AN ORATION 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 July 4th, 1809, 
 
 IN THE NORTH DUTCH CHURCH, 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 WASHINGTON BENEVOLENT SOCIETY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE CITY OF NEW-YORK. 
 
 BY GULIAN C. VERPLANCK. 
 
 Though tamely crouch to Gallia's frown 
 
 Dull Holland's tardy train, 
 Their ravish'd toys though Romans mourn, 
 Though gallant Switzers vainly spurn 
 
 And foaming gnaw the chain ; 
 Ne'er shall we bend the stubborn knee, 
 
 In Freedom's temple born, 
 Dress our pale cheek in timid awe, 
 Or tremble at a tyrant's law, 
 
 Or brook a master's scorn. W. Scott. 
 
 .YEW-YORK: 
 
 PRINTED FOR E. SARGF.AVl' OPPOSITE TRINITY CHURCH 
 By D. & G Bruce. 
 
 1809. 
 
izx Htbrtfl 
 
 SEYMOUR DURST 
 
 When you leave, please leave this book 
 
 Because it has been said 
 " Sver'lhmg comes (' him who waits 
 
 Except a loaned book." 
 
 Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library 
 Gift of Seymour B. Durst Old York Library 
 
At a stated meeting of the WASHINGTON BENEVO- 
 LENT SOCIETY, held July 6th, 1809. Upon motion, 
 resolved, that the thanks of the society be returned to 
 Gulian C. Verplanck, Esq. for the oration delivered by 
 him on the Ath July, 1809 — and that the Committee of 
 Arrangement be instructed to request a copy for publi- 
 cation. 
 
 Extract from the minutes.] 
 
AN ORATION, 
 
 ace 
 
 Fellow Citizens / 
 
 THIS is a day of no common joy. This day we 
 celebrate a triple festival — the birth -day of our na- 
 tion, the return of peace, the triumph of principle. 
 We rejoice, that another year has found our country 
 free, and great, and happy. We rejoice, that the 
 storm of war which hath long hung black and 
 threatening over our heads, is now fast breaking 
 away. We rejoice, that the warning voice of the sages 
 and patriots of our land has at length been heard — 
 that our citizens have been awakened to a knowledge 
 of their dangers, and our rulers to a sense of their 
 duty. It is indeed a season of triumph. Each ho- 
 nest, breast swells with the conscious dignity of in- 
 dependence. Each honest heart beats high with pa- 
 triotic pride. And of such independence and such a 
 land as ours who would not be proud ? who so dull 
 and cold as to view without exultation the rising 
 glories of such a country? Our domain — of boundless 
 extent, and of endless variety of soil, and clime, and 
 produce — a land overflowing, bursting with redun- 
 dant plenty. Our cities — gay with every elegance 
 of polished life, and rich with the arts of peace and 
 the profits of commerce. Our soil — tilled by a race 
 
6 
 
 of freemen, lords of the soil, lords of themselves. 
 Here reigns the true equality of civilized man, the 
 equality of equal liberty and equal laws. Here, 
 the mind free and unshackled as the body, crampt 
 and confined by no rude oppression, expands and 
 dilates itself to the full stature and proportions of 
 perfect manhood ; and, as if labouring to repay the 
 prodigal liberality of nature, essays its strength in 
 every variety of ingenious speculation, of liberal art, 
 and of useful invention — one while, like the Mohawk, 
 winding along in gay luxuriance through smiling 
 meadows and fields glad with harvest, dispensing 
 joy, and health, and fertility; and now again, like 
 the Hudson, rolling its steady course to the ocean, 
 and bearing on its broad bosom the rich products of 
 our industry, our arts, and our enterprise. 
 
 Of such a land, so rich in every gift of nature, so 
 favoured of heaven, are we the happy sons. Let then 
 no party rancour, no weak foreboding of future ill, 
 repress the generous sympathies of our nature. Let 
 us this day join in the general joy, and hail with 
 honest pride the return of that day which rescued us 
 from the oppression of foreign power, and gave us 
 a claim to the glorious titles of republicans and of 
 freemen. 
 
 Yet a doubt will sometimes flit athwart the mind 
 whether these blessings are not too great to be very 
 permanent. We look back upon antiquity, and see 
 those republics from among which the light of sci- 
 ence and the love of liberty first dawned upon the 
 world, after a short course of glory, sink into the 
 
7 
 
 dust, overwhelmed by foreign power, or mouldered 
 away by some internal principle of corruption. We 
 turn to the continent of modern Europe — those free 
 states from which, when we first started into exist- 
 ence as a nation, we drew the models of our civil pol- 
 icy, are now no more to be found. Some of them, in 
 those perilous convulsions of change which have sha- 
 ken Europe to its centre, have been swept from ex- 
 istence ; and the rest may be seen crouching at the 
 feet of Napoleon, the trembling vassals of military 
 despotism. What reason have we to hope for ex- 
 emption from the general doom r What is there in 
 our peculiar situation, or our national character, to 
 save us from the fate of Athens and Sparta and 
 Rome, of the free cities of Germany and Italy, and 
 of the confederated republics of Switzerland and 
 Holland ? 
 
 This is a question worthy of serious consideration. 
 In the season of gloom and despondency through 
 which We have passed, it might, perhaps, have been 
 criminal even to have hazarded a doubt of the per- 
 manency of our republican institutions. But, in this 
 moment of triumph, it may be useful to check our 
 wild presumption, and calmly to examine upon what 
 foundation our liberty rests ; what we have to hope, 
 and what to fear. 
 
 On this subject I have often pondered in anxious 
 meditation, and I know not whether my judgment 
 was swayed by any weak partiality when I confident- 
 ly concluded that our country, though perhaps des- 
 tined to many a sad vicissitude of fortune, will yet 
 
9 
 
 long continue to enjoy that individual liberty and 
 national independence of which we now so proudly 
 boast. The ground upon which I ventured to found 
 this hope, was the very peculiar character of my 
 countrymen. There is a certain cool moderation 
 and shrewd good sense, which, in every state' of edu- 
 cation and manners, strongly mark the otherwise va- 
 ried character of the people of these United States. 
 This moderation will, I trust, ever preserve them 
 from the frantic excesses of party ; and this discern- 
 ment will enable them, after some experience, to es- 
 timate the true characters of their rulers, and to dis- 
 tinguish their real from their pretended friends. 
 
 Their ardent love of freedom may, doubtless, often 
 expose them to be deluded by the arts and hollow 
 professions of the crafty and the ambitious. For a 
 time, power may be confided to impure hands. But 
 that power can, I trust, never be extended far beyond 
 the narrow bounds of constitutional authority. The 
 moment that ambition oversteps those limits, the 
 reign of deception is at an end, and the people will 
 arise and vindicate their rights — not by riot, insur- 
 rection and violence, but in the temperate use of their 
 legitimate power — legally, constitutionally, and 
 peacefully. 
 
 For the correctness of this view of our political 
 character, I appeal to every fact in our history — I 
 appeal to every incident in that long and glorious 
 struggle by which we achieved our independence. 
 Even at the commencement of the revolution, when 
 in the wild commotion of the moment every ardent 
 
9 
 
 spirit in the nation was loosened from the spot where 
 it had lain dormant, and rose buoyant with life and 
 vigour to the surface ; when statesmen started from 
 the desk and the counter, and generals from behind 
 the plough and the work-bench — even in that mad- 
 dening hour of tumult did temperate reason hold her 
 seat. Our country,with cool discernment,from among 
 the crowd of worthies who pressed forward to her ser- 
 vice, selected Washington as the chief of her armies — 
 Washington, the wise and the virtuous, but then, 
 known only as the patient and the prudent. To 
 this patience and prudence did she continue steadily 
 to confide her dearest interests, unmoved by the 
 whispers of calumny, undazzled by the glare of ro- 
 mantic valour and bold achievement. Often did 
 the cause of independence appear to totter on the ve- 
 ry verge of ruin. Often did .it seem to almost every 
 human eye that resistance was now no longer prac- 
 ticable. But the nation, animated by the great ex- 
 ample of its illustrious chief, continued calmly and 
 confidently to persevere. We triumphed. 
 
 But with the return of peace came not tranquillity. 
 * A wild spirit of savage licentiousness had infected 
 a portion of our fellow-citizens. After a short pe- 
 riod of gloomy repose, it at length broke forth in 
 bold and open insurrection. The laws were set at 
 defiance, and the course of justice was opposed by 
 
 * See a very curious correspondence between Gen. Washington and Gen, 
 Knox, Cols. Humphries and Lee, on the subject of the Massachusetts insurrec-, 
 rection, in Marshall's life of Washington. Vol. 5. p. 114—120. 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 violence. The government was appalled, feeble, and 
 powerless — but t lie people were true to themselves. 
 The mad ferocity of the insurgents rapidly gave way 
 before the disciplined valour of a patriotic militia ; 
 and a rebellion which would have deluged any other 
 country with blood, was quelled without the aid of 
 a regular force, and almost without a battle. 
 
 Another and more important scene was now to 
 succeed. The world was to be astonished with a 
 new and more illustrious example of the practica- 
 bility of popular self-government. The adoption of 
 the federal constitution exhibited the wonderful 
 phanomenon of the form of government of a great 
 nation undergoing a complete and radieal revolu- 
 tion without war, either foreign or domestic, without 
 tumult and without commotion. Peacefully and 
 calmly did the great work of regeneration proeeed, 
 until at length the fabric of regulated liberty arose 
 in full and fair proportion, adorning and protecting 
 the land. 
 
 At that time of feverish irritation against Great 
 Britain, n hen we were yet smarting with our wounds 
 and sore, it might naturally have been expected that 
 we would have spurned away with contempt every 
 institution of British origin. But such fanatic folly 
 never disgraced that venerable body of sages to whom 
 we had intrusted the formation of our constitution. 
 
 With the same temperate wisdom, which had 
 hitherto guided our national councils; they selected 
 from the British constitution every feature of civil 
 
11 
 
 liberty,* every bulwark which the republican spirit 
 of the English nation had anciently erected to pro- 
 tect the subject against the power of executive op- 
 pression. Yet, at the same time, most steadily did 
 they oppose every attempt to invest any, even the 
 highest magistrate of the republic, with the tinsel 
 trappings of royal or patrician splendor. 
 
 Such was the moderation, such the wisdom with 
 which that union under which we have prospered for 
 twenty years was framed and compacted together. 
 That union is now " the mainpillar in the edifice 
 " of our real independence; the support of our tran- 
 " quillity at home, our peace abroad ; of our safety ; 
 " of our prosperity; of that very liberty which we 
 " so highly prize. "f — God grant it may never be 
 severed. 
 
 I pass over the events which immediately followed 
 this important transaction; although many of them 
 are highly interesting in themselves, and very strong- 
 ly illustrate that peculiar view of the American cha- 
 racter, to which your attention has been directed. 
 We have seen with our own eyes, and our fathers 
 have told us, with what careful diligence our country 
 
 * The right of trial by jury, the independence of the judiciary, and the privi- 
 lege of habeas corpus, are here particularly alluded to. " Take away the writ of 
 " habeas corpus," says Mr. Randolph, " and 1 would not give a pinch of snuff for 
 " your constitution ; for without it every man might be imprisoned at pleasure. 
 " Government might possibly demand a forced loan, with which, if the citizen. 
 " did not comply, he might be carried to jail. There is no free government 
 " where this wonderful contrivance, this best hope of man, this ?hcet anchor if 
 " freedom, the writ of habeas corpus is not fosn<l-'' 
 
 t Washington's farewell address. 
 
12 
 
 continued to protect and foster the rights and hap- 
 piness of her citizens at home, while she so proudly 
 maintained their interests and dignity abroad, that 
 
 'Twai pride and boast enough 
 
 In ever}' clime; and travel where we might 
 That wc were born her children. 
 
 But at length the wisdom of the nation slept. It 
 would ill comport with the feelings of the present 
 occasion, to call up to view that system of bold im- 
 posture and many-coloured lies, by which the friends 
 ot Washington were driven from public confidence; 
 or to dwell upon the dexterity with which their an- 
 tagonists seized and turned to their use the honest 
 errors of some of our leaders and the obstinate im- 
 prudence of others, who have since, after sinking 
 their own party, enlisted under the banners of their 
 ancient political foes. But, let this pass — it is irk- 
 some to point out those spots which dim our coun- 
 try's glory. For a lime, however, trick and stratagem 
 were successful. So completely were the people 
 drugged with the opiates of flattery and fair pro- 
 fession, that they lay in stupid lethargy, and saw 
 their navy dismantled, and their commerce left to the 
 mercy of every petty pirate. They saw, without in- 
 dignation, the temples of justice broken open, and 
 the judiciary, the firmest bulwark of their liberties, 
 thrown down and trampled under foot. Unmoved, 
 they beheld a system of executive corruption and 
 unconstitutional influence sprouting forth from the 
 head of the administration, spreading through every 
 department of the state, and enveloping the repre- 
 
13 
 
 sentative majesty of our nation in its bread and poi- 
 sonous shade. Even the suspicion of foreign influ- 
 ence in the administration could not rouse them to 
 examine their danger. The clouds of war blackened 
 the horizon, and we seemed about to band ourselves 
 with the vassal powers of Napolean, and lend our 
 conscript youth to fight the battles of the despot. 
 It was an awful moment. Those to whom we had 
 hitherto been used to look for counsel and for suc- 
 cour, were no more. Hamilton, Elsworth, Ames, 
 like sere and yellow leaves, falling around us, had giv- 
 en awful portent of that gloomy season which was 
 about to lower upon their country. All around us 
 was dark and silent. All abroad was threatening 
 and tempestuous. As we stood gazing around in 
 stupid apathy, we were suddenly aroused by a voice 
 which bade us beware — which told us, there was 
 imbecility in our councils, perhaps corruption in our 
 cabinet. It was a voice to which we had heretofore 
 listened with confidence. It was the voice of those 
 to whose valour we owe our liberties, to whose wis- 
 dom, our laws — of men venerable for public service 
 and for private worth. 
 
 We started as if from a dream. Thousands of 
 gallant spirits pressed forward at once, from every 
 side to the rescue of their country. Personal ani- 
 mosities died away. Party difference was forgotten. 
 We saw with astonishment, men whom we had hith- 
 erto been accustomed to respect rather for the inte- 
 grity of their hearts, than for the vigour of their un- 
 derstanding, now standing forth in the foremost ranks 
 
14 
 
 of the defenders of the constitution. We saw them 
 as danger thickened round, rising with the occasion, 
 gathering strength from the exigency of the moment, 
 and defending their holy cause with talents which 
 would not have dishonoured the best days of English 
 eloquence, and with courage, that would not have 
 shrunk back from the walls of Quebec or the heights 
 of Bunker's Hill. 
 
 As the electric spark caught from man to man, the 
 popular voice gradually swelled to such a peal of 
 remonstrance, that the faction which was hurrying 
 us to ruin stood appalled. Their trembling chief 
 started from his chair of state, and hurried from the 
 public eye. On the very verge of the precipice we 
 stopt. The country was saved. 
 
 Fellow citizens — to whom do we owe this? to 
 whom do we owe it, that we this day meet in free- 
 dom and in peace. Not to our Pickerings, our Bay- 
 ards, and our Lloyds. No, not to them,- — though 
 they have done much, though they have deserved 
 well. No — but to the people themselves — the peo- 
 ple who had the discernment to distinguish their 
 friends from their flatterers, and the magnimity to 
 sacrifice the pride of opinion to the public good. 
 
 To the people of this land, then, experience has 
 shown that the protection of their own rights may 
 be safely confided.* But we hav e yet another ground 
 
 * In addition to the argument, here used, for the probable duration of oar re- 
 publican form of government, others less suited, indeed, for the purposes ol 
 declamation, but of equal weight, may be drawn from some peculiar circum- 
 stances in our situation, and the structure of our constitution. 1st. Our country 
 presents a boundless field to active enterprise ; and honest exertion can, here, 
 
15 
 
 of hope — a higher, holier hope. Without debasing 
 ourselves in abject superstition, or indulging any 
 bold presumption, may we not, in the manly spirit 
 of rational piety, dare to trust that our liberties are 
 in a peculiar manner under the protection of that 
 providence which has guided us in safety through so 
 many scenes of difficulty and danger ? The experi- 
 ence of history will show us that as some states have 
 been selected by heaven as the depositaries of truth 
 and knowledge, so others have been marked by spe- 
 
 rarely fail of success. As long as this state of things continues, we have little to 
 fear from the irregular amhition of those aspiring spirits whose vigorous strug- 
 gles for the attainment of wealth and power so often throw into commotion those 
 old and populous states, where all the sources of riches are under the control 
 of a few overgrown capitalists ; while the only avenues to public distinction, 
 are the claims of hereditary dignity, or of seniority and slow ascent through the 
 routine of public service. 2nd. Our division into state governments. — The sove- 
 reignties of the states comprise so much of that part of legislation which comes 
 most nearly home to the feelings and interests of the individual, that those pas- 
 sions, which if felt at once throughout the nation, and directed to a single point, 
 might endanger the safety of the whole, are now employed on smaller objects, 
 and on a smaller scale. The flame of local faction may for a time blaze with ve- 
 hemence, but it is pent up in the narrow limits of the state where it originates ; 
 its ravages are slight, and the reparation easy. 3rd. The facility with which 
 party rage finds an easy and harmless vent — The immense number of legisla- 
 tive and corporate elective bodies in the United Stales, form a vast system of 
 checks and balances, perhaps, more efficient than those regularly provided by 
 the constitution ; while the consequent frequency of elections, which to a mere 
 speculative politician might seem of the most dangerous tendency, is, really, 
 found productive of very salutary effects. For a week or two previous to every 
 election, all is noise and tumult — but beyond this we have little to dread. All 
 that is most dangerous in the excess of party feeling in the people is refined 
 away by filtration through the medium of their representatives — the victorious 
 party forget their anger and personal animosities in the joy of triumph, and the 
 vanquished solace their mortification with boasts of what they can do at the 
 next election ; or are, perhaps, consoled for the loss of their president or gover- 
 nor by succeeding in their members of assembly, or getting a majority in some 
 city corporation. 
 
 These are points worthy of a more serious investigation. In the narrow 
 ■ompass of a note they can scarcely be presented distinctly to view. 
 
16 
 
 cial favour as the chosen channels through which ci- 
 vil and religious liberty might be conveyed to pos- 
 terity. Thus by the arm of the Almighty, and not 
 by their own strength, were the petty republics of 
 Greece supported against the gigantic power of the 
 Persian empire. Thus, in later times, were Switzer- 
 land and Holland long upheld atrainst the arts and 
 arms of Spain, and Austria, and France. Our own 
 country now seems to be chosen as the sanctuary in 
 which the models of republican institutions may be 
 preserved and perfected, until the whole land shall 
 be filled with a race of freemen, from the western to 
 the eastern ocean, from Labrador to Mexico. Yet 
 this is, perhaps, wild and presumptuous speculation, 
 and I dare not urge it farther. 
 
 Let us recollect, too, that the Almighty in the va- 
 rious operations both of the natural and moral world 
 often condescends to act through the medium of hu- 
 man agents ; that though he zcafere/h the furrows of 
 the earth, and sendeth rain into the Little vallie^t hereof , 
 and inaketh it soft ivith the drops of rain, yet he re- 
 quires the toil and the skill of the husbandman ere 
 the tallies stand thick with corn. 
 
 Thus animated by pious hope, thus confident in 
 the integrity of our fellow-citizens, we may boldly 
 persevere in every honourable exertio for the sup- 
 port of what ice deem sound principle. I know 
 there are among us some, whose gentler natures 
 shrink back from the rude contests of civil discord. 
 Upon such men I would urge the consideration, 
 whether in a government like ours, whose vital prin- 
 
17 
 
 ciple is the mutual dependence of all on each, they 
 are not bound as well by duty as by interest to sacri- 
 fice their convenience, and even sometimes their 
 feelings to the general welfare. Let them recollect 
 that there is a considerable portion of the communi- 
 ty of very limited information, although of sound 
 judgments and honest hearts. If these men are not 
 induced by the force of personal influence and indi- 
 vidual exertion to strengthen the arms of honest men, 
 they may, perhaps, be deluded to become the tools 
 of the crafty and the turbulent. Finally, I would 
 remind them that in their hands are intrusted the 
 hopes and fortunes of their children and their chil- 
 dren's children ; and, in the name of their country, 
 I admonish them that they slumber not over the sa- 
 cred deposit. In the language of ancient patriotism, 
 I charge them, that they see well to it that the repub- 
 lic suffer no wrong.* Although complete success 
 do not at once crown their efforts, let them not des- 
 pond. We now know that the struggles even of a 
 minority may oftentimes procrastinate, delay, and at 
 length avert the evil hour. Still let us not rest sat- 
 isfied with partial success. The present is a time 
 which demands the most active vigilance. From the 
 character of our present chief magistrate, we have 
 much to hope, and much to fear. We behold in him, 
 the friend of our Hamilton—- the supporter of the ca- 
 lumniators of Washington — the advocate of temper- 
 ate liberty — the patron of the admirers of French li- 
 
 * Caveant ne qjiid detrimeuti respublica capiat. Lr v 
 
 c 
 
18 
 
 centiousness. We have seen him foremost among the 
 early assertors of our national independence, and 
 yet, content for a time, to submit in silence, to those 
 plans of ruin that had almost brought us to the feet 
 of Napoleon. 
 
 Still, perhaps, his principles may be sound .though 
 ambition may have led his steps astray. The infec- 
 tion of French policy which has floated over our land, 
 'like the pestilent vapour of the Arabian deserts, 
 blasting and corroding all that it touched, may, per- 
 haps, have passed over his senses like a gentle gale. 
 He has begun well — let us hope, then, for the best. 
 But he has much to do. Let him continue in a course 
 of strict impartiality towards foreign nations. Let 
 him brush away with no gentle hand those vermin 
 that have swarmed around the capitol and sucked the 
 life-blood of the nation — every intriguing sycophant, 
 every tool of power. Let him spurn from him that 
 violator of our constitutional liberties, that public 
 plunderer who has so long polluted and disgraced 
 the American army — let him plant his foot upon 
 that bloated reptile, and crush out at once his venom 
 and his froth. This done, let him persevere in the 
 policy of Washington. Virtue will hail her return- 
 ing son, and the gratitude of his countrymen will 
 shed around his character such a blaze of glory, that 
 each foul blot and stain of his earlier life will be for- 
 ever hidden from our dazzled eyes. 
 
19 
 
 Friends and Brothers of the Washington Society, 
 
 Among the many impressive lessons of political 
 wisdom which may be drawn from the history of re- 
 publican Rome, one of the most remarkable may be 
 found in the conduct of their senate towards an un- 
 fortunate general, whose rash imprudence had al- 
 most caused the ruin of the state. When the senate 
 was assembled to hear the disastrous tale of Cannae, 
 they learnt that through the misconduct of their 
 chief, a chosen army, the last hope of the nation, had 
 been utterly discomfited, and the flower of the Ro- 
 man youth left dead upon the field: but when they 
 were told that the consul, even in that hour of over- 
 whelming shame and confusion, had not forgotten 
 that he was the first magistrate of a great people — 
 that he was rallying the scattered remnants of his 
 routed legions, and summoning to his aid whatever 
 of resource or succour the dignity of the Roman 
 name, or the authority of his own high station, could 
 yet command, every spark of resentment died away, 
 andayvote was solemnly passed, that the consul had 
 dese/ved the thanks of his country, for not having 
 despaired of the republic. That praise, fellow-citi- 
 zens, is yours. At a time when general and indi- 
 vidual calamity pressed heavily upon all classes, 
 when others stood in cold and stupid despondency, 
 you did not despair of the republic. 
 
 In the darkest period of that gloom, ere yet the 
 day spring had dawned in the east, you arose, to the 
 protection of your country and the relief of your 
 
90 
 
 fellow- citizens. You collected into one channel 
 each little rill of charity, wjiich had hitherto wandered 
 as chance or caprice might guide, and bade them 
 How in one steady stream of judicious bounty. You 
 reared the standard of principle and called upon ev 
 ry honest man to rally around it. Excluding wi 
 scrupulous care the bigoted monarchist^ and tl 
 rancorous jacobin, you united into one body all vvh 
 honoured the constitution, all who venerated tl^e 
 memory of Washington. His life you selected as 
 the great example of your conduct — his last solemn 
 charge to his countrymen as the text book of your 
 policy. The success, which has already crowned 
 your efforts for the diffusion of truth and the relief 
 of distress, is such as should excite you to yet higher 
 exertion. Proceed then as you have begun. Though 
 calumny assail, though difficulties arise, still perse- 
 vere. Hand in hand — friends, fathers, fellow-coun- 
 trymen — hand in hand boldly persevere. Persevere 
 and you proceed triumphantly. Triumphant in the 
 conciousness of virtuous principle, triumphant in the 
 certainty of ultimate success — fully assured, that 
 whatever dangers may seem to impend, if the nation 
 be but sound at heart there is nothing to fear, ft he 
 dream of delusion will soon flit away. The people 
 will arise in the majesty of their might, and savi 
 THEMSELVES. 
 
 FINIS