election, must be obtained. Theoretically, therefore, the ap- pointment lay with the chapter. But not unfrequently ^^^5 the Popes, as in the election of Simon Langton to be archbishop of York, refused to sanction the choice of the chapter and required a fresh election to take ' Gravamina Ecclesiae Gallicanae in Brown, App. ad Fascial- lum rerum expet. et fiigiend. p. 238, and in Gies. vol. iii. sec. 62, p. 186. 2 Sexti Decretal, lib. iii. tit. iv. c. 2 : 'Licet ecclesianim, per- ' sonatuum, dignitatum, aliorumque beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum ' plenaria dispositio ad Romanum noscatur Pontificem pertinere, * ita quod non solum ipsa, cum vacant, potest de jure conferre, * verum etiam jus in ipsis tribuere vacaturis ; collationem tamen * ecclesiarum, personatuum, dignitatum et beneficiorum apud sedem * apostolicam vacantium specialius caeteris antiqua consuetudo ' Romanis pontificibus reservavit' c c 2 388 IXVESTITURES AXD yC'RISDICTIOX. PART place. -^ In Germany, Imperial nomination of bishops, ; — or imperial Influence over the elections, came into vogue after the settlement of the struggle about investitures In the twelfth century. Yet as the power of the Popes triumphed over that of the emperors, the Imperial influence became less and less, and, In the climax of the papal power, Otto IV.^and Frederic 11.^ had to disclaim the right. In Naples, Hungary, Denmark, and Sweden, nomination by the king continued till the thirteenth century. In general it was a wise discretion on the part of the Popes which left the appointment to bishoprics In the hands of the chapters. The bishops did not, however, escape the Papal covetousness.^ ^ The chapter of York chose Simon Langton, the brother of Stephen, to be their archbishop. The Pope refused to sanction the choice, and the chapter had to make another election during the Lateran Council in Rome, an. 121 5. See ]Math. Par. p. 271 seq. The account will also be found in Additio ad Concil. Lateran. iv. an. 12 15, Labbe, xiii. 1020. 2 Otto had been obHged to take a new oath to the Pope in Speier, March 22, 1209. Regist. Imp. Ep. 189: 'Ilium igitur * abolere volentes abusum . . . concedimus et sancimus, ut elec- ' tiones Praelatorum libere ac canonice fiant, quatenus ille prae- * ficiatur ecclesiae viduatae, quem totum capitulum vel major et * sanior pars ipsius duxerit eligendum, dummodo nihil ei obstet de ' canonicis institutis. Appellationes autem in negotiis et causis ' ecclesiasticis ad apostolicam sedem libere fiant, earumque pro- * secutionem sive processum nullus impedire praesumat.' ^ Two promises were made by Frederic II. : one at Eger, June 28, 1213, the same as that made by Otto (Pertz, iv. 224) ; the other at Strasburg, July i, 12 16 (Pertz, iv. 228). '* The newly elected Archbishop of York returned from the Lateran Council, an. 12 15 ' obHgatus in Curia Romana de ' decem millibus librarum legalium esterlingomm. In fine autem, * soluto Concilio, extorsit Papa de unoquoque Praelato infinitam LWASION OF CLERICAL RIGHTS. For as far as the power exercised by bishops was chap. XII. concerned, the Popes obtained ample compensation for any power which the appointment would have given them in the new institution of legates. Boni- face had as papal legate crowned King Pepin at a.d. 752 Soissons. One hundred and twenty years later, the institution was anew revived, and then in the cha- racter in which it was afterw^ards known, as a super- seding of the powxr of the bishops. John VIII. S72-882 appointed Ansegis, Archbishop of Sens, Apostolic Vicar w^ith legatine powers, for the purpose of hum- bling the great archbishop Hincmar. After the night of the Papacy, papal legates with a universal commission to visit the churches, appear in the time of Leo IX. and \^ictor II. They were one of the great instruments by which Gregory VII. worked his reforms.^ Since it was impossible for the Pope to be everyw^here, and he was yet supposed to have the care of all the churches, legates were appointed to act as his representatives and vicegerents, and to receive the same obedience from the bishops as he would have received himself^ Such obedience would have been impossible until the doctrines of the False Decretals had taken firm root. ' pecuniam, quam cum viaticis cogebantur ab iisurariis suis mutuo ' duris conditionibus sumere.' See ]\Iath. Par. p. 274. ^ See Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vii. p. 194 ; Neand. vii. 119 ; Gies. vol. iii. sec. 47, p. 11, and vol. iii. sec. 62, P- 175- 2 Greg. VII. lib. v. Ep. ii. Labbe, xii. 408 : ' Misimus ad vos ' hunc fratrem nostrum . . . cui et vicem nostram in vobis com- ' misimus . . . cui vos obedire et unanimites assistere volumus, ' admonentes . . . ut . . . talem sibi honorem et reverentiam ' exhibeatis qualem oportet. . . .' 390 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART Under Gregory's successors, legates became a II. numerous and an established order. Roger, Count of A.D. 109 3j(,jiy^ received the dignity from Urban II. : perhaps, in his case, it was not meant to be more than a dig- iioo nity.-^ Paschal II., the great champion of investiture, Avas present at the Synod of Poictiers by his legates, and through them caused Philip king of France to be excommunicated.^ Pandulph appeared in Eng- land as the legate of Innocent III., and received from King John the oath of fealty. Secure of the powerful support of the Popes, the legates ap- peared everywhere, invested with marks of rank, superseding the bishops, flaunting the pontifical insignia, disposing of benefices, even interfering with free elections, and rendering themselves infamous by their shameless extortions.^ Can the Popes be said to have lost much in not claiming the appointments to bishoprics when they took the administration of every diocese into their own hands by means of their legates ? Were they not possessed of a more sub- stantial power wielded under another name ? (3) Taxa- The noblest monument of Saladin's successes, and clergy. of the terror which his name inspired throughout Christendom, is the Saladin tenth, a general tax imposed on the laity, and likewise on the clergy of the Latin Church, for the service of a Holy war.^ ^ GiES. vol. iii. sec. 48, p. '^'^^. 2 Concil. Pict. an. iioo, Labb^, xii. 1081. 3 GiES. vol. iii. sec. 62, p. 176 (note). ^ This tax was authorised in France at Concil. Paris, an. 1188, Labbe, xiii. 677, in the time of Clement III. ; in England at Concil. Angl. an. 1188, ibid. p. 675. In 1199, Innocent III. INVASION OF CLERICAL RIGHTS, 391 XII. Originating in the panic created by the fall of chap. Jerusalem, the payment survived the occasion which gave it birth, and passed down to later times under a new sanction as a relic of the crusades. In the struggles between the Popes and the emperors, it was a convenient mode of supplying the Popes with funds, nor was this employment of it for other purposes than crusades against Infidels regarded as a perversion of it to strange purposes, since all the Popes' wars were now designated crusades. Besides, a theory was started, based on the old rule of the Jewish law that a tenth of the Levites' tithe went to the high-priest, that the tithe of all benefices was the rightful due of the supreme Pontiff. In the thirteenth century, a native historian tells of the unpopularity of the tax, and the way in which the clergy were compelled to pay it in England. ' In the year 1229, the Pope demanded a tenth of all move- ables both from clergy and laity, for the purpose of carrying on his war. The laity refused ; but the clergy were compelled to pay the tax by the legate Stephen, under pain of interdict and excommunica- tion. They were even obliged to give the tithe of the harvest before it was gathered in. The legate had with him money-lenders of the worst kind, dis- guising usury under the name of business, who offered loans to the needy oppressed by exactions. imposed upon the whole Church a fortieth of moveable estate, pledging himself that the money should be applied to the purposes of a crusade. The Church of England was taxed by Gregory IX. to carry on his crusade against the Emperor Frederic 11. Hal- lam's Middle Ages ^ vol. ii. pt. ii. ch. vii. p. 216. 392 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION PART which the latter were obhged to accept at high interest, '. as Stephen dictated.' ^ Five years later, a tale is told A.D. 12^4 ^^ ^1^^ same kind of exaction, leading to a waning of zeal for the Cross, and a general cooling down of charity.^ Again, in the year 1240, the Pope, not content with a tenth, demands from the clergy a fifth part of their chattels, that he might have the means for overcoming his powerful enemy. After a long struggle, the Archbishop of Canterbury was obliged to give way, and the rest of the English prelates ' seeing this, fell into the same error.' ^ On another occasion, when the Pope presented the Sicilian crown to the English prince Edmund, he wrote to the 1254 bishops, charging them to borrow on behalf of the king as much money as they were able, pledging their churches collectively and severally for its 1255 repayment.^ Alexander IV. confirmed the grant of his predecessor on still more usurious conditions, requiring 20,000 pounds sterling to be given by the king to the Pope and the cardinals, besides requiring him to defray all the expenses of the war, and he * Math. Par. an. 1229, p. 361. 2 Ibid. an. 1234, p. 400: ' Ut efficacius [legati] thesauros ' omnium emungerent, et pecuniam quasi ad succursum Terrae ' Sanctae colligerent, scripsit dominus Papa verba elegantissima. . . .' P. 402 : ' Haec cum per Christianorum climata, praecipue ' per Angliam, Christi fidelibus innotescerent . . . sese multi ' cruce signaverunt. Sed . . . parvo tempore succedente facta * est tanta commutatio, tam multiformis pecuniae exactio ; nee ' sciri poterat, in quam abyssum tanta pecunia ... est demissa ; ' quod fidelium circa negotium crucis tepuit, imo potius caritas * refriguit generalis.' ^ Ibid. an. 1240, p. 527. < TMd, an. 1254, p. 892 ; Rymer-Clarke, book i. ch. i. 297, 301. LWASIOX OF CLERICAL RIGHTS. 193 authorised the king to take up large sums in the chap XII name of EngHsh prelates with Italian bankers.^ — '. L Nor was England the only country which was thus treated, although it might be pillaged more than others. In France, in Germany, and elsewhere, a tithe was likewise required to be paid by the clergy to the Pope.^ It was this payment which gave Philip the Fair such a handle in his struggle with Boniface VI I L, and at one stage in the struggle, Boniface found it conducive to his interest to grant to the king for three years the tithe from the clergy. In Germany, one voice alone in the thirteenth cen- tury, that of Joannes Semeca, dared to raise itself against the imposition. For doing this, John was excommunicated by Clement IV. The nobles of Germany, however, espoused his cause, and possibly a struggle might have broken out, similar to the struggle about investitures in a preceding century, and certainly not inferior to that which took place soon after between Philip and Boniface in France, had not death swept away both John and the Pontiff.^ The German clergy might grumble at the exaction, but there as elsewhere, it was vain to try to resist the papal authority. Thus, as the thirteenth century closed, the Popes found themselves successful in all their assumptions of power over this world's goods and their clergy. 1 Math. Par. an. 1255, p. 910; Rymer-Clarke, book i. ch. i. p. 316. See two letters of Innocent IV., Ep. i. Labbe, xiv. 2 ; Ep. V. ibid. p. 6. 2 See the authorities quoted by Gies. vol, iii. sec. 55, p. 98. ^ Gies. vol. iii. sec. 62, p. 75. 394 INVESTITURES AND JURISDICTION. PART Victorious over the emperors, whom they had hunted '■ — down and deposed ; successful in the struggle for in- vestitures ; triumphant in asserting clerical jurisdiction and upholding the clergy in the possession of wealth by the unscrupulous use of the dreaded instruments, excommunication, the interdict, a crusade ; in the plenitude of their power they turned the grasping hand of covetousness upon the very clergy who had themselves assisted in securing their success. All the privileges and possessions which the clergy had won for themselves, either by fraud or by force, aided by the terrible penalties of a foreign ecclesiastic, were now ruthlessly invaded by that ecclesiastic him- self, and torn from their grasp with a high hand. All the injurious devices which they had resorted to, to feed themselves at the expense of their flocks, were now employed against themselves by one still more greedy and insatiable than they had been. Everywhere the clergy were superseded, degraded, over-reached by the minions of the Pope, who, making common cause with the people, turned upon the deposed seculars. It was a terrible Nemesis ; but not a more terrible one than in turn awaited the usurper, when his cup of oppression was full. The tale of the hierarchical abuse of power in the Middle Ages is indeed a sickening one. We can well understand the violence of the reaction which ensued at the Reformation. Let not those decry the latter event who have not studied the former ! Let not the greed and the vices of a king be unscrupulously attacked by those who shut their eyes to the greed INVASION OF CLERICAL RIG HIS. 395 and vices of an overgrown clergy ! Let not those chap who seek to revive the arrogant pretensions of the L hierarchy, forget that sooner or later will come the Nemesis of those pretensions too, and that retribu- tion will be all the severer the longer it is delayed. ^ fcjO 3 rt 73 t^ s .a o 52 t^ ^ 'C (^ ^ 11 .^ ^ s hj^ ^ h-i ^ M ^ «=^ '2 ^-^ 2^ -l-H t^ I-I 00 J 2 ^^ Q -s u PQ 0^ S t< w C/2 O > w ° o < > -^ t-i o Ji (U & rt 1 II 2 w ^i^ ffi -Ph ^'"^ H CO S^ >- 'zi ^^ ^ ffi '2 ^ »$ w O w pq « £ ° rt :: .2 ) Lewis But that consent and approval, in short, the sup- antipope, port of hIs people, was the unfortunate cause of ^ico as tuj-nlng the head of Lewis, and leading him to take 1328 a step most injurious to his own Interests. The ex- aggerated advocacy of Marsillus of Padua, and John of Jandun, did more harm than good to his popu- larity,^ whilst, at the same time, they encouraged his temerity. The ancient device of appointing an antlpope was once more resorted to, and on the 1 Baluz. Vitae pp. Aveti. vol. ii. p. 478, in May 1324: ' Nos ' Ludovicus Dei gratia Romanorum Rex semper Augustus pro- ' ponimus contra Johannem, qui se dicit Papam XXII, quod ini- ' micus sit pads, et intendit ad discordias et scandala suscitanda. ' . . . Ad generale Concilium, quod instanter et cum instantia ' repetita in loco tuto nobis et nostris convocari petimus, et ad * rerum legitimum futurum summum Pontificem, et ad sanctam * matrem Ecclesiam et apostolicam sedeni; et ad aliura vel ad alios, ' ad quern vel ad quos fuerit appellandum, provocamus et appel- ' lamus.' 2 GiES. vol. iv. sec. 99, p. 26. STRUGGLES OF POPES FOR POWER. 427 place in front of St. Peter's at Rome, an assembly chap. XIII v,'as convened in the year 1328, before which John '. XXI. was charged with being a heretic. The charges were significant. John was said to have replied when he was urged to w^ar against the Saracens, that there were Saracens enough at home. He had A.D. taught that Christ and his apostles held property, April 18, whereas He had ever loved poverty. He was further '^' charged with aspiring to secular power, contrary to the command of Christ, who would have the thines of Caesar rendered to Caesar, and who had taught that his kingdom was not of this world. ^ For these crimes, sentence of deposition was pro- nounced on him ; and by a second assembly, held in the same place on Ascension Day, an antipope was May 12, elected who took the name of Nicholas V.^ But Lewis was not able to follow up this step. (0 De- The Pope's political power had greatly declined, it of Lewis, is true ; but to see the Vicar of Christ deposed by imperial authority was too great a shock for that ^ April 18, 1328. Baluz. Vitae PP. Aven. ii. 512: ' Liidovicus * Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator et semper Augustus in per- * petuam rei memoriam. . . . Eapropter ex imperialis celsitudinis * debito excessus enormes Jacobi de Caturco, qui nunc se Papam ' Johannem XXII. asserere non veretur, . . . nullatenus sufferre ' valentes ... in Italiam venimus. . . . Quapropter ipsum Jaco- * bum in haeresi deprehensum, . . . quia haeresim publice prae- ' dicat, perfectionem altissimae paupertatis in Christo penitus ' denegando . . . eo quod indigne gerit et gessit vicariatus offi- ' cium ... a Christo privatum esse . . . denunciamus, nostraeque ' imperialis auctoritatis sententia episcopatu Romano et universalis * Ecclesiae Dei seu Papatu . . . privamus.' 2 Ibid. p. 522, May 12, 1328. See Villani, x. c. 71 ; Neand. ix. p. 49. 428 THE POPES AT AVIGNON. PART III. A.D. 1332 ip) Second struggle between LeiuisIV. ajid Bene- dict XI I. I 334- I 342 (a) The Estates decide against the Pope. Wise men in Rome were much disturbed thereat, and the rest of the simple folk did not greatly exult. ^ Lewis was obliged to flee from Italy, fresh anathemas followed him on his return into Germany : ^ the antlpope, Peter of Corvaro, was com- pelled to submit, and to beg for absolution ; and Lewis, wearied with persecution, made offers of sub- mission, all of which were rejected by John XXL At length, finding his crown too burdensome to be borne, he resolved to resign It in despair.^ The sufferings of Lewis did more for him than his successes. The struggle was renewed, this time with another Pope. For John XXL had escaped by death from the council which was preparing to judge him. Nothing shows more clearly the decline of the Pope's power, than the conduct of the estates and the electoral princes, when Lewis' last endeavour to be reconciled with Benedict XI L had failed. The estates assembled at Frankfurt. They pro- nounced the papal sentence of excommunication invalid, declaring upon oath that the services so long intermitted throughout the length and breadth of the land ought by rights to be continued.* The * ViLLANI, X. C. 68. 2 April 20, 1329, and June 25, 1329. See Gies. vol. iv. sec. 99, p. 39- 3 See the authorities quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 99, p.'42. ^ Jo. ViTADURAMUS, p. 49 : ' Qui discutientes causas et motiva ' singula tarn Papae quam Imperatoris, diligentesque examinantes ' . . . repererunt, Imperatorem cuncta, quae debuit, sufficienter * peregisse, et sibi aditum et accessum omnis gratiae et justitiae * interclusum, et obstructum, et indiscrete temereque penitus dene- * gatum. Sententia ergo matura et unanimi Principes etiam STRUGGLES OF POPES FOR POWER. 429 electoral princes withdrew to Rense, and there made chap. XIII a formal declaration that the Roman king receives 1 A.D. h:s rank and power solely from the choice of the j^uy 15, electoral princes.^ This was the first electoral league, ^^^ and this declaration was Immediately afterwards established as the law of the land.'^^ Public opinion was general In behalf of Lewis ; and the clergy who washed to maintain the Interdict were banished. All these were Important steps ; but among them the most important without doubt was the declaration, distinctly denying the Bull of Clement V. It showed * jurejurando praestito determinaverunt, omnes processus a Domino ' Papa contra Dominum Imperatorem latos, indebitos et prorsus ' nullius fore roboris vel momenti, sed eos irritos et inanes et ab ' aequitatis lance penitus alienos. Adstruxeruntque eodem jure- * jurando sententia diffinitiva, per totam terram Imperii . . . divi- * num cultum, diu indebite . . . interdictum et suspensum, legi- ' time liciteque omni scrupulo conscientiae deposita debere resumi.' ^ Olenschlager's Urkunde?ibuch^ p. 188, quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 99, p. 49, gives the declaration of the first Chtirvcrein as follows : ' Wir . . . han uns des vereint, das wir dats egenant ' Rich, und unser fiirstlich Er, die wir von Im haben, nemlichen ' an der Kur des Richs, an sinen und unsern Rechten, Friheiten, ' und Gewonheiten, als von Alter an uns, und an des Richs Kur- ' fiirsten herkommen und bracht ist handhaben, beschurn, und ' beschirmen wollen, nach aller unser Macht und Craft an Geverde, ' wider aller meniglichen, nieman ausgenommen, wan es unser Er * und Aid auget, und wollen das nit lassen, durch dheinerlei '■ Gebot, von wem oder wie es chom, . . . und geloben an diesn ' gegenwertigen Brief bi unsern fiirstlichen Eren, und haben es ' auch gesworen zu den Heiligen fiir uns und unser Nachkommen, ' stet und rest zehalten. . . . Und geloben, . . . das wir . . . ' uns dawider nit behelffen sint dheiner dispensation, absolution, * relaxation, abolition, in integrum restitution, dheinerleie beneficio, ' wie das genant sie, wan es chum, oder wie es chum.' 2 Promulgated by the Emperor, August 8, 1338, and sanctioned by the diet, March 1339. 430 '^^^^^ POPES AT AVIGNON. PART that the German nation was emancipated from the III '. — political thraldom of the Papacy. When it was eman- cipated from the ecclesiastical and moral thraldom of that same power, then came the Reformation. (/3) De- But again Lewis' rashness Injured his own cause. of Lewis. Elated with his success, and disgusted with a new act of deception on the part of Benedict XII., he A.D. 1341 seemed to wish to cut away every hope of future reconciliation by encroaching on the Pope's acknow- ledged rights. He dissolved the marriage of Margaret of Maultasch, and granted the dispensation necessary for her to wed his own son.^ By this rash act he forfeited anew the confidence of his people ; he awakened the jealousy of the nobles, and put fresh weapons into the hands of the Pope, which Clement VI. was able adroitly to employ against him. ic) Third The first overtures which were made by Lewis to between Clement VI., the successor of Benedict XII., only involved him in a new and third struggle with the Papacy, but they also called forth a new protest on 342-1347 the part of the estates of the Empire against the 1344 exorbitant demands advanced by the Italian eccle- siastics.^ Still the success of Lewis was not what It might have been. For if the Pope could no longer count on the sympathies of the people, the weak and vacillating conduct of Lewis, and the aggrandisement of his own house, had estranged the affections of Germany. Germany was prepared to resist the political pretensions of the Popes ; it was not pre- pared heartily to support Lewis. Both the emperor ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 100, p. 52. 2 /^/^_ p^ r^^ Lewis IV. ajid Cle- ment VI. PUBLIC OPINION ADVERSE. 431 and the Pope struggled with enfeebled forces; hence chap. neither was absolutely victorious. Lewis IV. died '. — as emperor, but excommunicated. The prince whom Charles Clement had, in his lifetime, raised up against him, a.d. 1347 succeeded him as emperor. Many unmistakable signs now began to show c. Public themselves of the decline of the support^ given by against public opinion to the Papacy, proving that if the 9X^cu_^' Popes wished to retain what political Influence they ^^^^'^^ ^^• . . . 1343-1352 still possessed, this end could only be accomplished by ^a) Career showinor deference to the wishes of the Catholic la- ^-^ ^i^'lf^' ity. Perhaps the clearest evidence of this growing indifference of feeling may be observed in the career of Rienzi at Rome.^ Bereft of her bishop, now resi- dent at Avignon, Rome had fallen into a hopeless state of anarchy. Ill-situated for trade, and pos- sessing no internal resources, she had hitherto sub- sisted on the glories of the past, and grown rich on the wealth and the offerings which were attracted by the presence of her bishop. But, since the residence of the Popes at Avignon, this source of wealth was gone. A few great families — the Orsini and the Colonnas — with their dependants ruled, or rather plundered, the citizens ; and an absence of forty ^ The Popes of the period are as follows : Clement VI. died December 6, 1352, and was succeeded by Innocent VI. Decem- ber 18, 1352. His life in Labbe, xv. 707 ; he died September 12, 1362, and was succeeded by Urban V. October 28, 1362. Urban's life, ibid. p. 787. On the death of Urban V. December 19, 1370, Gregory XI. succeeded, December 30, 1370. For his life, ibid. p. 911 ; he died March 27, 1378. 2 See Dr. T. Papencordt's Cola di Rienzo uud seifie Zeit. Hamburg and Gotha, 1841. 432 THE POPES AT AVIGNON. PART years had accustomed the Romans to beHeve that '- — they were no longer cared for or governed by their bishop. At this crisis Rienzi appeared, and appeal- ing to the sympathies of his countrymen for the glories of the past, set up a form of secular govern- ment intended to revive antiquity. Had Rienzi's scheme succeeded, and the government of consuls and tribunes been permanently established, it might have materially hastened the downfall of the Papacy. It was well for the Papacy that it was short-lived. Still it did not pass by without making Clement aware of the volcano which lay beneath his feet. {b) Jubi- The Popes learned therefrom that they could no 1350. longer threaten, but must conciliate ; and that the first people to be conciliated were the Romans. It was, therefore, an ingenious device on the part of Clement VI. to hold at the end of fifty years the jubilee which had hitherto only been observed at the end of a century. By this expedient the Romans were, to some extent, indemnified for what they had lost by the long absence of the Popes. To justify the act, however, the sacredness of the number fifty, according to the Old Testament, was appealed to ; and the famous constitution Unigenitus^ which was published in 1349, and which announced the jubilee, set forth the fullest doctrine of indulgences.^ It declared that Christ had gained for his Church a treasure, and had committed it to the keeping of St. Peter and his successors ; to this treasure the ^ Neand. ix. 55. The Bull in Raynaldi Annaks, an. 1349, sec. II. PUBLIC OPINION ADVERSE. .^^ merits of Mary and all the elect had been added, chap. So great, moreover, was it, that there was no fear of - 3^^^' its being diminished ; for the greater the number of those who desired to appropriate it, the greater Avould be the number of the saints increasino" it. Nor were the Romans the only people whom Cle- ment deemed it prudent to conciliate. In Germany {c) Con- hi 1 , 1 1 • 1 r • cessions e had to make every kmd of concession to secure /;/ Ger- the recognition of Charles IV. In many places. In ^^^^^^y- Basle amongst others, It was found necessary to suspend the interdict without delay. In others the consecration of burial-grounds had to be repeated on payment of a small nominal charge. It Is even asserted that a second election of Charles had to be permitted, followed by a second coronation.^ And a.d. juiy, yet, notwithstanding all these concessions, the mind ^^^^ of Germany was embittered against the Pope, and his power was despised. The Germans sighed for the time to come, when, according to the old legend, Frederic II. should arise from the dead to execute justice, with the aid of his knights, on a corrupt clergy, and restore the Church to a new splendour.'-^ 1 GiES. vol. iv, sec. loo, p. 62. 2 The legend also applied to Frederic I. See Chap. VIII. p. 240. Jo. ViTURODAMNUS writcs : ' In his temporibus apud [homines ' diversi generis, immo cuncti generis multos valde assertissime vul- ' gabantur, Imperatorem Fredericum secundum hujus nominis ad ' reformandum statum omnino depravatum Ecclesiae venturum in ' robore maximo potentatus. Adjiciunt quoque homines praedicta ' sentientes quod necesse sit eum venire, si in mille partes secatus ' esset, immo si in pulverem per combustionem redactus foret, eo ' quod divinitus sit decretum ita de hoc fieri, quod immutari im- ' possibile est. Secundum igitur istam assertionem cum resusci- ' tatus ad Imperii sui culmen rev'ersus fuerit, puellae vel feminae F F 434 THE POPES A T A VIGNON. PART A further sign of declining power appeared under '. the quiet, reforming Pope Innocent VI., the successor ccnt'vL of Clement VI. To such an extent had the Popes ,^^:^:^f^ lost their influence in the States of the Church, where a host of petty principalities had grown up, that the warlike Cardinal Aegldlus Albornoz had to be sent to reconquer those domains.^ Had any one but Charles IV. been emperor, it Is doubtful what success the cardinal might have had. (3) Ur- Greater troubles were in store for Innocent's suc- 1 362-1 370 cessor, Urban V. Aegldlus had wrested Bologna {a) Con- from the powerful Bernarbo Visconti, ruler of Milan; cession to •*■ Bernarbo a noble, bold and unscrupulous, to whom all fear, 1364 alike of God and man, of the Church or the Roman Nov. 30, g^g^ ^^g^g unknown. The citation to appear, which had been served on him by the Pope, Bernarbo set at defiance. Moved by grievous complaints, Urban ^•^^•^ V. at length pronounced on him the sentence of excommunication. He did more; he preached a ' pauperi in matrimonio junget virum divitem, et e converse ; ' moniales et sorores in saeculo degentes maritabit, monachos ' uxorabit ; pupillis, orphanis, viduis omnibus et singulis spoliatis ' res ablatas restituet, cunctisque faciet justitiae complementum. ' Clericos persequetur adeo atrociter, quod coronas et ton suras ' suas stercore bovino, si aliud tegumentum non habuerint, obdu- ' cent, ne appareant tonsorati : religiosos, qui denunciando pro- * cessus papales contra eum, praecipue fratres minores, ipsuni de ' Imperio repulerant, de terra fugabit. Post resumptum Imperium ' justius et gloriosius gubernatum quam ante, cum exercitu copioso ' transfretabit, et in monte Oliveti vel apud arborem aridam ' Imperium resignabit' ^ See Clement VI. 's Bull of July 16, 1346, in BiiUarium Romannm^ i. 302 ; Villani, lib. iii. ch. Ixxxiv: Schlosser, Weltge- schicJite^ book iv. ch. i. pp. 408, 618 ; GiES. vol. iv. sec. loi, p. 65. PUBLIC OPINION ADVERSE. 435 crusade aealnst him. But within a year afterwards, chap. . XIII Urban found that it was useless to contend with !_ Bernarbo, that it was advisable to come to terms with him.^ Regardless, therefore, of the ban, he concluded a treaty of peace with the Italian on equal terms, receiving Modena and Ramandiola instead of Bologna, but promising to pay 500,000 gold florins by way of compensation. Even in countries which lay further away from f^^^f^^' the scene of action than Italy or Germany, Urban refuses , to pay found that his influence was waning. When he made tribute. application to Edward III. of England for the ^•°- ^-^ tribute which that country had been in the habit of paying to the Popes since the time of King John, but which had been in arrear since the beginning of the English wars with France,^ he received a haughty reply.^ John, the Parliament replied, had no power to put his realm or his people in such subjection without their consent. It declared, moreover, that ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. loi, p. 67. 2 Raynald, 1365, No. 13. The tax had been unpaid since 1332. Urban V. appUed for it in 1365. 3 Rotuli Parliament, tern. Eduardi III. p. 290 : ^ Que le dit Roi ' Johan ne nul autre purra mettre kii ne son Roiahiie ne son ' Poeple en tiele subjection saunz Assent de eux, et comme piert '■ par plusours Evidences, que si ce feust fait ce feust fait saunz leur ' Assent, et encontre son Serment en sa Coronation. Et outre * ce, les Dues, Countes, Barons, Grantz et Communes accorderent '• et garanterent qu'en cas que le Pape se afforceroit ou rien ' attempteroit par Proces ou en autre manere de fait, de con- ' streindre le Roi ou ses Subgetz de perfaire ce qu'est dit qu'il * voet clamer celle partie, qu'ils resistront et contre-esterront ove ' toute leur peussance.' F F 2 43^ THE POPES AT A VIGNON. PART they would resist to the utmost of their power any '- attempt on the Pope's part to recover such a tribute. {c) Tern- At any other time the EngHsh ParHament would rctl7fi to have placed no obstacle in the way of the payment ; Rome. 1^^^^ ^^ ^1^^ ^1^^^^ q£ Urban's application, England was engaged in a war with France. Hence, to send supplies to a Pope living at Avignon, was really to assist the kingdom of an enemy. Urban felt that all circumstances seemed to point to Rome as his proper residence. There he would be emancipated from the shackles of the French monarch. There he would be able to keep Italy in check. There, too, he might reckon on obtaining help from England and Germany. He had felt what it was for a sove- reign Pontiff to be the subject of another kingdom ; and could not fail to admit the justice of the com- plaint urged against the Papacy, that it prostituted ecclesiastical power to worldly ends. All this he A.D. 1367 felt, and resolved upon a change. To Rome he accordingly returned in the following year, leaving five French cardinals behind at Avignon. But Urban had no sooner taken the step than he was induced to repent of it, and once more, after three 1370 years stay at Rome, he returned to Avignon.^ (4) Gre- The full measure of the political powerlessness of '^^370-1378 ^^ Popes may be seen in the Papacy of Gregory XI., {a) spiri- ^^^ j^s^- Qf ^^ Popes who resided at Avig^non. That lueapons Pope, like his predecessors, chose to assert his rights less"^^' by spiritual censures. But the thunder of his ana- ^^^^ themas on Galeazzo and Bernarbo rumbled feebly ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 10 1, jd. 68. PUBLIC OPINION ADVERSE. 437 when coming from a distance ; and whilst ecclesias- chap. tical censures were uttered in France, in Italy there '— was no one to enforce them. The cities of the eccle- siastical states asserted their independence, and en- tered into an alliance with Florence and the Visconti. Gregory was obliged to recognise Frederic III. as King of Trinacria, thus closing the long struggle of the Popes against the Aragonese rulers of Sicily. The unquestioned claims of the See in Italy he was compelled to forego. His own sovereignty w^as reduced to a shadow. And now but one alternative lay before him unless he was content to lose his hold on Italy for ever ; the alternative of a return to Rome in person. Upon this alternative he resolved. Em- {p) Gre- barking at Marseilles on September 29, 1376, after Yiirjil^to an unfortunate voyage, in which several ships were ^^'''^^• lost, he arrived in April of the following year in the ancient metropolis, where he was greeted with out- ward splendour and rejoicing, with processions, and banquets. In the first flush of joy at his return, the ^•^- ^377 people hailed him with enthusiasm : the Bannerets of the Reofions threw down their ensigns of autho- rity at his feet. Everything seemed favourable. All were disposed to welcome the return of order. But the Popes had been too long absent from Rome. The Italian nobles had been too long ac- customed to own no superior to themselves. Soon the scenes of festivity were exchanged for scenes of violence. The Bannerets resumed their independent rule. Arms were employed by both parties, and violent deeds were wrought by Cardinal Robert, by Hawkwood and his freebooters, which revived in 438 '^^^ POPES AT AVIGNON. PART full force the aversion to the Pope. Gregory was : powerless in Italy. All things were in irreparable confusion. He was obliged to open negotiations with his enemies ; but these were soon interrupted by his death. A.D. 1378 After an absence of nearly seventy years the Popes were once more established at Rome, but neither Gregory XI. nor his successors could ever afterwards recover what they had lost. During the seventy years of exile, the glories of the Papacy had set. The Romans had tasted freedom. The Popes had become subjects. Their political supremacy w^as gone, and had vanished for ever. Those who longed for its return might well look back upon the papal residence at Avignon as a period of captivity, and speak of hanging their harps upon the willows and weeping, when they remembered the greatness which had been. 4GE OF DECLINE, 439 CHAPTER XIV. THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST (1378— 1417.) Omne rcgnum divisiim contra se desolabitur ; ct omnis civitas^ vcl dotmis, divisa contra se, tio7i stabit. — Matt. xii. 25. HARDLY had the first storm which assailed chap. the Papacy during the long residence of the Popes at Avignon, depriving it of its political su- premacy, passed away, when a new storm broke over its head, depriving it of still more of its great- ness, and nearly obliterating its existence altogether. This time the storm was not occasioned by a resi- dence in a foreign country, which brought the Popes into political dependence on a foreign sovereign ; but it was a storm gathered in a purely ecclesiastical atmosphere, and hence inflicting damage on another side of the Papacy — the ecclesiastical independence of the Popes. It was, in short, no other event than that known as the Great Schism of the west. Of that event the disastrous effects were far-reaching and wide-spread. The shock which the Schism itself produced on the minds of the clergy and the laity was but small part of the result ; and most momentous were its after-consequences. For that Schism called into being those independent councils of the west, A^Q THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART which rudely assailed the sovereign Pontiff ; during : that Schism, too, those abuses became rife which called forth on a large scale, though not for the first time, the demand for reform, and thus hastened on the event which involved the Papacy In ruin. A. The The death of Pope Gregory XL revived the old progress dispute between the Italian and French cardinals — a cleat dispute for a long course of years apparently in abey- Schism. a^nce. Ever since the election of Clement V., and dur- A.D, 1378-1404 ing the residence of the Popes at Avignon, the P rench party had predominated. Now, wath the return of the Popes to Italy, the struggle between the French and Italian Interests broke out afresh. On the one hand, the French cardinals commanded a decided majority in the Sacred College, numbering seventeen out of twenty-three. On the other hand, the Italian cardinals, although in numbers far inferior to their French associates, were possessed of two advantages. The French were divided amongst themselves, some desiring to have a Pope from the province of LImoIsin. others protesting against such a choice ; whereas the Italians were a united body. And, again, the elec- tion would take place in Italy, where the Romans were pressing the demand, that a Roman, or at least an Italian Pope should be chosen, threatening violence in case their wishes were not granted.^ Besides, not more than eleven out of the seventeen French cardinals were present in Italy, the remaining six being resident in Avignon. (i) Ur- As a matter of fact, the earliest election by the cardi- ^ See Neand. ix. 60. ITS RISE AND PROGRESS. ^^j nals resfularly assembled at Rome, that on April 8, chap. • XIV 1378, resulted in favour of the Italian, Bartholomy, :_ Archbishop of Bari, a Neapolitan who took the name i378'-°i389 of Urban VI.,^ and his election was formally an- ''^'^'^ ^If' ' ^ ^ mcnt VII. nounced by the cardinals at Rome to their absent the French brethren at Avignon. Yet no sooner had the Pope. cardinals escaped from Rome than they repaired to ^^) J^^^ ^ •' ^ election. Anagni, and there, before the Archbishop of Aries, chamberlain of the Roman Church, solemnly pro- tested against the validity of Urban's election : then having adjourned to a place of safety at Ferredi, they proceeded to a new election, and on September 20 of the same year their choice fell on Robert, Bishop of Cambray, a man in every sense adapted to carry out the wishes of the French party. He took the name of Clement VII.^ Very different views may be taken of facts so ip) Pro- 1-1 . 1 . . • 1 1 bable plam as these by zealous partisans m either the causes Italian or French interest. The plea of compulsion aouMe may be urged against the validity of the election of ^^^(^^ton. Urban VI. ; and indeed the French historians say that the choice of an Italian was forced upon them by a rising of the people.^ The Italians say that the election vv^as quite free, and that a passing tumult which- arose was the result of some misunderstanding > Urban VI. was Pope from April 8, 1378, to October 15, 1389. His life in Labb^, xv. 939. 2 He held the See from September 20, 1378, to September 16, 1394. See Ep. i. Urbani in Labbe, xv. 941. See the account of the transaction in Acta Concil. Pis. an. 1409, Labb6, xv. 1188, and xvi. 2. 3 Baluz. pp. Avcn. i. 442 ; and Seciinda Vita ejtisd. Baluz. i. 456. 442 THE GREAT SCHISM OE THE WEST. TART and did not take place till the election was over.^ L_ No immediate violence overruled the election, but certainly fear of violence may have Influenced it. On the other hand, it would appear more probable that the indiscreet and passionate behaviour of Urban after his election had given offence to the cardinals, and that the French party, who felt they could com- mand a majority, were dissatisfied with him for not returning to Avignon. At any rate Clement VII. was not elected till after a considerable interval. And probably Urban's election would never have been protested against, had not other and secondary motives''^ decided the French cardinals to take up an attitude of opposition. Before his election, Urban VI. had only been known as a rigid ascetic, who oc- cupied himself with nothing but the administration of his episcopal office. As a Pope he was passionate, cruel, and avaricious. His passionateness appeared ^ Theod. a Niem. i. 2 ; Raynald. an. 1378, No. 2, p. 1379, No. 3. 2 Dislike of his censures. See the passage from Theod. a Niem. i. 4, quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 104, p. 95 : ' Incepit ' increpare Episcopos . . . dicendo quod omnes essent perjuri, ' quia Ecclesias suas desererent in eadem Curia residendo.' Then he preached a sermon (ch. v.) : 'In quo etiam mores . . . Cardi- ' nalium et Praelatorum incepit redarguere, quod ipsi aegre tule- ' runt. . . . Veniens etiam illo tempore quidam Collector fruc- ' tuum Camerae apostolicae de quadam provincia ad praesentiam ' dicti Urbani, ei quandam pecuniae summulam ratione sui Col- * lectaneae officii offerebat ; cui respondens ait : peciuiia tiia tecum * sit in perditionem ac illam recipere non curavit. SimiHa multa ' insolita et abusiva de die in diem faciens, per quae paene omnium ' Cardinalium et Praelatorum contra se magis iracundiam conci- * tavit.' . . . Ch. vii. : * Eum delirum communiter ipsi Cardinales ' judicabant' ITS RISE AND PROGRESS. , . ^ 44o within the first months after his election, and disgusted chap. the cardinals. His cruelty was seen on a later occasion, -1 L_ when having narrowly escaped from the arms of Charles of Durazzi to Genoa, he vented his rage on all whom he suspected of being complicated in the plot; five cardinals even being tortured on the rack and put to death. A proof of his avarice was given in his shortening the time yet to intervene before the year of jubilee and proclaiming another jubilee after the lapse of thirty-three years — a jubilee, however, the benefits of which it fell to the lot of his successor to reap.-^ Had the powers of the emperor been now what if) Etcvo'tfs they once were, the King of the Romans would have divided come forward to decide the dispute, and the Schism ^//Jf"^ would have been nipped in the bud and quickly at S^^^^<^^' an end. One Pope would have been recognised as the rightful Pope, the other would have existed as an antipope who had a few supporters. But it was not so. Matters had changed since the time of the first Otto, or the third Henry. The power of the emperor was declining as rapidly as that of the Popes. Other nations were coming into the foreground of history, independent and hardly respecting the venerable but decayed trunk of the Empire. Since the death of Henry VH., the Empire was itself a.d. 1313 breaking up into separate communities. The Schism which in the first place had only divided the College of Cardinals, in the absence of anything to prevent it, now proceeded to divide the Church into parties * Neand. ix. 69. .., THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART and completed the rent in the pohtical unity of III. -r- . burope. (a) Sup- The blood-stained Joanna was the first who came Clement forward in support of Clement VII. and the later ^■^fjj election.^ The French king was next gained, Clement 1378-1394 having betaken himself to Avignon, and put himself under French protection ; but not before King Charles had carefully examined the claims of the tv/o Popes at an ecclesiastical assembly at Vincennes and declared in favour of the later election.^ By dint of French influence he was immxediately recognised as Pope in Scotland. Savoy and Lorraine followed the example of Scotland. Not long afterwards the same influence gained for his adherence Castile, Aragon 1381 and Navarre.^ ^387 On the other hand, Germany and England sup- 1390 ,-s ^._ ported Urban VI. Italy naturally did the same ; porters of Denmark, Sweden, and Poland also rem^ained faith- Urba7i ,. - VL ful to the Italian Pope. The verdict of posterity appears also to have been given for Urban VI., excepting in France, where it became a question of national honour to defend the French nominee ; and hence, in the modern lists of Popes, the French Popes are passed over as usurpers. The name of 1523 Clement VII. appears again in the sixteenth centur}^ ^^^"^ as does also that of Benedict XIII. in the eighteenth. {d) SecM- Not only was the allegiance of Europe divided ^far"^^^' by the Schism, but in Italy the war between the rival Popes was even waged with secular arms. 1 Theod. a Niem. i. 8; Raynald. an. 1378, No. 46. 2 Neand. ix. 65. ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 104, p. 87. ITS RISE AND PROGRESS. ._,.- There the kingdom of Naples alone adhered to chap. Clement VII.; the rest of Italy supported Urban ' VI. Thereupon Urban declared the kingdom of Naples forfeited ; and granted it in fee to Charles Duke of Durazzi. It would be tedious to trace all the intricacies of the relations which thereupon ensued between Urban and Charles, between Charles and Louis of Anjou, whom the Queen of Naples, Joanna, adopted for her son and successor ; to narrate how Charles was at first successful in gaining Naples ; how he then became embroiled with Urban ; how, soon after, he was excommunicated by Urban, and retaliated by besieging the Pope at Salerno ; how Urban well-nigh damaged his own a.d. 1385 cause by refusing to invest Ladlslaus, the son of 1386 Charles, with Naples ; and how Naples was on the verge of falling into the hands of the young Louis 13S7 of Anjou and the French Pope, when Urban VI. died, and his successor, Boniface IX., at the right moment, saved the kingdom he was losing. For Boniface not only invested Ladlslaus, but supported 1390 him also in retaining it by all the means at his dis- posal. Suffice It to say, that the Schism was the cause of bloodshed and strife in Italy ; that that strife was prolonged by differences between the Popes and their supporters ; and that Charles Duke of Durazzi gained a kingdom by supporting Urban VI., and his son Ladlslaus secured to himself the same kingdom by supporting Boniface IX. In the midst of these struggles Urban VI. passed (2) BonU away, and was succeeded by Boniface IX. The v^s^ j o hopes of the French cardinals that on the death of 446 THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART Urban VI., Clement VII. would be generally recog- —Hi nised, were now, it was seen, destined to be dashed to the ground. The Schism was perpetuated. Described by a cotemporary as being ^ ' in secular things not a litde fortunate, but weak in spiritual things,' Boni- face is chiefly known for his shameless love of money ,^ — a love to which he was so devoted that he often allowed himself to be interrupted during mass to attend to pecuniary arrangements;^ that simony was carried on in the most shameless manner at his court ; "^ that a tax called annates, which had to be paid into the papal chancery, was levied on all presentations to the more important ecclesiastical offices ;^ that not content with the wealth which the ^ Theod. a Niem. lib. ii. ch. xiii. : * In temporalibus non medio- ' criter fortunatus, sed in spiritualibus debilis.' 2 Neand. ix. 69 ; GiES. vol. iv. sec. 104, p. 105. 3 Theod. a Niem. book ii. ch. xi. ^ Theod. a Niem. Le Sc/iisj?te, book ii. ch. vii. : ' Ipse [Boni- '■ facius] reperit plures bonos et legales Cardinales, . . . qui simo- ' niae vitium detestabantur omnino, quorum prae timore, quoad ' vivebant, quasi per septem annos non audebat simoniam publice ' exercere, attamen per aliquos mediatores . . . secrete exercebat, ' intercedentibus pactis eland estinis de promotionibus per ipsum ' faciendis. . . . CardinaUbus autem pro majori parte successive ' defunctis, quos ipse simoniam odio habere cognovit, exhilaratus ' est animo, quia tunc Uberas habebat habenas simoniam pro ' libito etiam publice exercendi.' ^ Theod. a Niem. Le Schis7?ie^ book ii. ch. vii. : 'Sed demum * circa decimum annum sui regiminis, ut cautius ageret in hac *■ parte, palliaretque simoniam quam exercuit, quodam necessitatis ' colore primos fmctus unius anni omnium Ecclesiarum cathedra- ' lium et Abbatiarum vacantium suae camerae reservavit, ita quod ' quicunque ex tunc in Archiepiscopum vel Episcopum vel Abba- ' tem per eum promoveri voluit, ante omnia cogebatur solvere ' primos fructus ecclesiae vel monasterii, cui praefici voluit. ATTEMPTS TO HEAL THE SCHISM. 447 jubilee poured Into his coffers, he sent letters of chap. indulgence and preachers of indulgence into all ' countries ;^ and that the ' Bonifaclan plantation ' be- came a byword in every one's mouth to denote the most corrupt members of the clergy. Terrible was the retribution which that abuse of indulgences brought on his successors, when it had run its course and the time was come. Meantime there had not been wanting attempts to B. At- heal the Schism, though too often these attempts jual the were frustrated, owlnor to national Interests beine '^^^^"^''^* (i) At- involved In the dispute. The whole Church was tempts divided into three parties, the supporters of the in,^%om Italian Pope, the supporters of the French Pope, ^^^'^^^'^^^• 1 r 1 1 -IT (a) He7iry and a party oi neutrals, who were unwillmg to ofHessia. espouse the cause of either. At the head of the latter party stood Henry of Hessia, and he early expressed his opinion in the ' Letter of Peace,' that a.d. 1381 there was ' no other means of restoring the peace of the Church on a solid basis, than that by assembling all the prelates in a general council ' '^ — an opinion ' etiamsi nunquam possessionem ejusdem consequi posset.' In England it is well known that at the Reformation the first firuits, which had been previously paid to the Pope, were transferred to the sovereign, and continued to be paid to the sovereign until the time of Queen Anne, who, instead of receiving them herself, made them over to a commission for certain purposes. Hence they now exist in the shape of payments to Queen Anne's bounty. ^ Theod. a Niem. i. 68 : ' Erat enim insatiabilis vorago et in ' avaritia nullus ei similis. . . . Quia omnia peccata etiam sine * poenitentia ipsis confitentibus relaxaverunt.' 2 Extract from the Epistola pacis in Bulaeus. It runs (p. 578) : ' Absque cujus conventu credo vix unquam posse ad plenum corda ' quietari omnium.' See Neander's account of the work, vol. ix. p. 66. {b) Uni- vcrsify of Paris. (.,) Vri- vatc ex- pression of opin- ion. A.D. 13S1 ( K) Public mon- strance to the Pope. 4^8 '^^HE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART which was endorsed by the assembled heads of the III . . . . university of Paris in the year 1381. Here was one indication not only that the Pope's political inde- pendence was lost, but that his ecclesiastical supre- macy was soon about to follow. But as yet this was only a private expression of opinion, important, no doubt, from the influence which the university wielded, but little able to allay cxpres- |-|^g heated passions of the rival parties. Soon, how- SIOP. Of ^ ^ ^ opinion ever, the university contrived to obtain permission to set forth publicly before the king its opinion respecting the means of restoring tranquillity. That 1394 judgment as drawn up by Nicolas de Clemangis, a disciple of the Chancellor Gerson, was thereupon Charles Submitted to the kinof. It set forth three alternative VI ... 1-S0-1422 rneans for ending the Schism : either both Popes should resign, or they should submit their claims to arbitration, or a general council should be con- vened.-^ When the king replied by an evasive answer, and begged the University not to discuss or consider the matter any further, the latter sus- pended her sermons and lectures, and addressed 1 BuLAEUS, iv. 687 it is quoted. The University proposed ' tres vias ad pacem in Ecclesia obtinendam,' viz. cessionis, which it most recommended, ' coniproinissioiiis et Concilii generalise aut ' secundum formam juris ex Praelatis tantummodo celebrandi, aut ' quia plures eorum sunt . . . hodie ilHterati, pluresque ad alter- * utram partem inordinate afFecti, mixtis una cum Praelatis ad * aequalem eorum numerum magistris et doctoribus theologiae ac * juris de studiis solemnibus utriusque partium antiquitus appro- * batis. ... Si alter dissidentium aut uterque vias tres expositas * mire obstinatius refugeret, eum velut schismaticum pertinacem et * haereticum . . . judicandum.' See also the account in Neand. ix. 71. ATTEMPTS TO HEAL FT. ^^^ an outspoken letter to Clement VII., protesting chap. against the intriguing conduct of the cardinal, Peter — ^ — ^— de Luna, and begging him to do all in his power to put an end to the Schism.^ But beyond drawing forth Clement's indignation, this letter made no im- pression at Avignon ; for in the same year Clement a.d. 1394 died, and the French cardinals, notwithstanding all the attempts of the University to prevent it, per- petuated the Schism, by electing the said cardinal, Peter de Luna, as his successor, who thereupon took the name of Benedict XI 11.^ Such conduct had a most disheartening effect on {y)Seco}td all who were conscientiously striving to promote the stnmce good of the Church. Their eyes began to be opened ""tf^^Tj to the corruptions prevailing in high places, when diaxilL acts like these could be tolerated ; and already voices, as that of Clemangis in his book ' De Rtdna Ecclesiae' were heard, complaining that these corruptions must be purged away. Now the cry for reformation com- mences to sound in the ears of the historian. The University issued a letter to Benedict XIII., calling upon him In the most pressing manner to promote the cause of union without delay. But what could be expected from a Pope so wily as Benedict, so un- scrupulous in his use of means, so faithless to his own pledges,^ so obstinate in clinging to a dignity 1 Neand. ix. 74. See Gies. vol. iv. sec. 106, p. no (note). 2 Neand. ix. 75. 3 Before proceeding to an election, the cardinals had pledged themselves upon oath, that whoever of their number should be chosen ' omnes vias utiles et accommodas ad unitatem Ecclesiae ' . . . sine machinatione seu excusatione vel dilatione quacumque G G 450 PART III. (2) At~ tempts made by the French king and Estates. A.D. 1398 {a) Pro- ject of the French king to depose both Popes, 1400 ip) States General renounce obedience. 1398 & 1407 THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. when once it had been secured ? A courteous letter was returned to the University : all did not depend on Benedict, and Benedict felt himself pledged to nothing.^ But the University was not content to let matters rest there. She contrived to induce the king to convene a council at Paris in the year 1394, which re- commended the Pope's resignation i^ and when Bene- dict forbade the cardinals who favoured the scheme to sign a declaration to this effect, she found means to induce Charles VI. to combine with the Emperor Wenceslaus, with the view of forcing both the Popes to resign. Now not only the University, but also the king and estates of France were enlisted in the attempt to end the Schism. The scheme, it is true, resulted in failure ; the fault was not, however, on the side of the French king. Wenceslaus, too weak to keep his word, and overreached by the secret machi- nations of Boniface IX., found himself deposed in- stead of deposing, and his own weapons were turned against himself. The States General first come into notice in France in the reign of Philip the Fair, when by their decisions they strengthened the hands of the king against the demands of Boniface VI 11.^ * servabit et procurabit . . . usque ad cessionem etiam inclusive ' per ipsum de Papatu faciendam, si dominis Cardinalibus . . . ' hoc pro bono Ecclesiae et unitatis praedictae videatur expedire.' Quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 106, p. no, from Bulaeus, iv. 730. 1 Neand. ix. 85. 2 The acts of the Council. Labb^, xv. 995, Concil. Paris, an. 1394. 3 See Chap. IX. p. 276. ATTEMPTS TO HEAL IT. ^^I On that occasion they appeared as the opponents of chap. the Papacy, showing that henceforth kings and em- — perors were not the only antagonists of the Popes, but that their former supporters, the people, had changed sides, and joined the ranks of the op- position. In Germany, too, the states assembled at a.d. 1338 Frankfurt had pronounced the sentence of Benedict XII. invalid.^ Now the French clergy stepped Into their places, and at several synods took active mea- sures against the Pope. At the synod of Paris, in the year 1398,^ they solemnly renounced their allegi- ance to Benedict XIII. Their example was fol- lowed by Castile, and the Pope was confined in prison at Avignon. Again, some ten years later, Jan. 1408 when the negotiations between Benedict and Inno- cent were flagging, and it was clear that Benedict had not been sincere In his overtures for peace, France, for the second time, withdrew from the obedience of Benedict.^ The French cardinals had shown a certain (3) ^t- r . . . 1 . r • r • tettlpts amount 01 smcerity in their professions or anxiety made by for peace ; so much, at least, that they pledged them- ^liah' selves before they proceeded to elect Benedict to {a) use every effort to heal the Schism, and agreed that car- whoever should be chosen Pope, should at any time ^'^^ ^' ^ \ ^ 1394 resign his dignity If it was considered necessary for the cause of union.^ The attempt on their part was truly laudable, but It was frustrated by the faithless- ' Jo. ViTODURAMUs, p. 49. See Chap. XIII. p. 428. 2 An. 1398, Concil. Paris. Labb^, xv. 1003. The subtractio totahs obedientiae, ibid. p. 1072. ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 106, p. 114. * See note ^ on p. 449. G G 2 452 THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART ness of Benedict. Benedict refused to be bound — by any promises ; even when he had been finally A.D. 141 7 deposed by a council, he died still calling himself ^"^^^ Pope, with the single town of Peniscola giving him her allegiance. {b) Ita- When the Schism had continued more than a dinah. quarter of a century, even the Italian cardinals, {a) At the ^yi-iQ considered the justice of their claims unassail- electton ofi7iho- able, began to grow weary of the struggle, and 1404 * before proceeding to the election of Innocent VII., they too followed the example of their brethren at Avignon, taking a solemn oath that whoever of them should be chosen would abdicate the Popedom so soon as the rival Pope should do the same.-^ {s) At the Two years later, on the death of Innocent VII., ^Gregory the question even arose whether they should pro- ^^^' ceed to a new election at all, but the Italian car- 1406 dinals could not wholly yield to the claims of the other party. Besides, Benedict was not to be trusted.^ Accordingly, an oath, but a more solemn one than before, was administered, each cardinal swearing that, in case he should be elected, he would resign so soon as the French Pope at Avignon would do the same ; each one moreover pledging himself to use the power of the Papacy simply for 1 Theod. a Niem. book ii. ch. xxxiv. : ' Ante electionem ipse * Innocentius . . . ac ipsum eligentes praedicti Cardinales sponte ' jurarunt et voverunt, quod quicumque ipsorum eligeretur in ' Papam, ad hoc, quod dicta unio fieret, ejus Papatui pure et ' sponte cedere deberet, dum tamen dictus Petrus de Luna etiam ' suo Papatui sponte cedere vellet.' 2 Neand. ix. 95. ATTEMPTS TO HEAL IT. .-^ the purpose of healing the Schism. On this occasion chap. the choice of the conclave fell upon Cardinal Angelo — — '— Coravio of Venice, a man celebrated for his habits of devotion, and already eighty years of age. He took the name of Gregory XII.^ Yet none of the three Popes who had taken this oath, whether French or Italian, appear to have been very zealous to redeem their promise. Certainly Gregory XII., at Rome, was more ready to resign than Benedict XIII. at Avignon. Perhaps he would even have resigned of his own free-will, had it not been for the influence of his relatives.^ But so it was, that, like the rest, having once obtained the dignity, he clung to it, and violated his pledges. And now the prolongation of the Schism no (4) Share longer involved a principle; it depended simply on gory xil. the time which two Popes should chose for the pur- ^diaxni. pose of fulfilling their promises. The share which a.d. the two Popes contributed towards healing the Schism was, however, negative rather than positive. It consisted more in forfeiting their positions by their vices than in virtuously surrendering them. The minds of men had become familiar w^ith the idea that ecclesiastically a council was supreme over a Pope ; they had also become familiar with the idea that a reformation of the Papacy was necessary. The only obstacle which prevented action, was a kind of lingering respect for the cha- racter of the Popes. But Gregory and Benedict did their best to destroy even this lingering respect. ^ His life, LABBf, xv. 1081. 2 Neand. ix. 97. 454 THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART It was agreed that the two Popes should meet at Savona/ and there should join in a common abdi- cation. The document, overladen with provisos, was signed by Gregory. The prospects of peace seemed immanent. Suddenly Gregory XII. relented; his relations remonstrated with him at Rome ; he felt legal difficulties. His difficulties were laid before the jurists, but they decided against him. Foiled in this attempt, he went slowly to Lucca, when a second means of evasion suggested itself to him, and, pretending that his life would be endangered if he went to Savona, he opened fresh negotiations for a new place of meeting. Benedict kept his promise and appeared at Savona.^ Gregory now gave it to be understood, that he had no longer any thoughts of abdicating. But this conduct was more than even the depraved cardinals ^ The letter of Gregory to Benedict, and that of Benedict to Gregory, in Labb^, xv. 1082. The former letter has the following passage : ' Quare exurgamus ambo in unum unionis affectum, con- ' curramus, feramus salutem ecclesiae jam hoc diuturno morbo ' afflictae. Ad hoc te invitamus, paratique sumus et offerimus nostro * verissimo juri et papatui cedere et renunciare : et efficaciter facie- * mus, si et quando tu renunciaveris ac cesseris praesenti juri et ' papatui tuo, vel decesseris.' The latter has the following {ibid. p. 1085) : '■ Tibi praesentium tenore significamus, quod, ut tarn ' peroptatum unionis negotium celerius consequi valeat et securius * executionem demandatam, parati sumus una cum collegio venera- * bilium fratrum nostrorum sanctae Romanae ecclesiae cardinalium ' in loco securo et decenti ac idoneo, tecum, et cum quocumque ' successore tuo decedentibus, cum praedictis, qui apud partem tuam ' pro cardinalibus se gerunt, vel gerent, personaliter convenire pro ' unione ecclesiae tractanda et favente Domino obtinenda. . . .' Neand. ix. 98. 2 Theod. a Niem. vol. iii. ch. xiv. pp. 17-19. ITS CONSEQUENCES. 455 of that day could endure. The last frail band of chap. , XIV. moral respect was broken. From the Council of '— Aqiiilaea,^ convened by Gregory for the purpose of vindicating his own title and the title of his pre- decessors, the Italian cardinals escaped, wishing to act with more freedom in another place. They repaired to Livorno,^ and renounced their allegiance to their Pontiff.^ From a similar synod, which Benedict held in his native country, Aragon, whither he had fled, the French cardinals withdrew, and joined the Italians at Pisa ; ^ and there the cardinals of both parties uniting, put forth a proclamation for a General Council to be held in that city in March 1409.^ Nothing could be more disastrous for the Church c. Conse- than this long-continued Schism ; nothing could be ^ofthr more detrimental to the power of the Papacy. During ^(^^^^^^f^- their residence at Avignon, the Popes had contracted pression luxurious habits ; those habits of luxury they had chiircJu brought with them to Italy on their return. The * Concil. Aquil. an. 1409, Labb^, xv. 1103. ^ Neand. ix. 104. 3 The declaration ad universes Christianos in D'Achery, Spicileg. i. 807 : ' Eundem Gregorium velut haereticum et nutri- * torem schismatis antiquati dereliquimus sibi, cum juxta canonicas * sanctiones peccatum sit ei obedientiam praestare, die xi mensis * Maii proxime praeteriti omnem quantum in nobis fuit obedien- ' tiam juxta juris exigentiam abstraximus, ac recessimus ab eodem, ' dispositi ut oportuit et oportet ex adverso consurgere et murum * nos opponere pro domo Israel.' See the letter in Labb^, xv. 1296 in Acta Concil. Pisan. an. 1409. '* Neand. ix. 104. '' See the documents, Labb^, xv. 1275 in Acta Concil. Pisan. an. 1409, and ibid. p. 1346. 45^ THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. •PART Schism had increased the papal expenditure at the same time that the papal resources were dimi- nished. The two rival Popes had not a greater revenue than had formerly been enjoyed by one ; and if in nothing else, they at least agreed in one thing, their zeal in oppressing the Church. (^) The points in the oppression of the Church which the laity, most affected the laity were the sale of indulgences and the practice of simony ; the former affecting their purse, the latter their respect. Agents were sent out by Boniface IX. and preachers to sell in- dulgences to all who gave the same sum that a journey to Rome would have cost.^ Pardons were sold without any penitence being required. Simony too was openly practised, and defended without any sense of shame.^ Hence the impression gained ground amongst the laity that in the Church any- thing might be done for money. Bitter was the retaliation when the discovery had been made that the whole claim of the Church to grant indulgences was a deception. {b) Other modes of oppression to which Boniface Affecting the . Clergy. ^ Neand. ix. 69. 2 Theod. a Niem. vol. ii. ch. ix. : ' Curiales pro majori parte ' affirmabant talia licite fieri, cum Papa in talibus, ut dicebant, ' peccare non posset' Ch. xxxii. : 'Vivente eodem [Bonifacio] ' quidam integri magistri in sacra theologia et alii in scientiis illu- ' minati dolentes ita communiter et aperte simoniam committi in ' Curia ... in contrarium arguendo, et conclusiones in quatemas * et codices redigendo determinarunt, licet sub magno timore, quod ' Papa vendendo ecclesiastica beneficia ex pacto intercedenti * simoniacus esset, quia non foret constitutus, ut ilia venderet, sed ' ut dignis gratuito dispensaret.' ITS CONSEQUENCES. 457 resorted, and which chiefly affected the clergy, enor- chap. mo us though they were in themselves, do not seem — to iiave been the cause of so much public scandal. Indeed, many of the abuses were not abolished at the Reformation. The sale of presentations, which the French Pontiff, Clement VII., was obliged to exercise,^ but from which Urban VI. was at least comparatively free, does not seem even now to give offence to the clergy, whatever it may give to the laity, provided it Is exercised by private, and not by public patrons, and the practice of paying first fruits, and the revenues during the vacancy of the greater ecclesiastical offices,^ — a practice introduced by Boniface IX. — has been, at least in England, continued ; the crown being substituted for the Pope. To these abuses must be added others which now crept In, the sale of favours In expectancy, ox gratiae exspectativae, of dispensations. It does not, however, appear that Clement's claim to the spoils of de- ceased prelates was anything more than a temporary expedient.^ ^ See the authorities quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 105, p. 100. 2 Auctor in Bulaei Hist. Univ. Par. iv. 914 : 'Circa modum '■ exactionis istarum vacantiarum est advertendum, quod ante tem- ' pora schismatis nulla solutio aut obligatio exigebatur, sed habita ' possessione collectores apostolici levabant in multis et prolixis ' terminis taxam ; ita quod vix taxa tribus, decern vel duodecim ' annis erat levata, et communiter remittebatur pars, et aliquando ' totum propter paupertates vel alias considerationes.' 3 Chronica Caroli VI. lib. ii. ch. ii. a.d. 138 i : * Quotiens ab ' hac luce Episcopos Franciae migrare contingebat, mox ex papali ' camera collectores et subcollectores procedebant, qui mobilia^ ' . . . quae ad haeredes aut executores testamentorum dinosce- * bantur pertinere, et unde aedificia episcopatuum potuissent repa- 458 THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART Of greater Importance, as tending to overthrow the foundations of the Papacy, was the way in which HI. posing of the corruptions hitherto endured and passed over 7ions^' ^^ silence were ventilated and reprobated. The Church was openly oppressed. Clergy and laity were called upon to decide between two rival parties. A.D. 1401 Treatises were written, such as that attributed to Clemangis,^ ' De Ruiiia Ecclesiae^ declaring ' that this frightful pest of schism has been intro- duced and propagated by the wickedness of the cardinals,^ and has been permitted as a divine judg- ment that the rule of the Church, so displeasing to God, so odious to the nations, may come to nought' Moreover, to many minds, the overthrow of the Papacy could not fail to suggest itself. The Uni- versity of Paris declared in its letter to Clement VII. that men were heard openly to say, that it mattered not how many Popes there were ; there might be not two or three only, but as many as twelve ; each realm might have its own ecclesiastical head owing no allegiance to anyone else.^ Ex- tremes meet. The transition from many Popes to * rari, nemine contradicente rapiebant ; et qui praetextu arreragio- * mm ex decimis et servitiis nondum integre persolutis provenien- ' tium tanta damna inferebant. . . .' ^ By Neander, ix. 76, denied by Gieseler, vol. iv. p. 100. 2 De Rtiina Ecdesiae, ch. xvi. 3 Bulaeus, lib. i. p. 700, quoted in Nea^d. ix. 75 : 'Ut ple- * rumque passim et publice non vereantur dicere, Nihil omnino ' curandum quot Papae sint, et non solummodo duo aut tres, sed * decem aut duodecim, imo et singulis regnis singulos praefici * posse, nulla sibi invicem potestatis aut jurisdictionis auctoritate * praelatos.' ITS CONSEQUENCES. ^^^ no Pope at all, was nearer than the University chap. anticipated. As the evils of the Schism became more pressing, (3) Efi^ and every kind of remedy for the scandals of the %a7eccie^ present was eagerly canvassed, many an anxious eye ^l^stlrf was cast on the earlier and better as^es of the stimu- ^ lated. Church. Hitherto, what reforms had taken place had been promptly made conformably to what to the knowledge of the day seemed most expedient, but the notion of a fixed type in the past, as the standard for present reforms, was now freely expressed ; and this notion was one to which all the reformers in the sixteenth century professedly adhered. The appeal to such a standard, however, involved not only the exercise of private judgment, but it also in- volved the study of history ; and when, soon after- wards, greater facilities were offered for that study, many were thereby led to convictions unfavourable to the papal pretensions. The study of the earlier ages of the Church raised up the greatest opponents to the Papacy ; and in the sixteenth century the watch- word of the reformers was the desire to revive the past. So thought the reformers of one age. Would reformers, who now claim to follow In their foot- steps, rest satisfied with the past for their standard ? Amongst other things which the study of history broueht to llgfht, were the instances In which schisms (4) ^^cu- ^ ^ . - - lar power had been quelled by the interposition of the emperors, applied to Some wished those times to be revived, and would siastkal have been glad to see the secular power again inter- '^^^^^^^•^• pose. Theodoric of NIem, the Pope's chamberlain, denies that the secular sword belongs to the Pope ; 466 THE GREAT SCHISM OF THE WEST. PART he declares that ' the kinor of the Romans hath the III. ^ right to convene the prelates to put an end to a schism,' and quotes in support of his assertion the instance of Otto I. deposing John XII.^ In the same spirit the University of Paris had appealed to the French king, Charles, urging him to put an end to the Schism, and Charles had combined with Wen- ceslaus, intending to depose both the Popes. No A.D. 1392 doubt, too, the statute of Praemunire,''^ which the parliament of Richard II. enacted about this time, and which asserts the independence of the English crown against the Bishop of Rome, was in a great measure due to the prevalence of the same feeling in this country.^ It thus becomes easy to under- stand how, when England and Germany broke away fVom the Papacy at the Reformation, ecclesiastical matters came to be determined by kings and princes. Everywhere national Churches grew up on the ruins of the imperial Papacy. One other result of the Schism yet deserves to be (5) mentioned, the establishment of the principle that a Appeal to ^ r^ -i • 1 1 T-k a o 1 General General Council IS above the Pope.^ Such an Councils. 1 Theod. a Niem. De Schismate^ lib. iii. ch. vii. : ' Fatue et * adulatorie loquuntur illi, qui dicunt, quod Papa seu Ecclesia * duos habet gladios, scil. spiritualem et temporalem. . . . Sed isti * adulatores seu assentatores per talia scripta et dicta inducunt * maximum errorem in tota Christianitate, et suscitant quodam- ' modo perpetuam aemulationem seu discordiam inter Papam et ' Imperatorem.' 2 See Appendix II. 3 See the letter of King Henry IV. to Gregory, in Acta Concil. Pis. an. 1409, LABBfi, xv. 1354. See also the authorities quoted by GiES. vol. iv. sec. 103, p. 90. ■* Mathaeus de Cracovia, De Squaloribus Rom. Curiae, ITS CONSEQUENCES. ^51 opinion would have found no favour In the time of chap. XIV Gregory VII. or Innocent III., however much it ^- mlght have been sanctioned by antiquity. But cir- cumstances were changed since then ; a long series of events had weakened the papal power ; and for the present ills there seemed to be no other remedy but a General Council. After the Council of Pisa had been summoned, canonists vied with each other in upholding the new tenet/ and it ever con- tinued afterwards to be a distinctive feature of the Galilean Church that a General Council is superior to the Pope. Thus the Popes who, In consulting their private Interests, prolonged the Schism, contributed most of all to the overthrow of the power of their successors. The clergy and laity were shocked at the abuses which were openly tolerated. A desire to look to the past for a standard of reform was fostered, and thereby private judgment was appealed to against authority. The secular power was invoked to heal evils which the heads of Christendom, engaged in contention, refused to remedy, and General Councils were invited to settle what was seen to be beyond the capacities of the Popes. Already during their residence at Avigncrn the Popes had lost their political supremacy. When, In the year 1409, the Council of Pisa met, their ecclesiastical supremacy was doomed likewise. ch. xxii. : ' Si ergo contingat, quod Papa sic agat circa universalem ' Ecclesiam, sicut talis Abbas, . . . sequitur . . . quod possint et * debeant procedere contra eum.' ' See the authorities quoted by GiES. vol. iv. sec. 107, p. 120. APPENDIX II. STATUTE OF l6 RICHARD II. C. 5 (2), A.D. 1 392: COM- MONLY KNOWN AS THE STATUTE OF PRAEMUNIRE.* Praemtinire for Purchasing Bulls from Rone. TJie Crown of England subject to none. PART III. Item, come les communes du roialme en ce present parlement eient monstrer a nostre ti'esi'e- doute seignur le roi grevousement compleignantz qu par la ou mesme nostre seignur le roi & toutz ses liges deirent de droit & soloient de tout temps purseuer en la courte mesme nostre sei- gneur le roi pur recoverer lour pre- sentementz as esglises prebendes & autres benefices de seinte esglise as gueux ils ount droit a presenter la conisance de plee de quelle presente appertient soule- ment a courte mesme nostre sei- gnur le roi daunciene droit de sa coronne use & approve en temps de touz ses progenitours rois d'Engleterre & quant juggement soit rendu en mesme sa courte sur tiel plee & presente les erce- vesques evesques & autres per- sones spiritueles quount institu- tion de tiele benefice deinz lour jurisdiction sont tenuz & ont fait ' Item, whereas the commons of the realm in this present parlia- ment have shewed to our re- doubted lord the king, grievously- complaining, that whereas the said our lord the king, and all his liege people, ought of right, and of old time were wont, to sue in the king's courts, to recover their presentments to churches, pre- bends, and other benefices of holy- church, to the which they had right to present, the cognizance of plea of which presentment be- longeth only to the king's court of the old right of his crown, used and approved in the time of all his progenitors, kings of England; and when judgment shall be given in the same court upon such a plea and presentment, the arch- bishops, bishops, and other spiritual persons which have in- stitution of such benefices within their jurisdiction, be bound, and have made execution of such ' Taken from Stephen's Ecclesiastical StatuteSy vol, i. p. 89. STATUTE OF PRAEMUNIRE. 46, execution des tieux juggementz par mandement des rois des tout le temps avant dit sanz interrup- tion quare autre lay persone ne poet tiele execution faire & auxuit sont ,tenuz de droit de faire execution de plusours autres mandementz nostre seignur le roi de quele droit la corone d'Engle- terre ad este peisiblement seisy sibien en temps nostre dit seignur le roi come en temps de touz ses progenitours tanqe enca mes ore tarde diverses processes sont faitz par le seint piere le Pape & cen- sures descomengementz sur cer- teins evesques d'Engleterre pur ceo qils ount fait execution des tieux mandementz en overte des- heritance de la dite corone & destruction du regalie nostre dit seignur le roy sa ley & tout son roialme si remedie ne soit mys. Et auxuit dit est & commune clamour y ad qe le dit seint piere le Pape ad ordeigne & purpose de translater aucuns prelates de mesme le roialme ascuns hors du roialme & aucuns de un eveschee a autre deinz mesme le roialme saunz assent & conisance nostre seignur le roy et saunz assent du prelat qi ensy serroit -itranslate queux prelatz sont moult profi- tablcs & necessaries a nostre dit seignur le roi & tout son roialme par queux translations sils fusent sufertz les estatutz du roiaume serront defaitz & anientez & ses sages lieges de son conseill sanz son assent & encountre sa vo- luntee subtrez & esloignez hors de son roiaume & lavoir & tresore du roiaume serroit emporte & ensi mesme le roiaume destitut sibien judgments by the king's com- mandments of all the time afore- said without interruption (for anoth&r lay person cannot make such execution), and also be bound of right to make execution of many other of the king's com- mandments, of which right the crown of England hath been peaceably seised, as well in the time of our said lord the king that now is, as in the time of all his progenitors until this day: but now of late divers processes be made by the Bishop of Rome, and censures of excommunication upon certain bishops of England, because they have made execu- tion of such commandments, to the open disherison of the said crown, and destruction of the regalty of our said lord the king, his law, and all his realm, if remedy be not provided. And also it is said, and a common clamour is made, that the said Bishop of Rome hath ordained and purposed to translate some prelates of the same realm, some out of the realm, and some from one bishoprick into another with- in the same realm, without the king's assent and knowledge, and without the assent of the prelates, which so shall be translated, which prelates be much profit- able and necessary to our said lord the king, and to all his realm; by which translations (if they should be suffered) the statutes of the realm should be defeated and made void ; and his said liege sages of his council, without his assent, and against his will, carried away and gotten AFP. II. The Pope awarded processes and sen- tences of excom- nmnica- Hon agamst bishops for exe- cictmg judg- fnents of King's Court. The Pope's transla- tion of prelates, &-C, 464 APPEND IX IL PART de counseill come davoir a final in. destruction de mesme Ic roialme & ensy la corone d'Engleterre qad este si frank de tout temps qele nad hien null terrien sove- raigne mes immediate subgit a The f7'cc- Dieu en toutes choses touchantz aom oj j^ regalie de mesme la corone & Crown of ^ ^^"^^ autre serroit submys a E no-/ and. Pape & les leys & estatutz du roialme par luy defaitz enientez a sa volente en perpetuele de- struction de la soveraynte nostre seignur le roy sa corone & sa regalie & tout son roialme qe Dieu defende. Promise Et disoient outre les communes of Com- avantdites qe les dites choses • , ensi attemptez sount overtement kin^. encountre la corone nostre sei- gnur le roi & sa regalie use & ap- prove du temps du toutz ses pro- genitours par quoy ils & toutz les lieges communes du mesme le roialme veullant estere ovec nostre dit seignur le roi & sa dite corone & sa regalie en les cases avaunt- dites & en touz autres cases at- temptez encountre luy sa corone & sa regalie en toutz pointz a vivre & murer. Et prierent outre a nostre seignur le roi & luy requistrent par voy de justice qil vorroit examiner toutz les sei- gnurs en parlement sibien spiri- tueles come temporeles several- ment & toutz les estatz du parle- ment comentlour semble des cases avauntditz qe sount si overtement encountre la corone nostre sei- gnur le roy & en derogation de sa out of his realm, and the substance and treasure of the realm shall be carried away, and so the realm be destitute as well of council as of substance, to the final de- struction of the same realm ; and so the crown of England, which hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly subjection, but immediately sub- ject to God in all things touching the regalty of the same crown, and to none other, should be sub- mitted to the Pope, and the laws and statutes of the realm by him defeated and avoided at his will, in perpetual destruction of the sovereignty of the king our lord, his crown, his regalty, and of all his realm, which God defend. ni. And moreover, the com- mons aforesaid say, that the saxd things so attempted be clearly against the king's crown, and his regalty, used and approved of the time of all his progenitors ; wherefore they and all the liege commons of the same realm will stand with our said lord the king, and his said crown, and his re- galty in the cases aforesaid, and in all other cases attempted against him, his crown, and his regalty in all points, to live and to die. And moreover, they pray the king, and him require by way of justice, that he would examine all the lords in the parhament, as well spiritual as temporal, seve- rally, and all the states of the parliament, how they think of the cases aforesaid, which be so openly against the king's crown, and in derogation of his regalty, and how they will stand in the STATUTE OF PRAEMUNIRE. 465 rcgalie c^ comcnt ils voillent estere en mesmes les cases ovcsqe nostre seignur le roy en suste- nance des droitz de ses dites corone &: rcgalie. Sur quoy les seignurs temporelx ensi demandez ount respondu checun par soy qe mesmes les cases avantdites sont overtement en derogation de la corone nostre seignur le roy & de sa regalie come notoirement est & ad este de tout temps conuz & qe ils veullent estre ovec mesmes les corone & regalie en mesmes cestes cases en especial & en touz autres cases qe serront at- tcmptez encountre mesmes les corone »S: regalie en toutz pointz ove tout lour poair. Et outre ce demandez estoit des seignurs es- pirituels illeges esteantz & des procuratours des autres absentz de lour estre avys & volente en ceux cases queux seignurs cest- assavoir ercevesques evesques & autres prelatesesteantz en le dit parlement severalmcnt exam- inez fesantz protestations qil nest pas lour entention de dire ne af- firmer c^e nostre seint piere le Pape ne poet excomenger eves- ques ne quil poet faire transla- tions des prelatz solone la ley de seinte esglise respoignent & diount qe si aucuncs executions des processes faitz en la courte du roi come dcvaunt soient faitz par ascuny & censures de escomenge- mentz soient faitz encountre as- cun evesque d'Engleterre ou as- cun autre liege du roi pur ce qils ount fait execution des ticux maundementz & qe si ascuns exe- cutions des tieux translations soient faitz dascuns prelatz de same cases with our lord the king, in upholding the rights of the said crown and regalty. Whereupon the lords temporal, so demanded, have answered every one by himself, that the cases aforesaid be clearly in de- rogation of the king's crown, and of his regalty, as it is well known, and hath been of a long time known, and that they will be with the same crown and regalty in these cases specially, and in all other cases which shall be at- tempted against the same crown and regalty in all points, with all their power. And moreover it was demanded of the lords spiritual there being, and the pro- curators of others being absent, their advice and will in all these cases ; which lords, that is to say, the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, being in the said parliament severally examined, making protestations, that it is not in their mind to say nor af- firm that the Bishop of Rome may not excommunicate bishops, nor that he may make translation of prelates after the law of holy church, answered and said, that if any executions of processes made in the king's court as before be made by any, and censures of excommunications to be made against any bishops of England, or any other of the king's liege people, for that they have made execution of such command- ments; and that if any execu- tions of such translations be made of any prelates of the same realm, which prelates be very profitable and necessary to our APP. II. Promise of the lords tem- poral. The pro- 7>u'se of the lords spiritual. I n 466 APPENDIX IT. PART III. The p7'o- inise of theprocu- rators of the lords spi7'itiial. Praemu- nire ^r purchas- ifig of bulls or other in- striiments froi7t Ro77te, or else'whe7-e. mesme de roialme queux seignurs sount moult profitablcs & neces- sairs a nostre dit seignur le roi & a son roiaume suisdit ou qe les sages lieges de son counseil saunz son assent &: encountre sa vo- lume soient sustretz & esloignez hors du roialme siqe levoir & tresor du roialme purroit estre destruit qe ce en encountre le roi & sa corone sicome est contenuz en la petition avant nome. Et semblablement les dites procura- tours chescun par soy examine sur le ditz matieres ount respondu & dit en noun & pur lours sei- nurs comes les ditz evesques ount dit & respondu & qe les ditz seignurs espiritueles veullent & devient estere ovesqe le roi nostre seignur en ceux cases loialment en sustenance de sa corone & en toutz autres cases tochantz sa corone & regalie come ils sount tenuz par lour ligeance sur quoy nostre dit seignur le roi del assent avauntdit & a la priere de sa dit communalte ad ordeigne & es- tablie qe si ascun purchace ou pursue Qu face purchacer ou pur- suer en la courte de Rome ou aillours ascuns tieux translations processes & sentences de esco- mengementz bulles instrumentz ou autre chose qeconque qe touche le roi nostre seignur en- countre luy sa corone & regalie ou son roialme come devant est dit & ceux qe les porte deinz le roialme ou les resceive ou face ent notification ou autre execution queconqe deinz mesme le roialme ou dehors soient ils lour notairs procuratours meintenours abbet- tours fautours & counseillours said lord the king, and to his said realm, or that the sage people of his council, without his assent, and against his will, be removed and carried out of the realm, so that the substance and treasure of the realm may be con- sumed, that the same is against the king and his crown, as it is contained in the petition before named. And likewise the same procu- rators, every one examined by himself upon the said matters, have answered and said in the name, and for their lords, as the said bishops have said and answered, and that the said lords spiritual will and ought to be with the king in these cases, in law- fully maintaining of his crown, and in all other cases touching his crown and his regalty, as they be bound by their hgeance ; whereupon our said lord the king, by the assent aforesaid, and at the request of his said commons, hath ordained and established, that if any purchase or pursue, or cause to be purchased or pursued, in the court of Rome, or else- where, by any such translations, processes and sentences of ex- communications, bulls, instru- ments, or any other things what- soever which touch the king, against him, his crown, and his regalty, or his realm, as is afore- said, and they which bring with- in the realm, or them receive, or make thereof notification, or any other execution whatsoever with- in the same realm,'- or without, that they, their notaries, procura- tors, mainta' ners, abettors, fau- STATUTE OF PRAEMUNIRE. 467 mys hors de la protection nostre dit seignur le roi et lours terres & tenementz biens & chatieux for- faitz au roy nostre seignur & qils soiem attachez par lour corps sils purront estre trouv^ez «& amesnez devaunt le roy & son conseil pur y respondre es cases avauntditz ou qe processe soit fait devers eux par premunire facias en manere come est ordeigne en autres estatutz des provisours & autres qui seueut en autry courte en derogation de la regalie nostre seignur le roy. tors, and counsellors shall be put out of the king's protection^ and their lands and tenements, goods and chattels, forfeit to our lord the king ; and that they be at- tached by their bodies, if they may be found, and brought before the king and his council, there to answer to the cases aforesaid, or that process be made against them by pTaejnunire facias, in manner as it is ordained in other statutes of provisors, and other which do sue in any other court in derogation of the regalty of our lord the king.' APP. II. H H 2 468 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. CHAPTER XV. THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. (1409—1449.) A platita pedis jcsqite ad verticem, 7zo7i est in eo sanitas ; vidniis, et livo)-, et plaga turn ens ^ non est circzimligata, nee ciirata jnedicamine, neqtiefota oleo. — Is, I. 6, PART III. A. The Cotincil of Pisa, A.D. 1409, and the Papacy e/Alex- a?ider V. and John XXIIL ON the 25th day of March in the year 1409, the General Council, which had been so long; anxiously anticipated as the only remedy for the schism of the Church, was opened at Pisa,^ It met when the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Popes was already doomed ; it was the first of a series of councils which carried that doom into execution. Well might the rival Pontiffs tremble before such ^ The Acts in Labbe, xv. 1123 seq. ; Sessio i. 1127 : * In con- * cilio . . . processum extitit per hunc modum. Primo, fuerunt * factae processiones solemnes, et postmodum in ecclesia cathe- * drali dictae civitatis fuit Missa devotissime . . . celebrata, et ' sermo factus . . . Missa vero celebrata, cantatae fuerunt anti- * phonae, et certae orationes dictae ; et postmodum diaconus alta * voce dixit Orate. Tunc flexis genibus et inclinato capite, * omnes oraverunt submissa voce mitris positis : deinde diaconus * et subdiaconus cantaverunt alta voce litanias et omnes responde- ' runt.' Then came prayers for union, and then was sung the Veni Creator Spiritus. Afterwards a committee appointed by the council repaired to the doors of the church, and asked whether Benedict and Gregory were present in person or by deputy, and no one replying, proctors were appointed by the counciL COUNCIL OF PISA. 469 a tribunal.^ Well might they attempt to forestall Its ' chap. influence by holding councils themselves. All was .. in vain. This time Western Christendom was thoroughly in earnest, and before the imposing list • of prelates assembled at Pisa, the conciliabules (as they were tauntingly called) of Perpignan and Aqui- laea sink into insieniticance. That session must indeed have been a startling (i) Acts one, in which, for the first time, after the unrivalled Council. pretensions of the Popes during the past centuries, an assemblage of prelates sat In judgment on two contendinor Popes ; and the Fiscal advocate, who (^) Gre- r 1. 11 goryXIL acted as secretary, after readmg a lengthy report on andBene- the origin and progress of the Schism, proposed that deposed. ' the two Popes should be deprived of their pontifical dignity, and should be punished and chastised by secular judges If they contravened the sentence pro- nounced on them by the council.^ More startling still must that session have seemed, held on June 5 of the same year, in which the Patriarch of Alexan- dria pronounced the definitive sentence of deposition ^ It was convened by the cardinals. See the letter in Labbe, XV. 1 1 23. There were present not only patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, abbots, but also sacrae theologiae magistri et utriusque juris doctores, et licentiati nobiles and proctors for the absent prelates. 2 Sessio iii. March 30, 1409, Labb^, xv. 1129 : ' Sancta Synodus * . . . dominos Petra de Luna, Benedictum XIII. et Angelum * Corarium, Gregorium XII. nuncupates, de papatu contendentes, * et quantum in eis est, ecclesiam Dei notorie in schismate tenentes ' . . . reputat, decernit et declarat in causa schismatis et fidei * contumaces, ponitque in contumacia et defectu, et ordinat in * eorum contumacia debere ad ulteriora procedi et procedendum ' fore.' 470 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART III. ib) Elec^ Hon of Alexan- der V. declaring that 'the Holy Universal Church, as- sembled by the Grace of God In the Cathedral of Pisa, having duly heard the promoters of the cause for the extirpation of the Schism, hereby pronounces the crimes and excesses adduced before the council against Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. to be true ; . . . and that although by the canons they are actually rejected of God, nevertheless, the Church by this sentence deposes, rejects, and deprives them, prohibiting both and each of them from assuming any longer the sovereign pontificate, and for further security declaring the Papacy to be vacant.' ^ For the sentence there delivered was not only a sentence on two contending Popes, condemning them for their vices and contumacy, but it was a sentence of condemnation officially uttered on the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Papacy. The next necessary step, without which, indeed, the deposition of the two Popes would have been a nullity, was the election of a new Pope. But here some difficulties occurred. It was necessary to take precautions before proceeding to a new election, lest the work of reform should be frustrated. Accord- ingly, before that step was taken, the cardinals pledged themselves that whoever should be elected Pope, the council should not be broken up until a satisfactory reformation should be effected in the head and the members of the Church.^ They forgot 1 See the sentence at Sessio xv. June 5, 1409, Labbe, xv. 1137. 2 The Cardinals had to take the oath at Sessio xvi. June 10. It runs, Labbe, xv. 1140 : 'Nos omnes et singuli . . . cardinales '-. . . promittimus in verbo veritatis, Deo, ecclesiae Romanae, et COUNCIL OF PISA. .^^ that, in the absence of any power to enforce its chap. observance, this pledge, Hke so many taken by the '- — cardinals before them, was probably destined to be miserably violated. They then proceeded to the election, and Peter de Candia was unanimously chosen on June 26} He took the name of Alex- ander V.^ A.D. 1409-1410 The new Pope at once announced his intention of doing as he had promised, and took the business of reform in hand. But Alexander sought to appease, not to satisfy. He made many promises, but little came of them. It was however arranged that a new council should be held in three years time, to continue the work already begun.^ At the final session it was ruled that ' whereas the Pope hath in purpose to reform the Church, and whereas many things still remain to be done, which can not be attended to, owing to the premature departure of the prelates and delegates, therefore the transactions respecting the reformation shall be suspended until the meeting of the next council;'^ and on August 7, the assembly of Pisa was dissolved. * sanctae synodo . . . quod si quis nostrum in summum Roma- ' num pontificem eligatur, praesens concilium continuabit, nee ' dissolvet, nee dissolvi permittet . . . usquequo per consilium * ejusdem concilii sit facta debita, rationabilis et sufficiens refor- ' matio universalis ecclesiae et status ejus tam in capite quam in * membris.' ^ Sessio xix. Labbe, xv. 1142. See a more detailed account, ibid. p. 1256. 2 He died May 3, 1410. His life in Labbe, xv. 1377. 3 Sessio XX. ibid. p. 1144, and xxii. ibid. 1146. '* Labb^, XV. 1 148, Sessio xxiii. : 'Cum . . . jam multa per * Dei gratiam sint expedita per ipsum Dominum nostrum Papam, 472 THE hXDEPEXDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART In the interval between the election of Alex- ander V. and the assembling of the next General (2) After .. ., ^ ^ , 1 J events. Louncil at Constance, several events happened 1410-1414 which weakened the ecclesiastical power of the (^7) Bull ofAlex^ Popes. The Bull of Alexander, issued but a fe w ander. months after his accession, by which the four orders of friars were invested with the uncontrolled power of hearing confession and granting absolution in every part of Christendom without requiring the consent of the parochial clergy — a Bull intended, no doubt, to attach those powerful pleaders to the Pope's party ^ — had incensed the secular clergy against the Papacy, and increased the disorders already prevailing. At the same time the language of the Bull was subversive of the higher claims of the Popes, since it rescinded and nullified seven propositions advanced by the preceding Popes. Of one proposition it even averred that it was propounded by John XXL, when under con- demnation for heresy.^ A Pope who could condemn his predecessors, might naturally expect the same treatment at the hands of his successors. If one * et multa alia . . . restent, quae propter regressum praelatorum * et ambasciatorum, de praesenti expediri non possimt : propterea ' idem dominus noster, sacro requirente et approbante concilio, ' dictam reformationem suspendit et continuat usque ad proximum ' jam indictum concilium.' ^ Theod. a Niem. lib. iii. ch. li. : ' Aliquos etiam fratres mi- ' nores, sibi caros et sociales publicis officiis et lucrativis, quae * prius consueverunt regi per saeculares personas habiles et exper- * tas, in eadem sua Curia praefert, et miro modo conabatur pleros- ' que fratres minores cathedralibus Ecclesiis vacantibus praeficere ' in pastores.' 2 MiLMAN, book xiii. vol. viii, ch. v. p. 123 (small edition). COUNCIL OF PISA. ^y ^ Pope charged another with being a heretic, what was chap. there to prevent ecclesiastics from following his ■ example ? Still no such treatment fell to the lot of Alex- {^) Eiec- ander V. himself, who died soon afterwards, and it John was whispered that his death was owing to the A.D. effects of poison. His death might have afforded 1410-1415 an opportunity for dissipating doubts as to the valid- ity of the proceedings of the Council of Pisa ; but that opportunity was not embraced. The deposed Pontiffs were treated as deposed ; and the acts of the council received a further independent confirmation, when twenty-four cardinals unanimously concurred in electing a successor to Alexander in the person of Balthasar Cossa, who assumed the name of John XXII.^ There could be no pretence that this election was made under the influence of fear, or of indirect pressure brought to bear upon the cardinals by the council. Of their own free will the cardinals met. Of their own free will they elected J ohn XXII. But to what a depth of degradation they must have sunk, when they could elect such a monster as Balthasar Cossa ! But although the election of a new Pope was a {c) confirmation of the acts of the Council of Pisa, and ^^^,;/j. /„ thus dealt one more blow at the ecclesiastical inde- ^^^^^' pendence of the Popes, it did not improve the condition of suffering Christendom. The deposed Popes, Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII., refused ^ John XXII. was elected May 1410, and was deposed by the Council of Constance, 1415. For his life, see Labb^, xv. 1381. 474 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART to recoo^nlse the tribunal which passed sentence on '. them, and denied the vahdity of their deposition. Thus the evils of the Schism were increased instead of diminished, there being three rival Popes now, instead of two as before. Gregory still retained on his side Naples, and several of the smaller Italian states, besides the German bishops of Trier, Speyer, and Worms, Avhilst to the cause of Benedict XIII. Spain and Scotland adhered. To make matters worse, the secular arm was invoked in Italy by John XXII. A crusade was preached against Ladislaus of Naples, the protector of Gregory XII.; ^ the projected crusade proved abortive ; Ladis- laus was bribed to abandon the cause of Gregory, and to acknowledge John. The position of John was not an enviable one, nor was it altogether secure. Treacherous, unscrupulous, and faithless as he might be, he nevertheless thought it best, under the circumstances, not to imperil his own title to the Papacy by disparaging the council to which his predecessor owed his See. He therefore obeyed the decree enacted at Pisa, and at the expiration of A.D. 1412 three years, he convened a reformatory council at Rome.'^ Nothing, however, was done by the coun- cil — Itself a meagre assembly, attended by only a few Italian prelates. The Church was still unre- formed. John had been eluding what he feared. He had been in vain trying by private benefits to stave off the demands of the University of Paris, > Raynald, an. 1411, No. 5 ; an. 141 2, No. 2. 2 The Council condemned Wycliffeand Huss, Labbe, xv. 138a. COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 47^ clamorous for improvement.^ Suddenly a new turn <^^i^}P- was given to events by the appearance of Ladislaus with an army before Rome. John was compelled to fly into northern Italy, and threw himself into the ^-d- 1413 arms of the Emperor Sigismond. The Pope was now in the emperor's hands. A B. dmn- ^ . • 1 1 • cilofCon- common political interest, it is true, united them m stance. their quarrel with King Ladislaus. Still Sigismond, ^^^.^'^^^^ having been invited by all the better men of that age council to effect a cure for the prevalent evils, was not dis- posed to let the opportunity slip for healing the Schism. The project of convening a reformatory council was proposed to John XXII. John found it impossible to elude the demand. He consented reluc- tantly ; the only point about which he entertained apprehensions, being the place at which the council should assemble.^ The free German city of Constance ^ See Neand. ix. 126. '-^ Leonardus Aretinus in Muratori, xix. 928: * Unicum * remedium et Imperatori et Pontifici videbatur generale Con- '■ cilium advocari. Sed erant circa hoc ipsum constituenda per- ' multa, ceu locus, tempus, modus. Missi sunt igitur his de '- causis ad Sigismundum legati. Horum missio Legatorum ruinae ' Pontificis initium fuit. Qua in re non videtur praetereundum ' mirabile quiddam, quod tunc accedit, ut omnia coeUtus gubernari * cognoscamus. Communicaverat mecum Pontifex arcane mentem ' et cogitationem suam. In loco, inquit, Concilii rei su7nma est, nee * ego aliciibi esse volo, iibi Imperator plus possit. Legatis igittir istis ' qui a me 7mttuntur, mandata amplissima, potestatemque maximajn * ad honestatis speciem dabo, quae pala7n ostentare possint atque prO' '' fej-re : sec?'eto autem mandatwn restringain ad loca certa.^ After^ wards changing his mind, he gave general instructions to his ambassadors, upon which they acted. But when the Pope heard that the city of Constance had been decided upon, * incredibile 476 THE IXDEPENDENT COUNCILS OE THE WEST. PART was proposed by Siglsmond, and accepted by the '■ '■ — legates of the Pope ; and John, unable to withdraw with honour from the acts of his plenipotentiaries, put forth, in common with the emperor, a proclama- tion for a council to meet there to restore unity to the Church, and to carry out a reformation in the head and in the members.^ (2) Order The rules which were drawn up in the earlier ses- ceedings. sions to regulate the order of proceeding in the {a) Voting council, are characteristic of the then state of opinions. iions. They show in the clearest manner, how strongly the tide was setting against the exorbitant pretensions of the Popes and the higher clergy. In one of these sessions, a rule was agreed to, which, at the same time that it protected the council from the undue influence of Italian ecclesiastics, proves that the old Catholic idea of the Church, as a society, knowing no distinction of nationalities, of Jew or of Greek, was passing away with the Avorld-soverelgnty of Rome, and that on the ruins of that idea, the modern notion of national churches was already beginning to grow up. Still, under the circumstances, that rule was needed. It was to the effect that votes should be taken by nations and not by heads. The deputies of each nation should hold their separate meetings ; the decision of the majority should pass as the judgment of the nation ; and whatever was decreed by the * quantum indoluit, se ipsura et fortunam suam detestatus, quod * tarn leviter a cogitatione, propositoque illo pristine restringendo- * rum locorum descivisset.' ^ The Bull of Convocation in Sessio i. Concil. Constan. Novem- ber 16, 1414, Labb^, xvi. 17. The letter of Sigismond, ibid. p. 793. COUNCIL OF COXSTAXCE. Ml majority of the nations, of which there were at first giiap. four — the ItaHan, the French, the German, and the — ^ — ^ EngHsh — should be proclaimed as a decree of the council.^ It was a sign of the corruptness of the times, and of the party motives at work, that such a precaution should be necessary. But most necessary it was since the Pope, to make doubly sure of his influence in the council, had freshly appointed fifty chamberlains, all possessing votes, although his Italian supporters already predominated. After such conduct, how could John, or the other members of the council, who on their own showing were acting in a spirit of mutual jealousy and national rivalry, attribute their actions to the influence of the Holy Ghost ? Another regulation intended to check the power (^) Voting of the Pope, was that by w^hich a place w^as allowed ing, in the council to doctors in the faculties of Theology and of Civil and Canon Law. For since to them ^ In tertia cedula, apud Labbe, xvi. 43 : ' Incidit quaestio, quo- ' modo deciderentur agenda in concilio, et fieret scrutinium voto- ' rum ; utmm per nation es in genera, quarum quatuor erant ' Italiae, Galliae, Germaniae et Angliae ; vel per capita singula. ' Et licet clarum de jure videatur, perscrutanda sunt vota per ' capita singula ; quia tamen plures sunt praelati Italiae pauperes, ' quam fere de omnibus nationibus, praeterea dominus noster fe- ' cerit in numero excessive praelatos cubicularios ultra quinqua- ' ginta. Dicitur praeterea quod multos voluit sibi obligare jura- ' mentis et muneribus, alios minis terruisse, et ita scrutando per ' capita nihil fieret, nisi quod vellet dominus noster. . . .' P. 44 : ' Interim nationes Galliae, Germaniae et Angliae, et ita postea ' Italiae per se ipsos se congregaverunt, et deciderunt de facto ' quaestionem.' Cerretanus in Acta Concil. Const. (Von der Hardt, book iv. ch. ii. p. 40) says : ' Die Jovis, septima Februarii, ' post nonnullas disceptationes decretum est, ut in Concilio per * nationes, et non per vota procederetur.' 478 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART were entrusted the offices of teaching and preaching, -^ — '- — the council felt that their opinion ought to command more weight than that of titular bishops and abbots, who neither preached nor taught, nor, indeed, had any cure of souls, but were simply nominees of the Pope. A definitive vote was further allowed to all the bene- ficed clergy, and not to the bishops only ; ^ inferior ecclesiastics, who preach and have the cure of souls, were declared to have a better right to join In the dis- cussion of purely spiritual matters than the ignorant titular prelates, many of whom the Cardinal of St. Mark denominated mitred asses? These ecclesiastics ^ In tertia cedula Concil. Const., Labbe, xvi. 40, Peter d'Ailly, Cardinalis Camaracensis, scripsit cedulam, observing : ' Sicut ' patet in Actibus Apostolorum et in historia Eusebii, . . . quan- ' doque congregabatur in conciliis tota communitas Christianorum, ' quandoque episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, quandoque soli episcopi ' sine abbatibus, quandoque cum episcopis abbates. . . . Et scien- ' dum est, quod quando in conciliis generalibus soli episcopi habe- ' bant vocem diffinitivam, hoc fuit, quia habebant administratio- ' nem populi, et erant viri sancti, et docti et electi prae ceteris in ' ecclesia Christiana. . . . Et eadem ratione addi deberent priores, ' aut majores quarumcumque congregationum, pkuquam episcopi, ' vel abbates inutiles, solum titulares, et in quibus deficiunt con- ' ditiones supradictae, et qui forte in hac materia sunt suspecti. . . . ' Item eadem ratione, qua supra, non sunt excludendi a voce diffi- ' nitiva sacrae Theologiae doctores, ac Juris canonici et civilis. . . . ' quibus datur auctoritas praedicandi et docendi ubique terrarum. ' . . . Idem dicitur de regibus et principibus, aut eorum ambassia- ' toribus, et de procuratoribus absentium praelatorum, et capitu- ' lorum.' 2 The Cardinal of St. Mark observed, in tertia cedula Concil. Const. Labb^, xvi. 41 : ' Tu, quisquis es, qui praetendis solos ma- ' jores praelatos, ut his verbis utar, episcopos et abbates vocem in '.generali concilio, et ita excludis doctores, archidiaconos, rectores ' parochialium ecclesiamm, ceterosque dignitates habentes, quibus COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE, 479 were at least Interested In the reform of the Church, chap. Besides, the University of Paris — a university then ' aspiring to be a legislative power for all theological development — to which the Doctors of Theology and Law chiefly belonged, had interests of her own which she wished to protect. A third regulation which the council made was likewise aimed at reducing the Pope's power. The council had enlisted national feeling and the independent spirit of the Parisian doctors against the Papacy; It now proceeded to enlist the support of the laity, already disgusted with ecclesiastical abuses, by giving to princes and their envoys a right to vote. The matters before the council closely affected the rela- tions of sovereigns to their subjects. Their assis- tance was required to execute its decrees. It was, therefore, justly conceded that they ought to have a voice in the proceedings. In all these regulations the council did but go back {c) Votes to the example of the earliest ages, In which that princes sharp distinction between bishops and other clergy, ^//^^y,j., between clergy and laity, which the circumstances, the superstition, and the ignorance of the Middle Ages had drawn, was as yet unknown. Still it violated the usual custom. For in the lapse of centuries It had come to be an almost universally received maxim that none but bishops should take part in ecclesiasti- * cura iinminet animarum, ordines praeterea ecclesiasticos, sacer- * dotes et diaconos, die ubi illos non admittendos legisti ? Et si ' legeris conciliorum antiquorum actiones, reperisti sacerdotes et * diaconos admissos. . . .' See NEAND.ix. 140. 480 ^^^ IXDEPEXDEXT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. TART cal assemblies. It had been otherwise at Nicaea : III. and the cardinal priests and cardinal deacons of the Roman Church were themselves an exception to the rule. The change to the older use was undoubtedly a right one, but as being a change in the lately re- ceived practice of the Church, it needed some authori- tative sanction. That sanction, however, having been given by the council itself, the Fathers proceeded at once to deal with the weighty business before them. [S)Efforts Two matters in particular were proposed as con- Schis?n. stituting the business for which the council had been {a) The convened ; they were the healinor of the Schism and Pope's . qfer io the reformation of the Church.^ The council first addressed itself to the most pressing of the two, the healing of the Schism. On this point, two alterna- tives seemed open for election : either the acts of the Council of Pisa must be ratified, in which case John XXII. would be the only legitimate Pope, but the supporters of the other Popes would probably refuse to acknowledge him as such ; or if the Council of Pisa were not acknowledged, John XXII. must be induced to resign as well as the other two Popes. The question was argued in the congregation of December 7. The Italians were anxious to ratify the acts of the Council of Pisa,^ but the opposite alter- ^ In the cedula Cardinalis S. Marci, Labbe, xvi. 32 : 'In * Generali Concilio Constantiensi duo sunt agenda principaliter. ' Primum de pace et unione perfecta ecclesiae. Secundum de * reformatione status ecclesiastic!.' 2 In Schedula Italorum, Labb6, xvi. 23 : ' Primo ad submoven- ' dum omne dubium . . . declaretur Concilium Pisanum, omnia- ' que . . . gesta in eo . . . fuisse et esse rationabilia. In cedula COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. ^8 I native was supported by Peter D'Ailly, Cardinal of chap. A.D. He Cambray.^ A proposition to disallow the Council of Pisa was made by the Cardinal of St. Mark ; ^ and Feb. 141 5 John XXII., finding himself threatened with an ex- March posure of all his enormities,^ promised at the second session to abdicate his functions, provided the two other claimants would do the same.^ It was one thing to obtain from such a Pope as {p) Th John XXII. a promise to resign ; It was another to ptlt. obtain the fulfilment of that promise. For John, as he himself declared, was ready to make professions before the council, secretly relying on a belief of his own that a Pope could not be deposed for any crimes, however bad they might be, but only for heresy.^ * Cardinalis St. Marci, ibid. p. 33 : ' Turpe est et periculosum * Pisanum Concilium in dubium revocare.' * Labbe, xvi. 24. See also his language, ibid. pp. 26, 29 : 'Licet * Concilium Pisanum probabiliter credatur repraesentasse univer- ' salem Ecclesiam . . . tamen . . . non est necessario conclu- ' dendum quod illuc Concilium errare non potuit. . . . Nam ' secundum quosdam magnos Doctores, generale Concilium potest * errare, non solum in facto,' sed etiam in jure, et quod magis est, * in fide. Quia sola universalis Ecclesia hoc habet privilegium, ' quod in fide errare non potest' 2 Labbe, xvi. 33 : * Patet conclusio ex dictis summi Pastoris, ' dicentis : Bonus pastor aimnam suam ponit pro ovibiis suis. ' Haec autem boni pastoris proprietas, ut animam suam ponat ' pro ovibus suis. ... si autem animam . . . multo magis acci- ' dentia vitae, honorem, potestatem, dominatum.' 3 Theod. a Niem. Z>^ Fif./o. XXJI. lib. ii. ch. iii. ^ See the account of the vow in Labb^, xvi. 47. 5 Theod. a Niem. De Vit. Jo. XXII. lib. ii. ch. iii. : 'Et pro- ' posuit tunc in mente sua, prout et ore propalavit, quod ipsemet ' dictum concihum vellet personaliter accedere, et quae de con- ' tentis in eisdem articulis perpetrasset, coram ipso Concilio in I I 482 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART III. (6-) Vin- dicatio7i of the powers of the Council. On March 2, he promised to resign ; on the 20th he retreated, or rather he escaped from Constance to SchafThausen.^ Choosing the time of nightfall, when the whole of the town had gone forth to witness a splendid tournament held outside the gates in honour of the arrival of his own supporter, Duke Frederic of Austria ; disguised as a rustic, with a grey cloak and a kerchief wrapped close about his face ; and riding on a wretched, ill-accoutred horse, the Pope stole out of Constance. A ride of two hours brought him to the Rhine, where a boat was in waiting. Hastily entering it, he put off into the stream, and soon the rapid current brought him to Schaffhausen, the castle of which was a stronghold of the Duke of Austria. So far from damping the ardour of the reformers, the flight of John added vigour and decision to their conduct. It was clear that the Pope had no intention of resigning. The Fathers must take the matter into their own hands. They must follow the example of the Fathers of Pisa, and assert their own supreme power. Above all, they must be united in order to frustrate the policy of a Pope whose maxim was to rule by sowing dissension. Accordingly, encouraged by the firmness of the emperor, who was present at the third session in state, and urged by the powerful ' publico fateri, fundans se in hoc, quod Papa propter quodcum- ' que delectum, ut dicebat, nisi propter haeresim, deponi non ' posset' ^ Labb^, xvi. 58 : ' Die Mercurii vicesima Martii, dominus ' noster praedictus de nocte recessit, aut verius fugit de civitate ' Constantiensi.' COUNCIL OF COXSTAXCE. 48^ oratory of Gerson,^ the council proceeded to entertain chap. and to pass decrees asserting its own dignity and L_ power. *^ Amongst other things, it was declared that March 25, this council, lawfully assembled in the Holy Spirit, ^"^^^ and representing the Catholic Church Militant, has received its authority directly from Christ, which every one, whatever be his rank, without excepting the papal, is bound to acknowledge in matters relating to faith and the reformation of the Church. It further sets forth that. Pope John not having authority to remove the Roman Court and its officials from Constance elsewhere, all that has been done by him in dispar- agement of the said council is null and void. It moreover appointed a committee of three delegates from each of the nations to give licenses to those wishing to depart, and to punish those going away without leave ; and it forbade the creation of any new cardinals.^ Although no reference was distinctly made to the Council of Pisa, yet such declarations ^ In Labb^, xvi. 131 2. 2 See those decrees as passed at the third session, March 25, 141 5, in Labb^, xvi. 61. 3 Sessio iv. March 30, 141 5, Labb^, xvi. 67 : 'Quod ipsa ' Synodus in Spiritu Sancto congregata legitime, generale Con- ' ciHum facitns, ecclesiam cathoHcam miHtantem repraesentans, ' potestatem a Christo immediate habet, cui quiHbet cujuscumque * status vel dignitatis, etiam si papaHs existat, obedire tenetur in ' his quae pertinent ad fidem et extirpationem dicti schismatis. ' Quod sanctissimus dominus noster Papa Joannes [XXI I. ] Ro- ' manam curiam, et officia pubhca ilUus vel illorum officiarios . . . ' ad alium locum non mutet . . . Et si contrarium fecisset . . . * id totum sit irritum et inane. ' Quod de qualibet natione eligantur tres, qui cognoscant de I I 2 484 ^^^^ INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. TART were tantamount to an approval of its proceedings. For the second time since the rise of the papal power, a council had made its authority felt above that of the Pope. Soon it was about to repeat those pro- ceedings, and in a stronger form than before. {d) End For the Council of Constance was resolutely bent of the . . . . . "^ Sihism. on accomplishing the object for which it had been AD convened. The process therefore immediately com- ( ) John menced against John XXI I. ^ A citation was issued 'deposed. ^^^ hi^ to appear before its tribunal ; ''^ and Duke May 29, Frederic of Austria, who had carried the Pope off for security, was compelled to deliver him into the hands of the Emperor Sigismond,^ by whom he was kept in close confinement at Ratolfszell. Because of the heavy charges brought against him, he was first suspended, on May 14, from all spiritual of^ces.^ Seventy articles were then exhibited against him, sixteen of the worst May 25, of which Were dropped for the sake of public decency.^ 1415 ' causis recedere volentium, et poenis recedentium sine licentia *■ infligendis. ' Quod pro bono unionis non creentur novi Cardinales.' ' Sessio vi. April 17, 141 5. Labbe, xvi. 90. ^ Sessio vii. May 2, 1415. Ibid. p. iii. ^ See the account. Ihid. p. 125. ^ Sessio X. May 14, 14 15. Ibid. p. 144. ^ Sessio xi. May 25, 141 5. Labb^, xvi. 178. Among the charges were simony and extortion. The fifth article charges him with being ' pauperum oppressor, justitiae persecutor, iniquomm ' columna, simoniacorum statua, carnis cultor, vitiorum faex, a vir- ^ tutibus peregrinus, consistoria publica fugiens, ac totus somno et ' aliis carnalibus deditus desideriis, vitae et moribus Christi totus * contrarius, infamiae speculum, et omnium malitianim profundus * adinventor.' The sixteenth, with selling the same benefice to several at once. The twenty-seventh, with instigating ' multa cri- COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 485 And four days later, on May 29, the final sentence of chap. . XV deposition Svas pronounced on him — a sentence, the — 1-^ justice of which he himself acknowledged, and de- May 29 clared that he surrendered the papal dignity of his own free wilL''^ On July 4, in the" same year, (3) Gre- Gregory XII.'s voluntary resignation was handed in.^ ^reVigns. " Benedict XIII. alone remained obstinate. Every July 4, 1415 attempt to conciliate him failed ; he refused to make ^,) ^^,^^^,_ any concessions."^ Wearied out with his obduracy, ^J^l^lf^j^' his supporters, the Kings of Aragon and Navarre, juiy 26, 141 7 ' mina, videlicet sacrilegia, adulteria, homicidia, spoliationes, rapi- ' nas et furta in urbe Romana.' Other articles, ibid. p. 192, asserted ' quod dominus Joannes Papa cum uxore fratris sui, et ' cum Sanctis monialibus incestum, cum virginibus stuprum, et cum * conjugatis adulterium, et alia incontinentiae crimina.' Ibid. p. 194 : 'Quin immo dixit et pertinaciter credidit, animam homi- * nis cum corpore humano mori et extingui ad instar animalium * brutorum.' 1 Sessio xii. May 29, 141 5, Labb^, xvi. 209. The sentence, ibid. p. 212: 'Sacrosancta generahs Synodus Constantiensis in * Spiritu Sancto legitime congregata, universalem Ecclesiam re- * praesentans, invocato Christi nomine . . . visis articulis in hac ' causa contra dominum Joannem Papam [XXII.] formatis . . . ' ac probationibus eorum factis . . . per banc sententiam difhni- * tivam . . . pronunciat, decernit et declarat . . . ipsum domi- * num Joannem simoniacum notorium, bonorumque et jurium . . . * ecclesiarum . . . dilapidatorem notorium, malumque spiritua- * Hum et temporalium ecclesiae administratorem . . . fuisse et ' esse ; . . . ipsumque propter praemissa . . . tanquam indignum ' et inutilem et damnosum a papatu . . . amovendum, privandum, * et deponendum fore. Et cum hoc dicta sancta synodus amovet, * privat et deponet,' etc. 2 Labb^, xvi. 215. 3 Sessio xiv. July 4, 1415, Labb^, xvi. 221. The resignation, ibid. p. 224, bears date March 13. '* A requisition was addressed to him by the council at its fourteenth session, ibid. p. 239. A deputation was resolved upon at 486 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART III. A.D. July 26, 1417 1424 (4) Failure of the Council iu pro- ducing reforma- tion. withdrew from his obedience in the ensuing year/ and a few months later joined the council as a fifth nation ;2 and at length, on July 26, in the year 141 7, following the example set at Pisa, the assembled prelates pronounced on him the sentence of deposi- tion.^ But although deposed, Benedict XIII. had still supporters in the small town of Peniscola. There he died ; and there, after his death, an antipope ruled, elected by the cardinals who were with him.^ With this one exception, all other countries acknowledged the Council of Constance. One of the objects for which the council had been convened was accom- plished. The great Schism was at an end. Far less success attended the efforts of the council to secure the other object for which it had been con- vened — the reformation of the Church. It is true, a committee of reform, consisting of four cardinals and the sixteenth, ibid. p. 266, and dispatched at the seventeenth session, July 15, 141 5, ibid. p. 272. At the twenty-third session, November 5, 141 6, a commission was appointed to investigate the charges against him, ibid. p. 487. At the twenty-fourth session, November 28, 141 6, a citation w^as issued requiring him to appear, ibid. p. 497. At the thirty-third (May 12, 141 7) and following sessions the process was carried on, ibid. p. 654. ^ At the twenty-first session, May 30, 1416. See the Subtrac- tiones, Labb£, xvi. 460. The Subtractiones were approved by the council at the thirtieth session, March 10, 141 7, ibid. p. 566. 2 At the twenty-second session, October 15, 1416. Labbe, xvi. 470. 3 At the thirty-seventh session, July 26, 14 17. Ibid. p. 680. ^ Benedict XIII. died in 1424. He left behind him four car- dinals, three of whom elected a Clement VIII., the fourth a Benedict XIV. Clement VIII. was obliged to abdicate at a council in Tortosa, a.d. 1429. See Labb^, xvii. 143. COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 487 deputies from the different nations, had been ap- chap pointed as early as the year 141 5, to prepare the ... . 1 11' • 1 t 1 ici)Owtn<^ necessary prehminaries , and this committee held tothecor- deliberations, and drew up a protocol.^ But what ^^fitT'^ could be expected in the way of reformation, when ^fi^f'^i^crs- the greatest abuses were being daily committed by those who had to initiate the reform ; when the laxity of morals was so great, that the presence of the council attracted fifteen hundred prostitutes to the city ;^ when simony was practised during the very acts of reform ; when many who came to the council, came only to depart with huge rolls of petitions, or with recommendatory letters from their princes, and when one of the first objects of the bishops was to maintain their rights of collation and patronage ?^ The rock, however, on which the reforming at- {b)0wi7ig tempts of the council more immediately suffered offiew shipwreck, was the election of a new Pope. The Emperor Sigismond had at first the German, the English, and the French nations on his side, when he insisted that the work of reform must precede the election of a new Pope. Of a different opinion were the Italians and Spaniards, never perhaps seriously wishing to see reform inaugurated.^ These did their ' At sessio xiii. June 15, 141 5. Labbe, xvi. 220. 2 Published in Von der Hardt, lib. x. p. 583, and Labbe, xvi. 1042 seq. ^ See perbrevis descriptio in Labb^, xvi. 1435 : ' Item dicitur, ' quod una meretrix lucrata est viii. c. florenos. Item, quidam civis ' Constantiensis vendidit uxorem suam Cancellariis Regiis pro v. c. * ducatis, pro quibus pecuniis emit domum.' ^ Neand. ix. 155. ^ See the arguments in Disputatio Constantiae. Labb^, xvi. 1270. 488 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. TART best to prevent action, by dividing their opponents, and pressed for a speedy election. The French nation first passed over to the side of the Itahans, and joined in urging the election of a new Pope. Was it from jealousy of England, with which she was then at war, and whose pretensions to be counted as a fourth nation she had warmly disputed ? Next the English nation followed the example of France, but not till after the death of Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, a prelate most zealous for reform, who had hitherto sustained among his countrymen their flagging zeal for improvement. The Germans were now left alone ; ^ but not without a protest would those champions of the reformation give way. That protest^ dwelt on the degradation of the Church ^ See the protestatio trium nationum, viz. Italy, France, and Spain against Germany. Labbe, xvi. 691, at Sessio xxxviii. July 28, 1417. 2 The protestatio nationis Germaniae was handed in at the same session of the council. After speaking of the better ages of the Church, it continues, Labbe, xvi. 696 : ' Sed, ut dolentissime ' refertur de post a centum quinquaginta fere annis citra, nonnulli ' summi pontifices, eommque assessores, cum sua curia Romana, '■ carnalitati dediti, inebriati deliciis, et sic ad deteriora prolapsi * . . . caelestia deferentes, et . . . ad ea quae quaestus'et lucri ' pecuniarum venativa fuerunt, intendentes, aliarum ecclesiarum * jura . . . invaserunt ; nunc generales, nunc speciales, aut aliis ' modis excogitatas reservationes ecclesiarum ... in eversionem * electionum . . . faciendo : commendis in suppressionem divini * cultus . . . concedendo : collationes omnium beneficiorum . . . * per nimiam multiplication em gratiarum exspectativarum . . . * sibi et suae curiae totaliter usurpando : annates . . . inhumani- * ter extorquendo : spolia mortuorum . . . auferendo : omnia sibi * judicia in quibuscumque causis . . . indifferenter attrahendo : * lites . . . protrahendo : in foroque poenitentiali . . . abusiones ' manifeste nefandas committendo : indulgentias inconsuetas pro COUAX/L OF COASTAjVCJ:. 489 during the last hundred and fifty years. It told how chap. XV the Popes had been devoted to the fleshly life and L_ immersed in worldly pleasure ; how all laws had been spurned by papal reservations ; how heresy and simony had spread far and wide, because of crying unreformed abuses ; how the study of science had declined, churches and monasteries had fallen to decay, their property had been squandered in riotous living ; how high place was given to the rich, the vicious, the ignorant, in utter contempt of the devout and learned ; how the sale of indulgences had fostered the anti-Christian notion that the par- don of sins could be sold ; how the hopes of Chris- tendom, raised by the Council of Pisa, had been dis- appointed. It demanded that the Pope should be a pure and holy man, elected by pure and holy men ; and it ended by expressing a fear lest the holiest man, ' pecuniis largiendo : clericos vagos et profugos indifferenter pro * pecunia ad sacros ordines admittendo : et demum tantum aurum ' congregando, ut quidam ex eis suos parentes, fratres, sorores, et ' consanguineos ditando, etiam usque ad fastigia principatuum * terrenorum eos contenderunt exaltare. Ex quibus, et specialiter * propter non continuationem sacrorum conciliorum reformativorum * .' . . avaritia . . . ambitio . . . haeresis et simonia, et pericu- * losissima schismata . . . fastusque et pompae surrexerunt et * creverunt in clero. Ita ut ex his studia literatorum et literatos * defecisse, ecclesiarum, monasteriorum . . . aedificia . . . cor- ' ruisse ; . . . solos pecuniosos, nummularios . . . leves et vaga- ' bundos, ignaros, vitiosos . . . spretis viris . . . literatis, devotis ' et Sanctis . . , promotos. . . . Idcirco natio praedicta . . . desi- ' derat omnes praedictas deformitates . . . auferri ac tolli, , . . ' adjiciens, fore salubrius et tolerabilius, sacro praesidente concilio, ' Romanam pro certo tempore vacare ecclesiam, quam quod illo- ' tis manibus . . . compaginetur ipsum caput . . . et spurcitia ' manuum coinquinetur.' 490 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART sitting in the midst of the prevaiHng abuses, should become himself defiled by contact with them. But the protest fell on deaf ears. The resolution was ■ formed to elect a new Pope. Still, before the resolve was carried out, one decree was passed, intended to be a permanent hindrance to the Pope's ever again claiming ecclesiastical supremacy. It was to the effect that a general council should be again held in five years, another in seven, and subsequently a simi- lar representation of the Church every ten years. ^ c. In the sermon which the Bishop of Laon ad- dressed to the electors, before they proceeded to their task, the requisite qualifications for the new Pope 417-1431 were set forth with remarkable plainness.^ He must be prudent, teachable, temperate in all things, sober in life, distrustful of his own talents, humble, kind, Papacy of Ma) tin V. A.D. (1) Cir- cion- sfa?ices attending . . 1 • 1 1 his elec- pious, just, merciful, well mstructed m the law of tion. God, able in expounding Scripture, well versed in the doctrines of religion. He must be selected for his purity and sanctity, for his wisdom and love of truth, for his honesty and experience, since he would be called to be the head of the faithful, the charioteer of the Church, the president of princes, the priest of the Most High, the father of Pontiffs, the bulwark of the faith, the prince of the apostles. But It was no easy task to find such a person. Several precautions had to be first taken ; the electoral body itself had to be reformed. Differences of opinion prevailed as to what should be done ; and hence many difficulties Inter- vened. By the intervention of the venerable Bishop * Sessio xxxix. October 9, 141 7, Labb^, xvi. 700. . ^ See the sermon, Labbe, xvi. 1384. PAPACY OF MARTIN V. 491 of Winchester, uncle to the kino^ of Eno^land, the chap. . . XV. points were settled, after much dispute, which the future Pope should be bound to consider. They referred to the number, the quality, and the nation of the cardinals ; to reservations by the Apostolical See ; to first-fruits ; to the collation to benefices in expec- tancy ; to the confirmation of ecclesiastical elections ; to the cases properly in the cognisance of the Roman court ; to appeals to Rome ; to the duties of the Roman Chancery ; to exemptions granted during the Schism; to holdings in cominendam ; to profits during a vacancy ; to alienations of the property of the Roman Church ; to the Pope's liability to be deposed ; to simony ; to dispensations ; to provisions ; to indul- gences ; to tenths. All these subjects were to be referred to select committees for consideration.^ Another difficulty was connected with the refor- mation of the electoral college. But this difficulty v/as also overcome by means of a compromise ; and it was agreed that six from each nation, together with the cardinals, should form the electing body, and that two-thirds of their votes should be necessary to con- stitute a lawful Pope.^ The Germans magnani- ^ Sessio xl. October 30, 141 7, Labbe, xvi. 706 : ' Sacrosancta * generalis Synodus Constantiensis in Spiritu sancto legitime con- ' gregata, universalem ecclesiam repraesentans, statuit et decernit, ' quod futurus Romanus pontifex per Dei gratiani de proximo ' assumendus, cum hoc sancto Concilio, vel deputatis per singulas * nationes debeat reformare ecclesiam in capite et in membris, et ' curiam Romanam, secundum aequitatem' et bonum regimen * ecclesiae, antequam hoc concilium dissolvatur super materiis arti- * culomm . . . quae sequuntur.' Then follow the eighteen points named in the text. 2 See the enactment on the subject at Sessio xl. on October 30, 492 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART mously set the example of sacrificing their nationality for the good of the Church. They prevailed on the English to do so also. The French and Spaniards were refractory at first, but finally all united, on No- vember II, in electing the Italian, Odo de Colonna. He assumed the title of Martin V.^ (2) Policy No sooner was Martin's election secure, than the tin V. policy of John XXII. seemed to revive anew. In- {(i) Cow stead of promoting the reformation of the Church, Martin's chief object seemed to be to get rid of the council. Nor was it difficult to obtain this end if advantage were taken of the rivalry and jealousy existing between the different nations. Aware of that rivalry, the Pope dexterously employed it for his own purposes. Taking each nation by itself, he concluded a series of agreements, or concordats, which left him in possession of greater advantages than the Pope before possessed by right.^ France alone, dissatisfied with the failure of her exertions during the Schism, rejected the constitutions offered by Martin V.,^ and, in consequence, suffered the 14 1 7, in Labb£, xvi. 707, and a second enactment at the forty-first session, November 8, 141 7, ibid. p. 711. The former constitution of Clement VI. on the same subject is repeated, ibid. p. 710. * The election in Labbe, xvi. 715. 2 Approved of at the Sessio forty-third, March 21, 1418. Labbe, xvi. 718. The concordat with England, ibid. p. 739, quoted in Appendix III. ^ Copia Constitutionum in Concilio generali Constantiensi fac- * tarum, quae fuerunt praesentatae in curia Parlamenti regii Pari- ' siensis . . . an. 1418 die x mensis Junii; sed non acceptatae 'per eandem curiam. Labb]^, xvi. 729. They are '(i) de nu- * mero et qualitate dominorum Cardinalium ; (2) de provisione * ecclesiarum, monasteriorum, et reservationibus sedis Apostolicae, sessions. PAPACY OF MARTIN V. .^^ 493 papal exactions for several years. Germany ac- chap. ' XV cepted the concordat/ but soon changed It for L__ another one. The last sessions of the council were memorable (^) ^^n- 1-1 -IT 1 -r. duct in as showmg how unwillmg the new rope was to the last acquiesce In the loss of power. The envoys of the Poles and Lithuanians appealed to him with some grievance in their controversy with John of Falken- berg, and failing to obtain justice, they appealed from the Pontiff to the next general council.^ But they were silenced by the Pope on pain of excom- munication ; and Martin V. put forth a constitution on March lo, directly contradicting the rule laid down by the assembled Fathers, and forbidding any one to dispute the decisions of a Pope in matters of faith, or to appeal from himself to a general council.^ On April 22, the council was dissolved.^ So soon did Martin forget that to a reforming council he * ac collationibus beneficiorum, et gratiis exspectativis, necnon de ' confirmatione electionum ; (3) de Annatis ; (4) de causis in Ro- ' mana curia tractanda vel non ; (5) de commendis ; (6) de In- ' dulgentiis ; (7) de Dispensationibus.' ^ Labb^, xvi. 735. Articles 1-5 re'fer to the same points as in the constitutions proffered to the French Church ; (6) de Simonia ' in foro conscientiae providetur ut sequitur; (7) de non vitandis * excommunicatis, antequam per judicem fuerint declarati et de- ' nunciati ; (8) de Dispensationibus ; (9) de Provisione Papae et 'CardinaHum; (10) de Indulgentiis ; (11) de horum concorda- ' torum, Papae Martini V. et nationis Germanicae, valore.' The last article decrees that the concordat shall only be in force for five years. 2 The Protestatio in Labb^, xvi. 750. 3 Neand. ix. 172. See the authorities quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 131. p. 306 (note). ^ Sessio xlv. et ultima, April 22, 1418, in Labb^, xvi. 745. 494 ^'-^^^ IXDEPEXDEKT COUNCILS OF THE HE ST. TART owed his own elevation ; nor did he bethink him that If the Pope would not work with the reforming movement, the reforming movement might dispense with the Pope altogether. ^•^- In the interval which transpired between the close 1418-1431 ^ (3) Policy of the Council of Constance ^ and the opening of the CouncU. Council of Basle few events of importance took place ; but an observer of the course of history may see several indications of a coming catastrophe. It was clear that the new Pope would not submit to lose his ecclesiastical supremacy without making some attempts to recover it ; and if open measures were dangerous, dexterous management might ac- complish much. Hence the decisions of the Council of Constance were followed to the letter ; and after the destined five years had elapsed, a new council 1423 met at Pavia In the year 1423. Almost immediately, owing to the spread of the pestilence, called the ^423 Black Death, it was removed to Siena.'^ But with this literal fulfilment of the decree of a preceding council Martin was satisfied, and the Pope not wishing for action, nothing was done by the council beyond approving the condemnation of Huss, ratify- ing the acts of the Council of Constance, and making overtures to the Greek Church.^ Indeed, it is clear that he had given up all desire to promote the cause of reformation, if he ever wished it. He was content to curb the cardinals so far as not to be held in ^ The life of Martin V. in Labbe, xvii. 17. 2 Decretum de translatione, an. 1423, Labb^, xvii. 96. He died February 1431. ^ Labbe, xvii. 97 scq. COUNCIL OF BASLE. 495 restraint by them.^ The old complaints of extortion chap. . XV. and venality broke out afresh. Things returned once '— more to their ancient course ; and the Romans, who partook of the gains of the Roman curia, were satis- fied that thus It should be.^ It appeared, moreover, from the course of events at Pavia and Siena, that a general council was powerless to work, If It were dexterously managed by the Pope. Nothing had come of the late de- liberations ; and practically the work of Constance was undone. Why, then, should the Pope hesitate to gratify the wishes of Christendom once more by the imposing spectacle of a new council, thus showing an apparent zeal to observe to the letter the decree passed at Constance and re-enacted at Siena? So may have thought Pope Martin V. when he made preparations for a council to be held at Basle, and appointed the cardinal, Juliano Cesarlnl, to con- duct Its proceedings.^ So thought not Eugenlus I V.,^ who succeeded Martin at this most critical moment. Before the mind of Eugenius IV. rose a vision of D. Coun- the free proceedings at Constance. He dreaded the '^Basleand ' Raynald, an. 1424, No. 4. In 1429 the deputy of the Ger- man Order writes to his Grandmaster (in Raumer's Hist. Tasch- enbiich fur 1833, p. 73) : ' Sie [the Cardinals] diirfen wider den * Pabst nicht reden, ausser was er gerne hort ; denn der Pabst * hat die Cardinale alle so unterdriickt, dass sie vor ihm nicht * anders sprechen, als wie er es gerne will, und werden vor ihm * redend roth und bleich.' 2 GiES. vol. iv. sec. 131, p. 310. 3 Labb^, xvii. 225. ^ Eugenius IV. was Pope from March 143 1 to February 1446. His life in Labbk, xvii. 195. 496 THE IXDEPENDEXT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART recurrence of such scenes in the city of Basle, ah'eady infected, it was said, with the Hussite heresy.^ the events j , . . , . , to which It was his Wish to dissolve the council and to con- \i^.''^ ^^^^ another at Bologna, on Italian soil, subject to A.D. Italian influences. But already many free-minded 1431-1449 ... (i) Preli- ecclesiastics had met at Basle, doctors of the canon minciries j^^^ doctors of civil law, and men from the lower to tlie Coimcil. ranks of the clergy. Even Juliano, the presiding legate, opposed the scheme of the Pope, and wrote to him a lengthy remonstrance ; ^ and the zeal for reformation which had been left unsatisfied at Con- stance was kindled to a flame by the Pope's ill-timed attempt at suppression. {2)Asser- The new council opened with due solemnity on indepen- December 7, 1431;^ on the i8th the Pope issued f^^^%^ the Bull of dissolution.^ Without regarding the decrees. Bull, and imbued with the same spirit of ecclesias- tical independence which had marked its pre- decessors at Pisa and Constance, the council in the first place declined to remove from Basle.^ It ^ The letter of the council to the Bohemians on October 15, 1 43 1, in Labb]£, xvii. 444, and Raynald, 1431, No. 24, alarmed Eugenius. 2 The letter is given in Raynald, 1431, No. 22, and in the Fasciculus rer. expetend. et fugiend. ed. London, p. 54 seq., also in GiES. vol. iv. sec. 132, p. 314 (note). 3 A number of points were there settled as to the object of the council, the order of proceedings, the attendance at the council, and its officials. Labb^, xvii. 228 seq. '* The Litera revocationis publicata Romae, December 18, 143 1, Labbe, xvii. 733, followed in the beginning of February 1432 by the Bulla Revocationis, ibid. p. 730. ^ The letter quod patres intendunt manere in Basilea, is dated January 21, 1432. Labbe, xvii. 446. COUNCIL OF BASLE. 497 then proceeded to reassert in stronger language than chap. w its predecessors had done the dignity and indepen- -1 '. dence of general councils.^ In the next place, it besought the Pope and the cardinals with all re- verence and earnestness to appear within the space of three months, threatening to proceed against them if contumacious.'^ Numerous decrees were passed, asserting for it a supremacy extending even to political concerns. To it belonged the power of electing a sovereign Pontiff, in case of a vacancy ; no oaths could be pleaded against its commands ; the Pope could not create cardinals whilst it was sitting ; and by its commission the govern- ment of Avignon and Venaissin was actually en- trusted to the Cardinal of St. Eustachi.^ Foremost among the champions of constitutional principles was Nicholas Krebs, of Cusa, known by the nick- name of Cancer Cusanus, who, in a work entitled * Concoi^daiitia Catholica', expounded the more liberal views of ecclesiastical government ; and whose writings added support to the conduct of the Fathers. Thus far the ecclesiastical assembly at Basle had {b) By asserted its prerogatives in words ; it next proceeded peiUng to assert its supremacy in act. Eugenius IV. had y^^of- nit ion. ^ Sessio ii. February 15, 1432, LabbjS, xvii. 235, decreed, 'quod ' concilium Basileense est legitime inchoatum ; quod concilium ' generale est super papam in his quae fidei et schismatis sunt ; * quod inobedientes concilio puniantur ; quod personae concilii ' non debeant extra concilium trahi ; quod hi qui tenentur inter- * esse concilio non recedant sine licentia.' '^ Sessio iii. April 29, 1432. Labb^, xvii. 240. ^ Sessio iv. July 12, 1432. Ibid. p. 248. K Jv 498 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST PART not appeared in ansAver to its citation.^ but had \ issued several Bulls, declarine that all which had A.D Sept. II I been done without his consent was null and void.^ His protest was treated with contempt, and himself 433 and seventeen cardinals were proclaimed in con- tumacy.^ Had Eugenius adhered to his first design of ignoring the council, a new schism might have sundered Germany from Italy ; for Sigismond was pledged to stand by the council. But Eugenius was weak, whereas the council was firm. Eugenius was pressed by a sedition at Rome, whereas the council would listen to no terms of compromise. Forsaken by a large part of his cardinals, and reduced by the political troubles of Italy, the Pope yielded on all points ; he revoked the Bull of dissolution, and Feb. 13, declared the Council of Basle a lawful general council ^^^^ from its commencement.^ ^ The final citation, July 13, 1433. See note ^ below, 2 The first beginning l7iscrutabiUs divinae providejitiae^ bearing date July 29, 1433 ; the second beginning Tn arcano, bearing date September 13, 1433 ; the third beginning Z>^//j- ;/^z'//, all in Labbe, xvii. 293, were repealed in the Bull of Adherence given in on February 13, 1434. 3 At Sessio vi. September 6, 1432, the promoters of the council accuse Eugenius of contumacy, Labbe, xvii. 254. Sessio vii. November 6, 1432, lengthened the time within which the cardi- nals were required to appear, ibid. p. 257. At Sessio viii. Decem- ber 18, 1432, the council decreed to proceed against Eugenius, ibid. p. 257. At Sessio x. February 19, 1433, the Pope was ac- cused of contumacy, ibid. p. 264. At Sessio xi. April 27, 1433, he was called upon to appear, ibid. p. 267. He was again cited at the twelfth session, July 13, ibid. p. 270, and proclaimed in con- tumacy at the thirteenth session, September 11, 1433, ibid. p. 278. ^ At Sessio xiv. November 8, 1433, the council prescribed a forma adhaesionis, in Labbie, xvii. 287. The Pope's adherence COUNCIL OF BASLE. ^^q The zeal for reform, which next engrossed the chap. attention of the Fathers of Basle, is evidence of the - 1 \^ deep moral earnestness of the western nations — an suresoT earnestness which will under no circumstances allow ^^■/^''^'^* itself to be tampered with, and which was even then ready to sweep away the Papacy itself should it prove a hindrance to improvement. That event actually happened ninety years later, when the Popes, having found themselves unequal to the task of uprooting abuses from the Church, lost the allegi- ance of Germany. Before, however, that crisis came, Germany had made several ineffectual attempts. As early as the year 1433, at the twelfth session of a.d. the council, most of the papal reservations were "1433 * declared to be abolished, and fees for confirmation to prelacies were clone away with.^ Regular dio- cesan and provincial councils were prescribed, and it was enacted that they should last at least two or three days, for the purpose of enforcing ecclesiastical decrees, for examining the morals of priests, and for Nov. 26 1433 was given in at Sessio xvi. February 13, 1434, ibid. p. 292. The Bull beginning, ' Dudum sacrum statis : decernimus et declara- ' mus, praefatum generale Concilium Basileense a tempore prae- ' dictae inchoationis suae legitime continuatum fuisse et esse. . . . * Quinimmo praefatam dissolutionem irritam et inanem de consilio ' et assensu simili declarantes, ipsum sacrum generale concilium ' Basileense pure et simpliciter et cum effectu ac omni devotione ' et favore prosequimur . . . Praeterea . . . quicquid per nos ' aut nostro nomine in praejudicium aut derogationem praedicti ' sacri concilii Basileensis, seu contra ejus auctoritatem, factum et * attentatum seu assertum esse, cassamus, revocamus, irritamus, et * annullamus. . . .' The three Bulls are then quoted, which are repealed. * Labbe, xvii. 275. K K 2 500 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART removing disorders.^ The concubinage of the clergy was forbidden ;^ their marriage pressed by John of Lubeck, in the emperor's name, not allowed.^ The precipitate employment of the interdict, frivolous ap- peals,^ and the payments of annates were abolished ; ^ the omission and hurried saying of prayers,^ the non- attendance at the canonical hours,^ the abbreviation of the creed at masses, were reprobated and forbid- ^ Sessio XV. November 26, 1433. Labbe, xvii. 289. 2 Sessio XX. January 22, 1435. Ibid. p. 314. 3 See MiLMAN, vol. viii. book xiii. ch. xii. p. 357 (small edition). ^ At Sessio XX. January 22, 1435. ^ At Sessio xxi. June 9, 1435, Labb^, xvii. 317. 6 Labb£, xvii. 318, Can. 3 : ' Statuit igitur sancta synodus, ut ' in cunctis cathedralibus ac collegiatis ecclesiis, horis debitis, ' signis congrua pulsatione praemissis, laudes divinae per singulas ' horas non cursim ac festinanter, sed ostiatim ac tractim, et cum * pausa decenti, praesertim in medio cujuslibet versiculi psalmorum, ' debitam faciendo inter solemne ac feriale officium differentiam, ' reverenter ab omnibus persolvantur. Horas canonicas dicturi, * cum tunica talari ac superpelliceis mundis ultra medias tibias * longis vel cappis, juxta temporum ac regionum diversitatem, ' ecclesias ingrediantur, non caputia, sed almucias vel birrata * tenentes in capite. Qui cum in choro fuerint, gravitatem ser- ' vent, quam et locus et officium exigunt ; non insimul aut cum * aliis confabulantes seu colloquentes, aut literas seu scripturas ' alias legentes. Et cum psallendi gratia ibidem conveniant, * juncta ac clausa labia tenere non debent, sed omnes, praesertim ' qui majori funguntur honore, in psalmis, hymnis et canticis Deo * alacriter modulentur. Cum dicitur Gloj'ia patri omnes consur- ' gant. Cum nominatur gloriosum illud nomen Jesus . . . omnes * caput inclinent. Nemo ibidem, dum horae in communi publice * cantantur, legat vel dicat privatim officium.' 7 Can. 4, Labb£, xvii. 319 : ' Qui in matutinis ante finem ' psalmi, Venite exultemus.^ in aliis horis ante finem primi psalmi, ' in missa ante ultimum Kyrie eleison, usque in finem divino officio ' non interfiierit . . . pro ilia hora absens censeatur.' COUNCIL OF BASLE. ^OI den.^ Then followed regulations relating to the chap. election, the oaths and the office of the Pope ; the \ number and quality of the cardinals ; the freedom of March 25, elections, together with a new unconditional prohibi- ^"^^ tion of papal reservations.- Soon these vigorous mea- sures involved the council in a struggle with the Pope. The supremacy to which the Council of Basle (4).^^^" ^ •' ^ _ lisioii aspired was so far unlike the supremacy which the "duith the Poi)€. Councils of Pisa and Constance had claimed for ,. secret themselves, that the two latter miorht be considered antago- ^ ms))i. as extraordinary tribunals, to which common consent had given unusual powers in a great emergency. No such pressing emergency could be pleaded in behalf of the Council of Basle. Indeed the partisans of the Pope might urge that the work of reform could be carried on quite as well by Eugenius IV. as by the Fathers of Basle, And all lovers of abuses, feeling themselves aggrieved by the new reforming decrees, naturally fell back to swell the ranks of the ^ Can. 5, Labb6, xvii. 319, exhorts all beneficed clergy to say- prayers, ' non in gutture vel inter dentes, seu deglutiendo aut syn- * copando dictiones.' Can. 6 forbids walking about during the time of divine service. Can. 7 orders a board to be put up with a list of all the services. Can. 8 is directed against abuses in saying mass. Can. xi. forbids * turpem etiam ilium abusum in * quibusdam frequentatum ecclesiis, quo certis anni celebratihbus * nonnulli cum mitra, baculo ac vestibus pontificalibus more epi- * scoporum benedicunt, alii ut reges ac duces induti, quod festum * Fatuorum vel Innocentium seu Puerorum in quibusdam regioni- * bus nuncupatur, alii larvales et theatrales jocos, alii choreas et * tripudia marium ac mulierum facientes homines ad spectacula et *■ cachinnationes movent, alii commessationes et convivia ibidem * praeparant.' 2 .\t Sessio xxiii. March 25, 1436, T.arp.i^, xvii. 323. 502 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. 1438 PART supporters of Eugenlus. Driven from Rome, Euge- nlus resided at Bologna ; and although in his dis- tress he had recognised the council, still the council and himself were really antagonistic to each other. Sooner or later this antagonism must appear. It at length broke out when the Pope's hands were suf- ficiently strengthened by the overtures from the Greek Church for union. ^ {b) Open The Pope proposed that the council should be removed to Italy, in order to facilitate the negotia- tions with the Greeks. The proposal was stoutly A.D, resisted in a stormy session at Basle ;^ and the July 31, ^ 1437 assembled prelates placed the Pope under impeach- Oct. I, ment.^ The Pope thereupon issued a bull removing Jan. 24, the council from Basle to Ferrara ; ^ and, in reply, the synod pronounced upon him sentence of sus- pension. Matters had come to an open rupture. At Basle the council without a head, as it was now called, continued to hold its sessions. Meantime another assembly was being held, first at Ferrara and afterwards at Florence, under the presidency of Eu- eenius IV.^ ^ Tliese overtures occupied the twenty-fourth and tvventy-fifth sessions, April 14, 1436, and May 7, 1437. See Labbe, xvii. 334 seq. 2 As early as May 5, 1435, the council addressed a letter to Eugenius, denying the need of holding a council at Constantinople. Labbe, xvii. 487. On May 11, 1436, the council addressed another letter to Eugenius respecting union with the Greeks. Ibid. p. 488. ^ At Sessio xxvi. July 31, 1437, LabbiS, xvii. 350. ^ The Bull dated October i, 1437, is in Labb^, xviii. 874. ^ The Bull transferrins; the Council of Ferrara to Florence COUNCIL OF BASLE, 503 Hitherto the Council of Basle had commanded chap. the sympathies of Europe, nor did it entirely for- '— feit them after the inauguration of the rival council at Florence. The work of reform was, however, henceforth neglected, and the energies of the synod were exclusively devoted to the controversy with the Pope.^ From that controversy, indeed, Euge- nius came off in the end victorious ; but his victory was due quite as much to the violent measures to which the Fathers of Basle resorted, as to the linger- ing respect still paid to himself as Pope. For the respect which the papal name inspired was not yet gone ; it required another seventy years of the most utter corruption at Rome, before Germany could finally tear herself away from an institution which refused to surrender when it had already become aa anachronism. The divided interests of the secular princes in- {c)Snccess 1,1 . . . . . . 1 . ofCoun- volved them m curious mconsistencies m their re- dlof lations to the council and the Pope. On the one hand, they were desirous to secure for their national churches the reforming decrees of Basle ; on the other, they were anxious to prevent a schism or to bears date January 10, 1438. It is to be found in Labbe, xviii. 1046. 1 At Sessio xxvii. September 26, 1437, the nomination and creation of cardinals by Eugenius IV. was avoided, Labbe, xvii. 353. In Sessio xxviii. October i, Eugenius was declared contumacious, ibid. p. 359. In Sessio xxix. October 12, 1437, the Pope's Bull transferring the council was cancelled, ibid. p. 363. On October 19, 1437, the synod replied to the Pope's invective against itself, ibid. p. 494. At Sessio xxxi. January 24, 1438, a decree was passed suspending the Pope, ibid. p. 376. Basle till the elec- tion of Felix V. 504 THE INDEPEXDENT COUNCILS OE THE WEST. PART break altogether with the Pope. With some modi- . '. fications, but as a whole intact, the reformatory decrees of Basle were adopted for the French Church by Charles VII. in the celebrated Pragmatic A.D. Sanction of Bourges/ and that, although Charles 1438' ^^'^^ dissatisfied with the decrees of Basle against the Pope. By so doing the French king gave his indirect sanction to the council, whilst he openly dis- owned the Synod of Ferrara. At the same time he professed allegiance to the Pope, who presided over it. March 25, ]sJqj- ^yg^g |-j^g (^ggg Qf Germany different, where, by a 1439 deed of acceptance drawn up at Mainz in the name of the emperor and the Empire, the advantage of the decrees of Basle was secured to the German Church. Thereby the authority of the council was acknow- March 17, ledged in Germany. Yet only a year before the German Church had been declared neutral ; that step having been taken, partly, no doubt, to assert its independence, and partly in the hope of avoiding a schism.^ But that hope was destined to be blighted. Carried away by the appro- bation which their decrees had met with, the Fathers of Basle, after a few more decrees on discipline,^ ^ See the thirty-eight articles in Concil. Bituricense, July 7, 1438, Labbe, xvii. 1366, xviii. 1396. ^ For this paragraph see Gies. vol. iv. sec. 132, p. -^t^t^^ and the authorities there quoted. ^ At the thirty-first session, January 24, 1438, decrees were passed on suits, on collation to benefices, and on the qualifications and order which ecclesiastical patrons are bound to consider in their presentees, Labbe, xvii. 370. The last-named decree binds the collators to canonries to present to one canonry in every three a IMaster of Arts or Bachelor of Theology v.'ho has studied for ten years at some privileged university, who shall be compelled COUNCIL OF BASLE. ^q^ left the business of reform to take care of itself, and chap. renewed their attacks on Eugenius. Many of the 1__ better-minded ecclesiastics had now left the council, and those who remained were more zealous than discreet. Every approach to concession was re- fused ; sentence of suspension was first pronounced on the Pope,^ then sentence of deposition ;2 and soon afterwards the council proceeded to elect by com- mission ^ a Pope or antipope in the place of Eugenius IV. Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, was chosen, and took the name of Felix V.^ This rash proceeding", which after the difficulties (^ ^^f^- , . cess of of one schism introduced another, turned the tide of Euge- events. The storm of ecclesiastical opposition which had come down on the tree of the Papacy, had beaten too violently, and stripped it of too much foliage ; it now whistled harmlessly through the branches ; and the tree began to put out into new to reside and to lecture, and who for the purpose of devoting him- self to study shall be excused attendance at divine service. The next two in every three, whether canonries or prebends, are to be bestowed upon otherwise suitable graduates, viz., upon Masters of Arts or Bachelors in Theology who have studied for ten years at some privileged university, or upon Doctors or Bachelors of Laws or Medicine, who have studied seven years in their respective faculties. All pluralities arc forbidden. To parish churches persons qualified as above are to be presented, or such as have at least for three years studied either theology, law, or arts in some privi- leged university. ^ At Sessio xxxi. January 24, 1438, Labbe, xvii. 376. 2 At Sessio xxxiv. June 25, 1439, ibid. p. 390. 3 The commission consisting of the cardinals and thirty-two others was appointed October 30, 1439, ^^^^' P- 4°^. '* The election was ratified at Sessio xxxix. November 17, 1439, Labbk, xvii. 409. 5o6 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OF THE WEST. PART life. It would have been easier for Eugenius to '- — recover past losses, If he had not resolved at the same time to attack the reformatory decrees of Basle. As It was, he found the business of attacking these more difficult than he anticipated. The greatest rebuff which the council experienced arose from the defalcations of many of its members, who could not approve of the renewal of a schism. Felix V. was recognised in a few countries only; and the Synod of Basle began to lose in weight and con- sequence. From May i6, \\i\2^ when it held its last session, until it was removed by Felix V. to Lausanne in 1448, the synod existed only in name. Hoping to use a weapon against the council, which the Church, during the great Schism, had tried to employ against the Popes, Eugenius IV. looked about for support from the secular power. From France he could gain little assistance. There Charles VII. persisted in adhering to the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, thus recognising at once the authority of the council and the authority of the Pope. But in Germany he was more successful. Taking advantage of the divided state of the country, and of the weak- A.D. 1444 ness of the new emperor, Frederic III., he tried, notwithstanding the declared neutrality of the Ger- man Church, to attach the Duke of Cleves to him- self by exempting all the churches and monasteries in his dominions from the jurisdiction of the Arch- bishop of Cologne and the Bishop of Munster, and allowing the Duke to appoint a titular bishop in ^ Labbi?, xvii. 431. COUNCIL OF BASLE. 507 their place. This act was at the same time intended chap. ^ . XV. to punish these prelates for supporting the council. ■ But when, over-estimating his power, he ventured, in the following year, for the same cause, to pronounce sentence of deposition on the Archbishops of Trier and Cologne — two princes of the Empire — the elec- toral princes met in indignation at Frankfurt, and united in making some decisive demands upon the Pope.^ He was required to allow the decrees of Constance and Basle respecting the powers of gene- ral councils ; to name one of five German cities in which a new general council should meet in May of the following year ; to issue Bulls embodying the decrees of the Synod of Basle, and to abrogate all novelties introduced during the period of neutrality. At this juncture the emperor came to the rescue a.d. • • r 1 IT c \ March 21, of Eugenius. Suspicious of the alliance of the 1446 princes, he contrived, by the aid of his cunning secre- tary, Aeneas Sylvius, to induce the electors to mo- derate their demands ; ^ and an embassy was dis- patched to Rome to tender the obedience of Ger- many, on condition that these moderated demands were granted.^ To satisfy the Germans, Eugenius yielded to his better disposed cardinals, and issued ^ The acts of this league are quoted in abstract by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 132, p. 338. 2 At the diet, September 1446, Aeneae Sylvii Hist. Frederici III. Imp. says, p. 125 : ' Omnis Caesaris cura in earn diaetam ' collata erat. Nam sex Electores obligati simul adversus Euge- ' nium videbantur Caesarem spernere, itaque summum Caesari * studium erat, foedus Electorum solvere, et aliquem ad se trahere, ' ut Eugenio et sibi consuleret.' ^ See Gies. vol. iv. sec. 132, p. 341. 5o8 THE INDEPENDENT COUNCILS OE THE WEST. PART four Bulls, promlslnor to convene another council, to III. . 1_ recognise the decrees of the Council of Constance, to re-Instate the Archbishops of Trier and Cologne, and to ratify the decrees of Basle passed subse- quently to his transfer of the Council' of Ferrara, but not without reserving in a fifth Bull perfect freedom A.D. of action to himself and his successors.^ On his J447 ' death-bed he received the allegiance of the German ambassadors, and the neutrality of that country was at an end. The curtain falls over the gfeneral councils of the fifteenth century with the acknowledgment of Euge- nius IV. In Germany. Nevertheless, the Synods of Pisa, and Constance, and Basle had not been held In vain. The Pope's authority was, It is true, still gene- rally acknowledged, but that authority was no longer what it had been. Bereft of political supremacy, bereft even of ecclesiastical supremacy, his freedom of action controlled by the decisions of a council anta- gonistic to himself, the Bishop of Rome had gone back to the position once held by his predecessors — the honourable position of Patriarch of the West. But an office once commanding the greatest respect when adorned by the virtues of Its occupants, no longer satisfied the ambition of those who now held it. They failed to see that the day of their dominion was over, and that Rome's pretensions to power In the West must fall before the rising Germanic spirit, as, even at that moment, the Eastern metropolis was ' The substance of these Bulls is given by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 132, p. 343- XV. COUNCIL OF BASLE. ^^^ falling before the Turks. Still greedy for power, chap. they lost what they possessed. Claiming the Papacy, they lost the Patriarchate. Pushing their pretensions too high, they found them denied altogether. Yet the result did not take place immediately, nor until by their vices they had forfeited their moral weight also. When, at length, the flood-gates of reaction were opened in the sixteenth century, and the long pent-up waters of indignation gushed forth, they swept away not only the exorbitant claims of the Papacy, but also its jurisdiction in the Patriarchate of the West. They deprived the Popes not only of their usurped power, but also of what was justly theirs ; but, by so doing, caused a retrograde senti- ment in favour of the Papacy, which has been gra- dually, but steadily, gaining ground, and which has led in modern times to the extensive development of U Itramontanism. APPENDIX III. THE CONCORDAT CONCLUDED BETWEEN POPE MARTIN V. AND THE ENGLISH NATION AT THE XLIII. SESSION, MARCH 21, 1418, OF THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.* PART Universis ei singulis Joannes miseratione divina episcopiis Osfiensis, S. R. E. cardinalis et vicecancellarius^ salutem in JDomi7io Cmti itaqne nuper inter sanctissi77iu7?i iii Chi'isto patrein et domintini nostrum^ dominnm Ma7'tinum divi7ta Provide7ttia Papa7n V. et reve- re7idos pat7-es . . . ven€7'abile7n 7iatio7ie7n A7iglica7iain i7i ge7i€rali Co7iciIio Co7ista7iti€nsi 7'ep7'aese7ita7ites . . . 7i07i7iiina capitula co7i- cordata, et ab utraqne parte sp07ite siiscepta; 7iec7i07i . . . adfntura77i rei ce7^titiidi7ie?n . . . prii7io C07isc7'ipta fue7'imt ; ac de77iu7n . . . lecta et publicata : nos igitiir, ad ve7ie7-abilis viri Roberti de Nevilli^ Ca7i07iici ecclesiae Eboraee7isis, pa7'ochiales ecdesiae de Spoffoord Rec- to7is, znsta7itia7n, capitula hnjus77iodi^ siciit praefertur, co7icordata et sp07ite stiscepta, ex i7itegi'0 . . . Jideliter t7'ansc7'ibi^ et praese7itibus a7motarifeci77ins^ quo7-ii7n te7ior seqiiitur i7i himc 77iodii7n : I. — De Numero et Nations Cardinalium. In primis quod numerus cardinalium S. R. E. adeo sit modera- tus quod non sit gravis ecclesiae, nee nimia numerositate vilescat. Qui indifferenter de omnibus regnis et provinciis totius Christiani- tatis, et cum consensu et assensu collegii dominorum cardinalium, vel majoris partis eorum, eligantur et assumantur. 11. — De Indulgentiis. Item, quod cum occasione diversarum indulgentium, ac litte- rarum facultatum a sede Apostolica concessamm, ad absolvendum quoscumque visitantes, sive offerentes in certis locis, et quaestu- * Ex. MS. Cantabrigiensi quoted by Labbe, xvi. p. 7391 CONCORDAT WITH ENGLAND. 5 I rariim quamplurimarum, quae in Anglia plus solito nunc abundant : app. nonnulli peccandi audaciam frequenter assumant, ac contemptis m- suis propriis curatis, et ecclesiis suis parochialibus dimissis, ad ipsa loca spe indulgentiarum et confessionum accedunt, decimas, oblationes, et debita dictanim ecclesiarum parochialium subtra- hunt, seu solvere differunt minus juste : committatur dioecesanis locorum ad inquirendum super qualitate earum, cum potestate suspendendi omnino auctoritate Apostolica illas, quas invenerint scandalosas, et illas denunciandi Papae, ut illas revocet, etc. III. — De AppROPRiATiONiBus, Unionibus, Incorporationibus, Ecclesiarum, et Vicariatuum. Item, de cetero nullae fiant appropriationes ecclesiarum paro- chialium motu proprio : sed committatur episcopis locorum ad inquirendum de veritate suggestionum. Et in eventum, quo per debitam et juridicam notionem constare poterit quod causae appropriationum desint, legitime procedatur ad appropriationem, prout fuerit juris illarum ordinariorum. Quae jam sunt fortitae effectum, nulla fiat, si ex revocatione sequi possit scandalum. Alias vero committatur, quod inquirant etc. . . . Et quas invene- rint fieri merito non debuisse, vocatis tunc ad hoc vocandis, cas- sent etc. . . . Item, omnes uniones, incorporationes, approbationes, et conso- lidationes vicariatuum perpetuarum in ecclesiis parochialibus, ex quibuscumque causis factae a tempore schismatis, indistincte revo- centur ; et vicarii perpetui in iisdem per ordinarios locorum hac vice ordinentur et instituantur. Ac in singulis ecclesiis parochiali- bus sit unus vicarius perpetuus, qui curae insistat animarum, bene et competenter dotatus, pro hospitalitate ibidem tenenda, et omni- bus debitis supportandis : litteris Apostolicis et ordinariorum com- l)Ositionibus, statutis, et consuetudinibus, ac aliis in contrarium factis, non obstantibus quibuscumque. IV. — De Ornatu Pontificali Inferioribus Praelatis NON CONCEDENDO. Item, omnia privilegia, citra obitum felicis recordationis Gre- gorii Papae XL concessa praelatis inferioribus, de utendo Pontifi- calibus, scilicet mitris, sandaliis, et hujusmodi ad dignitatem Pon- tificalem pertinentibus, revocentur. Quae vero ante obitum ipsius Gregorii concessa fuerint, in suo robore permaneant et effectu. 512 APPENDIX III. P'^RT ,, _ _ III. V. — De Dispensationibus. Item, licet pluralitas beneficiorum canonibus exosa exsistat, aut super ea dispensationes jure hoc dictante fieri non debeant, nisi personis nobilibus et vins eximiae liberalitatis : nunc tamen in curiis dominorum tarn spiritualium quam temporalium tales dispen- sationes irrepserunt : praemissa, seu eis consimilia de cetero non fiant, sed in praemissis servetur concilium generale. lUae tamen quae sunt sortitae effectum, in suo robore permaneant : nisi forte aliquae fuerint et sint scandalosae. De quibus fieri mandamus concessionem locorum ordinariis : et ordinarii certificent, et revo- centur scandalosae. Item, quia modernis temporibus plus solito cum diversis per- sonis, infi-a regnum et dominia praedicta, beneficia curata obtinen- tibus, per sedem Apostolicam contra jura communia dispensatum exsistit, ut per tres, quatuor, quinque, sex, et septem annos vel ultra, aut in perpetuum beneficiati praedicti ipsa beneficia possi- dere et occupare valeant, sic ut ad ordines debitos interim ordi- nari minime teneantur, in grave scandalum ecclesiae, etc. Omnes dispensationes hujusmodi indistincte revocentur. Et beneficiati hujusmodi ordinationi juris communis in hac parte omnino sub- dantur. Si tamen beneficiati praedicti sint alias habiles ad hujus- modi ordines suscipiendos. Item, quia propter dispensationes Sedis ApostoHcae, nonnullis personis infi-a regnum et dominia praedicta, super non residentia, necnon archidiaconis ad visitandum per procuratores, factas, non solum animarum cura negligitur, sed etiam potestas episcopalis per impetrantes dispensationes hujusmodi contemnitur : nullae dispensationes deinceps fiant absque causa rationabiH et legitima, in litteris dispensationum hujusmodi exprimenda. Concessae autem absque causa rationabili sive legitima, revocentur : de qui- bus fiat commissio ordinariis. Item, omnes litterae facultatum concessae religiosis quibuscum- que, infira regnum et dominia praedicta, de obtinendo beneficia ecclesiastica, curata vel non curata, quae non sunt sortitae etTec- tum, indistincte revocentur. Abstineatur de cetero ab hujusmodi litteris facultatum concedendis. VI. — De Anglis ad Officia Romanae Curiae assumendis. Item, quod aliqui etiam de natione Anglicana, dummodo tamen sint idonei, ad singula officia curiae Romanae assumantur una cum aliis de ceteris nationibus indifferenter, etc. CONCORDAT WITH ENGLAND. 51-3: Item, quod super omnibus et singulis praemissis dominus noster APP. summus Pontifex mandet et fieri faciat praedictae nationi Angli- m- canae unam, vel plures, ac tot quot fuerint requisitae, litteras suas bullai:as, in bona forma et gratis de mandato, ad perpetuam rei m em or i am. Haec itaque universitati vestrae tenore praesentium firmiter attestantes, easdem nostras litteras praesentes, in horum fidem et testimonium, praefato Roberto Nevilli concessimus, nostri sigilli munimine roboratas. Datum Gebennis, in domo habitationis nostrae, sub anno a Nativitate Domini mccccxviii indictione xi die vero xxi mensis Julii, pontificantis domini nostrae Papae anno prinio- L L 514 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. III. CHAPTER XVi. LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY, (1445— 1515.) Lcce felinqnetur vobis domus vestra deserta. — Luc. XIII. 35, PART " I ^HE old mediaeval Papacy holding a position of jL acknowledged supremacy as the head of Western Christendom to which homage was univer- sally paid, was now fast passing away, and making room for the modern Papacy, an institution histori- cally, indeed, connected with its predecessor^ but yet of a very different character, being a headship of only one portion of Christendom, and depending for its authority on a voluntary recognition of its claims. Yet before it had become a thing of the past^ it was once more lighted up by a bright gleam flashing across its heaven, and shedding on it a ray of glory, bright but passing, and contrasting strangely with the utter darkness which set in immediately afterwards. That bright gleam was none other than the adminis- tration of Aeneas Sylvius. A. Ad- Already distinguished at Basle for his aptitude lion^of^' fo^ business, the champion of the council against Aeneas. Eugenius IV., the secretary of the antipope, then of the emperor ; anon at the feet of Eugenius suing for pardon, afterwards appointed secretary to his ADMINISTRATION OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 515 successor, Nicolas V. ; cautious, enterprising, ambiti- chap. XVI ous, for a long time the secret dictator of a policy, L_ at length himself wearing the tiara ; Aeneas Sylvius passed through a career in many respects not unlike that of Gregory VII., but as different in its moral grandeur as was the age in which he lived from the Hildebrandian era of reform. Perhaps, too, under his predecessors, Nicolas V. and Calixtus III., Aeneas Sylvius hardly occupied so prominent a place as Hildebrand had held under Nicolas 11. and Alex- (i) Nko- ander II. For Nicolas V.^ was for his time un- ^'^ doubtedly an able man, and his aspirations were ^447-1455 high. Anxious though he was to put an end to of Basic the council of Basle and to recover the lost power of the Papacy, he combined with his zeal a Christian discretion, and knew how to win the support of the secular power as well as how to conciliate the clergy. In his pontificate, the first step towards undoing the (a) Con- work of Basle was taken under the auspices of Aeneas. ofAs- It consisted in negotiating an agreement, known as f^'^^^^' the Concordat of Aschaffenburg, between the Pope Feb. 17, and the emperor, Frederic III. By the terms of that concordat,'^ itself the work of Aeneas, who, since his repentance, was as much opposed to the interests of Germany as he had formerly been in their favour at Basle, the articles of the agreement concluded with the Germans at Constance, so disadvantageous to their interests, were revived. The Pope retained his annates, or rather a sort of tax as an equivalent In ^ Nicolas V. succeeded Eugenius IV. as Pope in March 1447, and died March 1455. His Hfe, Labbe, xix. 45. 2 See its history in Koch, Sanciio Pragm. p. 36. L L 2 1448 5A^ LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. PART III. their place, and, Instead of the alternate right of pre- sentation to the smaller benefices, he received the right of collation during every alternate month in the year. Episcopal elections were freely restored to the chapters, except In cases of translation, or in case a person canonically unfit were presented for confir- mation, in which case the Pope still continued to nominate. Thus by the weakness of Frederic III., and the defection of Aeneas Sylvius, the compact accepted at Mainz ^ was overthrown, and a severe blow was dealt at the authority of the Council of Basle in Germany. It had required some dexterous management on the part of Nicolas V. and Aeneas Sylvius, to nego- tiate the Concordat of Aschaffenburgf. The more powerful German nobles needed to be conciliated by concessions,^ the less powerful by the influence of fear. By displaying the same dexterity and by the exercise of forbearance, Aeneas succeeded next in bringing the Council of Basle to a close, and In gain- ing the resignation of the antlpope, Felix V. The Fathers of that synod, by three imperial mandates banished to Lausanne,^ appeared to submit to the friendly urgency of the Kings of England and of A.D. 1449 France. Felix V. resigned his office, and the council was dissolved ; yet not without honour and more substantial rewards. The cardinalate next in honour to the Pope was conferred on Felix ; three of his car- (,'3) Disso lution of Cou7icil of Basle. * Labbe, xviii. 1400, an. 1441. 2 See the authorities quoted in Gies. vol. iv. sec. 133, p. 346. 3 Gies. vol. iv. sec. 133, p. 347. Two decrees of the synod, an. 1449, in Labb£, xix. 60. ADMIXISTRATION OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 517 dinals were allowed to retain their dignity ; all the chap. papal censures against him and his adherents at -1 — L_ Basle were annulled ; ^ the promotions and appoint- ments of the synods were confirmed.^ Success had crowned the efforts of Aeneas, but this success was the triumph of policy, the ignoring of principle. Having carried out his first scheme, Aeneas {b) Last meditated higher things. The past glories of the of Holy Holy Empire rose before him. Why should not ^''^^^'''^• the Pope and the emperor as of old be once more the temporal and spiritual heads of Christendom, the temporal head being as aforetime subject to the spiritual head } The weak emperor, Frederic HI., was only too ready to join in the project. Jealous of the power of the electoral princes, and weakened him- self by the loss of his feudal privileges, this emperor hailed with delight the prospect of once more re- gaining his ascendency by the help of the Pope. The coronation at Rome had not lost the spell of its influence, although it had been for some time in abeyance, and the support of Nicolas might do much towards strengthening the emperor's hands. Frederic HI. fell into the snare laid for him by Aeneas, and abased himself before the court of Rome. His marriage with his Portuguese bride was celebrated with great pomp by Nicolas himself on March 18, 1452, and afterwards his coronation with still ori'eater ma2:nificence. For the last time a.d. ^ ^ March 18, 1452 1 See the letter of Nicolas V., Labb£, xix. 49. 2 See the avisamenta, Labb^, xviii. 52, and the letters of Felix V. ibid. p. 69. The Bull of Nicholas V. is dated May 19, 1449, ibid. p. 73. 5t8 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. PART in the Middle Ages, and indeed in history, Pope and '- — emperor met for a solemn ceremony in the eternal city — the emperor to be crowned King of the Romans, the Pope to receive the final act of majesty from the Roman kincr. F'or the last time the dome of St. Peter's resounded with shouts of triumph, welcoming the Emperor of the West. For the last time the Holy Empire was seen to revive. It was as it were the final gasp for life of a dying institution. In the n€x-t year the news of the capture of Constantinople and the fall of the Eastern Empire sounded across Europe, foretelling the approaching end of its Western rival. (2) Cru- Few persons can now realise to themselves the sades against shock felt throughout the West, when the news was A.D. 1453' brought by Greek refugees to Europe, that Con- stantinople had fallen before the arms of Mahomet 1 1. The great bulk of men were simply appalled at an event which had come upon them so suddenly and unexpectedly. They Avere horrified that the Cres- cent should wave where once the Cross had stood. They were in a sense stunned. But they were at first far from appreciating the full extent of the danger which threatened themselves. It was in truth a danger similar to that which had been seve- ral times impending during the Middle Ages — the danger of a return to barbarism through the con- quest of some wald Oriental horde. It was not this time a danger arising from Magyars, such as those who had been defeated at Merseburg and Lechfeld ; ^ ' In the battle of Merseburg, an. 933, the Magyars were defeated by Henry I. ; in the battle on the Lechfeld, 955, by Otto I. ADMINISTRATION OF AF.NEAS SYLVIUS. rjQ nor was it a danger caused by Mongols, like those chap. who remained on the plain of Liegnitz.^ It was a L. danp-er coming from other races — from the followers of the false prophet — who had once before entered Europe from the south,^ and been repelled by the arms of Charles M artel, and who now assailed it from the east ; threatening to make it a dependency of an Oriental tyrant, threatening to substitute the religion of Mahomet for the religion of Christ. Probably no two persons were more keenly alive (^) <^^«- to the impending danger, than were Pope Nicolas V. preached and Aeneas Sylvius, now Bishop of Siena. The us v.^' death of Nicolas, it was said, was hastened by the sad news. Henceforth it became the one great aim in life of the Bishop of Siena to stir up a crusade against the Turks. Already within a few months after the capture of Constantinople, Nicolas had a.d. 1 1 • r i-^1 • 1 Sept, 30, issued a summons to the prmces of Christendom, 14^3 adjuring them by their baptismal profession, and the oath taken at their coronation, to come forward with their goods and their persons for the defence of the Christian faith, and granting a tithe of Church revenue for the support of the crusade.^ The ^ The Mongols were defeated in the batde of Liegnit^, 1241. ^ '^ The followers of the prophet, under Musa, obtained a footing in Spain, an. 71 j, by the battle of Xerez de la Frontera, From Spain they penetrated into France, but were defeated by Charles M artel at Tours an. 732. 3 The Bull, dated September 30, 1453, in Raynald, an. 1453, No. 9, runs : ' Inprimis universos Christianos . . . hortamur, re- * quirimus et mandamus in. vim professionis factae in sacri suscep- ' tione baptismatis, ac in vim juramend praestiti, cum dignitatum ' suarum infulas susceperunt, ut ad defensionem Christianae reli 520 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. ■PART summons fell on deaf ears. Germany was not yet 1— alive to the extent of the clanger which threatened: It seemed to be a revival of the old methods of raising money, which had been abolished by the Reforming Councils ; and the people, embittered against the Pope and the emperor alike, saw no other agency at work but avarice in these calls to warfare.^ {b) Cm- No greater success attended the efforts of Ca- preached Hxtus 1 11.'-^ to Stir up a crusade. In Germany the uisIIl' o^^y result effected was that the zeal to win back A.D. 1455 the lost freedom of the Church awoke anew. Neither there nor elsewhere, with the single excep- tion of Aragon and Portugal, was any response made to the summons. The King of Aragon, in- deed, took the cross, but carried on a war with the Genoese with the crusading force ; and the King of Portugal promised to march against the Turks, but in the end did nothing at all.^ In France Charles VII., at the same time that he allowed a tenth to be con- tributed towards the expenses,^ forbade the public preaching of the crusade, lest his unprotected king- ' gionis et fidei, cum bonis et personis suis pro sua possibilitate ' verisimiliter et indesinenter assistant, aeterna praemia recepturi * ab illo, cujus causam egere, et in praesenti vita pariter et in ' futura.' 1 See GiES. and the authorities there quoted, vol. iv. sec. 133, P- 349- 2 Cahxtus III. succeeded Nicolas V. as Pope, April 1455, ^^^<^ died August 1458. His hfe in Labbe, xix. 157. 3 GiES. vol. iv. sec. 133, p. 353. 4 The letter of the Pope thanking him for his permission. Labbe, xix. 160. _ • ADMIXISTRATIOy OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 521 dom should fall a prey to the English ; and the chap. funds collected were insufficient for any decisive -1 '—. enterprise. At lenofth, in the year idSS, Aeneas Sylvius had {c) Efforts . ... of Pius reached the height of his ambition, and ascended the //. to get papal chair under the name of Pius 11.^ His first busi- crusade. ness was to issue a lenorthv Bull, retracting all he had ^d- ^ ^ . . 1458-1464 done at Basle against the authority of Eugenius IV.; his next was to redouble his efforts ''^ to unite Chris- tendom against the steadily progressing encroach- ments of the Turks. Following the example of the older Popes, whose institution of military orders had proved so successful in the first ages of the crusades, he proceeded to found new ecclesiastical orders of knighthood, the Order of Hospitallers of St. Mary of Bethlehem,^ and the society bearing the name of Jesus, for fighting against the infidels.^ A general 1459 assemblacre of Christian nobles was convened at o Mantua ^ to vie with those of Piacenza and Clermont. ^ Pius II. became Pope in August 1458, and died August 1464. His life in Labb^, xix. 191. 2 The Bull of Retractationum in Labbe, xix. 195. ^ The Ordo hospitalis b. Mariae Bethlemitanae was founded January 18, 1459. See Raynald, an. 1459, No. 2. ^ Societas sub vocabulo Jesu nuncupata ad Dei honorem et infidelium oppugnationem instituta, October 13, 1459, Raynald, 1459, No. 83. This order must not be confounded with the order of Jesuits founded by Ignatius Loyola, 1540. 5 See the account of the assembly, an. 1459, Labbe, xix. 203. The Pope says in his address, ibid. p. 208 : 'Vos autem, magn- ' animi et generosi proceres, qui adestis, ne claudite, precamur, ' aures, ne divertite mentem ; aperite Deo interiora vestra qui ' mox volentibus vobis in animas vestras illabetur, et vos sibi ' templuni atque habitaculum faciet. Audite nos sua vice loquen- 522 J.ASl^ YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY PART Cardinal Bessarion was dispatched to Germany, . '- there to emulate St. Bernard's preaching. Yet all was in vain. The political fabric of Europe was breaking up ; the different parts had not yet settled down into consolidated nations, Hence political complications frustrated every attempt at united action, {d) Effort But Still Pius II. was not to be daunted. If %l^'^^''^^^ Europe would not defend herself against the foe, Sultan, niio"ht not the foe be won over to the Christian faith ? It seemed a forlorn enterprise ; still it might be possible. Indeed, was it not the only means left for the preservation of the West ? A letter was dispatched to the sultan, Mahomet II., courteous, conciliatory, almost flattering.^ Nothing it said was wanting to make Mahomet the mightiest sovereign the world had ever seen, nothing but a little water for his baptism and belief in the Gospel ; before Mahomet the Christian emperor, the world would bow down. Did a dream of an empire of the world, uniting both East and West once more under a Turkish monarch, flit across the brain of the Pontiff ? If it did, it was soon dissipated. But the far- seeing earnestness of a man who, alive to the perils of the situation, had made It his great object In life to oppose the Turks, and whom the sense of a great danger had recalled from the weakness, the self- * tes. Verba nostra, verba Dei sunt, qui filii sui Jesu Christ!, ' quamvis indigni, vices gerimus. Ipse nos fari jubet ; ipse in ore * nostro verba posuit ; ipse nos bellum suadere in Turcos imperat.' The princes who were present, however, took a different view. ^ In Raynald, 1 261, No. 44. ADMIXISTRATIOX OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 523 seeking, the treachery of earHer Hfe to a real state of chap. heroism, could not die. If others would not go forth, Pius II. would. Accordingly, the Pope him- self, the cardinals, the bishops prepared for a crusade ; whilst, heedless of his touching summons,^ knights, counts, barons, and dukes remained listlessly at home. None leathered at his biddinor but a worthless rabble. Already sickening, he travelled from Rome to Ancona. There he found a mass of discontented soldiers, many of whom, when the Venetian ships were behind their time, and they found the Pope would supply indulgences but not provisions, persisted in returning home. Disappointment preyed on his failing health, and, like his predecessor Gregory VII., a.d. Pius died before he could embark, away from his 1464 ^ Issued October 22, 1463,111 Raynald, 1463, No, 29: ' Et * quis erit Christianorum tarn feri, tarn lapidei, tarn ferrei pectoris, ' qui audiens, Romanum Pontificem b. Petri successorem, Domini ' nostri Jesu Christi vicarium, aetemae vitae clavigerum, patrem ' ac magistrum universorum fidelium cum sacro senatu Cardina- ' lium Clerique multitudine in bellum pergere pro tuenda religione, ' libens domi remaneat? Et quae poterit excusatio quenquam ' juvare : senex, debilis, aegrotus, in expeditionem pergit, et tu ' juvenis sano ac robusto corpore domi delitesces? Summus ' Sacerdos, Cardinales, Episcopi praelium petunt ; et tu Miles, tu ' Baro, tu Comes, tu Marchio, tu Dux, tu Rex, tu Imperator, in ' aedibus propriis otiaberis? Siccine perverti hominum ofiicia * pateris ut quae sunt Regum Sacerdotes agant, quae Nobilitati * conveniunt, subire Clerum oporteat ? . . . In tanto Christianae ' religionis discrimine, quantum a Turcis impraesentiarum cernitur * imminere, nulli dubium esse debet, quin Christiani omnes, tarn * Reges et Principes, quam alii potentatus et privati homines ad ' defensionem catholicae fidei et sanctae legis evangelicae juxta ' possibilitatem suam cum bonis et corporibus suis de necessitate * salutis viriliter assurgere et indesinenter assistere teneantur.' 524 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. [PART^ cathedral city. Like Gregory VII. he died en- '. deavouring to carry out a great project, to which he had devoted his hfe, not indeed with the same purity of purpose which had characterised Hilde- brand's earlier career, but with more humility, as his dying words addressed to the cardinal who attended him attest : ' My Son, pray for me.' ^ (3) En- But not only in his death does Aeneas Sylvius \Tad-^^ resemble Gregory VI I. He resembles him far vancethe j-jiore in his life and in his desire to advance the papal power, povv'er of his see to the highest possible pitch. There is much, too, in the weakness of the Emperor Frederic III. which resembles the weakness of Henry IV. The circumstances in which they lived have other points of resemblance. The idea of the Holy Empire with its double headship was being advanced in the Hildebrandian era ; the same idea was being anew advanced under the rule of Aeneas Sylvius. In the Hildebrandian era, however, the two heads, as supreme powers, came into collision ; under Aeneas Sylvius both were so much weakened that they looked to one another for support. {a) Under Even before his own tenure of office, Aeneas ///. Sylvius had been trying to make actual the ex- travagant pretensions of his predecessors. Breaches of the Concordat of Aschaffenburg had been com- mitted frequently by Calixtus II., and had been tacitly endured by Frederic 1 11.^ When complaints on account of these breaches w^axed loud, Aeneas ^ Compare the death of Hildebrand, Chap. VII. p. 212. ^ See the authorities in Gies. vol. iv. sec. 133, p. 351. ADMINISTRATION OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 525 Sylvius, at the time a cardinal, dictated a letter, which chap. was dispatched to the emperor In the name of Calix- L. tus,^ declaring that the Apostolical See is desirous of adherinij to the terms of the concordat, althoucrh it Is absolutely free, and can be bound by no ties of contract. But at the same time, the cardinal knew how to attain his object by a milder policy. The chief malcontents were won over by letters ; ''^ and to serve the same object, a treatise was written by him on the position, the rites, customs, and the condition of Germany.^ Bolder steps were taken by Aeneas, when he ruled {b) By himself at Rome under the name of Pius II. The pius II. heretical tenets of his former life were unreservedly '^•^• '' T458-1464 and absolutely condemned,"^ and it was declared at Mantua,^ that whoever should hereafter appeal from 1 August 31, 1457, in Raynald, 1457, No. 40: ' Sed aiunt ' plerique, concordata, de quibus mentionem supra fecimus, per ' nos minime observari, affirmantes, electiones Episcoporum alio- ' rumque Praelatorum nos parvi pendere, ac prorsus abjicere : * quod pari modo neque vere, neque juste nobis objicitur. Neque ' enim electiones Praelatorum in Germania factas quo vis pacto ' contemnimus, neque ex concordatis omnes passim electiones ' confirmare tenemur, sed illas tantummodo, quae canonicae expe- ' riuntur. . . . Super reservationibus autem caeterisque beneficio- ' rum provisionibus, de quibus similiter accepimus querelas coram ' tua serenitate fuisse propositas, non sumus memores, aliquid a ' nobis esse concessum contra concordata praedicta. . . . Quin- ' immo quamvis Uberrima sit Apostolicae sedis auctoritas, nullisque ' debeat pactionum vinculis coerceri ; ex mera tamen liberalitate ' nostra, ex zelo quem gerimus ad pacem, ex caritate qua te tuam- * que nationem prosequimur, concordatis ipsis locum esse volumus.' 2 See the authorities in Gies. vol. iv. sec. 133, p. 354. 3 Descriptio de ritu, situ, moribus et conditione Germaniae. ^ Retractationes, April 26, 1463, in Labb^, xix. 195. •^ Bull of January 23, 1460, quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 133, 526 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY, PART the Pope to a general council should be excom- - — ~ munlcated ipso facto, and not otherwise restored but A.D. 14 o ^^ ^^^ Pontiff himself. The Archduke of Austria, Siorismond, was visited with the ban and interdict 1461 for his violence towards Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa ; Diether, Archbishop of Mainz, was deposed in an 1467 arbitrary manner; Charles VII. of France was reproached for his audacious Pragmatic Sanction.^ But all these assertions of power were unavailing. They could not procure for Pius II. any real autho- rity, or recover for the Papacy the place which it had lost. On the contrary, the despotic rule of Plus II. only awakened discontent in Germany, where the liberal-minded Aeneas Sylvius was not yet forgotten. The archduke appealed to a general council.^ Diether received privileges more valuable than those he lost, resigning the duties but retaining a great part of the revenues of his see. Charles VII. appealed to a general council; his successor, Louis XL, when he found that he could get no support from the Pope for the claims of Anjou to Naples, left the Sanction p. 360 : ' Volentes igitur hoc pestiferum virus a Christi ecclesia ' procul pellere . . . hiijusmodi provocationis introductiones dam- * namus, et tanquam erroneas ac detestabiles reprobamus, cas- ' santes, et penitus annullantes, si quae hactenus taliter interpositae ' reperiantur . . . praecipientes deinceps, ut nemo audeat . . . ' ab ordinationibus, sententiis sive mandatis quibuscumque nostris * ac successorum nostrorum talem appellationem interponere. . . . ' Si quis autem contrafecerit a die publicationis praesentium in '■ Cancellaria Apostolica post duos menses, cujuscumque status, ' gradus, ordinis vel conditionis fuerit . . . ipso facto sententiam ' execrationis incurrat' ^ See the documents in Labbe, xix. 230 seq. 2 See the authorities quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec< 133, p. ^i^-^- SUCCESSORS OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. ^27 unrepealed; and the star of Pius II. set over the chap. bHghted remains of early hopes. The mediaeval __!__ Papacy had outlived its day : the world was hastening on to a new phase of existence ; not even the talents of Pius II. could avert decay, though they might arrest it for the moment. That decay went on rapidly under the adminis- b. The tration of the Popes who succeeded Aeneas, whose ^/^^j^^^^ reigns were marked principally by two character- ^W^^'^-f. istics — the deepest moral corruption, which alienated the lingering respect of Germany ; and a petty intermeddling in politics, which reduced the Papacy from its mediaeval position as a sovereign power to its modern position as an Italian principality. The former of these characteristics began at once on the accession of Paul II. ;^ it reached its climax under Alexander VI. The other feature shows itself also under the next succeeding Popes, but was most openly displayed in the pontificate of the warlike Julius II. The first days of the rule of Paul II. were distin- {\)Morai guished by a violent repudiation of the conditions of tion his election.^ He had sworn not only to inaugurate ^^ ^^'^^ many other reforms, but also to continue the expe- a.d. dition against the Turks ; to correct the morals of '^ "^ "^ the court ; to convene a general council within three years ; not to increase the number of cardinals beyond twenty-four ; to choose out worthy men for the office, and only to elevate one of his own family; ^ Paul II. succeeded Pius II. August 1464, and died July 147 1. His life in LabbI£, xix. 174. 2 See the Capitulation in Raynald, 1458, No. 5. 528 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. PART III. ib) Sixtus IV. A.D. I47I-I484 («) Treat- ment of Florence. 1478 03) Ferrara. 1482 (y) Venice. 1483 not to depose abbots and bishops at the request of princes, and to allow the cardinals to meet twice a year to see that these conditions were carried into effect. But his promises were violated. His flat- terers represented to him that the vicar of Christ could not be bound by earthly conditions ; and partly by threats, and partly by persuasions, the cardinals were brought to sign new rules, declaring the former ones void. The one object of his successor, Sixtus IV. ,^ was to raise his family from their low estate to the highest rank. To attain this object he sacrificed everything — honour, justice, principle, ecclesiastical censures, morality. Lending himself to the designs of his nephew, Jerome Riario, he upheld the con- spiracy of the Pazzi against the Medici in Florence. When this conspiracy had failed, he visited Florence with spiritual weapons, and called in upon her the arms of Naples. Ferrara next attracted the cove- tousness of his nephew : and forthwith Sixtus was allied with Venice to overturn the dominion of the House of Este there. Then his nephew changed sides ; the offer of a pension for three years of 40,000 aurei was more than his avarice could resist ; and now Sixtus excommunicated Venice. But when Venice was so successful that her enemies were obliged so make peace notwithstanding her excom- munication, chagrin at the failure of his plans hastened his end, and he died on August 12, 1484. ^ Sixtus IV. was Pope from August 9, 147 1 to August 12, 1484. His life in I.abbe, xix. 371. SrCCESSO/^S OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 529 The moral corruption of the Papacy seems now chap. to increase with each succeeding Pontiff. In fact, {c) Inno- the possession of the See was regarded simply as an ^^,^^ yjjj^ instrument of aggrandisement for the family of the ^-^^ fortunate occupant. In this spirit, Innocent VI 11.^ — a misnomer commemorated in the epigram of the day^ — in defiance of the conditions of his election, employed his place as a lever to exalt and enrich his seven illegitimate children. On the fourth day after his election, there was a scramble for office. In the same spirit Innocent allowed himself to be bribed by an annual payment from the Turkish sultan to detain in prison Dschem, the sultan's brother and rival, although the latter was burning to head an army against Bajazet, and might have secured many suc- cesses to the Christian cause. But nothing can compare with the career of the infamous Alexander VI.,^ the most depraved of all the Popes, uniting in himself at once the vices of Innocent VIII., and the unscrupulous family am- a^iderVl. bition of Sixtus IV. His election was secured by '492-1503 bribery, and his administration of office was in keep- ing with this beginning. Any and everything was permitted if it were only paid for. It became pro- verbial that for money anything might be had — the ' Innocent VIII, was Pope from August 20, 1484, to July 25, 1492. See Labb^, xix. 403. 2 ' Octo Nocens pueros genuit, totidemque puellas ; ' Hunc merito poterit Roma vocare patrem.' * Alexander VI. was Pope from August 11, 1492, to August 18, 1503. See LABBfi, xix. 523. M M 530 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY PART keys, altars, Christ himself.^ Everything was made '- — subservient to the promotion of his five illegitimate children. His daughter, Lucretia, was separated from her former husband, the widower being in- demnified with money for the loss of his wife ; she was anew married to Alexander, Lord of Pezaro ; when deserted by the Lord of Pezaro, she was next given to a natural son of Alfonso of Aragon, and on his death to Alfonso of Este, Lord of Ferrara. On his younger son was conferred a dukedom in Sicily ; on his elder a dukedom in Spain. His favourite son, Caesar Borgia, was advanced to the cardinalate before he had attained to years of discretion. In return for large gifts bestowed on his children, the Pope espoused the cause of Ferdinand of Naples against France, threatening the French king with excommunication, and invoking the aid of the Turks against him. When, however, Charles V H L appeared in Rome, he immediately went over to his side, and poisoned his prisoner, Dschem, lest he should lose the price offered for his head. And when the new King of Naples refused to satisfy the extravagant demands of Caesar Borgia, proposals were made to Lewis XH., King of France, to overwhelm Naples. No means were left untried which could contribute towards his favourite project, that of creating for k.Y). 1498 Caesar an independent principality. He was re- leased from his ecclesiastical profession ; he was > The epigram : * Vendit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum : ' Jure quidem vendit : emerat ipse prius.' Sl/CCESSOKS OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 53 1 made eencral captain and cronfalonier of the Roman chap. . . XVI Church; he was raised by the French king, Louis ' XII., to the dukedom of Valentinois, to secure which "^"^498°*^ Alexander had sanctioned the divorce of Louis from his wife ; he was supported by a French army in vanquishing the powerful vassals of the Roman See, Naples being in return handed over to the tender mercies of Spain and France. But the newly- created state of Caesar Borgia was short-lived ; a principality founded on injustice could not last. No sooner was Alexander VL dead, than his kingdom fell to pieces, some portions submitting to their banished lords, some to the Pope, some falling a prey to the conquering arms of Venice. Meantime the luxury, avarice, and vices of the (^) ^ices . of the papal court knew no bounds. Benefices and ecclesi- Court. astical dignities were sold by public auction ; pro- motion, marriage, divorce, all might be secured for money. A contemporary writer^ describes how the ^ The letter was addressed, in 1502, to Sylvius de Labellis, given by Burchardus in Eccard. ii. p. 2144 : ' Haec tibi in pub- ' licis principiim conventibus enan-anda . . . frustra queri Christi- ' anam religionem de Mahometo antique ejus hoste . . . cum iste ' novus Mahometus omni criminum foeditati ilium longe super- * averit : . . . venisse tempora, quibus jam Antichristus . . . ap- ' pareat . . . Jam beneficia et dignitates ecclesiasticas . . . pub- ' lica venditione dissipari, et illis solummodo cedere, qui aperta ' emptione plus pecuniarum quam caeteri largiuntur. . . . Omnia ' jam apud Pontificem esse venalia, dignitates, honores, matrimo- ' niorum copulas, eorundem solutiones, divortia et repudia uxorum. ' . . . Nihil esse jam scelerum aut flagitiorum, quod non Romae • ' publice et in Pontificis domo committatur : superatos esse Scythas ' latrociniis, Poenos perfidia, immanitate et saevitia Nerones et ' Caios : nam caedes, rapinas, stupra et incestus referre, innumeri ' et infiniti prope operis fore. . . . Longum esset prosequi . . . M M 2 J22 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDEIEVAL PAPACY. PART Scythian love of plunder, the Carthaginian absence '. of faith, the cruelty of a Nero and Caligula were surpassed at Rome ; how murder, robbery, lust, and incest were things of every day occurrence ; how the Palace of St. Peter was thronged by prostitutes and pimps ; how brothels everywhere abounded ; how at a banquet given in the Lateran palace on the Festival of All Hallows, fifty of the most notorious courtesans were invited to take part ; how the Pontiff and his sons amused themselves by watching the loves of animals ; how indulgences were sold and the right of spoils, ostensibly in the prospect of a war with the Turks, but really as a means of gain ; and how the ancient lords of Latium were either murdered or ousted from their possessions in order that on their ruin the Pope's illegitimate offspring, when they had ' qui vel interfecti, vel vulnerati, vel vivi in Tiberim dejecti, aut '■ veneno consumpti sunt : . . . Nemo in urbe est etiam privatae ' fortunae, qui sibi et suis jam non timeat. Quis horrenda libi- ' dinum monstra enarrare non formidet, quae aperte jam in illius ^ domo et spreta Dei atque hominum reverentia committuntur ; ' quot stupra, quot incestus, quot filiorum et filiarum sordes, quot * per Petri palatium meretricum, quot lenonum greges atque con- ' cursus, prostibula atque lupanaria. Feria Novembris solennibus ' omnium Sanctorum caerimoniis dedicata quinquaginta meretrices ' urbanae ad convivium in palatium vocatae foedissimum et detes- ' tabilissimum spectaculum praebuere : et ut ad irritandum exem- * pla non deessent, actitata est sequentibus diebus in publicum ' spectaculum equa, quae spectante cum filiis Pontifice intromissos ' admissarios nimio Veneris ardore concitatos in furorem et rabiem ' converteret. . . . Pulsos esse sedibus veteres incolas, maximam ' urbis nobilitatem proscriptione atque exilio obligatam, antiquos ' Latii dominos suis fortunis et possessionibus privatos, ut ex ' eorum cladibus Pontificis eidem filii et nepotes, ex incestuoso * partu adhuc in cunis vagientes, ad regna et opes promoverentur.' SUCCESSORS OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. OJ hardly been born, might be raised to place and wealth, chap. The picture is not overdrawn. That conduct brought _J L_ its own retribution. Alexander fell a victim to the poison which he had prepared for a rich cardinal, in order to make himself master of his wealth. One other epoch in the history of the Papacy can (/) The alone compare with this in point of moral corrup- thf^ tion, — the epoch which set in after the extinction of ^'^P^^y- the Carolingians and which terminated with the 888-1046 appearance of Henry III. in Italy. Both epochs resemble one another in the position which they occupy in history. One came at the close of the age of growth ; the other at the close of the age of decline. Both epochs were forerunners of a change. Both stimulated re-action. With the last of the Carolingians ended the age of voluntary contract between the Popes and the Western emperors. From the night of corruption which followed emerged the Hildebrandian era, ushering in the age of the Pope's compulsory sovereignty. That sove- reignty had since then reached its zenith and de- clined. Now the night of moral corruption had again set in. When the day of the Reformation supervened, it found no longer the oid mediaeval Papacy existing and universally acknowledged, for the moral weight which formed its last prop was gone ; but it found the modern Papacy exercising a divided sway over a part of Europe, still high in its preten- sions, but those pretensions a shadow, since they were recognised by none but its voluntary adherents. The other feature which characterises the Me- (2) PoH- diaeval Papacy in the last years of its decline was its grada- tion. r^A LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. PART political degradation — a degradation consisting not '. merely in the loss of political influence, but in an inter- meddling in politics as a territorial princedom, on an equality with other petty principalities. Already {a) Paul Paul II., as Pope, had found it necessary to carry on Aiexan- ^n incessant negotiation with Ferdinand King of der VI. Naples, who desired a release from his feudal tribute. 1464-1503 In the latter years of his reign negotiations gave ^"^^^ place to open warfare. Innocent VIII. was involved 1492 in similar disputes. He carried on two wars with Ferdinand King of Naples, and brought forward the Duke of Lorraine as pretender to his crown. The attempts of Sixtus IV. and Alexander VI. to pro- cure principalities for their families had not placed the See of Rome in a better position. It appeared simply one among many smaller states seeking for increase of territory. It forfeited its old position as a supreme sovereign power. Its counterpart, the Empire, had shared the same fate. In short, Europe was no longer united either civilly or religiously. {li) jiiiiiis Its political degradation was, however, completed \j3 by Pope Julius II., who succeeded after the one 1503-1513 month's rule of Pius III.^ to the chair of St. Peter, tempts to and distinguished himself as much by his warlike ^^^^^r propensities as his predecessors had done by their luxury and vices. It was the intention of Julius II. to recover all that had belonged to the See in the time of Innocent III., to reduce the whole of the ^ Pius III. was elected September 22, 1503. He died October 18 of the same year. Labbe, xix. 535. Julius II. succeeded him, October 31, 1503, and died February 21, 15 13. His hfe, ibid. P- 535- recover Ro- mas'na. SC/CCESSOA'S OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. ^^5 Romao^na again to the papal dominion, including chap. Ravenna and Cervia although these had been pos- L_ sessed by the Venetians ^ for more than a century. The results of his intentions were a long series of complications, at the end of which the Pope appeared to have quenched the hostile spirit awakened at Constance and Basle, but had really only suppressed its display by entering into treaties with different princes.^ By lending his sanction to the principle of national Churches, Julius II. signed the death- warrant of his own sovereign power. In carrying out his projects, Julius II. soon met (3) Hos- with opposition from the powerful state of Venice. Venice. Perueia and Bologfna he had succeeded in wrestinof a.d. . . 1506 from their lords ; but Venice refused to surrender her conquests so readily. Accordingly, the league of Cambray was concluded against her by ]:he Pope, the emperor, the King of France, and the King of ^^^ 10, Aragon. In this league both the Pope and the ^5°^ emperor appear as national sovereigns on a level with other kings. The four contracting parties pledge themselves not to desist from war until • BoMBUS, Hist. Venet. lib. vii. p. 273 : Julius threatened the Venetians with the severest penalties ' nisi die praestituta non ' Faventiam modo atque Ariminum, sed Ravennam quoque Cer- ' viamque sibi tradiderint : quae quidem oppida centum ferme * annos in reipublicae imperio fuerant, neque uUus ea Pontifex * Maximus in dubium revocaverat, quin jure a republica posside- * rentur.' 2 Thus the League of Cambray was concluded December 10, 1508, between the Pope, the emperor, the Kings of France and Aragon against Venice. Raynald, 1509, No. 4. In October 151 1 Julius concluded a close alliance with Venice and Spain. r'>5 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY, PART Ravenna, Cervia, Faventia, and Rimini had been '. recovered for the Pope ; until Verona, Padua, and several other cities beside the Patriarchate of Aqui- leia had been restored to the emperor; until the King of France had obtained Brescia, Bergomo, and the ancient holdings of the dukedom of Milan ; and the King of Aragon had secured possession of Brundisi, Otranto, and other parts of the kingdom of Naples which the Venetians had also appro- priated. (y) Hos- Soon Julius II. relented. In his anxiety to gain France, power for himself in Italy, he found that he was inviting a foreign foe into the country. Alarmed by the success attending the French arms, his forgive- ness was readily accorded to Venice ; ^ and he next entered into a treaty with Venice to oppose the French and their ally, Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara. In acting thus he appeared, not in the dignified position of an arbiter, but in that of a local prince, intent upon personal aggrandisement. And this view was actually taken of the case by Louis XII. July lo, of France and the emperor. When Julius invested Ferdinand the Catholic with the sole dominion of Naples, declaring that the French king had forfeited his claim to that principality, Louis XII., following Sept. 1510 the example of Philip the Fair, convened a national council at Tours, at which it was decided that the king might invade the states of the Church, and renounce . ^^ allegiance to a Pope who acted unjustly.^ When the 1 5 10 1 February 20, 15 10. 2 The Council of Tours was held September 15 10, and replied SUCC£SSO/^:S OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 537 I5I3 Pope issued a sentence of condemnation against the chap. Duke of Ferrara, even Germany presented a long L_ list of gravamina, and threatened to follow the ex- ample of France, and to enact a Pragmatic Sanction. But nothing could bend the obdurate Julius II., set on establishing the territorial sovereignty of the Pope in Italy. When, therefore, the King of France and the emperor summoned a general council at Plsa,^ a.d. Julius II. retorted by convoking a Lateran Council at ^ ■ | ^^^^ Rome,^ which continued to sit for several years, and by concluding a closer alliance than before with Venice and Spain. The success which now attended the cause of {c)LcoX. Julius II. only display, in a still clearer light, the decline of the Pope's international power. For successful Julius undoubtedly was. By the arms of the Swiss the French were driven from Italy ; the emperor declared himself on the side of the Pope ; ^ the Pragmatic Sanction was condemned,'^ to the questions proposed to it as follows, Labbe, xix. 557. The first question : ' An liceat Papae bellum inferre Principibus tem- * poralibus, in terris quae non sunt de patrimonio Ecclesiae ? ' it replied : ' Conclusum fuit unanimiter per concilium", Papam nee ' posse, nee debere.' To the second question : 'An liceat Prin- ' cipi defendenti se, suaque, non solum propulsare armis ejusmodi * injuriam, sed etiam invadere terras ecclesiae possessas a papa * notorio hoste suo ? ' it replied : ' Principem hoc posse.' To the third question : 'An ob tale odium notorium et aggressionem ' injustam, liceat taU principi se subtrahere ab obedientia hujus- ' modi pontificis . . . ? ' it gave an affirmative answer. ' Concil. Pisan. September 151 1, Labbe, xix. 562. 2 The Acts, ibid. p. 666. 3 See the Mandatum Maximiliani, September i, 15 12, ibid. P- 732. '* At Sessio iv. the Monitorium contra Pragmaticam, ibid. p. 750. --^3 LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. PART and the whole reahn of France was placed under ex- '— communication. To serve his own ends, Louis XII. even went so far as to give in his adherence to the Lateran Council, and to abrogate the Pragmatic Sanc- tion.^ But it was only an act of temporary policy done at the accession of a new Pope by a weak king, and intended to produce a better feeling between two courts, neither of which any longer regarded the other except as in the light of an equal. Two years A.D. 1515 later Francis I. came to the throne ; and entered Italy with irresistible force. Leo X., more prudent than his predecessor, Julius, concluded a treaty of Oct. 13, peace with him without delay ; and the Pope and the king, meeting as two equal sovereigns, drew up a concordat, by which they shared between them the ancient liberties of the Gallican Church.^ The rising ^ Mandatum Regis Francorum in Labbe, xix. 832, October 1513- 2 Promulgated by Leo X. in 15 16 at Sessio xi. in the Bull: Primitiva ilia ecclesia, Labb^, xix. 948. The following are the chief points in the concordat, ibid. p. 950, d : ' Quod cathedra- ' libus et metropolitanis ecclesiis in regno ... ad electionem seu ' postulationem futuri praelati procedere non possint : sed illarum ' occurrente hujusmodi vacatione, rex Franciae pro tempore exist- ' ens unum gravem Magistrum seu Licentiatum in theologia, aut ' in utroque, seu in altero jurium doctorem, ... in universitate ' famosa . . . et in vigesimo septimo suae aetatis anno ad minus '■ constitutum . . . infra sex menses a die vacationis ecclesiarum ' earumdem computandos, nobis et successoribus nostris Romanis ' pontificibus, . . . sedi praedictae nominare . . . Ibid. p. 952, b: ' Volumus quoque et ordinamus quod in regno praedicto . . . de ' cetero non dentur aliquae gratiae exspectativae, ac speciales ' vel generales reservationes ad vacatura beneficia. Statuimus ' insuper, quod ordinarus collator in unaquaque cathedrali . . . ' canonicatum ac praebendam theologialem inibi consistentem, Si^CCESSORS OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 539 freedom of the laity was thereby crushed ; the Pope chap. recovered most of his ancient power. Nevertheless, '- sion. at that very moment the Pope was little more than a dependent Italian sovereign. The privileges which he gained at Bologna were not obtained by the moral compulsion which the Papacy had exercised in the days of its greatness, but by the voluntary grant of the French king, Francis I. The grant was an act of policy, intended to serve the private ends of a monarch who was prepared to make con- cessions to the venerable but powerless grandeur of the Papacy, in return for gaining a greater power himself Thus was the work of Gregory VII., of Inno- Condu- cent III., and of Boniface VIII. undone; and the See of Rome deprived of the place it once had ' conferre teneatur uni Magistro . . . seu Baccalaureo formato in * Theologia.' The decree of the Council of Basle is here repeated (see Chap. xv. p. 504, note ^) : ' Praefatique ordinarii . . . ultra dic- ' tarn praebendam theologalem . . . tertiam partem omnium dig- * nitatum . . . viris literatis, graduatis et per universitates nomi- ' natis hoc modo, videlicet primo mense post praesentium accep- ' tationem . . . graduatis hujusmodi, qui literas suorum graduum ' cum tempore studii debite insinuaverint, conferre teneantur. ' Beneficia vero quae in duobus sequentibus mensibus vacare con- ' tigerit . . . personis idoneis libere conferre . . . possint.' Ibid, p. 955, c : ' Statuimus quoque, quod parochiales ecclesiae in civi- ' tatibus aut villis muratis existentes non nisi personis modo prae- ' misso qualificatis . . . conferantur.' Ibid, e : ' Statuimus quo- * que et ordinamus, quod quilibet Romanus Pontifex semel dum- ' taxat sui pontificatus literas in forma mandati . . . dare possit. ' . . .' Other articles refer to appellations, to the peaceable pos- session of benefices, to the concubinage of the clergy, to those excommunicate, to the use of the interdict, to the forms of resign- ing benefices, to the duration of the concordat. AQ LAST YEARS OF THE MEDIAEVAL PAPACY. PART held. The poHtlcal supremacy of the Popes, after ' growhig from the time of Gregory I. to that of Innocent III., had been swept away during their residence at Avignon. Their ecclesiastical supre- macy was on the decline, and, since the Great Schism and the independent Councils of Constance and Basle, had only been upheld by extraneous support. Their moral influence too was gone, the court having become a scandal to Christendom. Once more they were reduced to the position of patriarchs of the West ; but not for long. The vices of Rome were too enormous ; the abuses to which she leant her countenance were too crying. Already, whilst Leo X. and Francis I. were partitioning between themselves the liberties of the Gallican Church, the day of up- heaval was at hand. Disgusted with her political intrigues, repulsed by her presumptuous intolerance, and smarting under the oppression of her avarice and extortions, the Teutonic nations emancipated themselves from the fetters which she had forged ; and their indignation, when it did burst forth, was long and loud. Vitiated and corrupted, Rome lost her old place as head of the Western Patriarchate ; many of her adherents renouncing henceforth her connection altogether. In acting thus, they no doubt consulted their own interests, perhaps yielding to inevitable circumstances ; but certainly they com- mitted an act full of sad consequences for Europe. The Papacy thenceforth became simply an Italian power, to which those nations only w^ho so willed gave in their allegiance. On the other hand, the denial of its claims led to a re-action in its favour, and SUCCESSORS OF AENEAS SYLVIUS. 541 a wild enthusiasm in its supporters, unable to dis- chap. ^ ^ XVI. tinguish between the present and the past. From them it has caught the note of exultation, and, con- tinually excluding the greater and more independent minds, the modern Papacy has advanced its claims in proportion as its power diminished, and sought, by keeping those whom It still possesses in the most abject state of spiritual slavery, to prevent further defection from its ranks. But all to no purpose. Like the Empire, It has survived for centuries after its real work was over; like the Empire, its final doom appears to be Impending in some sudden revolution, which will obliterate it for ever. Mean- time it lives like the venerable trunk of a decaying oak, braving the storm for centuries ; Its life spared, not from its own intrinsic strength, defying the teeth of time, but from a respect (which who would not feel ?) for its hoary antiquity, and all the hallowed associations which gather about its name. For to the Papacy in its earlier days Europe owed and still owes a debt, which should never be forgotten nor ignored under the smart of subsequent extravagances. To Rome she owes the zeal which once visited this continent when covered with forests and marshes, the abode of bison and elk, tenanted by ignorant barba- rians, worshipping Odin and Thor, and Frigga and Tiu. To Rome she owes the elements of civilisation, and the curbing of the fiercer spirits which once reigned supreme, the diffusion of a gentler spirit over her life, and her training for future greatness. 5^2 THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMEH^E. CHAPTER XVII. THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. (1303— 1515.) Et erwit signa in sole, et htna, ct sicUis, et in terris pressiira gentiiun prae confiisione sonittis maris ctfiticUntvi. — Luc. xxi. 25. TH tl PART ^ I ^HE two centuries which intervened between the death of Boniface VIII. and the election sition ' of Leo X. wcre critical centuries for the ties which ^CAwif"^ connected the Church and the State. At the death (i) Inter- national of Boniface VIII., the idea of the Holy Empire or the Imperial Catholic Church still existed, partially ^o7thT^ realised ; at the election of Leo X. all reality had Pope and passed away ; and thenceforth it only exercised suffi- Emperor. ^ , ....... cient strength to produce among the dividea nations of Europe national churches, imitating the example of the great Imperial Church of the Middle Ages. Those two centuries were therefore a period of transition. When they began, the emperor was the only great sovereign of Europe ; when they closed, he had been reduced to the rank of a German king. When they began, the Pope was the supreme eccle- siastical sovereign of the West ; when they ended, the Pope had come down to the level of an Italian bishop, obliged to rely on foreigners for the security of his own domains, and to make concessions to his TRANSITION PERIOD. -.^ 54j adherents, in order to be sure of their allegiance. The chap. age in which the Pope and emperor were sovereigns L_ of the West, was fast passing into the age in which they were only national sovereigns. The old order was passing away to give rise to a new order of things. Well, therefore, may this epoch be described as the epoch of the international position of the Papacy and the Empire ; both having ceased to be supreme sovereigns of Christendom, neither having as yet become simply national powers, but each exercising over other sovereigns an influence resting on prestige rather than on the power of compulsion. For whilst the belief in the Empire and the {a) Sense Papacy was by no means extinct, circumstances Thdrposi- were separating the inhabitants of Europe into dis- ^^^//^^^^ tinct nations, and calling into being national churches ^lational. to correspond with these nations. Growing up in proportion as the Empire and the Papacy declined ; rising even to power by wresting their prerogatives ; these nations henceforth claimed sovereign powers for themselves, whilst they continued for some centuries to look up with feelings of reverence to the emperor and the Pope, and even allowed their conciliatory intervention in cases which could not be otherwise settled. In short, the emperor and the Pope were recognised as international powers ; their further claims were disallowed. Unfortunately, they could not rest satisfied with this position. As their power diminished, their pretensions increased, and the Pon- tiff, who was himself the most abject minion of a French king, claimed the right to dispose of the 544 THE BREAKING UP OE THE HOLY EMPIRE. PART III. [b) Policy an evi- dence of their position. Roman Empire,^ just as the most contemptible of all the emperors '^ lent himself to the project of deposing two rival Popes. The loss of absolute supremacy on the part of both the Pope and the emperor may be best seen by looking at the instrument which both now began to employ, and which is a clear sign of an equal dealing with an equal, if not of an inferior dealing wdth a superior. Policy was their watchword. By policy they now endeavoured to secure what formerly they had obtained by an exercise of power. From the time of Henry VII., policy was the leading cha- racteristic of the Empire, as it was of the Papacy from the time of Clement V. The concessions of Benedict XI. were made under the influence of policy, quite as much as were those of Charles IV.^ to obtain the electoral votes, or those of Frederic III. to obtain the papal coronation.^ The whole history of the Popes since their residence at Avignon has been seen to be involved in considerations of policy, of which Pius II. is a striking illustration. Julius II. distinguished himself for his unscrupulous diplomacy. * Clement V. in his Bull, dated March 21, 13 14, Raynald, ad an. 1314, No. 2 (quoted by Gies. vol. iv. sec. 98, p. 18) : ' Nos, *■ ad quos Romani vacantis Imperii regnum pertinere dignoscitur, * attendentes, quam avide Italiae partes, praesertim quae ad Im- ' perium ipsum pertinent, rectorem exigant, . . . tu de fratrum ' nostrorum consilio in partibus ipsis . . . vicarium in tempora- * libus usque ad sedis apostolicae beneplacitum constituimus * generalem,' etc. 2 Wenceslaus. See Gies. vol. iv. sec. 106, p. iii. 3 See Gies. vol. iv. sec. 100, p. 62. * Ibid. sec. 133, p. 348. TRAXSITION PERIOD. ^At And the emperors, bound to respect tlie immunities chap. of their electors, and thwarted in every attempt to recover their lost rights or lands, could only by fol- lowing a similar course, and trusting to policy, either obtain the dignity at all, or indemnify themselves when elected for the difficulties of election. Whilst the Popes and the emperors were thus placed in the same situation, the latter, crippled by ^ ip , the conditions Imposed at their election, and not of both as quite so unscrupulous as their ecclesiastical rivals, national withdrew from this strange position, and confined ^^'^''^^' themselves exclusively to the government of Ger- many. Not so the Popes, who still aspired to uni- versal sovereignty. But whilst this position gave to the Popes a better opportunity of acting as inter- national judges, the condition of the Papacy gave them all the less chance of success. At one time they were denizens In a foreign country ; then the Papacy was distracted by a schism ; again it was at w^ar with councils called to heal the schism, and then sunk in indifference and vice ; until men turned away from the Popes with disgust, as they turned away from the emperors with pity. They found the tribunals, which should have been international In secular and religious matters, either unable or un- willing to busy themselves with disputes between the rising nations of Europe, and hence they were thrown back on themselves. Political disputes had to be fought out on the battle field, and religious disputes In the field of books ; each nation, mean- time, settled for itself its constitution and religious creed. N N all tics and na- tional Churches. C.5 THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. PART The consolidation of distinct nations, and the rise "^' of national Churches, went hand in hand together ; ^of^mtion- and although both these processes were not com- pleted until the end of the fifteenth century, still, in the two preceding centuries, they were going on, and nearing completion. Out of the ruins of the Holy Empire the political distinctions of Modern Europe have grown. Out of those same ruins national Churches have been developed, and were being developed, long before the actual crisis came. Already, during the residence of the Popes at Avignon, France appears as a distinct nation, giving a bias to the papal policy. England, too, had sepa- rated herself from connection with her continental cousins under Edward I.^ In the time of Huss, the University of Prague was divided into four nations, the Bohemian, the Bavarian, the Saxon, and the Polish. The Great Schism brings before us Scotland and England, Germany and Denmark, Poland, Spain, Naples and France, as separate peoples ; and the ecclesiastical, as well as the political separation of these race-groups, was displayed and sanctioned at the Council of Constance by the method of voting there adopted. Still it would be a mistake to con- sider either nations or national Churches as having, in those two centuries, anything like their modern distinctness. They were nearer to the time when there was no distinction in the great ecclesiastical ^ The best criterion of nationality is language ; and the earliest book in the modern English language is The Vision of William coficerfii?ig Fie?'s the Flowffian, written by William Langland about 1377- TRANSITION PERIOD. 547 XVII. society of Jew or Greek, barbarian or Scythian, and ciiAr. when local jealousies had not as yet widened Into national exclusiveness. The Papacy still acted as a bond of union uniting all in one fold ; the Empire still shed the softening rays of its influence over all. The two events, which put an end to this state of (3) transition, and ushered in the modern world, were the capture of Constantinople and the Renaissance. Breaking up of Latin Christ- Both happened almost at the close of the fifteenth ^^^'^^ty ^^ , . . and the century. Their effect was hardly felt till the begin- Roman r ^ -r* 1 • • Empire nmg of the next century. But their importance ^^ cannot be over-estimated. The capture of Constan- (^) ^^P- ^ ^ iure of tinople, little as It may seem to be connected with Constan- the West, was, nevertheless, most significant, as marking the end of the Roman Empire. That Empire had continued to live on, long after its government had been removed to Constantinople ; upholding on new ground the pretensions of the old world ; encircled with a halo of former glory, which was reflected in Its Western counterpart, and which in a great measure secured to the Western Empire a new life when transplanted to German soil. The fall of Constantinople showed that the end of that Empire was come ; it showed that the Latin spirit of centralised organisation was setting in the East ; it was the harbinger of its setting in the West. It broke the spell, which the name of Roman Empire had for centuries wielded in Germany. Supposed to be everlasting, to be coextensive with the world, to have the especial support of God, one part of that Empire had nevertheless come to an end in the East Might not the same happen to the other part 548 THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. PART In the West, where undeniable marks of decline '- could be already discernible ? Few may have been so far-seeing as to suggest an event which did not take place until the year 1806. Yet, even the Western Empire was now no longer what it had been. {b) Rcvi- Connected with the fall of Constantinople, and, in letters. a great measure, helped on thereby (thanks to the Greek refugees who fled to Europe before the victo- rious arms of the Turks), was the revival of Greek learning. Not that in itself that learning or that culture was better than what Germany already possessed. For was not the mythology of the north- ern nations quite as elaborate as that of Greece, breathing too far nobler ideas, and far grander lessons of morality ? The German who had his Niebelungen Lied could dispense with Homer. The races who could rear the fantastic and graceful piles of a Gothic cathedral could gain nothing from the architecture of Greece. The monuments of eru- dition left by the great schoolmen show capacities and powers quite on a par with those of Aristotle and Plato. Nevertheless, the revival of the ancient learning was important. And it was chiefly import- ant for this reason, because it introduced the Euro- pean nations to a wholly new phase of thought. Possessed themselves of the greatest capacities, as the works of the schoolmen prove, they were yet In a state of thraldom to Latin forms of thought. Their capacities were employed In elaborating the ideas, which had descended to them from Rome, not in the free development of the ideas which they PARALLELISM BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. 549 carried In embryo in themselves. Such had been chap. the effect of training, and of the yoke imposed on '— them by Rome, that the current topics of thought seemed to them not to be the ideas belonging to one race only, but to be the only ideas possible ; in short, to be ideas possessing a real existence ; not to be mere creations of their minds, but to be absolute realities. Great, then, must have been the effect on their feelings, when they were brought face to face w^ith new ideas, many of which contradicted all that they had looked upon as real, and which, as being real, they had invested with the sanction of religion. Staggering under the surprise of the discovery, they were at first plunged in a state of uncertainty and doubt, but in the end they recovered from this state of mental indisposition, to find that notions which they had formerly believed to be real were only Latin modes of thought, just as the new introduced notions were only notions peculiar to the region of Greek thought. The long-slumbering, long-sup- pressed self-consciousness of the Teutonic mind awoke. The sway of Latin Christianity in the West was at an end. A new spirit began to reform the Church. Nothing more clearly illustrates the nature of the B. Paral- Holy Empire, or the Imperial Church, which con- tuehis- tinued to exist, even In decline until the sixteenth ^^J,,p{yg century, than the parallelism which may be observed '^1^'^ in the history of Its two heads. Yet such a parallel- (i) Both ism might well be expected, when It Is borne In y>.^;,^' ^ mind that the double headships sprang from one and ^^"/I'J^^^ the same source. For was not the Imperial head- 550 THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. PART ship a Roman institution, an attempt to make the '- — Roman Empire live over again, transplanted to the forests of Germany ? Was it not based on the claim of Rome to be mistress of the world ? And did not the papal headship rest on the same ground, being likewise a Roman institution, and the ecclesi- astical counterpart to the other ? Both headships were, therefore, of foreign origin ; both were Institu- tions which had come from the South, and. In com- ine, had brouoht with them innumerable benefits — Christian civilisation, political order, regular govern- ment. Both had risen to power, each by the help of the other, and having risen had struggled for the supremacy. And yet, after all, supremacy had per- manently fallen to the lot of neither, although for a time it had fallen to the one to which it was most due, the Papacy. For without the Papacy there would have been no Western Empire. Without the Papacy there would have been neither civilisation nor Chris- tianity. To a certain extent, therefore, the haughty language of Innocent III. was true, that the Empire had been taken away from the Greeks and given to the Germans, in the person of Charles, by the favour of the Popes.^ Not that anything new had been given to him, but the allegiance of the West ; still the instrument through which that allegiance had been given was the Papacy. 1 Innocent III. Ep. xviii. in Regest. super negot. imp. : ' Verum ' ad apostolicam sedem jampridem fuerat recurrendum, ad quam * negotium istud principaliter et finaliter dinoscitur pertinere ; * principaliter, quia ipsa transtulit imperium ab oriente in occiden- ' tern ; finaliter, quia ipsa concedit coronam imperii.' PARALLELISM BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. ^ cr i The parallelism between the Pope and the em- chap. peror is fully recognised by Dante, who was himself ' ^^^' the first to attack the exorbitant claims of Boniface 'f}iil^/i'ye- VIII. In his treatise * De Monarchia ' the rela- <^^^snised by Dante. tions of the Imperial and Papal power are care- fully examined, and the passages to which the advo- cate of papal supremacy appeals are otherwise ex- plained.^ Both the sun and the moon, the favourite symbols of the Double Headship, existed, he argues, before man's creation, and cannot therefore serve as types of the governing powers of human society. But if they are used as types, he asks, why should not the temporal power be aided by the spiritual, as well as bestow aid upon it, since the moon receives neither her being nor her light from the sun, but only so much as makes her more effective. Nor can the two swords, the power of binding and loosing, given to St. Peter, be used with any more justice as arguments for the Pope's supremacy, since, when rightly explained, they do not bear this meaning. In short, the whole idea is one which must not be pressed. There is a parallelism between the Church and the Empire, but it is more of a parallelism than a fusion of the two into one. In tracing some instances of the parallelism be- (3) in- tween the Empire and the Papacy, it may, perhaps, paraUd- be as well first to draw attention to what in itself ^^"^' {a) Niim- seems an unimportant thing; the fact, viz., that both ber of the Pope and the emperor were not one but a multi- plicity of crowns — the Pope, the triple tiara, the See Bryce's Holy Rojnan Empire, xv. 294. ^D' THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. FART emperor three crowns, to which a fourth was subse- . ; quently added by Conrad II. In itself, the use of several crowns may seem a small thing, but in the Middle Ages, when a great importance was attached to symbols and symbolical acts, it was otherwise. Then the w^earing a double or treble crown was an assertion of a higher dignity for the wearer. Thus the three crowns of the emperor, wdiich, according to the old writers, w^ere of silver, iron, and gold, denote his authority over Germany, Italy, and the Empire. They were conferred at Aachen, Monza, and Rome respectively.^ All three were in use at the beginning of the Hildebrandian era. But wdth the papal tiara it was otherwise. Until the time of Boniface VIII., the Pope wore one crown only; Boniface VIII. added a second ; and Urban V., some sixty years later, added a third.^ In the time of their greatest power, thr Popes had not required these symbols of ascendency, which in their case, too, had no historical associations; but with their declining power, the corresponding- symbols of pretension were likewise assumed that they might not seem below the emperor. {b)Cottm- About the decline of their power a parallelism may dediiie. ^Iso be observed. The long interregnum in Germany, which terminated with the election of Rudolph of Hapsburg, marks the fall at once of the papal power in Germany and of the imperial power in * A fourth crown, that of Burgundy, was only taken by four emperors. On the use of the others see a short sketch in Bryce's Holy Roma?i Empire, appendix, p. 445. 2 See the article Tiara in Pugin's Glossary of Ecdcsiasticac Decoration. PARALLELISM BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. rr^ Italy. Gregory X. compelled the recognition of chap. Rudolph. The further pretensions of the Popes to J the Vicariate of the Empire, stated by Clement V. in the most offensive terms/ the Germans never ad- mitted. Already under the Pontificate of Boniface VIII. signs of decline appeared in the papal heaven, and with his death and the residence of the Popes at Avignon, that decline grew apace. But not less a.d. 1303 marked were the signs of decline in the Emipire from the time of Rudolph of Hapsburg, who owed the security of his throne to the influence of the Pope.^ After the death of Henry VII., the decline was marked and rapid. If the political supremacy of the Popes was at an end after the death of Boniface VIII., the power of the emperors beyond Germany, 1313 even their supremacy in Germany, was at an end after that of Henry VII. The same circumstances had caused the contemporary growth of the Empire and the Papacy ; the change of those circumstances now caused them to decline together. Nor was it wholly accidental that, in the history (c)DoudU of the Papacy and the Empire, events should have ^ ^"-^^^'^^^ occurred, so nearly resembling one another, as the double elections to the Empire and the double elec- tions to the Papacy. No sooner had Frederic II. by two Pragmatic Sanctions, in a.d. 1220 and 1232, confirmed the customary rights usurped by the bishops and nobles, and recognised their legal sovereignty in their own towns and districts, except * See note 2, p. 420. 2 Bryce's Holy Romaji Empire, xiii. 236. cr^ THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. PART when the emperor was present, than Germany was ' distracted by the double election of Richard of Eng- land, and Alfonso of Castile. Thus division fol- lowed on the loss of political supremacy in the Empire, and might probably have continued long, but for the intervention of one at that time greater than the emperors. Frederic of Austria claimed the imperial crown in opposition to the Emperor Lewis IV. ; Gunther of Schwartzburg was the rival of Charles IV. ; even Sigismund had a rival in Jobst of Moravia. The same lot befell the Papacy ; the Great Schism of the West followed as soon as the Popes had forfeited their political supremacy by their residence at Avignon ; it continued for thirty- nine years ; nor was the division ended but by the Intervention of a power which aspired to be greater than the Papacy itself. {(T) Rise This new power, which rose to control the iocracy, Popes, came from none other quarter than the hier- archy itself, from the higher spiritual nobility or the College of Cardinals, and the ecclesiastical commons assembled in a General Council. The two bear a close resemblance to the powers which reduced the Empire to the higher nobility and the representatives of those lower in rank. Both were assertions of liberty by the people against sovereigns claiming to be despotic. Both were Indications of the growth of the Teutonic spirit against the absolute thraldom of Rome. At an earlier time — in the twelfth century — the emperor himself, In his struggles with the Pope, had appeared as the representative of German freedom ; now, in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- PARALLELISM BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. 555 turies, the same spirit of freedom had passed from chap. the emperor to the magnates both of the Empire — — and the Church. When the sixteenth century ar- rived, it had reached the great mass of the people, and when it had spread amongst them, it gave rise to a thoroughly national movement, the result of which was the Reformation. In the Empire, the greatest change was intro- duced in the two centuries following the thirteenth, by the growing power of the great electoral princes.^ ("0 Elcc- The Empire was, in fact, being accommodated to tors and the German notions of limited monarchy. But when f^^^)^^ dinals, \ 1 Leo VIII. had conferred upon Otto I., an. 963, the privilege of appointing his own successors in the empire, see Chap. V. Gregory V., an. 996, appears to have transferred this privilege from the emperor to the princes of Germany, including under princes all the bishops, dukes, and counts of the empire. The letter of Gregory VII. lib. iv. Ep. iii. an. 1076, Labb^, xii. 381, inviting a new election, is addressed ' Omnibus dilectis in Christo ' fratribus, et coepiscopis, ducibus, comitibus, universis quoque ' fidem Christianam defendentibus, in regno videlicet Teutonico ' habitantibus.' These princes appear to have continued to enjoy the right of election (the privilege belonging to all the ecclesiasti- cal and lay feudatories of the empire) until the time of Innocent III. an. 1198 ; and Frederic II. was actually elected by this body in 1 2 18. The Council of Lyons, however, under Innocent IV. June 1245, which deposed Frederic II., has a passage naming seven electors, viz. : . . J Dux Austriae. \ Dux Bavariae. {Dux Saxonum. Dux Brabantiae qui et Lovaniae. r Archiepiscopus Coloniensis ^ Praelati < Archiepiscopus Mogimtinus > Principales. L Salzburgensis J It continues : ' Isti ducentur in insulam quandam Rheni, et dimit- ' tentur soli in ea, et amovebuntur omnes naviculae, et ibi tracta- 556 THE BREAKING UP OF THE HOLY EMPIRE. PART It had been thus accommodated, it resembled its '- — ancient type in nothing else but in name, and in the dignity of an empty precedence which that name secured to its possessor. It was the German em- peror, Frederic II., who first deprived it of its A.D. I220 sovereignty, by his two Pragmatic Sanctions, and "^' soon the great nobles of the Empire, the seven 1265 electors, as they are first emphatically called in a Bull of Pope Innocent IV., became almost independent sovereigns, encroaching on its privileges till hardly anything was left. By the Golden Bull of the Emperor Charles IV., the rights and privileges of these seven electors were fully settled, and themselves elevated 1356 to be a supreme tribunal in the Empire. To the Archbishop of Mainz was given the presidency of the electoral college. Next after him came the two Archbishops of Trier and Cologne. The first place ' bunt de election e imperatoris. Nee adveniat aliquis ad eos, ' donee sint Concordes. Huic negotio praeerit archiepiscapus ' Coloniensis, secundus Moguntinus, tertius Salzburgiensis.' The Electoral College of Seven, therefore, may be said to date from the Council of Lyons. A change was made in its constituent parts either by Innocent IV., after the Council of Lyons, or by Alexander IV. before the year 1256. Martinus Polonus, living under Innocent IV., gives the following lines : Moguntinensis, Trevirensis, Coloniensis, Quilibet imperii sit Cancellarius horum. Est Palatinus dapifer. Dux \Saxoniae\ portitor ensis, Marchio \^BrandejibHrge?isis] praepositus camerae, pincerna Bohemus, Hi statuunt Dominum cunctis per saecula summum. See the discussion in Labbe, xi. 1022, ad an. 996, and Thomas Aquinas, Ve Reg. Princip. lib. iii. ch. xix. PARALLELISM BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. ^7 55/ amono^ the secular electors was allotted to the \\.\\\r to re-divide all property. Aimed directly at the Q Q f • id) Ihsh?-' rection attributed to his 296 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. PART higher orders, as appears from the well-known text '. upon which its adherents preached — When Adam dalfe and Eve span, Who was then a gentleman ? this Insurrection may have been caused by the dislike still felt among- the Saxon peasants for their Norman conquerors — a dislike which the licentiousness and oppression of Edward III.'s reign had intensified, and which had been brought to a head on the occasion of the preaching of the Poor Priests. Cer- tain it is that Wycliffe and his Poor Priests were not directly the cause of it, although there was, no doubt, much of a levelling character In their teaching. Their tenet, too, that the right to enjoy property depends upon grace, was politically most dangerous. Nevertheless, to the enemies of Wycliffe the insur- rection came most opportunely ; it was set down as the result of his teaching, and the new Archbishop [e) of Canterbury, William Courtney, whose predecessor, doctrines Simon Sudbury, had been murdered in the Insur- ^f^' rection, proceeded vigorously against him. Censured by the University, Wycliffe appealed to Parliament.-^ He prayed that all persons should be left free to adopt without molestation the law of Christ alone ; that all who had unreasonably condemned the whole counsel given by Christ, should be corrected on account of so gross an error ; that tithes and obla- tions should be given and devoted to the end which God's law had determined ; and that Christ's doc- ^ Lewis' Life, p. 84. REACTION IN ENGLAND. 597 trine of the Holy Supper should be pubHcIy taught chap. in churches. ^ But this appeal appears to have been of little use. a.d. 138^ On May 1 7, a council was convened at London ^ by Archbishop Courtney, which, owing to its proceedings being interrupted by an earthquake, Wycliffe deri- sively called the Earthquake Council. A number of Wycliffe's propositions referring to the Lord's » See the Acts, Labb^, xv. 951. The council condemned ten conclusiones haereticae and fourteen conclusiones erroneae. Among the former are these : '(i) quod substantia panis mate- riaUs et vini maneat post consecrationem in sacramento altaris ; (2) quod accidentia non maneant sine subjecto post consecra- tionem in eodem sacramento ; (3) quod Christus non sit in sacramento altaris identice, vere, et realiter in propria praesentia corporali ; (4) quod, si episcopus vel sacerdos existat in peccato mortali non ordinat, conficit, nee baptizat ; (5) quod si homo fuerit debite contritus, omnis confessio exterior est sibi superflua et inutilis ; (6) pertinaciter asserere non esse fundatum in evan- gelio, quod Christus missam ordinaverit ; (7) quod Deus debet obedire diabolo ; (8) quod si Papa sit praestigiator et malus homo, ac per consequens membrum diaboli, non habet potes- tatem supra fideles Christi ab aliquo sibi datam, nisi forte a Caesare ; (9) quod post Urbanum VI. non est aHquis recipien- dus in Papam . . . ; (10) asserere, quod est contra scripturam, quod viri ecclesiastici habeant possessiones temporales.' Among the latter are these: '(i) quod nullus praelatus debet aliquem excommunicare, nisi prius ipsum sciat esse excommunicatum a Deo ; (5) asserere, quod liceat alicui, etiam diacono vel presby- tero, praedicare verbum Dei absque auctoritate sedis Apostolicae vel episcopi catholici ; (6) asserere, quod nuHus est dominus civilis, nullus est episcopus, nullus est praelatus, dum est in pec- cato mortali ; (8) quod decimae sint purae eleemosynae, et quod parochiani possint propter peccata suorum curatorum eos deti- nere, et ad libitum aliis conferre ; (9) quod speciales orationes applicatae uni personae . . . non plus prosunt . . . quam gene- rales orationes ; (13) quod fratres teneantur per laborem manuum et non per mendicationem, victum suum acquirers' 598 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. PART III. (3) The 7iatioiial viove- inent after Wycliffe. A.D. Dec. 30, 1384 Statutes U7ider Richard 11. Supper, to the limits of the ecclesiastical and the civil power, to the duties of a clergyman, to the secularisation of the Church, and to the papal dignity, were here condemned; and King Richard II. was induced by the archbishop to issue a command, ordering all persons who taught Wycllffe's doctrines to be placed under arrest, and to address letters patent to the Chancellor of the University, by virtue of which Wycliffe was expelled from its precincts, and retired to Lutterworth. The two last years of Wycllffe's life were spent in retirement at Lutterworth, where he died in peace on Sylvester Eve In the year 1384. Yet, after his death, and during the whole reign of Richard II., the opposi- tion to the Papacy, which he had headed, continued to go on. In 1389 the bishops were forbidden to levy the Imposition required by the Pope from the clergy without the consent of the King and Parliament ; and in 1392 the Statute of Praemunire was passed, renewing the enactments of the statute of 1353 against all men who endeavoured to obtain at the Roman Court translations, processes, or sentences of excommunication, and asserting the freedom of the crown of England from submission to the Pope and its immediate dependence on God only.^ Indeed, this statute was greatly needed at the time, since the French king and the Emperor were both Intriguing to put an end to the Schism, and each hoped to raise up a minion Pope to serve his own private ends. Thus, in England first the antagonism be- ^ See Appendix II. p. 462. REACTION IN BOHEMIA. coq tweeii Church and State was developed to an open chap. rupture. At Its root lay, no doubt, the growth of ^ national feeling and the assertion of Teutonic free- dom ; but it was occasioned by the political degra- dation of the Popes at Avignon, and a fear lest France might use the Pope as an instrument of political dominion. After first appearing openly in (b) The England, it was there soon afterwards suppressed mentin under the reigns of Henry IV. and succeeding sove- ^^Ji^fer'the reiorns, until that of Henry VH. ; not because the ^ouse of Teutonic spirit of independence was under those ter. sovereigns less active in England than before, but because the House of Lancaster was obliged to conciliate the hierarchy with the view of obtaining its support for the throne which it had usurped. When at length, after eighty-seven years of domestic trouble, the rival claims of the Houses of York a.d. . I 399- I 486 and Lancaster were adjusted by the marriage of Henry VH. with the heiress of York, then the antagonism between the Latin and the German spirit again manifested itself, this time resulting in an absolute and final rupture with the Pope. No very long time elapsed before this event came about; the circumstances of the reign of Henry VHL supplied the occasion. Nor was the antagonism between Church and B. PoUti- cal rcfor- State, which the Wycllffite movement brought to viathm in light, confined to England. In Bohemia it was also , f '!^/|''^* active, and produced in that country a similar political movc- reformation. To this reformation neither Mihtz miHonal of Kremsia nor Conrad of Waldhausen — the earliest J^J'!;^'J" Bohemian reformers — properly contributed. Their 1391-H08 5oo REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. PART efforts were directed more towards reforming morals and doctrine than towards throwing off the yoke of {a) egun ^^ Latin system. It is otherwise with Mathias of Janow. Janow, sometime a prebend of Prague/ whose trea- tise De reo^iilis veteris et novi Testameiiti has come down to us. It is otherwise with John Huss and Jerome of Prague. Busied not only with moral re- forms, but with a reformation of the corrupt Latin system, Mathias of Janow speaks of the organism of the Church as one in which all the members should be connected according to their several ranks, and co-operate together like the head and members in the human body.^ He then goes on to complain how the Popes had haughtily exalted themselves above the bishops and taken all power into their hands ; how, closely allying themselves with kings and princes, they had exalted themselves above those who jointly with them ought to preside over the governance of the Church. Like Wycliffe, he insists on the import- ance attaching to parish priests ; like Wycliffe, he died in peace in the year 1 399 ; and, like Wycliffe, his teaching redacted on his successors, and raised up a train of similar reformers in Bohemia, at the head of whom must be placed the known name of John Huss. {b) The It has been so much the practice to connect the ment name of Huss with the reformation of doctrine in the %^ohn Church, that his position as a reformer, principally Huss. attacking the Latin system and the political side of ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 124, p. 236. 2 See Neand. ix. 263. REACTION IN BOHEMIA. (5qj the Papacy, has been much lost sight of. And yet it chap. must not be overlooked that, so far from supporting ^^^' the ordinary tenets of reformers, Huss ever protested ^H^^fa^ that he was a dutiful son of the Church, and professed <^^^^^^'^^^- ^ man. himself ready to submit to the Council and the Pope, if they would only convince him of error; that one a.d. of his last letters, written in anticipation of his death, was subscribed, * Written in chains on the Vigil of St. John, who, because he rebuked wickedness, was beheaded in prison. May he pray for us to the Lord Jesus ; ' and that he requested permission before his death to confess himself, and received absolution from the doctor of theology whom the commissioners sent to him, declaring that his confessor spoke to him kindly and piously. In its early days the movement, at the head of (3) ihe which Huss stood, was decidedly a national move- ^\]^eut sub- ment. It continued to be national up to the time ^'f ''■^■J^^// ■•■ the Holy when he had been consigned to the flames, and even Empire. long afterwards, until it was finally crushed together with Bohemian nationality. It aimed at asserting for Bohemia a distinct national existence, apart and distinct from the rest of the Empire. Therefore It was a fitting coincidence that on the day on which Huss appeared before the council to receive his doom, the Empefor SIglsmund should be seated upon his throne, surrounded by princes and with the insignia of the Empire before him. For Huss was immolated not so much for his zeal in the reforma- tion of morals — that was an object which lay as near to the heart of the council as to his own — but because his teaching was subversive of the Holy Empire. 5o2 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. PART He attacked the hierarchical pretensions of the Pope, '- he also assailed the integrity of the Empire ; and the regret which Huss expressed, in the prospect of death, that he had not succeeded in brinorincf together his beloved Bohemian nation under a common Chris- tian and national interest, was in fact a regret that he had not been able to dismember the Empire. Once, it is said, on the day of his last sufferings, his eye caught the eye of the emperor ; and as the champion of Bohemian nationality, standing before Sigismund, pale, emaciated, and wan, reminded him of the tar- nished honour of the Empire in violating the safe con- duct which he had given, the latter blushed, ashamed to have belied his word of honour. Perhaps, how- ever, even the noble Sigismund, who showed himself at Constance sincerely anxious to promote the work of reform, may have thought himself justified in for- feiting the honour of the Empire towards one whose teaching seemed subversive of all government, and who w^as represented as having taught that, whenever a Pope or king lay under a mortal sin, he was incapable of acting either as Pope or sovereign. (y) Ques- In the University of Prague, the earliest Ger- No7}%ial. i^ai^ university, founded by Charles IV. in the four- ^ReaHsm ^eenth century, and consisting, according to the constitution at the beginning of the fifteenth cen- tury, of four nations, the Bohemian nation stood by itself ; the other three nations — the Bavarian, the Saxon, and the Polish — being always united in a common interest. In the time of the Emperor Charles IV., many Germans had obtained important posts within the university, and the national feeling of the REACTION IN BOHEMIA. 603 Bohemians had been aroused in consequence. The chap. chief leaders of the national party in Bohemia ^^^' were Peter of Znaim, Stanislaus of Znaim, Paletz, Jerome of Prague, and Huss ; and the efforts of the latter in cultivating the Bohemian language and ortho- graphy have called forth in modern times the praise of those most competent to judge on such a subject. The rivalry between the three German nations and the Bohemian nation was carried into the arena of phi- losophy, and divided them further on the question of Nominalism and Realism ; the Bohemians being staunch supporters of Realism, the Germans equally staunch upholders of Nominalism. Naturally, there- fore, the attention of the Bohemians was directed to the writings of Wycliffe, who, like themselves, was a strongsupporter of Realism ; and hence, independently of questions relating to doctrine and morals, Bohemia was prejudiced in favour of Wycliffe. The battle ground on which Wycliffe attacked Nominalism was the doctrine of transubstantiation, and the arguments used against that doctrine by Wycliffe, though to a Nominalist or Idealist they might seem wholly irrele- vant, were to a Realist perfecdy convincing. For what to him was substance but a general notion formed by the mind, possessing no reality except that derived from attributes or accidents ? Well, then, might Huss and his brother Realists seek to entrench their posi- tion against the Nominalistic Germans by studying the writings of Wycliffe ; and it was acknowledged by Huss that they had been read at Prague since the year 1381, and by himself since the year 1391. The contest for and against Wycliffe, constantly 6o4 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. PART Stimulated by the connection between Oxford and 1_ Prague, had for some time been waged in secret, when, in the year 1403, an open and violent struggle between the Bohemian and the German parties broke A.D. out. On May 28, forty-five propositions^ ascribed May 28, 1403 * These forty-five propositions as condemned by the Council of Constance in 1415, Labb^, xvi. 846, are as follows : ' i. Sub- ' stantia panis materialis, et similiter substantia vini manent in * Sacramento altaris. 2. Accidentia panis non manent sine sub- ' jecto in sacramento altaris. 3. Christus non est in eodem sacra- ' mento identice et realiter in propria praesentia corporali. 4. Si ' episcopus vel sacerdos existat in peccato mortali, non ordinat, *■ non conficit, non consecrat, non baptizat. 5. Non est funda- * mentum in evangelio, quod Christus Missam ordinaverit. 6. Deus * debet obedire diabolo. 7. Nisi homo fuerit debite contritus, * omnis confessio exterior est sibi superflua et inutilis. 8. Si Papa ' sit praescitus et nmlus, et per consequens membrum diaboli, non ' habet potestatem super fideles ab aliquo sibi datam, nisi forte a ' Caesare. 9. Post Urbanum VI. non est alius recipiendus in * Papam, sed invendum est more Graecorum sub legibus propriis. * 10. Contra sacram scripturam est, quod viri ecclesiastici habeant * possessiones. 11. Nullus praelatus debet aliquem excommuni- * care, nisi prius sciat ipsum excommunicatum a Deo, et qui ex- * communicat, sit haereticusex hoc, vel excommunicatus. 12. Ex- * communicans clerum, quia appellet et regem et consilium regium, * eo ipso est traditor regis. 13. Illi, qui dimittunt praedicare, sive * verbum Dei audire, propter excommunicationem praelati, sunt * excommunicati, et in die judicii traditores Christi habebuntur. ' 14. Omnes de ordine mendicantiura sunt haeretici, et dantes eis * eleemosynam sunt excommunicati. 15. Nullus est dominus civi- *■ lis, nullus est praelatus, nullus est episcopus, dum est in peccato * mortali. 16. Domini temporales possunt ad arbitrium suum * auferre bona temporalia et possessiones ab ecclesiasticis habi- * tualiter delinquentibus. 17. Populares possunt ad suum arbi- ' trium dominos delinquentes corrigere. 18. Decimae sunt purae * eleemosynae ... 19. Speciales orationes uni personae appli- *■ catae . . . non plus prosunt quam generales, ceteris paribus. * 20. Conferens eleemosynam fratribus, est excommunicatus eo REACTION IN BOHEMIA. 60 ^ * facto. 21. Si quis ingreditur religionem privatam qualemcunque * . . . redditur ineptior et inhabilior ad observationem manda- ' torum Dei. 22. Sancti instituentes religiones praefatas, sic insti- ' tuendo peccavemnt. 23. Religiosi viventes in religionibus pri- * vatis non sunt de religione Christiana. 24. Fratres tenentur * per labores manuum victum acquirere, non per mendicitatem. * 25. Omnes sunt simoniaci, qui obligant se orare pro aliis, eis in * temporibus subvenientibus. 26. Oratio praesciti nihil valet. * 27. Omnia de necessitate absoluta eveniunt. 28. Confirmatio * juvenum, clericorum ordinatio, locorum consecratio, reservantur * Papae et Episcopis propter cupiditatem lucri temporalis et bono- * rum. 29. Universalia studia, collegia, graduationes et magis- * teria in eisdem, sunt vana gentilitate introducta, et tantura pro- ' sunt ecclesiae sicut diabolus. 30. Excommunicatio Papae vel * alterius praelati non est curanda ; quia est censura Antichristi. '31. Peccant fundantes claustra, et ingredientes sunt viri diabo- * lici. 32. Ditare clerum est contra regulam Christi. ^iZ- Silvester ' Papa et Constantinus Imperator erraverunt ecclesiam dotando. ' 34. Licet alicui diacono vel presbytero praedicare verbum Dei * absque apostolicae sedis vel episcopi auctoritate. 35. Ingre- ' dientes ordinem aut aliquam religionem, eo ipso sunt inhabiles ' ad observandum divina praecepta, et per consequens perveniendi * ad regnum coelorum, nisi apostataverint ab eisdem. 36. Papa * cum omnibus clericis suis possessiones habentibus sunt haeretici, *• et quod possessiones habent, et omnes consentientes eis domini * saeculares et ceteri laici. 37. Ecclesia Romana est synagoga ' Satanae, nee Papa est immediatus et proximus Vicarius Christi ' et Apostolorum. 38. Decretales epistolae sunt apocryphae et ' seductivae a fide Christi, et clerici sunt stulti qui eas student. ' 39. Imperator et seculares seducti sunt a diabolo, ut ecclesiam * dotarent bonis temporalibus. 40. Electio Papae a Cardinalibus * est per diabolum introducta. 41. Non est de necessitate salutis * credere Romanam ecclesiam esse summam inter alias ecclesias. '42. Fatuum est credere indulgentiis. 43. Augiistinus, Benedictus, * Bernhardus, damnati nisi poenituerint de hoc, quod habuerunt to Wycllffe were laid before the university for ex- chap. amination at the request of the Archbishop and ^^^' Chapter of Prague. They were condemned by a large majority of the three German nations notwithstand- 5o6 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. TART ing all that the Bohemians could do to save the ' champion of Realism. Three years later, at the re- A.D. 1406 quest of Pope Innocent VII., Zbynek, the then Arch- bishop of Prague, published an ordinance threatening ecclesiastical penalties against all who presumed to teach the doctrines of Wycllffe ; yet this was done without disturbing the good understanding then existing between himself and Huss. Huss was even selected by the archbishop In the following year to deliver the exhortatory discourse before the clergy 1407 assembled at a diocesan synod ; his ability as a preacher having secured to him the appointment to the Bethlehem Chapel in Prague as early as 1401. The measures taken by the archbfshop to suppress the views of Wycliffe were apparently successful, and, at a diocesan synod held in the next year, Zbynek July, 1408 declared that It was found upon investigation that no Wycllffite heresy then existed in Bohemia. (2) The Hitherto the agitation In Bohemia had been vient purely national In Its character. Soon, owing to an archicai event apparently of no great moment, It assumed a 1408 very different character. The difference between supported the Germans and Bohemians at Prague had been ^cesiaus' ^i^hauced by the Schism, the Bohemians upholding 1408-1411 Gregory XII., the Germans adhering to the party ^Gennans whlch Supported the Council of Pisa. The Bohe- driven mlans, moreovcr, felt that a national affront had from Trague. been offered them, in that their king, Wenceslaus, * possessiones, et instituenint et intraverunt religiones. Et sic a ' Papa, usque ad summum religiosum omnes sunt haeretici. 44. . . . ' 45. Omnes religiones indifferentes introductae sunt a diabolo.' REACTION IN BOHEMIA. 607 XIX. A.D. 1400 had been deposed from the Imperial dignity by the chap. German electors ; and Wenceslaus took his revenge by changing the constitution of the University of Prague. Instead of three out of four votes, which the German nations had formerly possessed, they, together with all other foreigners, obtained only one vote. The remaining three votes were assigned to the Bohemians. It was a sweeping change which was thus made In the constitution of the university, and, as might have been expected, led to sweeping results. All the German students, some 30,000, it Is said, In number, emigrated to LeIpsIc in a body, and the entire victory of the Bohemian party was signa- lised by the election of John Huss to be rector of the university.^ But this step soon brought to light the hidden seeds of discord In a party which had hitherto been united by opposition to a common foe. The writings of Wycllffe, which had been first studied with the view of gaining from them argu- ments to support the cause of Realism, had not been without Influence In other ways, nor failed to Impreg- nate many minds with his anti-hierarchical views. Bohemia might be as anxious as England to assert its nationality against the Holy Empire, but whilst some considered the political aspect of nationality only, and wished to be independent of the German Empire, others wished also to see the papal power restrained within narrower limits. These two parties now came into collision. At the head of the one ' Sec Neand. ix. 344. 6o8 REACTIOXS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEM. PART III. (.^) IIuss in anta- g 0)1 is 7)1 luith the clergy. A.D. March 9, I410 Stood Huss ; at the head of the other Paletz and Znalm.^ And yet before the rupture was open, and Paletz and Znaim had finally parted company with Huss, a time intervened during which Huss came forward as a castigator of the abuses of the hierarchy, and a supporter of the Council of Pisa ; and standing there in opposition to his former friend, the Arch- bishop Zbynek, he found himself involved In a controversy with the clergy. The cause of the council was supported by Huss in sermons ; the cor- ruptions of the clergy were denounced. Those clergy who had listened with pleasure when Huss fearlessly attacked the reigning vices among other classes of men, refused any longer to tolerate him when he attacked their own. Complaints were entered against him before the archbishop ; the complaints grew louder as the breach between the adherents of Gregory XH. and those of the cardinals grew wider. To the citation which Huss received to give an account of himself before the archbishop's inquisitor, he replied by addressing to Rome a com- plaint against the archbishop. Zbynek repaired to Rome to defend his own character, and having no longer to resist the council, he tendered his submis- sion to Alexander V. as rightful Pope, and retaliated on Huss by procuring a severe Bull directed against all who should defend the heresies of Wycliffe, and prohibiting all preaching In private churches.^ The Bull was received with great Indignation In Bohemia. ^ See Neand. ix. 345. Ibid. p. 353. REACTIOX IX BOHEMIA. 609 The injunction to deliver up the writings of Wydiffe chap. was, indeed, obeyed ^by Huss and his friends ; but XIX. when the archbishop caused 200 volumes to be burnt J"^y ^^' ^ 1410 without the slightest regard to personal property, the step was a signal for a general disturbance in Prague. The archbishop was exposed to contempt and ridicule ; ribald and satirical songs, of which he was the subject, were openly sung in the streets of Prague ; even blood was spilt ; and Zbynek was fain to send to John XXII., who had meantime succeeded Alexander V., a report of all that had transpired in Bohemia. Even then matters would probably have gone (v) Sup- hard with Huss had it not been for the support of King King Wenceslaus. When Huss had first sided with lauT'^' the Council of Pisa, Wenceslaus, who had never been a friend of the hierarchy, supported him. When the Bull of Alexander V. against the teaching ofWycliffe was promulgated, Wenceslaus looked on Zbynek with suspicion, as an enemy to his realm. When Zbynek, carrying out that Bull, had collected a number of the writings ofWycliffe, Wenceslaus forbade him to burn them without his consent. The archbishop's disobedience made him all the more anxious to sup- port Huss. When Huss met the Bull by appealing 'a pontifice male informato ad melius informandum,' ^ and when he renewed his appeal on the accession of John XXII., Wenceslaus again stood his friend. When Cardinal Otto of Colonna, to whom Huss's appeal and Zbynek's report had been referred, had ^ See Neand. ix. 354. R .R 5io REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. TART confirmed the sentence of Zbynek on Huss and ' cited him to appear before the Pope at Bologna, it A.D. Feb. 141 1 was Wenceslaus who begged the Pope to impose silence on the enemies of Huss, since he declared it to be his will ' that Bethlehem Chapel, which for the glory of God and the saving good of the people he had endowed with many franchises, should stand ; and that Master Huss should be established over the chapel, and preach the word of God in peace/ By the intercession of Wenceslaus the case of Huss was taken out of the hands of Cardinal Colonna, after sentence of excommunication had been already pro- nounced on him for contumacy, and was referred to a new commission ; and when the new commission had confirmed the previous sentence with additional severity, Huss being declared a heresiarch, and an interdict laid on the place where he resided, Wen- ceslaus, by persecuting the clergy who observed the interdict, by confiscating their goods and obliging them to flee, compelled the archbishop to submit to July, 141 1 the decision of an impartial committee. A compro- mise was agreed upon ; the archbishop should report to the Pope that no heresies existed in Bohemia ; and obtain the Pope's consent to remove the inter- dict if any person lay under it in Bohemia ; and, in return, King Wenceslaus should restore the salaries withholden from the clergy, and release such as were under arrest. {b) Rup- Had the compromise been adhered to, it would the B^ohe- have been well for Huss. Zbynek, however, re- iman fused to fulfil his part in it, on the eround that Kingf party. . Wenceslaus had not discharged what he had pledged REACTION IN BOHEMIA. 5j j himself to do, and the death of Zbynek happening chap. XIX. at this moment, changed the whole aspect of affairs. The real occasion which brought to light the pre- („) indni- valllng differences, and caused a rupture within the ^anda Bohemian party, was the papal Bull offerinof Indul- ^^'^^^^^^ ^ J ' r r fc> cause of gences to all who would take part in a crusade the mp- against Naples. By this weapon John XXII. thought to overcome his enemy, Ladislaus of Naples. Whilst, however, Stanislaus of Znalm and Paletz acquiesced in such an instrument being employed, declaring that the Pope is the safest refuge for all the faithful, Huss lifted up his voice against the abuse of ecclesiastical censures, and maintained that it was not permissible for a Pope to fight for worldly dominions ; that, following the example of Christ, he ought to pray for his enemies ; and that to bestow pardon for money was true simony. From this time forth the Bohemian national party split into two factions. At the Council of Constance the bitterest enemies of Huss were those who had once been his greatest friends and associates in contro- versy with the Germans. ' The sale of indulgences and the lifting up of the standard of the cross against Christians first cut me off from my old friends,' said Huss. There Is a solemn earnestness about the way in which he took leave of his old friend and teacher, Paletz, when he met him for the last time as a friend, showing the intensity of his convictions, * Paletz is my friend, truth Is my friend, and both being my friends, it Is my duty to give the preference to truth.' Paletz never forgave him these words. When Huss was afterwards sick in prison, Paletz visited him, R R 2 6l 2 REACTIOXS AGAIXST THE LATIX SYSTEMS. PART III. (-■) The tragedy ofHiiss' life. A.D. July lo but only as an accuser. Xo sufferings of his old friend and pupil could move him to mercy. He never spoke to him but in the harshest language. Said Huss to him : ' Sad greeting do you give me, and sadly do you sin against your own soul.' But the stern man never relented until the burnt ashes of Huss were cast into the Rhine, thereto be washed away into the sea, so that no portion of him might remain to pollute the earth. How different v.-as the tone of Huss, who, in prospect of execution, desired to have as his confessor his enemy Paletz ! From the breaking up of the Bohemian party until his death, the career of Huss is full of tragic incidents. There was the first act of violence, when three young friends of his were executed for op- posing the publication of the papal Bull ; the adverse decision of the doctors, with Paletz at their head, condemning the fortv-iive articles attributed to Wycliffe, and inviting the king to give force to their decision; there w^as the ban on Huss; the interdict on Prague ; the futile attempt to heal the breach by a synod convened at Bohmisch-Brod, but held at Praeue ; the determination of Huss to defend him- self from the charge of heresy before the council ; the emperor's promise of a safe-conduct; the journey through Germany ; the imprisonment at Constance ; the confinement within the narrow dungeon of the Dominican monastery, filled with pestiferous effluvia from a neighbouring sink; the sickness in prison ; the March 24, futile attempts to gain a public trial ; the still worse ^^ ^ confinement in the Castle of Gottleben, where the victim was chained by day and by night, shut off Feb. 6, 1413 Nov. 28, 1414 Dec. 6, RE ACTION IX BOHEMIA. 5l : from friends, and suffering from headache, haemor- chap. rhage and coHc ; the relentless rancour of his former ^ friends. But these sadder traits were also relieved by bright acts of kindness. There was the kindness of the Lord of Austie, who sheltered him when ban- ished from Prague in his Castle of Kozi-hradek : a similar kindness shown him by Henry of Lazan, who entertained him in his stronghold of Cracowec ; there was the hearty leave-taking of the Polish tailor, a.d. un ' God be with thee ; for hardlv think I wilt thou e^t back again unharmed, dearest Master John, and most steadfast in the truth. Xot the Kino^ of Hun- gary, but the King of Heaven, reward thee for the eood and true instruction I have received of thee ! ' There was the kindness he received on his journey at Pernau and Xuremburg ; and. above all, there was the steadfast persevering hdelity of the noble knight. John of Chlum, who attended him from Prague, who was taken prisoner with him at Con- stance, who personally overwhelmed the Pope with reproaches for daring to violate the imperial honour ; o-t. n, who complained to the emperor of this breach of faith ; who posted up a certiticate, protesting against the insult offered by the Pope to the Empire ; who Doc 24 left no stone unturned to procure for his friend the much wished-for public trial ; who spoke out in his defence at his second audience before the council ; who seized the hand of Huss as he was beinor led back to prison, worn down and exhausted, after his third audience, warmly pressing it, so that Huss said of him, ' O what joy did I feel from the pressure of my Lord John's hand, which he was not ashamed to 1414 6i4 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. TART give me, a wretched outcast heretic in chains ; ' and III. whose truly noble character may gathered from the words he addressed to Huss the day before his exe- Juiy 5, cution : * I am an unlettered man, and know not how to advise you, who are a learned man. Yet I beseech you, if you are conscious of any error, do not shrink from altering your opinion ; but if not, I will not lead you to do aught contrary to your con- science ; I much rather advise you to suffer any punishment than to deny the truth of which you are w^ell assured.' (y) Burn- The concluding act of this tragedy took place Huss. on July 6, 141 5. Clad in the priestly vestments, Huss stood before the seven bishops selected for the purpose. One after another, these vestments were removed with solemn imprecations. A cap painted with devils was placed on his head. Said Huss : * My Lord Jesus Christ wore on my account a crown of thorns, why should not I be willing for his sake to wear this easier though shameful badge '^.' His soul was delivered over to the devil by the bishops ; ' But I,' said Huss, ' commend into thy hands my soul, O Lord Jesus.' Consigned to the executioners of justice, he was placed upon the faggots, bound fast to the stake, and chained to it by the neck. The fire was kindled, and soon the flames, driven towards him by the wind, stifled his voice ; Huss still singing, 'Jesus, Son of the living God, have mercy upon me.' Thus fell Huss, sacrificed by the Emperor Sigis- mund for his championship of the national cause of Bohemia, sacrificed by the Pope for castigating the anti-Christian conduct of the Vicar of Christ, sacri- REACTION IX BOHEMIA. 615 ficed by the Reforming Council and his countrymen chap. for advocating the doctrines of WycHffe — pohtical ll_ doctrines which seemed to strike at the root of every civil institution — philosophical views which were op- posed to the growing nominalism of the day. The council justified the breach of the emperor's safe- conduct by decreeing that no faith should be kept with a heretic.^ Far from quenching; the national iS)'^iove- 1 r T T ment movement in Bohemia, the death of Huss only again served to Infuse into it new life, and to unite all parties there against the Pope, the emperor, and tionof the Bohemi- ans. iindcr the Hussites. the council. Not many days before the execution (^a)Catises of Huss, the Council of Constance had passed a fj^%^,.^, decree against the administration of the cup to the laity, a practice which had been introduced in Bohemia, by James of Misa, as being necessary to -^7415^' salvation, and which had met with general approval, even Huss having given the advice to ' endeavour to bring it about, if it can be done, that the admi- nistration of the cup may be granted by a Bull to those who require it from motives of devotion.' The ^ Sessio xviii. Labb^, xvi. 291 : ' Sacrosancta Synodus etc. . . : ' Quia nonnulli nimis intelligentes . . . sacro . . . concilio Unguis * maledictis detrahunt, publice et occulte dicentes vel innuentes, * quod salvus conductus per invictissimum principem . . . quon- ' dam Joanni Huss heresiarchae damnatae memoriae datus, fuit <■ contra justitiam aut honestatem indebite violatus ; cum tamen ' dictus Joannes Huss fidem orthodoxam pertinaciter oppugnans, * se ab omni conductu et privilegio reddiderit alienum ; nee aliqua * sibi fides aut promissio de jure naturali, divino, vel humano, * fuerit in praejudicium catholicae fidei observanda ; idcirco dicta ' sancta synodus praesentium tenore declarat, dictum invictissimum * principem . . . non obstante memorato salvo conductu, ex juris ' debito fecisse quod licuit. . . . ' 5i6 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART condemnation of this practice, coupled with the de- ' nunclation of its supporters as heretics, anew brought the Bohemians into opposition to the council. Nor was the execution of Huss, which followed, calculated to diminish their resentment, since the violation of the safe-conduct to so distinguished a man was regarded as a national insult. Moreover, the exasperation of the Bohemians was further in- creased by the execution of Jerome of Prague, a Bohemian knight and friend of Huss, who at first recanted, but afterwards suffered death, enduring the torments of the fire with more tranquillity than Socrates displayed in drinking the hemlock draught. Atlength the utter contempt which the council showed for Bohemia, as a place infested with heresy, coupled with a decision of the University of Prague in favour of the communion in both kinds, brought matters Sept. 5, to a crisis. A league was concluded for six years ^^^^ by the Bohemian and Moravian nobles for protecting the purity of doctrine. {b) Defen- Then came the violent measures of the council sivcwars t^ i • i • • r i 11 of the agamst Bohemia, the mission oi the papal legates to suppress the heretics, as they were called ; the rising of the Hussites in self-defence under Nicolas of Hussinecz and John Ziska ; their gathering and establishment on Mount Tabor ; their march upon Prague, and bloody vengeance on the New City ; the death of King Wenceslaus and the complete anarchy which followed, the people refusing to sub- mit to the hated SIglsmund. The anarchy was increased by the division of the Hussites Into two parties, the more moderate party of Calixtlnes or sivc war's of the Bohemi a lis. REACTION IN BOHEMIA. 617 Utraquists, adhering to the four articles, and the chap. XIX. A.D. I42I new extreme party of the Taborites, recruited by the accession of Beghards or Picards, and espousing all their heretical tenets. For a time the two parties coalesced in a common opposition to Sigis- mund. The Calixtines Sigismund might have in- duced to receive him as their king had he made a few slight concessions. Not so the Taborites, who since the death of Wenceslaus had begun to pull down churches and monasteries, and to ill-treat priests and monks. As it was, by causing a crusade to be preached against all indiscriminately, he only united both against himself. The spirit of Bohe- mian nationality was strong, and it retaliated with terrible vengeance on those who undertook the three crusades which the emperor had succeeded in raising. Finding that violence was unavailing, the Council if) of Basle resorted to negotiations with the Hussites, divisions They ended in a compact being concluded at Prague %oi^^. between the council and the Calixtines, by which ''"^^•^• the four articles, subject to some hmitations, were ^^^ conceded, and by which also one party of Bohe- ^433 mians was detached from the other. The arms of the Taborites were now turned against the Calix- tines, and the result was their own entire defeat at Bohmisch-Brod. After the compact had been again May 30, solemnly ratified at Iglau, the Calixtines acknow- ^"^^"^ ledged Sigismund as their king on the guarantee of 1436 certain conditions. Thesubsequent history of these parties is soon told. ^ (^0 The observ- ^ A sketch of it in Gies. vol. v. sec. 151, p. 123. ^^^^^ ^ 5i8 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART SIgismund forgot his concessions, and restored the ancient ecclesiastical institutions as far as pos- 'pacTen' sible. Having been once deceived, the Calixtines tr^ci' ^^"^^ ^^^ wary to be taken In again. On SIgismund's tifies. death they resisted the Catholic emperor, Albert ; Dec! 1437 on his death they Insisted on having a Callxtine Oct. 1439 regent. On the decease of the zealous Catholic, La- dislaus, the Callxtine, George of Podiebrad, was elected king, but his conciliatory measures, which might have restored peace to the country, foundered on the cherished project of the Calixtines, that the Catholics must be driven from the country, and the no less cherished project of Pius II., that the Papacy 1462 must be upheld in all its former pretensions. The compact concluded at Prague was declared invalid : Dec. 1465 George was excommunicated and dethroned ; a fresh crusade was preached against himself and his party, and the kingdom of Bohemia was granted as a gift to Matthias, King of Hungary, who even gained pos- session of Silesia, Moravia, and Lusatia. Never- theless, the German Universities denounced the 1471 crusade. In Bohemia George Podiebrad main- tained his rights till his death, and his successor Wladislaus, a Polish prince, himself a Catholic, found the Calixtines so strong that the compact remained 1516 in full force till his death. C. Gain- Meantime a similar movement had been going on can move- • -r- -t^i • r ^'^ ^ merit in ^^ ^ rance. 1 his movement was so tar unhke the France, movements in E norland and Bohemia, that it was (I) Be- . . . ^ ^ , ' ginnmg not precipitated by the over-zeal of controversy, ^LouLlx. ^^^ progressed gradually with few violent outbreaks. 1270 The foundation of Gallicanism may be traced back REACTION IN FRANCE. 619 to the Pragmatic Sanction of St. Louis, an edict criAr. which was either enacted with the Pope's conces- ^^' sion at the time when Clement IV. Avas absolutely dependent for protection on Charles of Anjou, or which passed unobserved in the vacancy before the election of Gregory X. Alexander IV. had made concessions to St. Louis some ten years earlier ; ^ ^'^- '^60 the king s judge should not incur excommunication for arresting priests guilty of capital offences. The Pragmatic Sanction now passed by St. Louis laid down a few simple laws to ensure the tranquil and wholesome state of the Church : ^ prelates, patrons, and ordinary collators were to enjoy their right to present to benefices ; freedom of election was to be allowed to the cathedral and other churches ; the ^ See the thirty-two stabihmenta made by St. Louis, in Concil. Biterr. Labbi^, xiv. 194, an. 1255. 2 Passed in 1269. See Gies. vol. iii. sec. 62, p. 187. The Pragmatic Sanction consists of the following five chapters, Labbe, xiv. 445, an. 1268 : ' i. Ut ecclesiarum regni nostri praelati, * patroni et beneficiorum collatores ordinarii, jus suum plenarie ' habeant, et unicuique sua jurisdictio servetur. 2. Item ecclesiae ' cathedrales, et aliae regni nostri, liberas electiones, et earum * effectum integraliter habeant. 3. Item simoniae crimen pesti- ' ferum ecclesiam labefactans, a regno nostro penitus eliminandum * volumus et jubemus. 4. Item promotiones, collationes, provi- ' siones, et dispositiones praelaturarum, dignitatum, et aliorum quo- * rumcunque beneficiorum et ofiiciorum ecclesiasticorum regni ' nostri, secundum dispositionem, ordinationem, et determinatio- ' nem juris communis, sacrorum conciliorum ecclesiae Dei, atque * institutorum antiquorum sanctorum patrum, fieri volumus et * ordinamus. 5. Item libertates, franchisias, praerogativas, jura ac ' privilegia, per inclitae recordationis Francorum reges praedeces- ' sores nostros, et successive per nos, ecclesiis, monasteriis, atque * locis piis, religiosis necnon personis ecclesiasticis regni nostri ' concessas, et concessa, innovamus, laudamus, approbamus.' 620 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART pestilential crime of simony was to be banished ; III. . „ . . . 1 ,. . . promotions, collations, provisions and dispositions of prelacies, dignities and benefices were to proceed conformably to the Common Law, the Sacred Coun- cils of the Church, and the ancient institutions of the Holy Fathers ; no manner of exactions or assess- ments might be raised without the king's consent and the consent of the national Church ; to all churches and monasteries their immunities, preroga- tives, and privileges were secured. But in the hands of the great lawyers of the University of Paris, and by the memorable decree of the Appeal because of Abuses, these laws were developed into a charter of independence of the Gallican Church. (2) Under The Struggle between Philip the Fair and Boni- the Fair, ^^.ce VIII., involving as it did the observance of the A.D. 1300 Pragmatic Sanction of Louis IX., bears in many respects a resemblance to the national movement in England under Richard II.; in others it is more like the struggle between Henry 1 1, and Thomas a Becket. Had it taken place a century and a half earlier, there is little doubt that it would have ended, as did that under Henry II., in the submission of the king; had it taken place ninety years later, it would have been deprived of its more tragical effects by encountering an antagonist less powerful than Boniface VIII. For, whatever it may seem to be at first sight, it was not a mere controversy between a headstrong king and a headstrong Pope ; it was a national reaction against the extreme powers claimed by the Papacy, and it was a national reaction in that it came from the people as well as the king. The States General REACTION IN FRANCE. 62 I declared that they would not receive the redress of chap. XIX. ecclesiastical grievances from the Pope, but only — ^ from their Lord the King; the Ordnance of Refor- mation was promulgated by the king, and charges were preferred against the Pope before the States.^ Had it not been for the death of Boniface and the concessions of his successor, France might at the beginning of the fourteenth century have done more than Wycliffe or more than Huss proposed to do at its close — have renounced entirely her allegiance to the Pope. The residence of the Popes at Avignon, however, entirely changed the attitude of that country. Henceforth the interests of France were sacrificed to the interests of her sovereigns. The Pope was sup- ported by the king, the king by the Pope ; both united to keep down the national reaction against the Papacy; both pledged themselves to support each other, and at length shared between them the liberties of the Gallican Church.^ Yet this result was not attained until the the- {z) Asser- tion of ories on which those liberties were founded had for Gallican . >. . , 1 , • 1 11 • .1 principles a brief time had their day, and by asserting them- ^,,;./;/^. selves at the most critical period in the history of ^//^^-^^^^^ the Papacy — the time of the Great Schism — had inflicted on that institution a severe blow, from which it could never afterwards recover. The chief instruments in promulgating these principles were the cardinal, Peter d'Ailly, Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris, and his pupil, Nicolas of * GiES. vol. iii. sec. 59, p. 149. 2 Ibid. iv. sec. 136, p. 436. 622 ]^E ACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART III. {a) Ger- son''s teach i fie. Clemanges. Unlike Paletz, who defined the Church to be the body of cardinals under the Pope as their head, the Gallican divines nurtured in the Uni- versity of Paris, starting with the two notions of the Church and the Pope, placed the conception of the one universal Church in the foreground, the government of a single head being altogether sub- ordinate. The ecclesiastical supremacy of the Popes was thus overturned, the authority of individual bishops restored. Teaching that from Christ, as the Head and Bridegroom of the Church, the mystical body has its origin, and that where two or three are gathered together in the name of Christ, there He is in the midst of them ; Gerson,^ at the same time, declares that the hierarchy, in all its gradations, is necessary for all time as the organism prescribed by Christ for the diffusion of his spirit, but that the collective Church, as it has power to make a Pope, has also the power to pass judgment on a Pope, and to depose him. He holds, moreover, that the Pope when made is bound to observe the law of Christ. How therefore, he asks, can the Pope be the servant of the servants of God upon earth, when he is more ready to please princes, kings, and tyrants than God and his saints ? How can the Pope possess the power to bind in heaven and on earth, when he can only announce the sentence ratified in heaven ? Dis- posed to allow a certain degree of freedom in the Church, Gerson, at the same time, retreated behind ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 136, p. 419 ; Gerson, £>e Potest. Eccl. Consid. xi. 0pp. ii. 243. REACTION IN FRANCE. 623 the system of the theologians of Paris, and there- chap. fore opposed both Wydlffe and Huss. A General ___1_1_ Council he held to be an assemblage of all orders of the Church convened by lawful authority, and excluding no person, whoever he may be, that de- mands to be heard ; and although he admitted with limitations that a General Council cannot annul the Pope's plenitude of power, still he held that it might modify the use of that power by determinate laws. In the same spirit Nicolas of Clemanges,^ when i^) ^^^<^o- endeavourlng to heal the Schism, and speaking in manges. the name of the university, declared that a General Council derives its authority from the words of Christ, Where two or three are gathered in my name, there I am in the midst of them ; and expressed the wish that some limitations might be imposed on the power of the Popes, since limitation would best promote the interests of the Papacy. Not other was the lanofuaore used by the cardinal, Peter or Pierre (^) Pten-e . . . iVAilly. d'AIlly,^ the friend and teacher of Gerson, in his ser- mon before the Council of Constance. His text was, ' There shall be signs in the sun, and in the moon, and in the stars.' The sun was the spiritual power, the Pope ; the moon the temporal, the emperor ; the stars, the cardinals, prelates, and doctors in the firmament of the council. But the sun, for the fulness of his power, must fulfil certain conditions : ' if the supreme pastor shall have risen by bad means, by unjust ^ See Neand. ix. 88, and Nic. de Clemangis, 0pp. ed. Lydius, Epp. pp. 6-10. ^ Conf. also his cedula in Concil Const, an. 141 5, Labbe, xvi. 38. 624 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. r/RT HI. (4) GalH- can liber- ties se- cured at Bourges. A.T>. 1438 (a) Con- tents of the Prag- matic Sanction. t438 and reprobate ambition ; if he shall have led a scan- dalous and dishonest life ; if he shall have ruled negligently and tyrannically, he is but the phantom of the sun.' It seems strange that such language should be approved in a cardinal, when Huss was derided for saying : ' If he who is called the Vicar of Christ copies his life, he is his vicar ; but if he takes the opposite course, he is a messenger of antichrist and a vicar of Judas Iscariot' The principles which the theologians of Paris, taking advantage of the Schism, asserted were the principles on which the independent councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basle proceeded ; principles always distasteful to the Popes, and against which they secured the decisions of the Council of Florence and the fifth Lateran Council. By the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges those principles were embodied in the laws of France. Charles VII. had refused to conclude a concordat with Martin V. Was it that he feared to offend a party so powerful as the Galli- can then was, by recognising even partially the claims of the Papacy ? Or was it that he thought he could obtain more from the university than he could from the Pope ? When the Council of Basle had passed its reformatory decrees, the Gallican hierarchy was assembled in a national synod at Bourges.^ The king proposed, the clergy eagerly adopted the decrees of the council. These decrees declared that the Pope was subject to a General Council, and such a council the Pope was bound to See Concil. Bitur. an. 1438, in vol. Supp. v. to Labb^, p 60. REACTION IN FRANCE. 625 hold every ten years ; the Pope had no power to ' chap. XIX nominate to the great ecclesiastical benefices ; the !_ right of election should devolve on those to whom it belonged ; the Court of Rome had no right to collate to inferior benefices. Grants to benefices in expecta- tion were abolished absolutely ; appeals to Rome were limited to grave cases ; the number of cardinals was restricted to twenty-four ; annates and first-fruits were declared to be a simoniacal payment ; the interdict was no longer to confound in one sweeping condem- nation the innocent and the guilty. By the Gallican {b) State- , . . 1 T» • 1 1 • 1 inent of divmes, the rope was now recognised subject to the CalHcan liberties of the Gallican Church — a proviso which L^QaiH. was declared to imply two thino^s, that the Pope ^f.'^ ^ -^ . . . divines, has no dominion over the temporalities of kings ; and that the Pope's power is limited by the decrees of General Councils. These two things were sub- sequently expanded in the five propositions, that the Church can in no way exercise jurisdiction over kings or their unbaptized subjects ; that in temporal matters individuals are subject only to their sove- reigns ; that the Church cannot release subjects from allegiance to their sovereigns ; that the Church cannot dispose of its revenues contrary to the statutes of the realm ; and that the Church cannot deal with unbaptized persons at all against the will of their sovereigns.^ The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges was after all W His- only a temporary act on the part of Charles VII. Sanction Notwithstanding the apparent zeal of the French ^"cpeai. ' See AssEMAN, De Ecclcsiis. S S 526 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART kings in upholding the hberties of the GalHcan , Church, they were always only too ready to sacrifice those liberties, if by so doing they could increase their own power. The Church, it is true, they would not have dependent on the Pope. Still rather than not have it dependent upon themselves, they would sacrifice it in part to the Pope. Hence from the time of their first being asserted, until they were finally sacrificed by Francis I., the French kings always played fast and loose with the Gallican {a) Fictile liberties. During the lifetime of Charles VII., who %^Puis knew what to expect from a Pope holding the high ^Mantua. V^V^ notions of Innocent IV. and Boniface VI 1 1., A.D. 1460 the attempts of Pius II. to procure the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction were in vain. But with his suc- (3) Par- cessor, Louis XL, Pius could do more ; for in the cess with hope that the Pope would support the claims of the LcmsXL houseof Anjou tothe throne of Naples, Louis repealed the Sanction. Finding, however, that the wished-for support was not forthcoming, the French king did not trouble himself to compel his reluctant parliament to adopt the repeal. Hence the position of France was undecided.^ When the French, agreeably to the terms of the League of Cambray, appeared in Italy to help the Pope, and had been driven thence by the Swiss (the faithless Julius II. having formed an alliance with their enemies), a Lateran Council, con- vened by the Pope to execute his vengeance, de- nounced the Pragmatic Sanction, and placed the whole realm of France under the interdict.^ But ^ GiES. vol. iv. sec. 133, p. 372. 2 Concil. Later, v. an. 15 12, sessio iv. Labb^, xix, 750, RE ACTIO X rX FRAXCE. 627 the Pragmatic Sanction still survived, neither quite char enforced nor quite repealed, until the young king, 1- Francis I., reappeared in Italy with irresistible force, ^y-//J ^^ At once Leo X. saw that opposition was hopeless, '^'"'^^'<'''- and believing that everything could be gained by a Dec. 1515 timely surrender, concluded with him a final Concor- dat which lasted for almost three centuries.^ Instead ^ See the preparatory steps in Concil. Lateran. v. an. 15 15, sessio X. Laebe, xix. 913. The articles of the Con-cordat were ratified at sessio xi, an. 15 16, in Labbe, xix. 947. Among them the following : ' Quod cathedralibus et metropoHtanis ecclesiis in *■ regno . . . illarum capitula et canonici ad electionem sen postu- ' lationem inibi futuri praelati procedere non possint ; sed illarum * occurrente hujusmodi vacatione, rex Franciae pro tempore existens * unum graven! magistrum seu licentiatum in theologia ... in * universitate famosa, et rigore examinis, et in vigesimo septimo ' suae aetatis anno ad minus constitutnm et alias idoneum infra * sex menses . . . nobis et successoribus nostris Romanis pontifi- ^ cibus . . . sedi praedictae nominare . . . et si contingeret, * praefatum regem, personam tahter non qualificatam ad dictas * ecclesias sic vacantes nominate - . . teneatur idem rex infra tres ^ alios menses . . . alium supra dicto modo qualificatum nomi- * nare. . , . Consanguineis tamen praefati regis ac personis subH- * mibus . . . sub prohibitione praemissa minime comprehensis, ' sed de eorum personis . . . dictis ecclesiis . . . libere provider! ' possit.' Ibid. p. 952 : ' Volumus quoque et ordinamus, quod in ^ Tegno . . . de caetero non dentur aliquae gratiae exspectativae, •' . . . Statuimus insuper, quod ordinarius collator in unaquaque * cathedral! . . . canonicatum et praebendam inibi consistentem * conferre teneatur uni magistro seu licentiato ... qui per decen- ^ nium in universitate studii generalis privilegiata studuerit, ac * onus residentiae, lecturae et praedicationis actu subire voluerit ; ' . . . Ibid. p. 954 : ' Statuimus quoqne et ordinamus, quod col- ' latores ordinarii et patroni ecclesiastici praefati inter graduatos, *■ qui literas gradus cum tempore studii et attestatione nobilitatis * debite insinaverint . . . gratificare possint ilium ex eis, quern * voluerint. . . . Statuimus quoque quod parochiales ecclesiae in ' eivitatil)us aut Tillis muratis existentes, non nisi personis modo s s 2 628 REACTIONS AGAIXST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART III. Conclu- sion. Value of Ultra- viontan- ism, and natio7ial Churches. of capitular election, the king was to nominate, the Pope to collate to episcopal sees. Annates were restored to the Pope, who also received a small sti- pulated patronage in place of his indefinite preroga- tive of reserving benefices. Whilst the Parliament of Paris yielded only to force in allowing the con- cordat to be unregistered, and the University stopped little short of sedition, the king and the Pope had each got what they desired. To the king fell the real power and the essential patronage of the Church ; by the Pope the recognition of his authority has been secured. Never should it be forgotten in tracing the national efforts for independence between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries, that it was from the Universities of that age — from Oxford, from Prague, from Paris — that the reactions against the Latin system pro- ceeded which finally terminated in the Reformation. In the Universities then, as now, the spirit of re- action attained to maturity earlier than elsewhere, and from them as centres, it diffused itself over Europe, ' praemisso qualificatis, aut saltern qui per tres annos in theologia ' studuerint . . . conferantur.' . . . Ibid. p. 956 : ' Statuimus quo- ' que, quod in provisionibus quas personis quibusois de beneficiis ' vacantibus . . . per nos et successores nostros . . . fieri conti- ' gerit, illorum verus annuus . . . valor secundum communem ' aestimationem exprimi debeat. . . . Statuimus quoque . . . quod ' in regno . . . omnes et singulae causae, exceptis majoribus in ' jure expresse denominatis, apud illos judices in partibus, qui ' . . . cognitionem habent, terminari et finiri debeant.' Ibid. p. 957 : ' . . . Insuper ordinamus quod quicumque clericus . . . ' publicus concubinarius a perceptione fructuum omnium bene- ' ficiorum suorum trium mensium spatio sit ipso facto suspensus.' I I coycLL's/ox. 629 like the sound of a passing bell, foretelling the chap. coming end of Mediaeval Christendom. The deep ' moral earnestness of the Teutonic nations no less than their intense individualism begin henceforth to be factors in the historv of relis^ious truth, and to attract by their freshness and life no less than by the fact that they speak directly to the heart of the modern world. For if the Romans and the Romance nations loved system, the Teutonic nations have ever attached greater importance to the principle of per- sonal responsibility. The struggle to assert this prin- ciple appeared at first a struggle to establish national Chuches, these being the representatives of national independence. Wycliffe, Huss, and the Gallican doctors succumbed in the attempt, but at the Refor- mation victory declared itself on the side for which they had fought. National Churches were ever}*- where established ; the Papacy itself was reduced to the rank of a national institution, and became hence- forth ultramontane. And yet all these new ecclesiastical institutions growing up as they did on the ruins of the old Me- diaeval Papac}-, were only stepping-stones in one direction, imperfect attempts to assert the personal responsibility of each individual to God — a view which, to the Teutonic mind, seems as indispensable and as important as an ecclesiastical system seemed to the Latin mind, for the purpose of mediating between God and man. In the Latin system was expressed the Latin character, its love of central- isation, its love of law, its sinking of individuals in the commonwealth. The new ecclesiastical insti- 630 REACTIONS AGAINST THE LATIN SYSTEMS. PART tutlons which came into being at the Reformation, expressed (as well as that age could do it) the Teu- tonic character, its love of freedom, its idea of direct dependence on God, its intense individualism. The Latin system still exists, although no longer com- manding the allegiance of the world, but confined to the Romance nations or those characters in the old* and new w^orld which have an affinity for the Ro- mance nations, and on whom the spell of antiquity still is strong. Other national Churches and new phases of belief have grown up and flourish beside it, and, as being more congenial, are more popular among the nations of Teutonic origin and those under the influence of Teutonic ideas. But what, after all, are the Papacy or those Churches which dispute its claims more than national institutions ? Each may aspire to be the only true, but each is far from being the one only Catholic Chni^ch. If Christendom is ever again to be united, so as to convince the world of the Divine mission of its Founder, such a union must neither be expected from the Latin system, with all Its grandeur and attrac- tiveness for lovers of the past and lovers of culture, nor yet from any particular form of Teutonic indi- vidualism and self-assertion, however flattering these forms may appear to human reason. Only a higher and more solid form of Catholicity can join In one fold the Celt and the Teuton, the Greek and the Scythian, the Jew and the savage who shall yet be reclaimed from some country far remote — a Catho- licity, in fact, which can look beyond Its own narrow horizon and sink national peculiarities, and which CONCLUSION. 5^ J can cultivate more deeply that one grace without chap. which the tongue of men and angels will profit " nothing. The prodigal waste of mental and moral forces in the Middle Ages, for ends wholly incom- mensurate — for they had been no sooner attained than they were as soon lost — will not have happened in vain, If over their grave a voice is heard, reminding modern society of the great end for which Christ came into the world, and comparing with it the objects on which Christendom is from time to time wasting her energies. For what, after all, are national Churches but things of the day, passing forms in the development of Christianity ? What are their ex- clusive pretensions to Infallibility but tinkling brass and a sounding cymbal ? cos>.coi;^. \ N.YOKH APPENDIX IV. PART III. The Pope bestoiued spiritual STAT. 25 EDWARDI III. ST. VI., COMMONLY CALLED STATUTE OF PRO VISORS, A.D. 1850.1 WHEREAS, late in the parliament of good memory of Edward King of England, grandfather to our lord the king that now is, the 35th year of his reign, holden at CarHsle, the petition heard, put before the said grandfather and his council in his said parliament by the commonality of the said realm, containing, that whereas the holy church of England was founded in the estate of prelacy, within the realm of England, by the said grandfather and his progenitors, and the earls, barons, and other nobles of the said realm, and their ancestors, to inform them and the people of the law of God, and to make ho.spitalities, alms, and other works of charity, in the places where the churches were founded, for the souls of the founders, their heirs, and all Christians ; and certain possessions, as well in fees, lands, rents, as in advowsons, which do extend to a great value, were assigned by the said founders to the prelates and other people of the holy church of the said realm, to sustain the same charge, and especially of the possessions which were assigned to archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, religions, and all other people of holy church, by the kings of the said realm, earls, barons, and other great men of his realm ; the same kings, earls, barons, and other nobles, as lords and avowees, have had and ought to have the custody of such voidances, and the presentments and the collations of the benefices being of such prelacies. IL And the said kings in times past were wont to have the greatest part of their council, for the safeguard of the realm when ' From Stephen's Ecclesiastical Statutes, vol. i. p. 58. STATITKS OF PROl'JSORS. f.^-y they had need, of such prelates and clerks so advanced; the APP. Bishop of Rome, accroching to him the seigniories of such posses- • sions. and benefices, doth give and grant the same benefices to Ihnngs aliens, which did never dwell in Endand, and to cardinals, which ^^P^^ ' ° . . aliens not might not dwell here, and to other as well aliens as denizens, as divellin^ if he had been patron or advowee of the said dignities and bene- in Eng- fices, as he was not of right by the law of England; whereby if '^^ \ they should be suffered, there should scarcely be any benefice ^J^J^^' within a short time in the said realm, but that it should be in the nieiices hands of aliens and denizens by virtue of such provisions, against ensuing the good will and disposition of the founders of the same bene- fices ; and so the elections of archbishops, bishops, and other religions should fail, and the alms, hospitalities, and other works of charity, which should be done in the said places, should be withdrawn, the said grandfather, and other lay patrons, in the time of such voidances, should lose their presentments, the said council should perish, and goods without number should be carried out of the realm, in adnullation of the estate of the holy church of England, and disherison of the said grandfather, and the earls, barons, and other nobles of the said realm, and in offence and destruction of the laws and rights of his realm, and to the great damage of his people, and in subversion of all the estate of his said realm, and against the good disposition and will of the first founders. By the assent of the earls, barons, and other nobles, and of all the said commonality, at their instances and requests, the damage and grievances afore considered, in the said full par- liament it was ordained, provided, established, agreed, adjudged, and considered, that the said oppressions, grievances, and damages, in the same realm, from henceforth should not be suffered in any manner. And now it is showed to our lord the king in this pre- sent parliament holden at Westminster, at the iitas of the Puri- fication of our Lady, the five and twentieth year of his reign of England, and of France the twelfth, by the grievous complaints of all the commons of his realm, that the grievances and mischiefs aforesaid do daily abound, to the greater damage and destruction of all his realm of England, more than ever were before, viz. that now or late the Bishop of Rome, by procurement of clerks and The Pope otherwise, hath reserved, and doth daily reserve to his collation, ^^^'"^^^ ^^^^ generally and especially, as well archbishopricks, bishopricks, of the abbeys, and priories, as all other dignities and other benefices of Churchy England, which be of the advowry of people of holy church, and ^'J^.^/Jr^ give the same as well to aliens as to denizens, and taketh of all ^.^ 634 APPENDIX IV. PART III. the first- fruits to /limse/f. The causes and rea- sons of making this statute. Elections of the dignities of the Church shall be free^ as they liiere founded. Patrons andfou7i- dersof the dignities of the Church, and their heirs., shallhave such benefices the first-fruits, and many other profits, and a great part of the treasure of the said reahii is carried away and dispended out of the reahn, by the purchasers of such benefices and graces aforesaid ; and also by such privy reservations many clerks ad- vanced in this realm by their true patrons, which have peaceably holden their advancements by long time, be suddenly put out; whereupon the said commons have prayed our said lord the king, that sith the right of the crown of England, and the law of the said realm is such, that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to his realm, he ought, and is bound by his oath, with the accord of his people in his parliament, thereof to make remedy and law, and in removing the mischiefs and damages which thereof ensue, that it may please him thereupon to ordain remedy. III. Our lord the king, seeing the mischiefs and damages before mentioned, and having regard to the said statute made in the time of his said grandfather, and to the causes contained in the same, which statute holdeth always his force, and was never de- feated, nor adnulled in any point, and by so much as he is bounden by his oath to cause the same to be kept as the law of his realm, through that by sufferance and negligence it hath been sithence attempted to the contrary ; and also having regard to the grievous complaints made to him by his people in divers his parliaments holden heretofore, willing to ordain remedy for the great damages and mischiefs which have happened, and daily do happen to the church of England by the said cause ; by the assent of all the great men and of all the commonality of the said realm, to the honour of God, and profit of the said church of England, and of all his realm, hath ordered and established, that the free election of archbishops, bishops, and all other dignities and benefices elective in England, shall hold from henceforth in the manner as they were granted by the king's progenitors, and the ancestors of other lords, founders of the said dignities and other benefices. And that all prelates and other people of holy church, which have advowson of any benefices of the king's gift, or of any of his pro- genitors, or of other lords and donors, to do divine services, and other charges thereof ordained, shall have their collations and presentments freely to the same, in the manner as they were enfeoffed by their donors. And in case that reservation, collation, or provision be made by the court of Rome, of anyarchbishoprick, bishoprick, dignity, or other benefice, in disturbance of the free elections, collations, or presentations aforenamed, that at the same time of the voidance, that such reservations, collations, and pro- STATUTES OF PRO VISORS. 635 visions ought to take effect, our lord the king and his heirs shall ^pp^ have and enjoy for the same time the collations to the arch- IV. bishopricks and other dignities elective, which be of his advowry, fj^^ col/a- ' such as his progenitors had before that free election was granted, tion or since that the election was first granted by the king's progenitors P'^'^^''^^^^- upon a certain form and condition, as to demand licence of the them king to chuse, and after the election to have his royal assent, and f^^i^fg not in other manner ; which conditions not kept, the thing ought by reason to resort to his first nature. IV. And if any such reservation, provision, or collation be Where made of any house of religion of the king's advowry, in disturbance jli^j.^fj^ of free election, our sovereign lord the king, and his heirs, shall provision have for that time the collation to give this dignity to a convenient to a dio- person. And in case that collation, reservation, or provision be '^J^/ ..j ^^ made by the court of Rome, of any church, prebend or other ^he kiii\ benefices, which be of the advowry of people of holy church, shall whereof the king is advowee paramount immediate, that at the P"^^^'^ • same time of the voidance, at which time the collation, reservation, or provision ought to take effect as afore is said, the king and his heirs thereof shall have the presentment or collation for that time. And so from time to time, whensoever such people of holy church shall be disturbed of their presentments or collations, by such reservations, collations, or provisions as afore is said ; saving to them the right of their advowsons and their presentments, when no collation or provision of the court of Rome is thereof made, where that the said people of holy church shall or will to the same benefices present or make collation ; and that their presentees may enjoy the effect of their collations or presentments. And in the same manner every other lord, of what condition that he be, shall have the collations or presentments to the houses of religion which be of his advowry, and other benefices of holy church which be pertaining to the same houses. And if such advowees do not The peti- present to such benefices within the half-year after such voidances, ^lUi^s of nor the bishop of the place do not give the same by lapse of time ^/^/^./^ ^^ within a month after half a year, that then the king shall have provi- thereof the presentments and collations, as he hath of other of his own advowry. And in case that the presentees of the king, or the presentees of other patrons of holy church, or of their advowees, disturb or they to whom the king, or such patrons or advowees aforesaid, such pre- ... . . , . „ • se)itnients have given benefices pertauimg to their presentments or collations, ^^ ^/^^. be disturbed by such provisors, so that they may not have posses- tions as sion of such benefices by virtue of the presentments or collations ^^"^^'^ sions from Rome do 636 PART III. ought to viake. APPEXDIX IV. to them made, or that they which be in possession of such bene- fices, be impeached upon their said possessions by such provisors; then the said provisors, their procurators, executors, and notaries, shall be attached by their body, and brought in to answer ; and if they be convict, they shall abide in prison without being let to mainprise or bail, or otherwise delivered, till that they have made fine and ransom to the king at his will, and gree to the party that shall feel himself grieved. And nevertheless, before they shall be delivered, they shall make full renunciation, and find sufiicient surety that they shall not attempt such things in time to come, nor sue any process by them, nor by other, against any man in the court of Rome, nor in any part elsewhere, for any such im- prisonments or renunciations, nor any other thing depending of them. V. And in case that such provisors, procurators, executors, or notaries be not found, that the exigent shall run against them by due process, and that Avrits shall go forth to take their bodies in what parts they be found, as well at the king's suit as at the suit of the party, and that in the meantime the king shall have the profits of such benefices so occupied by such provisors, except abbeys, priories, and other houses, which have colleges or con- vents, and in such houses the colleges or convents shall have the profits ; saving always to our lord the king, and to all other lords, their old right. And this statute shall have place as well of reser- vations, collations, and provisions made and granted in times past against all them which have not yet obtained corporal possession of the benefices granted to them by the same reservations, colla- tions, and provisions, as against all other in time to come. And this statute oweth to hold place and to begin at the said iitas. STAT. 27 EDWARDI III. ST. T. C. i., COMMONLY CALLED STATUTE OF PROVISORS, A.D. 1353.1 First, because it is showed to our lord the king, by the grievous and clamorous complaints of the great men and commons afore- said, how that divers of the people be, and have been, drawn out of the realm to answer of things, whereof the cognizance pertain eth to the king's court; and also that the judgments given in the From Stephen's Ecclesiastical Statutes, vol. i. p. 64. STATUTES OF PROl'ISORS. 5^7 same court be impeached in another court, in prejudice and dis- ^pp^ herison of our lord the king, and of his crown, and of all the IV. people of his said realm, and to the undoing and destruction of the common law of the same realm at all times used. Whereupon, good deliberation had with the great men and other of his said council, it is assented, and accorded by our lord the king, and the great men and commons aforesaid, that all the people of the king's ligeance, of what condition that they be, which shall draw any out of the realm in plea whereof the cognizance pertaineth to the king's court, or of things whereof judgments be given in the king's court, or which do sue in any other court, to defeat or impeach the judgments given in the king's court, shall have a day, con- taining the space of tw-o months ; by warning to be made to them in the place where the possessions be which be in debate, or otherwise where they have lands or other possessions, by the sheriffs or other the king's ministers, to appear before the king and his council, or in his Chancery, or before the king's justices in his places of the one Bench or the other, or before other the king's justices which to the same shall be deputed, to answer in their proper person to the king, of the contempt done in this behalf And if they come not at the said day in their proper persons to be at the law, they, their procurators, attorneys, exe- cutors, notaries, and maintainors shall from that day forth be put out of the king's protection, and their lands, goods, and chattels forfeit to the king, and their bodies, wheresoever they may be found, shall be taken and imprisoned, and ransomed at the king's will : and upon the same a writ shall be made to take them by their bodies, and to seize their lands, goods, and possessions into the king's hands ; and if it be returned, that they be not found, they shall be put in exigent, and outlawed. II. Provided always, that at what time they come before they Appear- be outlawed, and will yield them to the king's prison to be justified ^^^''^/^^/'^ by the law, and to receive that which the court shall aAvard in this after two behalf, that they shall be thereto received ; the forfeiture of the months lands, goods, and chattels abiding in their force, if they do not "'j'-j ^''^^"^ yield them within the said two months as afore is said. lawry, but not his lands 4. or goods. INDEX. AAC AACHEN, Council of, an, 802, 80; an. 816, 81, 86; an. 862, 98, basilica at, 134 ; coronation of Frederic II, at, 256 ; coronation at, 552 Aaron, the Pope compared with, 231 Abel, the Pope corripared with, 231 Abelard, School of, 226 Abraham's example appealed to by Natalis, 27 ; appealed to by French bishops, 149; the Pope compared with, 231 Acre, fall of, 326 ; siege of, in third Cnisade, 332 Adalbert, Duke of Tuscany, 117, 1 19 Adalbert, son of Berengar II., 121, 122; oppresses Italians, 123 Adalhaid, a monk, 86 Adalheid, widow of Lothar, 122 Adelwald, King of the Lombards, 32 Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, a Crusader, 322 Adoptianists, condemned at Frankfurt, Aegean Islands, msurrection m, 48 Aegidius Albornoz reconquers estates of Church, 434 ; wrests Bologna from Visconti, 434 Aella, King of Deira, 25 Aeneas Sylvius, secretary to the Em- peror, 507; administration of, 514; career resembles that of Gregory VII, 515, 523, 524 ; undoes work of Basle, 515 ; defection of, from Basle, 516; dexterous policy of, 516; .suc- cess of, 517; alive to the danger of » the Turks, 519; elected Pope, 521 j writes a treatise on Germany, 525 Aetius, Governor-general of Gaul, 16 Africa, Western, a vicariate of Italy, 12 ; included in Italian patriarchate, 15 oppressed by Mohammedans, 39 > ALE submits to Rome, 39, 40, 44 ; scheme to attack Saracens in north, 308 ; invaded by St, Louis, 342 ; Crusade to, 342 African Bishops, letter of, to Theodore, 39 AGAPETUS IL an, 946-955, 121 AGATHO, an, 678-682, obtains abatement of fees, 39 Ailly, Peter de, a Galilean, 481, 621 ; teaching of, 623 Alani in Spain, Arians, 16 Albanum, a suffragan bishopric of Rome, 1 1 Alberic, Mafquis, 120 Alberic the Younger, 121 ; supreme, 123, 129 Albert I, sends ambassadors to Boni- face VIII., 286 ; restricts grants ill mortmain, 592 Albert II. resisted in Bohemia, 618 Albigenses, crusade against, 316 Alboin, King of the Lombards, 50 Alcuin, the adviser of Charles, 177 ALEXANDER II., an. 1061-1072 ; elected, 216 ; laws on clerical celi- bacy, 198 ; laws against simony, 203 ; heals schism in Church of Milan, 203 ; struggles of parties begin under, 213, 215 ; sends a consecrated banner to William the Conqueror, 217; finds a rival in Honorius II., 219 ; is ac- knowledged at Mantua, 220; Wibeit's oath of fidelity to, 295 ; Hildebrand's position under, 515 ALEXANDER III,, an, 1159-1181, • 213 ; election of, 234 ; restricts elec- tions in College of Cardinals, 214, 215, 238, 301, 557 ; shows spirit of Gregory VII., 235 ; takes refuge in France, 235, 386 ; supported by monks, 235 ; humbles Frederic Bar- 640 INDEX. ALE barossa, 237 ; concludes treaty of Venice, 242 ; resides little in Rome, 243, 379 ; requires qualifications in a Pope, 247 ; receives Becket's letter, 376 ; and surrender of archbishopric, 378 ; excommunicates Becket's mur- derers, 382 ; assumes a tone of com- mand in asking for benefices, 383 ALEXANDER IV., an. 1254-1261, 264 ; defied by Manfred, 266 ; pre- vents election of Conrad IV., 267 ; invited to decide election in Ger- many, 267 ; confirms his prede- cessor's grant, 392 ; makes conces- sions to St. Louis, 619 ALEXANDER V., an. 1409-1410 ; election of, 471, 472 ; death of, 473; Bull in favour of mendicants, 576; receives submission of Zbynek, 608 ALEXANDER VI., an. 1 492-1 503 ; election of, 527 ; infamous career of, 529 ; death of, by poison, 531, 533 ; attempts to create a principality for his family, 534 Alexander, Lord of Pezaro, divorced from Lucretia, 530 Alexandria, an old centre, 2 ; rivalry of, and Antioch, 2 ; patriarch of, 12 ; Eulogius, 29 ; Theophilus, 91 ; pa- triarch of, at Pisa, 469 Alexius, treacherous to Crusaders, 322, 323, 334 ; gains possession of Nice, 325 Alexius III., son of Isaac, 337; put to death, 338 Alfonso IX. of Leon succumbs to In- nocent III., 250 Alfonso of Castile claims empire, 268, 554 ; renounces claim, 268 Alfonso of Aragon, 530 Alfonso of Este, 510, 536 Alienordis, wifeof Louis VII. of France, 327 Alps, crossed by the Church, 2 ; crossed by Lombards, 50 ; appeal of Gregory I III. beyond, 54 ; crossed by Pepin, j 64, 66 ; by Charles, 67 ; by Pope Leo III., 72 ; bv ambassadors of i Paschal L, 83; by Otto III., 131 ; ' by Henry III., 139 ; by Henry IV,, 209 ; by Emperor Lothar, 225 ; by Fi ederic Barbarossa, 232 ; consu s banished across, 128; Otto III. borne back across, 134 ; Henry VI I. 's efforts beyond, 419 Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, elected Pope, 505 Amalekites, Turks compared with, 320 Amalfi, place of exile of Urban II., 220 APU Amatus, bishop of, 296 Anacletus II., rival Pope to Innocent II., 224 ; death of, 225 Anagni, capture of Boniface VIII, at, 277; tragedy at, 41 1 ; cardinals re- pair to, 441 ANASTASIUS II., an, 496-498, de- cretals of, 89 Anasfasiiis, rival of Benedict III., 97 Ancona, part of estates of Church, 57 ; death of Pius II. at, 523 Andrew's, St., Becket at monastery of, Andronicus, elevation of, 334 Angeli, John, a Franciscan, 577 Angelo Coravio elected Pope, 453 Angelo, St., castle of, taken by Cres- centius, 130; his body hung on battlements of, 131 ; Gregoiy VIL besieged in, 218; Anacletus 11. be- sieged in, 225 Angevin, Henry II., an. 368 Angles, 24, 25 Aniane, residence of Benedict, 82 Anjou, Charles of, 266 ; cruelty to Conradin, 266; war of, against Man- fred, 316 ; claims of Naples, 526 ; Clement IV. dependent on, 619 Annates, payment of, introduced, 566 Anno of Cologne, guardian of Henry IV., 219 Ansegis, Bishop of Sens, nominated Apostolic Vicar, 109, 389 Anselm, on the side of the Pope, 219 ; struggle of, and Henry I., 221, 359 ; beginning of, 360 ; recognises Urban I., 360; his patience exhausted, 362; meets Henry at Bee, 362 Anspert, Bishop of Milan, no Antioch, an old centre, 2 ; rivalry of, and Alexandria, 2 ; patriarch of, 12 ; besieged by Cinisaders, 323 ; long delay at, 324 ; gained by Boemund, 325 ; fall of principality of, 326 ; burial of Frederic Barbarossa at, 333 ; lo.ss of, 342 Apiarius, appeal of, to Rome, 15 Apocrisiarii, institution of, 31 Apostolic Canons, 89 ; See, consent of, required by Valentinian III., 17; a never-failing source of comfort, 39 ; authority of, 40; Church democratic, 142 ; Arnold's attempt to revive, Church, 226 Apostolical Churches, respect for, 14 Appeal because of abuses in France, 620 Apulia, a suburban province, 12; re- conquered by Henry VI., 244; Crusaders embark from, 336 INDEX. 641 AQU BAS Aquileia, submission of, to Rome, 41 ; patriarchs of, withdraw to Grado, 41 ; present at Sutri, 139 ; oath of the pa- triarch of, 295 ; Council of, an. 1409, 455, 469 ; patriarchate of, coveted by Emperor, 536 Aquitaine, bishops from, at Frankfort, 71 ; Duke of, leads a crusade, 326 Arabia in the hands of the Turks, 329 Arabs molest St. Louis, 342 Aragon, Peter II. of, grants his king- dom to the Pope, 253 ; Innocent IV. seeks a reception in, 263 ; scandalised with Philip's conduct, 415 ; Synod held at, 455 ; Kings of, desert Bene- dict XIII., 485 ; crusade successful in, 520 ; Alfonso of, 530 ; King of, concludes league of Cambray, 535 ; hereditary succession in, 559 Aragonese rulers of Sicily, 437 Archiepiscopal superintendence of Roman territory, 1 1 Ardoin, Margrave of lorea, contests kingdom of Italy with Henry II., 136 Ariald, a preacher of repentance at Milan, 203 Arianism in Spain, 28 Arians in Spain, 16 Aristotle and the Schoolmen, 548 Aries, dissension of Archbishops of, 16; Archbishop of, present at Sutri, 139 ; Council of, an. 813, 164, 168 ; king- dom of, conferred on Boso, 1 70 ; Council of, an. 549, 1 76 ; protest of cardinals before Archbishop of, 441 Arnold of Brescia opposes the Pope, 199 ; condemned and driven from Italy, 226 ; decline of power of, 230 ; })arty overthrown by the help of Frederic Barbarossa, 232 Arnulf's visits to Italy, 115, 116; instals bishops, 157 Arras, bishopric of, 181 Aschaffenburg, Concordat of, 515 ; negotiated, 516; breaches of, 524 ^sia, tide of faith rolled back on, 311 ; reached by crusaders, 323 ; fall of Eastern Empire in, 583 Assise of Jerusalem, 325 Asti, Bishop of, deposed by Henry II., Astolf, Lombard king, threatens Rome, 63 ; defeated at Pavia, 64 ; besieges Rome, 64; accedes to Pepin's de- mands, 66 Asturica, Bishop of, 27 Asylum, privilege of, 177 Attigny-sur-Aisne, Diet of, 86 Augsburg, fixed ab the place of meeting between Henry IV, and Hildebrand, 208 ; privilege of, 582 Augustine despatched to England, 25 ; epistles of Gregory to, 26 ; mission of, 144 Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 40 Augustiniaa, Nicolas, 577 Augustus, the Pope the representative of, 284; Emperor do., 575 Austie, Lord of, kind to Huss, 613 Austrasian France, abeyance of synods in, 167 Austria, Frederic of, 424, 554 ; Frederic of, 482 ; Sigismond, Duke of, 526 Autcar, Bishop of Mainz, 89 ; supposed author of False Decretals, 92 Aventine, residence of Otto III., 133 Avignon, residence of Popes at, 564, 566 ; entails loss of political supre- macy, 6, 40, 409, 414, 461, 540, 553» 599 'y Clement V. removes to, 410; high claims of Popes at, 418 ; Popes reside at, 421, 544, 562, 621 ; policy of Popes at, 423 ; effects of, on Rome, 431 ; supplies cut off from, 436 ; residence at a period of cap- tivity, 438, 439, 554; French Pope imprisoned at, 451 ; French Pope at, 452 ; luxury of Popes at, 455 ; go- vernment of, entrusted to a cardinal, 497 BABEXBERGERS, feuds of, 114 Babylon, 262 ; conflict with, 344 Babylonish Captivity, Papal residence at Avignon so called, 409 Bajazet, the Turkish sultan, 529 Baldwin, brother to Godfrey of Bou- logne, 322 ; founds principality of Edessa, 323, 325 Baldwin of Flanders, a crusader, 335 ; Emperor of Constantinople, 339 Balle, John, heads an insurrection in England, 595 Balthasar Cossa elected Pope, 473 Bamberg, Suidger, Bishop of, 139 Bari, Archbishop of, 441 Barnabas, founder of Church of Milan, 14, 17 Barthelemy of Bari elected Pope, 441 Basle, anti-pope appointed at, 216; Council of, 214, 494, 575 ; convened by Martin V., 495 ; assembles, 496 ; asserts its prerogatives, 497 ; aspires to supremacy, 501, 535, 624; objects to a removal to Italy, 502 ; Council without a head, 502 ; commands sympathies of Europe, 503; reform - T T 642 INDEX. BAV ing decrees of, 503 ; adopted in France, 504 ; in Germany, 504 ; Council attacks Eugenius, 505 ; loses we'ght, 506 ; removes to Lausanne, 506 ; decrees of, allowed by Eugenius, ! 507 ; results of, 508 ; Aeneas Sylvius \ at, 514 ; Nicolas V. desires to con- clude, 515 ; blow given to authority of, 516 ; importance of lay-element at, 563 ; negotiates with Hussites, 617 Bavaria, John, Duke of, 254 ; Frederic of, 266 ; Duke of, a Crusader, 326 ; Lewis of, 424 Bavarian nation in University of Prague, 546 Bee, interview of Anselm and Henry I. at, 362 Becket, elevated to see of Canterbury, 370 ; on the side of the Pope, 219 ; champion of English party, 368 ; dispute with Henry H., 215, 304, 347, 581, 620; writes to Alexander III., 376; promises to observe Con- stitutions, 374 ; dignity of, 378 ; in exile in France, 378 ; reconciled to Henry IL at Freteville, 379 ; return to Canterbury, 380; murder of, 381 ; shrine of, 355, 382 Bedford, Philip de Brois, Canon of, 370 Beghards, 573; join Taborites, 617 Belisar overthrows Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy, 52 Benedetti, elected Pope, 270 Benedict of Aniane, an ascetic, 82 Benedict Levita, supposed author of False Decretals, 92 BENEDICT IL, an. 684-685, secures privileges, 39 BENEDICT III., an. 855-858, 97 BENEDICT IV., an. 90C^903, 117 BENEDICT v., an. 963-964, 126; deposed and sent into exile, 127 BENEDICT VI., an. 972-974, mur- dered, 128 BENEDICT VIL, an. 974-983, nephew of Alberic, 128; protected bv Otto II. , 128 BE5s^EDICT VIII. , an. 1012-1024, 136 BENEDICT IX., an. 1033-1046, 137 ; } a boy with the vices of a man, j 137; sells the see, 138; abdicates, [ 139, 270; last Pope in the right of | the Papacv, 140 BENEDICT X., an. 1058-1059, ' 191 ; deposed by Hildebrand, 192, j 270 ' I BOE BENEDICT XL, an. 1 303-1 305, suc- ceeds Boniface VIII. , 410 ; retracts his predecessor's policy, 410 ; con- cessions of, 412. 544 BENEDICT XIL, an. 1334-1342, 421 ; a severe reformer, 423 ; at- tempted reconciliation of Lewis IV. to, 428 ; deception of, 430 ; sentence of, declared invalid, 451 ; disposes of vacant benefices, 565 ; pretensions of, 572 Benedict XIII., an. 1 394- 1409, elec- tion of, 449 ; replies to University of Pai-is, 450 ; states-general refuse al- legiance to, 45 1 ; refuses to be bound by promises, 452 ; unwilling to re- sign, 453 ; condemned at Pisa, 470; refuses to acknowledge Council, 473 ; supported by Spain and Scot- land, 474 ; obstinacy of, 485 Benevento, dukedom of, established by Lombards, 51 ; Duke of, invades Campania, 51 ; breaks away from Pavia, 67 ; dukedom granted by Charles to Grimoald, 69 ; battle of, 266 Bennet, altar of, at Canterbury, 381 Berengar L, pedigree of, 112; of FriuH, 115; success of, 117, 118; repairs to Rome, 118; loses power, 119 Berengar IL, Margrave of Ivrea, 121 ; oppresses Italians, 123 ; complains of simony, 202 Bergomo promised to King of France, 536. Berkshire, property of the Church in, 350 Berkhampstead, Becket warden of, 377 Bernarbo Visconti, 436 Bernard, nephew of Lewis the Pious, 86 Bernard, St., a supporter of the Pope, 219; supports Innocent II. , 224; invites Lothar to cross the Alps, 225 ; preaches at Vezelay, 229, 327 ; his language to Eugenius, 230 ; preaches in Germany, 328, 522 ; appearance of a second, 334 Bernarius, a monk, 86 Bertha, mother of Emperor Charles, 80 Bertha, wife of Adalbert, 119 Bessarion, Cardinal, preaches in Ger- many, 522 Bethlehem chapel in Prague, 606, 610 Bethlem, reached by Crusaders, 324 Blois, Stephen of, 322 ; Louis of, 335 Blondel attacks False Decretals, 92 Boemund, Norman ally of Urban II. , INDEX. H% BOH CAL 314; treacherous, 322; Prince of Toronto obtains Antioch, 325 Bohemia, King of, takes the cross, 328 ; plan of, in electoral college, 557 ; supports Realism, 594 ; national party in, 599, 603, 614, 607 ; in- dignant at Bull of Alexander V., 608 ; declared, 6lo ; granted to Mathias of Hungary, 618 Bohemian natio^n in University of Prague, 546, 602 ; reformers, 588 ; party led by Huss, 601, 602 ; party powerful, 617 ; rivalry of, and Ger- man nation, 603, 604, 606 ; divided, 611 Bohemians support Gregory XII., 606 j exasperated,. 616 Bohmisch-Brod, synod convened at, 612 ; defeat of Taborites at, 617 Bologna, civilians of, define imperial prerogatives, 234 ; wrested from Bernarbo Visconti, 434 ; Consul at, 496 ; Eugeniiis resides at, 502 ; wrested by Julius XL, 535; the Pope at, 610 Boniface^ the apostle of Germany, 42, 144 ; establishes new Sees, 43 ; oath to the Pope, 42, 45, 93, 141, 294; appointed legate by Zachary, 59 ; crowns Pepin, 62, 389 ; reforms Prankish Church, 60 ; archbishop of Mainz, 62 ; complains of irregular appointments, 160 ; of Church pro- perty being plundered, 161 ; of iay- interference in synods, 167 ; con- sequences of oath, 365 BONIFACE VIL, an. 974, ejected by the people, 129 ; returns from exile, 129 BONIFACE VIIL, an. 1294-1303, time of, 183 ; Papacy of, 2691, 579; lavish grant of indulgences, 272 ; struggle with Philip the Fair, 272, 393, 620 ; second struggle with Philip, 274 ; dignified conduct of, at *Anagni, 277 ; fall of, 278 ; death, 542, 557 ; idea of the Holy Empire, 285, 626 ; signs of decline under, 409; charged with heresy, 413; memory vindicated at Vienne, 416; ends heyday of Papacy, 419, 553 ; appeals from, 426 ; claims of, denied, 551, 570; work of, undone, 539; assumes a second crown, 552 BONIFACE IX., an. 1 389-1 404 ; saves a kingdom, 445 ; founds Boni- facian plantation, 447 ; outwits Wen- ceslaus, 450 ; sends out agents of indulgences, 456 ; claims revenues of T bishoprics during a vacancy, 457; grants privileges to Duke of Austria, 580 Bonifacian plantation founded by Boni. face IX., 447 Bordeaux, Bishop of, elected Pope, 412 Borgia, Caesar, 530, 531 Boso, elected King of Provence, no, 1 70 ; obtains dukedom of Tuscany, 121 Bosporus, crossed by crusaders, 322, 323, 337 Boulogne, Godfrey of, 2H, 309, 322 Bourges, Pragmatic Sanction of, 504, 506, 624 Brandenburg, place of» in electoral Col- lege, 557 Brescia, election of anti-Pope Clement at, 220; Arnold of, 199, 226; pro- mised to King of France, 536 Brigbote, 151 Britain, a vicariate of Gaul, 13 ; mission of Augustine to, 23 ; bishops of, at Frankfurt, 71 Brito, Richard, one of the murderers of Becket, 380 Broc, Ranulph and Robert de, 380 Brois, Philip de, 370 Bruges, embassy meets papal nuncios at, 589 Brundisi promised to Ai-agon, 536 Brunhild, Queen of France, 28 Bmno, a kinsman of Otto III., ap- pointed Pope, 131 Brunswick secures, privileges, 582 Bruttii, a suburban province, 12 Bulgaria, crusadcjjs perish in, 321 Bure, Henry II. aij, 379 Burgundy, Councils in, 181 ; Duke of, leads a cnisade, 326 ; included in kingdom of Charles, 562 Burhbote, 151 Bythinia, terror of Ortok reaches, 318 Byzantine despot, 35 ; troops combine with Venice against Lombards, 52 ; dream of transferring crown to West, Byzantium, claims of, 66 CAEN, synod of, an. 1042, 182 Caesar Borgia, career of, 530, 531 Caesars, city of the, 132 Calabria, a suburban province, 12 Calchuth, synod of, 170 Caligula, cruelty of, surpassed, 532 Calixtines, or Utraquists, in Bohemia, T 2 644 IXDEX, CAL CHA 6i6 ; separate from Taborites, 617; refuse to be dupes, 618 CALIXTUS II., an. 1119-1124, con- cludes Concordat of Worms, 215, 223, 365 CalixtHs III., an. 1 168, anti-Pope, 235; deserted by Frederic Barbarossa, 236 ; master in Rome, 222 ; breaks Concordat of Aschaffenburg, 524, CALIXTUS III., an. 1455-1458, 515 ; efforts of, to stir up a crusade, 520 Calliopas, Italian exarch, 35 Calvary, Godfrey's standard erected on, 324 Camarina, dependants of, 116 Cambray, bishopric of, 181 ; Robert, Bishop of, 441 ; league of, concluded, 535, 626 Campania, a suburban province, 12 ; invaded by Lombards, 51 Candia, Peter de, elected Pope, 471 Canossa, humiliation of Henry IV. at, 88, 209, 211, 212, 246 Cantei-bury, Stephen Langton, Arch- bishop of, 250 ; Becket, Archbishop, 304, 370; revisited by Becket, 380; Archbishop of, submits to taxation of the clergy, 392 ; Wycliffe appears before, 592 ; archbishops of, 596 Canterbuiy Hall, Wycliffe appointed to, 587 Canute, King of Denmark, 144 Capua, captured by Henry VI., 245 Caracalla, Emperor, 91 Cardinals, College of, founded, 192 ; history of, 557 ; corresponds with electoral College, 558 Carloman, son of Charles Martel, in- vites Boniface to interpose, 60, 159; his fatherless children betrayed by Hadrian, 68 Carloman, son of Charles the Bald, re- bellious, 105 Carolingian Empire goes to pieces, 113; liberality of C. Emperors, 149, 348 ; bestow bishopi-ics in usufmct, 161 ; hold empire for 88 years, 287 ; ex- tinction of, 533 Carthage, capitalof Western Africa, 13; French arlny sets down before, 343 Carthaginian, absence of faith, 532 Castile claims Portugal, 239 ; claims supremacy, 253; Alfonso of, 268; reduced by the Papacy, 293 ; re- stricts gifts in mortmain, 351 ; Kings of, yield to Urban's demands, 363 ; follows example of France, 451 ; hereditary succession in, 559 ; Code of, 583 Celidonius, reinstated by Leo, 16 Celtic inhabitants of England, 24 ; races of Wales, 24 Cencius, governor of the city of Rome, 207 ; carries off Gregory VII., 218 Cervia, Julius II. attempts to recover, 535, 536 Cesena, ceded to Rome, 66 ; Michael of, 573 Chalons, Council of, 813, 168 ; con- ference of Henry V. and Pope at, 364 Champagne, Count of, 335 Charles of Anjou receives crown of Sicily, 266 ; followers of, moved to tears, 267; his crusade against Man- fred, 292 ; coerces Clement IV., 619 Charles of Durazzi, 443 ; receives Naples, 445 Charles of Valois, aspirations to the empire of, 414 Charles Martel, in Gennany, 144 ; victory of, at Tours, 54 ; repels Saracens, 519 ; death of, 55 ; his son Pepin, 56 ; appeal of Gregoiy III. to, 54, 56, 146 ; vigorous ad- ministration of, 60 ; plunders eccle- siastical property, 60, 161 Charles I., 85 ; son ofPepin the Short, King of Franks, 67 ; makes a dona- tion to Popes, 69, 70 ; summons C'^uncil of Frankfurt, 71 ; visits Rome, 73 ; is crowned Emperor by Leo III., 74, 550; importance of the coronation of, 78, 93, 124; his capitularies, 79 ; his legislation, 81, 86 ; Rome on the death of, 85 ; relations of, 1 12, 115; tomb of, visited by Otto HI., 134 ; capitulary of, in favour of tithes, 150; division of tithes, 151; forbids clerg}' to go to war, 152 ; grants privileges to Osnabriick, 152 ; requires churches to keep advocates, 153; forbids lay- men to judge ecclesiastics, 153 ; re- quires oath of allegiance from bishops, 157; restores free elections, 160; construes ecclesiastical and civil legislation, 168 ; advised by Alcuin, 177 ; capitulary of, on asylums, 178 ; rivalry of Popes and anti-Popes dates from, 213 ; ability of, founds empire, 287 ; capitularies of, agninst deserters, 293 ; establishes ecclesiastical courts, 369 ; kingdom of, 562 Charles II., the Bald, uncle of Lothar, 105; pedigree of, 112, donation of, 132 ; receives frcnn INDEX. 645 CHA Hadrian II. the privilege of nomi- nating the Pope, 216; censures on vassals of, 293 Charles III., the Fat, pedigree of, 112 ; death of, 113, 115 Charles IV., Emperor, 431, 434 ; concessions to procure recognition of, 433, 544; has a rival in Gunther of Schwartzburg, 544 ; golden bull of, 556, 560, 580 ; attempts to annul privileges, 5?2 ; founds University of Prague, 602 Charles I. of England, 561 Charles IV. of France, 421 Charles V. of France, 580 Charles VI. of France combines with the Emperor, 450, 460 ; appealed to, by University of Paris, 460 Charles VII, of France adopts Prag- matic Sanction of Bourges, 504 ; adheres to it, 506, 626 ; forbids public preaching of a Crusade, 520 ; reproached by Pius II., 526; ap- peals to a General Council, 526 ; refuses Martin V.'s Concordat, 624 Charles VII. of France in Rome, 530 Charter, the Great, granted at Runny- mede, 253, 351, 397, 571, 586 Chartres, Stephen, Count of, 322, 327; Louis of, 335 ; Ivo of, 366 Chapters, the three, 41 Chersonesus, Martin I. banished to, 36 Childeric III. deposed, 62, 283 Chlum, John of, kindness to Huss, 613 Chorepiscopi, institution of, 172 Christendom not permanently united, 307 Christian populace, 143 Christianity, change of ground of, l ; confounded with civilisation, 5 ; uprooted in England, 23 ; first adherents of, 47 ; first introduction of, 141 ; the note of, 184; Latin swav of, over, 549 CHRISTOPHER, an. 903-904, 117 Chrodegang, rule of, 82 Churverein in Germany, 560 Circumspecte agatis. Statute of, 581 Cistercians, Henry II. threatens to ex- pel, 378 Clairvaux, Bernard, Abbot of, 327 Clarendon, Constitutions of, 372, 375, 581 ; framers of, excommunicated, 379 lemangis, Nicolas de, 448, 621 ; book Ue Ruina Ecclesiae, 449, 458 CLEMEN , Bishop of Rome, 90 CLEMENT II., an. 1046-1048, 139 ; his accession the dawn of a new day, COL I 140, 187; Papacy of, 196; time of, j 282 ; appomted by Henry III., 216 Ckfnent IIL, anti-Pope, 211, 361 ; rival j Pope to Gregory VII, 220; driven from Rome, 221 i CLEMENT III., an. 1188-1191 I CLEMENT IV., an. 1265-1268, 264; cruelty of, 267 ; claims presentation to all benefices, 387 ; excommuni- cates Joannes Seneca, 393 ; abso- lutely dependent on Charles of Anjou, 619 CLEMENT v., an. 1 305-1 314, elec- tion of, 412, 440; removes to Avig- non, 611, 613; condemns the Templars, 416; severity towards Venice, 418 ; supports Henry VII., 419 ; asserts feudal sovereignty over Sicily, 420 ; Bull of, 424 ; Bull denied, 429 ; refers enquiry to a general council, 426 ; policy of, 544 ; claims feudal sovereignty over empire, 553 ; pledged to a line of conduct, 557 CLEMENT VI., an. 1342-1352,421 ; worldly minded, 423 ; turns facts adroitly, 430 ; aware of threatening danger, 432; concessions in Ger- many, 433; disposes of vacant bene- fices, 565 ; grants tenths to Philip of Valois, 566 Clef?ient VII., an. 1378-1394 ; election of, 441, 442 ; supported by Naples, 445 ; not generally recognised, 446 ; receives letter of University of Paris, 449, 458 ; sells presentations, 457. Clericis Laicos, the Bull, 272, 41 1 Clermont, synod of, 221, 521 ; decides first crusade, 313, 320, 324 Clotair, Kmg of France, 28 Clovis, time of, 63 ; converted by Remigius, I43; warriors of, bap- tized, 144 ; Council of Orleans, in time of, 154 Clugnv, abbot of, 209 COELESTINE I., an. 423-432, ap- pealed to bv Agiarius, 15 COELESTINE III., an. 1191-1198, 243; crowns Henry VI., 244; death of, 245 COELESTINE V., an. 1294, deposed by Boniface VIII., 270 Coelian hill, the retreat of Gregory I., 9 Colman, champion of the Scots, 25, 146 Cologne, position of, in electoral col- lege, 556; secures privileges, 582; 646 INDEX. COL Archbishop of, 20, 506 ; Gunther of, 99 ; Armo of, 819 ; Archbisliop of, supports Richard of Cornwall, 268 ; deposed by Eugenius IV., 507; re- instated, 508 Colonna, family of, suffer from ven- geance of Boniface VIII., 270 j crusade against, 271, 278, 292, 316; rule in Rome, 431 ; Otto of, 609 Columban, complaints of, 167 Compiegne, Lewjs deposed at, 87 Concordat, Martin VI. 's, with Eijgland, Conrad of Montferrat, 331 Conrad of Waldhausen, Bohemian reformer, 588, 599 Conrad, rival emperor, 302 Conrad II.. deposes bishops, 157; tp,kes a fourth crown, 552 Conrad III. elected emperor, 227 ; unable to contend with disadvantages, 228 ; takes the cross, 328 ; loses army on the banks of the Maeander, 329 Conrad IV. of Hohenstaufen, 264 ; son of Frederic II., 265, 341 ; death of, 265 Conradin of Hohenstaufen, 265 ; fall of, 266 ; ten y^ears after death of, 269 Constance, Otto, I^shop of, 201 j treaty of, concluded b-/ Frederic I., 238 ; effects of, 242,' 243 ; Council of, follows example of Boniface VIII., 270, 575 ; convened, 472, 475 ; escape of John XXII. from, 482 ; resoluteness qf, 484, 624 ; generally acknowledged, 486 ; close of Council of, 494; zeal for Reformation at, 496; claims supremacy, 501, 553; decrees imposed on Eugenius IV., 507, 508 ; results of, 508 ; recognises Observants, 574; Gallican party at, 578; enemies of Huss at, 611 ; impi-isons Huss, 612; decree against the use of the cup, 615 Constans, type of, 35 Constantia, heiress of Sicily, marries Henry VI,, 243, 244 ; death of, 245 Constantine, Bishop of Milan, 32 Constantine's gift to Sylvester I., II, 58, 94; Otto III.'s dream of being a second Constantine, 132, 183; duration of, 132; conversion of, 143 ; diadem of Boniface VIII. worn by, 628 Constantine, Emperor, grants privi- leges to Ravenna, 40 CONSTANTINE, an. 708-714, 38, 67 DAM Constantinople, an old centre, 2 : rivalry of, and Rome, 2 ; removal of court to, 10 ; patriarch of, 12, 29 ; election of Popes confirmed at, 31 ; Martin J, at, 36 ; insurrection of, 48 ; Italians appeal to, against Narses, 50 ; hold of, on Italy, 52 ; legates of Nicolas I. cormpted at, 29 ; crusade directed against, 337 ; success of crusaders against, 259 ; capture of, called a crusade, 316 ; taken by the Franks, 317, 345 ; reached by crusaders, 321, 323 ; Franks settled at, 334 ; believed to be eternal, 337; two sieges of, 337; 338 ; Latin empire founded at, 338 ; fall of, before the Turks, 518, 548 ; importance of, 547 Constitutions of Clarendon, 372, 375, 581 Constitutions of St. Louis, 583. See Establishments Coi$, the Northumbrian priest, 168 Cornwall, Celtic races of, 24 ; Richard Duke of, 267 Coravio, Angelo, of Venice, 453 Corsica, a suburban province, 12 Corvaro, Peter of, 428 Courtnay, William of. Archbishop of Canterbury, 576, 592 Courts, Christian, introduced into Eng- land, 304, 369 Cracowec, Huss granted a shelter at, 713 Cranmer's position resembles Wy-. cliffe's, 588 Cremona, Bishop of, deposed, 157 Crescentius, consul, 129 ; party of, 1 30 ; beheaded with his associates, 131 ; his son John, 136 Crusade, idea of, originated, 292 ; causes of, 308 Cunibert, Bishop of Turin, allows his clergy to marry, 207 Cusa, Nicolas of, exposes False Decre- tals, 92 ; expounds liberal views, 497 ; violence of Diether towards, 526 Customs of the realm, 371 Cuthbert, letter of Boniface to, 60 Cyprus, St. Louis embarks for, 342 Czechs encroach on empire, 287 DALMATIA, natives of, attack Raymond, 323 ; cities of, at- tacked by crusaders, 336 Damiani, Peter, Bishop of Ostia, at the head of an earnest party, 1 89 ; a supporter of the Pope, 219 INDEX. 647 DAM ENG Darnietta captured by crusaders, 340 ; taken by St. Louis, 342 Dardolo, Henry, Doge of Venice, 335; proposed as Latin emperor, 338 Dante recognises parallelism of papacy and empire, 551 David, Christians, the family of, 327 Decretals, False, or pseudo-Isidorian, 89 ; tone of, 30 ; inlluence of, 95 ; 194, 389; strengthen Nicolas L, 97, needed in unsettled times, 147 ; readily accepted, 173; age of, 561 Deira, province of, 24 Denmark, converted to Christianity, 144; Isemberga of, 249 ; obtains justice from Innocent IIL, 254 ; nomina- tion to bishoprics in, 388 ; a distinct nation, 546 ; included in kmgdom of Charles, 562 ; free from the empire, 561 Desiderius, the Lombard, threatens Rome, 67; enmity of Hadrian and, 68 Devonshire, property of Church in, 350 Dictatus of Gregory VH., 2S3 Diet, imperial, 588 Diether of Mainz deposed, 526 ; re- stored, 526 Dionysius exiguus, his collection of Decretals, 89 Dominican, Benedict XL a, 411 ; John Sarrazuia, 577 ; monastery at Constance, 612 Dominius, the title omitted Ly the Popes, 97 Donation of Constantine, origin of the legend, 58, 70; denounced, 132 Dorylaeum, successful battle of, 323 Douzi, synod of, 108 Dschem, brother of Turkish sultan, detained in prison by Innocent VIIL, 529 ; poisoned, 530 Dunstan, code of, 353 Durazzi, Charles of, 443, 445 EARTHQUAKE, council of Lon- don, 597 Easter, observance of, settled by Xicene Council, 91 Eastern Empire recovers Italy, n ; rival of Gregory I., 20; Emperor, 21 ; dependence of Rome on, 34 ; 37> 38; powerlessness of, 53; Rome indepe dent of, 56 — Monks, ecstasies of, 47 . — Church obedient to Innocent III., 258 ; estranged from western by Crusades, 316 Eastern Christians, help resolved on for, at Piacenza, 319 Ebroin in France, 60 Edessa, principality of, founded by Baldwin, 323, 325 ; fall of, 326, 327 Edmund, Sicily presented to, by the Pope, 265, 392 ; England e.\hausted in supporting, 265 Edward I.'s dispute with Philip the Fair, 273 ; restricts grants in mort- main, 351, 582; England under, separate from Continent, 546 ; de- clares England free from the Pope, 563 ; decline of clerical power under, 5S1 Edward IIL applied to for tribute by Urban V., 435 ; parliament of, supports Wycliffe, 571 ; oppression of England in reign of, 596 Edwin, King of Northumberland, con- verted, 144; vvita:i of, forsakes idol- atry, 168 Egypt wrested by Turks' from Fatimites, [ 329 ; Turks to be attacked in, 335, I 340 I Egyj:rtian galleys harass St. Louis, 342 I Elagabalus, Emperor, 91 j Eleazar, a type to Gregory VII., 282 i Electoral league in Germany, 560 I Elipand an Adoptianist, 71 j Emadeddin Zengi, takes Edessa, 327 I Embrum, Bishop of, 28 j Emmaus reached by crusaders, 324 I Emperor of the West, Charles, crowned, I 74 ; importance attached to, 290 Empire, Holy, object of atti action, 3 • upheld by the good, 4 ; a combina- tion of religion and politics, 5 ; Gregoiy I., attitude of, towards, 20 ; overthrow of Wc- ern, 21 ; relations of Grego'-y I. to, 30; approach of, 183 — basis of, 5 — foundation of, 5. ^h law, 391 Jews persecuted by Leo the Isaurian, 47 ; prejudice against, 224 ; perse- cuted by crusaders, 321 Joanna, Queen of Naples, acknowledges Clement VII., 444 ; adopts Lewis of Anjou, 445 Jobst of Moravia, rival of Sigismund, 554 John, Duke of Bavaria, accepts a crown from Innocent III., 254 John, St., dealh of Apostle, 239 John, Archbishop of Ravenna, 41, 102 John, St., Lateran, cathedral church of Rome, II John the Faster, Patriarch of Constan- tinople, 29 John the patrician, son of Crescentius, 136 John of Jandun, 426 John, King of Lngland, 165 ; defies the interdict of Innocent III., 246 ; his stniggle with Innocent III., 250; yields the point in dispute, 251 ; his oath of fealty, 251, 390; pedigree of, 396 ; conduct of, 435 ; cedes England to Innocent III., 563; sub- mits to the Pope, 563, 571; grants Great Charter, 586 JOHN III., an. 559-573, bishops restored by, 28 JOHN VI., an. 701-705, ported bv Ravenna, 38 JOHN VIII., an. 872-882, 109; ap- points an Apostolic Vicar in France, no, 389 ; death of, 113 JOHN IX., an. 898-900, 117 JOHN X., an. 914-928, 118; Theo- dora his paramour, 119, 129 JOHN XII., an. 955-963, 139 ; son of Alberic, 123 ; faithfulness to Emperor, judged, 125 ; deposed, 126, his letter, 125; return of, 127 JOHN XIII., an. 965-972, 127; received with joy by Otto's support, 127; decease of, 128; crowns Otto II., 129 JOHN XIV., an. 983, elected by in- fluence of Otto II., 129; starved to death by Boniface VII., 129 JOHN XV., an. 985-996, driven from Rome, 130 JOHN XVI., an. 997, 129, an anti- Pope JOHN XVII., an. 1003, 135 ; an un- distinguished Pope Frankish 51 ; sup- 121, swears 123; 460; LAN JOHN XVIII. , an. 1003-1009, an un- distinguished Pope, 135 JOHN XIX., an. 1024-1033, a layman before his election, 136; brother to Benedict VIII., 137 JOHN XXL, an. 1316-1334, 421 ; accused of heresy, 422, 427, 472 ; humiliation of, 423 ; seizes oppor- tunity, 424 ; death of, 428 ; reserves all bishoprics, 565 ; introduces pay- ment of annates, 566 ; employs in- quisition against P'ranciscans, 573 JOHN XXII., an. 1410-1418, election of, 473 ; invokes secular arm, 474 ; takes refuge with Sigismund, 475 ; unable to stave off the demand for a Council, an. 1475 > ^^ only legitimate Pope, 480 ; promises to resign, 481 ; escapes to Schaffhausen, 482 ; pro- cess against, 484 ; policy of, 492 ; receives account from Zbynek, 609 ; hostility to Ladislaus of Naples, 611 Joshua, a type for Gregory VIL, 282 Jubilee, year of, 271, 278, 355 ; of 1350, 432 Juliano Cesarini at Basle, 495 ; opposed to scheme of Eugenius IV., 496 Julius II., an. 1503-15 13, warlike Pope, 534 ; intrigues in Italy, 536; alliance with Spain and Venice, 537 ; diplo- macy of, 544 ; faithlessness of, 626 Justinian 11. , Emperor, 38 KENT, won by Augustine, 25, 144 ; men of, apostatise, 144 ; pro- perty of Church in, 350 Knighthood, religious character of, 291 Kozi-hradek, Huss protected in castle of, 613 Krebs, Nicolas of Cusa, 497 Kremsia, Militz of, 588, 599 Kyffhauser, legend of, 239 LADISLAUS, son of Charles of Durazzi, receives kingdom of Naples, 445 ; crusade preached against, 474 ; appears before Rome, 475 ; of Naples, enemy of the Pope, 611 Ladislaus of Bohemia, 618 Lambeth, Wycliffe at, 591, 592 Lambert, son of Guido, Emperor, 116; his title recognised, 117; brother of Guido, 121 Lancaster, Duke of, supports Wycliffe, 590 J weakness of house of, 599 656 INDEX. LAN Langton, Simon, elected Archbishop of York, 387 Langton, Stephen, nominated by Inno- cent III. to archbishopric of Canter- bury, 250; admitted by John, 251 Laodicea reached by crusaders, 324 ; by Frederic Barbarossa, 332 Laon, Hincmar of, sermon of Bishop of, 490 Lateran Church, 11, 35; occupied by Benedict IX., 138; Gregory VII. conveyed to, 218 ; Lothar crowned in, 225 ; Council at, an. 1059, 198; an. 1 1 12, 364; first Council of, an. 1 123, 367; second do., an. 1 1 39, 225, 228, 296; third Coun- cil of, an. 1 1 79, 238; fourth do., an. 1215, 257, 258; fifth do. an. 1512, 537, 626 Latin system overspreading Europe, 5 ; despotic spirit, 6 ; love of central- isation, 173 ; Christianity spreads among Teutonic races, 215 ; sway of, 549 ; compared with Teutonic, 628-630; system, 575; kingdom established at Constantinople, 317, 345 ; princes, 329 ; blood to be avenged, 337 ; clergy required to pay tithe, 390 ; forms of thought, 548 ; disuse of language, 584 Latinism, connection of, and empire, 575 j overcome by Teutonism, 583 Laurence, Church of, 72 Laurence, a Roman deacon deposed by Gregory I., 26 Laurentius, Archbishop of Canterbury, 146 Lausanne, Council of Basle removed to, 506, 516 Lazan, Heniy of, shelters Huss, 613 Leander, Bishop of Seville, receives the pallium from Gregory I., 27 Lechfeld, Magy^ars defeated at, 518 Legates, apostolic, 389 Legnano, defeat of Frederic I. at, 236 Leicester, Earl of, at Northampton, Leipsic, Luther at, 576 ; German students migrate from Prague to, 607 Leo III., the Emperor, the Isaurian, 46 ; condemned by the clergy, 48 ; Gregory's hope for conversion of, 50 ; supported by Council of Frankfurt, 72 LEO I., an. 440-461 ; reinstates Ce- lidonuis, 16 ; Spanish Church yields to, 27 ; a great Pope, 33; views of, 93, 145 LEW LEO II., an. 682, 683, procures sub- mission of Ravenna, 41 LEO III., an. 795-816, 72; crosses the Alps, 73 ; clears his character, 73 ; crowns Charles, 74 ; growth of the See under, 77 ; acknowledges Charles as Lord, 82 ; insecurity of, . 85 LEO IV., an. 847-855, consecrated as soon as elected, 96 ; dependent on Franks, 96 LEO VII., an. 936-939, 121 LEO VIII., an. 963, 126 ; grants to Otto I. the privilege of nominating the Pope, 127, 216 LEO IX., an. 1049- 1055, a friend of Hildebrand, 189 ; Hildebrand appears before, 190 ; travels to Rome, 191 ; sanctions Norman con- quests in Italy, 193, 217, 292; re- vives law of celibacy, 197 ; his jour- neys to France, Hungary, and Germany, 198 ; revives laws against simony, 202 ; time of, 244 ; appoints apostolic legates, 389 LEO X., an. 1513-1522, ends the Mid- dle Ages, I ; divides with Francis I. liberties of Galilean Church, 538, 540, 627 ; election of, 542 ; covenant with France, 627 Leodegar in France, 60 Leon claims Portugal, 239 ; King of, reduced by Innocent III., 250; Kings of, liberal to the Church, 348 Letter of Peace of Henry of Hessia, 447 Levites pay tithe, 391 ; prefigure clergy, Lewis, son of Lothar, King of Italy, 95 ; visits Italy, 96 Lewis the German instals ecclesiastics, 157 Lewis I., the Pious, 85 ; legislation of, 81, 86 ; Church's debt to, 82 ; crowned at Rheims, 83 ; succumbs to Papacy, 86; disputes of, and sons, 87 ; deposition of, 87 ; continues to reign in weakness, 88 ; empire broken up on death of, 95 ; pedigree of, 112; allows manses to the Church, 152; confers bishoprics on soldiers, 161 Lewis IL, Emperor, 97 ; marches upon Rome, loi ; appealed to by Archbishop of Ravenna, 102 ; pedi- gree of, 112 Lewis III. of Provence, Emperor, 117 Lewis IV., of Bavaria, Emperor, 423; INDEX, 657 LIB Frederic of Austria rival of, 424, 554 ; asserts his independence of the Pope, 425 , appeals to General Council, 425 ; sets up an anti-Pope, 427 ; obliged to flee to Italy, 428 ; supported by public opinion, 429 ; rashness of, 430; dies excommunicate, 431; attacked by Benedict XII., 572 ; sup- ported by Minorites, 573 ; his anti- ecclesiastical legislation, 579 Libanus, reached by Crusaders, 324 Liegnitz, Mongols defeated at, 519 Liguria, cities on coast of, 21 Limoges, Council of, an. 1031, i8l Limoisin, Pope from province of, de- sired, 440 Lithuanians at Constance, 493 Liutprand, King of Lombards, takes Ravenna, 52 ; visited by Zachary, 57 ; restores estates to Rome, 57, 58 Livomo, Cardinals at, 455 Llewellyn, in Wales, defeated by King John, 251 Lombard cities, their dispute with Frederic Barbarossa, 235 ; gain in- dependence, 238 ; league defied by Henry VI., 245 ; supported by Gre- gory IX., 261 Lombards invade Italy, II, 21, 50; press Milan, 17; political relations of Gregory I., 20, 31 ; besiege Rome, 32, 33, 51 ; reconciled to Milan, 32; embrace X'icene faith, 32 ; establish dukedoms of Benevento and Spoleto, 51; hated by Italians, 50, 52; be- siege Ravenna, 51 ; increase in power, 53 ; invade territory of Rome, 55, 56 ; successes of, 59 ; threaten Rome, 63, 64 ; weakened by dis- union, 67 ; aggressors, 67 ; lawless, 68 ; defeated by Charles, 69 ; pro- tection of Franks sought against, 124, 146 Lombardy, kingdom of, established, 51, 64; bishops of, assailed by jfohn VIII. , no; Frederic II. at- tempts to recover, 259, 261 ; mag- nates of, exalt the Emperor, 294 ; cities of, friendly to Henry VII., 419 London, See of, purchased by Wini, 159; Council of, an. 1107, 362; an. 1382, 597 Lorraine, crusading rabble from, 321 ; Duke of, claims crown of Naples, 534 ; included in kingdom of Charles, 562 Lothar II., King of Lorraine, 98 ; ad- mitted to communion by Hadrian, LYO 105 ; death of, 105 ; pedigree of, 112; struggle with Nicolas I., 100, 249 Lothar, son of Hugh of Provence, 121, 122 Lothar L, Emperor, 85 ; crowned at Rome, 83 ; second visit to Rome, 83 ; sanctions appointment of Gre- gory IV., 84, 86; his presence at Rome required, 85 ; defeated at Fontenay, 88 ; Sergius 11. elected without his consent, 95 ; pedigree of, 112 Lothar II., Emperor, 223, 228; acknowledges Innocent II., 225 ; crowned in Lateran Church, 225 ; Emperor by election, 227 ; holds Pope's stirrup, 233 Louis of Anjou, relations of, to Charles of Durazzi, 445 Louis, Count of Blois, 335 Louis VII. of France returns from Pales- tine, 229 ; takes the Cross at Vezelay, 327, 328 ; loses his army, 329 ; in- vades Nonnandy, 379 ; affords refuge to Alexander HI., 386 Louis IX. of France, a Crusader, 341, 342, 344, 345 ; death of, 343 ; gra- vamina of, 386 ; receives grant from Pope, 566; Constitutions of, 583, 619 Louis XI. of France repeals the Sanc- tion, 526, 626 Louis XII. of France, proposals made to, 530, 531 ; convenes a Council against the Pope, 536 ; gives in ad- herence to fifth Lateran Council, 538 Lubeclv, John of, proposes marriage of the clergy, 500; privileges secured for, 582 Lucania, a suburban province, 12 Lucca, Gregory XII. goes to, 454 LUCIUS II., an, 1144-1 145, dies in stomiing the capital, 227 Lucretia, daughter of Alexander VI., 530 Ludolf, son of Otto I., delivers Italians, 123 Lull, Archbishop, 149 ; confirmed by Pepin, 160 Luna, Peter de, 449 Lusatia, gained by Mathias of Hungarj', 618 Luther, time of, 199 ; at Wurtemberg, 576 Lutterworth, Wycliffe in retirement at, 598 Luxemburg, Henry of, 415 Lydda, reached by Crusaders, 324 Lyons, Council of, an. 1245, 264, 425; complaints of English ambassadors U U 658 INDEX. MAE at, 385 ; Archbishop of, entertains AnsehTi, 360; Anselm returns to, 361 ; Clement V. crowned at, 413 MAEANDER, Conrad's army falls on banks of, 329 Magdeburg, Centuriators expose False Decretals, 92 Mag}'ars encroach on the Empire, 287, 518 Mahomet, an impostor, 262 ; orms of, Mahomet II. captures Constantinople, Mahom.medan invasion, terror of, 118 Mahommedans oppress Africa, 40 ; scheme to recover Jerusalem from, 292, 307 ; disturb Christians at Jeru- salem, 318 Mainz, Archbishop of, 20 ; Autcar, Bishop of, 89 ; Boniface, Arc? bishop of, 62 ; Gewillieb, Bishop of, 160 ; Decretals appear at, 89, 92, 94, 147; Riculf, Bishop of, 90; Sigfrid, Bishop of, 200 ; acceptance cf Bas?e by compact at, 504 ; compact of, un- done, 516; Diether of, 526; Arch- bishop of, president of elections, 556 ; Council of, an. 813, 168 ; an. 1074, 200 Manfred, half brother to Conrad, 265 ; defends Sicily, 265 ; attacked by Charles of Anjou, 266, 316; fills at Be never to, 266, 292 Mantua, Synod of, an, 1064, 220 ; an. 1459, 521, 525 Manuel, treachery of, 329, 334 ; en- courages Franks, 334 Margaret of Maultasch, 430 Maria Maggiore, Church of, held by Gregory VI., 138; Gregory VII. borne in triumph to, 218 Mark's, St., scene in Church of, 237 ; cardinal of, at Constance, 478, 481 Marozia, a courtesan, 119, 120 Marseilles, metropolitans of, 16 ; Cru- saders embark from, 336 ; Gregory XI. embarks at, 437 Marsilius of Padua, 426 MARTIN I., an. 649-655, opposed Monothelites, 34 ; sufferings of, 35, 36 ; death of, 37 MARTIN II., an. 882-884, "S MARTIN III. an. 942-946, 121 MARTIN v., an. 1417-1431, election of, 492 ; contradicts the Council. 493 ; convenes Council of Basle, 495 ; Concordat with England, 5 10 ; elected ' MID by CouncU of Constarce, 558; Charles VII. of France refuses Con- cordat, 624 Mathew, of Montmorency, a crusader, 335 Mathew of Paris, account of conspi- racy against Roman legates, 384 Mathias of Janow, a Bohemian re- former, 600 ; Mathias of Hungary receives a grant of Bohemia, 618 Matilda, Countess at Canossa, 209 ; her lands in Henry IV, 's hands, 211 ; her allodial lands, 228; in Frederc's hands, 243, 245 Matiscon, Council of, an. 585, 149 Maultasch, Margaret of. 430 Maurice, fall of Emperor, 31 ; jealous of Gregory, 32 Medard, Church of St., 87 Medici. Pazzi conspire against, 528 Mediaeval Church, system of, 141 ; dif- ferent from primitive, 142 ; creed of, 309 ; \Yycliffe's propositions subver- sive of, 591 Mediterranean, shores of, field of an- cient history, I, 9 MELCHIADES, an. 311-314, Bishop of Rome, 90 Melchisedec, the Pope compared with, 231 Melita, Bishop of, 26 Melun, William of, surnamed the Car- penter, 324 Mendicants attack the Papacy, 572 ; firmly established, 576; in University of Paris, 577 ; pretensions of, de- nied in France, 577; encroachments of, in France, 578 ; support Urban V., 589 ; Peter the Hermit the first, 319 Menelaus, call of, obeyed by Greeks, 310 Mercia, Ethelbald, King of, 161 Meroveus, royal house of, 63 Merovingian king deposed, 62 ; liber- ality of kings, 149 ; judicial power of clergy rare under, 152; yield juris- diction to bishops, 153 ; supplanted b)' fresh dynasty, 287 Merseburg, AIag}^ars defeated at, 518 Messina, death of Henry VI. at, 245 Metz, bishopric of Chrodegang, 82 ; Council of, an. 863, 98 Michael III., the Drunkard, Eastern Emperor, 98 Michael of Cesena, secession of, and Franciscans, 573 Middle Ages, beginning of, I ; inter- mediate ages, 2 ; attractions in, 3 ; early part of, 4 ; hierarchical cen- IXDEX, 659 MID NIC tralisation in, 4 ; See of Rome in, 5 ; apostles of, address themselves to the great, 142 ; greatest Pope in, 245 ; Church liberal to poor in, 353 ; superstition of, 479 ; imperial Church of, 542 ; importance of symbols in, 552 Middlesex, property of Church in, 350 Milan Church founded by St. Barnabas, 14, 17; included in Italian patriar- chate, 15 ; reconciled to Rome, 17 ; Constantine, Bishop of, 32 ; recon- ciled to Rome in time of Gregory I., no ; Anspert, Bishop of, no ; Arch- bishops of, 125 ; Church of, notorious for simony, 202 ; at the head of the Lombard cities in the stmggles Avith Frederic Barbarossa, 235 ; Arch- bishops submit to Rome, 296 ; Archbishop of, accompanies Crusa- ders, 327 ; Bernarbo Visconti, raler of, 434 ; dukedom of, promised to France, 536 Militz, of Kremsia, a Bohemian re- former, 5 88, 599 Minorites, 573 Misa, James of, advocates use of the cup, 615 Missi, courts of, 153 Modena ceded to Urban V., 435 Mongols ravage Germany, 263 ; danger caused by, 519 Monothelite troubles, 40 Monothelites opposed by Martin I., 34, 37 ; supported by Emperors, 41 MonotheHtism, 38 Montaille, Synod of, an. 879, 1 10 Monte Casino, the residence of Victor III., 220 Montferrat, Conrad of, defends Tyre, 331 ; proposed as Latin Emperor, 338 Montfort, Simon de, 335 Montmorency, Mathew de, 335 Moravia gained by Mathias of Hungary, 618 Moravian nobles conclude a league, 616 Pdortmain, Statute of, 583 Morville, Hugh de, murderer of Becket, 380 Mosaic Code, 81 Moses, words attributed to, 91 ; the Pope compared with, 231 ; called an impostor, 262 ; Urban II. com- pares himself with, 320 Moslems, Eastern emijcrors conspire with, 334 ; Crusaders attacked by, 340 U U Mourzoufle, a cunning courtier, seizes Constantinople, 338 ; deposed, 33S Monza, coronation at, 552 Muhldorf, battle of, 424 Munster, Bishop of, deprived of juris- diction, 506 NAPLES, duchy of, 21 ; the refuge of Eutychius, 52 ; cap- tured by Henry VI., 245 ; execution of Conradin at, 266 ; nomination to bishoprics rests with sovereigns, 388 ; Robert, King of, 420 ; kingdom of, adheres to Clement VII., 445 ; granted by Urban VI. to Charles of Durazzi, 445 ; adheres to Gregory XII., 474; Ladislaus of, 474; claims of Anjou to, 526, 626 ; arms of, invited against Florence, 528 ; Ferdinand of, 530, 534; handed over to France and Spain, 531 ; promised to Aragon, 536 ; a distinct nation, 546 ; falls to Henry VL, 562 ; crusade against, 61 1 Narbonne, metropolitans of, 16 Narni, part of estate of Church, 57 ; severed from dukedom of Spoleto, 66 Xarses invites Lombards into Italy, 50 ; overthrows Ostrogothic kingdom, 52 Natalis, Bishop of Salona, 26, 27 Navarre, Kings of, desert Benedict XIII., 485 X'axos, Martin I. at, 35 Neapolitan, Urban VI. a, 441 Nepi, L)uke of, elevates Constantine, 67 Nero, cruelty of, surpassed, 532 Neuilly, Fulk of, 334 Nicaea, Council of, power of Rome rising since, 10 ; settles observance of Easter, 91 ; procedure at, 480 Nice, terror of Ortok reaches to, 318 ; defeat of Crusaders at, 322 ; besieged by Crusaders, 323 ; gained by Alexius, 325 Nicene faith, Reckared won for, 27 ; embraced by Lombards, 32 Second Nicene Council rescinded at Frankfurt, 71 Nicolas de Clemanges, a disciple of Gerson, 448, 621 ; teaching of, 623 Nicolas of Hussinecz, leader of Huss- ites, 616 Nicolas of Cusa exposes false decretals, 92, 526 NICOLAS L, an. 858-867, 20; time of, 95 ; chosen by favour of Emperor, 97 ; superior to favour, 99 ; retreats 2 66o INDEX. NIC to St. Peter's Church, 99 ; defends Thictberga, 100 ; triumphs over ]^ishop of Ravenna, 102 ; over Bishop Hincmar, 102 ; leaves a mark on the Papacy, 104; intervention with Lothar, 100, 249 NICOLAS II., an. 1059-1060, 192; displaces Benedict X., 270 ; enforces clerical celibacy, 198 ; means em- ployed by, 199 ; enactments against simony, 202 ; founds College of Cardinals, 214, 557 ; attacks Em- peror's authority, 216; first vacancy after decree of, 216; decree power- less, taken by itself, 217 ; confirms Robert Guiscard in Italy, 217, 292 ; decree of, apparently a dead letter, 220, 222, 224 ; decree leads to dis- puted election, 301 ; position of Hildebrand under, 515 NICOLAS III., an. 1277-1280, gains release from imperial sovereignty, 269 Nicolas v., anti-Pope, 427 ; a Fran- ciscan, 573 NICOLAS v., an. 1447-1455, 515 ; position of Aeneas Sylvius under, 515 ; dexterous management of, 516 ; crowns Emperor, 517; alive to the danger threatening Europe, 519 ; preaches crusade against Turks, 519 ; Papacy ends Holy Empire, 568 Niebelungen Lied, belonging to Ger- mans, 548 Niem, Theodoric of, 459 Nile, Franks land at mouth of, 340 Noah, the Pope compared with, 231 Nogaret, William de, takes Anagni, 277 Nominalism, question of, in England, 594 ; in Bohemia, 603 Norman Conquest of England, 26 ; protection of Popes, 220 ; and English rivalry in England, 368, 596 ; heiress marries Henry VI., 562; Kings of England won by concessions, 562 Normandy invaded by Louis, King of France, 379 ; England a dependance of, 586 Normans hardly known in 8th century, 53 ; siege of the duchy of Spoleto, 53 ; support Hildebrand, 193 ; their settlement in Italy sanctioned by Leo IX., 193, 217 ; plunder Rome, 211; support the Popes, 217, 246, 359 ; fidelity of, to Popes, 218, 229 ; encroach on the empire, 287, 561, 571 Northampton, Becket before Council of, 376, 377 ; passes there, 378 OTT Northumbria, King of, 25 ; converted, 144 Norway, power of Innocent III. in, 247 Nuremberg, kind reception offered to Huss at, 613 OBOTRITES encroach on the empire, 287 Observants, or strict Franciscans, 573 ; recognised at Constance, 574 Octavian, son of Alberic, Pope, 121 Octavian, cardinal priest elected, 234 Odin, worship of, 541 Odo de Colonna elected Pope, 492 1 Olof, King of Sweden, converted, 144 I Omar, mosque of, at Jerusalem, 329 Oppenheim supports Richard of Corn- wall, 268 Ordeal of the Sacrament, 270 Oriental Christians appeal to Gregory VII. for help, 307 Orleans, Council of, an. 511, 154; an. 549, 179; an. 1016, 181 Orsini, family of, at Rome, 431 Ortok, Prince of Turkmans, governs Jerusalem, 318 Osimo, part of estates of Church, 57 Osnabruck receives exemptions from Charles, 152 Ostia, a suffragan bishopric of Rome, II ; bishopric of Damiani, 189 Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy, 1 1 ; practice of confirming elections, 39 ; overthrown by Belisar and Narres, 52 Oswald, King of Northumberland, 144 Oswy, King of Northumbria, 25, 144; decided in favour of Rome, 146 Otranto promised to Aragon, 536 Otto of Colonna examines Huss's ap- peal, 609 Olto, Bishop of Constance, reproved by Hildebrand, 207 Otto I., 131 ; the great Saxon monarch, 122, 287 ; crowned at Rome, 123 ; importance of corona- tion, 124 ; his third appearance in Rome, 127, 128 ; death of, 128 ; uses prelates as a check on nobles, 156 ; instals bishops, 157 ; raises Pa- pacy, 187 ; receives from Leo VIII. the privilege of nominating the Pope, 127, 216 ; changes after, 443 ; de- poses John XII., 460 ; time of, 562 Otto II. reigns ten years, 129 ; death of, 129 Otto III., minority of, 129 ; crosses the Alps, 130 ; appoints Gregory V., INDEX. 661 OTT 131, 2i6 ; coronation of, 131 ; issues a decree for the election of Gerbert, 132 ; resides on Aventine, 133 ; greatness of, 135 ; sad death of, 134 ; raises Papacy, 187; appoints Syl- vester II., 132, 134, 216 Otto IV. of Saxony aspires to the empire, 246, 254; Innocent III.'s view of claims of, 255 ; takes an oath of allegiance to Pope, 255 ; de- prived of empire by the Pope, 256 ; disclaims imperial influence in elec- tions, 367, 38S Oxford, University of, attacks Mendi- cants, 578; national movement begins in, 587 ; connection with Prague, 604 PADUA, Marsilius of, 426 ; coveted by Emperor, 536 Paderbom, visited by Pope Leo III., 73 Palestine, Frederic II. persecuted in, 260 ; overrun by the Turks, 307 ; change in political relations of, 318 ; last hold of Christians on, 326 ; great Crusades to, 333 Palermo, Henry VI. excommunicated at, 245 Paletz, 603, 60S, 611 ; definition of Church, 622 Palsgrave, place of, in electoral college, 557 Pamphylian hills. Crusaders lost in, 329 Pandulph, legate of Innocent III., 251, 253, 390 Papacy, new dignity of, rise of, 13 ; an Italian power, 540 Paris, Councils of, an. 557, 159 ; an. 615, 159 ; an. 1 074, 200 ; Theobald, Bishop of, 383 ; University of, active in healing schism, 448, 458, 460 ; Council of, an. 1394, 450 ; an. 1398, 451 ; demands of University staved off by John XXII., 474 ; interests of, 479 ; Mendicants in, 577 ; University expands Galilean principles, 620 Parishes, division of, in England, 352 Parisian doctors, 479 I'arma, Roland of, 207 PASCHAL I., an. 807-S24, sends an embassy to Lewis, 83 ; hasty election of, 85 PASCHAL II., an. 1099-1118, 221; dead, 222 ; active in the struggle as lo investitures, 358 ; letter to Anselm, 362 ; denounces lay investiture, 363 ; weakness of, in struggle with Henry v., 365 ; legates of, preside at Poictiers, 390 PET Paschal III., anti-Pope, 235, 301 Patriarchal oversight of the suburban provinces, 12 Patriarchate, Western, established, 9 ; of Rome, extension of, 13 ; position of Rome at the head of, 508, 509 Patronage, idea of, introduced from Rome, 162 ; merits and demerits of system of, 164 Paul, St., martyrdom of at Rome, 10 PAUL I., an. 757-768, 67 PAUL II., an. 1464-1471, repudiates conditions of his election, 527 ; nego- tiations with Ferdinand of Naples, 534 ^ ^ Pavia, defeat of Astolf at, 64 ; Lom- bards besieged in, 66 ; Spoleto sepa- rated from kingdom of, 67 ; Otto crowned at, 123; Council of, an, 1 160, 235 ; an. 1423, 494, 495 Pazzi, conspiracy of, in Florence, 528 Peace, public, chamber in the empire, 558 Pelagius the Papal legate, 340 Peniscola adheres to Benedict, 452, 486 Pentapolis overrun by Lombards, 52 ; ceded by Charles to the Pope, 69 Pepin of Heristhal, 60 Pepin the Short, son of Charles Martel, 56, 144, 159, 160; his negotiations with Zachary, 56 ; invites Boniface's intervention, 60 ; anointed king at Soissons, 61, 73, 283, 389 ; appealed to by Stephen II., 64; crosses the Alps, 66 ; is made patrician, 66 ; donations of, 66, 70, 118; satisfied by Charles, 69 ; letter of Archbishop Lull, 149 ; grants immunity to Triers, 152; confirms Abbot Lull, 160; combines ecclesiastical and civil legis- lation, 168 Pernau, Huss's reception at, 613 Perpignan, Council of, 469 Perugia wrested by Julius II., 535 Pesaro ceded to Rome, 66 Peter, St., martyrdom of, at Rome, 10 ; doubtful, 146 ; the Pope the suc- cessor of, 21, 247 ; keys of, 25 ; poverty of Church of, 36 ; Boniface's oaths at tomb of, 42 ; keys of sepulchre, 55, 66 ; letter of, 65 ; Roman Church the seat of, 86 ; the Pope the successor of, 93, 146, 148, 551 ; vicar of, 284 ; Church of, 270, 272, 518 Peter, brother of John X,, 128 Peter d'Ailly, Cardinal of Cambray, 4S1 Peter II. of Aragon grants his kingdom to the Pope, 253 662 INDEX. PET Peter the Hermit, 334 ; leads first Crusade, 316; preaches, 319, 324; deserts the cause, 323 ; St. Bernard a second, 327 Peter of Corvaro, anti-Pope, 428 Peter de Luna, elected Pope, 449 Peter de Candia elected Pope, 471 Peter of Znaim, 603 ; See Znaim. Pezaro, Lord of, divorced from Lucre- tia, 530 Pfaffen brief in Switzerland, 580 Philadelphia, Frederic L at, 332 Philip I. of France disputes with Gre- gory VIL, 203; excommunicated by Paschal IL, 390 Philip IL Augustus of France takes back his wife at Innocent III.'s bid- ding, 246, 249 ; invited by Innocent to invade England, 251, 292 ; takes the Cross, 331 ; character of, 332 ; goes to Jerusalem, 335 Philip IV., the Fair, of France, dis- pute with Boniface VIII. , 272,560, 620 ; attacked in bull Clericis Laicos, 273 ; his dispute with Edward I., 273 ; accepts the Pope's arbitration, 274 ; fresh struggle with the Pope, 274; replies to the Pope, 275, 301 ; resoluteness of, 277 ; has a handle in his dispute with Boniface VIII. , 393 ; power of, 41 1 ; Clement V. pledged to support, 413 ; plan of, to bestow the empire on his brother, 414 ; ad- herents of, charge Boniface with he- resy, 415 ; threatens John XXI. with the faggot, 422 ; consults divines as to the Pope, 426 ; his example fol- lowed by Louis XII., 536; assem- bles States-General, 560 Phihp V. of France, 421 Philip VI. of France, 421 Philip de Brois, 370 Philip of Valois, 566 Philip of Swabia aspires to the empire, 246, 254 ; charges of Innocent III. against, 255 Philippicus Bardanes, Emperor, 39 Philistines, Turks compared with, 327 Phocas, Emperor, 31 Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, 97 ; deposition of, 98 Piacenza, visit of Henry III. to, 139 ; Bishop of, deposed, 157 ; Synod of, 220, 319, 521 Picards join Taborites in Bohemia, 617 Pisa, cardinals meet at, 455 ; Council of, summoned, 461, 468 ; convened by cardinals, 558 ; follows example of Boniface VIIL, 270; dissolved, PRA 471 ; after-events, 472 ; validity of, doubted, 473, 480 ; example of fathers of, 482, 486 ; indistinct reference to Council of, 483 ; raises hopes of Christendom, 489 ; independence at, 496, 624 ; claim to supremacy, 501 ; results of Synod of, 508, 575 ; Gal- ilean party at, 578 ; supported by Germans, 606 ; supported by Huss, 609 Pisa, 2nd Council of, summoned by Emperor, 537 Pisans settled at Constantinople, 334 PIUS I., an. 156-165, 91 PIUS IL, 1458-1464, conduct of, 521 ; undauntedness of, 522 ; undertakes a Crusade, 523 ; death of, 524 ; ad- vances Papal power, 525, 618 ; powerlessness of, 526 ; policy of, 544 ; attempts repeal of Pragmatic Sanction, 626 PIUS HI., an. 1503, 534 Plato and the Schoolmen, 548 Podiebrad, George of, 618 Poitiers, victory of, Charles Martel at, 54 ; Synod of, an. 1 100, 390 Poland, King of, takes the Cross, 328 ; a distinct nation, 546 Poles at Council of Constance, 493 Polish nation in University of Prague, 546 Pontigny, Becket in exile at, 378, 379 Pont-Isere, Abbot of, 200 Portugal claimed by Castile and Leon, 239 ; preaching of Crusade successful in, 520 Portuguese bride of Frederic HI., 517 Portus, a suffragan bishopric of Rome, 1 1 ; Bishop of, 207 Praemunire, Statute of, 460, 462, 563, 598 Praeneste, a suffragan bishopric of Rome, 1 1 Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 504, j 624; adhered to by Charles VIL, 506, 526; condemned by Julius IL, I 537 ; of Frederic IL, 553, 556; of I St. Louis, 619, 620; of Bourges 1 repealed, 626, 628 I Prague, University of, in time of Huss, i 546, 602; connection with Oxford, 604 ; chapter of, condemns Wycliffe's propositions, 605 ; Zbynek, Arch- bishop of, 606 ; constitution of uni- versity changed by Wenceslaus, 607 ; disturbances in, 609 ; interdict on, 612; synod of, 612; University of, in favour of the cup, 616; Hussites march upon, 616 INDEX. 663 PRA ROM Prat, Cardinal du, procures election of Clement V., 412; his help employed by Clement against Philip, 415 Property, religious sanction attached to, 292 ; of the Church, 348, 349 Provence, kingdom of, conferred on Boso, 1 10 ; Crusaders from, gather about Charles of Anjou, 266 Provisors, Statute of, 563, 566, 586 Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals : See De- cretals Ptolemais captured, 326 Puy, Adhemar, Bishop of, a Crusader, 322 QUADRIGARIUS, Nicolas, obliged to recant, 577 Quinisext Council, 38 ; adherence of Constantine to, doubtful, 39 RAMLA reached by Crusaders, 324 Ranulph de Broc, 380 Ratherius, complaints of, 197 Ratisbon, privileges of, 582 Ratolfszell, John XXII. confined at, Ravenna, included in Italian patri- archate, 15, 17 ; rebellion at, 38, 51 ; pretensions of Archbishops, 40 ; de- prived of independence, 41 ; captured by Lombards, 5 1 ; retaken by V enice, 52 ; seized by Lombards, 63 ; ceded to Rome, 66 ; John, Bishop of, 102 ; archbishopric of, bestowed on Theo- dora's paramour, 120; Archbishop of, 125; reached by Otto III., 130; Wibert, Archbishop of, swears fidelity to Pope, 295 Ravenna, exarchate of, 21; feeble, 59; overthrow of, 52 ; Julius II. attempts to recover, 535, 536 ; Exarchs of, disliked, 48 Raymond of Toulouse, 309, 322 ; his army attacked by natives, 323 ; on Mont Cenis, 324 Raynald the historian, 418 Realism, question of, and Nominalism in England, 594 ; in Bohemia, 603 Reckared, Visigothic king in Spain, 27 ; successors of, 169 Reformation, appearance of, I ; how caused, 6, 430, 569, 585 ; nature of in England, 588 Regulars and seculars, 576, 577 Remigius converts Clovis, 143 Renaissance, importance of, 547 Rense, electoral princes withdraw to, 429, 572 Responsalcs, institution of, 31 Rheims, coronation of Lewis at, 83 ; Plincmar, Bishop of, 103; Council of, an. 813, 168; an. 1 1 19, 365 Rhine, John XXII. reaches, 482 Rhone, St. Louis marches down, 342 Riario, ambition of, 528 Ribnitz secures privileges, 582 Riculf, Bishop of Mainz, 90 ; supposed author of False Decretals, 92 Richard I., King of England, a Crusa- der, 332, 335 ; acknowledges lordship of the Emperor, 563 Richard II., King of England, enacts statute of praemunire, 460 ; Parlia- ment of, supports, 571 ; orders against Wycliffe, 598 ; opposition to Papacy under, 598, 620 Richard, Duke of Cornwall, rival Emperor, 267, 554 ; supported by cities, 268 ; death of, 268 Rienzi, career of, at Rome, 431 ; ap- pearance of, 432 Rimini ceded to Rome, 66 ; to be re- covered for the Popes, 536 Robert, Bishop of Cambray, elected Pope, 441 Robert de Broc, 380 Robert, King of Naples, 420 Robert, King of France, obliged to take back his wife, 249 Robert, brother of King of France, re- ceives an offer of the empire, 263 Robert, son of William the Conqueror, 322 ; returns to Europe, 323 Robert, Count of Flanders, a Crusader, 322, 323 ; share in siege of Jerusalem, 324, 329 Roger, King of Sicily, brings back Eugenius III. from exile, 218; sup- ports Anacletus II., 224; appointed Apostolic Vicar by Urban II., 390 Roland, Chancellor of the Apostolic See, 234 Roland of Parma, the bearer of Henry's letter to the Pope, 207 Romagna, Julius 11. attempts to re- cover, 535 Roman, meeting of, and Teuton, 2 ; inlieritor of civilisation, 3 ; system, 3;. empire, 13 ; purity of Church, 18 ; uses established in England, 25 ; clergy, 31 ; canon on celibacy, 38; civilisation introduced into Germany, 44 ; insurrection on the death of Charles, 85 ; Church, scandals of, 125, 132; i-epublic re-established, 664 INDEX. ROM 129 ; established, 226 ; orj^anisation of Church passes to Western nations, 141 ; Christianity, 141 ; Imperialism, 142 ; overthrow of Roman Empire, 547 ; Church, the mother of Churches, 132 Romans, disputes of, and Greeks, 2 Romandiola ceded to Urban V., 435 Rome, an old centre, 2 ; rivalry of, and Constantinople, 2 ; ruling centre, 9 ; an abiding institution, 10 ; uni- versal sovereignty of, 22 ; network of institutions of, 23 ; rupture of, and England, 26 ; appeal to Rome of Prankish bishops, 28 ; an indepen- dent dukedom, 56, 58, 69 ; besieged by Astolf, 64 ; precarious allegiance of, to Empire, 85 ; Otto I. crowned at, 123 ; a republic, 136 ; capital of the world, 132, 287 ; on the side of rights, 174; plundered by Normans, 211; return of Boniface VIII. to, 277 ; deplorable state of, 431 ; Urban V. returns to, 436 ; Gregory XI. returns to, 437, 440 ; Ladislaus appears with an army before, 475 ; ' vices of, 540 ; duchy of, 21 ; old city of, 10 Rome, Synod of, an. 649, 34 ; an. 863, 98 ; an. 863, 99 ; an. 963, 125 ; an. 1074, 198; an. 1047, 202; an. 1075, 204 Roncalia, Diet on fields of, 234 Ro'.had, liishop of Soissons, deposed by iliacmar, 103, 104 Rolhenbergers, feuds of, 1 14 Rouen, Synod of, an. 1074, 200 Rudolph of Suabia, rival Emperor, 211, 302 Rudolph of Hapsburg, Emperor, 268, 552 ; Nicholas III. gams independ- ence from, 269 Ruina P^cclesiae, Clemangis' work on, 449, 45S Runnyniede, the great Charter granted at, 253, 571 Rural Chapters, 172 Russia, conversion of, 144, 145 SABINA, a suffragan bishopric of Rome, 1 1 ; bishopric of vSylves- ter III., 138 Sabine territory, estates of Church in, 57 Sagittarius, Bishop of Gap, 28 Saiset de Pamiers, Papal legate, arro- gant conduct of, 274 ; sent away by Philip, 276 SCO Saladin captures Jerusalem, 325, 327 ; Christians the objects of his clemency, 330 ; his treaty with Richard, 332 ; monument of his success, 390 Salarian gate of Rome, 64 Salerno, humiliation and death of Gre- gory Vil. at, 211, 220; Henry VI. 's Queen captured at, 244; Urban VI, besieged at, 445 Salisbury, Robert Ilallam, Bishop of, 488 Salona, Bishop of, 26 Salonius, Bishop of Embrun, 28 Saltwood, murderers of Becket assemble at, 380 Salzburg, Gerhard, Bishop of, 201 Samnium, a suburban province, 12 Samuel, the Pope compared with, 231 Saracens, Empire twice rescued from, by Leo III., 47 ; harass Rome, 53 ; defeated by Charles Martel, 54 ; at the gates of Rome, 96 ; invade Spain, 1 70 ; territory recovered from, 239 ; support Manfred, 266 ; project of Victor III. to attack, 308 ; intolerant of proselytes, 311 ; wars with, 315 ; intrigues of Greek Emperors with, 316 ; abandon Damietta, 342 ; lan- guage of John XXI. as to, 427 Sardica, canons of, 103, 174 Sardinia, a suburban province, 12 Sarrazin, John, obliged to recant, 577 Savoua, settled as place of meeting for rival Popes, 454 Savoy, Duke of, elected Pope, 505 Saxon forefathers of the English, 23 ; invade England, 24 ; Church in Eng- land, 26; Princes assemble at Tribur, 209 ; nobles take the Cross, 328 ; liberality of Saxon limperors, 348 ; nation in University of Prague, 546 Saxony, house of, elevates Popes, 115, 130 ; liberality of, 149 ; Otto, Duke of, 246 ; place of, in electoral college, 557 Schaffhausen, escape of John XXII. to, 482 Schism, great, of West, 6, 439, 546, 562 ; cause of bloodshed in Italy, 445 ; attempts to heal, 447 ; conse- quences of, 455 ; ensues, 554 ; state of things during, 580; effect of, on Wycliffe, 592 Schoolmen, the, 548 Schwartzburg, Gunther of, rival of Charles IV., 554 Sclavonia, natives of, attack Raymond, 323 Scoiland, William, King of, 251 ; IXDEX. 665 SCO STE adheres to Benedict XITI., 474 ; a distinct nation, 546; hereditary suc- cession in, 559 Scots, Cohnan, champion of, 25, 146 Scythian, 21, 547, 567; love of plunder outdone at Rome, 532 Seculars and Regulars, 576, 577 See of Rome, power of, i ; privileges of, 90 Selesius, Frederic Barbarossa, drowned in, 332 Seljuk, house of, enthroned at Jerusa- lem, 318 Semeca, Joannes, calls papal imposition in question, 393 Sens, Ansegis, Bishop of, 109, 389; Becket in exile at, 378 SERGIUS I., an. 687-701, 38; heals the schism of Istria, 41 SERGIUS II., an. 844-847, elected ■without the Emperor's consent, 95 SERGIUS III., an. 904-911, 117, secures the see by the help of Adal- bert, 119 SERGIUS IV., an. 1009-1012, an un- distinguished Pope, 135 Servus servorum, Gregory I.'s title, 33 Seville, Archbishops of, receive the pal- lium, 28 ; bishopric of Isidore, 89 Sicily, a suburban province, 12 ; Ro;jer, King of, called a usurper by S. Ber- nard, 224 ; Constantia, heiress of, 243 ; pedigree of Kings, 244 ; ruled by Innocent III., 254; rebellion in, rigainst Frederic II., 264; defended by Manfred, 265 ; reduced to be a fief of the Papacy, 293 ; crown of, presented to Prince Edmund, 265, 392 ; feudal sovereignty over, asserted by Clement V. , 420 ; Aragonese rulers of, 437; dukedom of, conferred on Alexander VI.'s son, 530 Siena, death of Henry VII. at, 420 ; Council of, an. 1424, 494, 495 ; Aeneas Sylvius, Bishop of, 519 Sigebert, King of Essex, converted, 144 Sigebert, Frankish King, controls pro- vincial synods, 166 Sigfrid, Bishop of, 200 Sigismond, Archduke of Austria, 526 Sigismund, John XXII. in the hands of, 475 ; proposes Council of Con- stance, 476 ; Pope delivered up to, 484 ; support given to, at Constance, 487 ; pledged to the Council, 498 ; Jobstof Moravia his rival, 554 ; hears Huss, 601, 602 ; sacrifices Huss, 614; impolicy of, 617; faithlessness of, 618 Silesia gained by Mathias of Hungary, 618 Silva Candida, a sufTragan bishopric of Rome, 1 1 Simon de Montfort, a Crusader, 335 SIMPLICIUS, an. 467-483, inter- poses in Spain, 27 Sion, Ragmond's position on Mount, 324 Sipontum, Bishop of, 26 SIRICIUS, an. 385-398, introduces Decretals, 14, 89; authoritative letter to Himerius, 27 ; forbids marriage of the clergy, 195 Sirmium, capital of Western Illyria, 13 SIXTUS IV., 1471-14S4, object of, to raise his family, 528, 529 ; alliance with Venice, 528 ; attempts to create principality, 534 Sodomites, words of, in Genesis, 91 Soissons, Pepin anointed at, 61, 62, 73, 144, 389 ; Church of St. Medard, at, 87 ; synod of 861, 103 ; bishop of, announces election of Latin Em- peror, 338 Spain, a vicariate of Gaul, 13 ; in- cluded in Italian patriarchate, 15, 27, 44; oppressed byArians, 16; inter- vention of Gregory I. in, 27 ; Visi- gothic dominion in, 28, 169 ; kings of, convene councils, 170; scandalised at the conduct of Philip, 415 ; sup- ports Benedict XIII., 474 ; dukedom in, conferred on son of Alexander VI., 530; alliance with Julius II., 537; a distinct nation, 546 Spaniards at Constance, 487 Spanish Church yields to Rome, 27, 28 ; older communities, 27 Speier, Henry IV. sets out from, 209 ; bishop of, supports Gregory XII., 474 Spirituales among the Franciscans, 573 Spoleto, dukedom of, estal)lished by Lombards, 51 ; seized by Normans, 53 ; Narni severed from, 66 ; dukes of, separate from Lombardy, 67 ; Guido, Duke of, 115 Stanislaus of Znaim, 603, 619 Slates General assembled by Philip the Fair, 276, 560 ; against Boni- face VIII., 278, 450, 58S, 620 ; re- nounce allegiance to Benedict XIII. in France, 570 ; in Germany, 451 Stephania, wiles of the beautiful, 134 Stephen, the first martyr, quoted as an examjjle, 320 Stephen, Count of Chartres, a Crusader, 666 INDEX. STE 322 ; deserts the cause, 323 ; goes on another Crusade, 327 Stephen, the Pope's legate, 391, 392 STEPHEN II., an. 752-757, treaty with Lombards, 63 ; appeals to Con- stantinople in vain, 64 ; letters of, to Pepin, 65, 146 ; support rendered by Popes to Europeans, 419 STEPHEN 111., an. 768-772, Pope, 67 STEPHEN IV., an. 816-817, tenders excuses to Louis, 82 ; crowns him, 83 ; tumults at election of, 85 STEPHEN v., an. 885-891, 113 STEPHEN VIIL, an. 939-943, 121 STEPHEN IX., an. 1057-1058, 191 Streaneshalch, synod of, 146 Suabia, Rudolph of, 211 ; Philip of, 246 Suabian Princes assemble at Tribur, 208 Suburbicarige provinciae, 12 Sudbury, Simon, Archbishop of Canter- bury, 596 Suevi, Arians in Spain, 16 Suidger, Bishop of Bamberg, elected Pope, 139 Sutri, towns of, estate of Church, 37 ; synod of, 1046, 139, 187, 192 Sweden converted, 144, 145 ; by violent means, 311 ; nomination to bishoprics rests with sovereign, 388 Swero, apostate priest in Iceland, 254 Swiss drive the French from Italy, 537, 626 Switzerland opposes Papacy, 550 SYLVESTER I., an. 314-336, en- dowed by Constantine II., 58 ; time of, 90 ; Otto III.'s dream of a second S, 132, 133 SYLVESTER II., an. 999-1003, ap- pointed by Otto IIL, 132, 134, 216; greatness of, 135 ; schemes of, 307 SYLVESTER III., an. 1044-1046, appointed in place of Benedict IX., 137, 270; withdraws to Sabina, 138; his cause espoused by Gerard de Saxo, 138 ; condemned as a usurper, 139 Syria gained by Turks, 329 TABOR, Hussites gather on Mount, 616 Taborites in Bohemia, 617 Tagliacozzo, battle of, 266 Tancred, the Norman Prince, 244 ; died, 244 Tancred, the Crusader, 3223 chivaliy TIU of, 323 ; shares in siege of Jerusalem, 324 Tancred of Hauteville, 309 Tarento, Boemund, Prince of, 325 Templars, church of, at Ewell, 251 ; property of, restored by Frederic II., 260 ; suppressed by Clement V., 416 Teuton meets Roman, 2 ; rugged, 3 Teutonic nations attain to manhood, 4 ; spirit, evidences of, 554 ; growth of, 570 ; representatives of, 574 ; asserts itself, 582 ; spirit, freedom-loving, 6 ; independent vigour of, 23 ; fascinated by Rome, 94 ; Roman ideas intro- duced among, 1 70 ; laity throws off allegiance to the Pope, 199; races receive Latin Chiistianity, 215 ; self- consciousness of the mind, 549 Theobald, Bishop of Paris, is addressed by Hadrian IV., 383 Theodebert, King of France, 28 Theodelinda, Queen of the Lombards, 32 ; converted to Catholicism, 51 Theodora, the elder, a courtesan, 119, 129 Theodora, the younger, a courtesan, 119, 129 THEODORE, Bishop of Rome, 642- 649, 39 Theodore, letters of Martin I. to, 36 Theodoric of Niem, the Pope's cham- berlain, 459 Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, 91 Theophylact, the Exarch of Ravenna, 38 ; son of Theophylact at Rome, 118 Thibaut, Count of Champagne, a Crusader, 335 Thierry, King of France, 28 Thietberga, divorced by Lothar II., 98 ; restored and protected by Nicolas L, 100 Thietgaud, Archbishop of Triers, 99 ; deposed by Nicolas, 10 1 Thomas Aquinas's view of the Papacy, 299 Thomas a Becket See Becket. Thor, worship of, 541 Thrace, Crusaders escape to mountains of, 321 Thuringia, labours of Boniface in, 41 Tiara, triple, of Popes, 551 Tiber, 99, 127 ; Henry \^il. crowned on banks of, 419 Tiberias, kingdom of, founded, 325 ; fall of, 326, 329 Tithes, payment of, approved of by bishops in France, 149 Tiu, worship of, 541 INDEX. 667 TOL Toledo, Council of, an, 694, 169 ; an. 633, 179 ; archbishops of, reduced to Rome Tours, Council of, an. 813, 16S ; assem- bly at, 536 ; victory of Charles Martel at, 54 Toulouse, Raymond of, 309, 322 ; Becket before walls of, 377 Tracy, William, murderer of Becket, 380 Transubstantiation denied by Wyclifife, 594 Treasure, theory of, of merits, 432 Treuga Dei, 183 Trevia Dei, 183 Tribur, meeting of Saxon and Suabian princes at, 208 Triers, Archbishop of, 20 ; Thietgaud, 99 ; receives privileges from Pepin, 152 ; bishop of, supports Gregory XII., 474; deposed by Eugenius IV., 507 ; reinstated, 508 ; position of, in electoral college, 556 Trinacria, Frederick III., King of, 437 Trinoda necessitas in England, 151 Tripoli, kingdom of, founded, 325 ; fall of, 326, 329 Troy, second siege of, 310 Troyes, Stephen of, 322 Truce of God, institution of, iSo, 196; confirmed at Clermont, 343 Tunis, King of, supposed favourable to Christianity, 343 Turibius, Bishop of Asturica, 27 Turin, Cunibert, Bishop of, 201 Turkmans receive government of Jeru- salem, 318 ; impede progress of Frederic Barbarossa, 332 Turks, 332 ; honour of, in Europe, 53 ; Jerusalem wrested from, 307 ; over- run Palestine, 307 ; parallelism of, and Dardanians, 310; conquer Je- rusalem, 318 ; Christians combme against, 326 ; efforts of, to recover Palestine, 329 ; attacked in Egypt, 335 ; take Constantinople, 337, 509; friendly to Frederic H., 341 ; Crusades preached against, 519, 521, 527, 530 ; Greeks escape from, Turrecremata exposes false decretals, 92 Tuscan Duke Adalbert, 117; party elevated, 128 ; reigns supreme, 129 ; triumphant, 135 Tuscany, a suburban province, 12 ; dukes of, 116; Sergius III. exiled in, 117 Tusculum, a suffragan bishopric of VAL Rome, 1 1 ; counts of, leaders of Tuscan party, 136; loo strong for the people, 138; surrendered to the Pope, 24.4 Type of Constans, 35, 37 Tyre defended by Conrad of Mont- ferrat, 331 ; remains of Frederic Barbarossa conveyed to, t^^t, ULM, privilege of, 582 Ultramontanism, causes of, 509 Umbria, a suburban province, 12 Unam Sanctam, the Bull, 275 ; burnt by Philip, 276 ; contents of, 286 Unigenitus, the Bull, 432 Universalis Papa, 29, 56 ; episcopus, URBAN II., an. 1088-1099, in exile, 218 ; at Amalfi, 220, 358 ; re-esta- blished at Rome by Crusaders, 219 ; summons synod at Piacenza, 221 ; arms Europe for a crusade, 308 ; speech at Council of Clermont, 313, 320 ; scheme of, and Boemund, 314 ; won by Peter the Hermit, 319; re- news decree against investitures, 357 ; death of, 360 ; decree of, accepted by kings of Castile, 363 ; appoints Roger legate, 390 URBAN III., an. 1185-1187, 243 URBAN IV., an. 1261-1264, 264; grants crown of Sicily to Charles of Anjou, 266 URBAN v., an. 1362-1370, 434; ex- communicates Visconti, 434 ; capi- tulates, 435 ; applies to Edward III. for tribute, 435, 587, 588 ; returns to Rome, 436 ; takes a third crown, 552 ; defied by Parliament, 588 ; struggle with England, 589 URBAN VI., an. 1378-1389, election of, 441 ; previously known as an ascetic, 442 ; supported by Italy, 445 ; grants Naples to Charles of Durazzi, 445 ; besieged at Salerno, 445 ; death of, 445 ; free from simony, 457 . . Utraquists in Bohemia, 617 Utrecht, Willibrord, bishop of, 160 VALENTINE, Pope, an. 827, 84 Valentinian 1 1 1., West Emperor, 16 Valentinois, Dukedom of, conferred on Cajsar Borgia, 531 Valeria, a suburban province, 12 Valois, Charles of, 414; Philip of, 566 668 INDEX. VAN Vandals, Rome pillaged by, II ; in- vade Africa, i6, 40 ; Arians, 16 Vatican occupied by Sylvester III., 138 Venaissin, government of, entrusted to a cardinal, 497 Venetians settled at Constantinople, 334 ; appealed to by Crusaders, 335 ; afford help, 336 ; hope for a new field of commerce, 337 ; outlawed by Clement v., 418; ships at An- cona, 523 ; possess Romagna and Cervia, 535 Venice, against the Lombards, 52 ; treaty of, concluded by Frederic Bar- barossa, 236, 242, 267 ; Crusaders apply to, for help, 335 ; scheme of, 33 ; disputes the Pope's claim to Ferrara, 418; submission of, 419; Angelo Coravio of, 453 ; allied with Sixtus IV., 528; recovers lost terri- tory, 531 ; opposes Julius II., 535 ; supported by Julius II., 536; alli- ance of Julius II. with, 537 Vercelli, Bishop of, deposed, 157 Verdun, treaty of, 88 ; time of False Decretals, 92 Vermandois, Hugh of, 322, 327 Verona coveted by Emperor, 536 Veronese League expands, 235 Vezelay, enthusiasm of Crusaders at, 229 ; preaching of St. Bernard at, 327 Vicar of God, Innocent III. considers himself, 284 ; Boniface VIII. also, 286, 296 ; of Christ deposed, 427 Vicaritis iirbis, jurisdiction of, 12, 21 VICTOR I., an. 192-202, Bishop of Rome, 91 VICTOR II., an. 1055-1057, 191; appoints apostolic legates, 389 VICTOR HI., an. 1086-1087, 220 ; projects a ci"usade, 308 ; renews de- cree against investitures, 357 ; lives in exile, 358 Victor IV. ^ anti-pope, 234, 301 Vienne, metropolitans of, 16 ; secures privileges, 582 Vienne, Council of, appealed to by Clement V., 416 ; suppresses Tem- plars, 417 VIGILIUS, an. 540-555, condemns the Three Chapters, 41 Villehardouin, Jeffrey of, 335 Vincennes, assembly of theologians at, 421 Visconti, Bernarbo, ruler of Milan, 434; excommunicated by Urban V., 434; agreement with, 435 ; alliance with cities in ecclesiastical Slates, 437 WIN Visigothic King Reckared, 27 ; domi- nion in Spain, 28, 169 VITALIAN, an. 657-672, 37 Vladimir of Russia converted, 144, 145 WALA, counsellor of Louis, 83 ; a monk, 86 Waldenses, 588 Waldhausen, Conrad of, a reformer in Bohemia, 588, 599 Waldrada, mistress of Lothar II., 98 Wales, Celtic races of, 24 ; successes of King John in, 251 Walter the Penniless leads first Cru- sade, 316, 321 War, religious character attached to, 291 Wat Tyler leads insurrection, 595 Welfs, party of, in Germany, 227 ; pedigree of, 228 ; Henry the Lion their leader, 236 Wenceslaus, Emperor, scheme of, 450, 460 ; weak rule of, 580 ; deposition of, an insult to Bohemia, 606 ; changes constitution of University of Prague, 607 ; supports Huss, 609, 610 ; death of, 616 Wessler supports Richard of Corn- wall, 268 Western Christendom, 13, 14 Western Empire, fall of, 1 1, 21 Westminster, Henry II. 's demand on bishops at, 371 Whitby, synod of, an. 664, 25, 141, 146 Wibert, Archbishop of Ravenna, 295 Wilfrid, champion of Roman uses, 25 W^illiam, Norman King of Sicily, suc- cessor to Roger, 218, 230 William of Scotland subdued by John, 251 William, Count of Holland, 264, 267 William of Melun a crusader, 324 William, Duke of Normandy, 182 ; maintains his supremacy over Church of England, 201, 358; treatment of, by Hildebrand, 205 ; receives a con- secrated banner from Alexander II., 217 ; letter of Gregory VII. to, 282 ; introduces courts Christian, 304; time ofj 35c* ; conquers England, 359 ; pedigree of, 396 William II., of England, supreme over the Church, 359 ; death of, 360 ; pe- diijree of, 396 ; conciliates Normans, 563 Willibrord, Bishop of Utrecht, 159 Winchester, synod of, an. 1 076, 201 ; INDEX. 069 WIN Bishop of, settles disputed points at Ccnstance, 491 ; Bishop of, claims election to the crown, 582 Wini purchases see of London, 159 ^Vismar secures privileges, 582 Wadislaus, a Polish prince, 618 Worcester, property of Church in, 350 Worms, Council of, an. 1076, 206 ; Con- cordat of, on investitures, 215 ; con- cluded, 222, 366 ; implies spiritual feudalism, 228 ; Bishop of, supports Gregory XII., 474 Wurtemburg, Luther at, 576 Wycliffe, supported by Parliament, 571 ; denounces Mendicants, 578; a native of Yorkshire, 5S7 ; begins dispute on a money matter, 588 ; against the Pope, 589 ; translates the Bible, 593 ; decline of influence, 593 ; denies transubstantiation, 594 ; appeals to Parliament, 596 ; dies at Lutterworth, 598 ; resemblance of Huss to, 600 ; a supporter of Realism, 594, 603 ; writings in Bohemia, 603 ; heretical propositions of, 605 ; writings of, burnt in Bohemia, 609 ; denounced by Alexander V. , 609 ; doctrines of, advocated by Huss, 615 Wycliffite heresy in Bohemia, 606 zos YORK, Simon Langton, Archbishop of, 387 ; heiress of house of, mar- ries into house of Lancaster, 599 Yorkshire, birthplace of Wycliffe, 587 ZACHARIAS, an. 742-752, 20, 70 ; negotiations with Pepin, 56 ; in- dependent election of, 56 ; visits Lombards, 57 ; appoints Boniface his legate, 59 ; sanctions anointing of Pepin, 61, 73 ; his conduct ap- appealed to by Gregory VII., 283 Zara attacked by crusaders, 336, 337 Zbynek, Archbishop of Prague, 606, 608 ; tenders submission to Alexan- der V., 608; letter to John XXIL, 609 ; pronounces sentence on Huss, 610 ; death of, 611 Zeno, Bishop of Seville, 27 ZEPHYRINUS, an. 202-219, 91 Zinzinnus, rival Pope, an. 824, 86 Ziska, John, at the head of Hussites, 616 Znaim, Peter of, 603, 608 ZOSIMUS, an. 417-418, appealed to by Apiarius, 15 ; interposition in France, 16 LONDON : PRINTED BY SrOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET HtJBNEE'S LIFE OF SIXTHS V. Preparing for Publication, in Two Volumes, 8vo. MEMOIR OF POPE SIXTUS THE FIFTH. BY BARON HUBNER. Translated from the Original in French, with the Author's Sanction, . By HUBERT E. H. JERNINGHAM. AF the three volumes which compose this work, the first two contain Baron Hubner's memoirs of this illustrious Pontiff, while the third consists wholly of original docximents. These it has not been thought necessary to translate. The English work will therefore give in two volumes the Life of SixTus V. as written by Baron Hubxer. The pontificate of Sixtus V. marks an important stage in the great Catholic reaction of the second half of the sixteenth century ; and the history of this period has now for the first time been given in its fulness by Baron Hi^BXER, whose work (written in French by the Author, who proposes to translate it into his native G-erman), has received from French reviewers the very highest praise for the vigour, gracefulness, and purity of its style. For the merits of this work as a history it will be enough to refer to the remarkable letter which M. De Montalembeet wrote within a few hours of his death to the Author, who had sent him before publication a copy of the first volume. Having assured his friend that it was very long since he had read a work with greater interest and satisfaction, M. De Montalembeet congratulates him on his rare fortune of having chosen for his task the life of a man ' whose name is familiar to everybody, but upon whose authentic and detailed biography nobody as yet has ventured.' The subject thus happily found, he adds, has been treated by the Axithor with an equity, moderation, and lucidity for which the friends of historical truth cannot be sufificiently grateful. No work, in the judgment of the great historian of the Western Monks, is more sincere ; and the result of the method in which the subject has been handled is to re-establish the true point of view from which the past should be judged. If the Life of Sixttjs V. is of European interest, the attitude which he assiimed towards this countiy and the great Queen who then governed it must attract to the history of his pontificate the special attention of English readers. London: LONGMANS and CO. Paternoster Row. LIST OF NEW WOEKS. THE SILVER STOEE. Collected from Mediteval Chrif^tian and Jewish Mines. 13j the Rev. S. Eaking-Golld, M.A. Crown 8vo. 35. 6d. HISTORY of the KARAITE JEWS : Exhibiting the Progress of Eabbinical Traditions from the Closing of the Canon of the Old Testament to the Pi'omulgation of the Talmud. By W. H. Rule, D.D. Post 8vo. 7s. Qd. SHORT STUDIES on GREAT SUBJECTS. By James Anthoxy Froude, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. Third Edition. 8vo. 125. SACRED and LEGENDARY ART. By Tvlrs. Jameson. With numerous Etchings and Woodcut Illustrations, 6 vols, square crown Svo. price £d 15s. 6d. or in Four Series as follows : — LEGENDS of the SAINTS and MARTYRS. Fifth Edition, with 19 Etchings and 187 Woodcuts. 2 vols, square crown Svo. 31s. 6d. LEGENDS of the MONASTIC ORDERS. Third Edition, with 11 Etchings and 88 Woodcuts. 1 vol. square crown 8vo. 21s. LEGENDS of the MADONNA. Third Edition, with 27 Etchings and 165 Woodcuts. 1 vol. square crown 8vo. 21s. THE HISTORY of OUR LORD, as EXEMPLIFIED in WORKS of ART. Completed by Lady Eastlake. Revised Edition, with 13 Etchings and 281 Woodcuts. 2 vols, square crown 8vo. 42s. THE TREASURY of BIBLE KNOWLEDGE : a Dictionary of the Books, Persons, Places, Events, and other Matters of which Mention is made in Holy Scripture. By Rev. J. Ayre, M.A. With Maps, 15 Plates, and numerous Woodcuts. Fcp. Svo. 6s. THE PENTATEUCH and BOOK of JOSHUA CRITICALLY EXAMINED. By the Right Rev. J. W. Colenso, D.D. Lord Bishop of Xatal. Crown 8vo. price 6s. FIVE YEARS in a PROTESTANT SISTERHOOD and TEN YEARS in a CATHOLIC CONVENT ; an Autobiography. Post Svo. price 7s. 6d. IGNATIUS LOYOLA and the EARLY JESUITS. By Stewart Rose. Svo. with Portrait, price 1 6s. ESSAYS in ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY. By the Right Hon. Sir J. Stephen, LL.D. Cabinet Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. 7 London : LONGMANS and CO. Paternoster Row. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES This book is due on the date indicated below, or at the expiration of a definite period after the date of borrowing, as pro\ided by the library rules or by special arrangement with the Librarian in charge. DATE BORROWED DATE DUE DATE BORROWED DATE DUE ». ^N 7 t9jt W ^ 9 ^ ' / C28 (449) M50 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES mill 0068424230 -n