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SAINT TAMMANY, TIIK I'ATKON SAIN" 
 
♦ ♦ fiistory-- 
 
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 rrom its Organization 
 to tbe Present Cime 
 
 €. Uale Blake 
 
 Published under the Direction of 
 
 fred feigl 
 
 editor of Che Cammany times 
 
 Souvenir Publishing Company 
 32 Broadway, Hew Vork 
 
Souvenir Publishing Company, 
 
 ::•; Broadway, 
 
 New Vi>rk. ir. s. A. 
 
 3 
 ■IJ 
 
 13 
 
 i opjrifjlited l'JOl. 
 
 All riKllts lir.,Tln 
 
ANNOUNCEMENT. 
 
 N presenting' this first volume of the History of the Society of 
 Tammany, or Columbian Order, to our readers, we desire to 
 assure them that this is but the beginning of our work. 
 
 The records of this great Society, numbering as it does 
 among its members the most illustrious men in the Demo- 
 cratic party, are of the greatest importance, and the work of 
 completing and perpetuating them will be continued until they are as near perfect 
 as may be. 
 
 Particular credit for this work is due to E. Vale Blake, who has gathered 
 and compiled the material for the work and arranged the historical story of this 
 the First Volume. 
 
 We desire to recognize the efforts of our friends in contributing to fhe 
 success of this volume, notably, the Hon. Richard Croker, Grand Sachem 
 Thomas L. Feitner, Hon. Asa Bird Gardiner, Hon. William Sulzer. Air. James 
 Anderson Russell, Mr. Jon Templeton, as well as Mr. George (1. Feigl, who has 
 had charge of the arrangement of the biographical sketches of the members of 
 the Society who are living at the present day. 
 
 ( )ur thanks are specially due for documents, to the late Col. Thomas Dun- 
 lap and also to the Adjutant General of the State for statistical and other in- 
 formation regarding the Tammany troops in the War of Secession. 
 
 Fred. Feigl. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 HEN a Society or Institution has been in active operation 
 for over a century it is pertinent to inquire wherein lies 
 its vitality. 
 
 More particularly is this the case when it exists in 
 a great city and is essentially a political organization — 
 and is found to have survived all other early political organizations. 
 During the existence of the Society of Tammany, or the Colum- 
 bian ( )rder, a large number of these associations have sought the favor 
 of the people, with varying success, most of them being but short-lived. 
 From its original antagonist, the old Federal party, down to the 
 present day, the wrecks of defunct political organizations are scattered 
 along the highway of history. Not only is this true of the large 
 national parties which have opposed the Democracy, of which the 
 Tammany Society is still the most prominent organization, such as the 
 Federalist, the National- Republican, the Whig, the Native American 
 and the present Republican ; but in addition to these, which might be 
 called its natural enemies, the Tammany Society has had constantly to 
 contend with foes springing up in its own locality. There have been 
 seasons of eclipse, too, when the star of Tammany was obscured ; but. 
 after a time, the clouds rolled by, and the old Wigwam as^ain came 
 
prominently into view, in full possession of" apparently indestructible 
 vitality. 
 
 In the course of these pages it will be demonstrated wherein lies 
 the strength of this redoubtable organization. 
 
 It is true there are many persons so greatly under the influence 
 of opposing partisan affiliation that they can scarcely be brought to be- 
 lieve that there is, or ever was any good thing in this powerful and most 
 persistent of political organizations; a little reflection, however, will 
 convince any candid mind that so considerable a bod)- of citizens as the 
 members of the Tammany organization could not be held under the 
 fascinations of an altogether evil power for the space of a hundred years. 
 
 E. Vale Blake. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER. PAGE. 
 
 1 Formation of the Tamman) Society. 9 
 
 II History of Chief Tammany. '- 
 
 111 Tammany's Gift of Symbols to the [ribes. . . . . 15 
 
 IY First Officers of the Tammany Society. .... 18 
 
 V Affiliated Societies. 21 
 
 VI The Tammany Museum. 23 
 
 \ 1 1 Political Influence of the Society. 25 
 
 VIII Act of Incorporation of the Society. -!'> 
 
 IX Recruits from the Federal Party 27 
 
 X Celebrations of the Fourth of July. 29 
 
 X I Poets and Literati of Tammany. ...... 32 
 
 XII Tammany Versus Aaron Burr. 37 
 
 XIII The Prison Ship Martyrs. 38 
 
 XIV Building a New Wigwam. 42 
 
 XV General Jackson at a Tammany Banquet. . . . -45 
 
 XVI Trinity Church Riot. 47 
 
 XVII War Governor of 1812. 52 
 
 X V 1 1 1 Tammany on Home Industries. ...... 55 
 
 XIX The Anti-Masonic Party 57 
 
 XX The Loco Focos. 59 
 
 XXI Frances Wright. 63 
 
 XXII The Patroons. 64 
 
 XXIII Tammany and Van Buren. ....... 66 
 
 XXIV The Free Soil Movement 69 
 
 XXV Michael Walsh 71 
 
 XXVI Who Owns Tammany Hall 7^ 
 
 XXYII Tammany's Attitude During the Civil War . . . -77 
 
 XXVIII The Tammany Jackson Guard 81 
 
 XXIX The Soldier Poet of the War 85 
 
 XXX Fernando Wood, 87 
 
 XXXI A Peace Meeting During the War qo 
 
8 
 
 CHAPTER. I'AGK. 
 
 XXXII Horatio Seymour 95 
 
 XXXIII Samuel J. Tilden 98 
 
 XXXIV Laying the Corner Stone of the New Wigwam . . . too 
 XXXV A Dark Shadow too 
 
 XXXVI Greely Campaign \ 1 1 
 
 XXXVII Fourth of July. 1873 113 
 
 XXXVIII John Kelly 115 
 
 XXXIX Political Conditions 1876-70 118 
 
 XL Hancock's Nomination for President 124 
 
 XLI The County Democracy 127 
 
 XLII Cleveland in 1884 132 
 
 XLIII Cleveland in 1888 134 
 
 XLIY hire in Tammany Hall . . . . . . . -135 
 
 XLY Unveiling of The Tammany Monument ..... 136 
 
 XLVI Richard Croker 138 
 
 XLVII Presidential Campaign of 1892 142 
 
 XLVHI After the Nomination. 144 
 
 XLIX Red Letter Day 149 
 
 L The Tariff i 52 
 
 LI Constitutional Convention . . . . . . . 155 
 
 LII Some Reverses — Parkhurst-Maynard 158 
 
 LIII National Convention. 162 
 
 LIV Advent of the Reformers 164 
 
 I A Testimonial to Richard Croker 168 
 
 LVI Consolidation. 169 
 
 LVII Victory of 1897 • . . 173 
 
 I A III Tammany Incidents 175 
 
 LIX Improvements in New York City 171; 
 
 LX Embarrassing Results of Consolidation 183 
 
 LXI Efforts to Destroy the Society 184 
 
 LXII Grand Sachems From 178c) to [900. 185 
 
 LXI 1 1 Chairman General Committee 1872 to 1900. ... 187 
 
 LXIV Officers of the Society for 1900 188 
 
CIIAI'I ER I 
 
 CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE FORMATION OF THE TAMMANY 
 SOCIETY. 
 
 i\ May, [783, the officers of the American \rm\. in canton 
 ments, mi the Hudson, under General Washington, having in 
 \ ii u the eventual disbandment of the arm) after exchange of 
 ratification of the definite Treat) of Peace, decided to form 
 a society, to perpetuate as well the remembrance of the blood) 
 conflict of eighl years which had established the Colonies as 
 Free, independent and sovereign States, as the mutual friend- 
 ships which had been formed under the pressure of common danger, and in man) 
 instances cemented b) the blood of the parties. 
 
 The) accordingly met at the Ver Planck Mansion, the Headquarters of 
 Major-General Baron de Steuben, near Fishkill, \. Y.. and formed themselves 
 
 nds. and agreed to an Institution v 
 
 as they or any of their eldest male 
 
 the collateral branches who should b 
 3 and members. 
 
 (he\ set forth that : 
 
 ch the) declared 
 
 isterity remained. 
 judged worthy ol 
 
 into a Society of Friends, and aerreed to ai 
 should endure as long 
 and, in failure thereof. 
 becoming its supporter 
 In this Institution 
 
 "The officers of the American Army having generally been taken from the citizens of 
 America, possess high veneration tor the character of thai illustrious Roman, Lucius 
 Quintius Cincinnatus; and. being resolved to follow his example by returning to their 
 citizenship, they think they may with propriety denominate themselves 
 
 THE SOCIETY OF CINCINNATI.' 
 
 'The officers of the arm) were intensely patriotic, and they had undergone 
 untold sufferings, privations and losses of property, in order to continue in the 
 service of their country, and bring to a successful termination the war which 
 secured the independence of the United States. 
 
 They keenly appreciated the fatal defects in the Articles of Confederation, 
 which had not gone into effect until 17X1. and under which independence had 
 almost been lost; and. accordingly, in addition to provisions as to benevolence, 
 they also incorporated a political principle for a tinner union between tin- States 
 and the maintenance of the national honor, then imperilled through interfering 
 State regulations as to commerce and the absolute worthlessness of the Continen- 
 tal currency. 
 
 In their Institution they said that 
 
 "The following principles shall be immutable and form the basis of the Society of the 
 Cincinnati: 
 
 "An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of 
 human nature for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of 
 a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. 
 
 "An unalterable determination to promote and cherish between the respective States 
 that union and national honor so essentially necessary to their happiness and the future 
 dignity of the American empire. 
 
 "To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among the officers: The spirit 
 will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substan- 
 tial acts of beneficence, according to the ability of the Society, towards those officers and 
 their families who unfortunately may be under the necessity of receiving it." 
 
The General Society, for the sake of frequent communications, was divided 
 into State Societies, with local officers, wherein applications for membership were 
 received and acted upon. 
 
 The Institution prescribed an order by which the members should be known 
 and distinguished, which was the Bald American Eagle, with appropriate 
 emblems, and the motto 
 
 "OMNIA RELIQUIT SERVARE REMPUBLICAM," 
 
 and a ribbon by which it was suspended from the breast, of deep blue edged 
 with white, typical of the then alliance between France and America. 
 
 Tn November, 1783, the Continental Army was formally disbanded, and the 
 officers and soldiers again became private citizens. 
 
 Much opposition was manifested at first to the Society, because of its sup- 
 posed aristocratic tendencies, which was in due time dissipated. 
 
 The American officers, in providing that the representative membership 
 should descend through the eldest lineal male descendant, had merely followed 
 the rule of primogeniture then prevailing throughout the United States, and 
 probably with the idea that the eldest son, as heir to the estate of his father, would 
 be better able to do his full share toward the benevolent objects of the Institution. 
 
 The members in the Thirteen States began at once to agitate for a more 
 perfect union, and for the establishment of a national government under a con- 
 stitution which would give peace and prosperity at home, and protection abroad. 
 
 The history of the period of four years from 1783 to 1787, when the Consti- 
 tution of the United States was adopted, and from thence until the inauguration 
 of the Government under it, in 1789, shows that the influence of the Society of the 
 Cincinnati was most potential in effecting this great patriotic object. 
 
 When the Government of the United States under the Constitution was 
 finally inaugurated, the General Society, in Triennial Meeting convened, and the 
 several State Societies, in communications to General Washington, then Presi- 
 dent of the United States, declared that a good Constitution for their beloved 
 country was what the officers had contended for, in the field and in council. 
 
 The political principle in the Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati 
 having thereupon become engrafted, with sanctions, in the organic law for the 
 United States, the political work of the Society of the Cincinnati came to an end, 
 and thenceforth its members devoted themselves to their domestic concerns, and 
 to celebrations of Independence Day, as required by the Institution, and to works 
 of benevolence, in which, in the course of years, they expended very many 
 thousands of dollars in relieving the necessities of deserving descendants of 
 Revolutionary officers. 
 
 The political work of the Cincinnati having thus terminated, it ceased thence- 
 forward to be a political factor, and, as its membership was restricted, it could 
 not perform the functions of a great patriotic society to which all citizens should 
 be eligible, and which should at all times have a potential influence in the direction 
 of patriotism, and as :\ conservator of good government. 
 
At this juncture, 1789, a citizen of the Cit) oi New York, William Mooney, 
 ci mceived the idea of forming just such a great patriotic organization, and. having 
 communicated his views to other citizens, who enthusiastically approved, "THE 
 SOCIETY ( IF TAMM WY," or, "C( iLUMBl \.\ < IRDER," whose motto is 
 "FREEDOM OUR ROCK," was established; and for many years, on Inde- 
 pendence Day, passed the compliments of the day with the New York State 
 Society of the Cincinnati, and each drank the health of the other. 
 
 A considerable number of the earlier members of the new patriotic Society 
 were also original members of the Society of the Cincinnati. 
 
 The first meeting place of the infant Society of Tammany, which was organ- 
 ized May ij, 1789, was at Barden's, or the City Tavern, located on lower 
 ■Broadway, not far from the Bowling Green. Here, for lack of a more com 
 modious place, the new society met until [798, when they obtained the use of 
 Martling's long room; and this has generally been thought to have been the first 
 wigwam. Mr. Abraham D. Martling kept what would now be called a hotel on 
 the corner of Nassau and Spruce streets. His office, dining-room 'and kitchen 
 were located at the front of the house, facing on Nassau street, while the famous 
 Long Room was at the rear, running parallel with this street. This room afforded 
 accommodation for either convivial parties or for public meetings, and many a 
 fine political campaign was there inaugurated and carried through to success, 
 before the followers of St. Tammany dreamed of erecting a building for their 
 sole use. It was, however, little more than a dozen years later before the project 
 was matured for erecting the ample building, of which the corner-stone was laid 
 in 181 1, near the site of Martling's old place, on the corner of Nassau and Frank- 
 fort streets, which was occupied by the Society until the erection of the present 
 •elegant and substantial building on Fourteenth street. 
 
 The meaning of the word wigwam, as is very generally supposed, is not a 
 tent, but a communal house, such as many of the stationary tribes of our North 
 American Indians built for the common home, and which were usually large 
 enough to accommodate from forty to sixty families. Some large tribes had 
 many wigwams. 
 
 In regard to the appellation of "Saint" to Chief Tammany, we believe John 
 Trumbull, the artist, is to be credited with its bestowal, he thinking that the 
 monarchial countries of Europe should not have a monopoly of the saints; but he 
 alone was not of that mind; some early calendars published in Philadelphia give 
 the first of May as the day of St. Tammany, naming him the patron Saint of 
 America. There is also a St. Tammany parish in Louisiana, on the northern 
 boundary of Lake Ponchartrain. 
 
 The Society of Tammany, or the Columbian Order, is nominally, and by 
 the terms of its incorporation, a social, patriotic and charitable association, and 
 is practically and really a distinct body from the General Committee of the Dem- 
 ocratic party generally understood by the term " Tammany." 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 PERSONAL HISTORY OF CHIEF TAMMANY. 
 
 HERE appears to have been two Saints Tammany — a legendary 
 one and an historical one — or, rather, either the attributes of 
 one real person have been magnified into the fabulous, or 
 there had been an earlier Indian, with superior qualifications, 
 living long before the chief known to history bearing the same 
 name. 
 
 The historical Tammany, with whom William Penn had dealings, was 
 chief of the Lenni-Lenape tribe of Indians: a native of Delaware, living 
 in his old age near the Schuylkill River, and at the time of his death resid- 
 ing some four miles from the present site of Doylestown, in what is now Bucks 
 County, Pennsylvania; his burial place being near a spring in that vicinity. He 
 is believed to have been present at the interview with Penn under the great elm- 
 tree at Shakamaxon, as all the chiefs of the Lenni-Lenape lineage were there, and 
 so distinguished a member as Tammany could scarcely have been absent. His 
 name, sometimes written Tammanend, with that of Melamequam, is signed to a 
 contract giving title to a tract of land lying between Pennepack and Neshamony 
 Creeks. This paper is dated April 23, 1683. 
 
 Penn's "great treaty," so called, through which he acquired title to nearly the 
 whole of the present State of Pennsylvania, is dated more than two years later, 
 in May, 1685, when Tammany probably was dead. His precise age is unknown, 
 but it is certain that his life extended long past the extreme limit of even extra- 
 ordinary old age. When spoken of by the people of his own or other Indian 
 tribes, he was usually referred to as "Chief Tammany of many days." William 
 Penn, in speaking of him, said: "I found him an old man, yet vigorous in mind 
 and body, with high notions of liberty; not to be imposed upon, yet easily won 
 by suavity and a peaceable address." At one time his wigwam is said to have 
 stood on the site now occupied by Princeton College. 
 
 Chief Tammany was certainly friendly to the whites. lie had the sagacity 
 to perceive that the knowledge of the arts, of mechanics, and of a superior 
 agriculture, was a power which gave to the new settlers immense advantages over 
 his own people; thus he was led to favor peace witli them, and lie used his great 
 influence to preserve the tranquillity of the Delaware nation. Fenimore Cooper, 
 in his popular novel, "'The Last of the Mohicans," introduces Chief Tammany in 
 the scene in which he describes the death of fjncas, making Tammanj saj : "M> 
 day has been too long. In the ■morning I saw the sons of I'nainies happy and 
 strong; and yet, before the night has come, have I lived to sec the last warrior of 
 the wise race of the Mohicans." 
 
 The Tammany of tradition is a wonderful character; in the folk-lore of hi-; 
 people all good things are attributed to him. Before the time of I )e Soto or 
 La Salle, or even the still earlier voyage claimed for Boehm, there was a Chief 
 Tammany, whose tribe lived west of the Alleghanv Mountains, and extended 
 bevond the northern bank of the < )hio River. In early youth this chief was noted 
 
13 
 
 as a skillful hunter and bra\ e warrior; lie was always ingenious in the production 
 of domestic utensils, objects ol decoration, and implements For the hunt, for 
 
 snaring animals, and for use in war. ^s he grew i<> manh 1 his fame extended 
 
 beyond the Mississippi Rivei to the Greal Sail Lake, and Ins noble deeds were 
 talked of al even council fire in the land. It was this ven superioritj which 
 excited the env\ and enmit) of the Evil Spirit, with whom he had mam fearful 
 combats. 
 
 When this terrible cneni) saw thai Tamilian) was teaching his people how 
 to cultivate corn and other edible vegetables and fruits, he determined i<> circum 
 Mm him and injure his reputation with the tribes over which he rided with a 
 linn hut fatherl) hand. So the Evil Spirit put his ingenuit) to work and caused 
 tlic land to produce poison sumach, and stinging nettles, which he hoped the 
 tribes would attribute to Tammany. These plants did. indeed, much anno) ami 
 sometimes injure the hunters, hut Tamilian) was wideawake and contemplated 
 long how he could rid his land of these noxious growths. He hided his time; 
 
 then at the period "f drought he set tire to the prairies which the) covered, and 
 the lire was so hoi and the heat waves chased each other s, > rapidh that they 
 actually singed and nearl) destroyed the Evil Spirit himself, who was spying 
 round, mourning the destruction of his poisonous creations. After he had some- 
 what recovered from his injuries he plotted more mischief. He made snakes, 
 which he sent anion,'; the people; hut Tamilian) sowed the seed of the ash-tret', 
 of the seueea root and tile plantain, which speedih eured those who were bitten 
 Next the Evil ('ne sent a great drove of mammoths and other monstrous 
 and destructive creatures from beyond the greal lakes, to consume the corn and 
 fruits of the IhTawarcs. Vgain Tannnam was relied upon to rid the land of this 
 plague also. Me soon found that their hides were too thick to he penetrated by 
 arrows, and that some other means must he devised to destroy them. Now thrse 
 animals were in the habit of going down to the "salt licks;" so Tammany caused 
 man) great pits to he dm;, which hi' covered over with branches of trees and 
 shrubs, completer) concealing them, and so these destructive creatures were all 
 caught and slain in these traps, and there it is said that their hones may still he 
 
 The Evil Spirit was now nearly at his wit's end how to devise some mischief 
 which the great chief would he unable to overcome. At last he bethought him- 
 self to raise the waters of Lakes I luron and Michigan, and so Hood all the south- 
 ern land where the Delawares dwelt, hut Tammany was not to he outdone in 
 ingenuity, lie set to work imnieuiatel) and opened a way for the flooding waters, 
 by turning them into the Miami. Wabash and Alleghen) Rivers, and. in addition, 
 cut new openings into the ( )hio. The waters of the lakes receded, hut formed Oil 
 their exit the Detroit Rapids and the halls of Niagara which still remains as 
 . proof of the truth of this legend. Tammany was hailed as the savior of his peo- 
 ple, as well he might he. 
 
 Finding that no natural objects could he successful!) used against this noble 
 chieftain, the Evil One next conceived the idea of raising up enemies against him 
 by instilling enmity toward him among the trihes, his neighbors, dwelling to the 
 east and north. A long war, indeed, followed, hut Tannnam took main prison- 
 ers, each one of whom expected death as a matter of course, this being the usual 
 fate of prisoners of war. hut Tammany was endowed with a superior spirit, and 
 
14 
 
 when he heard his vanquished foes singing their sacl " death-song." and saw them 
 cutting themselves, according to the custom of their fathers, and thrusting splin- 
 ters into their flesh, to show that they could hear pain bravely, he called them 
 before him, addressed them kindly, spared their lives, and thus sent them back to 
 their own tribes, devoted friends, instead of enemies. 
 
 The Wicked Spirit, perceiving all his labors lost, finally came to the conclu- 
 sion that there was no other way to overcome this wonderful chief than by a per- 
 sonal encounter — never dreaming for a moment that any mortal being could 
 successfully contend with the immortal enemy of the human race. 
 
 In pursuance of this intent he hid among the bushes in a certain place where 
 he knew that the chief would pass by. But Tammany perceived this movement, 
 and, pulling up a hickory sapling, commenced the struggle by attacking his 
 skulking enemy, giving him a powerful blow on the head. Such a yell as burst 
 from the surprised traitor not even a whole tribe of Indians could equal. Then 
 the devil and Tammany clinched, and dreadful was the crashing of timber, which 
 they trod down, as if it had been mere weeds. Never was such a fight on the 
 earth since the war of the Old World giants, who piled mountains on one another 
 in their quarrels in ancient Greece. For many square leagues not a tree was 
 left standing, and some narrators affirm that it was through this encounter that 
 the prairies were originally formed, by the trampling of these strange Western 
 gladiators- — the Mortal Good and the Immortal Evil — striving for supremacy. 
 
 The fight is reported to have continued for fifty days, when Tammany, by 
 a hip-back action, succeeded in throwing his antagonist to the ground, trying at 
 the same time to roll him into the Ohio River, but a great rock in the way pre- 
 vented this; then he tried to strangle his nearly vanquished enemy, but his right 
 wrist and thumb had been so strained with the long struggle that force sufficient 
 failed him to accomplish this; and at last the great warrior grew faint and 
 exhausted, which the Evil One, perceiving, managed to slip away — having no 
 mind to renew the fight. 
 
 But Tammany was not quite through with him yet. He banished him from 
 the country to Labrador and the Hudson Bay region; threatening him with 
 instant death if he returned to the south of the Great Lakes. So at last Tammany 
 had conquered a permanent peace, and he was now able to devote himself to the 
 development of agriculture and such arts as were useful to his people. Then the 
 tribe rejoiced in plenty, they felt strong, and their cry was always, "Tammany 
 and Liberty," for he had won for them freedom from all kinds of injury and 
 enmity. 
 
 About this time Manco Capac, the great Inca of Peru, the famous descendant 
 of the Sun, heard of Tammany, and was naturally desirous of meeting such a wise 
 chief and brave warrior; so he sent a messenger to ask for an interview, suggest- 
 ing, as a suitable place, a certain location in Mexico, which was about equidistant 
 from the home of each. The precise object which the Inca desired to consult 
 Tammany about was the best form of government for Peru. The interview took 
 place, and passed over very happily; and, with many mutual compliments, each 
 returned to his own country, well pleased to have met. 
 
 As the Inca Manco Capac is considered by historians as the founder of the 
 Peruvian nation, and lived about the year 1250 a. r>., it is obvious that this legend 
 of Chief Tammany's journey must have had a very ancient origin. 
 
( HAPTER 111. 
 
 TAMMANY'S GIFT OF SYMBOLS TO THE TRIBES 
 
 FTER the chief's return from this long journey, which con 
 sumed several months, Tammany learned that the Evil Spirit 
 had taken advantage of hi; absence and had entered among his 
 people, and had made them idle and dissipated, and, with 
 these faults, disease had broken out in the tribe" He began at 
 once to reform this condition of things, and in great measun 
 succeeded. In order to stimulate his people and arouse their flickering 
 ambition, he summoned them all before him; and. feeling that Ins end 
 was approaching, and that he could not much longer remain with them, he con 
 ceived the following plan for keeping them united, at the same time placing upon 
 all special responsibilities. He divided the whole of his people into thirteen 
 tribes, assigning separate duties to each, and giving also to each tribe a model, 
 or symbol, to remind them of these duties as follows: 
 
 ist. With the symbol of the Eagle he gave to the first division this advice: 
 "Children of the hirst Tribe, the Eagle should be your model. He soars above 
 the clouds, loves the mountain tops, takes a broad survey of the country round. 
 and his watchfulness in the day-time lets nothing escape him. From him learn to 
 direct your thoughts to elevated objects, to rise superior to the fogs of prejudice 
 and passion, to behold in the clear atmosphere of reason all things in their true 
 light and posture, and never expose yourself to be surprised, while the sun 
 shines, in a fit of drowsiness or slumber. 
 
 2d. "'Children of the Second Tribe: The Tiger affords a useful lesson for 
 you. The exceeding agility of this creature, the extraordinary quickness of his 
 sight, and, above all, his discriminating power in the dark, teach you to be stirring 
 and active in your respective callings, to look sharp to every engagement you 
 enter into, and to let neither misty days nor stormy nights make you lose sight of 
 the worthy object of your pursuit. 
 
 3d. "Children of the Third Tribe: You are to pay good attention to the 
 qualities of the Deer. He possesses uncommon readiness of hearing; can judge 
 of sounds at a great distance. In like manner, open ye your ears to whatever is 
 passing; collect the substance of distant rumors, and learn, before dangers sur- 
 round your cornfields and wigwams, what is going on at a distance. 
 
 4th. "Children of the Fourth Tribe: There is one quality of the Wolf to 
 which I would call your attention. His wide extent of nostrils catches the atoms 
 floating in the air, and gives him notice of the approach of his prey or his foe. 
 Thus, when power grows rank, and, like a contagion, sends abroad its pestilent 
 streams. I see, the wolf, like the myrmidons" of Tammany, the first to rouse, turn 
 his head, and snuff oppression in every breeze. 
 
 5th. "Children of the Fifth Tribe: You, my children, are to take useful 
 hints of the Buffalo. He is one of the strongest animals in the wilderness: but. 
 
 Myrmidons were originally soldiers of Achilles. 
 
i6 
 
 strong as he is, he loves the company of his kind, and is not fond of venturing 
 upon distant excursions alone. This is wise in the buffalo, and wise it will be in 
 you to imitate him. Operate in concert, stand too ether, support one another, 
 and you will be a mountain that nobody can move; fritter down your strength in 
 divisions, become the sport of parties, let wigwam be divided against wigwam, and 
 you will be an ant-hill which a small pappoose can kick over. 
 
 6th. "Children of the Sixth Tribe: That social and valuable creature the 
 Dog offers something for you to profit by. The warmth of his attachment, the 
 disinterestedness of his friendship, and the unchangefulness of his fidelity, mark 
 him as the object of your kindness and imitation. Do but love each other with 
 half the warmth, sincerity and steadiness with which these, your constant hunting 
 companions, love you all, and happiness, comfort and joy will make your land 
 their dwelling place, and ye .shall experience all the pleasure that human nature 
 can bear. 
 
 7th. "Children of the Seventh Tribe: Von are to take pattern after the 
 Heaver. His industry merits your regard. Forests must be cleared, hills leveled, 
 rivers turned to accomplish your plans. Labor and perseverance overcome all 
 things; for I have heard old people say that their ancestors assisted in making 
 the sun, immense as he appears, by collecting into a heap all the fire-Mies and 
 glow-worms they could find, and the moon, whose light is fainter and size smaller, 
 was in like manner formed by gathering into a pile all the fox-fire, or phosphoric 
 decayed wood they could procure. 
 
 8th. "Children of the Eighth Tribe: The Squirrel, my children, offers 
 something profitable to you. It is his practice .is he has a foresight of winter. 
 to collect acorns, chestnuts and walnuts, and to carry them in large quantities 
 to his hole. In like manner it becomes you to look forward to the winter of life, 
 and have some provision necessary for yourselves at that needy time. This yon 
 may enjoy at your firesides, while all around you frost rends the trees asunder, 
 and the white powder lies so thick upon the ground that you cannot venture out 
 without your snow-shoes. 
 
 9th. "Children of the Ninth Tribe: Yon are to learn a lesson from the box. 
 Me looks well before him as he travels, examines carefully the ground he treads 
 upon, and takes good care that his enemies do not come upon him by surprise. 
 Such keen examination will guard you from difficulties; and if, in the course of 
 nature, you shall be, in spite of all this, beset l>\ them, nothing will more 'ffectu- 
 ally enable you to extricate yourselves. 
 
 10th. "Children of the Tenth Tribe: The Tortoise, who supports on his 
 hack the world we inhabit, offers a world of instruction to you. Were it not for 
 his benevolence in keeping afloat on the immense ocean in which he swims, this 
 land we inhabit would soon go to the bottom; and the displeasure he feels when 
 men lead lives of idleness and vice, when they quarrel and injure their neighbors 
 and families, has induced him more than once to dip a part of his shell under the 
 water and drown a set of wretches no longer tit to live. If, the 1, von wish to 
 attain a long life, be honest, upright and industrious. 
 
 1 1 tli. "Children of the Eleventh Tribe: I recommend to y< ur at ention the 
 wholesome counsel derived by man from the Eel. lie was never known to make 
 a noise or disturbance in the world, nor to speak an ungentle sentence to a living 
 
'7 
 
 creature. Slander never proceeded Prom Ins mouth, nor doth guile rest under 
 his tongue. Are you desirous, my children, of modest stillness and quiet? Would 
 you like to live peaceably among men? If such be your desires, loam a lesson of 
 wisdom from the Eel, who, although he knows neither his birth nor his parent- 
 age, but is casl ••hi orphan of creation, yet shows, by his strength and numbers, 
 the excellence of the mode of life he lias chosen. 
 
 [2th. "Children of the Twelfth Tribe: I shall point out for your improve 
 ment some excellent traits in the character of the Bear. He is distinguished for 
 his patient endurance of those inconveniences which he finds it impossible to 
 ward off. Thus, when scarcity threatens your country with famine, when disease 
 among the beasts strews your hunting-grounds with carcasses, when insects 
 destO) your beans, and worms corrode the roots of your corn, when the streams 
 refuse their accustomed supplies, or when the clouds withhold their rain, bear 
 with patience and resignation whatever necessity imposes upon you. Show your- 
 selves men, lor it is adversity which gives scope to yonr talents. 
 
 [3th. "Children of the Thirteenth Tribe: I call your attention to the econ- 
 omy of the Bee. You observe among those creatures a discipline not surpassed 
 by anything the woods afford. Idlers, vagrants and embezzlers of public prop- 
 erty, have no toleration there. Regularity and method pervade every department 
 of their government. Borrow from them an idea of arrangement in business, and, 
 above all, derive from their instructive example that alchemy of mind, which, by 
 an operation somewhat analogous to the production of nectar from venom, con- 
 verts private feelings into public advantages, and makes even crimes and vices 
 ultimately conducive to public good." 
 
 Having, in an eloquent speech, such as the Lenni-Lenapi Indians were 
 renowned for, thus endeavored to distribute among his people these and other 
 vritues, Tammany felt that his lifework was done: and, in fact, he was very soon 
 after called to the happy hunting-grounds of his tribe, leaving behind him a repu- 
 tation above that of any other of his race of whom we have any knowledge, as he 
 was also more esteemed and beloved than any of his tribe before or since. He is 
 said to have been buried in the large mound within the ancient Indian fort near 
 Muskingum, O., which is nearly as large as the most famous of the Egyptian 
 pyramids. 
 
eS 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FIRST OFFICERS OF THE TAMMANY SOCIETY, AND ITS EARLY 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 RAND SACHEM— William Mooney. 
 
 Sachems — White Matlock, Phillip Hone, John Campbell, 
 John Burger, Thomas Greenleaf, Cortlandt Van Beuren, 
 Oliver Glenn, James Tylee, Gabriel Furman, Jonathan Pierce, 
 Abel Hardenbrook, Joseph Goodwin. 
 Treasurer — Thomas Ash. 
 
 Sagamore — John Pintard. 
 
 The most active and habitual frequenters of the Wigwam while its meetings 
 were held at "Martling's" are thus given (in Valentine's Manual of the City of 
 New York): John Tryson, Wm. H. Ireland, John Targee, Benjamin Romain, 
 Eldad Holmes, George Buckmaster, Abraham Valentine, Joseph Kimball, Abra- 
 ham Stagg, John Moss, Abraham Dally, Dr. Prince, John B. Thorp, Augustus 
 Wright, Lewis Ford, Clarkson Crolius, William Mott. Samuel L. Page, W. J. 
 Waldron. Among other members were Lieutenant-Colonel Ebenezer Stevens, 
 Second Regiment Continental Corps of Artillery of the Revolution, who had 
 been a member of the Boston "Tea Party" of 1773, and was an influential member 
 of the New York State Society of the Cincinnati, and, in 1814, as Major-Generak 
 commanded all the New York militia in the United States service. 
 
 This party had at times very lively contests with the Federalists and followers 
 of Alexander Hamilton and other political assailants, but manfully kept together 
 in solid phalanx to the ever-growing terror of the diminishing Federalists and al! 
 others inclined to disregard the rights of the people. 
 
 The actual organization of the Columbian Order, or the Society of Tam- 
 many, which took place on the 12th of May, 1780, happened about two weeks 
 after Washington had taken his initial oath of office as President. It is, therefore, 
 the oldest political organization in the country, none having held together con- 
 tinuously for anything like a century. Tammany is now (1899) over one hun- 
 htmdred and ten years old. 
 
 The press of 1789 describes the Society of Tammany as being a national 
 society consisting of American-born citizens, who are alone eligible to hold any of 
 its offices, except the merely honorary posts of "Warrior" and "Hunter," which 
 may be filled by adopted citizens. "It is founded," said the Nexv York Daily 
 Gazette, "on the true principles of patriotism, and has for its motives, charity and 
 brotherly love. Its officers consist of one Grand Sachem; twelve Sachems, one 
 Treasurer, one Secretary, and one Doorkeeper. It is divided into thirteen Tribes, 
 each severally representing a State of the Union, and each of these tribes has its 
 own Sachem. The honorary posts are only two in number, those of Sagamore 
 and Wiskinskie." 
 
 As warriors and hunters are not practically called for in modern times, the 
 duties of these officers have naturally become more pacific. That of Sagamore 
 may now be described, in a general way, as master of ceremonies, and custodian 
 
'9 
 
 of the regalia, etc. The regalia collar is o) Kghl blue velvet, ornamented with 
 gold. The duties of Wiskinskie include thai of a doorkeeper who holds the pass- 
 word, and, in a measure, he occupies a similar position to thai of Tyler in a 
 \I;im mic I .odge. 
 
 The original idea of founding tliis Societ) of Tammanj is to be credited to a 
 business man of New York City, named William Mooney, though it was inevit- 
 able that some such association would be formed; for opposition to the arista 
 cratic tendencies of the Federalists was in the air, and it was believed by many of 
 the leading citizens to be absolutely necessary to have some organized body, ready 
 at all times to battle for the preservation of the pure American spirit, and antagon- 
 ize every symptom of departure from it. 
 
 \\ ii i 1A.M Moonev was chosen as the first '.rand Sachem. His immediate 
 successor was William l'itt Smith, in 1700; then followed Josiah Ogden Hon" 
 man; I >E Witt Clinton being Scribe of the Council. 
 
 The Device or Certificate of Membership is quite an elaborate piece of work. 
 It represents "A pointed arch composed of two cornucopias, resting on two col- 
 umns, on each side of which are two figures — Liberty and Justice. < In a pedestal 
 bearing the former are the figures 1776 — 1789. Below the foundation on which 
 the two columns rest is another arch standing upon a rocky base; this arch is 
 composed of thirteen stones, each bearing the name of one of the original thirteen 
 States. The keystone is Pennsylvania, and from this fact arose the custom of 
 Speaking of that State as the 'Keystone State.' Below this arch of rocks is a 
 view of land and water, containing appropriate symbols of agriculture and 
 commerce." This expressive device was designed by Dr. Charles Buxton, and 
 engraved, on copper, by Mr. George Graham. 
 
 From its first organization the Indian nomenclature was adopted as to 
 divisions of time, and to indicate the seasons, as well as in the titles of its officials. 
 Hie early notices of its meetings were printed in the same symbolic language — 
 such, for instance, as "the month of snows,'* the "month of flowers," the "month 
 of fruits." etc.; also using the changes of the moon in the same way. with other 
 imitations of the aboriginal customs, as calling their places of meeting a "wig- 
 wam," and their conferences "council fires," and so forth. This probably struck 
 some of the high-toned Federalists as somewhat puerile, but it was meant to 
 emphasize their intense Americanism ; and the country soon learned that these 
 characteristics of the society could be turned to good practical account. 
 
 Many eventful historical scenes are connected with the early days of Tam- 
 many, a^s for instance, the government's relations with the Creek Indians. Ever 
 since the peace of 1783 the United States had been periodically troubled with 
 Indian outbreaks, and had been particularly anxious to conciliate the Creeks, 
 who then occupied large tracts of land in Florida and Georgia. In 1790 a plan 
 was devised to get the chief of this tribe, or nation, who was an educated half- 
 breed, to come to New York with some of his people, in the expectation that the 
 sights of civilization and of permanent substantial cities would make the red men 
 feel their weakness, and the impossibility of resisting the supremacv of the "pale- 
 faces." In the winter of 1790 an agent. Col. Marinus Willett, was sent South to 
 the Indian country to invite the Chief of the Creeks to come and visit the Great 
 White Father in New York. The expedition was successful, and the following 
 
summer, "in the season of dowers," a large delegation from the Creek nation, 
 under the conduct of their chief, who bore the Scotch name of Alexander MeGil- 
 very, arrived in New York. 
 
 This unusual event had been prepared for by the Tammany Society with 
 extraordinary elaboration. The members of the Society adopted for the occasion 
 the entire Indian costume, even to the wearing of the tomahawk and feathers. In 
 addition, they attached to the back of the head-dress, as an extemporized symbol 
 of the visiting tribe, a buck's tail; hence arose the popular sobriquet which the 
 Society long bore, of the "Bucktails." The Tammanv Societv also pitched tents 
 on vacant lots on Hie banks of the Hudson River, now one of the busiest sections 
 of busy New York. When the Creeks were received and welcomed by the "Buck- 
 tails" they were wonderfully surprised and overjoyed, thinking they had found a 
 new tribe of red men, giving vent to their excitement in loud whoops, which 
 greatly startled, if they did not frighten, the Tammany braves. 
 
 Among the eminent persons present on this occasion was Thomas Jefferson. 
 who was afterward to be President of the United States; Governor George Clin- 
 ton, of the State of Xew York; Chief Justice Jay, of the Supreme Court of the 
 United States: the then Secretary of State, and many other distinguished persons. 
 The bands of Creeks sang their tribal songs, called the E-tho-song, after which the 
 Grand Sachem, William Pitt Smith, made them a friendly speech, in the course of 
 which, appealing to the superstitious nature of his auditors, he assured them that, 
 though dead, the spirits of the two great chiefs. Tammany and Columbus, were 
 walking backward and forward in the wigwam. 
 
 The Sagamore of the Society then offered the Creek chief the calumet, or 
 pipe of peace, when immediately one of the Indians bestowed upon the Sagamore 
 a new name; he called him Tuliva Mico, meaning Chief of the White Town, in 
 the evening all the Indians were taken to the theatre, and for several days they 
 ■were entertained with banquets, "long talks." music, and whatever else could be 
 •devised to amuse and impress them; the members of Tammany wearing their 
 Indian costumes so long as the visit of the t recks lasted. In consequence of this 
 friendly and unique reception a treaty was secured — as the aborigines called it, 
 "a treaty of friendship with Washington, the beloved Sachem of the Thirteen 
 Fires." The result was a long period of peace with this tribe, which has long 
 been entirely civilized, and, next to the Cherokees, the most advanced in the arts 
 of civilization of any of the aborigines within the jurisdiction of the United States. 
 
CHAPTER \ 
 
 AFFILIATED SOCIETIES. 
 llIERE were other "Tammany" societies formed in the several 
 States about the time of the New York organization, and also 
 one or two have been formed in recent years. The Tammany 
 Societj of Georgia became our of great political influence. 
 Although, in its origin, the New York Tamman) was ostensi- 
 hl\ only a social and benevolent body, that astute Senator 
 from Pennsylvania, William Maclay, seems to have penetrated the dis- 
 guise, for, in his diary, under date of May i, 17X1). after describing the 
 parade of ''the Sons of Tammany," he says: "There seems to be some kind of 
 scheme laid, of erecting some kind of order or society, under this denomination, 
 l>nt it does nol seem well digested yet." He evidently suspected that there was 
 some kind of political purpose concealed under the accepted name of the Tam- 
 many "braves." 
 
 Just about the same period, in 1789, an organization of a similar nature was 
 formed in Philadelphia. Some writers claim that it was of earlier date Mian the 
 New York society, having been organized on the first day of May. It certainly 
 existed for several years, but never exercised any very potent political influence. 
 As its annual meetings were held on the first of May, it had probably eleven days 
 precedence as to age. The Philadelphia Tammany Society had two places of 
 meeting: one in the city in a building known as the London Coffee House, on the 
 corner of Front and Market streets. This was a general resort of the fashionable 
 people of the Quaker City. 
 
 It was patronized by Federal judges. Congressmen, naval and military offi- 
 cers, as well as by wealthy citizens. In the summer the society met in a beautiful 
 spot on the banks of the Schuylkill, at a place called the Wigwam. 
 
 Heckewelder, an interesting chronicler of contemporary events, makes this 
 reference to them- under date of May Jst: "Numerous societies of Tammany'* 
 votaries walked together in procession through the streets of Philadelphia, their 
 hats decorated with bucktails, and proceeded to a handsome rural place out of 
 town, called the Wigwam, where, after a 'long talk,' or Indian speech, had been 
 delivered, and the calumet of peace and friendship had been duly smoked, thev 
 spent the day in festivity and mirth." 
 
 The Philadelphia society had as its badge the eel, which shows it to have 
 been the eleventh tribe, as designated by Chief Tammany in his gift of symbols. 
 In this early period many smaller societies appear to have been organized which 
 were in some sort auxiliaries to that in New York, which was the second tribe, 
 or tiger, the first, or eagle, being the insignia of the nation. Little is known of the 
 other early societies, as but few of them made any mark in politics; they won only 
 a local reputation, and finally drifted into social associations, as did the more 
 promising Philadelphia organization. There is, however, one at least in Portland, 
 Ore., which gives unmistakable signs of life and activity; but, it is of recent 
 origin, having bepn established in 1887, and its rules have been closely copied 
 from the Tammany organization in this city. 
 
22 
 
 , the New York World published the following evi- 
 
 On December 12 
 dence of its vitality: 
 To the Editor of the Worl4 : 
 
 Tammany Society, of Portland, Ore., solicits your presence as a guest at its annual 
 banquet, to be given on the evening of the 8th day of January, 1892. The Democracy of 
 the State of Oregon has been invited to be present, and numerous invitations have been 
 sent to prominent Democrats from abroad. It 5s our hope to be able to make the occasion 
 a memorable one to the Democracy of Oregon. 
 
 On the following day, Saturday, January 9th, the State .Convention of Democratic 
 Societies will be held, when the first permanent organization will be perfected. 
 
 Trusting that you may be able to participate with us, we are courteously yours, 
 
 B. Goldsmith, President. 
 
 M. M. Harris, Secretary. 
 
 Communications to be addressed to P. A. E. Starr, Chairman Executive Committee, 
 133 First street, Portland, Ore. 
 
 There is one active Tammany society at the present time at Johnstown, Cam- 
 bria County, Pa., one in Rhode Island, one in Texas, and undoubtedly many 
 others scattered over the country, but not of sufficient extended influence to 
 not of sufficient extended influence to require enumeration here. 
 
*3 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE TAMMANY SOCIETY AS A CONSERVATOR OF ART THE 
 TAMMANY MUSEUM. 
 
 |HERE arc now probably few persons who criticise the affairs 
 of the Tammany Societj who realize that at one time it 
 was the only organized conservator of Art in the countrj : and 
 the centre of archaeological knowledge in the City of New 
 York. In the same \ ear in which the famous visit of the 
 (.reeks occurred the Tammany Society established a Museum 
 for the collection and preservation of everything of interest relating to the 
 antiquities and early historj of America. A room was allotted, for this 
 purpose to the use of the Society, in the City Hall, then located in Wall 
 street, near Nassau. Mr. Gardiner Baker, a member of Tammany, was 
 appointed Custodian. The collection of curiosities, principally of Indian 
 origin, though by no means exclusively so, soon outgrew the limited accom- 
 modations in the City Hall, and, in 1704. these treasures were removed to 
 a brick building, then standing in the middle of Wall street, at the junction of 
 Broad and Pearl streets; it was known as the "Exchange." The lower part of 
 this building was occupied as a market, but the upper part, baving good light on 
 all sides, proved an excellent place for seeing this art collection, a great portion 
 of which had been gathered, or otherwise secured, by Mr. Baker, the custodian, 
 who was an enthusiastic scientist and naturalist; and the following year the whole 
 contents of the museum were, for a consideration, transferred by the Tammany 
 Society to this gentleman. He had spent much time and money in making these 
 collections, on the expectation and ardent desire that these interesting and curious 
 objects should be forever known as "The Tammany Museum," and with the 
 condition that the families of the founders of the Society should always have free 
 access to it. 
 
 But Baker was not immortal; and could not control the future fate of his 
 valuable collection. ( hi his death the contents of the museum were sold to a Mr. 
 W. J. Waldron, and went partly into other hands; later the greater part were sold 
 to the "American," or "Scudder's Museum," and. when that was given up, some 
 of the articles were bought by private parties, but the larger portion eventually 
 passed into the hands of P. T. Banium. Probably among the reasons why the 
 Tammany Society had lost its original interest in the collection was the expense 
 of maintaining it, and the great care required in the preservation of many of the 
 articles, proving, as it did, a considerable draft upon their then limited funds, 
 while their outside patrons were few in number, the population of the city being 
 then so small, and very few being interested in archaeological studies. Then, also, 
 when these later transfers took place, the society was greatly interested in secur- 
 ing official recognition, through an Act of Incorporation, which was not obtained, 
 however, until 1805. 
 
 John W. Francis, in his interesting "History of Old New York," says of 
 this matter- "I believe that old Tammany was then (the time of Jay's treaty) too 
 
24 
 
 intent upon obtaining their charter to continue the work they had so well com- 
 menced of gathering: together the relics of Nature and Art to be found in this 
 country. In this collection were to be seen wampum beads, tomahawks, belts, 
 earthen jars and pots, with other Indian antiquities; together with all that could 
 be found of Indian literature, in war songs, hieroglyphic writings on stone, bark 
 and skins, etc., etc." If this enumeration of curios seem to us now rather 
 meagre we must remember that it was founded over a hundred years ago. 
 
 A recent discovery of a long-lost Washington portrait links the year 1892 
 with this old Tammany art collector, Gardiner Baker. The Brooklyn (N. Y.) 
 Eagle, of February 29, 1892, contained the following letter, dated Washington. 
 D. C: 
 
 "Consul-General Sherman, of Liverpool, has informed the State Department of the 
 discovery in the Isle of Man, of a portrait of Washington, believed to be one of the three 
 replicas by Gilbert Stuart from his original painting for the Marquis of Landsdowne; and 
 also believed to be the identical portrait that was intended for the Executive Mansion. 
 The portrait is now owned by Mr. "William Burrows, and is for sale a^ the price 
 of $1,000. The size of the canvass is twenty by fifteen inches." Mr. Sherman 
 adds: "If a genuine Stuart, it would seem that it should be owned by the United 
 States." A photograph of the portrait accompanying the dispatch shows it to be 
 a Stuart beyond any reasonable doubt, and extracts from Black and White, and from the 
 Whitehall Review, give an interesting account of the history of the portrait, which is one 
 of the most singular stories in the history of art, namely, the theft and disappearance of 
 an authentic portrait of George Washington 
 
 "This third portrait was painted for Mr. Gardiner Baker, of New York, an active 
 member of the Society of St. Tammany, which society, at his suggestion, established a 
 museum. This museum was. in 1794, made over to Mr. Baker, who added, among other 
 attractions, this full-length portrait of the General. In 1796 he appears to have gone to 
 Boston to exhibit the picture, but, dying there of yellow fever, the portrait went to a Mr. 
 Laing in satisfaction of a claim. After a time the committee at Washington charged 
 with furnishing the President's house, bought the picture, which was entrusted to one 
 Winstanly to pack and deliver. He, however, copied the Stuart; delivered the copy and 
 fled to England with the original. Stuart himself was the first to discover the fraud, 
 and denounced it. but the false copy still hangs in the White House; while the original 
 Stuart once owned by Mr. Gardiner Baker, the custodian of the Tammany museum, is now 
 in the hands of a picture dealer of Douglas, in the Isle of Man." 
 
 Besides the creditable record which the Tammany Society made in the 
 cause of art, it was always reads' to lead, or take part, usually to inaugurate all 
 public movements of a patriotic nature, or to commemorate historical events of 
 interest. Thus it came about that t lie Tammany Society has the credit of having 
 originated the first Columbian celebration. "On the 12th of October \ji)2 (old 
 style), the members of the Tammany Society met in their wigwam to celebrate the 
 discovery of America by Columbus. A monumental obelisk was exhibited in the 
 Hall, and an eloquent oration on the great mariner was delivered by Brother J. 
 B. Johnson, one of the original members of the Society." A celebration was held 
 later in Boston, on the 2^(\ of ( )ctober, but Tammany had set the example. 
 
25 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
 LTH-OUGH the act of incorporation of the Tammanj Societ) 
 docs not mention any political object as a motive for its 
 formation, it was from the first an essentially political associa- 
 tion, though not professedly so, and it was certainly not 
 partisan. Keen observers, however, even on the very day 
 of its founding, "saw something beneath the surface," 
 and that "something" very gradually but steadily gained in strength — it was politi- 
 cal influence. For many years during the first half century of its existence no 
 other Democratic party was heard of in the City of New York than the party 
 whose headquarters wire in the Wigwam, called indifferently "Bucktails" or 
 "Tammanyites;" and the general principles advocated by the society then, allow- 
 ing for differences of time and circumstances, were the same as now. Mr. Ham- 
 mond, in his elaborate work entitled the "Political History of the State of New 
 York," speaking of Governor Tompkin's embarrassment, between appointing De 
 Witt Clinton as Mayor of the city (the Mayors of the city being then appointed by 
 the Governor), and the fear of exciting the displeasure of the Democratic party to 
 which he owed his own election, says: "The Tammany party in New York, which 
 then (1815) really constituted the Democratic party, pressed for his removal. 
 Tompkins was much embarrassed, as he did not want to offend Clinton's friends, 
 and yet dared not encounter die resentment of the New York Tammanyites.' 
 The first notice that we find of a Democratic State Convention was the intro- 
 duction of a bill in the Assembly, in 1818, by Mr. Edwards, a Tammany member, 
 calling for a State convention, to consider the appointment of officers. The 
 appointment of officers had always previously been arranged in caucus, by the 
 leaders of both parties, just as national candidates were selected in Congressional 
 caucus before national conventions were thought of. In 1817 the Democrats 
 formed their first county conventions through the State (not including New York 
 City), for the express purpose, as they announced, "to enable the Democrats 
 living in counties represented in the Assembly by Federalists to have some 
 voice in nominating the Governor." 
 
 In the convention for the revision of the State Constitution, in 1821, the 
 larger proportion of delegates were Democrats; those named from New York 
 City were all Tammany men. The Speaker of the Assembly in 1822 was Grand 
 Sachem Samuel B. Romaine. The only divisions of any account up to this 
 period were entirely personal, and the friends and enemies of DeWitt Clinton 
 made nearly all the discordance that materially affected the partyin New York. 
 A little later came divisions, which will be narrated more fully elsewhere. 
 
 But, without following the general political course of the Society further, we 
 here give a verbatim copy of the act of incorporation of the original association. 
 
26 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ACT OF INCORPORATION OF THE SOCIETY OF TAMMANY, OR 
 COLUMBIAN ORDER. 
 
 An Act to incorporate the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, in the City of 
 New York. Passed April 9, 1805. 
 
 Whereas, William Mooney and other inhabitants of the City of New York have pre- 
 sented a petition to the Legislature, setting forth that they, since the year 1789, have 
 associated themselves under the name and description of the Society of Tammany, or 
 Columbian Order, for the purpose of affording relief to the indigent and distressed mem- 
 bers of the said association, their widows and orphans, and others who may be found 
 proper objects of their charity, they therefore solicit that the Legislature will be pleased 
 by law to incorporate the said Society for the purposes aforesaid, under such limitations 
 and restrictions as to the Legislature shall seem meet. 
 
 Therefore, be it enacted by the people of the State of New York, represented in Senate 
 and Assembly, That such persons as now are, or shall from time to time become members 
 of the said Society, shall be, and are hereby ordained, constituted and declared to be a 
 body corporate and politic, in deed, fact and name, by the name of the "The Society of 
 Tammany, or Columbian Order, in the City of New York," and that by that name they 
 and their successors shall have succession, and shall be persons in law, capable of suing 
 and being sued, pleading and being impleaded, answering and being answered unto, in all 
 courts and places whatsoever, in all manner of actions, suits, complaints, matters and 
 causes whatsoever; and that they and their successors may have a common seal, and 
 change and alter the same at their pleasure; and that they and their successors shall be 
 persons capable in law to purchase, take, receive, hold and enjoy to them and their 
 successors, any real estate, in fee simple or for tgrm of life, or lives, or otherwise; and 
 any goods, chattels, or personal estate, for the purpose of enabling them the better to 
 carry into effect the benevolent purposes of affording relief to the indigent and distressed; 
 provided, that the clear yearly value of such real and personal estates shall not exceed 
 the sum of five thousand dollars; and that they and their successors shall have full power 
 and authority to give, grant, sell, lease, devise or dispose of the said real and personal 
 estates or any part thereof, at their will and pleasure; and that they and their successors 
 shall have power from time to time to make, constitute, ordain and establish by-laws, 
 constitutions, ordinances and regulations as they shall judge proper, for the election of 
 their officers, for the election or admission of new members of the said corporation and 
 the terms and manner of admission, for the better government and regulation of their 
 officers and members, for fixing the times and places of meeting of the said corporation, 
 and for regulating all the affairs and business of the sa'd corporation; provided, that such 
 by-laws and regulations shall not be repugnant to the Constitution or laws of the United 
 States, or of this State. 
 
 For the better carrying on the business and affairs of the said corporation, there shall 
 be such numbers of officers of the said corporation, and of such denomination or denomina- 
 tions, to be chosen in such manner and at such times and places as are now, or shall from 
 time to time be directed by the constitution and by-laws of the said corporation, made or to 
 be made for that purpose; and that such number and description of members shall be suf- 
 ficient to constitute a legal meeting of the said corporation as are now or may hereafter 
 be directed by the said constitution and by-laws of the said corporation. 
 
 And be it further enacted, That this Act be and hereby is declared to be a public act, 
 and that the same be construed in all courts and places benignly and favorably for every 
 beneficial purpose therein intended. 
 
 [Signed] Thomas Tillotson, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
27 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 RECRUITS FROM THE FEDERAL PARTY. 
 
 The Democratic part) of New York, with the Tammany Society as its 
 earliest representative, has had the peculiar and pleasant experience of frequently 
 
 welcoming back into its ranks, not only individual members who have tempo 
 rarily declined to act with the majority, hut also factional parties who have for a 
 time acted independently under other names < Ine of the most remarkable of 
 these accessions occurred early in its history, and has not been given that prom- 
 inence in the political histories of the country which its importance deserves. 
 This was a sudden desertion of fifty of the leading Federalists of the da\ from 
 their own ranks and their application for membership at the Wigwam. This 
 action excited much interest at the time, including, as it did, the whole of the 
 powerful Livingston family in the city, including the renowned Chancellor, he 
 having joined in 1700. It was in i<Sjo that this body of fifty old-time opponents, 
 members of the Federal party, publicly announced their withdrawal from their 
 late associates and their intention to join the Democracy, which, of course, meant 
 the Tammany Society. 
 
 In explanation of this action, in referring to the documents of that time, we 
 learn that there was a growing - dissatisfaction among the more progressive por- 
 tion of the Federalists, who, in the language of their day, were designated as 
 "High-minded Federalists." On the 14th of April. 1820, a number of these put 
 out a public address, in which they say: "The Federal party no longer exists; as 
 a party, it is dissolved and annihilated, and even the bonds of mutual confidence 
 and private regard are severed, perhaps forever." And again: "The Federalists 
 have now no ground of principle on which to stand." And. therefore, these 
 gentlemen declare their intention of uniting with the "great Democratic party of 
 the State and Union." This extraordinary manifesto, which was of considerable 
 length, was signed by the persons whose names are given below, representing as 
 highly respectable citizens as were then to he found in the city, either in politics 
 or society. 
 
 List of the fifty Federalists who announced the death of their party and 
 joined the Democrats: T'eter Jay Monroe, J. O. Hoffman, Jonathan Hasbrouk, 
 George D. Wickham, Morris S. Miller. Melancthon Wheeler. Levi Callcnder, 
 Joshua Whitney, John Suydam, R. W. Stoddard. David Hudson, H. Mont- 
 gomery. IT. B. Bender, George W. Tibbits. Thomas Mumford, John Duer. John 
 A. King, Elisha B. Strong, George F. Tallman, Joshua A. De Witt, Charles A. 
 Foot, James Lynch, Glen Cuyler. John L. Wendell. Charles King, A. B. Has- 
 brouk, T. S. Morgan, Jeffrey Wisner, James A. Hamilton. Ebenezer Griffin, John 
 C. Morris. Livingston Billings. Tracey Robinson. Johnson Verplank. Henry 
 Brown, Thomas J. Delancy. Thomas G. Waterman. John C. Hamilton, James 
 Clapp, William A. Duer, William P. Sherman, Isaac Dubois, Zeb. R. Shepherd, 
 Alanson Austin, Garrit Post, Elisha Ely, IT. Vanderlyn, W. W. Mumford. 
 
28 
 
 Another party of Federalists had quitted their wonted ranks in 1812, and 
 joined Tammany. These were called by their contemporaries the "Coody party," 
 the name being given in reference to a series of articles published, signed Abime- 
 lech Coody, the author of which severely attacked the Federalists for their British 
 affinities and opposition to the war. These letters, as was afterward learned, 
 were written by Gulian C. Verplanck, and were especially bitter against De Witt 
 Clinton. Of this set of seceding Federalists the historian Horton says: "The 
 leaders of the Coody party were Gulian C. Verplanck, Hugh Maxwell, Jacob 
 Ratcliff, Richard Hatfield, Josiah Heddin and John Hopkins, about forty 
 altogether;" and he adds, "they rushed into Tammany Hall, claiming to have 
 become better Democrats than even the old chiefs of the Wigwam. Though a 
 few of the ancient braves were inclined to be wary, the Coodyites were cordially 
 received and granted seats 'around the Council Fire.' The sequel is interesting. 
 Shortly after Ratcliff was made Mayor; Hatfield became Clerk of the Sessions, 
 and Maxwell was made District Attorney. In retaliation, when De Witt Clinton 
 became Governor, he removed a number of Tammany men from office; but most 
 of them were restored by his successor, Governor Joseph C. Yates." 
 
 In the course of these pages the fact will be discovered that nearly all the 
 seceders from Tammany Hall, who have at any time taken the shape of new 
 parties, have eventually returned to the shelter of the great Wigwam, and have 
 usually found themselves happier there than in endeavoring to maintain separate 
 action as Democrats. 
 
2g 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 EARLY CELEBRATIONS OF THE FOURTH OF JULY. 
 
 T will probably be ;i surprise to man) people t<> learn that for 
 several years after its formation the Society of Tammany 
 celebrated the Fourth of July by a semi-religious service, 
 listening to a sermon as well as the reading of the Declaration 
 of Independence. In 1791 the Tammany Society invited the 
 Rev. Dr. William Linn, of the Middle Reformed Dutch 
 to preach before them on the national anniversary. \ copy of 
 iion. now over a century old, is preserved in the collections of 
 ihe Long Island Historical Society. The Tanunanyites of that day had 
 the grace not only to thank the preacher in very handsome terms for his 
 sermon, but they also requested the loan of the manuscript for the purpose of 
 securing printed copies of the same; of which six hundred were ordered. There 
 were not. of course, any stenographic reporters in those days; nor, if 
 there had been, any newspapers large enough to have given space to such 
 lengthy matter. In this sermon the reverend gentleman had dilated at length 
 upon the great size and geographical advantages of the country, as well as its 
 political superiority over the nations of Europe, dropping into poetry, by quoting 
 the well-known lines: 
 
 "What is life? .... 
 'Tis not to stalk and draw fresh air 
 From time to time, to gaze upon the sun. 
 'Tis to be free! When liberty is gone 
 I. if«> urows insipid, and has lost its relish." 
 
 .Music and the reading of a religious and patriotic ode concluded the cele- 
 bration. 
 
 In 1703 the 4th of July was again celebrated by the Tammany Society bv 
 listening to a sermon; this time by a Presbyterian clergyman, the Rev. Samuel 
 Miller, who took for his general argument the proposition that Christianity is the 
 surest basis of political liberty. 
 
 In explaining his choice of a subject, he said: "To this choice of a subject 
 am I led by the recollection that the respected society to which this discourse is 
 in a particular manner addressed hold up as the great object of their attention 
 everything that may tend to promote the progress of civil liberty, and to trans- 
 mit it pure and undefiled to the latest posterity," adding to these noble words 
 many more complimentary remarks on the patriotism of the Tammany Society. 
 
 We will refer to only one more of these early religious celebrations of the 
 national anniversary by Tammany; this was in 1794, and was conducted by an 
 Episcopalian, the Rev. Mr. Fillmore. This gentleman struck a more florid style 
 of oratory than the society had hitherto been treated to. His especial theme was 
 unity, and he thus saluted the members of the Tammany Society before him: 
 "Hail, patriot leaders of the happy tribes! Raise your banners in the temple of 
 honor of our Heavenly King! To you, gentlemen, we, and all our citizens, are 
 much indebted for your encouragement of art. and the science of archaeology, in 
 
3" 
 
 the establishment of the museum which arose under your auspices, and which has 
 already been enriched by your liberality; not only with a choice collection of the 
 curious productions of nature, but likewise with some of the most masterly pro- 
 ductions of literature, particularly those treating of the rights of man, which will 
 happily preserve them from oblivion." 
 
 On a later occasion an orator named J. B. Johnson also addressed the society 
 on the necessity of preserving a strict union, not only among themselves, but a 
 friendly union between the States. One of his expressions emphasizes strongly 
 the immense growth of the United States since that day; alluding to the great 
 size of the country as an additional reason and necessity for unity, he exclaims: 
 " A land stretching from New Hampshire to Georgia." Not seeing in prophetic 
 vision the immense expansion which was to come, he still proceeded to argue 
 that on account of the great size of the United States, and the large number com- 
 posing the Union, that the sovereignty of each individual State should be care- 
 fully watched over and maintained. Indeed, this address is one of the 
 earliest as well as most outspoken appeals in advocacy of State rights, as against 
 any possible encroachments of the General Government. "How," he asks, "can 
 one eye, however wakeful and piercing, watch the sacred deposit of the people's 
 interests with so much safety as the quick and vivid glance of fifteen (Vermont 
 and Kentucky were then included in the Union) sovereign and United States?" 
 In concluding his address, he thus compliments the fraternal spirit of the Tam- 
 many Society: "Suffer me, brothers to offer to you the sentiment of my fraternal 
 affection and regard. Within the walls of your wigwam has my heart often 
 expanded with genuine delight; there, innocent pleasure wanders free and 
 unmolested, and smiles on every guest. There friendship, founded on the purest 
 motives, knits, in the firm knot of Union, the hearts of every true brother; there 
 the flame of patriotism, kindled by the tongue of eloquence, and the sweet voice 
 of freedom, darts from soul to soul, and illuminates your peaceful hall. And 
 there, if I have any love for my country, any ardor in the cause of liberty, any 
 strong desire for the happiness of mankind, there have these virtues been born, 
 being also, by your precept and example, exalted and refined. Brothers, keep in 
 mind that you are the Union in miniature. Many are your fires, but they all 
 burn within the same circle. Many are your links, but they all constitute one 
 bright, strong, and, I trust, enduring chain." 
 
 From those early days until the present time, whether the orator of the day 
 used the form of a sermon or a simply patriotic address, the Tammany Society 
 never celebrated the Fourth of July without listening to the reading of the 
 Declaration of Independence, a custom well worthy of imitation by other asso- 
 ciations. 
 
 In i <S 1 3 several societies united with Tammany in celebrating the national 
 anniversary, including the George Clinton Association. The orator of the day 
 was Mr. John Rodman. The war with Great Britain was then in progress, and 
 in the course of his address several of the Eastern States came under the scalpel 
 of the speaker. Me said: "Sons of Tammany, to keep alive the patriot flame is 
 the object of our association, and the basis of our institution. Under the Tree of 
 Libert) we have for many years smoked the Calumet of Peace, and rejoiced at the 
 prosperity of our country. But now the thunders of war inunnur in our ears, 
 and while, in some of the States, those who should be active sit supine, others- 
 
31 
 
 seem inclined to encourage the enemy." In justification of such remarks it will 
 be remembered that many of the influential men of New England, the merchants, 
 manufacturers and shippers, were mainly Federalists, and, in a measure, for party 
 reasons, bul still more upon financial considerations, wen- even then considering 
 the convening of the famous, or, shall we say infamous, "Hartford Convention," 
 which actually took place some five months later. The attitude of the Federalists 
 of New England at tins tune was naturally regarded by all good Democrats as 
 semi-traitorous, and verj fair subjects for a scathing rebuke on the Fourth of 
 July. In addition to his criticism on New England, Mr. Rodman discussed tin- 
 question of the maritime rights of the United States, not failing to denounce, as 
 the Democrats always had done, "Jay's Treaty," which, it is now universally 
 admitted, surrendered too much to the claims of England. "Our ships, " 
 exclaimed the orator, "are a part of our territory, and England's non-expatriation 
 theory can never be admitted." 
 
 At a special meeting held on March 31, 1817, to celebrate- the twelfth anni- 
 versary of the incorporation of the Society of Tammany, or Columbian ( )rder 
 over which Samuel l'.errian, Esq., presided, the animus of the meeting was 
 mainly directed against the attempt of Spain to repress, by force of arms, the 
 rising spirit of liberty which was beginning to show itself in the Spanish colonies 
 of Central and South America. One of the speakers commented severely on 
 those members of Congress who had voted to raise their own pay. "Do you 
 think, or can you imagine," said he, "that any representative will perform his 
 legislative functions with more ability for this increase of salary? Gold may shed 
 a factitious splendor over infamy and crime, but gold never did, and never can, 
 add a single throb to the impulse of integrity." 
 
 We have given considerable space to these early orators of Tammany, 
 more, perhaps, than is intrinsically interesting, but there certainly seems no better 
 way to get at the animating spirit of any set of men, politicians or others, than to 
 let them speak for themselves at times, and under circumstances, when there was 
 no motive for suppression or concealment. Tammany shows well under this 
 retrospective light. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 POETS AND LITERATI OF TAMMANY. 
 
 () those unacquainted with the early history and social standing 
 of the Tammany Society it may be somewhat of a surprise to 
 learn how large a proportion of the literary men of the period 
 were habitual habitues of the Wigwam. 
 
 We have elsewhere called attention to the fact that 
 the Tammany Society was never without a supply of 
 oratorical and poetical talent more than sufficient to embellish with appro- 
 priate poems and songs the ceremonies of its anniversaries and other festal 
 occasions; indeed, it may truthfully be said that for the first eighty years 
 of Tammany's existence all the best poetry of New York was Democratic; 
 and nearly all the well-known poets were Tammany men. One of the 
 earliest of these was Philip Freneau, but a name much better known, because 
 later, is that of William Cullen Bryant. He is too well known to require any 
 biographical notice here, but, in evidence of his practical sympathy and cordial 
 fraternization with the other Tammany poets of his day, we have only to call 
 attention to his estimation of, and cordial friendship with, the late William Leg- 
 gett — one of the leaders of the "Loco Foco" party, which temporarily separated 
 from Tammany Hall, but reunited with the old society after the experience of a 
 brief independent career. 
 
 William Leggett, one of the sweetest of American poets, was for a con- 
 siderable time associated with Bryant in the editorial work of the Evening Post, 
 and subsequently in the conduct of the Democratic Review. It was in this latter 
 periodical, after Leggett's death, that Bryant wrote that beautiful poetical tribute 
 to the friend he valued almost above any other, commencing: 
 
 "The earth may ring from shore to shore. 
 
 With echoes of a glorious name; 
 But he whose loss our hearts deplore, 
 Has left behind him more than fame." 
 Mr. Leggett himself is best known to lovers of poetry by that most tender 
 lyric beginning: 
 
 "If yon bright stars which gem the night, 
 Be each a blissful dwelling spin re." 
 
 Bul to politicians his newspaper work furnishes an inexhaustible mine of 
 
 elevated Democratic thought and suggestion, which can never be outgrown or 
 
 become obsolete. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Pun. ip FRENEAU was of French Huguenot descent, but came to New York 
 
 in 1774, when the patriot blood of the colonists was in a ferment over the question 
 
 of defying British rule and declaring the country independent. He immediately 
 
 identified himself with the interests of America, and became a zealous patriot. 
 
 Having mercantile interests in the West Indies, in 1778, he had taken passage for 
 
 St. Eustasia. but the vessel had scarcely gol beyond the Capes of Delaware when 
 
he was overhauled by a British frigate and captured Mr. Freneau, with all on 
 hoard, being made prisoners, and broughl hack to the port of New York, this 
 city being then in the hands of the enemy. [Tie young Frenchman was first 
 placed on hoard of the "prison ship Scorpion," then lying in the North River, 
 where, falling very ill, he was transferred to the so-called "hospital ship," in the 
 Wallabout. What he endured in these wretched ahodes he has partly succeeded 
 in telling in a long poem, entitled "The British Prison Ships." It commences 
 
 "The various horrors of these hulks (,> tell," 
 
 and goes on to describe, first, his experience on the Scorpion, which appears 
 had enough, yet not equal to the misery of the hospital, as to which a victim 
 already there salutes him with the exclamation: — 
 
 "It" that was purgatory, this is hell." 
 
 By some means now unknown, perhaps by bribing the guard, Mr. Freneau 
 managed to escape from his captors, and. after peace was proclaimed, he settled 
 down to literary persuits in New York, where he was recognized as the "Patriot 
 Poet." As soon as the Tammany Society was formed he was naturally found 
 fraternizing with the "hraves" of the wigwam. He was offered a Government 
 position by President Jefferson, but declined the honor. He was always greatly 
 interested in the fate of the American Indians, and one of his longest poems is 
 called "The Prophecy of King Tammany." 
 
 * * * 
 
 Fitz-Greene Halleck. A very pleasant name to remember in this con- 
 nection is that of Halleck — a name known, like Bryant's, to every scholar 
 throughout Christendom, as well as to every school-boy in the United States. 
 Though this genial poet was a native of Connecticut, he was for fifty years a 
 resident of the City of New York. This he considered his home ; elsewhere, even' 
 in his native village, he was but a "guest." That he was an habitual visitor, and 
 always welcome in the wigwam, we have his own words for, in some verses of 
 which the following couplet forms part, where, speaking of Tammany Hall, he 
 says: 
 
 "In the time of my youth it was pleasant to call 
 For a seat and segar 'mid the jovial throng." 
 
 It was in his later days that these verses were written, which exhibited the 
 geniality of his nature and his Burns-like conception of good-fellowship. One of 
 Mr. Halleck's first literary friendships was formed with that other charming poet, 
 Joseph Rodman Drake, and it was in memoriam of this gifted friend that he 
 wrote the oft-quoted lines: 
 
 "Green be the turf above thee, 
 
 Friend of my better days. etc. 
 
 Fitz-Greene Halleck's special forte was undoubtedly that of good-humored 
 satire, which was as often applied to his friends as his political opponents, of 
 which Grand Sachem Walter Bowne (who was also Mayor of New York) was 
 once a victim. At that time, 1820, the Mayor, as a prerogative of his office, had 
 been making somewhat of a political sweep of hold-over officials, to the surprise 
 of some of his adherents and the consternation of others. Very shortly after these 
 changes had been affected there appeared in one of the city papers an "Address 
 to W. . . .r B.w.e.," of which we can make room for a few lines only: 
 
34 
 
 "We do not blame you W B 
 
 For a variety of reasons; 
 You're now the talk of half the town 
 A man of talent and renown, 
 
 And will be, for perhaps two 
 
 How could you have the heart to strike 
 From place the peerless Pierre Van Wyck. 
 And the twin Colonels, Haines and Pell, 
 Squire Fessenden, and Sheriff Bell? 
 
 And when -you visit us again, 
 Leaning- at Tammany on your cane, 
 Like warrior on his battle- blade, 
 You'll mourn the havoc you have made." 
 
 Joseph Rodman Drake was another of the brilliant poetic coterie who 
 found genial companionship and political sympathy in the Wigwam. His finest 
 poem, considered as purely literary work, is no doubt "The Culprit Fay," but he 
 is probably more generally remembered as the author of that soul-stirring pro- 
 duction: 
 
 ".When Freedom, from her mountain height, 
 Unfurled her standard to the air," etc. 
 
 Washington Irving was one of the famous group of literary friends whose 
 political affiliations were with Tammany Hall, but from the fact that he spent so 
 much of his active life abroad his name figures less constantly in the annals of 
 the society than some of his confreres. The Democratic President, Madison, 
 offered him a Secretaryship in the Navy, which, however, he declined, lie 
 accepted the appointment of Minister to Spain from President Tyler, remaining 
 abroad at that time four years. On his return to New York he was welcomed 
 with the greatest enthusiasm, as one who had done much to elevate the literary 
 reputation of his native country abroad. His old friends of the Tammany Society 
 were among the most ardent of his admirers. 
 
 At a meeting held in the Wigwam he was named as a candidate for the 
 Mayoralty, which event the late George William Curtis thus described, in the 
 ■course of a lecture given in New York: "Tammany Hall unanimously and 
 vociferously nominated him for Mayor, an incident which transcends the most 
 humorous touch in Knickerbocker's history." That Mr. Curtis should see any- 
 thing jocose in this perfectly serious nomination by Tammany probably arose 
 from the fact that he never realized the intense Americanism of the Tammany 
 Society. It was not as a literary man especially that they desired to honor Mr. 
 Irving, for they had always plenty of literary timber at hand, but partly for old 
 association's sake, and from their natural instinct to honor any man who had 
 brought honor to America. 
 
 For several years there was in New York City, dating from the !asl decade 
 of the last century and coming down to comparatively modern times, a some- 
 what exclusive but very able and interesting group of literary workers known 
 as the "Literary Confederacy," nearly all of whom were more or less affiliated 
 with Tammany, of which association Gulian C. Verplanck was the head. Thej 
 were a genial set, and all men of rare talent and wit, as well as patriotic Demo- 
 crats. Among them was the poet Robert C. Sands, to whom Appleton gives an 
 
35 
 
 extended notice In Ins ' Biographical Cyclopaedia." Robert's fathei had be?n <* 
 noted hero in the Revolutionary War, and the son was thoroughly imbued with 
 the spirit of independence. In the winter of [822 3, in conjunction with his friend 
 Eastburn (afterward Bishop of Rhode Island), he started a magazine, winch he 
 called the "St. Tammany Magazine," bul his periodical had not a very long life; 
 and, thus when Charles Fenno Hoffman started the "Knickerbocker," he trans- 
 ferred his talents to that successful magazine. His most elaborate poem was on 
 the -real Sachem of the Pequods, entitled "King Philip's War." Mr. Sands had 
 tin- peculiar faculty of writing with more Facility in the presence of others than 
 when alone. 
 
 Did space permit, we should like to give some account of many more of 
 the Tammany poets, including Edward Sanford, Attorney-General of the United 
 States, who assisted materially in the election of Martin Van Buren to the Presi- 
 dency. Like others of the early American poets, the picturesque natives of the 
 soil attracted their peculiar sympathy. One of Mr. Sanford's best efforts is 
 revealed in a poetical address to Blackhawk, commencing: 
 
 "There's beauty on thy brow, old Chief." 
 
 Elsewhere in these pages will be found references to others of the poet class, 
 with a somewhat more detailed account of one of the more modern, Mr. 1 1 alpine 
 
 John Pintard was one of the "all-round" literary men of the earlier period. 
 He was Tammany's first Sagamore. Mr. Pintard was one of those cultivated 
 men, active in every intellectual work of which the history of the Tammanv 
 Society furnishes so many examples. When quite a young man John Pintard 
 served as a clerk in the store of his uncle, the renowned patriot and philanthropist, 
 Elias Boudinot, President of the Congress, in 1782, and, as such, signer of the 
 Treaty of Peace with Great Britain. Young Pintard shared with this intellectual 
 relative not only his taste for history and science, but also his love of country and 
 of Democratic principles. He bad many opportunities, during the War of the 
 Revolution, to see the cruel treatment of the prisoners held by the British in the 
 overcrowded prisons of New York, and in later years was often heard to describe 
 the condition of the old Dutch Church on Nassau street, with its pews and pulpit 
 torn out, into which was thrust some three thousand prisoners. 
 
 He was one of the original organizers of the Tammany Society, and, as 
 stated above, its first Sagamore. He was also an active and zealous promoter of 
 the Tammanv Museum, established in 1791, under the guardianship of Mr. Baker. 
 Indeed, this Tammany Museum was the forerunner of the New York Historical 
 Society, of which Mr. Pintard, with other prominent Tammanv men, was the 
 founder, some dozen years later. It was in 1804 that Mr. Pintard met by appoint- 
 ment with the following gentlemen in the old City Hall, then in Wall street, for 
 the purpose of forming the Historical Society of New York. These were Messrs. 
 De Witt Clinton, Peter Gerard Stuyvesant, Anthony Bleecker and some others. 
 Mr. Pintard* was appointed on the committee to draft a constitution. The old 
 members of the Tammanv Society, who had been interested in the Archaeological 
 Museum, came largely to the support of this new institution, and for some years 
 the infant Historical Society held its meetings in the same rooms formerly occu- 
 pied by the Tammany Museum in Wall street. 
 
 •Mr. Moncure D. Conway, in his "Life of Thomas Paine," makes the mistake of 
 naming Pintard as the founder of Tammany. 
 
36 
 
 Mr. Pintard*s activities were not limited to the collection of curios or histori- 
 cal works. He was a practical philanthropist, a prominent member of the Bible 
 Society, and a trustee of the Sailors' Snug Harbor; he was an early advocate of 
 the common school system, and encouraged the establishment of savings banks; 
 and to him we are largely indebted for the sensible system adopted in laying out 
 the streets and avenues of New York City. Such a man could hardly keep out 
 of print, having so many practical views to present for the public consideration, 
 and naturally we find him exploiting many of these in the newspapers of the day, 
 especially in the Daily Advertiser. He survived until 1844, passing from his many 
 activities at the ripe age of eighty-six, in the city of his birth, where nearly the 
 whole of his life was spent, and which still retains so many evidences of his benefi- 
 cent career. 
 
 Of the political writers, their name is legion, who have first or last been 
 connected with Tammany Hall. They are too numerous to be even named here, 
 but, as a sample, we would refer the reader to the official documents of William L. 
 Marcy, Governor of New York in 1833-39, Secretary of War under President 
 Polk, and Secretary of State under President Pierce. His papers on the Koszta 
 affair with Austria would alone immortalize his name in America. His peers, or 
 approximate peers, if fairly represented by their own writings, would fill many 
 volumes larger than this. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 TAMMANY VERSUS AARON BURR. 
 
 |AMMANY HALL has never had any toleration for traitors, either 
 national or those working professedly in their own ranks. 
 For mere seceders and factionists breaking away from the 
 organization, on the contrary, there is always a way open to 
 return, if the fight has been an open one and fairly conducted. 
 But when Tammany drops a man for disloyalty to the party 
 that is an end of him. So it proved with that distinguished soldier and early 
 patriot, Aaron Burr, whose later actions so clouded his better fame that his 
 patriotic deeds are all forgotten. Yet, until he was nearing fifty years of age, he 
 was one of the foremost men of his day, as plainly appears from his having been 
 placed on the Presidential ticket with Jefferson. 
 
 Not only was he an astute politician, but, up to a certain point in his career, 
 he even ranked as a statesman; he was also a brilliant society man, and had in 
 his horizon as bright possibilities as any man in the country, had he not spoiled 
 all by that "vaulting ambition which o'erleaps itself," and the lack of patience to 
 await his time. Having passed through the Revolutionary War with the reputa- 
 tion of an able and even brilliant officer, in 1788 he commenced the practice of law 
 in New York City, and having received the appointment of Attorney General for 
 the State, was subsequently chosen to serve in the State Senate, and was later 
 elected to the Assembly. On the Democratic ticket for President in 1801 were 
 the names of Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr — it being well understood that 
 the higher office was meant for Jefferson, and the Vice-Presidency for Burr. 
 
 The mode of election to these offices at that time differed from the present 
 mode. The custom then was to select the person having the largest number of 
 votes to fill the office of President, and the next highest number for the Vice- 
 Presidency, no matter how many candidates there might be. In this case Jeffer- 
 son and Burr received exactly the same number of electoral votes, namely, 73 
 each (which shows conclusively the high estimation in which Burr was held). 
 This threw the election into the House, and immediately Burr and his friends 
 began to intrigue for the highest place: this displeased all fair-minded people of 
 all parties, who knew, as did Burr himself, that the voters had not so intended. 
 The pressure of public opinion, however, forced Burr to withdraw his preten- 
 ions. but he did not do so until his contest became hopeless; Jefferson was chosen, 
 and Tammany had no farther use for Aaron Burr. 
 
 It was in this campaign that Tammany first assumed a distinctly partisan 
 political attitude which it lias maintained somewhat vigorously ever since. 
 
38 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE PRISON-SHIP MARTYRS. 
 
 UTSIDE of politics, Tammany, as a society, never let anything 
 of public interest pass without giving to it all the attention 
 and aid, when necessary, which the subject deserved. In the 
 Long Island Historical Society, located in Brooklyn, on the 
 corner of Clinton and Pierrepont streets, may be seen a con- 
 crete proof of the patriotic feelings and actions of the Tam- 
 many Society of New York. This interesting object consists of an in- 
 scribed stone, four feet three inches in height by three feet wide, and is 
 part of the structure which contained for many years the bones of those men of 
 the Revolution who were confined as prisoners of war in British ships lying off 
 that part of Brooklyn known as Wallabout Bay. They are generally spoken of 
 as the "Prison-ship Martyrs." These men were offered their liberty if they 
 would promise not to again take up arms in the American cause; to a man they 
 refused to give the promise, and in consequence perished in these prison-ships by 
 thousands. The inscription on the stone above referred to is as follows: 
 
 "In the name of the spirits of the Departed Free. Sacred to the memory of that 
 portion of American Seamen, Soldiers and Citizens who perished in the cause of the 
 Liberty of their country, on board the prison ships of the British (during the Revolu- 
 tionary war) at the Wallabout. This is the corner-stone of the vault which contains their 
 relics. 
 
 "Erected by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, of New York, the ground for 
 which was bestowed by John Jackson, Nassau Island,* season of Blossoms, year of dis- 
 covery 316th, of the Institution the 19th, and of American Independence the 32d. April the 
 6th, 1S08. 
 
 Jacob Vandervort, John Jackson, 
 
 Burdett Stryker, Issachar Cozzens. 
 
 Robert Townsend, Benjamin Watson, 
 
 Samuel Cowdrew, 
 
 Wallabout Committee. 
 William and David Campbell, builders." 
 
 The following brief statement in explanation of the action of the Tammany 
 Society in this matter will, we think, convince any reader that the erection of 
 this monument, which should have been a national charge, was a most praise- 
 worthy work for a local society to undertake. There were many old British ships 
 used as prisons during the Revolutionary War, while the City of New York was 
 in the hands of the enemy, but the vessel named the "Jersey" seems to have borne 
 the palm of infamy, among all these amphibious cages full to overcrowding of 
 patriot Americans. 
 
 After the battle of Long Island in August, 1776, and the capture of Fort 
 Washington in November of the same year, the British prisons in New York City 
 were overflowing with prisoners of war, and a number of dismantled ships, mostly 
 transports, many having been used for cattle, were anchored in the Wallabout. 
 and soon filled with thousands of prisoners', seamen, soldiers, and private citizens. 
 of the latter alone there were over five thousand. The fateful "Jersey" is described 
 
 Original name given by the Dutch settlers to Long Island. 
 
39 
 by a local writer as follows: "She was original*) a 64 gun ship, she was dia 
 mantled in 1776 and placed in Wallabout Bay, and used as a prison ship until the 
 end oi the war, when she was abandoned and left to decay. ( )ften as many as a 
 thousand prisoners were simultaneously confined on the 'Jersey.' Her crew was 
 
 composed of drafted British and Hessian soldiers, who were very eruel to their 
 prisoners. Many of those confined here were within a stone's throw of then 
 friends and relatives, and these poor starving prisoners gazed from their prison 
 port-holes on the neighboring shores, where welcome and plenty awaited them 
 If they could hut escape, or would they hut promise obedience to the crown, and 
 they were free. Promises of pardon and of gold were made to them, if they would 
 submit to 'Good King George,' hut they sadly shook their heads. 'Then rot,' 
 said the British officer. And rot and die they did." 
 
 Their bodies were taken ashore, and only half buried on the swampy land 
 bordering on the bay, where their hones long lay utterly neglected, and where 
 they might have continued to lie for an indefinite period, perhaps forever, if the 
 Tammany Society of New York had not taken the initiative and determined to 
 take practical action in regard to this matter. There had been much ineffectual 
 talk in Brooklyn about the shame of leaving these bodies, the bones of which 
 might sometimes be seen protruding from the uncared-for earth. In 1792 the 
 citizens of the then small town of Brooklyn met, and resolved that the bones 
 should be collected and buried in the graveyard of the Dutch Reformed Church, 
 but the owner of the land on which most of them lay had already gathered a great 
 many in one spot in order to make way for some improvements, objections of 
 various kinds were raised, the matter was not energetically pushed, and the sub- 
 ject was dropped. 
 
 But the Tammany Society, though located in New York, on the opposite 
 side of the dividing water, (mis-called) the East River, determined that these 
 patriots' hones should be cared for. On the 10th of February, 1803, thev 
 appointed Dr. Samuel Mitchell to present an eloquent Memorial to Congress, 
 inviting the co-operation of patriots in every part of the United States: con- 
 sidering, as was really the fact, that this was an object of national interest, 
 Congress did nothing. 
 
 The Society made some further efforts to enlist the community at large, and 
 met with individual cases of hearty response ; but nothing practical resulted from 
 this either. Then Tammany resolved to take upon itself the whole of the work. 
 Mr. John Jackson, being now satisfied that the matter was in the right hands. 
 voluntarily presented the Society with a lot of land sufficiently large to contain all 
 the remains which could be recovered. This land was on Jackson street, adjoin- 
 ing the Navy Yard. Work was commenced at once, and on the 13th day of April, 
 1808, the ceremony of laying the corner-stone took place. 
 
 A procession was formed at the old Wigwam, in Nassau street. New York, 
 and having marched through several streets in that city, the Tammany Societx 
 with numerous friendly adherents, reached the Brooklyn shore near the present 
 location of the Fulton Ferry. The passage across was made in thirteen large 
 open boats, representing the thirteen tribes of Tammany, as well as the original 
 thirteen States. Each tribe brought with them an enormous coffin draped in 
 black. They landed at Main street, accompanied by a military hand, which played 
 funereal music. A striking feature of the procession, which was led hv Major 
 
40 
 
 Ayerigg, was a large truck-carriage, which bore a grand pedestal and monument, 
 representing black marble, enclosed by a fence. This monument had four panels, 
 on each of which was a motto, in large letters, as follows : "Americans, remem- 
 ber the British." "Youth of my Country! Martyrdom prefer to Slavery." "Sires 
 of Columbia, transmit to posterity the cruelties practiced on board the British 
 Prison Ships." "Tyrants dread the gathering storm, while Freemen, Freeman's 
 obsequies Perform." On top of this monument was a staff eighteen feet high, 
 bearing an American flag, at the apex of which was a globe on which was an 
 eagle enveloped in black crepe. Preceding this was a young man, dressed in 
 appropriate costume, representing the "Genius of America." This character was 
 simulated by Mr. Josiah Falconer, a member of Tammany and the son of a revo- 
 lutionary patriot. Other young men represented, in character, the Seven Virtues. 
 Leading the whole procession came, first, the Grand Sachem, the Father of the 
 Council and other officers of the Society following, accompanied by a herald and 
 trumpeter. The procession marched through Main, Sands, Bridge, and York 
 streets, halting at the vault prepared as the receptacle of the honored relics, while 
 artillery boomed from the neighboring height of Fort Green, where, later, Joseph 
 D. Fay pronounced a brilliant oration, after the corner-stone had been laid with 
 the usual ceremonies. 
 
 This was a great day, both for New York and for Brooklyn ; the streets were 
 filled with people, and the river was alive with boats, brilliant with American 
 flags, as were also many of the houses on the line of the procession. Benjamin 
 Romaine was at this time Grand Sachem. At the conclusion of the ceremonies, 
 the Tammany party returned to New York. 
 
 The relics of the dead were actually placed in the vault under the structure 
 built for their reception, on the 26th day of the following May. Eleven thousand 
 men had died on the prison ship "Jersey" alone ; how many on the other ships 
 is not accurately known, but the number was proportionately as large — except in 
 one case, where the officers were endued with some measure of humanity. 
 
 Some time after the performance of this national duty by the Society of 
 Tammany, the land on which the vault was erected changed hands, the grade of 
 Jackson street was altered, and the lot on which the relics of the martyrs rested 
 were sold for taxes. Again, it was a Tammany man who came to the rescue. 
 Benjamin Romaine, the late Grand Sachem, bought it in. He had personally 
 known what it was to be a British prisoner, having been for many months in une 
 of the sugar-house prisons in the City of New York. Mr. Romaine subsequently 
 built an ante-chamber over the vault and otherwise improved and decorated the 
 building with inscriptions and other adornments. To better ensure its future 
 preservation, he adopted it for his personal burying-place, and in 1829 had his 
 own coffin placed therein, properly inscribed, lacking only the date of his decease. 
 This premature coffin was placed alongside of the monster thirteen receptacles 
 containing the martyrs' bones. Mr. Romaine was more than once asked to sur- 
 render this plot to the city, but he persistently refused. He said: "These relics 
 are my property" (he had spent nearly a thousand dollars in improving and caring 
 for the place above the original price of the lot). He also said: "When I am 
 placed with them I shall bequeath them to my country, and commend them to the 
 care of the Government." 
 
This noble man died in 1K44, at the ripe age of eighty-two. The martyrs' 
 bones, which he had so tenderly cared for, have since been placed within an 
 elevated terrace, on the westerly side of " Fori Green " (officially named Wash- 
 ington Park). 
 
 Congress has annually, but vainly, for the last twenty years, been besought 
 to make an appropriation to mark this spot by a suitable monument. 
 
 There is now (1901) in the Borough of Brooklyn a Society of Ladies, whose 
 object is to erect the long delayed monument l>\ securing a state appropriation 
 for that object and by general subscription, with good prospect of success 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 BUILDING A NEW WIGWAM. 
 
 N eventful year was 1811 in the annals of the Tammany Society; 
 for in that year was laid the corner-stone of the first permanent 
 Wigwam, which was erected on the corner of Nassau and 
 Frankfort streets — included in what is now called "Printing 
 House Square." On account of the troublous condition of 
 the times just preceding the war of 1812, the ceremony was 
 less elaborate than it would otherwise have been, and the small four-paged papers 
 of the day had less space to devote to local events that is now imperative ; but we 
 have a copy of the inscription on the stone, and a full list of the active officers of 
 the Society on that auspicious occasion. 
 
 Inscription on the Corner-Stone laid May 12, 1811. 
 
 "This stone is laid by the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order No. 1, on the 12th day 
 of May, 1811, and the 21st year of its institution, and the 35th of American Independence, 
 being the first stone of a building erected for preserving and strengthening that patriotic 
 chain which unites its members and for accommodating their Republican* brethren. 
 
 Officers of the Society in 1811. 
 
 Clarkson Crolius, Grand Sachem. 
 William J. Waldron, Treasurer. 
 Henry Howard, Secretary. 
 
 Council of Sachems. 
 
 Garrett Sickles, Father of the Council. 
 
 William Mooney, Stephen Allen, 
 
 John P. Haff, William Peterson, 
 
 Lawrence Meyers, Peter Embury, 
 
 Oliver Drake, Adrian Hageman. 
 
 Abraham Stagg, George Buckmaster, 
 
 Benjamin Romaine, Jonas Humbert. 
 
 Issachar Cozzens, Wiskinskie. 
 William Mayell, Scribe. 
 Richad Kipp, Sagamore. 
 Building Committee— Henry Rutgers, Augustus Wright, William J. Waldron, Matthew 
 L. Davis, John S. Hunn, James Warner, John Hopper, John Haff, William Jones, Stephen 
 Allen, Jacob Barker, Clarkson Crolius, John T. Irving. 
 
 Masons— William Simons, John O'Blenis. 
 Carpenter— George B. Thorp. 
 
 The work of erection went bravely on, and the building was completed in 
 time for the officers of the Society to receive and entertain, in their grand new 
 hall, the most famous naval and military heroes of the war of 1812-15 
 
 In later days it was the custom of the Society to celebrate the anniversary of 
 the battle of New Orleans by a ball, and on these occasions the most distinguished 
 citizens often took part. Among the favorites of the ballroom at these and other 
 entertainments was the accomplished and ever graceful "Prince John Van Buren," 
 
 It will be remembered "Republican" then meant Democratic. 
 
son "i President Martin Van Buren, who obtained his distinguished sobriquet 
 ironi the fact of his having oh one occasion danced with Queen Victoria soon 
 
 after her Majesty had become Queen. 
 
 But dancing and banquets were far from being the chiei occupation of the 
 members of Tammany during the early years of then- occupation of the new 
 Wigwam. When the news was received iii New York City — January 20, 1812 — 
 that war had been declared against Great Britain, the first call for a public meet- 
 ing in support of the Administration was issued by the Tammany Society, 
 inviting the citizens to meet in the City 1 [all I'ark on the afternoon of Wednesday, 
 the _*4th. This meeting was presided over by Col. I lenry Rutgers as chairman, the 
 secretary being ex-Mayor Marinus WillettS, both well-known Tammany men. 
 Henry Rutgers having been one of those who contributed liberally toward the 
 erection of the Wigwam. I le was the founder of the great Rutgers estate in New 
 York, and the beneficent patron of colleges, charitable institutions, etc. The city 
 at this time contained many Federalists, some of whom bitterly opposed the war, 
 while others of them gave to the Administration but a cold and qualified support. 
 The whole-souled war men were the Democrats, of whom Governor Daniel 
 Tompkins was, by nature of his office, the most prominent. His home at this 
 time was on the Bowery, near Houston street. 
 
 Previous to the outbreak of hostilities the Tammany Society, when cele- 
 brating the Fourth of July by a procession, preceding the ceremonies at the 
 Wigwam, had continued the use of the bucktail insignia and other Indian decora- 
 tions, but on account of the alliance of certain tribes of Indians with the British 
 invaders, and their savage mode of warfare, the question arose in the Society 
 whether it would not be better to abandon this usage and to parade in citizens' 
 dress. Opinion was not unanimous on the point, but the majority decided in favor 
 of the latter course, and the annual procession was made without the usual 
 aboriginal display, preceded only by the handsome large blue standard of 
 the Columbian Order, emblazoned with a golden eagle on one side, and 
 the cap of Liberty, surrounded with stars, on the reverse. This year, also, 
 various new customs seem to have crept in. A ipecial meeting was called to elect 
 officers, the object apparently being to secure those known to be in favor of 
 sundry reforms, including the permanent abandonment of the Indian insignia. 
 Some fantastic titles seem also to have been temporarily bestowed on individual 
 members, for what reason does not clearly appear. Thus we find that New York 
 men are designated as Sachems of other States; as, for instance, Clarkson Crolius, 
 appears in the journalistic reports of the day as Sachem of North Carolina, or as 
 representing the Buffalo tribe; Garrett Sickles as Sachem of the Delaware tribe; 
 Stephen Allen as of the Now Jersey, or Tortoise tribe, the purpose, apparently 
 being to have all the original thirteen States represented, whether members from 
 those tribes were personally present or not. At this time Mr. Mooney was again 
 Grand Sachem, and Peter Embury was Father of the Council. 
 
 While the war continued the Tammany Society loyally maintained its origi- 
 nal position of friend and helper to the Government, taking every opportunity 
 to honor the gallant men on land and sea who were personally meeting the enemy 
 on the field, on the deck, or in the shrouds of torn and shattered vessels. A 
 number of its members served in military capacities, among whom may be men- 
 tioned Clarkson Crolius. who became Major of the Twenty-seventh Regiment. 
 
44 
 
 United States Infantry. A recent writer* has gone so fully into descriptions of 
 military and civic banquets and honorary receptions at this period that we refer 
 our readers for such details to his pages, and will give here only one instance of 
 many such which occurred, in which the Tammany Society either led or took a 
 prominent part. At the public funeral of Captain James Lawrence and his brave 
 officer, Ludlow, which took place in September, 1813, the Tammany Society 
 issued the following call to its members: 
 
 September 15, 1813. 
 Brothers: 
 
 You are once more called upon to exhibit public testimonials of respect to the heroic 
 dead. Local or party distinctions** find no place in the bosom of a single son of the heroic 
 Tammany on this occasion. 
 
 The Society are especially requested to attend at Tammany Hall to-morrow morning 
 precisely at nine o'clock, with their usual badge of mourning for departed heroes slain in 
 battle, viz., a red ribbon edged with black, worn on the left arm. The design is to join the 
 other societies in solemnizing the tribute of funereal respect to these heroes. Captain James 
 Lawrence and Lieutenant Augustus C. Ludlow, who fell gloriously in defending their 
 country's right and the National honor. 
 
 The bodies will arrive at the Battery precisely at ten o'clock, under the direction of the 
 honorable corporation of the city. 
 
 By order of the President. 
 
 James W. Lent, 
 Benjamin Romaine. 
 Abraham Stago, 
 Committee of Arrangements. 
 
 But it was not alone in funeral ceremonies that Tammany paid its respects to 
 the heroes of the country. At banquets and balls its members were always ready. 
 One of the finest entertainments given during this period to civic, military or 
 naval men was the public dinner given by the Tammany Society to Commodore 
 Perry, on the nth of January, 1814, at their own hall, which the Commodore 
 came from Newport specially to attend. 
 
 In 1814, at the grand annual festival of the Society, the Vice-President of 
 the United States, Hon. Elbridge Gerry, was present at the Wigwam. Mr. Rod- 
 man was the orator of the dav. 
 
 R. S. Gurnsey, in his interesting work, "New York City and Vicinity in 1812—15." 
 ' Captain Lawrence who was a member of the "Order of the Cincinnati." 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 GENERAL JACKSON AT A TAMMANY BANQUET. 
 
 CCASIONALL"V at some of these banquets unreconciled parti- 
 sans would meet, and curious contretemps were liable to occur 
 if the managers of the entertainment were not sufficiently wary. 
 An amusing instance of this kind happened on one occasion 
 in which General Andrew Jackson was the principal figure. 
 This took place after the close of the war, and when General 
 Jackson's fame rested only on his military achievements, particularly his 
 grand success in the battle of New Orleans, and before his statesman-like 
 qualities had been afforded any opportunity for their display. Just at this 
 time in New York there was, politically speaking, war between the supporters of 
 De Witt Clinton and the regular Tammany organization, and, as a national elec- 
 tion was approaching, the feeling of antagonism between the parties became 
 intensified. On the anniversary of Washington's birthday, February 22d, 1819, 
 the Tammany men, or "bucktails," as they were still generally called, were indulg- 
 ing in their annual banquet when General Andrew Jackson happened to visit New 
 York. He was naturally hailed as the successful commander who had closed the 
 war with Great Britain by the most brilliant victory of the whole contest. 
 
 His name had not yet, however, become a party war cry, though he was 
 known to be a whole-souled Democrat, and some of the more astute politicians 
 were already contemplating the possibility of presenting him in the near future as 
 a candidate for the highest office in the land. Thus it became a matter of interest 
 to secure his friendship and the prestige of his name, keeping him away if 
 possible, from all contamination by the Clintonite faction. 
 
 On the day of his arrival in New York he had been greeted with an official 
 reception by the civic authorities, and had been formally presented with the free- 
 dom of the city. Later he was invited and had accepted an invitation to dine at 
 Tammany Hall, and was received by the assembled company with immense 
 enthusiasm. The entertainment had been prepared with all the elegance, regard- 
 less of expense, of which the caterers of those days were capable; in the language 
 of the local press, "it was superb." As the evening advanced, and toasts were 
 in order, the following rather high-flown compliment, in the shape of a toast, was 
 proposed in honor of the distinguished guest: "To General Jackson — 'So long as 
 the Mississippi rolls its waters to the Ocean, so long may his great name and 
 glorious deeds be remembered.' " 
 
 But what was the chagrin and consternation of the company when the 
 General, in his most expressive manner and with his clear resonant voice, 
 responded to the toast by proposing the health of De Witt Clinton, "Governor 
 of this great and patriotic State of New York!" Jackson, it was clear, had not 
 been studying the local politics of New York City. The confusion which 
 followed this malapropos suggestion was so great, the surprise and excitement 
 so intense, that Jackson, totally unprepared for such a result, incontinentally 
 
46 
 
 withdrew from the banquet and precipitately left the hall. Fitz-Greene Halleck. 
 the popular poet, and who has through his charming- verses descended to our 
 day, could not resist the temptation, in his semi-comic satirical way, to describe 
 the contretemps in a sparkling little poem entitled. "The Secret Mine Sprung at 
 a Late Supper." ( )ne verse ran thus: 
 
 'The songs were good, for Mead and Hawkins sung them. 
 
 The wine went round, 'twas laughter all and joke — 
 When crack! the General sprang a mine among them, 
 
 And beat a safe retreat amid the smoke. 
 As fall the sticks of rockets when we fire them, 
 
 So fell the Bucktails at that toast accurst. 
 Looking like Korah, Dathan and Abirim, 
 
 When the firm earth beneath their footsteps burst." 
 
)7 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 TRINITY CHURCH RIOT. 
 De Witt Clinton Offends Tammany. 
 
 between Tammany and De Witt Clinton had 
 ■n altogether different. Jackson had probably 
 im as an honored member of the Society, which 
 
 he was for many years; he had even been Scribe to the 
 Council, and in 1795 Tammany had publicly supported 
 him for the Assembly, but about 1810 the ultra-Democrats 
 began to Feel that he was exhibiting certain aristocratic tendencies, very 
 much disapproved of by the Democratic spirit inherent in the Order. In 
 1S11 wlun De Witt Clinton was Mayor of New York, the disaf- 
 fection toward him reached its climax, which was greatly intensified 
 by a peculiar incident which was not indeed a strictly political affair, 
 but which very clearly brought out the political sympathies and affinities 
 of all the parties concerned — including De Witt Clinton. This was a College 
 Commencement, and it has passed into local history as "The Trinity Church 
 Riot." It appears that in 1796 the Faculty of Columbia College had passed a 
 resolution obliging students to submit all manuscripts intended for public reading 
 to the examination of a designated member of the Faculty, but without attaching 
 any penalty for the infraction of this new rule. On the occasion in question a 
 young man named J. B. Stevenson, subsequently well known as a successful 
 medical practitioner, was one of the graduating class, and was appointed one of 
 the disputants in a political debate forming part of the public exercises, which 
 were to be held in Trinity Church. Now it happened that the conservative 
 Reverend Dr. Wilson was of the committee on preliminary examination of 
 manuscripts, and had objected to the phrase in young Stevenson's paper thus 
 expressed: "Representatives ought to act according to the sentiments of their 
 constituents." The Professor required Mr. Stevenson to alter or modify this 
 sentence. The student strenuously objected, on the ground that in Commence- 
 ment exercises only correct principles should be delivered. No promises were 
 made, but on Commencement Day Stevenson read his manuscript as originally 
 written. 
 
 When his name was called to come forward for his diploma, and he had 
 advanced to receive it, the President refused to give it to him, though he had 
 been a good student and of exemplary conduct. When this action was perceived 
 Stevenson was immediately surrounded by his friends, and, prompted by them, 
 he audibly demanded his diploma as of right. One of the Professors, thinking to 
 smooth the matter over, or perhaps draw from the young man an apologv. 
 remarked, "You probably forgot it." but Stevenson was no such trimmer as to 
 avail himself of any such contemptible mode of retreat, and boldly, but respect- 
 fully, answered: "No, I did not forget, but I would not utter what I did not 
 believe." Still the President refused to hand over the diploma. Stevenson, 
 naturallv somewhat irritated, suddenlv turned to the audience, and in a clear, 
 
4 8 
 
 strong voice, exclaimed: "Ladies and gentlemen. 1 am refused my degree, not 
 from any literary deficiency, but because I refused to speak the sentiments of 
 others as my own." The sensation produced by this simple statement was extra- 
 ordinary. One of the alumni present, Mr. Hugh Maxwell, went on the improvised 
 stage to defend Stevenson's course, and he condemned the attitude of the 
 Faculty in terms which to them appeared very offensive language. Then a well- 
 known citizen, Mr. Verplanck, ascended the platform and asked the provost, Dr. 
 Mason, "why he refused a degree which had been fairly earned by years of faithful 
 study?" Dr. Mason replied that it was "because Mr. Stevenson had not complied 
 with the order of Dr. Wilson to alter his manuscript." "The reason is not satis- 
 factory, sir," replied Mr. Verplanck. "Mr. Maxwell must be sustained; I move 
 that a vote of thanks be tendered to Mr. Maxwell for his defense of Mr. Steven- 
 son and of the right of free speech." The excitement at this point became intense. 
 Dr. Mason tried in vain to restore order, and he afterward testified that he was 
 greeted with a hiss, "that in manner and quality would not disgrace a congrega- 
 tion of snakes on Snake Hill in New Jersey." He had to retire from the platform. 
 The police finally restored some degree of order, but the exercises were 
 abruptly concluded amid much confusion. A few days later the Faculty 
 published what they called a "Vindication" of their course. This 
 brought out a rejoinder from members of the graduating class and others, 
 which so exasperated the already inflamed feelings of the Faculty that 
 they caused a complaint to be laid before the Grand Jury. This led to the 
 indictment of seven of the persons who had interrupted the College exercises. 
 Of course, Stevenson, Maxwell and Verplanck were included in the number. 
 
 The case was called in the August term of what was then known as the 
 Mayor's Court, and over which De Witt Clinton ex-officio presided. The charge 
 against the defendants was "riot." Verplanck and Maxwell defended themselves; 
 the others employed counsel, including such legal talent as David B. Ogden, 
 Josiah O. Hoffman and Peter A. Jay. Dr. Mason, the chief complainant, was 
 perhaps the most popular, as he was certainly one of the most learned and 
 eloquent preachers of the day ; and at that period all clergymen were treated with 
 far more conventional deference than is now customary, so that Dr. 
 Mason's dignity was terribly hurt by the public rebuff which he had received 
 from the students, and the sharp rebukes administered by their friends; he 
 was consequently anxious to secure the conviction of the indicted 
 parties. The latter were ably defended, but, as the result proved, they 
 labored before a deeply prejudiced Judge. Counsellor Jay had argued 
 that under "Hawkins's (an acknowledged authority) definition," there had 
 been no "riot," and that in equity, if the Faculty allowed political debates 
 by the students, they should be permitted to utter their own thoughts, and 
 not be compelled to utter the words of others, like parrots; that the college 
 authorities had, in fact, no case, for the rule to which they referred as having 
 been broken by Stevenson had no penalty attached, and was for that reason null 
 and of no effect. In truth, as in public estimation, it was not the students but the 
 Faculty which was on trial, it was they who had caused the trouble. But all of 
 Jay's eloquence was in vain. Clinton's sympathies were all on the side of the 
 college authorities. He declared that Hawkins's definition was bad, that Ver- 
 planck's moving a vote of thanks to Maxwell was "matchless insolence," and. 
 
I'< 
 
 strictures upon the defendants, he .harm. I the jurj t< 
 
 aiicr iiiaiM mi ire se 
 
 bring in a verdict of "guilty," which they did. Verplahck ahd*Maxweii were 
 fined two hundred dollars each, and required io find sureties for their good 
 behavior, and it was openly said that Clinton had really mediated imposing a sen 
 tence of imprisonment, bill thai a friend, a keen observer of the public tempera 
 ment, had assured the Mayor thai " the people wouldn'1 .Maud it." The public dis 
 sent even over the imposition of such a hcav\ fine was very freel) expressed, espe- 
 cially anions; the member* of Tammany, and indeed all of the Madisonian 
 Democrats. Just at this period the county was on the verge of war with Eng- 
 land. Madison and Clinton were both Candidates for the I 'residency. Clinton, 
 though calling himself a Democrat, was accused of intriguing to procure the aid 
 of the Federalists, and the course he took as judge in this trial was supposed to 
 have been dictated by his desire to please that part) particularly some of its 
 leaders, then including John Jay, Ruins Kins; and Governeur Morris. 
 
 1 )r. Mason was a bigoted Federalist and an active prompter of meetings 
 between Clinton and the Federal leaders; but the main object of these consulta- 
 tions fell through, in a great measure, on account of John Jay's disgust when he 
 heard Clinton affirm "that he had never sympathized with the Democrats, but 
 had always favored the policy of Adams," which statement Jay knew was utterly 
 false, for Clinton had at one time denounced the Federal leaders as "men who 
 would rather lead in hell than serve in heaven" — words which, when uttered, had 
 run throughout the length and breadth of the country like wildfire. 
 
 As time went on the breach between Tammany and De Witt Clinton con- 
 tinued to widen. A newspaper of the day, a year later, published the following: 
 
 "A meeting was got up in Martling's Long Room, a public house fronting the park, 
 called Tammany Hall, which was claimed as the Democratic headquarters for the city of 
 New York. Mr. Teunis Wortman, who wan the protege of Mr. Clinton during the struggle 
 with Col. Burr, was one of the most busy spirits in gathering and exciting the opposition on 
 this occasion. At this meeting Mangle Minthorn, the father-in-law of Governor Tompkins, 
 presided, and John Bingham was secretary. They adopted a preamble, which set forth 
 that they believed Mr. Clinton was cherishing interests distinct and separate from the 
 general interests of the Democratic party, and determined to establish in his own person 
 a pernicious family aristocracy; that devotion to his person had been in a great measure 
 made the exclusive test of merit, and the only passport to promotion; that the meeting 
 had strong reasons to believe he opposed the election of Mr. Madison to the Presidency of 
 the United States, and that they could no longer consider him a member of the Demo- 
 cratic party." 
 
 The experiences of the war period, 1812-15, had naturally intensified the 
 feeling of the Democrats against those who had criticised war measures or shown 
 themselves in any way friendly to British interests. As a specimen of the lively 
 partisan appeals in vogue at that day, witness the following appeal issued by the 
 Tammany party just preceding the spring elections of 181 5: "Democrats, do 
 you wish again to see this city in the hands of Tories, to be governed by traitors 
 and cowards? [De Witt Clinton had just been removed from the Mayoralty.] 
 To behold the trophies which your valor and perseverance have won. in a most 
 glorious and successful war, transferred to the base hirelings of England? If 
 you wish to see this, remain at home, indulge in idle repose, and, by your own 
 indifference and supineness, let the Federal ticket prevail. 
 
 "If, on the contrary, you really desire to see Democracy triumphant and the 
 ■citv in the hands of firm and decided friends of Liberty and Independence 
 
5° 
 
 awake! arouse from your lethargy, and rally all your forces; you have only to 
 come forth on this day and the election is surely yours. To the polls, then, every 
 man of you; devote the whole of this last day to the salvation of your country." 
 
 This public impassioned appeal strongly marks the difference in method 
 which now prevails in getting out a full vote to sustain Tammany Hall nomina- 
 tions; but that the Democrats were not losing any ground at that time is evident 
 from the records. Valentine's Manual for 1854, in a reminiscent article, sa>s: 
 "About 1816 the Federalist party seemed to be almost extinct," and adds. "In 
 1820 the Bucktails carried every ward in the city." 
 
 One of the standing complaints against the Federal party by the Democrats 
 had been the acceptance by the former of "Jay's Treaty" with Great Britain. 
 When it was publicly announced that he had surrendered the important point 
 "that free ships covered free goods," there was strong condemnation of the treaty, 
 not only by Tammany Hall, but by all the mercantile interests of the country. 
 Tammany passed some very strong resolutions on the subject- The only excuse 
 that Jay could offer was, and it was probably correct, that "at that time he could 
 get no bettter." 
 
 Though Tammany's remarkable tenacity of life is shown in its plus-century 
 of existence, it has for the greater part of that time not only had its external 
 enemies, but at intervals internal factions and domestic divisions, usually ending, 
 however, by a return of the malcontents to the council fires of the old wigwam. 
 During the first three decades of the present century one of the chief aims of the 
 Society was to procure the repeal of the law requiring a property qualification in 
 the voter. After 1821 the law was modified, so as to extend the right of suffrage 
 to all householders paying rent to the value of twenty-five dollars monthly. 
 
 But nothing less than manhood suffrage could satisfy the democratic senti- 
 ments of the members of the Columbian Order. They continued to besige the 
 Legislature, and in 1834 succeeded in procuring the removal of the last vestige 
 of a money qualification. In this year also, mainly through the efforts of Tam- 
 many, the people of the State ot New York obtained a new constitutional law, 
 giving to the people the right to elect some seven thousand State officers, which 
 were previously appointed by the Governor and Council, including the Mayor 
 and City Judges. The fact seems almost incredible now that the Mayor of the 
 City of New York was, for the first time, elected by its citizens so late as 1834. 
 and it was Tammany's nominee, Cornelius W. Lawrence, who was chosen, the 
 Whig candidate being Mr. Verplanck. For the next succeeding thirty years 
 Tammany furnished New York with its Mayors, and for the following twenty 
 years, up to 1880, seven additional, the exceptions being divided between Native 
 American candidates, Whigs and Republicans. 
 
 The most vehement calumniators must admit, for it cannot be successfully 
 denied, that in the course of its history Tammany has numbered in its ranks many 
 of the most distinguished men of the country, and not a few of those who are now 
 its severest critics do not hesitate to ascribe what they are pleased to call its 
 "degeneration" to that extension of the suffrage to non-property holders which 
 Tammany was so active in procuring. An eventful case which occurred in 1801. 
 in which Tammany was greatly interested, will illustrate the great injustice which 
 might and often did happen under the old exclusive laws. Among the members 
 of Tammany at this time were thirty-nine young men of good character and intel- 
 
5i 
 
 ligcncc, but non-freeholders; they were nearlj all students of Columbia College. 
 They all desired to vote at a certaiin election, but the property qualification Stood 
 in their way. To overcome this difficulty they combined their slender funds and 
 purchased a piece of real estate, with a modest house upon it, so that each could 
 truly aflirm that he was a freeholder. Their votes were, however, refused at the 
 polls. New York was not then quite so large as it is now, and the transfer of 
 even a small piece of real estate was sure to draw the attention of all the idlers 
 about town. The case, however, was taken to court, but the judges just then 
 being Federalists, naturally decided against the aspiring young men — the name of 
 one of the latter happened to be Daniel D. Tompkins, afterward Governor of the 
 State of New York, the "War Governor" during the war of 1812-15, who was 
 thus disfranchised. 
 
52 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE "WAR GOVERNOR" OF 1812. 
 
 HE career of Daniel D. Tompkins was so intimately con- 
 nected with the affairs of Tammany that a brief sketch 
 of his lifework cannot be out of place here. His manly 
 and patriotic course is an instructive illustration of the 
 injustice of requiring of American-born citizens any defin- 
 ite amount of property as a qualification for the exercise 
 of the franchise. Daniel D. Tompkins was born in Westchester County, 
 New York, in 1774. He received a good education and graduated with 
 the highest honors at Columbia College; he was admitted to the bar at 
 the age of twenty-four, when he commenced the practice of law in the 
 City of New York. He was elected to the State Assembly in 1802 and to Con- 
 gress two years later. In 1805 he was appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court 
 and in 1807 was elected Governor of the State, and was successively re-elected to 
 that office until 1817, when he was elected to the Vice-Presidency before he was 
 thirty-three years of age. It was while he was Governor of New York that the 
 War of 181 2 was commenced and concluded. New York State was the principal 
 point of attack of the British, and was the most vulnerable on account of its loca- 
 tion. Access to its northern and northwestern portions was easy by the lakes 
 trom Canada; its southeastern shores were tempting to a British fleet; while its 
 eastern borders were threatened by the semi-concealed enemies in the shape of 
 unpatriotic Federalists, the New England States being then on the verge of seces- 
 sion, and so friendly with the enemy that Decatur, with his three much-needed 
 frigates, was kept blockaded in Long Island Sound during nearly the whole period 
 of hostilities by signals given to the British fleet lying off New London by 
 m mpathizers on the Connecticut shore, the traitorous "blue lights" informing the 
 ■enemy of every attempt which Decatur made to escape to the open sea. All 
 ihis time the National Government was much embarrassed, not only for men, but 
 money, and it was to Governor Tompkins that appeals came for assistance, just 
 a* at a later day they came to Governor Seymour. Tompkins made almost super- 
 human efforts, not only to raise a force to repel attacks, but to provide funds. 
 
 The banks declined to lend money on either the bonds or Treasury notes o< 
 the National Government. Governor Tompkins had, early in the war, advanced 
 all his available means for the patriot cause, but was soon called to do more — to 
 risk his credit to the extent of $500,000. The banks caused the Governor to be 
 informed that on his security they would advance that sum to the Government 
 On first hearing this proposition he exclaimed, "But I shall be ruined!" On a 
 little reflection, however, this unselfish patriot decided to take the risk of being 
 ruined rather than*see his country overrun by the British, and perhaps conquered 
 or divided— a not improbable result, as a large party then in New England were 
 almost ready to accept a British protectorate. Governor Tompkins signed his 
 name for the half-million loan, and thus materially strengthened the President's 
 hands in the most effectual way, and gave new courage to the patriotic party 
 
53 
 
 throughout the country. A half million dollars went a great wa) in those days. 
 Not only did Governor Tompkins give his monej and lend Ins credit to tin. 
 service nt Ins country, but his time and personal attention were not spared lit 
 traveled through the length and breadth of the State for the purpose of influenc- 
 ing and encouraging local bodies to do their whole duty in raising nun for tin 
 defense of the commonwealth, repulsing attacks or attacking the ciienn , as i >ppi » 
 Utility offered. \or did he content himself with standing aloof and issuing orders 
 He was seen more than once "assisting with his own hands in prying from the 
 mud, wagons loaded with war supplies delayed on the road." 
 
 President .Madison offered Governor Tompkins a seat in the Cabinet as 
 Secretary of State, hut this honorable position he declined. A little later Madison 
 appointed him (October, 1814) to the command of the Third Military District, 
 which included \ T ew York, in which position he earned great praise for the 
 executive ability which he displayed, as well as for all the multiplied duties per- 
 formed in that responsible office; but praise and compliments were all the 
 recompense he ever received for these and other arduous services faithfully fio 
 filled for the benefit of his country. Tompkins was a great favorite with Tam- 
 many, and it was with the utmost enthusiam that the Society indorsed the Con- 
 gressional caucus nomination of this patriot son of New York for Vice-President, 
 in association with that of James Monroe for President. Both of these nominees 
 were elected, and both re-elected, almost unanimously, in 1821. 
 
 To Daniel D. Tompkins, more than to any other one man, the State of New 
 York was indebted for limiting the injuries inflicted by the British in the War of 
 1812. With a less energetic or less patriotic Governor the whole State, from the 
 bay to Lake Erie, would probably have been overrun by the enemy. Daniel 
 Tompkins died on Staten Island in the early summer of 1825. Tompkinsville. 
 on Staten Island, was named in his honor, as was also Tompkins County in the 
 State of New York, one of the forts at the Narrows. Tompkins Square in New 
 York City and Tompkins Avenue and Tompkins Square in Brooklyn. It is but 
 justice to that able and patriotic Federal Senator, Rufus King, of New York, to 
 here recognize the fact that he cordially supported Governor Tompkins in all of 
 his war measures. 
 
 Next to Governor Tompkins there was no private citizen in the City of New 
 York that so efficient!) aided the Governnunt in financial matters as did Mr. 
 Jacob Barker. He was one of the original members of the Tammany Society and 
 an active member during the whole of his long residence here. His name ,s 
 inscribed on the cornerstone of the old wigwam, erected in 1811, as one of the 
 building committee. A native of the State of Maine, he came in early youth to 
 the City of New York and entered into the commission house of Mr. Isaac Hicks, 
 where his diligence and capacity were so conspicuous that he soon obtained the 
 opportunity to engage in business on his own account, and before he was twenty- 
 one he was the owner of five coasting vessels, besides having a large credit in the 
 mercantile community. But fortune turned against him, and by various mis- 
 haps he lost nearly all he had made just before the beginning of the present cen- 
 tury. He was not a person, however, to remain long depressed. I te succeeded in 
 obtaining a contract for supplying the Government with oil, of which at that time 
 tury. He was not a person, however, to remain long depressed. He succeeded in 
 connection with the public service. ( hit of this contract he made very large 
 
54 
 
 profits. When the War of 1812 broke out the Government, as above stated, was 
 very much embarrassed for money, and in February, 1813, Congress endeavored 
 to put a loan of $16,000,000 upon the market; the banks had refused their assist- 
 ance, and Mr. Barker undertook the almost hopeless task of raising this large 
 sum. He commenced by subscribing $100,000 himself, and finally raised the 
 whole amount, by the most unwearied efforts among the merchants and other 
 citizens of the metropolis. Not content with this grand service to his country, 
 he subsequently raised an additional $5,000,000, of which he personally took 
 $435,000, and his friend, the poet, Fitzgreen Ffalleck, who had then some busi- 
 ness connection with him, was credited with $288,000, a most opportune help to 
 the impecunious administration at Washington. 
 
 After the close of the war Mr. Barker was elected to the State Senate, and, as 
 at that period the Senate sat as a judicial court in some cases, there was an oppor- 
 tunity to show the mental calibre of members quite unknown to our modern 
 legislators. A legal opinion rendered by Mr. Barker on an insurance case, when 
 sitting in the Court of Errors, was sustained, though opposed by the great 
 authority of Chancellor Kent. Jacob Barker was an expert writer of newspaper 
 articles, and published also many timely brochures, as well as being ever ready for 
 a speech when called upon. He founded a newspaper called the Union, mainly 
 for the purpose of assisting the election of Governor Clinton. In 1815 he estab- 
 lished the Exchange Bank in Wall street, and commenced stock speculations. 
 This bank failed, but the trust in his integrity was such that other financial insti- 
 tutions came to his rescue, and all was soon again serene. He subsequently 
 removed his business to New Orleans, but died in Philadelphia, at the ripe age of 
 92. He was the last surviving member of the Building Committee on the erection 
 of the Nassau street Wigwam, to which h>* was appointed in 1800. 
 
55 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 TAMMANY ON HOME INDUSTRIES. 
 
 NK of the most curious and interesting episodes in the history of 
 the ultra-Democratic Society of Tammany was the action 
 taken by it in the summer of r8ig and which was the result ot 
 the depressed condition of trade and commerce throughout 
 the country, which had not yet recovered from the losses and 
 interruptions incurred during the War of 1812-15, which 
 included the capture of many vessels, with their cargoes, and the still more 
 injurious effects of the "embargo." Rut to the facts: On August 30th. 
 at a meeting of the Tammany Society, after considerable discussion, was passed 
 the following resolution: "Resolved to appoint Commissioners to consider and 
 draft an address on the subject of National Economy and Domestic Manufac- 
 tures, enforcing the necessity of encouraging such desirable objects, and that 
 through the public prints the address be sent to the several branches of this 
 Society throughout the nation." 
 
 < hi the next ensuing October 4th the address, which had been drafted by 
 Brother Woodward was presented to the Society, and duly debated at the meet- 
 ings. At the second it was adopted, signed by the Grand Sachem, Clarkson 
 Crolius, printed and put into circulation. 
 
 ( )n the next ensuing October 4th, the address, which had been drafted by 
 had partly resulted from excessive importations and recommended the purchase 
 of home productions only. The curious statement was also made that inferior 
 goods were manufactured abroad expressly for this market, with intent to dispose 
 of them in New York by auction, thus underselling our native merchants. Sec- 
 ondly, the opinion was advanced that Congress ought to entirely prohibit the 
 importation of all goods "which can on any tolerable terms be made here." And, 
 "thirdly, if the customs revenue, in consequence, is not sufficient for the purposes 
 of the Government, let the public lands be appropriated to supply the deficiency." 
 The concluding argument was that this course would exclude from the country 
 foreign agents, "those cormorants" who gather money here only to take it back, 
 out of this country. 
 
 Some recommendations were added on the subject of banks and in favor of 
 common schools, concluding with a somewhat grandiloquent eulogy of the Tam- 
 many Society, which the author of the address declares "is founded upon the 
 dignified principle of public liberty. Unlike the associations of the hour, which 
 have gone down with the causes which created them, this Society has withstood 
 the revolutions of the passing years uncharacterized by any acts of extravagance 
 or appearance of dissolution. * * * Its silent intervals have been owing to 
 the solidity of its principles and the sincerity of its motives. It is a Society of 
 three thousand [1819] men in the City of New York alone, principally heads of 
 families. It can well rest occasionally, quiet on the bosom of public opinion." 
 
 Though this address speaks of the "quiet intervals" which Tammany was 
 
56 
 
 wont to indulge in, there was very little going on of any public interest in which 
 Tammany had not an active share. Thus, on the death of Benjamin Franklin, 
 though the event occurred in Philadelphia, the Tammany Society held public 
 ceremonies in honor of the aged patriot, statesman and scientist. In 1824 the 
 Society took an active and prominent part in welcoming the "Nation's Guest," 
 Lafayette, to the country he had so nobly helped to render independent. In 1830 
 the Tammany Society celebrated with considerable eclat the revolution in France 
 against that Bourbon of the Bourbons, Charles X. A meeting was called at 
 Tammany Hall on November 25th, at which President Monroe presided, and at 
 which was present a large number of distinguished citizens, including the able 
 statesman and eminent anti-Federalist, Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury 
 under both Jefferson and Madison, with many other persons of approximate 
 celebrity. 
 
?7 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY 
 
 r seems now almost incredible thai a political part) could be 
 formed upon the single idea of opposition to an ancient secret 
 and benevolent society which existed not only in ever) State 
 in the Union, but also every portion oi the civilized world. 
 Yet from a single act of violence perpetrated in the State of 
 New York in iS_>(>, known to history as "the Morgan affair." 
 the details of which it is not necessary to repeat here, thousands of persons 
 deserted the usual political affiliations and actually inaugurated a new party, with 
 no other ostensible object than the ostracism of all members of the Ancient Order 
 of Free and Accepted Masons. This movement was far-reaching, and it could 
 not fail to have some effect upon the Tammany Society, but events finally proved 
 that its main strength came from Tammany's opponents. It was through this 
 new party that William H. Seward was first brought prominently into notice, he 
 being nominated by and elected to the State Legislature by the Anti-Masonic 
 vote. The matter was complicated by the fact that De Witt Clinton, the ever- 
 chronic candidate for some office in the State, and popular with his party, was, in 
 the very year of this outbreak, High Priest of the General Grand Chapter of the 
 United States. Andrew Jackson was also a Mason of high order; of course, also 
 other representative men of all parties and of no party were members of the Order. 
 The excitement spread and grew for several years. In 1828 the Anti-Masons 
 called a general convention, which met at Le Roy, in the Western part of the 
 State, in which twelve counties were represented, but there was only one plank in 
 the platform on which they stood, yet, at the ensuing election for Governor, this 
 curious party actually cast over 33,000 votes, not enough, however, to defeat the 
 Tammany candidate, Martin Van Buren, who was elected. 
 
 As the Presidential election approached in 1828 the Anti-Masonic party 
 joined their forces with the National Republicans, and voted for Mr. Adams, who 
 was not a Mason; but General Jackson received the electoral vote. Though de- 
 feated in the Presidential contest, in the State election of 183 1 the Anti- 
 Masons elected nearly thirty members of Assembly, and in 1832 even nominated 
 a Presidential candidate, William Wirt. 
 
 Though the Anti-Masonic party showed wonderful tenacity of life, especiallv 
 in the western counties of the State, yet no party can possibly become permanent 
 resting on mere negations; and the political enemies of the Masonic Order had 
 no worlby affirmative principles. Its end was as remarkable as its origin. 
 
 When the National Republican party lost its distinctive name, and became 
 visible only as the Whig organization, the Anti-Masons suddenly disappeared — 
 the Whigs appeared to have swallowed them. From that time forward the lead- 
 ers presented no ticket for their whilom followers to sustain, much to the discom- 
 fiture of the innocent rural population who had followed their leaders in this 
 Quixotic fight so zealously, and who were not enlightened as to the "arrange- 
 ment" which involved such a sudden extinguishment of their superior nolitical 
 ethics 
 
58 
 
 The first person in New York City to formally introduce the name of "Whig" 
 for the acceptance of the anti-Democratic politicians was Col. J. Watson Webb, 
 editor of the Courier and Inquirer, who, at a public meeting in the fall of 1833, 
 after having dilated, somewhat at length on the meaning and attitude of Whigism 
 in England, made a motion that the party (National Republican) then and there 
 accept the name of "Whig" as expressing their disapprobation of the Administra- 
 tion (Jackson's). The motion was put to the audience and carried in the affirma- 
 tive, almost unanimously. 
 
 Mr. Myron H. Clark, who was elected Governor by a combination of all the 
 anti-Tammany elements, including the Prohibitionists, has been aptly described 
 as the "discovered link," he combining the elements in his career of figuring as 
 the last of the Whigs and the first of the Republicans. 
 
59 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE LOCO FOCOS. 
 
 NE of the most singular cases of general misunderstand- 
 ing, through the misapplication of a grotesque name to 
 a very earnest and sincere party, is that which developed 
 at the time of the formation of the "Equal Rights" asso- 
 ,.v ^^j^s-.l ciation, which for years was called the "Loco Focos." 
 
 This meaningless term was applied to certain dissenters 
 in the Tammany Society through a mere incident which occurred at a 
 meeting in the old Wigwam on Nassau street in 1835, under the follow- 
 ing circumstances: On the 29th of October a meeting was called to assem- 
 ble in Tammany Hall for the purpose of making certain nominations. The 
 doors being open at seven in the evening, a great mass of the usual at- 
 tendants rushed in and rapidly filled all the available space, but what was 
 their surprise to find that they were not the first arrivals; the platform 
 was already filled with those prepared to manage the meeting and secure 
 the adoption of their own candidates. From the early comers in possession of the 
 meeting, Isaac L. Varian was nominated as chairman, and without the question 
 being properly put, he prepared to take his seat; when, from the floor of the 
 "house, the Equal Rights men nominated Joel Curtis for the chair. At the same 
 time a broad banner was uplifted on which was the inscription, "Joel Curtis, the 
 anti-monopolistic Chairman." The confusion caused by this unexpected appari- 
 tion was so great that Mr. Varian's effort to read the prearranged list of nomina- 
 tions was futile, so far as the hearing of the names was concerned. While the 
 excitement was at its height, the Hall was suddenly immersed in darkness. Each 
 of the factions present thought the opposition had planned this manoeuvre as a 
 piece of fine strategy, and the incident has been so represented by some narrators; 
 but. in fact, it was nothing of the kind, it was only the suddenly inspired trick of 
 two young lads, one of whom was not more than fifteen years of age, and both of 
 whom, now elderly men, are still living (1898) and not averse to telling the story. 
 At that time the gas-meter was located on the Frankfort street side of the Hall, 
 cpncealed from view by some decorative window drapery, but well known to these 
 lads. When the lights were extinguished the Varian party got out of the Hall 
 ^as quickly as possible, taking the rear egress by which they had entered, retreat- 
 ing to an adjoining tavern of much local celebrity, known as the "Pewter Mug," 
 situated on Frankfort street, and there completed their nominations; while the 
 Equal Rights party retained possession of the Hall, and in a very few moments, 
 having produced matches from their pockets, and the janitor being found, they 
 Telit the gas, and the business for which they had assembled was proceeded with. 
 The next morning the term "Loco Foco" was spontaneously attached to the 
 party holding the Hall, which name, for a long period, to the uninitiated, served 
 to describe the whole Tammany Society, just as a local event had in former years 
 fixed upon them the sobriquet of "Rucktails." 
 
6o 
 
 The Equal Rights party was certainly born in Tammany Hall, and for a 
 limited time claimed to be the only true representative of that purely Democratic 
 association: it was, in fact, an ultra development and outgrowth of the "Work- 
 ingmen's" party, which had broken off from the parent stem in 1828, lasting about 
 two years. The Equal Rights party arose directly out of the Presidential election 
 of 1832, when all Democratic candidates were pledged to eternal hostility to- 
 monopolies of all kinds. Certain members of Tammany had begun to suspect 
 that their leaders were not seriously maintaining these sentiments, but were, on 
 the contrary, acting in a very lenient manner toward certain corporations and 
 individuals whom the pledges exacted, if fully carried out, would certainly put 
 under the ban. And, perhaps, they were not altogether wrong. Mr. Varian, above 
 referred to, was a bank director, and the person who nominated him, Mr. George 
 D. Strong was president of the Commercial Bank. It was certainly a new thing 
 for Tammany to be charged with favoring monopolists. 
 
 Among the persons most influential in this new offshoot from Tammany 
 were Mr. George Evans, editor of the IVorkinginans Advocate, Prof. Gilbert Vale,, 
 of the Beacon, and William Leggett, then associate editor of the Evening Post. 
 
 Sustaining the old Tammanyites at this time were the Albany Argus and 
 tin New York Times, while the Washington Globe endeavored to read Mr. Leg- 
 gett out of the Democratic party, as an agrarian and incipient abolitionist. The 
 principal objects for which the Equal Rights party contended were — Opposition 
 to bank charters granted by the States; in favor of a metallic currency; opposition 
 to the United States Bank, as unconstitutional; hostility to all kinds of monopo- 
 lies, favoring one class of people above others; in favor of giving the election of 
 President and Vice-President to the direct vote of the people; one Presidential 
 term; short terms of all offices, and strict responsibility to the people; the equal 
 rights of all citizens. The charge which this ultra-reforming party made against 
 Tammany of becoming aristocratic and favoring rich monopolists reads strangely 
 as we recall that it was on these very grounds that Tammany repudiated one of 
 her most distinguished members, De Witt Clinton, when suspected of these faults. 
 
 The new party called Equal Rights met in 'several different localities, but 
 their more permanent headquarters was at the Military and Civic Hotel, on the 
 corner of Broome street and the Bowery. The year after their withdrawal from 
 the Wigwam they made independent nominations, having, at a general meeting 
 in January, 1836, thus expressed their reasons for such action, namely: "That 
 we no longer recognize Tammany Hall as a Democratic temple of true Democ- 
 racy, ncr the Tammany Society as a Democratic body ; that the Society exercises 
 a political as well as a proprietary control (See Chap. "Who ( )whs Tammany 
 Hall?"), so that only such candidates, such politics and such usages as the 
 Sachems approve can be permitted there," etc., etc. 
 
 In the charter election next ensuing the Equal Rights party nominated! 
 Alexander Ming, Jr., for Mayor. There were three Other party nominations. 
 Tammany nominated C. W. Lawrence, the Whigs Mr. Greer, and the Know- 
 nothings Mr. Morse. The Tammany nominee was elected by a large majority. 
 In the State election the Equal Rights party's nominee for Governor was Isaac 
 S. Smith, who received a total of 3,496 votes, of which about 1,400 were polled in 
 the city, some of the nominees of the latter haying united with Tammany. In 
 1837 tms party, still usually called Loco Koeos, held several meetings in the City 
 
Hall Park, for the purpose pi denouncing whai the) called the bank po 
 
 and also the forestallers of the necessaries' of life. 1 irries were verj bad. All kinds 
 of food, as well as Fuel, were extremel) (Knar; a barrel of flour cosl -Si |. and 
 the same amount a ton. It was believed that a ruinous course of legislation had 
 caused much of the evil, especially the over issue of paper money, as was tersely 
 expressed at one of these meetings: "As the currency expands, the loaf con- 
 tracts." While a meeting in the park was in progress some one, unrecognized at 
 the time, forced his way among the crowd and shouted out: "Hart's flour Store!" 
 Mr. Hart was a wholesale merchant on Washington street. Nearl) a thousand 
 persons hanging on the margin of the meeting took up the cry and rushed off to 
 the place indicated, and then followed tin- Famous "flour riot." Mr. Hart's store 
 was completely sacked, including the destruction of books and papers, as well as 
 quantities of wheat and flour. Of course, there was an immense hue and cry- 
 raised by a portion of the city press, who were only too glad of the pretext to 
 attribute the riot to the Loco Focos, some going so far as to charge the late 
 nominee of that part) for Mayor, Col. Ming, with having uttered the words, "Go 
 to the flour stores. This was utterly false, and was so proven to the satisfaction 
 of the authorities. Fifty-three of the rioters were arrested, not one of whom 
 was a member of the Loco Foco or Equal Rights party. 1 hex proved to be 
 simply idlers and vagrants, such as are always to be found in a large city, hanging 
 on the outskirts of open-air meetings. 
 
 In the Legislative session of 1837, to which the Fqual Rights party had suc- 
 ceeded in electing two members, one of whom was Mr. Clinton Roosevelt, the 
 latter introduced a motion requesting the appointment of a committee to inquire 
 into the usurious practices of some of the State banks. In the course of this 
 inquiry two members of the Equal Rights party were summoned to Albany to 
 testify. One of these happened to be named Slam — Levi D. Slam. Thereupon 
 the New York Herald, with its unique talent for absurd sobriquets, added the 
 euphonious word "Bang" to this gentleman, and thenceforward always mentioned 
 the Equal Rights party as the firm of "Slam, Bang & Co.," as many old readers 
 of the Herald will remember. 
 
 But it was about time for this truant faction to think of returning home. Its 
 absence from Tammany had not been so complete but that many of its members 
 attended occasionally at the meetings held in the Wigwam, when measures were 
 to be considered with which these truants sympathized. One of the deserters, 
 on being challenged on this apparent inconsistency, defended himself and brother 
 Loco Focos by replying: "It is one of our maxims to go wherever our principles 
 are maintained." This being so, a reunion could not long be deferred; the 
 occasion came on the question of the Independent Treasury, as advocated by 
 President Martin Van Buren. On the 21st of September, 1837, a meeting was 
 called to take place at Tammany Hall on the 25th, "of all those opposed to the 
 
 Message of the President." What was expected of these opponents did not 
 clearly appear; whatever it was, the result showed that practically there were no 
 
 opponents, though the call had been quite numerously signed. The friends of 
 the President were in such a large majority that resolutions sustaining him were 
 passed almost unanimously. The Equal Rights men were there and voted, not 
 only in unity, but somewhat vociferously. Reunion with Tammany now began 
 to be openly talked of, though the truants proceeded to make up a separate ticket 
 
62 
 
 for the fall elections; but on the 24th of October, at a general meeting, a proposi- 
 tion was presented, "to effect the united support of the Democratic family in 
 favor of one ticket." 
 
 Though strongly opposed by some members, negotiations were opened, and 
 brought to a satisfactory conclusion, the Tammany Committee agreeing to 
 nominate five members of the Equal Rights party on the general ticket. In the 
 end, at a meeting of the latter, on the 28th of October, the following expression of 
 opinion was adopted: "That the Equal Rights party have the fullest confidence 
 in the ticket jointly nominated by the nominating committee at Tammany Hall, 
 and by the Equal Rights party, and that we, as a party, adopt it as our ticket, and 
 will use our best exertions to procure its entire election." This was carried by 
 seventy-one votes to twenty-two. Here, in this early secession movement, and its 
 end, is displayed one permanent element of Tammany's strength. That Society 
 has always been ready to welcome its wanderers back; it never shuts the door in 
 the face of returning prodigals, no matter how bitterly the latter may have fought 
 against it during the seperation. 
 
 The following persons were those chiefly influential in forming and maintain- 
 ing the Equal Rights schism: George Evans, William Leggett, Col. Alexander 
 Ming, Gilbert Vale, Geo. W. Matsell, Isaac S. Smith, Robert Townsend, Stephen 
 Hasbrouck, Dr. A. F. Vache, Dr. Samuel Mitchell, Job Haskell, F. A. Tallmadge, 
 John Windt and John Commerfort. 
 
FRANCES WRIGHT. 
 
63 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 FRANCES WRIGHT. 
 
 Mi >NG other absurd names which for a while was applied to the 
 Equal Rights party was that of "Free Trade and Fanny 
 Wright," which originated in this way: On one of the pre- 
 election parades in which this faction indulged certain banners 
 were carried bearing the inscription "Free Trade and Sailors' 
 Rights." Some wicked wit suggested that it should be "Free 
 trade and Fanny Wrights." How the name of this brilliant and earnest reformer 
 came to be connected with a political party is easily explained, as she had just 
 previously addressed large meetings in Tammany Hall on education, political 
 economy and kindred topics. As for many years this lady was, in the popular 
 mind, identified with Tammany Hall, a brief sketch of her life and work will not 
 be out of place here. 
 
 Frances Wright (d'Aurusmont) was a native of Dundee, Scotland; her 
 father was a Presbyterian clergyman. She was early attracted by the idea of a 
 free Republic, and in 1820 made her first visit to this country, traveling extensively 
 through the Northern and Southern States. On her return to Europe, then only 
 twenty-two years of age, she published a book entitled, "Views of Society and 
 Manners in America," which gave to Europeans the first really correct idea of life 
 in the United States at that period, and it was through this work that she acquired 
 the permanent friendship of Lafayette. In 1833 sne returned to New York, and 
 commenced a series of lectures, being the first woman in this country to address 
 public audiences on political topics. Some of these addresses were given in Tam- 
 many Hail, the churches not then being open to women lecturers. All her pub- 
 lic speeches were marked by a spirit of liberality of thought, and the desire to 
 elevate and benefit the masses who came to listen to her. The thinking portion 
 of her audiences greatly admired the progressive democratic spirit which she 
 evinced. The rougher portion were often rude in their behavior, not foreseeing 
 that in a few years women on the platform would cease to be a novelty. Frances 
 Wright held advanced views on nearly all of the many ethical questions now so 
 generally adopted by all intelligent people. Fler favorite maxim was: "Human- 
 kind is but one family; the education of its youth should be equal and universal." 
 It speaks well for the liberality of the Tammany Flail managers of that day that 
 this brainy woman was granted the use of their platform. Visiting France on the 
 invitation of Lafayette, she there met and subsequently married M. d'Aurusmont. 
 Some years later she returned to the United States, and here published a number 
 of works. Her publisher was a well-known member of Tammany Hall, Mr. 
 John Windt. Frances Wright was an exceedingly regal-looking woman, very 
 nearly six feet in height, with a fine intellectual head and features. She spoke, 
 when very earnest, with a slight Scotch accent. She died in Cincinnati in 1852, 
 at the age of fifty-five. 
 
6 4 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE PATROONS. 
 
 NE of the subjects which greatly interested the Tammany 
 Society was the feudal tenants' resistance to the collec- 
 tion of rents by the rich "patroons" occupying large 
 estates on the banks of the Hudson River, which they 
 had received by royal grants — some from the States-Gen- 
 eral of Holland, others from the British sovereign. The 
 greater part of these lands lay in the Counties of Albany and Rensselaer, but there 
 were also large tracts in the Counties of Columbia, Greene, Ulster, Sullivan, Dela- 
 ware, Schoharie, Otsego, Montgomery and Schenectady; in fact, more or less in 
 all of the counties on both easterly and westerly banks of the river. Those of these 
 estates originally received by the proteges of the States-General of Holland, and 
 now known as the Holland Patent, were re-transferred to the original owners by 
 the British crown when these lands came into the possession of that government. 
 The baronial holders let the land, except what they reserved for their own pleas- 
 ure, to the agricultural population, upon perpetual leases, rents being payable in 
 produce, poultry and by the rendition of personal service by men and teams. In 
 brief, a system of ownership and labor such as was usual in the middle ages in 
 Europe had been transported into, and was perpetuated in, the free republican 
 State of New York down to 1846-7. Royal privileges were retained bv the 
 proprietors, who reserved to themselves all mill privileges, mines, minerals, and 
 even the right of way, and the control of all waterways. And thus over the 
 immense amount of land occupied by these patroons there could be no transfers 
 of farm land without their consent, and naturally no increase of population by 
 new settlers, no inducement to enterprise of any kind. 
 
 One of the largest estates of these feudal proprietors was that held by 
 Stephen Van Rensselaer, which extended over a tract of land twenty-four miles 
 long and forty-eight miles wide, lying on both sides of the Hudson River. 
 
 Others approximated to this in extent. It was on the occasion of the death 
 of this proprietor of the Manor of Rensselaerwyck, in 1839, that the Anti-Rent 
 contest began in earnest. The tenants, most of whom were largely in arrears for 
 rent, flatly refused to pay, on the ground (learned from their lawyers) that the 
 leases in perpetuity, or for a certain number of lives, were legally conveyances in 
 fee — simply encumbered with certain conditions; and that in reality they owned 
 the land, and were not mere tenants in equity. Thus instructed, the desire and 
 the intention to resist became infectious; and soon the whole tenant class in the 
 other counties where the patroons ruled were in revolt. A State Committee was 
 finally appointed to inquire into their grievances, of which Samuel J. Tildcn was 
 chairman. This course was taken in answer to petitions and memorials which 
 had been presented to the Assembly. As time wore on without any practical 
 relief, the disorder in the several counties widened and became more violent. 
 Men disguised as Indians lay in ambush and waylaid officers who were suspected 
 
"5 
 
 of bes 
 that tl 
 redres 
 
 bcuan 
 
 distress warrants. Hhe question entered politics, and the result was 
 in R.nt men were elected to the Assembly. Bills and arts intended to 
 ■ wrongs said to be imposed upon the people l>_\ the ruling patroons 
 to the State House at Albany. The questions at issue i 
 
 I" 1 
 
 interest in other States, a: 
 length and breadth of the 
 
 as in the City <>f New York, and throughout the 
 
 TIh' condition of land titles in the river eonnties 
 
 was certainly opposed to the spirit of American law. which has always discouraged 
 
 the entailment of landed property, which the patroon system especially cultivated. 
 If Tammany holds one democratic principal dearer than another it is the 
 preservation of the American spirit, as opposed to everything mediaeval and aris- 
 tocratic; to antagonize the Europeanizing of this country was Tammany born, and 
 
 to that work it has always been devoted. It may therefore he readily inferred that 
 the Society put all its energy into sustaining the tenant claimants in their demands 
 to he put upon an equal footing with other citizens of the State, who were free 
 from the bondage of these antiquated "customs of the realm," derived from royal 
 generosity in favor of a special class of settlers in a new country. 
 
 Tt was against the more violent anti-renters, who in some cast's had been 
 accused of incendiarism, that the term "barn-burners" was originally hurled, 
 though later it was applied to quite another class of politicians. 
 
 The anomaly of feudal customs existing in the maintenance of these land 
 tenures in the United States was finally wiped out by the Legislature by an equit- 
 able arrangement suggested by Mr. Tilden, which secured satisfactory compen- 
 sation to the proprietors and left the farms in the hands of the occupants, with 
 liberty to sell or retain, as they preferred; also to come and go at their own will 
 and choice, like other agriculturists in the State — the last vestige of patroon right 
 being abolished under the Governorship of Silas Wright. 
 
 [For full particulars of the legal proceedings in this matter, see Assembly documents 
 of 1846.] 
 
66 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 TAMMANY AND VAN BUREN. 
 
 AMMANY'S attitude toward Martin Van Buren varied at dif- 
 ferent periods. He was at first taken up by the Sachems, some- 
 what enthusiastically, in 1832, mainly because of the affront 
 put upon him by the combination formed in Congress against 
 him by the union of the "Clay Protectionists" and the Calhoun 
 men, who, in the Senate, had rejected his nomination as 
 Minister to England, apparently for no better reason than to annoy President 
 Jackson, and it was largely due to the Tammany Society that Mr. Van Buren was 
 elected President in 1836. 
 
 The principal measure which marked Van Buren's administration was the 
 passage of the Independent Treasury bill, which was first introduced into the 
 Senate by that sterling Democrat, Silas Wright, ably supported by Samuel J. 
 Tilden. This bill was recognized as the favorite measure of the President, and 
 was cordially indorsed by Tammany Hall. A large meeting of the Democrats of 
 the county, as well as of the business men of the City of New York was held in the 
 Wigwam on the 26th of February, 1836, on which occasion Mr Tilden made a 
 stirring speech, advocating the complete severance of Bank and State. One line 
 of his argument was that "the Government moneys would be safer in the hands of 
 officers appointed by the Federal authority than in the hands of civilians, or 
 simply business men," giving, in support of his opinion, the fact that "in the 
 United States Mint there had not been a dollar lost in the last fifty years.'* 
 "Men," said Mr. Tilden, "are more likely to assume debts which they cannot meet 
 than they are to commit a felony." Tammany was an early and constant sup- 
 porter of the free banking system. At a meeting, held on the 6th of February, 
 resolutions were passed in favor of the Independent Treasury Bill, in these words: 
 
 "Resolved, That we require in banking no more than in government a monarch and 
 privileged nobility to regulate our affairs, and that an application to finance of the prin- 
 ciples of equal liberty, so successfully applied to politics, is imperatively required, etc. 
 
 "Resolved, That a general banking law, constructed on these obvious principles, ought 
 to be enacted. It will close up the most fruitful source of legislative intrigue and corrup- 
 tion; it will prevent the fraud and favoritism practiced in the distribution of stock and 
 remove a monopoly which, to the amount of the extra profit it confers, levies an indirect 
 tax upon the unprivileged masses for the benefit of the few." 
 
 The Independent Treasury Act became a law June 30th, 1837. 
 
 Another very important act, in the interest of the people, was the passage of 
 the pre-emption law, giving the preference to actual settlers in the sale of the pub- 
 lic lands — a system always advocated by the Tammany Society. 
 
 Later, when the slavery question entered into the practical politics of the 
 countrv, Martin Van Buren lost his hold on Tammany and became the candidate 
 of the Free Soil wing of the Democracy. From 1850 to i860 Tammany was, in 
 national politics, mainly occupied in endeavoring "to save the Union." Like the 
 conservative Whigs, it was willing to sacrifice much to prevent the threatened 
 
6 7 
 
 secession of the Southern States, but, as will be seen in subsequent chapters, when 
 that event really took place, none was more prompt in meeting the exigency than 
 the members of the Tammany Society. 
 
 In the "forties," and extending into the succeeding decade, there was more 
 than one disturbing element in city politics. The Native American party began 
 to make itself felt. The Tammany Society has always been the strongest possible 
 advocate of American principles, but also opposed the ideas of the Know-noth- 
 ing, or Native-American party, as understood in politics; that is, the doctrine 
 that none but native-born Americans should be entrusted with office. This sen- 
 timent, however, was very strong, not only in New York, but nearly all over 
 the country, for a limited period. The idea was advocated in Congress. Mem- 
 bers of Assembly were elected in New York, and iii other States, to carry out, so 
 far as they could the measures proposed by this new organization. Kven in the 
 City of New York, in 1844, its advocates were able to elect their candidate for 
 Mayor, the gentleman chosen being the senior member of the publishing firm of 
 Harper Brothers, Mr. James Harper. 
 
 But another subject of dissension was rising, destined to extinguish the 
 Know-nothing and nearly all other questions upon which parties, or individual 
 statesmen, differed. This was the question of the extension of slavery, arising 
 approximately out of the proposition to admit Texas, then an independent Repub- 
 lic, into the Union as a State. Though Texas had won its practical independence 
 from Mexico by force of arms, yet Mexico had not acknowledged this independ- 
 ence or ceased to claim sovereign rights over that lost territory. Hence to admit 
 this revolted province of Mexico into the Union of the States must inevitably pre- 
 cipitate hostilities with this neighboring power; there was, nevertheless, a strong 
 party which upheld the measure within Congress and out of it. 
 
 There was, however, a very strong opposition to it. Nearly all the Northern 
 statesmen of the Whig side in politics viewed the annexation project unfavorably, 
 and on this question Van Buren stood on very nearly the same ground as the 
 conservative Whigs of the New England States. Back pf the prospective war, 
 however, was a sentiment stronger than any sense of justice to Mexico or repug- 
 nance to war; this was opposition to the extension of slavery in the United 
 States. A large and growing party in the North was immovably fixed against 
 any action by Congress which would increase the area of the slave States, which 
 it was foreseen the admission of Texas would do. 
 
 Of course, the Southern politicians naturally favored it. As Tammany 
 always took its share in the large questions of the day, it could not ignore this, 
 and upon it the body of the Society was divided in opinion. 
 
 In 1846 adhesion to, or rejection of the "Wilmot Proviso" became the divid- 
 ing line in the Democratic party in New York, as elsewhere throughout the 
 States, and also in Congress. The object of this proviso was to prohibit the 
 introduction of slavery into any territory acquired by purchase or otherwise fromi 
 Mexico, which included the present State of California. It was Mr. Van Buren's; 
 attitude on this point which cost him the loss of the Democratic nomination for 
 President and gave it to James K. Polk, two years previously, in 1844. It was 
 this question of the extension of slavery which made the first formidable split in 
 the Tammany Society. Other divisions had been healed without much difficulty, 
 but this became to that, as to other parties, the "irreconcilable conflict," carrying 
 
68 
 
 out of the Wigwam some of their most valued members, a number of whom did, 
 indeed, return after the war, while others were permanently lost to the organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 It is worth noting, in this connection, that all the territory added to the 
 United States since the adoption of the Constitution had been acquired under 
 Democratic administrations, except Alaska.* So that we are justified in the logi- 
 cal conclusion that, but for Democratic energy and foresight, the country to-day 
 would still consist only of the original thirteen States, with the addition of the 
 semi-Russianized peninsula in the North Pacific Ocean. The Whig party fought 
 against the admission of the lands acquired from Mexico, which included Texas 
 and California, just as the old Federalists contended against Jefferson's purchase 
 of Louisiana, the boundaries of which then included all the States generally 
 spoken of as "the great Northwest." 
 
 During this exciting period a powerful auxiliary to the political power of 
 Tammany Hall existed in an association called the "Empire Club." Its president 
 and leader was the "undaunted" Isaiah Rynders, who first acquired local fame by 
 his energetic and effectual work in the Presidential campaign preceding the 
 election of James K. Polk. This club had rooms at 28 Park Row, and there never 
 were livelier times around the polls in New York than during the Rynders 
 regime. He continued as active leader of a powerful following for many years, 
 giving his best efforts to the election of Franklin Pierce in 1852 and Buchanan 
 in '56. He was one of the muscular genus, and did not hesitate to repel force by 
 force if the circumstances called for it. Mr. Rynders was appointed Marshal for 
 the Southern District of New York in 1857. 
 
 Up to date of the late war with Spain. 
 
6g 
 
 ( HAPTER \\l\ 
 
 THE FREE SOIL MOVEMENT. 
 
 : 
 
 IIRING the political turmoil which preceded the war of secession 
 the Tammany Society planted itself on strictly constitutional 
 
 ground repudiating the "higher law" doctrine of the anti-slavery 
 party. To the Tammany adherents the law of the land was tin- 
 law to be recognized, which brought upon them the newly in- 
 vented sobriquet of "old hunkers;" and this elegant term was 
 applied as well to all of the Democratic party who ventured to defend the consti- 
 tutional rights as guaranteed in the original compact of the States, the Constitu- 
 tion, at that time clearly recognizing the existence of slavery in several of the 
 States. These conservative politicians held that the Government had no right to 
 infringe Article 4th of the Constitution, and in the 3d clause of Section 2, the 
 rendition of escaping slaves was specially provided for; hence the hunkers did 
 not wince, nor were their ethics disturbed, when the famous compromise meas- 
 ures of 1850 included the return of fugitive slaves. But sentiment and humanity 
 proved stronger than constitutional provisions, and the whole of the decade be- 
 tween 1850 and i860 may be said to have been consumed in discussing the sub- 
 ject of slavery by one partv and in devising schemes to suppress its discussion br- 
 others. 
 
 As this episode in American politics has been treated by many able writers, 
 from almost every possible point of view, we do not think it necessary to give 
 here opinions on a subject which is now a dead issue, any further than is called 
 for, to show Tammany's position in the preliminary political skirmishes which 
 affected the membership of the Society a.s well as its influence in the community. 
 In the National Democratic Convention of 1848, which met at Raltimore on May 
 22d of that year, two delegations, each calling themselves "regular," put in their 
 claims to recognition, the party being divided into two factions known as 
 "hunkers" and "barnburners." The hunkers were affiliated with the Tammany 
 party, and were thus designated by their opponents as resembling the Bourbons, 
 of whom it is alleged they neither learn anything nor forget anything. The 
 "barnburners," who eventually merged into the Free soil party, were thus named 
 because the old conservatives likened them to the farmer who burned down his 
 barn to get rid of the rats, the hunkers believing that those so zealous to get rid 
 of slavery were in danger of destroying the Union at the same time. 
 
 The divisions of the Democratic party which grew out of these slavery dis- 
 cussions were intensified by the tenacity with which the "barnburner" wing kept 
 its loyalty to the fortunes of Martin Van Buren, who. as stated above, had been 
 sidetracked in the National Convention in 1844 m favor of James K. Polk, who 
 was elected over the Whig nominee, Henry Clay, by the electoral vote of 170 to 
 105. The admission of Texas had been effected under President Polk's adminis- 
 tration in 1845; hut the struggle over it had left bitter feelings, still active in 
 minds of the barnburner Democrats, who shortly after assumed the name of Free 
 
70 
 
 Soilers. The body calling itself the State Democracy met in convention at Syra- 
 cuse on the 29th of September and remained in session until the 2d of October, 
 1847, this being the hunker wing of the party. 
 
 This body issued an address which proved very displeasing to the Van 
 Buren, or barnburner faction, which incontenintly seceded and called a counter 
 convention, which was first appointed to be held on the 22d of February, 1848, 
 but the date was afterward changed to the 16th of the same month. Selecting 
 their old favorite, Van Buren, as their candidate for President, though he had 
 been beaten in the popular vote of 1840 and rejected by the National Convention 
 of 1844, they still succeeded in drawing off so large a number from the regular 
 organization as to greatly weaken it before the people. 
 
 The hunkers met this movement by a call to their followers to meet at 
 Albany on the 26th of January, 1848, where they matured plans for the selection 
 of candidates to represent their views at the National Convention, which body 
 was to meet at Baltimore in May. The unwisdom of division was soon made 
 apparent. The Committee on Credentials proposed to the leaders that both wings 
 of the party from New York should promise to abide peaceably by the decision 
 of the committee and support the nominee of the convention, whoever he might 
 prove to be. The Tammany men agreed to this, but the barnburners would not. 
 Then the committee agreed to admit both factions on equal terms, but still the 
 barnburners were obdurate and finally they withdrew from the convention; 
 and the hunkers, considering themselves insulted by being considered as no bettei 
 than mere barnburners, though they kept their seats in the convention, took no 
 part in the proceedings. Thus New York's electoral vote for Lewis Cass, the 
 
 nominee of the convention, was lost, and with it the Presidency for the ensuing 
 four years, the Whig candidate, General Taylor, being elected. 
 
 In 1856 there was another disastrous schism, the Democratic party being 
 
 now divided between the "Hards" and the "Softs." New York's electoral vote 
 
 was again lost. The separate delegations, each having an equal number of votes, 
 
 neutralized each other. 
 
■- ■- 
 
 w ■_ 
 
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 - 7. 
 
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 M 
 
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7' 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 MICHAEL WALSH. 
 
 \ ERY vital personality which once made an integral part of t he 
 Tammany llall political forces was the Hon. Michael Walsh, 
 better remembered, perhaps, by his abbreviated name of 
 "Mike." If lie was in active politics now, he would probably 
 he accused of being- a Socialist, so ardent were his feelings in 
 regard to everything hearing on the welfare of the working 
 classes; hut in his day the word had not become acclimated in America. Even 
 the pungent Democracy of Tammany Hall was not broad enough to satisfy his 
 aspirations after "liberty, fraternity and equality." Mr. Walsh's active career in 
 politics commenced early in the "40's," a period of intense partisan excitement. 
 Honorable gentlemen, both in the State Legislature and in Congress, indulged 
 in an amount and virulence of personalities which would not now be tolerated. 
 
 Born and bred in New York City, in the Third Ward, he had all the charac- 
 teristics of the young American let loose, with the addition of a veritable genius 
 for effective oratory and a political discernment exceedingly rare in those whose 
 early years have been largely consumed in manual labor. In later life, Mr. Walsh 
 became a lumber merchant near the same locality where he had formerly worked 
 with his hands. His intensity of conviction overcame the lack of scholastic train- 
 ing, and he became a clear and forcible writer on his favorite topics, as well as a 
 brilliant orator. 
 
 Among his political followers he early attained the unique distinction of 
 being considered as "always right." This was particularly true of his large con- 
 stituency in the Fourteenth Ward, in which he resided for many years while in 
 active politics. His cardinal principle was never to allow his followers to take a 
 defensive position, but always the aggressive, even if physical force was necessary, 
 which sometimes happened in those days at the polls, there being then no 
 registry law and, consequently, many more chances of disorder. His followers 
 were systematically divided into sections, each having their captain and lieuten- 
 ant. Among these were Edward Sprague, who was commonly called "Major," 
 the two Chanfraus, Henry and Joseph, John Ketcham, George Isaacs, John 
 Austin and "Governor" McElroy. The discipline of the rank and file was very 
 effective! He was sometimes called the "perpetual critic." because he was per- 
 petually criticising the management of the political leaders in Tammany Hall, 
 and though a useful and hard-working ally when the need arose, he was apt to be 
 something of a thorn in the flesh at times. 
 
 In 1847, when in the State Legislature, a member from the rural district of 
 Otsego took advantage on an occasion of Mr. Walsh's absence to make an 
 unmanly attack upon him, his career and his constituency; going so far as to 
 describe the latter as "dirty Democrats." Of course, Walsh was informed of 
 what had taken place. To say that the lion was aroused would not begin to 
 express his state of mind. Seizing upon the first opportunity which occurred. 
 
7^ 
 
 Mr. Walsh entered upon a dissection of his assailant, a Mr. Fenno, with such a 
 verbal avalanche of sarcastic retorts as would have made even Randolph of Roan- 
 oke pale with envy, and can only be compared in the sharpness of its virus, to the 
 arraignment of the Duke of Grafton by Junius. Repeatedly Mr. Fenno appealed 
 to the Chair for protection, but the whole Assembly sympathized with Mr. Walsh, 
 feeling that Mr. Fenno had brought his punishment upon himself by his unwar- 
 ranted attack on the New York member, and particularly by the unjustifiable 
 stigma he had cast on Mr. Walsh's constituency. The Chair declined to inter- 
 fere until the evident misery of his victim appeared to touch the feelings of even 
 the angry orator, who had by this time made Mr. Fenno appear absolutely ridicu- 
 lous, the Assembly having been repeatedly convulsed with laughter. At last Mr. 
 Walsh, looking his subdued and utterly humiliated assailant in the face, con- 
 cluded thus: "You can go, but remember, for the future, that bull-frogs should 
 never undertake to grapple with lions." Nor did any one else attempt to assail 
 Michael Walsh while he was a member of the State Legislature, to which after 
 his first term of service had expired, he was re-elected. Subsequently, when 
 Walsh was sent to Congress, he had a somewhat similar victorious contest with 
 a Western member. On his renomination to Congress, in 1854, he was defeated 
 by John Kelly, probably the only man at that time in New York who could have 
 beaten him. Micheal Walsh first won his oratorical spurs in a speech at Tam- 
 many Hall against the "Know-Nothing" element to which he was most 
 vehmently opposed, claiming that the sooner foreigners were admitted to the 
 franchise, the sooner they became Americanized and good citizens. 
 
DANIEL F. TIEMANN. 
 
n 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 WHO OWNS TAMMANY HALL? 
 
 ( ) I\1()ST outsiders it is more or less of a mysterj how a society 
 incorporated as a purely benevolertf association has grown to 
 represenl the most permanent political organization in the 
 country. Another querj to the uninitiated has been where 
 to (haw the line between the Sachems of the Columbian < >rder 
 and the active politicians who run what is popularly known as 
 the "Tammany machine/' the same names frequently appearing in both rolls. 
 The facts are not so difficult of explanation as they appear on the surface. 
 
 As stated in Chapter I. the founders of the Tammany Society, though not 
 all then bearing the name of I Vmocrats (or as they were then called Republicans), 
 were, in fact, invariably persons imbued with Democratic ideas, as opposed to 
 Federalism. As time advanced these early intuitions became more fixed and per- 
 manent. At the time of the incorporation of the Society it had become practically 
 partisan in its character, though not claiming to be such, but only thoroughly 
 American. Its form of application to the Legislature, and probably its then 
 intent, was only for the purpose of looking after the welfare of its own members 
 and their families, but in politics they were then, nearly all. anti-FederaJ. For 
 over twenty years of the early existence of the Society it occupied hired halls and 
 places of meeting, the rent being paid out of the general treasury, but in 1S11-12, 
 when their first permanent building was erected, it became absolute owner of the 
 same. At first its large hall, particularly the ball-room, was let for temporary 
 occupancy to various associations and parties, without much attention to the 
 nature of the occupant's politics, but it was not very long before the question 
 arose: "Should the Hall, owned by the Columbian Order, be let to political par- 
 ties opposed to the doctrines of Democracv? Of course, discussion followed. 
 as, by refusing to so let, a certain loss of revenue must he reckoned on; but prin- 
 ciple triumphed over financial considerations, and it was finally decided that, 
 though the Hall might be let for miscellaneous purposes, such as balls, banquets, 
 etc., of a simply social character, and for lectures on scientific and literary sub- 
 jects, it should not be let to or allowed to be used by opposing political parties. 
 
 A case which occurred in 1853, and therefore well within the memory of 
 many of our readers, will illustrate, perhaps, better than any other mode of 
 explanation how the Society, the successor's of the original founders, controlled 
 the use of the building. 
 
 In February of 1853, the Grand Council of the Society of Tammany or the 
 Columbian Order issued a special "Address" on this very subject, and in defence 
 of a recent decision made by them, "Relative to the Political Use of Tammany 
 Hall." The Hall was then on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, the 
 present site of The Sun building. The substance of this address was as follows: 
 
 "Brothers, the action of the Grand Council, in a certain case recently decided, has been 
 assailed. It is light that you should know the facts. You are scattered abroad through 
 every State of our beloved Union, but your hearts are here with us. and our reputation is 
 
74 
 
 dear to you. The event which has caused criticism of our Council cannot be considered of 
 local interest only; It is of wide concern, because it relates to the character and position 
 of our Society, and its relation to Tammany Hall. The Tammany Society is now [1853] 
 two-thirds of a century old, and has for a long time been a centre of Democracy, to some 
 extent, to the whole country. The unanimity required for the admission of new members 
 Insures the character and standing of each and all, and yet allows of wide diffusion and 
 liberality of welcome, excluding only enemies of our political faith. 
 
 Our Society Owns Tammany Hall, 
 
 and, by its control of it, is able to exert great influence on the Democratic organization. 
 We have had, and have, as members, nearly all the military and naval heroes of the 
 country— all 'the favorite sons' of every State in the Union, as well as noble statesmen in 
 the national councils; the most renowned men from the North. South, East and West, 
 have all been initiated into our brotherhood." 
 
 The use of Tammany Hall is now regulated by the lease (of date December 
 12, 1842) from the Tammany Society to Joseph W. Howard, under the following 
 covenant: "And the said party of the second part promise and agree to, with the 
 said party of the first part [the Society of Tammany], their successors and 
 assigns, that the present Democratic Republican General Committee of the City 
 of New York and their successors shall have the privilege of holding all their 
 political meetings in said Tammany Hall during the continuance of this lease and 
 the renewal thereof. 
 
 ' The said lessee also agrees not to let or sub-let to any other political party." 
 
 Elijah F. Purdy was Chairman of the Democratic Republican Committee 
 when this lease was signed, February 4, 1853. It was also provided at this time 
 that, in case doubt or question arising whether any party desiring to hire the hall 
 was of the correct brand of Democracy, the matter should be referred in writing 
 either to the Grand Sachem or to the Father of the Council. The final power to 
 act upon such a case was vested in the Grand Council. 
 
 At this period a case in point had arisen. At the opening of the year 1853 
 the Democratic organization of the city found itself in very peculiar circum- 
 stances. The General Committee for the preceeding year had provided primary 
 meetings for the election of their successors, but had failed to designate the time 
 or place of meeting to report on the result. Under ordinary circumstances the 
 omission would have been comparatively unimportant, as the members would have 
 arranged it among themselves, and would naturally have chosen Tammany Hall; 
 but it so happened that united action on this occasion was not possible, as it was 
 known that, out of the then existing twenty wards, in sixteen the regular nomina- 
 tions would be contested, and the danger appeared that two organizations might 
 be formed. The General Committee for 1852 was defunct by lapse of time, and 
 that for 1853 had yet to be elected. There seemed no way out of the difficulty but 
 for the Grand Council of the Tammany Society to "mediate;" therefore, con- 
 tinues this address, "We request the delegates from the wards, elected pursuant 
 to the call of the late General Committee, to meet at Tammany Hall on the even- 
 ing of January 13th for organization, the old officers courteously uniting in this 
 request 'for those having certificates signed by a majority of the Inspectors.' " 
 
 On the evening designated those claiming to have been elected as members 
 of the General Committee for 1853 did meet as invited, when there ensued one ot 
 the most grotesque entertainments ever offered to the onlookers at a political 
 gathering. 
 
75 
 
 The hall was crowded with an expectant audience, composed nol only oi the 
 "regulars" and contestants, bul of their followers and supporters, as well as a 
 large number of curious spectators. \\ hen it became necessary to proceed to the 
 election of a chairman pro tern, Daniel E. Delevan was nominated, apparently 
 chosen by the majority, and took his seat. Immediately thereupon the contestants 
 nominated Thomas J. Barr, and, many voices approving, lie also took his seat 
 upon the platform, close to Mr. Delevan. The latter received, put and decided 
 motions by which Mr. George II. Purser and Thaddeus B. Glover were ap- 
 pointed temporary Secretaries. Messrs. Grazier and Cohen were thereupon 
 nominated for the same duty by the opposing parts . the motion for their appoinl 
 ment being- put by Barr, and decided in their favor by him. Things began to look 
 ridiculous or dangerous, as the spectators viewed them more or less seriously. 
 An animated discussion arose, and a motion was put. first by one chairman and 
 then by the other, that "only those should remain in the hall who held certificates 
 signed by two-thirds of the Inspectors." This motion was carried. The roll 
 being called, the ineligible quietly retired, fifty-eight of the sixty members remain- 
 ing with Delevan as Chairman. Another vote was then taken for Chairman, only 
 thirty in response voting. Mr. Barr refused to accept this vote, and retired with 
 his followers to the other side of the room and there formed a separate organiza- 
 tion, on the ground that parties remaining with Mr. Delevan had been allowed 
 to vote whose certificates had been signed only by a majority and not by all of the 
 Inspectors. Those remaining with Delevan elected him, with Messrs. Purser 
 and Glover as officers of the "regular" organization. Both parties then adjourned 
 to meet again at Tammany Hall on the 18th inst. Union was still hoped for, and 
 on the evening named Delevan and his friends met as usual in the committee 
 room with open doors, but Mr. Barr and his followers, instead of coming there, 
 met in a room public to all the guests of the hotel, and there perfected their 
 organization, adjourning to meet again at Tammany Hall on the 20th. 
 
 It was now time for the General Council to get in its fine work; a meeting 
 was called on the afternoon of the 10th; ten Sachems being present, after some 
 little discussion, the decision was rendered that the Delevan party was alone 
 entitled to the use of Tammany Hall; and also that no committee was to meet 
 until the 21st inst. It was this action of the Grand Council which had called 
 forth the criticism alluded to in the commencement of this chapter, and was the 
 occasion of the issuance of the formal address to the general "Brotherhood." 
 When the decision of the Council was made known, forty-one members had pub- 
 lished a call for a meeting hostile to what they deemed "the unprecedented 
 assumption of the Sachems." But they were not allowed to use the building. 
 Among these forty-one were Sachem Cornell, and Brothers West, Bogardus and 
 Connolly, and of these one had voted for the motion carried, as to certificates, 
 and the others had aided in procuring the action they now condemned. 
 
 At the authorized meeting of January 21st a permanent organization was 
 effected, Lorenzo Shepard being chosen chairman; Jacob F. Oakley, treasurer; 
 Thaddeus Glover and Abraham S. Vosburgh, secretaries. 
 
 This notable "Address," in closing, congratulates the Brotherhood on the 
 result of the recent Presidential election — that of Franklin Pierce. Tt is dated. 
 "At the Council Chamber of the Great Wigwam, at Manhattan, in the season of 
 
7 6 
 
 Snows, 2d Moon; in the sixty-fifth 
 seventy-seventh of Independence." 
 Signed by 
 
 Elijah F. Purely, 
 Andrew H. Mickle, 
 John Dunham, 
 Samuel Allen, 
 Charles A. Denike, 
 Thomas Dunlap, 
 
 year of the institution of the Society, and the 
 (New York, February 4, 1853.) 
 
 Jacob M. Vreeland. 
 Andre Fromont, 
 George S. Messerve 
 Wm. J. Brown, 
 Is. V. Fowler, 
 Stephen H. Feeks. 
 
 (Jeorge Messerve: Father of the Council. 
 Thomas K. Downey: Scribe. 
 
 These proceedings clearly show that the incorporated "Society of Tammany, 
 or the Columbian Order," are the legal owners and proprietors of the structure 
 known as Tammany Hall, and that the political organization which has for so 
 long had their headquarters there, are simply tenants at will of the old Society. 
 That they have a very secure tenure may be inferred from the fact that all, or very 
 nearly all, of the officers and members of the latter are also members of the politi- 
 cal party which is best known to the public as representing '■Tammany." 
 
 More recent events have shown that the practical control of Tammany Hall 
 still resides in the Sachems and officers of the incorporated organization. In 
 November, 1894, among some of the younger men there was considerable talk of 
 choosing leaders independently of the Sachems. One of the latter put the case 
 thus to an active malcontent: "Suppose that the young men should reorganize, 
 and that an attempt was made to reorganize us out of Tammany, what would 
 happen? Simply that the trustees of the Tammany Society would shut the same 
 young men out of Tammany Hall building. Yours would then be a guerrilla 
 organization and not Tammany Hall. Would it not?" That view of the case 
 effectually stopped the movement. 
 
ISAAC BELL. 
 
77 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 TAMMANY'S ATTITUDE DURING THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 URING the discussion of the situation preceding the outbreak 
 of the Civil War, Tammany, as we have noticed in the previ 
 ous chapter, did all that a political part) could do to preserve 
 the integrit) of the Union; bul when hostilities had com- 
 menced by the firing upon Fori Sumter, they promptly took 
 their place on the side of the Government; resolved, if the 
 Union could not be maintained by peaceable means, it must be preserved at any 
 eost, and by all the means in the hands of loyal men. 
 
 As illustrating the feelings, not only of the officers and leaders of the Society, 
 but as also expressing the state of mind of tin rank and tile of the members, we 
 cannot do better than give the programme of the proceedings of a meeting held 
 in the Wigwam on the Fourth of July, 1862. 
 
 The following is the official order of the day: 
 
 "I'll. Officers and Sachems are requested to meet at the old Wigwam at 11.30 A. M. 
 'I'll, doors of the large hall will be thrown open to the public at 12 M. precisely. 
 
 "From that hour until 1 P. M. the Sicilian brass band will play national airs. The 
 general exerdoefl will in- opened by the performance of an overture by the band. The 
 opening: address will be made by the Grand Sachem. Nelson J. Waterbury. Then follows 
 the National Hymn, "My Country, 'tis of Thee,' sung: by Colburn, assisted by twenty-four 
 picked boys, with piano accompaniment. The Declaration of Independence will then be 
 read by Brother George \V. McLean. Mr. Colburn will next sing the 'Red, White and 
 Blue,' with his chorus and accompaniment. The recitation of Eliza Cook's 'Ode to Wash- 
 ington' is next in order. One of the most stirring- songs of the time will then be given, led 
 bj .Mr. Colburn and chorus: 
 
 " The Drum-tap Rattles Through the Land.' 
 "the audience being invited to join in the chorus. Henry Morford, Esq.. will then read his 
 patriotic poem, entitled. 'Tammany and the Union.' written for the occasion. Then we 
 shall have a patriotic hymn, written by Grand Sachem Waterbury, entitled. 'Forever,' 
 sung by Colburn and his choristers. The Oration of the Day will be given by the Hon. 
 Charles P. Daly. 
 
 "The ceremonies to conclude with the singing of 'The Star Spangled Banner.' The 
 audience will rise and join in singing the chorus." 
 
 One would think that this was a pretty full programme for a hot July day, 
 but for some hundreds at least that was not the end of the festival. A few modest 
 lines at the foot of the programme read thus: "The Banquet Room will then be 
 thrown open where the Waters of the Great Spring will flow profusely, and 
 where distinguished brethren will respond to appropriate sentiments, and patriotic 
 songs will be given by an efficient glee club. 
 
 The Committee of Arrangements on this notable occasion was as follows: 
 
 Sachems John A. Dix, Elijah Purdy. Richard B. Connolly, P. B. Sweeney, J. 
 Kelly, Isaac Bell, James B. Nicholson, Daniel E. Delevan. Thomas Dunlap, 
 Edward Cooper. Douglas Taylor, C. C. Childs. J. E. Devlin. 
 
 Treasurer, George E. Baldwin: Sagamore, 0. S. Messerve; Scribe, Richard 
 Winnie; Wiskinkie, S. C. Duryea; Father of the Council, Henry Vandewater. 
 
 We give below the names of the Committee of Members of the Society, less 
 for its intrinsic interest than for the purpose of enabling those who still remember 
 the men of that period, to judge whether or not they compare favorably with the 
 average composition of such committees made up by other political parties. Cer- 
 tainly it would be difficult to find better or more patriotic men than the great 
 
78 
 
 majority of those to be found in this list of officers and members of the Tammany- 
 organization of 1862, or who, at least up to that period, stood on a level or above 
 the representatives of other political parties: 
 
 General Committee of the Tammany Society for 1862. 
 
 Daniel F. Tieman, 
 Emanuel B. Hart, 
 Andrew V. Stout, 
 M. T. Brennan, 
 Smith Ely, Jr., 
 Anthony L. Robertson, 
 James Murphy, 
 James Lynch, 
 C. Godfrey Gunther, 
 Andre Froment, 
 L. F. Harrison, 
 Andrew H. Green, 
 Thomas B. Tappan, 
 George G. Barnard, 
 John Y. Savage, Jr., 
 Charles J. Chipp, 
 John T. Hoffman, 
 John M. Barbour, 
 Thomas C. Fields, 
 William Miner, 
 Henry Hilton, 
 
 Henry L. Clinton, 
 Wm. M. Tweed. 
 'John T. Henry, 
 John S. Giles, 
 Samuel J. Tilden, 
 Josiah W. Brown, 
 Wm. H. Leonard, 
 Wm. J. Peck, 
 Thomas Byrnes, 
 John H. McCun.o, 
 Albert Cardoza, 
 Michael Connolly, 
 John Clancy, 
 George H. E. Lynch, 
 Robert C. Mclntyre, 
 Harvey F. Aubrey, 
 John Fitch, 
 John Eagan, 
 Peter Moneghan, 
 Jefferson Brown, 
 Joseph D. Baldwin. 
 
 David A. Fowler, 
 Thomas W. Adams, 
 Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., 
 Edward Sanford, 
 William B. Clarke, 
 Moses D. Gale, 
 Edmund L. Hearne, 
 A. T. Gallager, 
 William Murphy, 
 George Smith, 
 Walter Roche, 
 Aaron B. Rollins, 
 John R. Briggs, 
 Wilson G. Hunt, 
 William McMurray, 
 Frederick L. Vultee, 
 William J. Powers, 
 Ralph Bogart, 
 George W. McLean, 
 William C. Conner, 
 John Richardson, 
 Augustus Schell, 
 Grand Sachem— Nelson J. Waterbury, Secretary— George E. Childs. 
 
 On this occasion an unusual amount of decorations were indulged in, includ- 
 ing a great display of transparencies. General Jackson's portrait was draped with 
 the national colors. Washington, Lafayette, Jefferson, Polk, Clay and Webster 
 adorned the walls of the Wigwam. There were estimated to be over two thousand 
 persons present, more than the old hall could comfortably accommodate. The 
 Grand Sachem's address was steeped with patriotism. Among other remarks con- 
 cerning the spirit of the Tammany Society, he said: "Tammany, or the Colum- 
 bian Order, took root in the pure soil of the Revolutionary era, and still remains 
 true to the spirit of those early days, devoted now as then to our national 
 Constitution, to those principles of civil liberty upon which our government is 
 
 founded, and upon which alone it can be perpetuated There never 
 
 was a time when it was more incumbent upon every man who loves liberty, who 
 
 values the freedom of his country, to recall these principles We 
 
 are at a crisis when a wicked rebellion has raised its foul head to overthrow and 
 destroy the best government the world has ever known." Mr. Waterbury then 
 referred in somewhat passionate language to the unjust treatment of Gen. Geo. B. 
 McClellan, claiming that he had been willfully betrayed and his success imperiled 
 by Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, in the interest of the Republican party; 
 "but," he added, "If Gen. McClellan has been compelled to retreat in the face of a 
 force three to one against him, it is only the more important, the more incumbent 
 upon every friend of his country to rally to her support, and to do whatever he 
 can to give success to her cause, and to the brave men who are bound together 
 upon the battlefield to maintain it. We must do the President | Lincoln] of the 
 United States the justice to say that he has done well in overruling the proclama- 
 tions of Fremont and Hunter [prematurely anticipating the President's action in 
 giving freedom to the slaves]. There is no heart here, I am sure, which does not 
 
79 
 
 accept the following sentiment with the devotion of life itself: 'l he Union of these 
 States shall remain, now and forever, one and inseparable.' " This sentiment was 
 received with loud ami prolonged cheers. We select one verse from the Grand 
 Sachem's patriotic hymn, entitled "Forever," as showing not only the -pint uf tin- 
 author, but of the great Tammany meeting which so enthusiastically indorsed it. 
 The music was by the well-known American composer, George \V. Bristow, and 
 was rendered with great spirit by popular singers of the day. We select the 
 second verse as best expressing the predominant feeling of the hour: 
 
 "God bless our Union chain, 
 Each sacred link retain 
 
 Forever and forever. 
 With other links extend it, 
 Let treason never rend it. 
 From every foe defend It; 
 
 God bless the Union ever, 
 
 Forever and forever." 
 
 The following verses are from the song most popular in Tammany Hall at 
 that period: 
 
 "the drum-tap kattl.es through the land." 
 "The drum-tap rattles through the land. 
 
 The trumpet calls to arms; 
 A startled nation stands aghast. 
 
 Unused to war's alarms. 
 Ho! watchman on the outer wall. 
 
 What danger do you see? 
 'To arms! To arms!' the sentry cries, 
 'To arms! if you'd be free.' 
 
 'To arms! if you'd be free.' " 
 
 The intervening verses describe the assault on Fort Sumter, etc., and the 
 uprising of the people. The last verse is solemn in its earnestness: 
 
 "God speed our noble, gallant band, 
 
 Of heroes true and brave; 
 March on! march on! till o'er our land 
 
 The Stars and Stripes shall wave. 
 Great God of battles, bless our cause, 
 
 Bring peace from war's alarms; 
 Protect and guide us by Thy might 
 
 Till vict'ry crowns our arms. 
 
 Chorus— "To arms! To arms!" etc. 
 
 The orator of the day, Hon. Charles P. Daly, devoted considerable space to 
 the claims of Virginia, that her colonial stork was superior to that of New Eng- 
 land or New York, which he emphatically denied. At the close of the oration the 
 audience were pleasantly surprised by the entrance of General Hiram Walbridge, 
 who was received with enthusiastic cheers. After a brief speech, the General 
 proposed the following resolutions for the acceptance of the meeting: 
 
 "Whereas, The United States are engaged in suppressing a wicked and 
 infamous rebellion against the integrity of the Constitution and the stability of the 
 Union ; and 
 
 "Whereas, Continued intimations reach us of foreign intervention, the 
 Democracy of the city and county of New York, while commemorating the anni- 
 versary of the birth of our national existence, unanimously declare their adher- 
 ence, and, if necessary, the armed defense of the principles of the Monroe Doc- 
 trine, and resolve accordingly." 
 
 The third resolution reads as follows: 
 
 "Resolved, That actual interference by any foreign power will sow the north- 
 ern section of the hemisphere with the fabled dragon's teeth, and will bring forth 
 its full crop of armed men to resist them." 
 
So 
 
 These resolutions were unanimously adopted. 
 
 The General then proceeded to say: "One year ago I stood here and read 
 to you the President's call for six hundred thousand men. A year has transpired 
 and Tammany has been vindicated.* But there is no sacrifice too great, none 
 which we should not most cheerfully make in order to help the Government at 
 this moment. We want more troops, more money ; and we must all be ready for 
 every sacrifice, and above all to effectively resent all foreign interference." 
 
 In the banquet-room, Mr. August Belmont responded to a toast regretting 
 the war, and hoping for speedy peace. Judge Hilton responded to the toast, 
 "George Washington, may his name, with that of Jefferson and Jackson, ever be 
 talismanic within this hall." In responding to the toast "Thomas Jefferson," 
 Gen. Walbridge reverted to the theme he had broached in the Wigwam; he said: 
 "If intervention must come, let it come. Relying upon our own strong arms, we 
 will implore the God of battles to smile upon us, as upon our fathers in the dark 
 days of the Revolution; and we will enter upon the contest, determined that here 
 Liberty shall build her last entrenchment, and that we shall fight until we spill 
 the last drop of our blood, in maintaining and preserving free representative, 
 constitutional government, from the grasping avarice or ambition of any foreign 
 invaders." 
 
 The Grand Sachem then gave the toast, "The Union, the glorious arch that 
 spans our national horizon, may no Pleiad ever be lost from its constellation." 
 To this Henry L. Clinton responded: "The Union," he said, "must and shall bo 
 preserved," pointing at the same time to the portrait of President Jackson, the 
 original framer of the phrase. The reference to Jackson as the author of this 
 apropos sentiment was received with great enthusiasm. After the prolonged 
 cheering had subsided. Mr. Clinton resumed. "It is," he said, "no small consola- 
 tion, for every fair and consistent Democrat, to reflect that the Democratic party 
 had done all in its power to avert the dreadful catastrophe; but now, the energetic 
 prosecution of the war was an imperative duty." 
 
 To the toast, "The Constitution," R. B. Connolly spoke; and to "Our 
 Nationality," Hon. Charles P. Daly. To the sentiment, "Abraham Lincoln," the 
 Grand Sachem, Elijah F. Purdy (whose well-known sobriquet was the "old War- 
 horse of the Democracy") responded. He said he was so unused to speaking in 
 praise of any one not a Democrat that he felt strange at the toast awarded him; 
 and he added, "I am at a loss to express what is really due to the Chief Magis- 
 trate, who is always to be respected, but I can assure President Lincoln, that as 
 long as he conducts this war for the suppression of the rebellion and the 
 supremacy of the law, to restore the Union, and maintain the Constitution, he 
 will always find a hearty response and cordial support from Democrats, and par- 
 ticularly from those of Tammany Hall." 
 
 Other toasts followed: to Gen. George B. McClellan. to the Navy, to the 
 State, the City, the Press, to Our Countrywomen, all of which were ably responded 
 to, but we have aimed only to give sufficient of the remarks made, to indicate the 
 spirit animating the gathering of "the braves," and need not follow the proceed- 
 ings farther. It was a great and enthusiastic patriotic meeting, long remembered 
 by those who had the good fortune to be present. 
 
 • Referring to the regiment raised by the Tammany Society. 
 
COLONEL WILLIAM D. KENNEDY 
 
(II \ITKK X.WIII. 
 
 THE TAMMANY JACKSON GUARD;" OR, FORTY-SECOND VOLUN- 
 TEER REGIMENT OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. 
 
 S SOON' as the news of the attack upon Fori Sumter reached 
 
 New York City, Tammany Hall took immediate anion in 
 placing itself on the side of the I nionj and, at its own expense, 
 recruited, equipped and sent to the front a full regiment, the 
 Forty-second, whose record on many a bloody field is unsur- 
 passed by any other that fought under the Stars and Stripes 
 to the end of the war. 
 
 Its first Colonel was the Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society at the time 
 he received his commission as commander of the regiment. During the war, over 
 seven thousand men fought for the Union under Tammany's regimental banner, 
 and of these thousands less than five hundred returned home. < )f the original 
 twelve hundred, forming the first regiment sent into the field, only two hundred 
 and fifty returned. Colonel Kennedy, like Vosburg and Ellsworth, did not 
 live to command the regiment in battle, for he died of an illness brought on by 
 over-exertion in behalf of his charge, in July of 1861. By the middle of June the 
 Tammany regiment had enlisted one thousand one hundred men, but. when just 
 ready to start, word was received from Washington "that they had men enough," 
 but it was suggested that the regiment be held together until further notice. This 
 was the, illusive period of the inexperienced statesman rule, when Secretary 
 Seward thought the war would be ended in "sixty days." The Tammany regi- 
 ment, to the great disappointment of officers and men, was temporarily quartered 
 at Great Neck, Long Island, where they were supplied with arms, and received 
 drill instruction, for which purpose an officer was detailed from West Point. The 
 importance of accurate instruction in the use of arms and other military tactics 
 was not at first so thoroughly appreciated as later on in the struggle. 
 
 Before leaving Long Island for Washington, the regiment was presented with 
 the national colors; a regimental standard with State arms, and a guidon bearing 
 the arms of the Tammany Society. 
 
 The presentation was made by Grand Sachem Elijah F. Purdy, who was at 
 this time chairman of the General Committee of Tammany Hall, on behalf of a 
 Joint Committee appointed to this duty by the Society. The flags were received 
 on the part of the regiment by Colonel Kennedy, who briefly and appropriately 
 responded, expressing hearty thanks of himself, his officers and men. An elegant 
 pistol was presented to the gallant Colonel by George W. Roome, and a splendid 
 sword and sash by John Clancy. These were the gifts of personal friends. The 
 Colonel then led the delegates through the open ranks of the regiment, which was 
 pronounced to be equal to the best yet organized at the North; and the state- 
 ment was freely made that there were very few which showed such excellent 
 material in physical appearance. , 
 
 One of the saddest losses, early in the history of this regiment, was the pre- 
 mature death of their Colonel, William D. Kennedy, who had been one of the 
 
82 
 
 most enthusiastic advocates for raising the regiment. When the proposition to 
 do so was first made in a meeting at Tammany Hall, the query was put, "If we 
 raise a regiment, who will command it?" "I will," answered the Grand Sachem, 
 "if a better commander does not offer." And from that moment all his thoughts, 
 time and energy were directed to this object, and success came rapidly as to the 
 enlistment of recruits; then came the delay at Great Neck; the care of hundreds 
 of men in camp, only a few miles from the city; the ambition to turn out well- 
 drilled men; the constant desire, thrown back, to start to the front. Colonel 
 Kennedy knew no rest, but the unwonted physical exertion, and of such a novel 
 nature, was paid for by a fatal penalty. 
 
 The regiment reached Washington on the third Saturday of July, 1861. 
 Colonel Kennedy, though very unwell, persisted in keeping at the head of his 
 men when marching through the hot streets of Washington to the camp-ground 
 assigned to them. Eventually compelled to retire for rest, he never rallied, but 
 passed away, without having been allowed the satisfaction of a single encounter 
 with the enemy.* 
 
 On receiving the news of their loss, a special meeting of the General Com- 
 mittee was held at their room in Tammany Hall, on the 24th of July, 1861, where 
 resolutions of regret for their own loss and condolence with his family were 
 passed, not in a merely perfunctory style, but, as those who were present will 
 remember, with a sorrowful tenderness of sympathy and sincere regret which it 
 would be difficult to find exceeded on any similar occasion. Not content with 
 verbal expressions only, the committee issued a memorial pamphlet, recording 
 Colonel Kennedy's service in raising the Forty-second Regiment, and his virtues 
 as a man and a citizen, as well as a high officer of the Tammany Society. This 
 printed memorial is signed: 
 
 Elijah F. Pukdv, Chairman. 
 
 John Hardy and A. B. Rollins, Secretaries. 
 
 This Forty-second Regiment was by no means the only one raised by Demo- 
 crats, who either were, had been, or became Tammany men. Fernando Wood 
 raised another, of which John S. Cocks was Colonel, though at this particular 
 time Mr. Wood was the leader of the Mozart faction — truants from Tammany. 
 Then there was the Sickles Brigade, filled with Tammany men ; in fact, it was 
 hard to find a regiment raised in the City of New York during the war in which 
 there were not many — especially was this true of the brigade raised by General 
 Francis B. Spinola. 
 
 Among other Tammany men active in promoting recruiting may be named 
 John Clancy, editor of the Leader, Judge Moses D. Gale, Colonel Thomas Dun- 
 lap, Colonel Delevan, Mr. Peter Bowc, Douglas Taylor, Alderman Charles E. 
 Loew, Nelson J. Waterbury, Isaac Bell, Casper C. Childs, C. L. Monel, John 
 Houghtaling and others. 
 
 It was at the battle of Ball's Bluff, in which the Tammany Regiment was 
 engaged, when General Baker fell, that Colonel Cogswell ordered liis brigade to 
 cut their way through to Edward's Ferry. In this brigade was a Tammany com- 
 
 * The "Kennedy Post," ('.. A. K., named in his honor, still keeps alive his revered, 
 memory In the City of New York. 
 
83 
 
 pany, headed bj Captain ["imothy O'Meara tn the commencement oi the 
 engagement O'Meura had placed by the side of the Stars and Stripes the green 
 Sag of liis native isle. The twin emblems seemed to inspire the men of tliis par- 
 ticular company with redoubled energy and intrepidity, and they charged upon 
 the enemy with terrible effect: nor did they give way till all hopes were dead. 
 Colonel Cogswell and Captain I >'Mcara were captured, and shared all the horrors 
 of rebel captivity 
 
 At the battle of Antietam the Tanimam Regiment losl one hundred and 
 eighty killed, wounded and missing, out of tun hundred and eighty who went 
 into the battle. The regiment had to he refilled several times by new enlistments. 
 In fact. Tammany llall kept up a permanent recruiting station while the war 
 lasted. 
 
 At Gettysburg Lieutenant Colonel William A. Lynch, a Tammany soldier, 
 seeing his color-sergeant shot down, and the men wavering under a terrible fire, 
 sprang from his horse, tore the standard from the hands of the dying sergeant, 
 and, bearing it to the head of his command, restored the temporarily flagging 
 hopes of his regiment. This brave man was in many battles, but survived the 
 war. The Forty-second, or Tammany Regiment, was mustered into the service 
 of the United States June 22-28, 1861, and was mustered out on the 13th of 
 July, 1864. Those who chose to remain in the military service, with all the new 
 recruits were transferred to the Eighty-second N. Y. Volunteers. 
 
 The official record of the service of the Tammany Regiment in the archives 
 of the Adjutant-General's office at Albany is the most honorable. The Tammany 
 Jackson Guards were in the thick of the fight at the battles of Ball's Bluff, York- 
 town, West Point, Ya.. (ilendale, Malvern Hill, Antietam, Fredericksburg, 
 Gettysburg, etc. After the battle of Gettysburg, on the second day of the fight, 
 the entire weight of the rebel army was thrown against the Second Corps — Gen- 
 eral Hancock's — in which was the Tammany Regiment. In Townsend's valuable 
 work entitled, "The Honors of the Empire State in the War of the Rebellion," 
 he thus describes the scene: "This devoted corps [Hancock's] bore the brunt of 
 the onslaught and merits the honor of the victory. Pickett's splendid division 
 of Longstreet's Confederate Corps came on in front with the best of Hill's 
 veterans supporting them. When they were at blank-point range, came the order 
 for our troops to fire; then from eighteen thousand guns issued a sheet of smoky 
 flame — a crush of leaden death. The first of the Confederate lines literally 
 melted away, but the second came resolutely on. Pickett's division now thrust 
 itself up to the Union line, and the full strength of this attack fell upon the New 
 York City brigade, which included the Tammany troops." "The movement," 
 says the historian Swinton, "was certainly as critical as can well be conceived, but 
 the coolness and bravery of both officers and men caused the repulse and route of 
 the assailants: and with that repulse perished the last hope of Confederate vic- 
 tory." and in the grand result the Tammany Jackson Guards had its full share of 
 glory — and of loss. 
 
 We give here a few of the names of men of the Forty-second which have 
 received "honorable mention" or other official honors for heroic conduct under 
 fire: 
 
 Lieut. Thomas Abbott was honorably mentioned in Lieut. -Col. Mooney's 
 report of the battle of Ball's Bluff, also Major Peter Bowe in the same report. 
 
Col. Milton Cogswell was presented with a sword by the Common Council 
 of the City of New York, on the scabbard of which was inscribed these words, 
 which the recipient had used at the battle of Ball's Bluff, suiting the action to the 
 words: "Men, we'll cut our way through to Edward's Ferry." Colonel Henry 
 Harrington was also honorably mentioned for brave conduct at Ball's Bluff. 
 
 Col. Edward C. Charles was one of the noted heroes of White Oak Swamp, 
 where he was badly wounded and taken prisoner. 
 
 Private D. H. Morgan is commended in the official report as having volun- 
 teered to advance with the head of the column, and cut down the palisading, at 
 the time of the assault on Fort Fisher. These are but a few specimens among 
 hundreds of others showing the kind of material that did all their duty, and 
 more, at the seat of war, furnished by the much-vilified Tammany Hall. Let us 
 say of them in the words of the Rev. Henry W. Bellows: 
 
 "Rest patriots, rest 
 Rest within the bosom of that earth 
 Thou didst so much to make 
 A more worthy residence for thy fellow men." 
 
85 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 THE SOLDIER POET OF THE WAR. 
 
 HARM'S GRAHAM HALPINE was among the ardent 
 lovers <>f liberty who naturally gravitated towards Tammany 
 Hall, and who made a record for himself in aiding to preserve 
 the union of these States, though not a native of the soil. lie 
 came to this country in 1852, and after some experience in 
 Boston and elsewhere, settled in New York, and became 
 known before the war as an able journalist, a gifted poet, a genial member of 
 society, and he only awaited the opportunity to prove himself a brave and 
 accomplished soldier. Early in his New York career he was attached to the 
 editorial staff of the Times newspaper, for which he wrote the famous "Nicaragua 
 Letters" during the Walker filibustering expedition. The Times was then under 
 the editorial control of the late Henry J. Raymond. Later Mr. Halpine became 
 part proprietor and editor of the New York Leader. I lis associate in this venture 
 was the well-known John Clancy. When Mr. Halpine took hold of this paper it 
 had but a meagre circulation, which might be counted by hundreds only, but 
 under the attraction of the new editor's forcible papers and the improved make-up 
 of reading matter, the circulation rapidly increased, until it reached 1 1,000. Its 
 influence was marked, and for a while it seemed destined to become the most 
 popular paper in the city. But Mr. Halpine withdrew from the concern and the 
 charm seemed to go with him. Subsequently this man of versatile talents was 
 connected with the Herald, and also contributed to magazines and other periodi- 
 cals, apparently possessing the capacity to turn off unlimited quantities of any 
 sort of literary matter, prose or poetry, just as the occasion demanded. He was 
 thoroughly Democratic in his principles, though his writings were not limited to 
 publications of that party. 
 
 When the war broke out Mr. Halpine promptly enlisted in the Sixty-ninth 
 New York Infantry, abandoning, without hesitation, all his literary engagements, 
 and the fairest prospects of success, to fight for the preservation of his adopted 
 country. His unusual mental mobility enabled him to grasp military ideas with 
 ease, and to so thoroughly adapt himself to the novel circumstances in which 
 he found himself placed that he was almost immediately promoted to a position 
 on the staff of General Hunter as Assistant Adjutant-General with the rank of 
 Major. He accompanied General Hunter to Missouri on his expedition to relieve 
 Fremont, performing very onerous and responsible duties on the occasion. 
 Later he was transferred to the division of Major-General Halleck, with whom 
 his duties were by no means lightened. Mr. Halpine was one of the few civilians 
 whom the West Point men admitted to be an able executive officer. 
 
 It was while he was stationed at Hilton Head that he assumed the name of 
 "Miles O'Reilly," thus personating the name of a fictitious private of the Forty- 
 seventh New York Volunteers. Many of his effusions under this nom de phone 
 were very amusing, with a strong shade of sarcasm interwoven: but the best of 
 
86 
 
 r 
 all, considered as a literary product, was a poem of considerable length on the 
 proposition to raise a monument to the "Irish Legion," so many of whom lost 
 their lives in the Union cause. The entire poem is too long for insertion here. 
 but we give one noble verse, sufficient to show the style and spirit. Speaking of 
 them as aliens by birth, received, as all foreigners at that date were, with cordial 
 hospitality, he says: 
 
 "Welcomed they were with generous hand. 
 
 And to that welcome nobly true. 
 When war's dread tocsin filled the land. 
 With sinewy arm and swinging brand, 
 
 These exiles to the rescue flew; 
 Their fealty to the flag they gave. 
 
 And for the Union, daring death, 
 Foremost among the foremost brave, 
 They welcomed victory and the grave, 
 
 In the same sigh of parting breath." 
 
 Although Mr. Halpine's military services were so fully recognized by both 
 General Hunter and General Halleck, the Secretary of War persistently ignored 
 his merits and his just claims to promotion, leaving him, when peace was pro- 
 claimed, with the simple rank of Major. Was it because he was a Tammany man.'* 
 No other cause was ever assigned. Certainly he had been actively influential on 
 the General Committee of that old Democratic society; but surely Tammany had 
 done its duty, and its full share, even more than its share, in sustaining the Union 
 forces in the field. And Major Halpine himself was one proof of it. 
 
 For a short period after his return to New York he acted as a member of 
 Gen. Dix's staff, assisting that Commander in arresting a horde of bounty 
 swindlers, who had infested New York during the latter period of the war. This 
 was his last military service. He quietly resumed his literary occupations, and 
 political affiliations. But he did not find all of these working to his satisfaction. 
 One of the parties whom he immediately antagonized was Fernado Wood, a man 
 who had in many respects failed to keep the confidence once reposed in him by 
 a large and effective following. The "Citizens' Association" then existing for 
 the especial purpose of securing some municipal reforms, was fortunate in secur- 
 ing Major Halpine as editor of their paper, which they called The Citizen. Of 
 this sheet he shortly after became sole proprietor, and through its influence 
 mainly was built up the organization known for a limited time as the Democratic 
 Union. This paper he edited until his death, which occurred in August, 1868. 
 Honest in every fibre of his being, with talents so varied that he had scarcely a 
 peer among his professional contemporaries, he was personally a man universally 
 liked. Tt was with deep sorrow that thousands of his fellow citizens bade a final 
 adieu to the patriot, poet, and brave soldier, on that oppressive summer day. 
 
COLONEL, THOMAS DL'NLAP. 
 
87 
 
 CHAPTER KXX. 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD. 
 
 \" I >l VIDUALS of strong character have always had consider- 
 ahle influence in, or on, Tammany Hall, when their talents 
 were exerted in aid or in opposition to that Society. Among 
 many eminently picturesque figures who have at times been 
 supported by and affiliated with Tammany, and again have 
 violently opposed that association, there has been no more 
 striking figure than that of Fernando Wood, three times elected Mayor of New 
 York, and the leader of the Mozart 1 [all faction, one of the strongest associations 
 ever made up of disaffected Tanunam ites. 
 
 Mayor Wood is probably best remembered in New York for the curious 
 position which he assumed at the outbreak of the Civil War. He came to this 
 city from Philadelphia in 1820, and, though in mercantile business, soon began to 
 interest himself in politics. . In 1839 he was Chairman of a young men's political 
 organization, and in 1840 was elected to Congress, on the Democratic ticket, 
 serving until 1843, when he was nominated for Mayor of New York by his 
 friends, who thought him the strongest man to overcome the combined forces of 
 Whigs and Know-Nothings. He was, however, defeated by them. Nominated 
 again for that office, in 1845, he was elected, and immediately commenced to 
 bring order out of the demoralized condition of the city government, which had 
 been for some time in incompetent hands, and lacked system. He vastly im- 
 proved the methods, and devised many improvements in municipal management. 
 His efforts were very generally appreciated, so that he was re-elected, in [856, by 
 the combination of the "better element" of both Whigs and Democrats. He was 
 too able a man to be used by the corrupt conspirators then in their incipiency, he 
 could not be made a tool of, and was shrewd enough to suspect them, but had not 
 'the means to effectually oppose them; he was in a measure forced out of the 
 Wigwam, where he had been a leading spirit, and organized what was afterwards 
 known as the "Mozart Hall wing" of the Democracy. Two years later Tam- 
 many and Mozart Hall, together, controlled five-sevenths of all the votes cast in 
 the city. 
 
 The most exciting episode in Mayor Wood's public career occurred in 1857. 
 During the winter session of the Legislature, at Albany, of 1856-57. a bill was 
 passed depriving the Mayor of the City of Xew York of all control over the 
 Police Department — the alleged cause being that Mr. Wood had used that body 
 for partisan political service. Acting upon the advice of the Corporation Counsel 
 and of Charles O'Connor, the Mayor determined to resist the imposition of the 
 Metropolitan Police upon the City of Xew York, by what he deemed the usurped 
 authority of the Legislature. The Mayor of the city, for two hundred years, had 
 exercised the prerogative of control over the Department of Police, and Mr. 
 Wood and his advisers believed the bill which took away this function was uncon- 
 stitutional (which lawyers still believe). At this time the Chief of Police in New 
 
88 
 
 York was the somewhat renowned George W. Matsell, an extremely efficient 
 officer, as well as an active Democratic politician. He had organized the existing 
 force of police and had got them in fine working order, and was naturally 
 incensed at the interference of the Albany politicians. He valiantly came to the 
 support of the Mayor, in defiance of the Metropolitan intruders. Wood and 
 Matsell, with their voluntary followers, entrenched themselves in the City Hall. 
 Here they were besieged by the newly appointed Metropolitan Police Force, who 
 attacked the City Hall on the 16th of June, but were ignominously repulsed. 
 
 The affair began to look serious, and a riot would almost inevitably have 
 followed had not the military authorities ordered out the militia, who threatened 
 to arrest Mayor Wood, on behalf of the State. A parley and armistice followed, 
 both parties agreeing to abide the decision of the Court of Appeals as to the con- 
 stitutionality of the Act establishing the Metropolitan Police. On appeal, a 
 majority of the Court decided against the Mayor. At the next election for 
 Mayor, Wood was defeated, but he soon regained his popularity. He was again 
 chosen to' that office in 1859 and in 1861. 
 
 In this eventful period Mayor Wood took an extraordinary attitude. He 
 proposed that New York City and suburbs should secede, not from the Union, 
 not to join the Confederacy, but to create a new political division. 1 lis idea was 
 ' to unite the city with Long Island and Staten Island — neither of which had shown 
 any inclination in that direction — and that these geographical units should 
 coalesce, under the name of Tri-Insular, and proclaim themselves an independent 
 State, thus dividing this section of New York from the old State. His action was 
 untimely. 
 
 The Tammany Society, which was always loyal to the Union, repelled this 
 idea with scorn, and at the first opportunity threw Wood over, electing John T. 
 Hoffman the next Mayor of the city. This wild dream of Wood's brought him 
 into great disfavor at that time, so critical for the Union. He went abroad for a 
 year, when this freak seemed to have been forgotten, and, on his return, he was 
 elected to Congress, where he remained from 1863 to 1865, and was again chosen 
 in 1867. The Mozart faction finally joined "the M'Keon Democrats," or most 
 of them did so, some going over to the "People's Party," others into "Citizen's 
 Committees," etc., making different combinations, such, for instance, as elected 
 Godfrey C. Gunther Mayor. After two defeats from rival Democratic factions, 
 Tammany once more rallied and regained its old supremacy. Mr. Wood was 
 very anxious for what he called vindication, and published a card in the papers 
 to the effect that his desires for re-election to Congress was solely for the purpose 
 of a public refutation of the calumnies heaped upon him by his enemies. There- 
 upon, in response, appeared the following from the pen of one of the ready 
 poetasters of the day: 
 
 "The royal prince who reigns in hell 
 
 Has been maligned In various matters, 
 And now would have the people tell 
 
 How silly they regard such clatters. 
 
 "He asks your votes; 'tis not for pelf, 
 
 But to rebuke all saints and sages, 
 Who say th*> archangels and himself 
 
 Have itot been crJT.ies through all ages." 
 
8o 
 
 On Madison Square, in Now York, there stands a monument to General 
 Worth, of the United States Army. It was erected under the Mayoralty of 
 Fernando Wood, and, therefore, very properly, his name was inscribed on one 
 side of it. When Mayor Wood fell into disfavor, a subsequent Common Council 
 had the puerile idea of erasing his name from this memorial stone, and actually 
 did so, substituting, in its place, the rather trite phrase, "Honor the Brave." 
 Mr. Wood was not lacking in bravery himself, as his defiance of the State authori- 
 ties proved. Mr. Wood died in Washington in February, 1881. 
 
9 o 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 ^ "PEACE" MEETING-AFTER THE WAR. 
 
 HEN peace had at last been concluded and the results of the war 
 had been to some extent realized, 1865-66, the Tammany peo- 
 ple were, above all, anxious that the "dead past bury its dead." 
 Though they missed many from their numbers who had fallen 
 facing the foe, or in the dreary prisons of the South as 
 prisoners of war, there was no rancor in their hearts against 
 the "erring sister States," as the speeches and resolutions at their annual cele- 
 bration witnessed in July of 1866. Over the platform in the Wigwam was 
 conspicuously placed the bust of Washington draped with the American flag, and 
 above it the mottos: 
 
 "One Country— One Constitution— One Destiny: 17 76—1866.' 
 On one side was a panel bearing these words: "The Tammany Society, 
 founded in 1789; in its very foundation identified with the establishment of the 
 Union. Ever faithful to its obligations; she has added another proof of her 
 devotion, by sending forth her sons to protect and maintain it." On the opposite 
 panel were these words: 
 
 "The Democratic party: upon its union and success, depend the future of 
 the Republic. He who would seek to lower its standard of patriotism and prin- 
 ciples, or to divide its councils, is an enemy to the country." 
 
 Around the hall were placed busts of Jackson, Clay, Webster and Franklin, 
 with decorations and patriotic mottos. One of these was draped in mourning. 
 It contained these words and names: 
 
 "To the memory of the departed braves: 
 Shepard, Froment, 
 
 *Vosburg, Connor, 
 
 Purdy, Kennedy, 
 
 Clancy." 
 
 An address on this memorable occasion was delivered by the Grand Sachem, 
 Hoffman, who was at that time Mayor of the city. In the course of his remarks 
 he said: "During the years of fearful struggle through which the nation has just 
 passed, old Tammany was thrown wide open as a recruiting place for a class of 
 patriots who were willing to imperil their lives, as well as to talk for their country. 
 Brave men went forth from here, who either died upon the battle field or have 
 returned after an honorable discharge, some whole and well, others with shattered 
 health, or crippled limbs, but all ready to renew their efforts, and to vote for the 
 speedy restoration of that Union for which they hazarded their lives. 
 
 * This unique and beautiful monument to Col. Vosburg is in Greenwood Cemetery, 
 near the tall shaft erected to the memory of the Volunteer Soldiers of N. T. The Iron 
 fence enclosing the lot is composed of muskets in reversed position. 
 
oi 
 "Tammany Hall, true to its ancienl record, never faltered in ite devotion to 
 
 the Constitution; and, now that peace lias rniiic, it demands that with peace shall 
 
 also come 'good will to man.'" Mr. Hoffman then went on to argue that the 
 eleven States, having abandoned the here.sy of secession, should he allowed im- 
 mediate representation in Congress, without am lingering term of probation, 
 being kept out only for the sake of radical partisans perpetuating their political 
 power. "No one can doubt the practical patriotism of this Society," continued 
 
 the orator, "which has shown its faith b\ its deeds. Among others was that 
 noble brother, William Kennedy, who went forth as the leader of our Tammany 
 Regiment, and died its representative. Before he went he joined us in placing 
 in front of the old Wigwam, in bold letters, Jackson's motto: 'The Union, it 
 must and shall be preserved.' Then there was that whole-souled brother and late 
 Grand Sachem, Elijah F. Purdy, who died a few months before the close of the 
 war, who did excellent service in the same righteous cause, with others too 
 numerous to mention." 
 
 At the close of this thrilling address, a long poem, amusing and satirical, was 
 read, and another by Charles F. ( >lney, dedicated to the Tammany Society. In 
 fact, the Tammanyites seem never to have been lacking either for orators or 
 poets. Mr. Richard O'Gorman, who made a "long talk," commenced by address- 
 ing bis audience as "Brothers of the Eagle Tribe." This, we think, was a rhetori- 
 cal error. The Eagle being the symbol of the United States, could not properly be 
 adopted by a fraction only. Undoubtedly, the insignia of the second tribe, the 
 Tiger, as expounded by the great Chief Tammany himself, is the original 
 genuine symbol of the Columbian ( )rder, and has been so regarded for over a 
 century. 
 
 The orator then raised his musical, but Cassandra-like voice, in pessimistic 
 threatenings as to the near future of the nation's fate. I [e said: "I warn you that 
 the Republic is still in danger. The worst of the storm has, indeed, blown over. 
 The ship of State still rides, a proud and gallant sight; but I think she has 
 •escaped, more by Cod's good providence than by good steering, the Scylla of 
 Secession; but she is drifting, slowly but surely, into the Charybdis of Centraliza- 
 tion. Can her course lie changed? Is there time still to put her head about and 
 to escape the dangers ahead? Have you ever thought what centralization really 
 means?* Look back ten or twelve years. Then we in New York scarcely felt the 
 finger of the Federal Government; it carried our letters, collected certain import 
 duties to meet the expenses of the Government, which were trifling; for all other 
 purposes the law of the State of New York was sufficient and supreme. The 
 finger of the Federal Government is now stronger than the arm of the State. We 
 have now let loose on us a cloud of assessors, collectors of taxes. Federal officials 
 of all sorts, prying into every man's transactions, questioning, informing, gather- 
 ing up the fruit of our industry and pouring it into the central reservoirs at Wash- 
 ington, from which it flows and percolates in corrupting stearins from end to end 
 of the land." With much more in the same line of thought did Mr. O'Gormau 
 continue to expound the views and feelings of the extreme pessimists, so unusual 
 a tone in Tammany Hall. He also expressed his own and the dissatisfaction of 
 many others with the delay in the readjustment measures in Congress, which 
 kept the Southern States in a condition of but semi-Union with the victorious 
 North. He argued that an injury or injustice to any one, or any number of the 
 
States, was an injury to all. "It can never be well with New York," he said, 
 "while it is ill with South Carolina or Tennessee." The sentiment thus plainly 
 expressed was the feeling of nearly all Democrats, whether within or outside of 
 Tammany Hall. At the close of the meeting-, ex-Judge Pierrepont offered the 
 following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That when ws entered upon the late war, when we put our money, our 
 lives, our reputation in the contest to put down the rebellion, we did it for the sake of 
 preserving the Uni.m, and not for keeping the States out of the Union." This resolution 
 was adopted unaimously. 
 
 To prove that these sentiments in favor of prompt reconstruction, were 
 shared by the larger minded men of even the Republican party, we give a few 
 specimen letters, out of many others, showing a wide and discriminating sympathy 
 in the feeling exhibited by Mr. O'Gorman. Of course, those who had participated 
 personally in the war, and had met these Southern soldiers face to face, were far 
 more inclined to conciliation than the platform patriots, who had taken excellent 
 care to keep out of harms way. 
 
 Letter from William H. Seward. 
 
 July 2d. 1866. 
 Executive Mansion. 
 "To Hon. John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society or Columbian Order- 
 
 "Dear Sir— I have the honor to receive your invitation to participate in the celebration 
 of the National Independence on the approaching 4th c-f July. T am highly pleased with 
 the form of the invitation. I like the motto which is placed at its head. 'The Union must 
 and shall be preserved.' I like the vignette which illustrates it. I like the associated hues- 
 with which it is colored, namely, the red, white and blue. I like the Temple of Liberty 
 upon the rock of the Constitution and protected by the Eagle of the American continent. 
 I like the ships and the railroads, indicative of prosperity and progress. I like the signifi- 
 cant conjunction of dates, 1776 — 1866, a period of ninety years. ... I have had some 
 differences with Tammany in my time, but I long ago forgot them all, when I recalled 
 the fact that the Society has never failed to observe and honor the Anniversary of our 
 National Independence, and the further fact that during the recent Civil War the Tam- 
 many Society sent its sons to fight for the Union, and with unwavering fidelity heartily 
 supported the Federal Government in its struggles with sedition. In view of these facts, 
 I hail the Tammany Society as a true Union League. ... I believe, with the Tam- 
 many Society, that the Union was created to be perpetual; that the States are equal 
 under the Constitution, and that the restoration of that Unity, disturbed by the recent 
 war, ought to be acknowledged and recognized by all the departments of the Federal 
 Government; that a spirit of magnanimity and fraternity should prevail in all our 
 councils, and that the South, having accepted the lessons of the war and relinquished the- 
 heresies of secession, should, just so far as she comes in the attitude of loyalty and quali- 
 fied Representatives, be admitted to her Constitutional Representation. I want, hence- 
 forth and forever, no North, no South, no East, no West — no divisions, no sections, no 
 classes, but one united and harmonious people. 
 
 "What I have written, I trust, will satisfy the Society that in spirit I shall always be 
 with them when they shall be engaged in renewing and fortifying the National Union. 
 
 "I have the honor to be 
 
 "Tour very obedient servant, 
 
 "William II. Seward." 
 
 Letter from General Grant. 
 
 "IlFADQtJRTERS OF THE ARMY OF THE U. S., 
 
 "Washington, D. C, June 28, 1866. 
 "To Hon. John T. Hoffman, Mayor of New York, and Grand Sachem of the Tammany 
 Society. 
 
 "Sip — Lieutenant-General Grant directs me to acknowledge receipt of an invitation 
 from the Tammany Society to take part in their celebration of the approaching Anniver- 
 Bary of American Independence, and his regret that a previous engagement will oblige him 
 to decline the honor. 
 
 "Adam Bedeau, 
 "Brevet-Colonel and Military Secretary." 
 
93 
 
 Un the da} upon which the ceremonj of laying the cornei stone of Presi 
 dent Grant's tomb, at Riverside Park, in New Vork, was performed by Presidenl 
 Harrison (April 27, [892), the morning papers printed the following item: "A 
 special meeting of Tammany Sachems was held at the Wigwam yesterday after- 
 noon. General Horace Porter and General Daniel Butterfield appeared in 
 behalf of the Granl Monument Association. Both spoke of the readiness which 
 the Tammany Society had always shown in taking part in public enterprises, and 
 asked their co operation in erecting the monument. The Sachems, on motion of 
 Mr. Croker, appropriated $5,000 for the Monument Fund." 
 
 "Washington, July, 1866. 
 "To Hon, John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem, Tammany Society or Columbian Order." 
 "Gentlemen of the Committee Of Tammany Society or Columbian Order: 
 
 "I have received your invitation to participate in your celebration of the National 
 Anniversary. 
 
 "To the honor of your Society it has in all times and under all circumstances, in war 
 and peace, been faithful to the union of the States and the rights of the States. At no 
 period since its organization have its teachings and services been more required than at 
 the present time, when the victorious arms of the Republic, having suppressed the false 
 theory that the Union can be divided by secession or the voluntary withdrawal of a State 
 from its Federal relations and obligations, we are now compelled to encounter the opposite 
 extreme of compulsory exclusion, by which the centralists deny to eleven States representa- 
 tion in Congress, which is guaranteed them by the Constitution. The doctrine of compul- 
 sory exclusion is scarcely less offensive than that of voluntary secession. Each is fatal to 
 the perpetuity of the Union. I respond most sincerely to the correct and patriotic views 
 expressed in your invitation. I respectfully submit the following sentiment: 
 
 " 'The union of the States only to be maintained by a faithful observance of the rights 
 of the States.' 
 
 "Gideon Wells. 
 (Secretary of Navy under Lincoln.) 
 
 We might fill this volume with letters of similar tenor, if that would add 
 effect to the sentiments so well expressed by these eminent Republicans, but must 
 content ourselves with giving a partial list of the names of distinguished men of 
 both parties and non-partisans who sympathized with the views of Tammany in 
 the matter of prompt reconstruction of the Southern States. 
 
 Many of these letters were read. Among the names our readers will recog- 
 nize some of the most influential and respected statesmen of the period: 
 
 President Andrew Johnson, Wm. H. Seward, 
 Gideon Wells, Secretary of State. 
 
 Secretary of Navy, Maj.-Gen. Grant, U. S. A., 
 
 Maj.-Gen. W. S. Hancock. Maj.-Gen. D. E. Sickles. 
 
 Maj.-Gen. W. B. Franklin. Maj.-Gen. D. N. Couch, 
 
 Brig.-Gen. Barry, U. S. A. Maj.-Gen. H. E. Davies, 
 
 Hon. Nelson Taylor, Hon. J. P. Stockton, 
 
 ■ Hon. Tunis G. Bergen, Hon. James Brooks, 
 
 Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, Hon. James De Peyster Ogden, 
 
 Hon. Washington Hunt, Hon. D. R. Floyde Jones, 
 
 Hon. Meyer Strouse, Hon. R. W. Beckham, 
 
 Hon. Francis Kernan, Hon. Edwin Crosswell, 
 
 Hon. James F. Pierce, W. B. Lawrence, Esq., 
 
 Hon. B. F. Delano, H. A. Nelson, Esq., 
 
 J. K. Hackett, J. S. Bosworth, Esq., 
 
 Recorder City of N. Y.. Harmon S. Cutting, Esq., 
 
 W. F. Allen, Esq., Thos. B. Carroll, Esq.. 
 
 Wm. T. Odell, Esq., Richard Varick, Esq., 
 
 J. V. L. Pruyn, Esq., J. Vanderpooi, Esq. 
 James Maurice, Esq.. 
 
'A 
 
 Toward the close of the exercises the following resolution was presented by 
 Recorder Hackett: 
 
 "The Grand Sachem of the United States [Andrew Johnson], may he soon have at his 
 belt all the radical scalps— leaving them their brains; and before another Fourth of July- 
 may he assemble the whole nation around the Council Fire of Old Tammany and smoke 
 with them the Pipe of Peace." 
 
 This was passed amid much laughter and hearty cheers. It was then 
 announced that the Council of the Wigwam was closed for 1866. 
 
HORATIO SEYMOUR 
 
CHAPTER XXXII 
 
 HORATIO SEYMOUR. 
 
 side issues or 
 of Jeffersonian 
 
 ORATIO SEYMOUR, usuall) called "the War Governor," 
 
 was so closely affiliated with Tammany in sentiment and foil- 
 ing, and was also the nominee of the Society For ('resident in 
 1868, that we feel justified in making special notice of him 
 here, though his home was in the interior of the State. 
 Horatio Seymour was a representative Democrat, allowing no 
 temporary policies to divert him from the solid principles 
 Democracy, which he had adopted early in life. His first 
 entrance into official duties was in [835, when he became Military Secretary 
 to that staunch Democrat, William L. Marcy, which office he retained for six 
 years, or until he was elected to the Assembly in 1841. The following year he 
 was elected Mayor of Utica. His suburban estate at Deerfield being near that 
 enterprising city, he was soon again returned to the Asserhiblj . and thereafter was 
 kept almost constantly in some representative or official position. But our inter- 
 est in him centres mainly in the war period, and we omit the details of intervening 
 years. Standing on exact constitutional grounds, he was keenly alive to the 
 necessity of maintaining the Union at any cost. Particularly did he condemn the 
 action of those who made the election of Air. Lincoln an excuse for disloyalty. 
 At a Democratic ratification meeting held in Utica, on October 28, 1861, Mr. 
 Seymour, after expressing his very natural regret at the failure of his own party 
 to elect their candidate, said: "Mr. Lincoln was chosen in a constitutional man- 
 ner, and we wish, as a defeated organization, to show our loyalty by giving him a 
 just and generous support." 
 
 We next find him as an active member of the committee appointed by 
 Governor Edwin D. Morgan to raise troops in Oneida County; and he not only 
 freely gave of his valuable services to this patriotic object, but aided with sub- 
 stantial funds also. In September, 1862, the Democratic convention again 
 nominated him for Governor. (He had been Governor in 1852.) After a can- 
 vass, in which he asserted the right to criticise what appeared to him a wrong 
 policy ifl the administration of the government, while earnestly sustaining the 
 national authority, he was elected by a handsome majority over his able and 
 popular opponent, General James S. Wadsworth. There were not wanting 
 extremists at this time to charge Governor Seymour with disloyalty. His atti- 
 tude appeared to be wilfully misunderstood. It was certainly misrepresented. 
 Some of these rumors reached the ears of President Lincoln, who addressed a 
 letter to the Governor, on the 23d of March. 1863, gently suggesting that a per- 
 sonal pledge of loyalty from the Governor of New York would relieve him from 
 some embarrassment. Taking this communication in the right spirit from the 
 much tried and perplexed President, Mr. Seymour responded by sending his own 
 
9 6 
 
 brother to Washington to assure Mr. Lincoln of his loyal support, though 
 accompanying the assurance with a protest against certain arbitrary arrests which 
 had lately taken place. 
 
 In everything pertaining to the raising of troops Governor Seymour's 
 administration exhibited great, even conspicuous energy, and especially efficaci- 
 ous was it, when an enormous effort was made to meet General Lee's invasion of 
 Pennsylvania, in the early summer of 1863. On the 15th of June the Secretary of 
 War had telegraphed to Governor Seymour asking for help, and in less than three 
 days 12,000 State militia, "well-equipped and in good spirits" were on their way 
 to the capital of the threatened State. Governor Seymour's executive activity 
 was extraordinary. Both President Lincoln and Secretary Stanton sent him 
 their personal thanks for his prompt action. On July 2d, Governor Curtin, of 
 Pennsylvania, also sent to Governor Seymour for aid, and in two days still addi- 
 tional troops were sent to his relief. 
 
 It was while nearly all the available militia of New York City and State had 
 gone to the front that the "draft riots" occurred in the city. What greatly 
 excited the anger of the poorer people was the commutation clause, which pro- 
 vided that a drafted man might procure exemption by the payment of $300. This 
 seemed to many very unjust; as it practically relieved the richer class, while the 
 poor had no escape. There was also a discrimination against New York in the 
 quota required from the city. Governor Seymour endeavored to have this injus- 
 tice corrected, and also to secure a postponement of the draft; but was not able 
 to effect this in time to prevent the catastrophy which ensued. The draft began 
 on the nth of July, 1863. On the following day, being Sunday, the names of 
 those drafted were published, and the rioting began. The Governor reached the 
 city that night, and the next day he' issued two proclamations — one calling upon 
 all citizens to retire to their homes, and another declaring the city in a state of 
 insurrection. He then began enrolling volunteers to aid in restoring peace, and 
 in getting together the few remaining available troops. On Tuesday he 
 addressed the mob from the steps of the City Hall, his main object being to 
 persuade the rioters to disperse, and so to gain time for the concentration of the 
 force he was collecting to secure order. 
 
 In its issue of Wednesday the Tribune charged Governor Seymour with 
 having addressed the mob as "My Friends." If this had been true, and he had 
 done so with the intent of securing their attention, this conventional phrase would 
 have been quite justifiable. Rut, in fact, he did not use the words thus malici- 
 ously attributed to him, though for years this falsehood was hurled at him as a 
 reproach. The Deputy-Sheriff of New York at that time was Colonel Thomas 
 Dunlap, who introduced the Governor on the City Hall steps to the surging 
 crowd below. He stood close by his side, and he declares that Governor Sey- 
 mour addressed the great crowd by these opening words, "Men of New York," 
 and bravely went on to condemn all riotous proceedings, warning them of the 
 fatal consequences which must inevitably follow acts of violence, and finally 
 dissuading them from their intended attack on the Tribune building, and induced 
 them to disperse peaceably. He had at the same time a small force of United 
 States troops hidden in the City Hall, which he might have called upon had he 
 
97 
 
 not resolved t«> avoid bloodshed, if possible. But the wilful misrepresentation of 
 
 his speech, on that July day in [863, no doubt, COSt liim many votes, when 
 nominated for I 'resident, in Tammany Hall, in 1868. 
 
 The riot, though continuing but little over fort) eight hours proved a costly 
 affair both in property and lives. When all was quiet again, Governor Seymour 
 
 wrote to the President asking him to have the draft stopped, and proposing to till 
 New York's quota with volunteers. A Committee of 1 1 n ) 1 1 : r \ was appointed by 
 the War Department, which subsequently admitted that the Act of March 3d, 
 [863, was "imperfect, erroneous and excessive, especially with reference to the 
 cities of New York and Brooklyn." On the 13th of April, 1 Sr 14 , a Republican 
 Legislature passed a resolution thanking Governor Seymour for his prompt and 
 efficient efforts in pointing out the errors of the enrollment and procuring its 
 correction. Mr. Seymour was offered the Presidential nomination in 1864, hut 
 declined it, accepting, however, in 1868. In fact, it was then almost forced upon 
 him; for he fully understood that the interest in General Grant was at that time 
 too strong to be overcome. As he anticipated, the General secured a majority 
 in the Electoral College. 
 
 From this time forward ex-Governor Seymour retired from active politics, 
 declining offers of nomination for Senator and other offices. He died in Febru- 
 ary, 1886. The most remarkable feature of his political life was the persistent 
 and wholly unwarranted misrepresentation to which he was subjected by his 
 political opponents, on the utterly baseless score of disloyalty to the Union. 
 
9 8 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 SAMUEL J. TILDEN. 
 
 HOUGH in no sense a new man or a new politician, Mr. Tilden 
 came into popular repute as the "ring-breaker" in 1872, but 
 from his youth up he had been a Democratic politician, and 
 from early manhood merited the title of Statesman. He was 
 one of those who early broke away from Tammany on the 
 slavery question. He withdrew from the Baltimore Conven- 
 tion, in 1848, and joined the Democratic Free-Soilers at Utica, where Mar- 
 tin Van Buren was nominated for the Presidency. In 1855 Mr. Tilden 
 was the candidate of the Soft-Shell portion of the Democratic party for the 
 Attorney-Generalship. It has often been asserted, and as often denied, that 
 Tilden was "a Tammany man." The facts are that he was at different times the 
 friend, and then, again, the opponent of Tammany. When that Society was 
 working on what he thought true Democratic principles he was with it; when 
 he thought it failed in that respect, or had fallen under the leadership of unworthy 
 men, he antagonized it. All Democrats in New York City were practically Tam- 
 many men up to the period of the first great division of sentiment, which came to 
 a head, politically speaking, in 1848. We do not mean absolutely that there were 
 no opposing factions, but their numbers were neither large enough, nor their 
 lease of life long enough, to interfere seriously with the onward march of the old 
 organization. But the question of free-soil divided the Democracy throughout 
 the land, as it also shattered — yes, killed, the great Whig party. 
 
 In 1872 Mr. Tilden was not only back again as a member of Tammany, but 
 was a Sachem of the Wigwam. When Tammany was right, he was there; when 
 he thought it wrong, he was not only out, but in full and open opposition. But 
 it is not necessary here to describe, in detail, Mr. Tilden's connection with Tam- 
 many; his attitude has been already interwoven in preceeding pages of this his- 
 tory. We desire, however, to call especial attention to a curious coincidence in 
 Mr. Tilden's political experiences as a "ring-breaker," which does not and should 
 not rest upon his action in the New York affairs of 1871-72. Many years before 
 he had his eyes opened to the frauds being perpetrated by the "gentlemanly 
 gang" who were manipulating the finances of the Erie Canal for their own 
 ■especial benefit. These parties "were all honorable men," mostly residing in 
 Syracuse, the very city in which was held the convention which nominated Mr. 
 'Tilden for Governor in 1874. 
 
 The Canal Board was elective, and thus, with proper effort, its control could 
 be wrested from the fraudulent managers, and placed in more honest hands ; and 
 this was the work Mr. Tilden proposed to himself to see done when he became 
 'Governor. He was elected by the handsome majority of over 50,000. His 
 inauguration took place January 1, 1875. His first message has always been 
 known as the "Canal Message." On close investigation, Mr. Tilden had found 
 that in this provincial city, over two hundred miles distant from "wicked New 
 
York," almost precisely the same fradulenl modes of deception and corruption 
 were in full operation by these supposed innocent rustics of no particular political 
 faith; and, curiously enough, about the same amount of money, some fifteen mil- 
 lions, had been wrongfully absorbed and squandered bj the "canal ring." it 
 was b> the Governor's practical suggestions and influence on succeeding legisla- 
 tion that a salutary change was soon brought about in canal management. 
 
 It was in great measure his admirable conduct of State affairs which led to 
 Governor Tilden's nomination for the Presidency in 1876. Bj the popular vote. 
 his majority over Naves was 252,224; and in the Electoral College he received 
 184 votes to 165 for Hayes. It is not necessary to repeat lure the story of the 
 great national fraud of our Centennial year. History has judged that act, but 
 not condoned it — nor ever will. 
 
 'There is now no doubt that Tammany's full vote was brought out in 
 favor of Tilden. John Kelly's choice (he was very influential them was Sanford E. 
 Church, who had been sounded on the subject of accepting the nomination for 
 the Presidency, which he absolutely declined for himself, under the feeling that 
 neither lie nor any New York man could be elected. He thought the Presidency 
 should, at that time, "go to some Western man." Yet, though two such astute 
 politicians as Church and Kelly saw defeat in the nomination, Samuel J. Tilden 
 was elected not only by a large popular vote, but also by a more than' sufficient 
 majority in the Electoral College. After Mr. Tilden's death, in the summer of 
 1886, the following appreciative remarks, from one who knew him well, appeared 
 in a leading Republican paper of Boston: "If you wish to hear kind things said 
 of the dead leader of Democracy, go and talk to the people of Gramercy Park, in 
 New York. They knew the man. He was not the weazened, churlish creature, 
 clutching his barrel of gold, that those amiable gentlemen, the cartoonists, were 
 so fond of picturing, while taking a mean delight in making fun of his physical 
 misfortunes. Tlis neighbors do not remember the brutal cartoons, but they have 
 a warm recollection of a gentle and sunny-tempered old man, who rose superior 
 to racking and cruel bodily tortures, and presented a smiling front at all times." 
 
 By his will Mr. Tilden showed his regard for the City of New York by leav- 
 ing a bequest of several million dollars for the purpose of establishing a free 
 library. Unfortunately, ignoring the good old rule of Blackstone. that when any 
 technical or orthographical obscurity occurs in the wording of a will, that "it 
 should be construed in accordance with the known intention of the testator," 
 these millions have been diverted from the objects which Mr. Tilden had so much 
 at heart — to the great loss of the citizens of New York. 
 
 A patriotic niece of Mr. Tilden's has, to the extent of a two million dollar 
 gift, endeavored to have this clause in Mr. Tilden's will carried out. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 LAYING THE CORNER-STONE OF THE NEW WIGWAM. 
 
 N JULY, 1867, the important event of laying the corner-stone 
 of the imposing new Wigwam, in Fourteenth street, was com- 
 bined with the usual ceremonies which annually mark the 
 National Anniversary, so religiously observed by the Tam- 
 many Society since the year of its foundation. The cere- 
 monies of the occasion were abundantly chronicled in the 
 leading daily papers, and brought forth, from the Society, an extra illustrated 
 pamphlet descriptive of the proceedings, in which was also given a picture of the 
 old hall, on the corner of Nassau and Frankfort streets, with a lithograph copy 
 of the corner-stone of the abandoned building. This pamphlet also included Mr. 
 Horton's interesting historical sketch of Chief Tammany. 
 
 As the old hall had been given up and the new was not yet built, the Society, 
 on this occasion, occupied Irving Hall, on Thirteenth street — a building subse- 
 quently destined to temporary fame, as the resort of a fraction of disaffected 
 Democrats in opposition to Tammany. Here a procession was formed which, 
 with flags, banners and music, marched to the, site of the new building on Four- 
 teenth street, adjoining the Academy of Music. The ground, already partly 
 excavated, sloped inward from the sidewalk, forming a sort of amphitheatre for 
 the people to occupy, with the stand for the speakers in the centre. There was 
 an immense assemblage, "on the outer fringe of which were many ladies." A 
 silver trowel, with ivory handle, made for the occasion, was presented to the 
 Grand Sachem, John T. Hoffman, which is thus described: "On one side was 
 engraved an Indian chief, underneath which was the inscription, 'From the Tam- 
 many Society to Grand Sachem John T. Hoffman; used in laying the corner- 
 stone of the new hall for the Tammany Society, or Columbian Order, July 4th, 
 1867.' " The other side contained the names of the Grand Sachem and other 
 officers of the Society. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman made an eloquent and thrilling address in response to the 
 presentation, and then proceeded to place in the casket the numerous documents 
 and objects selected for the purpose — coins, newspapers, some books, Mr. Hor- 
 ton's historical sketch included; not forgetting a copy of the Declaration of In- 
 dependence and the Constitution of the United States, and, with many modern 
 records, were also deposited all that had been taken from the old corner-stone 
 of the abandoned Wigwam. 
 
 When these exercises were over the Society, with many invited guests, and 
 others, returned to Irving Hall. There, as usual, the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence was read, music performed, and an ode, written by one of the editorial staff 
 of the World, was read by De Witt Van Buren, Esq. The feature of the occasion, 
 however, was the appearance of the venerable Tammanyite, the Hon. Gulian C. 
 Verplanck, as orator. Mr. Verplanck was then ninety years of age; he had been 
 manv vears a member of Congress, and had held other honorable positions, 
 

 DEDICATION OF THE PRESENT WIGWAM. NATIONAL DEMO- 
 <'l. \r\c CONVENTK »N JUL? iTH. L868 
 
federal and civic. There was probably not a man in the city more generall) 
 esteemed and respected. Dating From the preceding century, he had witnessed 
 Tammany's early history, and had personally known all oi its distinguished mem- 
 bers. Realizing thai this had probabl) been one oi the reasons win he had been 
 selected as the orator of the occasion, he announced his intention to make Ins 
 address largely reminiscenl pleasant change From the sometimes over fervenl 
 patriotism of the ordinary political addresses 
 
 Mr. Verplanck remembered the early Wigwam that was occupied bj the 
 Society, the little wooden building adjoining Martling's tavern on Nassau street, 
 which was. in [789, part of the site whereon the large building was erected in 
 181 !. and which, after an occupancy of sixty-five years, had just been abandoned. 
 It was located in the present Printing House Square. At that time there was an 
 open common just beyond where the City Hall, not then built, now stands. It 
 seems hardly credible to the present generation of New Yorkers that at the period 
 within Mr. Verplanck's recollection there were three States which ranked above 
 New York, both in wealth and population; namely, Virginia, Pennsylvania and 
 Massachusetts. Though the Tammany Society then occupied very humble 
 quarters, they had, from their very formation, a marked influence on political 
 questions, which influence constantly increased with the passing years, and was 
 most pronounced by [8oi, when, it may be said, with truth, that the Tammany 
 Society secured the election of Thomas Jefferson. For it is certain that if Tam- 
 many had favored De Witt Clinton, he would have been President, instead of 
 Jefferson. De Witt Clinton was a member of Tammany, as was the elder Clin- 
 ton, George, who was also Governor of the State. 
 
 Among distinguished men at that time, and later, who were active members 
 of Tammany was General Horatio Gates, Brockholts Livingston, the elegant 
 scholar and eminent Judge of the Superior Court of New York ; Edward Livings- 
 ton, the distinguished lawyer, literateur and statesman, author of "Livingston's 
 Code," prepared for the State of Louisiana, at the request of its Legislature. 
 Another eminent member was Governor Daniel D. Tompkins, the "War Gover- 
 nor" of 1812; he it was who, in the depression preceeding that war, roused to 
 action the people of New York, many of whom, as merchants, opposed hostilities 
 at that time, for financial reasons. Tammany supported him: and soon this 
 action gave confidence and courage to the whole land. Again, when Jackson 
 fulminated his proclamation against the incipient secession of South Carolina, in 
 1832, "It was you," exclaimed Verplanck, as he looked in the faces of the older 
 Tammany men, "it was you who arose to the occasion, and proclaimed your 
 allegience to the doctrines announced by the President. From that time," he 
 added, "you have gone on. through evil report and good repor;. though assailed 
 by calumny, sometimes on one side, and sometimes on the other, uniformly 
 supporting the just rights of the States and also those of the Federal govern- 
 ment, and as steadily opposing every usurpation of authority by either." 
 
 Resuming his thread of reminiscences. Mr. Verplanck remarked that, though 
 many of their members were hard-handed sons of toil, in the mechanic arts and 
 other useful labors, the Society had always contained conspicuously able and 
 talented men, whom the members of other parties were constrained to respect. 
 He referred to the well-known name of Bloodgood, a successful merchant in the 
 Swamp, (a section of the city, the centre of the wholesale leather trade): and, 
 
later, a magnate in Wall Street; to John Remmv. a scientific geographer and his- 
 torian; to James Campbell, for many years Surrogate, a sound lawyer and highly 
 esteemed citizen; to John T. Irving, for many years Judge of the Court of Com- 
 mon Pleas, and a fine scholar; Judge Irving was one of the original founders of 
 the Society, and an active financial manager in erecting the old hall, in 1811. His 
 elder brother, William, also a member, was for years a Representative in Con- 
 gress. He was both a prose writer and a poet. 
 
 All the literary people knew James Kirke Paulding, with his record in the 
 Navy, as well as his valuable writings, a friend and co-laborer with Washington 
 Irving, and raised to a Cabinet position by President Van Buren. He was a 
 faithful member of the Tammany Society. One of the best services which he 
 performed, for literature and the credit of his country, was his pertinent and 
 forcible response to that crop of traveling English critics, such as Basil Hill, of 
 the British Navy; Captain Hamilton, of the British Army; the Rev. (?) F. Tidd- 
 ler, of the English Church, and their lesser imitators, sustained and encouraged 
 by the then editors of the famous Quarterly Review. Among the distinguished 
 members of Tammany, we must not forget Mayor Stephen Allen, who held the 
 office of Grand Sachem ; a man of stern virtue and sound sense. No "old Roman" 
 exceeded him in the strictness of his integrity. We can only compare him to a 
 Cincinnatus or a Fabercius. He was four years in the State Senate, and while 
 there a watchful and bold guardian of the public welfare. At that period of our 
 State history Senators were ex-officio members of the Appelate Court, for the 
 Correction of Errors; and, in this capacity, Mr, Allen greatly distinguished him- 
 self by the keenness of his insight and his desire to do exact justice. A con- 
 temporary of the latter, Mr. Gideon Lee, in another direction honored the 
 membership of the old Wigwam. He had a taste for two different sciences, 
 chemistry and finance, upon which he gave frequent lectures. In applied chemis- 
 try, tanning was his pet subject, and in this matter he greatly aided the business, 
 then comparatively new in New York. His scientific advice often proved of great 
 value to the old leather merchants of the Swamp, and elsewhere. Mr. Lee also 
 held, at different times, responsible offices of civic trust. 
 
 Mr. Verplanck next referred, in terms of special eulogy, to one of his college 
 friends, Mr. Alpheus Shuman, a State Senator, and orator of the day on the 
 occasion of the laying of the corner-stone in 181 1. Of course, Elijah F. Purdy, 
 "the Old War Horse of Tammany," could not be left out of this long list of 
 worthies and of Sachems. He was a peer of the active men of Governor Tomp- 
 kins' time; a man of the utmost integrity, and of a remarkably cheerful, hopeful 
 temper; but the source of his widespread influence was neither of these qualities, 
 which were possessed in common with many other of the brethren; but, in a most 
 remarkable and earnest degree, he had the welfare of the people always upper- 
 most in his heart. And the people knew it. There was never any danger of 
 his trimming or shifting to fill his sails with a popular breeze. 
 
 Grand Sachem Bowne, who was also Mayor of New York, was highly lauded 
 by the orator, as also Grand Sachem Romaine, as men of sterling probity and as 
 Fathers in the Columbian Order. At the conclusion of this interesting address, 
 a large number of letters, from distinguished invited guests, were read, including 
 one from the President of the United States, after which the Chairman introduced 
 to the audience the Hon. S. S. Cox, who commenced his speech with that pleas- 
 
103 
 
 ing familiarity which made him such a universal favorite with the public. 
 "Brothers of Tammany," he said, "your Society, with its Indian name, is but the 
 outward symbol of an inward thought That thought is — Democracy, unap- 
 plied and defiant. Your traditions, wrapped in aboriginal metaphor, have more 
 meaning than reach the ear. Your traditions represent your Chief Tammany as 
 in constant conflict with Evil Spirits, whom he finally drove from the land. He 
 was also represented as most generous and chivalrous to his enemies, whom, 
 when victorious, he surprised by his kindness and clemency. Indeed, every 
 lesson which a State requires is taught by your legends. Allow me to imagine 
 that his spirit yet lingers on the shores of the beautiful Muskingum — my own 
 native valley. And there is the wonderful Indian mound, so often described. 
 Who were these mound-builders, unless they were the early tribes of Tammany? 
 Certainly, no antiquitarian has had the hardihood to deny that there exists one 
 grand and particular tumulus, reared with great labor and geometrical propor- 
 tions, for the immortalization of Tammany. 
 
 "Long before I became a citizen of New York I had an instinctive inclination 
 towards you. Your Society has an influence by no means limited to the City or 
 State of New York. The Democracy of a nation looks to Tammany to blaze out. 
 through the political wilderness, its future warpath. New York is the focus of 
 American civilization. Her destiny is in your keeping. As of old, so now New 
 York should stand between the sections as arbiter and moderator." 
 
 Among the scores of letters which were read on this occasion, we select one 
 as a specimen of the feeling then prevalent among Democrats of all sections of 
 the country. It is from the great Virginia orator, Montgomery Blair. It is 
 dated : 
 
 Washington, July 1st, 1867. 
 Dear Sik: 
 
 I thank the Sachems of Tammany for the Invitation to attend the ceremonies of laying 
 the corner-stone of their new edifice. • • * I feel encouraged by the fact that this 
 ancient and patriotic Society is about to erect an edifice of massive proportions and endur- 
 ing strength in the metropolis, which is to be the headquarters of the Democracy of the 
 Union. It gives promise that the battle for the Union of the States and the rights of the 
 States is to be continued in earnest, and this I hope will vitalize an organization to which 
 alone we can look for success in that struggle. The men of the school of old Tammany 
 should go to work earnestly to overthrow the military despotism and corruption of which 
 Radicalism was born, and on which it lives. * • • Let us pit against this reproduction 
 of old Federalism, in its worst aspects, the Democracy of old Tammany, which fought 
 against treason and disunion, but held to the just rights of the States, an honest adherence 
 to the Constitution and frugal administration of the government. We are sure to win. 
 
 M. Blair. 
 
 John T. Hoffman, Grand Sachem. 
 
 John T. Hoffman, who presided throughout these lengthened ceremonies, 
 is well remembered both as Governor of the State of New York, and as Mayor of 
 the city. He was also for several years Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society, 
 and a very influential force in the councils of the Democratic party, not only in 
 his own State, but wherever the interests of the party called the wisest heads 
 toeether to consider ways and means — either to carry elections, or to circumvent 
 objectionable legislation by their political opponents. He had been educated 
 for the Bar, and had a wide practice in the City of New York, but business could 
 not consume all his energies and interest. Public affairs always had a natural 
 charm for him, and nature had endowed him with a good capacity for the exercise 
 
104 
 
 of public functions. He was an excellent speaker and presided with peculiar 
 grace and efficiency at large public meetings. He first joined the Tammany 
 Society in 1854, reaching the highly complimentary position of Grand Sachem by 
 a sort of natural fitness, that could not be overlooked by his fellow members. By 
 Tammany's aid, he was eleclted Recorder in i860. It was while he occupied 
 this judicial position that the terrible "draft riots" took place in New York, and 
 many of the participants who were arrested were brought before him for trial. 
 To those clearly convicted of wanton mischief and cruelty, as many were, he 
 showed no leniency, his sentences were even thought severe, but in every case 
 they were discriminatingly just. In 1865 Mr. Hoffman was elected Mayor of 
 New York, and re-elected in 1867. In 1866 he had been nominated for Gover- 
 nor, but was defeated by Mr. Fenton. This, in most cases, would have dis- 
 couraged the friends of ahy candidate, but it was not so with the admirers of Mr. 
 Hoffman; they were so sure that he ought to be Governor, that he was again 
 selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy, which, in 1870, succeeded in 
 placing him in the Gubernatorial chair. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman was so highly esteemed as a judicial officer that many of those 
 politicians who cared more for the interests of the city than for the advancement 
 of individual fortunes, were very unwilling to see him exchange the position of 
 Recorder for any other. Among those anxious to keep him in his judicial seat 
 was Charles G. Halpine, the ever-ready poet, who harnessed his pen to practical 
 uses as part of his profession. He thus warns Mr. Hoffman against accepting 
 the nomination for Mayor, which advice, however, was not regarded: 
 
 MWell. Hoffman, dear, the thing looks queer— 
 
 The machine doesn't run to order. 
 And despite the Ring's views, we're not willing to lose 
 
 Tour services as Recorder. 
 'Tis a fine old place, which we think you grace, 
 
 Arrayed in the Judge's ermine; 
 And 'twould make us despair, if we saw you made Mayor, 
 
 As the tool of the Lobby-ring vermin. 
 And so John T., we will let you be, 
 
 Till your term expires as Recorder; 
 And, when played in that game, we'll examine your claim. 
 
 To another position in order." 
 
 The poet was wrong this time; Mr. Hoffman was elected Mayor, and filled 
 that office as satisfactorily as he had that of Recorder. 
 
 Gulian C. Verplanck, the orator of the day in 1867, is eminently worthy of 
 special notice among the long list of distinguished scholars and statesmen who 
 have been connected with the Tammany Society, lie was one of the leading 
 literary men of his day in New York. Besides his large work on "The Advantages 
 and Dangers of the American Scholar," he wrote many valuable essays and deliv- 
 ered a large number of lectures on most varied subjects, art, education, history, 
 politics and law. Gulian C. Verplanck was born in the City of New York in 1786; 
 was a graduate of Columbia College, and was one of those referred to in a 
 previous chapter, who resented the action of the President of the College in refus- 
 ing a diploma to a graduate, for the reason that the student had dared to express 
 his own opinions, instead of those suggested to him by a certain professor. Mr. 
 Verplanck, with some others, was arrested and fined for having, on that account. 
 
i°5 
 
 interrupted the commencemeni proceedings which wen- being held in Trinity 
 ■Church. After his admission to .the Bar, Mr. Verplanck spenl .1 considerable 
 period in European travel; returning to New York, he thenceforward divided liis 
 time between literature and politics, [n the Former, he was the leader in a famous 
 coterie of authors, and, in the latter, he figured as an active member and wise 
 adviser of Tammany Hall. He was elected to Congress in [825, and served until 
 1832. He was for many years President of the Board of Commissioners of 
 Emigration. 
 
io6 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 A DARK SHADOW. 
 
 S WE approach the seventh decade of the century, we encounter 
 in the history of the Tammany Society the greatest misfortune 
 which has ever befallen it. In 1871 the Times, one of the lead- 
 ing newspapers of the city, commenced the publication of a 
 series of charges against certain public officials. The leading 
 persons attacked were A. Oakey Hall, at that time Mayor of 
 New York; Richard B. Connolly, Comptroller of both City and County; Peter B. 
 Sweeney, Commissioner of the Public Parks, and William M. Tweed, Commis- 
 sioner of Public Works. There were other persons involved, but these composed 
 what was understood by "the ring." The Times had circumspectly gathered all 
 the necessary facts, and the proofs of the truth of its charges, very adroitly; show- 
 ing a continued system of defrauding the city of immense sums of money, con- 
 clusively, in the case of some of the persons named, constructively, in the case of 
 others. Altogether, less than half a dozen names were seriously involved; but 
 the peculations had been enormous. It was evident that no one person could have 
 carried through these frauds successfully. So clearly was the case made out that 
 the citizens, who had, at first, been somewhat indifferent over these alleged reve- 
 lations, finally became aroused to the reality and magnitude of the charges. 
 Citizens became excited, and, American-like, a public meeting was called, to dis- 
 cuss the matter. Tweed, with the insolence of success, had sarcastically asked, 
 " What are you going to do about it?" little thinking, when he propounded that 
 query, what the response would be. 
 
 On the 4th of September, 1871, a public meeting was held in the large hall of 
 the Cooper Union Building, called by a committee of seventy leading citizens and 
 business men, at the head of which was the Hon. William F. Havemeyer. The 
 hall was packed with an excited, but orderly crowd, including many merchants, 
 and others of large financial interests, to whom the management of the city fin- 
 ances was a matter of practical importance. 
 
 But while many citizens, including the Committee of Seventy, had not only 
 been talking, but considering ways and means how best to proceed to a remedy,. 
 one of the leading Democrats of the country, a most distinguished citizen, not 
 only of the State of New York, but of the United States, had been quietly at work 
 preparing the case for legal action. This skillfull lawyer was Samuel J. Tilden, 
 upon whose affidavit Tweed was finally arrested, on the 26th of October, but, to 
 the surprise of the whole community, the accused was admitted to bail in the 
 paltry sum of only $1,000, though the values involved amounted to millions. Very 
 curiously, as it now seems, at the ensuing State election in November, Tweed was 
 elected to the State Senate. But this support of his personal followers did not 
 deter the friends of good government from following up the guilty official. On 
 
m 7 
 
 coniplaints preferred, the (-rand Jury, on the 6th oi December, found a true bill 
 against William M. Tweed for felony. He was again arrested. Some of his 
 friends procured a writ of habeas corpus. He was brought before Judge Gi 
 G. Barnard, and again released on $5,000 bail. He now, December 29, resigned 
 his office as Commissioner of Public Works; nor did he venture to take his seat 
 
 in the Senate. 
 
 The Society of Tammany, as his guilt became apparent, ejected him from its 
 membership, and elected to his office another of their members, a man of stainless 
 integrity, and a well-known citizen, Augustus Schell. 
 
 The end of Tweed is well known. He was finally convicted of felony, in the 
 embezzelment of city funds; was sentenced to imprisonment, from which he subse- 
 quently escaped, and made his way out of the country; was recaptured in Spain 
 through the aid of General Sickles, and returned to jail, where he died. He was 
 buried in his beautiful family plot in Greenwood. Mayor A. O. Hall declared 
 that he had only acted ministerially in signing his name to the fradulent bills, many 
 of which were absolute forgeries, and claimed that he had no responsibility as to 
 their correctness: he was indicted, but two successive juries failed to convict him. 
 Shortly after he left the country and made his permanent residence in London for 
 many years, having returned (in 1892) to New York. When these investigations 
 were going on the office of the Comptroller, Connolly, showed a monstrously cor- 
 rupt condition of affairs. The city debt had more than doubled in less than three 
 years, being at the time of these events $113,000,000, which was $63,000,000 more 
 than when Mayor Hall, whose appointee he was, took office. 
 
 The difficulty of proving many of the charges of peculation against the ring 
 was immensely enhanced by the discovery, one morning, that three thousand five 
 hundred vouchers had disappeared from the Comptroller's office, said to have 
 been stolen. When this was announced Mayor Hall asked Connolly to resign, 
 but he had the audacity to still cling to his office, until that staunch Democrat, 
 William F. Havemeyer, made him see its necessity, by indicating the certainty of 
 his arrest, if he persisted in remaining. Andrew H. Green, another well-known 
 Democrat, of great financial ability, and as safe as he was able, was made Deputy 
 Comptroller, and the finances of the city were all put practically under his control. 
 Mr. Green had been at the head of the Central Park Commission previously. He 
 it was who subsequently found the ashes of the lost vouchers in an abandoned 
 attic room in the City Hall. The banks of the city had so much confidence in 
 Mr. Green's integrity, he being at the time a member of Tammany, that they 
 voluntarily advanced him $2,000,000 for temporary use, until the finances of the 
 city could be regulated. 
 
 ft is rather remarkable, and worth observing, that the most active persons in 
 unearthing and destroying this corrupt ring of city officials were not only Demo- 
 crats, but members of the Tammany Society. Without the "still hunt" and per- 
 severing labors of Samuel J. Tilden, assisted by the great Democratic Lawyer, 
 Charles O'Connor, the disclosures of the newspapers and the speeches of excited 
 citizens would have failed of any practical result. At the time of these occurences 
 no sensible, clear-headed person thought of accusing the whole Tammany Society 
 (as has since been done) of participation in these frauds. The wrongs were com- 
 mitted because the individuals concerned in them were conscienceless rascals, not 
 because they were of this society or that. If they had been adherents of any other 
 
io8 
 
 political party with the same opportunities and temptations before them, the result 
 would have been the same. The cause was in the individual nature, and had 
 nothing to do with political affiliations. 
 
 That opposing partisans have seized upon the fact of their connection with 
 Tammany Hall to throw odium upon all the members of that body shows not only 
 a disposition to injustice, but that kind of weakness of intellect which mistakes 
 vituperation for argument. This is not the writer's opinion only, as may be 
 learned by reading the proceedings of a meeting held in the Chamber of Com- 
 merce, on September 23, 1871. The Committee on Address reported thus on the 
 subject: "We have given all the aid in our power to the honest members of the 
 party dominant here (the Tammany party), and which is particularly humiliated 
 by scoundrels who have misused their official opportunities for their own personal 
 aggrandizement." 
 
 At one of the meetings held at Cooper Union, the Hon. R. B. Roosevelt said: 
 " I do not know whether it is exactly possible for a man to be born a Democrat, 
 but I claim to come as near it as any one can. Certainly, from my earliest youth 
 I have upheld staunchly and unswervingly the great doctrines of Democracy ; for 
 Democracy is like vaccination, when it once takes well hold it lasts a lifetime. 
 But, as I did not believe disloyalty to mean Democracy during the war, so I do 
 not believe dishonesty to mean Democracy now." 
 
 " The corner-stone of the Democratic faith is the pure, economical adminis- 
 tration of government. To us Democrats, therefore, comes the charge of corrup- 
 tion against our rulers with a two-fold force — an especial horror. These 
 improper Tammany nominees were elected by the evident connivance of Repub- 
 lican Inspectors of Elections, who were bought up for one or two dollars apiece. 
 But we must crush this ring, or the ring will crush us." 
 
 With much more to the* same purport did this eloquent Democrat condemn 
 the wrongdoers, while sympathising with the party who was suffering from their 
 ill deeds, though having had no part or lot in their crimes. 
 
 That Tweed was elected to the Senate while these charges were openly made 
 is partly explained by the fact that, when first accused by the public prints, a great 
 many persons did not believe them to be true,* but regarded them as mere cam- 
 paign canards; while, in his own especial district, there lived a large class of 
 persons, mechanics and laborers, who had been greatly benefited by the numerous 
 public works which he had inaugurated, added to the fact that he was personally a 
 generous and kind-hearted man, though proving so utterly unscrupulous in his 
 management of the public funds. With his election, Tammany, as a society, had 
 nothing to do. 
 
 The tendency of human nature to select from among a combination of crim- 
 inals one as a special scapegoat, appears to be inherent in the human race. And 
 thus it happened that the name of Tweed has been the representative chosen to 
 bear all the sins of the fraudulent conspirators of 1870-71. It is. however, the 
 proper task of the historian to trace effects to their causes, and, as it is self-evident 
 that no one man can create legislation to suit himself, without the aid of many 
 
 • That William M. Tweed rated well at this time In public estimation, we refer to 
 the fact that he was selected to introduce the Bill Incorporating the Lennox Library, 
 January 12. 1870. 
 
MM, 
 
 others, we propose to see who chose minis were Thai frauds of re or less 
 
 magnitude had been going on for some time previous to [870 is tolerablj 
 certain, bui in thai year was passed, in the Legislature, al Ubany, an "amended," 
 or, more truly speaking, an altered charter for the Citj of New York, since known 
 as the " Tweed ( lharter." I low was tins accomplished? 
 
 The Legislature of 1X117, "amended" the City Charter by providing thai six 
 Supervisors should be chosen by a Board selected from the two political parties 
 To the inexperienced this seemed jusl and fair; to the astulte politician the 
 result was seen to be fatal. It naturally opened the wa\ to vicious deals. 
 because neither party could he held responsible for the acts of the Board, 
 cutting off at the same time the watchful criticism of opponents. 
 If the political complexion of the Hoard had been wholly or mainly composed of 
 one political tint, the city would have been the gainer; for, under the equal divis 
 ion system, whatever was wrongly done, neither party felt disposed to 
 bring public censure upon its proceedings. Just at this juncture, Mr. A. ( )akey 
 Hall was elected Mayor. 'Tweed was already in the State Senate: and, as siil.se 
 quently appeared, actually controlled a majority of that body, through the sub- 
 stantial considerations he had it in his power to offer. The Charter which he so 
 successfully engineered through, gave all the power of the local administration 
 into the hands of four persons, viz., the Mayor, the Comptroller, the Commissioner 
 of Public Works, and the Commissioner of Parks, not by the title of these offices 
 merely, but by name to the persons then in possession of these offices — Hall, Con- 
 nolly, Tweed and Sweeney — for periods varying from four to eight years; so, that 
 no matter how these departments were conducted, or misconducted, citizens had 
 no remedy. 
 
 This charter had passed the Assembly without special trouble, but would 
 have been blocked in the Senate, probably as a Democratic measure, had not 
 Tweed foreseen and provided for the anticipated obstruction. He simply bought 
 up eight Republican Senators, which gave him sufficient votes to get the bill 
 through. Most of this venal bargaining was brought about by the promise of 
 certain offices being reserved for the unfaithful Republicans. That these facts 
 were substantiated at the time of their occurrence, it is only necessary to refer to 
 the daily papers of that date to be convinced. The New York Times boldly com- 
 mended the Tammany party for its good faith, saying, four days after the division 
 of offices had been made: " The Tweed party has not manifested the slightest 
 disposition to evade its bargain, or to prevaricate. . . . There was some- 
 thing to be bought, and plenty of money to buy it." 
 
 On August 17, 1870, there appeared in the Times the following explanation 
 of how the charter was obtained: "Tweed and Sweeney had the votes already 
 bought up, of all the Republican Senators, only one (Thayer) voted against it." 
 Again, the same paper asserted, April 12, 1871. "That but for the aid of the 
 Republicans, the Tammany Democracy might have been beaten by Democratic 
 resistance," and, later, reiterated that " the charter could not have been passed 
 without the help of the Republicans, and that the credit is as much theirs as it is 
 that of the Tweed Democracy." In 1870 this same Times had ridiculed the efforts 
 of the Reform Union League, and exulted in Tweed's success. But in 1871 it had 
 materially changed its tone, saying, on August 17, 1871 : "There were a few 
 indignant protests against the scheme, uttered by such high-toned Democrats as 
 
Samuel J. Tilden, but they were without effect, for Tweed and Sweeney had the 
 votes already bought up." Besides this venal Legislature, were not the .corrupt 
 subsidized judges, the Broadway Bank (which facilitated the operations of the 
 ring), and the contractors, manufacturers and mechanics, who were paid fraudu- 
 lent and forged bills, all parties to the crimes of Tweed? And does it not present 
 a curious condition of partisan feeling and ineradicable prejudice that for over a 
 quarter of a century the political opponents of Tammany still continue to refer to 
 that single event as a proof that the Democrats of New York city are irretrievably 
 corrupt, notwithstanding the fact that it was the most distinguished Democrat in 
 the city and State who brought the head conspirator to justice; also persistently 
 ignoring the fact that Tammany Hall promptly ejected from its councils and mem- 
 bership all concerned in the frauds — continuing to talk, even up to this day, as if 
 the deplorable incident of 1871 was a permanent condition of the Columbian 
 Order. 
 
 To add to the measure of Republican inconsistency, in this respect, it is only 
 necessary to recall the immensely greater and more permanently corrupting kinds 
 of frauds which have been either excused, tolerated, or applauded by the "party 
 of all the virtues." A really amusing confirmation of this statement is furnished 
 by that staunch Republican, Stephen M. Allen, in his book entitled " The Old and 
 New Republican parties." On pp. 166-238, he gives an epitome of what each 
 administration had done for the country, from Washington's to the end of Ruther- 
 ford B. Hayes'; but, apparently appalled at the corruption of Grant's, he does not 
 venture to describe that administration, but, instead, gives a sketch of the 
 General's personal military career! 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 THE GREELY CAMPAIGN, 
 
 \'K of the curious episodes of the Tamm'any Society's history is 
 the part taken by the organization in the National political 
 campaign of [872, in which a large portion of the Democratic 
 Forces worked and voted for their life-long opponent and 
 
 former merciless critic, Horace Greely, the sometime Whig, 
 and, later, Republican editor of the Tribune. There were two 
 potent causes which led to this extraordinary proceeding. The first reason, 
 undoubtedly, was that there was no reasonable prospect of the Democracy being 
 able to elect a candidate of their own, and the candidate of the Republicans was 
 more objectionable than the vituperative editor, who was, at least, honest, and ' 
 fought fair. But a better and affirmative reason was found in the fact that the 
 platform adopted by the original Greely men was such as any Democrat could 
 support without serious objections. In 1872 the Grant Administration was so 
 Strongly entrenched, and was using the opportunities of power with such a lavish, 
 not to say unscrupulous hand, that the case looked hopeless of any improvement 
 to be expected from his party. But light, at last, broke out from an unlooked 
 for quarter; there was actually a revolt among the Republicans themselves. 
 Some of the more thoughtful and conscientious among them perceived, with pro- 
 phetic vision, the centralizing and corrupting tendencies of the partisan majority 
 in Congress, and determined to try and stem the tide of extravagance and cor- 
 ruption that threatened to overwhelm the nation. 
 
 The reforming party took the name of Liberal Republicans. Their imme- 
 diate object was to bring the people back to a sense of the danger which a 
 continued violation of constitutional obligations involved. This was in exact 
 accordance with the opinions of all conservative Democrats, and proved a great 
 attraction to them. A convention was called to meet at Cincinnati, from whence 
 the leaders, in this movement, issued an address, justifying their repudiation of the 
 old Republican party. In this address they say: That the administration 
 (Grant's) now in power has wantonly disregarded the laws of the land, and 
 usurped powers not granted by the Constitution, and has acted as if the laws were 
 only made for those governed, and not for those who govern; thus striking at 
 the fundamental principles of constitutional government, and the liberty of the 
 citizen. . The President has used his office for personal ends, has kept about him 
 corrupt and unworthy men, and has stimulated demoralization by rewarding those 
 who made him valuable presents, keeping others in office by the unscrupulous use 
 of power." The convention invited the co-operation of all patriotic citizens. 
 
 The platform put forth by this body of Liberal Republicans was received with 
 great favor by the leading Democrats of the country. Horatio Seymour was one 
 of the first to come out publicly in its favor. Its principal features were as fol- 
 lows: "The recognition of the equality of all men before the law. The inviola- 
 bility of the Constitutional Amendments. Universal amnesty. Local self-gov- 
 
ernment. Impartial suffrage. The reform of the civil service. The remission 
 of the tariff question to the action of Congress. The sacredness of the public 
 credit. Opposition to farther land grants to corporations. A dignified, but 
 peaceful foreign policy." Such a platform could not fail to receive the approba- 
 tion of all liberal Democrats; but that the Liberal Republicans could not find a 
 more fit candidate than Horace Greely is one of those political mysteries which 
 has never been explained, probably because it is inexplicable, except, possibly, on 
 the supposition that all clear-headed politicians knew that electoral success was- 
 impossible, and the reformers were well aware that all their candidate could be 
 was a figure-head, and, therefore, they could get no one else to accept the role 
 of standing up merely for the purpose of being knocked down. Probably there 
 was not a man in the United States who believed Greely could be elected but 
 Horace himself. 
 
 A Liberal Republican and Democratic rally took place at Cooper Institute on 
 the first of November, on which occasion Mr. Augustus Schell nominated John 
 Kelly for Chairman, as " a sterling Democrat and an honest man." The nomi- 
 nees of the Liberal Republicans were adopted at this meeting; they were also- 
 adopted by Tammany Hall, by the National Reformed Democracy, and, indi- 
 rectly, by the Apollo Hall faction, which had some time previously broken away 
 from the old Wigwam. It is also to be noted that at this ensuing election Tam- 
 many Hall supported, for Judge of the Supreme Court, W. H. Leonard, the judge 
 before whom the famous " ring " suits had been tried. 
 
 Greely received a popular vote of 2,834,079. Grant's majority was 762,991. 
 A sufficiently crushing defeat, but it was worse in the Electoral College, in which 
 Greely received only the vote of five States. He was really the victim of a 
 political combination formed under the impulse of the popular saying, " Anything 
 to beat Grant," but the movement was defeated, in the main, by the " soldier 
 vote," on sentimental rather than on political grounds. Horace Greely died a few 
 weeks after his defeat, worn out with mental and physical exertion, increased by a 
 domestic calamity, disappointment, and, above and worse than all, the loss of his 
 controlling position on the Tribune, which had passed into other hands. It was 
 frequently said, publicly, during the exciting contest of 1892, that David B. Hill 
 was the first and only aspirant for the Presidency that ever made a personal 
 canvas in his own behalf. This is not true. Mr. Greely took the stump for him- 
 self and his ticket, going to speak in nearly all of the Eastern, Middle and South- 
 ern States. With the most damaging result, as above stated, he had, however,, 
 the grace to defer this tour until after his nomination. 
 
( II M'TKK XXXVII. 
 
 FOURTH OF JULY 1873. 
 
 y 1873 Tainniain had almost entirely recovered from the shock 
 inflicted upon her by the expelled members, and the annual 
 celebration of that year was carried out with a fresh infusion 
 of enthusiasm. The marked feature of this occasion was the 
 very special interest which was awakened by the reading of 
 the Declaration of Independence; a stranger might have 
 imagined that, instead of its being a document which they knew by heart, it was 
 being listened to for the first time. There was a cause for tins. A great many 
 Democrats, at that period, fell that the general government was usurping powers 
 somewhat alter the fashion of royal rulers, and when that portion of the Declara- 
 tion was reached containing the colonists' indictment of their oppressor, King 
 George, with his unjustifiable taxation, and the annoyance of his meddlesome 
 troops, many of those present thought they perceived a striking resemblance in 
 the conduct of the Federal government, especially in the partially reconstructed 
 States, and thi' audience manifested this appreciation in a very lively manner. 
 
 Mr. Clarkson X. Totter was the orator of the day. After referring to the 
 material prosperity of the country and its "growing political corruption," as he 
 expressed it. he could not forbear reverting to the Society's disaster of the pre- 
 ceding year. Among other remarks, he said: "While men without principle. 
 seeking personal profit, through political organizations, call themselves Republi- 
 cans in Philadelphia, and Democrats in New York, in order to wield the influence, 
 and control the patronage of the party, for personal and selfish ends, until only 
 now and then some flagrant enormity raises a temporary indignation, and the 
 unworthy are driven out as these walls hear witness, from the power which 
 they have ahused, and from the shelter of the names and the society which they 
 have outraged." lie then earnestly besought his audience to revert to the "old 
 gospel of government," namely, that this Union of States and its government was 
 created for the benefit of the governed, not for the benefit of the party governing, 
 including the theory that power should be legally localized, as likely to be better 
 administered thus; for the reason that local authorities were nearer to and better 
 acquainted with the needs of the people whom they represented. 
 Resenting the charge that Democrats had favored the continuance of slavery, he 
 said: "Those Democrats who espoused the cause of the South did so, not 
 because they favored slavery, but they favored the States as States which had 
 helped to form the Union, and whose rights as States were encroached upon." 
 
 Hon. Abraham Lawrence followed in some very energetic and practical 
 remarks, in which he warned the members of the organization that if they would 
 fully recover their standing and perpetuate Democratic principles, they could only 
 hope to do so by putting forward as candidates for office, pure, able and honest 
 men. who are desirous of giving the city good government, men who believe in 
 economy — not meaning by that to stop public works, hut to stop squandering 
 
114 
 
 and extravagance. Hon. S. S. Cox, in his brilliant manner, after other pertinent 
 remarks, quoted Governor Dix as affirming that "Democracy and National Free- 
 dom are identical." 
 
 Among the many cheering letters received on this occasion we can make 
 space for only one from ex-Governor Horatio Seymour. He addressed the 
 Grand Sachem thus: " I feel a deep interest in everything which concerns your 
 ancient and honorable Society. If at any time its history has been stained by the 
 conduct of unworthy men, we must bear in mind that their control was short lived 
 in comparison with its long continued and patriotic record. The best and wisest 
 citizens of our country have been proud to be ranked among its members. It 
 would be a public loss if one of the oldest societies in our country should be 
 allowed to lose any of its activity or usefulness, and especially a society which can 
 show such a long list of distinguished members, unequaled by any other corpora- 
 tion in our land. If at any time it has been perverted from its proper purposes, 
 honest and high-toned men must take charge of its management, and restore it to 
 its old and honored position. ... I believe your Society is about to enter 
 upon a renewed course of usefulness. I know that good citizens of all political 
 parties approve of your efforts to make it again a society which aims to advance 
 the welfare of our people, and to uphold good government. 
 
 "I am truly yours, 
 " July 2, 1873. " Horatio Seymour." 
 
JOHN KELLY. 
 
"5 
 
 CHAPTER WW III 
 
 JOHN KELLY. 
 
 MONG the more modern Sachems oJ the Tammanj Society 
 none has been more popular, for a time at least, than John 
 Kelly, lie was a native of the City of New York, and early 
 identified himself with the Democratic party, which practically 
 meant the Tammany Society; for, in his early manhood, there- 
 was no other organization of any importance calling itself 
 Democratic. He was a faithful and energetic worker, maintaining his friendly 
 relations with the Wigwam until the troublous times of 187 1, when he temporarily 
 withdrew. For many years Mr. Kelly was always spoken of with the popular 
 prefix of " Honest." It was when he was in Congress, in 1857, that this sobriquet 
 was first applied to him; it was the favorite term with which General Lewis Cass 
 was accustomed to speak of him. Another of his fellow-Congressmen, and one 
 not noted for his love of Northern politicians, had marked the absolute integrity 
 of Mr. Kelly's course in Congress. Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, said of 
 •him, after an acquaintance of twenty-five years, addressing a fellow-member: " I 
 have often said, and I now repeat it, that I regard John Kelly as the ablest, the 
 purest and the truest statesman I have ever met with from New York." Kelly 
 made his mark in Congress more especially in his arguments against the pro- 
 posed measures of the Know-Nothing party. He had been elected to a second 
 term, when, in 1866, he was elected to the lucrative office of Sheriff of New York. 
 The meeting at which he was nominated was held in Masonic Hall on November 
 18th, and was presided over by the Hon. Nelson J. Waterbury, who introduced 
 him as the " reform candidate." The object of these reforming Democrats was 
 to wrest the power from the corrupt junta and their Republican allies at that time 
 maladministering the affairs of Tammany, as well as of the city. 
 
 The Republican convention was held the next day, on which occasion the 
 members of that party in collusion with the Tweed ring sought to force through 
 a straight Republican ticket (knowing that it could not be elected), as the best 
 way to secure the election of A. O. Hall. But there were obstacles to this plan; 
 for there was a considerable body of reformers at that time in the Republican, as 
 well as in the Democratic party. Some of these favored the nomination of Kelly 
 for Mayor, but not all. In this muddled condition of affairs the influential Herald 
 most unexpectedly came out against Mr. Kelly, on the somewhat illogical, absurd 
 ground that he had been sufficiently honored already. The editor, Bennett, who 
 knew John Kelly personally, said, in his paper: "John Kelly is a good citizen, 
 and a respectable man, but he has been elected by the Tammany Democrats, to 
 whom he owes all his past political favors, to the offices of Councilman, Alderman, 
 Member of Congress, and twice to the valuable office of Sheriff of New York, 
 being the only man, we believe, who has held that office a second time. We 
 should think he would be satisfied, and give place to others who have not enjoyed 
 such good fortune." 
 
n6 
 
 Later, on November 20, 1868, the Herald came out in favor of Mr. Hall for 
 Mayor of New York, and wound up this tergiversation by roundly denouncing 
 John Kelly for " deserting Tammany Hall, and joining with the enemies of 
 Tweed." But the Herald was not exactly omnipotent in the land — the voters had 
 something to say. And in the position which Kelly had taken he was supported 
 by all the most lespectable Democrats of the country. 
 
 The names of the Sachems in the years 1871 — 72, and a comparison of these 
 with those of 1872 — 73, will show plainly enough, to those familiar with New 
 York society, the immense change which was involved in the overthrow of the 
 former. In 1871 we have the following names of the most influential officers, 
 viz., Tweed, Connolly, Sweeney, Hall, Dowling and Garvey, with others. 
 In the latter part of 1872 and 1873 we find the Grand Sachem Augustus 
 Schell, and of the Sachems such honorable gentlemen as Charles O'Connor, 
 Samuel J. Tilden, John Kelly, Horatio Seymour, Sanford E. Church, August 
 Belmont, Abram S. Hewitt, and other names of that quality. The Committee of 
 Seventy, which began the work of demolition so valiantly, as is usually the case 
 where large numbers are concerned, had really left nearly all the practical work in 
 a few hands. Tilden and O'Connor manipulated the fine law-points, but it took 
 John Kelly to manage the rank and file. 
 
 At this time Kelly could have had any office which he desired, but he would 
 accept none, not wishing to give any possible occasion to the thought that he was 
 working against his old associates for personal ends. But he it was who really 
 won the battle- in the convention which met to make nominations in 1872. At 
 that meeting, on its first session, the hall was crowded with the most noisy, coarse 
 and disreputable followers of the old gang; and to overcome this element involved 
 the severest political struggle ever fought out in the local politics of the Empire 
 State. On this occasion Mr. Kelly had to confront an organization which held 
 the enormous influence growing out of the employment of twelve thousand work- 
 men, and the disbursement of a revenue of $30,000,000 a year; as also the machin- 
 ery which dominated the judiciary, and indirectly influenced the officers of elec- 
 tion. Here was a combination of forces which might well have appalled the 
 stoutest heart. But Kelly did not shrink from the unequal contest. 
 
 Among the obstreperous " ring " men was one Harry Genet, the leader of a 
 •contingent which included a good sprinkling of known gamblers and prize 
 fighters. By this unsavory element, Samuel B. Garvey was named for 
 the office of District Attorney, amid the vociferous applause of his rowdy follow- 
 ers. Kelly immediately took the floor to oppose him, but was interrupted by 
 Genet. Turning upon the latter, Mr. Kelly, in the plainest and most scathing 
 language, arraigned both him and his nominee with the most searching severity; 
 and, though frequently interrupted by howls and hisses, from the disorderly ele- 
 iment present, he kept the mob well under restraint, until catching the eye of the 
 Chairman, Augustus Schell, he moved an adjournment until three o'clock the 
 •next day. Mr. Schell, understanding that Kelly had some special motive for his 
 motion, put the question at once, and it was carried, in spite of the protest of the 
 Genet men. 
 
 Punctually the next day the same emissaries of the " ring " appeared before 
 
"7 
 
 Tammany Hall in great force, bul now, Kell) knowing what to expect, u,-is pre 
 pared for this kind of gentry: He had a strong force stationed at the doors, an<l 
 no man not a delegate t<> the convention, and not provided with a delegate's 
 ticket, was allowed to enter the building. The police and the city authorities were 
 then on the side oi the desperadoes, but not a policeman was admitted within. 
 This bold action of Mi. Kelly's had the desired effect. By his personal intrepid 
 ity, his knowledge Of the material he had to overcome, and his ample preparation 
 to resist attack, he had won the battle, and held the field. Xone but delegates got 
 into the convention; (iarvcy was defeated, and Charles Donahue was nominated 
 for District Attorney, and Abram Lawrence for Mayor. It was in that day's 
 fighl for supremacy that the spirit of the ring-heelers was quenched beyond 
 re( uperation. 
 
 So far we have found Mr. Kelly acting for the good of the Democratic party, 
 and maintaining the respect <>f his friends and also of his political enemies. In 
 1884, apparently from personal feeling of antipathy — he was charged with having 
 hindered, rather than helped, the nominee of the Democartic party, (drover Cleve- 
 land. He was always too much inclined to allow his personal feelings to dominate 
 his political actions, a bad fault in a great leader. To be permanently suc- 
 cessful, a leader of men must always keep his emotional nature in subjection, and 
 personal antipathies should have no influence in directing his course. Just here 
 is where John Kelly erred. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN 1876-79. 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL year is, of course, always a busy time for 
 those active in political affairs; and Tammany representatives 
 were no exceptions to the rule. At this period the Irving 
 Hall party was in full bloom, and, during the whole season of 
 political activity, both formal and informal attempts were 
 made to effect, if not an entire reconciliation, at least some 
 kind of accommodation between the old organization and this new claimant for 
 Democratic recognition. It was certainly desirable that they should not nullify 
 each other's work, to the general detriment of the party they both professed to 
 represent in the City of New York. 
 
 As early as February 14th the Tammany General Committee met at the hall, 
 with Augustus Schell in the chair. The principal object of this meeting was, 
 indeed, to protest against the dilatory measures of the Administration, in failing 
 to restore the Southern States to their constitutional place in the Union. But, as 
 this matter was so fully taken np and discussed, at their annual meeting in July, 
 we refer our readers to the account of that meeting for the full expression of 
 Tammany's opinion on that subject. One of the points, however, discussed at 
 this meeting challenges special notice. It was concerning a clause in one 
 of the resolutions offered, in which a general amnesty for all who had been 
 engaged on the Confederate side was advocated — with the sole exception of 
 Jefferson Davis. Mr. Abram S. Hewitt opposed the exception, on the sole 
 ground that it would, in effect, honor the arch-rebel by distinguishing him above 
 all others. It would, he argued, draw attention to him as if he was of more con- 
 sequence than all the rest combined, which was not true in fact. Mr. Hewitt said, 
 substantially, " let him remain, undistinguished among the crowd." The matter 
 of securing a union of the Democratic factions was discussed, but no precise plan 
 was adopted at this time. Matters looked complicated. 
 
 In addition to the Irving Hall anti-Tammany Democrats, there was also an 
 anti-Tammany Young Men's Club, which sometimes met in Union Square. On 
 October 12th, there was a prolonged conference between all the opposing forces 
 and Tammany. The anti-Tammanyites were led at this time by O'Brien, with 
 John Morrissey as second. Committees and sub-committees went back and forth 
 between the old Wigwam and the bolters, and, finally, two reports were brought 
 in. From the Young Men's meeting O'Brien reported that no arrangement was 
 possible, as Tammany's terms could not be accepted; but Morrissey, who was 
 also on the conference committee, wanted to get back into the fold, " at any cost." 
 At Irving Hall Mr. Ira Shafcr reported *' that Tammany wanted all the good 
 offices," but here, also, Morrissey recommended that Tammany's terms be 
 accepted. However, no terms were arrived at, and up to the middle of November 
 the Democracy were still disunited. 
 
 It came out that the Irving Hall party asked, as its share, the selection of 
 one-third of the Assemblymen, one-third of the Aldermen and two Congress- 
 
ii9 
 
 men. This was flatly refused by the Tammany Committee of Conference, the 
 latter finally deciding to refer all the nominations to the District Conventions, 
 
 which were, in fact, elected to nominate for the offices involved in this discussion. 
 
 Subsequently the Irving party attempted to make a deal with the Republicans, 
 
 but this failed. At a meeting which was held in Irving Hall on October 30th 
 Mr. Shafer reported "that it was nnadvisahle to make terms with the Republi- 
 cans," Mr. O'Brien adding that "the Republicans had acted very treacherously," 
 but he still proposed to scorn the favors of Tammany. ( )nly a partial ticket was 
 made up, and that, as one present expressed it, was flexible enough to stretch into 
 Tammany I [all, or into the Controller's office at Albany (Lucius Robinson was at 
 this time State (. lontroller). 
 
 In the meantime Tammany had independently nominated Smith Ely, Jr., for 
 Mayor, Delano C. Calvin for Surrogate, Bernard Reilly for Sheriff, and Henry A. 
 Gumbleton, for County Clerk. Mr. Gumbleton was. perhaps, better 
 acquainted with the duties of his office than any other man who could at 
 that time have been named. He had served in the office for six years as clerk, 
 and had then been promoted to the position of Deputy County Clerk, so that his 
 nomination was simply in the line of what would now be called " Civil Service 
 Reform." When it came in order to nominate a Coroner, the name of Richard 
 Croker was among those presented, John Kelly making a strong speech in his 
 behalf. 
 
 The early efforts, in 1875, to procure unanimity between the New York fac- 
 tions had not been very successful, but these efforts were more formally renewed 
 when it became necessary to consider the selection of delegates to the convention 
 to be held in Saratoga in August. With this important matter in view, a meeting 
 was held in Tammany Hall to renew consultations on the matter, John Kelly 
 presiding. Harmony in the Democratic ranks being especially desirable, in view 
 of the approaching Presidential (Tilden's) election. Irving Hall, at this time, 
 claimed to control thirty-seven thousand votes. After much parleying, without 
 coming to terms, it was simply agreed to turn the nominations over to the 
 Assembly Districts, the certificates of which should be received as regular. 
 
 At the summer convention the names of several candidates for Governor 
 were freely canvassed, including those of Clarkson N. Potter, Senator Schoon- 
 maker, Horatio Seymour and others. To the rank and file of the Democracy Mr. 
 Lucius Robinson was considered in the light of a semi-Republican, and to the 
 surviving old Hunker veterans he was a rock of offence and thoroughly dis- 
 trusted. Even so acute an observer as Thurlow Weed could not overcome his 
 prejudices sufficiently to admit that Lucius Robinson was actuated by principle, 
 rather than profit in his several changes of front — politically speaking. The 
 convention finally met on the 13th of September, Judge Grey in the chair. 
 
 Among the prominent persons present and well forward in the middle aisle 
 was, of course, John Kelly, and just back of him could be seen the silent manager 
 of Kings County politics, Hugh McLaughlin; and. near by, Rufus Peckham and 
 Judge Hibbard, of Buffalo. One person who attracted considerable attention was 
 a Mr. Wilkinson, who was also delegated to the Unitarian Convention, which was 
 sitting at the same time in Saratoga. Of him some wicked wit declared, 
 "Wilkinson is a Democrat to-day: he will take a bath, and be a Unitarian to- 
 morrow." 
 
On the roll-call John Kelly's name was the first to bring out any applause. 
 However, he declined to be put upon the electoral ticket, and ex-Governor Sey- 
 mour was substituted. One delegate made himself especially but not 
 altogether agreeably, prominent, by exploiting himself, in a very extravagant 
 eulogy, on Mr. Kelly, pledging him his everlasting allegiance, and, by his 
 uncalled for eloquence, helping to break the unusually serious spirit prevailing in 
 this convention. Hope was not exactly the predominant feeling on this occasion. 
 There was not a very strong feeling of confidence in the leaders, who had decided 
 to bring forward Mr. Robinson's name. In fact, Governor Seymour had been 
 privately approached to ascertain if he would accept the nomination, but he had 
 positively declined, and to each of the other names suggested there appeared to 
 be a lack of enthusiasm in their professed friends. 
 
 ' To the surprise of many of the delegates, when the call was made, all of the 
 first Counties proved to be for Robinson, as was also the important County of 
 Kings. The Tammany delegates voted for Clarkson N. Potter, with the excep- 
 tion of Peter B. Olney, Edward Cooper and Thomas Mesmer, who voted for 
 Robinson. This break from the unit rule was greeted with hearty cheers. Mr. 
 Joseph J. O'Donohue shouted out that he voted for a Democrat (Potter), thus 
 striving to emphasise his objection to Robinson. He was answered by Emanuel 
 B. Hart with the words, " A Democrat? Then vote for Schoonmaker." But 
 there was little in this convention of the spirit of fun and gaiety which sometimes 
 prevail in political gatherings. The heavy shadow of sixteen years of Republican 
 rule, with the possibility of at last breaking it, by the election of Tilden, caused an 
 air of seriousness, somewhat unusual to predominate. 
 
 It was soon found out that nearly all the county delegations favi •'•-'' Robin- 
 son; the scattering votes were given up, and Robinson's majority, as first 
 announced, was one hundred and ninety-two and a half, one hundred and ninety- 
 one only being necessary to a choice. The final result was practically unanimity, 
 giving him two hundred forty-three and a half. Nevertheless, the Republicans 
 fully expected to defeat Mr. Robinson at the polls, on several grounds. For one 
 reason, the powerful canal interest was against him, on account of his favoring 
 high tolls; then he had run twice for State offices, and several times for the Legis- 
 lature, on the Republican ticket; hence they thought the Democratic Bourbons 
 would bolt the nomination. The then editor of the Tribune, Mr. Greely, usually 
 well informed as to political outlooks, on receiving the news of the result of the 
 Democratic convention, thus wrote, September 13, 1876: "There is not a word 
 to be said against Mr. Lucius Robinson. He is recognized as a man of unques- 
 tioned ability, of absolute integrity, and of valuable public services, 
 but the ticket has no chance of being elected; the present probability is that 
 Morgan will go in with an easy majority of from 10,000 to 15,000." When the 
 returns came in, after the November election, the editor of the Tribune had the 
 chagrin of recording a vote of 519,831 for Mr. Robinson to that of 489,371 for his 
 able opponent, Edwin D. Morgan. 
 
 Lucius Robinson was of New England stock, and a direct descendant of that 
 historical Rev. John Robinson who accompanied the first band of Pilgrims, flee- 
 ing from Holland, to the shores of Massachusetts Bay, some of whose descendents 
 settled in Green County, New York, and Lucius was one of that numerous class 
 
nt American l><>\s \\li<» come <>ut from the cornfields and the barnyards struggling 
 for knowledge and a wider experience, attaining a collegiate education by their 
 own exertions, and then using that education for the benefit of their country. Mr. 
 Robinson was fortunate in his introduction t<» the legal profession, by being taken 
 into the office of Judge Amasa Parker, then a resident of Delhi, \. Y . Lucius 
 paying for his instruction by fulfilling the duties of clerk and general helper. In 
 1837 Mr. Robinson was chosen District Attornej for Green County, three years 
 later coming to New York to practice, [n [843 he was appointed, bj Governor 
 Bouck, Commissioner of Chancery, to which position he was reappointed by 
 Governor Silas Wright. The office itself was abolished by Ihe Constitutional 
 Amendments in [846. 
 
 Mr Robinson eventually made his home in Chemung County, <>n account of 
 his health. Up to this time he had always acted with the Democratic party, but 
 he was strongly opposed to the Missouri Compromise, and was elected to th«- 
 Assembly on that issue, where he made something more than a " State-wide " 
 reputation. He was still a member of the Legislature on the outbreak of the war, 
 and was the author of the much-discussed " Peace Resolutions," which were intro- 
 duced into the Assembly before the inauguration of President Lincoln, and which 
 had the approval of Thurlow Weed, but which were sternly criticised by the ultra 
 party leaders. In 1861 Mr. Robinson was a member of the Union convention, 
 which met at Syracuse, composed of both Democrats and Republicans — more 
 anxious to preserve the Union than their party lines. 
 
 At the close of the war Mr. Robinson felt that the work of the Republican 
 party was done, and his original affiliation with the Democracy brought him 
 back into their ranks. In 1871 Governor Hoffman had appointed him a member 
 of the State Constitutional Commission. In that convention he advocated the 
 same principles on which he had acted when Controller. He had been the Demo- 
 cratic nominee for Congress in 1870, but, though defeated, he greatly reduced the 
 former Republican majority. In 1872 he supported the Liberals. In 1875 he 
 was again nominated by the Democrats for State Controller, which he won by a 
 handsome plurality. Few men could have made the political changes which Mr. 
 Robinson did and, at the same time, retain to so large an extent the respect of 
 men of all parties. 
 
 Tammany has always been noted for the care with which it looked after 
 special classes of voters, not permitting any large body of citizens to pine use- 
 lessly for its paternal sympathy. Thus when the upper wards known as the 
 Annexed Districts were added to the metropolis, as the Twenty-third and Twenty- 
 fourth Wards, they were at first entrusted to the oversight of Colonel E. T. 
 Wood, but the party did not prosper greatly, and some dissatisfaction was felt. 
 Early in the " eighties " the vote in Wood's district began to grow steadily less, 
 while that of the County Democracy was increasing. It is a peculiarity of this dis- 
 trict, or was at that time, that a great deal of jealousy was latent, and often came 
 unpleasantly to the surface, among the people living in the different villages com- 
 posing it. Morrisana and Mott Haven were antagonistic to Fordham and Tre- 
 mont, while all of these agreed that Kingsbridge " was of no account." Dividing 
 this old district into wards did something towards removing these local jealousies, 
 and a change in the leadership helped to largely increase the Tammany influence. 
 
Another district was for some time a peculiarly baffling one for the Tammany 
 leaders to deal with. This was the German district — centering about East Fifth 
 street. The reasons which in times past inclined it against the Democratic party 
 are not far to seek. It partly grew out of the Civil War; some of it arose out of 
 the general opposition to the rule of the Tammany magnates of 1871-72; and still 
 more from race antagonism to the Irish-Americans, many of whom had become 
 prominent in the city Democracy. Similar reasons having affected the German 
 race all over the country. But Tammany found a way to change all this by a 
 special effort. Seeking out the most intelligent Germans of this district and 
 encouraging their aspirations for political influence, selecting the best of this class 
 for nominations to office, in preference to other races. Germans of prominence 
 in business were sought out, and advised with, the reforms effected under Tilden's 
 lead were made the most of, while the Democratic feeling, always latent, in such 
 a population was skillfully developed, which, with the natural trend of that race 
 towards free trade and the national policy as represented in the later platforms of 
 the Democratic party did the rest. It now appears unlikely that any opponents 
 of Democratic principles will possess that field hereafter. 
 
 In regard to the Hebrew race, which has met with scant justice at the hands 
 of most politicians, either in this country or any other, Tammany has shown the 
 utmost liberality. The position assumed by the General Committee is, and has 
 been for many years, that the members of the various races living in this country 
 are all an integral part of the American nation, and hence that they should all have 
 representation. Of the Hebrew race there are many thousands in the City of 
 New York. Complaints have sometimes been made that these have been unduly 
 favored by Tammany, but, considering their number, Tammany has accorded 
 fair representation to them for several years. 
 
 The year 1879 proved disastrous to Democracy, both in the State and city. 
 Immediately after the election of Governor Robinson, the Tilden and Robinson 
 interests began a warfare on Tammany Hall, for the purpose of controlling that 
 organization. It was then surmised to be in the interest of Andrew H. Green, 
 and to make him leader. This aroused antagonism on the part of Mr. Kelly, its 
 recognized representative. When the State Convention was held in Syarcuse 
 it was determined by the Tilden-Robinson faction to renominate Robin- 
 son, notwithstanding the protests of several of the outside State delegates, as well 
 as those of New York City, and, ignoring the advice of Tammany Hall, which 
 was aided by the influence of such men as Chief Justice Sanford A. Church, David 
 Dudley Field, afterwards Chief Justice Ruger, and others of similar character and 
 standing. The consequence was that the dissatisfied delegates bolted before 
 Robinson was nominated, held a delegation in Shakespeare Hall, and nominated 
 John Kelly for Governor. He polled some seventy thousand votes; but the 
 practical effect of this diversion was not his own election, but that of the Republi- 
 can nominee, Alonzo B. Cornell, who was, in fact, not popular even with his own 
 party, running twenty thousand votes behind his ticket. In the city, also this 
 action of Tammany Hall was fatal to the success of the local Tammany ticket. 
 The nominee of the County Democracy for Sheriff defeating the nominee of 
 Tammany. 
 
I2 3 
 
 The members of the Legislature elected were divided between the two 
 •divisions of the Democracy and the Republicans, the latter, naturally, under the 
 circumstances of divided opponents, getting the larger share It was at tins time 
 that Mr. William \V. \stor reached the State Senate 
 
124 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 HANCOCK'S NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 HE tendency to accept military valor as a qualification for civic- 
 honors appears to be an inherent trait of average human 
 nature. In ancient times the successful generals were fre- 
 quently rewarded with civil offices. The natural hero-worship 
 of western Europe, including the English race, have always 
 reserved their loudest plaudits for the winners of great battles. 
 The American people have, to a marked degree, followed in the footsteps of their 
 more or less illustrious predecessors. Since our first President, we have had four 
 candidates for that high office from the army elected, with a fifth and sixth, 
 nominated. Of the successful military candidates Washington was, no doubt, 
 eminently fitted, at that time, for the position. General Jackson was a lawyer, as 
 well as a good fighter, and understood constitutional law. General Harrison had. 
 no "special fitness for the office, and was elected solely on his war record. It was 
 of General Taylor, elected President, and inaugurated in 1849, tnat the g r ^at 
 constitutional lawyer, Daniel Webster, made the public comment, that " it was a 
 nomination not fit to be made," though Taylor was of his own party; and he was 
 right, there was no element of the statesman in Zachery Taylor. General Scott, 
 nominated, but not elected, by the Whig party, saved his political reputation by 
 that defeat. General Grant's administration is now generally admitted to have 
 been the most corrupt which the country has ever seen. Thus the experience of 
 the United States shows a balance against the theory that military men are 
 necessarily fit for high civic office. 
 
 Yet, the Democratic party made no mistake in 1880, when they selected for 
 their candidate General Winfield Scott Hancock, who had served with credit in 
 nearly all the battles in which his military namesake, General Scott, won fame in- 
 Mexico; and he had also earned other laurels in frontier duty, and still more 
 glory in the civil war. It was not. however, for any of his brilliant military 
 achievements that he was selected as the standard-bearer of the Democracy. As- 
 military Governor of the semi-reconstructed States of Louisiana and Texas, 
 known officially as the Fifth Military District, he had exhibited marked civic 
 ability of a high order. General Hancock had been assigned to this command 
 by President Andrew Johnson late in the summer of 1867. The Southern States 
 were, at that time, under what has come to be universally known as " carpet-bag 
 rule," a phrase aptly indicating that the ruler?, had no permanent interest in the 
 people over whom they were set to govern. All the offices of any importance, 
 from the Governors down, were filled, not by election through the people, but by 
 persons appointed either by the President or by Congress, for strictly partisan 
 purposes, the subordinate positions being filled by their creatures, the whole 
 Southern country being divided into military districts having a United States 
 Army General in command, supported by Federal troops. These Generals had 
 almost unlimited power over the whole population, including civil officers, and 
 
125 
 
 •even the law bourts which, indeed, could scarcer) Be said to exist, so completely 
 were the) dominated by military interference, mosl of the commanding generals 
 having used the extraordinai j powers confered upon them to the fullest extent 
 
 Not so did General Hancock. With the true instinct of a patriot, who 
 recognized that the war was over, ami with the discrimination of a mature and 
 unselfish statesman, he decided not to use the arbitrarj power at his command, 
 ami plainly expressed in his commission, but to treat the citizens as he would have 
 done those of any other State, so long as thej remained quiet and peaceable, as he 
 found them. Accustomed to the sharp rule of ( icneral Sheridan, from whom they 
 had just been relieved, the people of the Fifth Districl could not, at fust, under 
 stand that the new Commander was a man of ver\ different metal, and that he 
 regarded the inhabitants of Louisiana and Texas not as conquered rebels, but as 
 restored citizens, and that it was his intention to reinstate, so far as possible, all 
 the civil functions of these States. 
 
 It took some time for these Southern communities to understand, or put 
 faith in this professed friendly attitude of a Federal General, and it was really not 
 until the publication of his famous u Order No. 40." dated November 29, 1867, 
 that the people began to realize' that they had over them a friend and protector of 
 their civil rights, and not a military tyrant This renowned " Order " clearly 
 announced that the people were expected to resume all the civil functions of an 
 independent State; to reopen their courts, and resume all the duties and rights of 
 American citizens, which their semi-territorial condition permitted, and that he, 
 as military commander, was only there to preserve peace and to secure to all the 
 inhabitants the equal administration of justice, to support the laws of the State, 
 not to supercede them. In fine, he put the civil above the military power. 
 Under the circumstances, this was a braver and more noble act than any recorded 
 of a mere fighter on the battlefield. 
 
 But this moral courage and self-abnegation was not in the least appreciated 
 by Congress; that partisan body was in no hurry to rehabilitate the defeated peo- 
 ple of the South, and felt aggrieved at the fact that one whom they had placed as 
 a military satrap over two States, with the express design of prolonging the 
 unnecessary probation of the conquered sections, should develop into an ex- 
 pounder and defender of the constitutional rights of the States, and the promul- 
 gator of true Democratic principles. It was, indeed, a novel sight to the whole 
 nation to see a man in that era voluntarily put away the power of an autocrat, 
 which had been officially bestowed upon him, and proclaim himself a subject, like 
 all other citizens, of the civil power. 
 
 General Hancock also declined to send Federal soldiers to watch the polls, 
 unless in case of disorder. All this recognition of the people's rights interfered 
 with the Congressional purpose of securing Republican majorities in the States of 
 Louisiana and of Texas. In consequence. General Hancock found himself so 
 constantly antagonized by the Federal authorities that he asked to be relieved 
 from his command on the 27th of February, 1868. It was his wholesome and 
 patriotic course, in endeavoring to re-establish the civil over military rule, which 
 commended him to the consideration of the Democratic party as a candidate for 
 the Presidency. 
 
 At the National Convention which met in St. Louis, January 27, 1876, Han- 
 cock's name was brought forward by a delegate from the General's native State. 
 
Pennsylvania. He obtained seventy-five votes, but Tilden secured the nomina- 
 tion. In 1868, when the National Democratic Convention met in Tammany Hall, 
 General Hancock's name was then introduced with a very sound and eulogistic 
 speech by a delegate from Maine; but at this time Tammany had decided on 
 Horatio Seymour, and he was nominated. Another opportunity proved more 
 favorable. At the Democratic Convention which met in Cincinnati June 23, 
 1880, General Hancock's name was once more presented, this time by a veteran 
 Democrat of Philadelphia — Daniel Dougherty, who had, in 1856, advocated the 
 nomination of James Buchanan, and had afterwards voted for Lincoln and Grant, 
 but who had returned to his original principles, and once more, after twenty years 
 of errancy, made a splendid oration in a Democratic convention. General Han- 
 cock received the nomination, which was one eminently " fit to be made," but wa* 
 defeated at the ensuing election by General Garfield, but by a very small majority, 
 only 7,018 out of a popular vote of about 9,000,000, all the patronage and 
 machinery of the government being in the hands of his opponents. In General 
 Hancock's letter of acceptance he made use of essentially the same phrase since 
 adopted by Mr. Cleveland — and which, in fact, is established Democratic doc- 
 trine — General Hancock said, "Public office is a trust; not a bounty bestowed 
 on the holder." 
 
I2 7 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 THE COUNTY DEMOCRACY. 
 
 MONG the many anti-Tamman) organizations which have 
 sprung up, flourished a while, and then dissolved, or formed 
 other combinations, while the elder society went (iii its wonted 
 way, usually to success — less frequently to defeat — the asso- 
 ciation calling itself the County Democracy was for some 
 years a very formidable rival. It first came into open 
 antagonism, under that name, in 1881. The conditions then presented a triangu- 
 lar fight, as the Irving Hall party was still an active force. So that Tammany had 
 two organized Democratic opponents to meet. Even before 1881 there were fre- 
 quently two sets of delegates sent to the Democratic State conventions — always 
 one by Tammany, and the others, sometimes simply anti-Tammany, without 
 other formal designation, sometimes with a more specific name. Now there 
 were two claimants to recognition. The principal movers in this hostile faction 
 of 1881 were those who convened on election night before the returns were 
 made, when no one except themselves could know what treachery had taken place, 
 to try and make it understood and believed that the Tammany men had treacher- 
 ously betrayed the late Presidential nominee. General Hancock, by rradihg the 
 national for the city ticket, thus causing the loss to the Democratic party of 
 national administration for the ensuing four years. 
 
 Among those prominent in this revolt from machine methods were Abram S. 
 Hewitt, Thomas Costigan, James O'Brien and Timothy Campbell. 
 
 It was only a few weeks after the Presidential election that certain members 
 of Irving Hall came to the conclusion that their organization was being run in too 
 much of a machine fashion, although opposed to Tammany on that very issue, and 
 these dissatisfied " Irvingites," as they were often called, formed a combination 
 with a number of Independent Democrats and decided to build up a reformed and 
 purified Democracy, based on pure Jeffersonian principles. They went ener- 
 getically to work and appointed committees to make an enrollment of Democrats 
 of all existing parties or factions, so as to secure a representative organization in 
 every election district. An Assembly District Association was also formed, as 
 well as a County Committee elected. By these elaborate measures it was 
 thought that a truly representative Democratic organization could be sus- 
 tained. It was these transcendental philosophers who formed the basis 
 of the County Democracy, which was fairly launched into the political 
 arena in the spring of 1881. Primary elections were held in each election 
 district, and the Democrats whose names had been enrolled chose officers, as also 
 delegates, to the County Committee. One reason for selecting the name 
 " County " was that throughout the State county committees had previously 
 been in existence, while the Democrats of the County of New York had always 
 
128 
 
 been controlled in their course, either by the Society of Tammany or some off- 
 shoot from that association ; and it seemed to the reformers that it was altogether 
 fitting to have an organization in New York County corresponding to the custom 
 in general usage throughout the State. 
 
 Among the actual organizers of the new party were Abram S. Hewitt, 
 ex-Mayor Edward Cooper, William C. Whitney, E. Ellery Anderson, Hans S. 
 Beattie, Maurice F. Powers, Hubert O. Thompson, Nelson J. Waterbury, Frank 
 M. Scott, Charles W. Dayton, Henry S. Beekman, Allen Campbell, Francis Lynde 
 Stetson, Thomas Costigan, Henry Murray, J. Henry Ford and James McCartney. 
 The committee met at 21 West Twenty-fourth street, where the organization pre- 
 liminaries were projected; the public meetings and County Committee meetings 
 were held in Cooper Union. 
 
 At this time ex-Sheriff Peter Bowe, ex-Sheriff Alexander Davidson, W. 
 Bourke Cockran, Nicholas Haughton, Robert B. Mooney, Edgar L. Ridgeway. 
 judge Erlich, Charles G. Cornell, Hugh H. Moore, and some others, kept up the 
 old Irving Hall organization, which, in 1886, united with the "Henry George" 
 labor movement, but most, if not all, of its former leaders, naturally, 111 time. 
 drifted back to their old home — Tammany Hall, some joining the County Democ- 
 racy, and some Irving Hall, as a distinctly anti-Tammany force, disappeared from 
 city politics, though, in 1879, > ts delegates had been received as " regular " at the 
 State convention held in Syracuse. 
 
 For several years the County Democracy proved a very successful organiza- 
 tion, and at one period obtained control of nearly all the departments and city 
 patronage. Hubert (). Thompson was its recognized leader. (It seems they 
 could not get along without a " boss.") It was through the efforts of this associa- 
 tion, undoubtedly, that Grace was elected Mayor in 1884, though he had the 
 support of other Democrats at that time, a sort of three-cornered fight being on 
 that year, to the great detriment of the National ticket, which just scraped through 
 by a very small majority. Beginning with the purest intentions, the County 
 Democracy soon fell into the enticing rut of machine politics; and the wiley 
 politician inevitably succeeded to the patriotic organizers. Many of its members 
 were Aldermen in 1884, and some of these were indicted for the acceptance of 
 bribes. Later, this once immaculate party formed combinations with Republi- 
 cans of easy political virtue. The result was a disintegration of its original ele- 
 ments. Most of its leaders returned to Tammany Hall, some went into the party 
 calling itself the " Voorhis Democracy," but the great body, like so many others 
 of the anti-Tammany factions, informally dissolved into its original elements. 
 Those who clung to it longest and latest were found, in 1892, still in the role of 
 protesters, among the anti-Hill Democrats. The latest notice that we find of any 
 remnant of vitality in this association was that of a meeting held in a small room 
 on the second floor of the Cooper Union, on the 23d of May, 1892, when Mr. 
 Charles A. Jackson, who had vowed, the year before, that he " would remain a 
 true County Democrat, even if he were left alone to turn out the gas," actually 
 did so, in the company of some dozen equally devoted followers. 
 
 One of the daily papers, published about the time of the " Mid-Winter Con- 
 vention," thus describes the mode sometimes adopted for silencing opposition: 
 "The Voorhis faction was finally disposed of in this manner: On the 29th of 
 
February, [892, Ma\ or ( .ram appointed John R. \ oorhis, founder, and foi pears 
 the leader, of the so-called New York Democracy, as Police Justice,- to succeed 
 Mr. Ford, a County Democrat; then, to make all things satisfactory, Aqueduct 
 Secretary John C. Sheehan (brother of the Lieutenant Governor), was appointed 
 Police Commissioner to succeed Voorhis, at the nominal sum of $5,000 per 
 annum. This Kept the \ oorhis faction solid for Tammany, and shows wh) \ oor- 
 his did not join either the Steckler party, or other factionists Mr. 
 
 Voorhis received appointments respectivel) from Mayors Havemeyer, Coopes 
 and Grace. Mr. Voorhis was always a Democrat. He early joined the County 
 Democracy, but bolted it in [890, to set up his own wing, called somewhat 
 ostentatiously, the New York Democracy. In the election of [891 he claimed 
 to have carried 20,000 votes." 
 
 ( >ne of the spicy episodes illustrative of the contests, and also semi-affiliations 
 between Tammany and the County, Democracy, took place in the autumn of 1886, 
 and related to the nomination of \l>ram S. Hewitt for Mayor. Tammany had 
 previously rejected the nomination of Mr. Hewitt as an unsuitable candidate, for 
 Governor, when he was nominated for that office bj the County Democracy, and 
 was consequently severely criticised by political opponents for its apparently 
 inconsistent action in 1886. In the State convention held the previous \ ear, 
 when Mr. Hewitt was nominated for Governor, he had received but 53 votes out 
 of 384, and the attitude of Tammany was held responsible for this signal failure. 
 Greatly chagrined at the result, the Count}- Democracy held a meeting, at which 
 the following resolution was passed. Mr. Hewitt being at that time a member of 
 that wing of the I Vmocracx : 
 
 "Resolved, Thai it is Cor the interest of the party, in the city ami state, that the con- 
 stant deals and disgraceful trades between the rival county conventions and their favorite 
 candidates should cease. The issue between Tammany Hall and the New York County 
 Democracy is perfectly clear and we'll defined. In the former the leaders, or bosses, con- 
 trol their organization for personal and selfish Objects. The issue we make with Tammany 
 Hall must be met, and decided. The cause of good government, the cause of honest 
 administration of municipal affairs and the cause of the peace of the party itself, 
 demand it." 
 
 To this assault, at a meeting held soon after, Tammany made the following 
 
 scathing reply: 
 
 "The declaration thai disgraceful trades and deals between tin- rival County Con- 
 ventions 'must cease' is at least an admission that these immaculate statesmen have 
 Invited and participated in such deals during the past: and the assertion that they were 
 'disgraceful' is a cheerful confession of infamy by men who ask public confidence on 
 account of the purity of their methods. The sentiments of opposition to 'disgraceful deals 
 and bargains,' which the members of the County Democracy profess, are as fervent as 
 new-born convictions usually are. Their abortive attempl to induce this organization to 
 unite with them in support of a preposterous candidate for Governor, at the last State 
 Convention, might be considered an attempt to make a particularly disgraceful bargain or 
 deal. . '. . The peaceful overtures of this convention have ben rejected in the name of 
 good government, and sound politics, by a tumultuous disorderly mob of employees from 
 the city departments, acting under the dictation of a band of political mercenaries, whose 
 shameful abuse of public trusts has escaped the corrective process of the criminal courts, 
 through the imbecility or connivance of the District Atttorney." 
 
 A principal cause of Tammany's rejection of Hewitt, when nominated for 
 Governor, was a speech he made soon after connecting himself with the County 
 Democracv. and which was delivered at Cooper Union. lie said: " As to Tam- 
 many Hall and John Kelly, here is to be found the proximate cause o\ our defeat 
 
13° 
 
 in 1880. Here in the City of New York we had an organization which expressed 
 only the will of one man. To him, counsel and interference were alike obnoxious. 
 Those who ventured to disagree with him were disciplined and retired, not only 
 from office, but were driven from the ranks. Such an organization was offensive 
 to the self-respect of intelligent Democrats. . . . Tammany is a machine. 
 Its source of power is a secret society. Even in the wisest and best hands it is 
 an anomaly which should not be perpetuated or tolerated." 
 
 Nevertheless, Mr. Hewitt, one year later, accepted the nomination of Tam- 
 many Hall for the office of Mayor, and was elected. 
 
 The explanation of this change of front all round was simply the fear, not 
 of Tammany Hall only, but of all the other parties in the conservative ranks, of 
 the increasing strength of the " Henry George " party. Nor was this a vain fear; 
 at the November election of 1886 this Socialistic combination cast 67,699 votes. 
 Mr. Hewitt had over 90,000 from the united Democracy — and not a " disgraceful 
 deal " on either side. 
 
 One of the unexpected events which happened in the campaign of 1877 was- 
 the success of John Morrissey over the Hon. Augustus Schell, the Tammany 
 nominee, not only in the East River election districts, but in the most fashionable 
 and wealthy sections of the city, including the Eleventh Assembly District, as 
 also the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Eighteenth. How this came about has never 
 been fully explained. Why the aristocracy of intelligence and of wealth, in a 
 struggle for the United State's Senatorship, should desert one of their own set, 
 and vote, for a good man, indeed, but one who certainly made no pretension to 
 compete with them on any educational or social point, has always remained 
 somewhat of a mystery; for this was not a case in which it was possible to charge 
 the improper use of money, seeing that so large a number of voters were not only 
 above suspicion morally considered, but the fact was patent, that they had the 
 means to buv the candidate, rather than he them. Perhaps it was Morrissey's 
 indomitable pluck which pleased them. At a preliminary meeting, where the 
 selection of candidates was being discussed, and where some were opposed to 
 Morrissev's nomination on the very ground that he could not carry the fashion- 
 able districts, he arose, and, in his most serious manner, declared that he " could 
 and would carry them." Addressing his opponents, he exclaimed: "This is not 
 my fight; it is yours. If I am beaten, you are beaten; but I will not be defeated. 
 I will not only carry what you call my districts, but I will carry the silk-stocking 
 districts, too"; and lie did. much to the surprise of both friends and foes. 
 
 This year, 1877, was prolific in other interesting incidents, one of which was 
 the entrance of a member of the wealthy Astor family into politics. Hitherto this 
 well-known branch of the money aristocracy had occupied themselves almost 
 exclusively in adding to their great inherited fortune, or in social functions; but 
 this year one of the younger scions. Mr. William Waldorf Astor, accepted the 
 Republican nomination for the Assembly in his own district, the Eleventh. He 
 was the first of the very wealthy men of New York to risk their fate at the polls; 
 but he courageously set an example which has been successfully followed by 
 others. I lis district was naturally a Republican one, and on this occasion he was 
 elected without difficulty. After serving his term in the Assembly, he was, in 
 1879, elected to the State Senate, and a prolonged political career appeared to be 
 opening before him; but it was not destined to continue. In October of 1880 he- 
 

 Hi ^ 
 
 
 >s\\ 1:1 lp. ki.i i\v 
 
>3' 
 
 was nominated for Congress in the Seventh Districl of New York city, rani 
 many had for its candidate one of its old time members, Mr. Phillip I [enry I h 
 who defeated Mr. Astor, though no1 by so large a majority as to discourage the 
 latter. 
 
 In the Fall of [88] Mr. Astor again accepted the Republican nomination for 
 Congress, tins time for the Ninth District. His opponent was now Roswell P 
 Flower, also a wealthy man, though not having quite so man} millions to draw 
 upon as William Waldorf Astor. It was reported, though by no means sub- 
 stantiated, that money flowed freely on this occasion, being estimated, on Mr. 
 
 Flower's side, at $l6,000, and, on Mr, Vstor's, at from $25,000 to $30,000. Bui 
 
 little reliance is to be placed on such estimates — at least, no newl) Hedged semi- 
 millionaires were observed cropping up in that districl after the election. The 
 peculiarit) of this canvass was the fact that both of these wealthy candidates went 
 personally into the work of enlisting voters, making friendl) overtures to classes 
 of workmen and small dealers whom, under other circumstances, they would not 
 have fell called upon to salute so courteously. Mr. Flower carried the day with a 
 majority that effectually extinguished Mr. Astor's desire for further experience in 
 the line oi American polities. 1 fe was. in a measure, consoled for his defeat before) 
 the people by the appointment of Minister to Italy, where he pleasantly and use- 
 fully occupied himself in historical researches. He has since domiciled himself 
 in England, became a British subject, and owns the Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
132 
 
 • CHAPTER XLII. 
 CLEVELAND IN 1884. 
 
 REAT as was the disappointment of the Democracy at the 
 defeat of General Hancock in 1880. it was not deemed expedi- 
 ent to renominate him in 1884. At the National convention, 
 which met in Chicago that year, Governor Grover Cleveland 
 of Xew York was nominated on the second ballot, receiving 
 683 votes, 36 more than was necessary to a choice. He was 
 not exactly the candidate which Tammany would have preferred, Thomas A, 
 Hendricks being their first choice; but there was no possibility of forcing any 
 other name on the convention, and. with their usual tact, the Tammany delegation 
 accepted the nominee with good grace; and, as the Fall campaign opened, the old 
 Wigwam threw wide its doors for a grand ratification meeting, including the 
 organization of a parade. 
 
 There could be no doubt of the genuine enthusiasm of the rank and tile, the 
 thousands of men who marched on that occasion with banners inscribed. " Cleve- 
 land and Hendricks." though some of the ward leaders appeared to be less 
 enthusiastic. On the evening of the 21st of October, the great public ratification 
 meeting was held in Tammany Hall. The gallery was rilled with the men who 
 had done and would still do the marching', and also the voting, and who felt that, 
 by the numerical display in the streets, they were doing something to help on the 
 Democratic restoration to power in the nation, of which they were defrauded in 
 1876 by the Electoral Commission. 
 
 Among the speakers at the great public meeting that had been called were 
 Senator Thomas F. Bayard, of Maryland; Governor Abbett, of Xew Jersey, and 
 Allen Thurman, of ( )hio, with many other distinguished minor statesmen devoted 
 to Grover Cleveland. The general theme of the orators was the excessive 
 extravagance of the Republican administration. A little later, the County 
 Democracy followed Tammany Hall, and, under the lead of Hubert O. Thomp- 
 son, all pledged themselves to support the National nominee. 
 
 The canvass was an exceedingl) exciting one, but the result, though it 
 ' restored into the hands of the Democrats the National administration after a 
 political exile of twenty-four years, was still somewhat disappointing, on account 
 of the small majority which carried Grover Cleveland into the White House, 
 though, in the Electoral College, he received -'iu votes, a- against Mr. 
 Blaine's [82. 
 
 As was quite natural, the Democrats had not forgotten how Mr. Tilden had 
 been deprived of the office to which he was elected, and the most careful measures 
 had been taken throughout the State and (it\ of Xew York to secure an honest 
 count of the votes cast. To ensure this a conference was held by leading Demo- 
 crats at the Fifth Avenue Motel, where a committee of lawyers was appointed to 
 go to the Bureau of Elections and inspect the returns, as they had a legal right 
 to do. At this time -Mr. John J. O'Brien was Chief Supervisor of the Bureau of 
 
133 
 
 Elections, and the reported "boss" oi the Republican machine in the ( uv of 
 New Y<uk. The gentlemen composing the committee of inspection were 
 
 Messrs. \;iron J. \ andei p. ..I. Ml. en Stickney, General Francis C. Barlow, 
 Francis I.. Stetson ami Charles 1'. Miller who were all well known ami respected 
 citizens. They were instructed to sit "thai all was fail 
 
 On proceeding to the Bureau thej found in tin- office, nol tin- chief, Ian a 
 clerk named Walmsley, who undertook to answer for him. ami who refused to 
 allow the returns to he examined. General Barlow, who was prepared for this 
 impediment, then read to Mr. Walmsley from the Laws of New York State of 
 [882 (Section 1,878), which provides that the election returns "shall at all times, 
 during office hours, he open to the inspection, examination, comparison ami copy- 
 ing of any citizens, or elector, free of any charge whatsoever." Still, Mr. Walms- 
 ley declared that he could not and would not allow the papers t<> he touched, in 
 the absence of his chief. Thereupon General Barlow read another section of the 
 Laws (Section i,<)og). which makes it a felony fur an) person to wilfulh neglect 
 or impede the rights of any person secured by tin- preceding section which had 
 been read. The penalty attached was from one to five years in State's prison. 
 Still, the courageous clerk did not yield. lie appeared shocked at the very idea 
 of citizens " wanting to know." and declared that within his experience no one 
 ever had asked such a thing. 
 
 The committee now left the Bureau, and went to the Police Commissioner's 
 office, over which Fitz John Porter then presided. lie declared he could do noth- 
 ing without the presence of his colleagues. General Harlow then threatened to 
 apply to the Supreme Court for a mandamus, to compel Supervisor O'Brien to 
 permit the examination. The situation was becoming dramatic, and to complete 
 it — cuter John 1. O'Brien. 
 
 The case being stated to him, he refused to yield to the request until he had 
 consulted counsel. The Commissioners, finally, after a long consultation, con- 
 sented to permit the papers to be seen, on condition that the examination should 
 lake place in the presence of the Chief of the Bureau. But all this effort at 
 obstruction was plainly a misdemeanor on the part of these officials, and General 
 Barlow was not the man to put up with this sort of treatment. He obtained from 
 Judge Barrett an order to show cause why a mandamus should not issue against 
 John J. O'Brien. But. finally, without allowing this to come to trial, the papers 
 were given over for examination : and the report made was that " they had not 
 yet been tampered with." And so the matter rested. 
 
34 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 CLEVELAND IN 1888. 
 
 HE renomination of Mr. Cleveland, in 1888, was a foregone con- 
 clusion. Though he had not succeeded in placating many of 
 the influential local politicians in his own State, there was still 
 no other available man at that time, within the pale of the 
 Democracy, who, on the whole, so well represented the party 
 principles. In the previous Cleveland campaign the honest, 
 but always unreliable Mugwumps, had thrown their influence in favor of the 
 Democratic candidate, as a rebuke to their own party for nominating the finessing 
 Blaine. On this occasion many of them, especially the high protectionists among 
 them, became frightened by Mr. Cleveland's very pronounced views on the tariff 
 question, and held aloof at the polls. Yet these sentiments of the nominee had no 
 terrors for the great body of business men in the great commercial City of New 
 York, the very elite of whom marched, in a day parade, with Cleveland banners 
 at their head, forming at the foot of Wall street, and filling up their ranks with 
 bankers, importers, shipping-merchants, members of the Stock Exchange, and, 
 in fact, embodying representatives of all the great material interests of the country. 
 No such political procession was ever seen before in the streets of New York. 
 Every man carried " respectability " on his face, and hundreds of them " wealth," 
 as well. 
 
 On the first day of November the New York Herald reported, " Tammany 
 Hall ablaze for Cleveland," adding, " in the presence of a National duty, Tam- 
 many Hall has no local divided obligation." On the evening of the same day an 
 immense assemblage filled and overflowed the Wigwam in Fourteenth street, 
 where Thomas F. Gilroy, then Secretary, read the resolutions of the Tammany 
 General Committee approving of the Cleveland administration, and ratifying his 
 renomination to the Presidency. 
 
 Tammany has never lacked an abundance of fine orators. On this occasion 
 ex-Governor Hoadley, of Ohio, was one of the principal speakers. He was just 
 closing his speech, with the following remarks, when the Mayor-elect Hugh J. 
 Grant entered, thus making his closing words quite apropos. He said: "We 
 have not regretted putting a good Democrat in the White House, and the Demo- 
 crats here present will not regret putting an honest man like Hugh J. Grant in the 
 Mayor's chair of the City of New York." Mr. Grant was wildly cheered by the 
 immense audience. Being called on for a speech, the chief civic nominee briefly 
 responded: " For this your cordial and hearty greeting I am most profoundly 
 grateful. I take it not as altogether personal, but as an evidence of your loyalty 
 to the great party whose candidate T am. Success in New York ensures it for 
 the whole country. Work for the whole ticket, National and State, as well as 
 local. Friendship for me can best be shown by earnest and energetic work for 
 Grover Cleveland for President, and David B. Hill for Governor." These senti- 
 ments were received with tremendous applause. 
 
135 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 FIRE IN TAMMANY HALL. 
 
 [HIS year (1888) was in more than one way disastrous to the 
 Society of Tammany. It was while the Democratic National 
 Convention was in session at St. Louis that a fire occurred 
 which at one time threatened the destruction of their fine budd- 
 ing in Fourteenth street. Tins fire did not originate in the 
 hall itself, but in a theatre below, which was occupied, at the 
 time, by the Tony Pastor Company. The fire had started among the scenery, 
 and when discovered, about half past six on the morning of the 6th of June, was 
 located in the northeast corner of the building, with the flames making rapid 
 strides towards the roof. Very soon after the first alarm was sounded fifteen 
 engines were on the spot, and, as Chief Shay was promptly on the ground, he 
 immediately sent out calls for extra help, calling upon every fire company within 
 the radius of a mile from the corner of Fourteenth street and Irving Place. The 
 flames burned through the floor of the large hall and shot up towards the roof 
 of the main building. Some Tammany men, who had, fortunately, not gone to 
 St. Louis, were quickly on the ground, and braved the perils of fire and smoke 
 in rescuing some valuable property belonging to the Society. When the fire 
 was extinguished it was found that neither the walls or roof was seriously in- 
 jured. The damage to the Society was estimated at $35,000, fully covered by 
 insurance; but this did not compensate for the loss of valuable documents, im- 
 possible to replace. 
 
I 3 6 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 UNVEILING OF THE TAMMANY MONUMENT AT GETTYSBURG, 
 SEPTEMBER, 1891. 
 
 N the 24th of September, 1891, occurred a most interesting 
 event in the history of the Tammany Society; as, on that day 
 was unveiled, with elaborate ceremonies, the fine granite and 
 bronze monument erected to the memory of the fallen heroes 
 of the Forty-second New York Volunteer Regiment, better 
 known under its popular name of " The Tammany Regi- 
 ment," or " Jackson Guards," which honorably served throughout the war. The 
 site selected is about two miles southwest of the village of Gettysburg, near the 
 " Bloody Angle," one of the most fatally consecrated portions of the whole 
 ground, hallowed by the blood of brave men, dying that their country might be 
 " free, indeed." The position is a commanding one, on the south slope of Ceme- 
 tery Ridge, and in full view of many other tall shafts erected on the battle-field 
 by other associations. 
 
 Of those who attended this celebration and " Unveiling " there were ninety 
 surviving veterans, who had taken part in that long drawn-out fight on the soil 
 of Pennsylvania. There were also present about three hundred members of the 
 Tammany Society, with several hundred visitors from Gettysburg and vicinity, 
 und other parts of the country. The day was oppressively hot. and nothing less 
 interesting could have kept so many people together for the length of time needed 
 to complete the ceremonies and listen to the speeches. The proceedings were 
 announced to commence at 10 A. M. The veterans of the Forty-second, led by 
 Lieut. -Col. J. J. Mooney, carrying the old and tattered regimental flags, were the 
 first to arrive in town, and they spent nearly an hour looking over the historical 
 ground on which the great struggle, in which they had been personally engaged, 
 had been fought out. Some of them had not visited the spot since they were 
 carried wounded from the field, twenty-eight years before, on the 3d of July, 1863. 
 These ninety veterans were formed in line at the base of the monument, and were 
 photographed in that position. The band on this occasion (belonging to Harris- 
 burg, Pa.), was the same which had formed the line of battle for General Hancock 
 on the last day of the struggle. 
 
 At the hour appointed, Captain Eugene Sullivan, President of the Veteran 
 Association of the Forty-second Regiment, called the assemblage to order. 
 Prayer was offered by the Rev. Dr. W. H. McKnight, President of the Pennsyl- 
 vania College, of Gettysburg. The unveiling of the monument followed. This 
 act was performed by James E. Mallon. of Brooklyn. N. Y., a son of one of the 
 colonels of the regiment (the fate of war had necessitated several) who had led the 
 Forty-second on the field at Gettysburg, and elsewhere, and who was killed in 
 October of the same year, at the Battle of Bristol Station, 1863. Assisting Mr. 
 Mallon was A. J. Zabriskie. the engineer in charge of the erection of the monu- 
 ment. When the large American flag, which had concealed the memorial, was 
 withdrawn, the crowd was struck with admiration, and cheered most enthusiasti- 
 cally. 
 
THE TAMMANY MONUMENT AT GETTYSBURG. 
 
137 
 
 The pedestal, or, rather, broad base, of this fine monument is of granite, 
 standing on which, in front, and thirty-one feet high, is an Indian before 
 an open tent; the apex of this tent is surmounted bj an eagle all in bronze. < >n 
 the facade of the pedestal is a tablet, on which is recited the engagements in winch 
 the regiment participated, and on the reverse - is inscribed its record at < iel 
 burg. The Oration was delivered by General Daniel !•'.. Sickles, and consisted 
 
 mainly of a history of the regiment and what it had accomplished, with a touch 
 
 ing tribute to the memory of those who fell before Pickett's charge. General 
 
 Sickles also referred to an interview which he had with President Lincoln, who 
 spoke to him in grateful terms of the generosit) and patriotism of the City of New 
 York, which had appropriated $1,000,000 to carry on the war. 
 
 At the conclusion of the oration, three heart j cheers were given for tin- 
 speaker, who had left a limb on that battle field. 
 
 The monument was then formally presented to the " Gettysburg Battle- 
 field Memorial Association," a brief presentation address being made by ( ieneral 
 Sickles. In response, Edward McPherson. Clerk of the House of Representa- 
 tives, as a Director of the Battle-field Association, accepted the monument, in an 
 interesting speech of considerable length. Next in order was read, by the popu- 
 lar actor, F. F. Mackay, an original poem, written by Mr. William Geoghegan. 
 Colonel Fellows succeeded him with a short speech, in which he awarded equal 
 praise, as to bravery, to the Union and Confederate armies. General Martin T. 
 McMahon eulogized General Hancock, to whose division the Tammany Regi- 
 ment had belonged, and referred, also, with much feeling, to Maj.-Gen. John 
 Sedgwick, under whose command the Forty-second Regiment had been during 
 the early part of the war. Addresses followed by General Ely S. Parker, Captain 
 J. M. Ellendorf and Bartow S. Weeks, Commander-in-Chief of the Sons oi 
 Veterans. 
 
 At the conclusion of the ceremonies the old veterans and the Tammany dele- 
 gation, having partaken of a banquet, returned to the city, arriving in New York 
 by the early morning train on the 26th. 
 
138 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 RICHARD CROKER. 
 
 EW York, long famed for her illustrious sons, has never been 
 more justly proud of their great achievements than now. And 
 foremost among her citizens, famous at home and abroad, noted 
 among the world's greatest leaders, is Richard Croker, Chief 01 
 Tammany. 
 
 Leaders are born, not made, and Mr. Croker fills the coun- 
 sellor's distinguished place with all the ease and dignity, the wisdom and con- 
 scious strength that made St. Tammany of former days so famous with the 
 Indian tribes. 
 
 His popularity, like patriot Paul Kruger's, is founded on his manly spirit, 
 fixed resolve, indomitable will and his unswerving honesty of purpose in his pro- 
 tective and aggressive warfare for the people's rights. 
 
 As the illustrious Lincoln, " of and for the people," stood for the cause his 
 countrymen entrusted to his care, so Richard Croker, nearer still to those he 
 serves, yet battles for the undying principles of " Liberty, Equality and Fratern- 
 ity " in the great Empire City of the Free. 
 
 As years of faithful service in the ranks, and in the posts of honor, have fitted 
 him for greater tasks, so his success has made him strong to undertake and to 
 accomplish them until, to-day, he stands a counsellor without a losing case, a 
 commander with no record of defeat, a general who has lead " the greatest 
 political organization in the world " to battles without number and with- 
 out a Waterloo. 
 
 Political opponents naturally decry the one they cannot conquer, and whose 
 unassailable position has so often brought disaster to the combinations they have 
 formed to both belie and undermine it. 
 
 But detraction from the honest fame of Richard Croker comes from those 
 with malice in their hearts who do not know the man. 
 
 Those who know him best — convinced of his fidelity and honesty — are loud- 
 est in his praise and firmest in their friendship for their fellow citizen. 
 
 Honest men — no matter what their politics — are never Mr. Croker's 
 enemies; dishonest ones — disloyal to their own, or other parties — can never be 
 his friends. 
 
 For nearly forty years, or since the early sixties, when he was elected to the 
 Board of Aldermen, Mr. Croker has given to the public an intelligent, untiring, 
 faithful service, leading, step by step, to the exalted place he holds in Tammany 
 and in the hearts of that Democracy whose triumphant history is inseparably 
 associated with his own. 
 
 A writer of distinction in The Tammany Times, of July, 1893, eulogizing 
 Mr. Croker, said he had reached that enviable position when he might be justly 
 called " the Warwick of American politics " — not only, as we judge, for making 
 kings of men, but also for his helpful hand in making men of kings. 
 
RICHARD CROKER. 
 
(39 
 
 For 1 1 lis. has been his trade so Democrats and so beneficial to the world 
 to make of all men equals, brothers, friends and fellow patriots in a free land. 
 
 For this great work nature has given him the posl of honor, endowing him 
 with gifts m keeping with exalted place. Mis arc the qualities of a superior 
 judgment, a wonderful industry, an earnest purpose, unimpeachable integrity, 
 the skill of leadership, the power to master means, to mould the masses, marshal 
 forces, to carry a great cause to victory, 
 
 Mr. Croker's history, from his birth mar Clonakilty, County (oik, [reland, 
 in November, [843, up to the present time i.^ of surpassing interest to ever) one 
 who has respect for perseverance, honest work and Democratic faith. 
 
 Coming to America when a mere child, and living with his father — a farmer, 
 who served as a Captain in the Sickles Brigade during the Civil War — young 
 Croker received a common school education and, when old enough, was appren- 
 ticed to a machinist and learned the trade. For a time he worked in the shops 
 of the New York Central Railroad., thru, in the old Volunteer hire Department, 
 he was engineer of the first steam fire engine used in New York, and was fore- 
 man of Engine Company No. 28. Through the Fire Department he made his 
 entry into politics, being elected and re-elected Alderman from 1867 till 1870, 
 when the Tweed ring, to which Mr. Croker was opposed, succeeded in legislating 
 him and his associates out of office. 
 
 Under Mayor Havemeyer Mr. Croker was appointed Marshall to secure 
 arrears in taxes, and it is said that in four months he succeeded in collecting 
 $500,000 due the city. 
 
 In 1873 he was elected Coroner, a position then, as now, worth about $15,000 
 a year. To this office he was re-elected in 1876, being then, as for years before, 
 an active member of Tammany Hall and friend and favorite of the famous John 
 Kelly. 
 
 After two terms as Coroner, he was again elected Alderman, and Mayor 
 Edson appointed him a Fire Commissioner, to which position he was reap- 
 pointed by Mayor Hewitt. 
 
 In 1889 Mr. Croker was made City Chamberlain by Mayor Grant. This 
 office gave him a salary of $25,000, his bond being half a million. Ill health com- 
 pelled him to resign his position in 1890 and take a trip to Europe to renew the 
 vigor lost by overwork. 
 
 On his return — resuming his accustomed leadership of Tammany — he 
 entered, with the Democratic hosts, on one of the greatest political campaigns 
 this country ever witnessed. In the contest of 1892, Richard Croker, at the head 
 of the Tammany column, did the most loyal and effective work ever accomplished 
 by any political organization in the history of America. 
 
 On this occasion the Tammany delegation to the Chicago Convention stood 
 loyally by Senator Hill, but when the nomination. went to Mr. Cleveland, Tam- 
 many became at once the staunchest advocate of his election, and under Mr. 
 Croker's guidance, Democratic victory was assured, and Cleveland and Steven- 
 son were triumphant at the polls. 
 
 That this result was due to Tammany and to the masterful campaign con- 
 ducted by Chief Croker was everywhere acknowledged. Indeed, it has been 
 
140 
 
 truly said that a more magnificent organization, or one more wisely handled, had. 
 never figured in a National election. Mr. Croker's prediction that " the City of 
 New York would give Cleveland and Stevenson 75,000 plurality," was more 
 than verified by the returns, which gave the Democratic candidates an actual 
 plurality of 76,300 votes. 
 
 Of Mr. Croker's chivalrous fidelity in this great campaign it may be said to 
 rival knightliest deeds on martial field, and for reward he never asked nor sought 
 further recompense than that he found in guiding those for whom he fought and 
 in the consciousness of duty well performed. 
 
 The genius for organization shows in his great battles with political giants, 
 and Mr. Croker, in the North American Review, remarks on this as follows: 
 " Organization is one of the great factors of success and without it there can be 
 no enduring result." 
 
 With system as a chief reliance, Mr. Croker has been ever active, earnest, 
 fearless, as well as fair and honest with the questions which concern the welfare 
 of the people of New York. With him political obligation is a duty, not to be 
 evaded or neglected, but in friendly intercourse and in encouragement of those 
 who need a friendly word or friendly hand, there is a social side to Mr. Croker's 
 character which has given his magnetic personality its greatest charm. 
 
 Coming now to the last memorable campaigns which have restored a Demo- 
 cratic government to Greater New York — replacing the shams of a pretended 
 " reform " — the guiding hand of Mr. Croker is again in evidence to hold in check 
 and bring to a deserved defeat the cohorts of the opposition. 
 
 For some years — not from choice, but compelled by the condition of his 
 health, as well as to avoid the importunities of friends and politicians — Mr. 
 Croker has had a residence abroad. One day, when the mock reformers still 
 held power, he returned from England, as Napoleon came from exile, to find the 
 Democratic army calling him to lead to a new victory. 
 
 Nothing loath, he took command of Tammany and won the fight against the 
 combined forces of Tracy, Low and George, winning the city's contest by tin- 
 grand plurality of 85„ooo votes and restoring Tammany to power. 
 
 Then began the shameful tactics of the up-the-State majority in insulting the 
 great City of New York with a partisan committee to reflect on the integrity of 
 the officers the people's votes had chosen as their representatives. 
 
 As the city's Democratic leader, Mr. Croker was the target for the opposi- 
 tion — on his head beat the storm. 
 
 But to his honor, be it said, that meddling inquisition found in Richard 
 Croker a fearless honesty they had not bargained for, or, as was truly said: " A 
 foeman worthy of their steel." 
 
 Meeting them face to face, defiantly, he challenged them to show an unlawful 
 or unworth) aotl, or where a single dollar had boon taken or been misapplied 
 either by himself or by the Democratic officials of the City of New York. 
 
 The end is known to all. The committee was disbanded and discomfitted, 
 while their intended victim, Richard Croker, left for his summer trip to Europe 
 amid the vivas of the multitude that blocked the streets and steamer wharf. 
 
> M 
 
 Again returning for the [900 National campaign, Mi »ok the 
 
 leader's place in Tammany, and al the two Conventions of the nation and State, 
 „'„, in ( he battle royal following, he Eoughl for the Democratic part) with such 
 foresight and energj that the harmonized Democracy of the Empire State 
 reduced the Republican up-State plurality of [896, over [00,000 votes, wiped out 
 McKinley's New York city majoritj of 23,000, and added to those figures over 
 27,000 city plurality for Bryan and nearl) 50,000 for the candidate for Gover 
 
 no'l a result which, if applied in equal ratio in the other States, would have made 
 Bryan President. 
 
 Such, in brief, is the storj of an honest politician's great Mieeess Trnlv 
 the people love him not alone for what he is. hut for the work which he has done 
 and '■ for the enemies that he has made " 
 
 Coming contests need not he in doubt while Richard Croker leads. 
 
142 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1892. 
 
 k~ ; a HE Presidential campaign of 1892 may be said to have been. 
 
 li-^J^Hp^ffi I opened on the part of Tammany Hall, at the State Convention 
 held in Saratoga in September, 1891. At that Democratic 
 gathering the adherents of Tammany, having the late Gover- 
 nor, David B. Hill, at their head, found themselves strong 
 enough to exclude the delegates of the County Democracy, 
 and did exclude them. It has been truly remarked that when particularly acute 
 people make a mistake they are apt to make a very great mistake. Senator Hill 
 has been held to be one of the brainiest men in the State, shrewd and far-seeing, 
 capable of weighing the present and future effects of political movements with the 
 instinct almost of genius, and yet he made the mistake of underestimating the 
 resentment of his fellow-Democrats who were deprived of the usual opportunities 
 of considering and discussing the political situation, by the unusual action of 
 precipitating a call for the selection of delegates to the national convention several 
 months earlier than the custom of the party warranted, thus greatly prejudicing 
 the very object which he and his friends most ardently desired. His usual per- 
 ception of consequences appeared to be nullified, by the desire to secure, at all 
 hazards, the advantage over his most prominent rival. That the early-expressed 
 dissent from his measure " would die out before summer " was his opinion. A 
 most disasterous conclusion for his hopes to cling to. 
 
 That the able leaders of the Tammany Society should have shared in this 
 delusion (if, indeed, they did, and were not influenced by other motives), is most 
 remarkable. Strong at Albany, and popular in the metropolis, neither the aspi- 
 rant for Presidential honors, nor his friends, seemed to have realized that a 
 grievance nourished by them, against Mr. Cleveland, was not necessarily shared 
 by all the other States in the Union. That the Tammany delegation bravely 
 stood by their colors at Chicago says much for their loyalty, but less for their fore- 
 sight. The unofficial, but numerically strong protesting party, in common par- 
 lance, called the " Anti-snappers," who also went to Chicago to exert all the 
 influence they could command (though they had no votes), against the nominee 
 of the Tammany delegation, wisely decided to avoid creating a scandal, by appear- 
 ing as contestants, but did more effectual work by personal effort and appeal, to 
 the delegates from other States, many of whom were under the impression that 
 Mr. Cleveland was unpopular in New York. By this sort of "still hunt" and 
 wary tactics they succeeded in dispelling the illusion, and the result was the 
 nomination of Mr. Cleveland on the first ballot, and his election by the convention 
 by a vote of 617 to 115 for the Tammany candidate. David B. Hill; nine other 
 persons being named, who received votes varying in number, from 103 for Gover- 
 nor Boise, of Iowa, to one for other " favorite sons." After this experience it is 
 probable that forestalling a Presidency will become as unpopular as the fore- 
 stalling of wheat or corn. 
 
143 
 
 The magnificenl majority given l>\ the Cit> ol W« Yi.il. to the electoral 
 ticket for ( leveland in November, of over 70,000 votes, shows what Tamman) can 
 do, when in dead earnest, even though it was not her firsl choice For whom she 
 voted. 
 
 The vote of the Cit) oi \<w York was as follows: 
 
 Whole nomber of votes cast ..284,984 
 
 Cleveland 176,267 
 
 Harrison 98,967 
 
 For Mayor— Gllroy, Democrat 173,510 
 
 Elnstln, Republican 97,923 
 
 The whole popular vote, in the United States was.* 5,556,633 
 
 Cleveland's majority 382,956 
 
 Among the most active workers of the protesting part) at ( hicago was Mr. 
 Charles S. Fairchilds. With him worked William R. Grace, and Following neai 
 was Edward .\I. Shepard, of Brooklyn; G. F. Peabody, Alexander E. ( >rr, Fred 
 R. Coudert, William A. Beach, E. Ellery Anderson, Franklin Locke and others. 
 
 Their presence and influence was utilized by William C. Whitney and his asso- 
 ciates, all working together. 
 
 That Mr. Richard Croker was really pleased with the work of the convention 
 he took every means to make apparent. After a very necessary, but brief rest, he 
 made the most elaborate and expensive arrangements for decorating Ins own 
 private residence, as well as influencing other parties to do the same, He also 
 arranged for the decoration of the "Sagamore Club," which is the fashionable 
 uptown Tammany club of the Twenty-third Assembly District. It was located in 
 a fine five-story brown-stone building, on West 124th street, nearly facing Mount 
 Morris Park, and adjacent to the then residence of Mr. Croker. This club had a 
 membership of fully one thousand active Democrats, including nearly all the most 
 prominent members of the Fourteenth-street Wigwam. Arrangements were 
 made with the Edison Company to furnish the large number of 541 incandescent 
 lights, naturally of the national colors, red, white and blue, with which to illumin- 
 ate the front of the club-house. Expense was no object, but the finest and most 
 gorgeous decoration obtainable was. Two thousand feet of wire was used in 
 putting up these lights. 
 
 It was at this club that Mr. Cleveland was entertained by the Tammany lead- 
 ers after the great " Notification meeting" at the Madison Square Garden, held 
 on the evening of July 20th, 1892. 
 
144 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 AFTER THE NOMINATION. 
 
 [S —V ^ _ — ^r= a HE first public meeting of the Tammany Society after the 
 Itf hP^BrPk*! nomination of Mr. Cleveland was that held on the national 
 
 anniversary. On this occasion it was commenced somewhat 
 informally by a person in the large assembly room of Tam- 
 many Hall, before the official time of meeting, arising and 
 calling for three cheers for Groyer Cleveland. Four thousand 
 followers of the Wigwam had gathered there to celebrate Independence Day. 
 They responded to the call for cheers with such enthusiasm as to interrupt the 
 regular proceedings for fully five minutes. Never, perhaps, in the history of 
 Tammany Hall has the mention of a favorite son's name been received with such 
 a welcome as that aroused by the two magic words, " Grover Cleveland." 
 
 The repeated and long-continued outbursts of cheers for the Democratic can- 
 didate for President astonished the politicians. Those who are prominent in the 
 councils of Tammany Hall and were seated on the platform watched the crowd 
 with evident astonishment. Hundreds of men with lusty throats jumped on 
 chairs and shouted for Cleveland. As many more threw their hats into the air. 
 It was a wonderful Cleveland demonstration — and it occurred in Tammany Hall. 
 
 Congressmen from the Southern and Western States were palpably 
 astounded. Several of them, who had favored Cleveland's nomination at Chicago, 
 referred to the demonstration in their speeches. They said there could no longer 
 be any doubt that Tammany Hall was sincerely enlisted for the national ticket. 
 
 The celebration itself was one of the most successful ever held by Tammany 
 Hall on the natal day. 
 
 The large assembly room was handsomely decorated, light blue velvet, em- 
 broidered with gold stars, was festooned around the platform, gallery and boxes. 
 The escutcheons of the various States hung on stall's along the gallery front, and 
 the Star-Spangled Banner was the only flag to be seen. In the centre of the 
 platform was a bank of roses. On each side was an immense floral horseshoe. 
 One of these bore the inscription " 1789," the year of Tammany Society's found- 
 ing. The other was florally inscribed with the date " i8o_>," the [16th year of 
 American freedom. 
 
 There was not even standing space in the assembly room at to o'clock. 
 Every seat on the floor and in the gallery and boxes had been occupied long 
 before the hour set for the beginning of the programme. Payne's Sixty-ninth 
 Regiment Hand played popular and patriotic music, while the crowd awaited the 
 appearance of the Sachems, the officers of the Society and the orators. 
 
 In the meeting room of the Executive Committee sat Richard Croker. He 
 was surrounded by his advisers and district leaders. The Sachems of the Society 
 wore huge collars of bine velvet with stripes of gold. Mr. Croker wore one of 
 
1 1 
 
 these insignia. While the members oi the Societj were receiving red badgi to 
 pin on the left breast, the ( iongressional guests arrived in barouches Cong 
 man Amos J. Cummings piloted them through the crowd to the pre i n< i oi Mr. 
 Croker. ["hey were introduced to the I ammanj leader and In- gave each of tin m 
 a hearty reception. After the introduction the Congressmen ^t < •■ >< 1 around in 
 groups. Thej took good looks at the rammam Mall chief the) had heard 30 
 much about. 
 
 "It is time we went upstairs," remarked Commissioner Gilroy 
 
 "Yes," answered Leader Croker. " Form in line ami mihI some one to 
 tell the band t<> strike up a march." 
 
 It was a few minutes after 10 when the procession started on its winding 
 inarch upstairs. William II. Dobbs, the Sagamore, was in the had, bearing aloft 
 the liberty cap on a six lent pole, lie was followed by Commissioner Gilroy, 
 the Grand Sachem. Then came Daniel M. Donegan, tin- Wiskinkie, carrying a 
 tomahawk, and Sachems Croker, Charles Welde, John McQuade, John J. Gor- 
 man, William II. Clark, W. Bourke Cockran, Bernard F. Martin, Henry D. Pur- 
 roy, rhomas i.. Feitner, John II. V. Arnold and Maurice F. Holahan, Scribe, and 
 John B. McGoldrick, Secretary. They escorted Congressman William J. Bryan, 
 of Nebraska; Congressman John O. Pendleton, of West Virginia; Congressman 
 Benjamin A. Enloe, of Tennessee; Congressman II. A. Herbert, of Alabama; 
 Congressman Adolph Meyer, of Louisiana; Congressman ( )wen Scott, of Illinois; 
 Congressman C. II. Mansur, of Missouri; Congressman J. X. I'. Castle, of Minne- 
 sota; Delegate W. A. Smith, of Arizona; Mr. S. M . White, of California, and 
 ex-Governor Bigg, of Delaware. At the end of the procession came Colonel 
 Fellows, Judge Marline, James W. Collier, the theatrical manager, who had 
 always been a faithful Wigwamite; Judge Ehrlich, ex-Senator John J. Cullen, 
 Police Commissioner Martin. Dock Commissioner (ram. James W. Boyle, Wil- 
 liam 11. Burke, Nelson J. Waterbury. Jr., Nelson Smith and Congressman 
 Dunphy. 
 
 As soon as the procession arrived at the doors of the big had the crowd set 
 up a shout and the band played a grand march. Reaching the platform, the dis- 
 tinguished visitors were given front seats and Grand Sachem Gilroy took posses- 
 sion of the Chairman's table. 
 
 Senator Daniel, of Virginia, and Congressman Wilson, of West Virginia, 
 Permanent Chairman of the Chicago Convention, were to deliver "long talks." 
 Neither was able to do so. Senator Daniel did not come to New York. Con- 
 gressman Wilson arrived Sunday evening, but was taken ill at the Hoffman 
 House. 
 
 Letters were read from distinguished members of the party who had been 
 invited but were unable to attend the celebration. Secretary McGoldrick be°-an 
 reading the first letter. 
 
 " Gray Gables," he said, but he had scarcely sounded the last syllable when a 
 mighty cheer went up. He was compelled to stop reading by the continuance of 
 the applause. It was at this point that the man in the gallery proposed three 
 cheers for Cleveland, and the crowd renewed its enthusiasm for the head of the 
 national ticket. Mr. Cleveland's letter was then read as follows: 
 
146 
 
 MR. CLEVELAND'S LETTER. 
 
 Gray Gables, Buzzard's Bay, Mass., June 29, 1892. 
 Hon. Thomas F. Gii.roy, Grand Sachem. 
 
 Dear Sir— I acknowledge with thanks the courtesy of an invitation to attend the cele- 
 bration of the one hundred and sixteenth anniversary of American Independence, by the 
 Tammany Society, on the 4th day of July next. 
 
 It will be impossible for me to take part in the interesting exercises you contemplate; 
 but I hope the celebration will be abundantly pleasant and profitable to those who are 
 fortunately able to participate. 
 
 I -believe that Independence Day should be celebrated with zeal and enthusiasm by 
 the old and young in every part of our land and in every condition of American life. No 
 man, woman or child within the limits of American citizenship should forget or outgrow 
 the sentiments related to the observance of the Fourth day of July. 
 
 Because there are influences and tendencies abroad which tend to the neglect of this 
 anniversary the valuable and patriotic efforts of the Tammany Society to rescue it from 
 indifference ought to be universally applauded. 
 
 I notice that my invitation contains the declaration that the coming celebration by the 
 Society " is designed to be of exceptional significance and extended effect." I have no fear 
 that this design will miscarry, for I am satisfied that the Tammany Society will not lose 
 the opportunity the occasion affords to teach that the Declaration of Independence was a 
 movement on the part of the people determined to govern themselves; that the patriotism 
 it inspires enjoins unselfish care for our country's welfare; that political endeavor is only 
 safe and useful when undertaken in the people's interest, and that political organization 
 is only effective and successful when approved and trusted by an intelligent popular judg- 
 ment. Yours very truly, 
 
 Grover Cleveland. 
 
 This letter, like every other reference to Grover Cleveland, was received with 
 hearty applause. 
 
 A letter was then read from Senator David B. Hill, which was less unanim- 
 ously applauded. In this the following sentiments were expressed: 
 
 " This year's celebration of the anniversary of the country's independence, preceding 
 as it does an important political contest involving the supremacy of the essential principles 
 of our free government, may appropriately be made the occasion of the renewal of our 
 faith in those cherished principles which have been for many years faithfully championed 
 by the intrepid Democracy of Tammany Hall. 
 
 " In my judgment the hope of the people lies in the success of the Democratic party. 
 Better than any other political organization it protects their rights and represents their 
 best interests. It has always been the defender of constitutional liberty and of the 
 reserved rights of the States. It opposes centralization; it boldly maintains the doctrine 
 that Federal taxation should be for public rather than private purpose; it advocates 
 honest money — the gold and silver currency of our Constitution; it favors home rule for 
 States and municipalities; it insists upon an honest and economical expenditure of public 
 money; it opposes force bills and Federal interference in domestic affairs of States; it 
 antagonizes monopolies; it rejects unjust sumptuary legislation; it is a friend of labor 
 and it hates hypocrisy, sham and fraud. * * * 
 
 "The Democracy of New York in the approaching struggle should present a solid front 
 to the common enemy. Loyalty to cardinal Democratic principles and regularly nominated 
 candidates is the supreme duty of the hour. 
 
 " I remain your fellow-citizen, 
 
 " David B. Hill." 
 
 The next letter read was from Governor Flower, of New York. All the let- 
 ters received could not be read, so numerous were they from all parts of the 
 country. 
 
 Congressman Owen Scott, of Illinois, made some highly interesting remarks, 
 and was followed by E. T. Talieferro, of Alabama, who said that he had never 
 addressed an audience north of the Ohio River, but lie believed that (he North 
 and South were united and cemented by the bond of brotherhood. 
 
147 
 
 •• l cnme North novorni yean nRo," iald b>-, " and w hlle hi in att< ndi d ■ Fourth of July 
 celebration In Boston. Thera was tin- same music, the lame entbualaam thai we tnanl 
 rested In the South. The baitds played Brsl 'Columbia, 1 then 'Dixie,' and then, swsatei 
 than all, came the strains <>r "Home Sweet Home.' it was tiu- pleasure experienced In 
 thai celebration thai made me glad to accepl the Invitation t" come here to day. i have n 
 message to deliver to you. The success of the Democratic ticket In this election m 
 upon the Issue bf the Force bill, life or death politically to Alabama. Le1 me carry the 
 message back t<> my people thai you will Join hands with us In an attack against thi 
 contests In the past, of her convii tlons, and of the courage of her convii I 
 
 " We have heard a great deal about Tammany in the South. We have heard of bei 
 heard of you, and some look upon you as a tradition or as a legend During the Chicago 
 convention we stood Bpellbound before the eloquence <>f your matchless orator, Bourke 
 Cockran, and we could do nothing but respect you and love you." (Cheers.) 
 
 Other speakers were S. M. White, of California; II. Mansur, of Missouri, and 
 Congressman Pendleton, of Wist Virginia. 
 
 The visiting Congressmen who favored Cleveland's nomination wore de- 
 lighted at the enthusiasm of the Tammanyites for Mr. Cleveland. " Cleveland," 
 said Congressman Herbert, of Alabama, " will be supported royally by Tammany 
 Mall. Why, the cheering for him here to-day almost equals the cheering he 
 received at Chicago when he was nominated." 
 
 " When I go home," said Congressman Bryan, of Nebraska, " I will tell the 
 Democrats of Nebraska that New York is all right. Tammany Hall is a great 
 organization, and it is solid for the ticket." 
 
 The regular programme was begun by Grand Sachem Gilroy extending a 
 welcome to the visiting Democratic Congressmen and the crowd in general. 
 After the song "Our Glorious Union Forever." by the Tammany Glee Club. 
 Commissioner of Accounts Charles G. F. Wahle read the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence in a loud and clear voice. 
 
 Congressman William J. Bryan was introduced as the first speaker. He was 
 warmly cheered. Before he began some one proposed three cheers for Mr. 
 Wilson, the crowd thinking Mr. Bryan was the West Virginia Congress- 
 man. They were followed with cheers for Tammany Hall and the Demo- 
 cratic party. Mr. Bryan was forced to wait several minutes before the cheering 
 subsided. Then he spoke for nearly an hour. He was heard throughout the 
 hall and his speech was frequently interrupted with applause. 
 
 In concluding, Mr. Bryan said that in his own State of Nebraska, while the 
 Democrats were clearly in a majority and had a majority in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, the legislative districts were so divided that the Republican party, 
 although in a minority, elected their own Senators. 
 
 " The time is coming," said he. " when the election of United States Sena- 
 tors should be taken from our State legislators anil placed directly in the hands 
 of the people." (Prolonged cheers.) 
 
 •No one at this time even dreamed that Congressman Bryan would be the 
 Democratic Presidential candidate in 1896 and 1900. 
 
 On the afternoon of the next day, July 5th, a meeting of the Fxecutive Com- 
 mittee was held, the ostensible object being to obtain reports from the leaders of 
 the twenty-four Assembly Districts, and to consider a proposition to divide the 
 city into thirty districts, as coidd legally be done under the recent Act of the 
 Legislature on Reapportionment. The reports were not ready, but the time was 
 utilized to very good purpose. A private conference between Messrs. Croker, 
 
148 
 
 Gilroy and the Corporation Counsel, Mr. Clark, was held, which resulted in the 
 presentation of the following resolution to the committee: 
 
 Resolved, That the Tammany organization, in executive meeting assembled, cordially 
 indorse the principles enunciated by the Democratic National Convention at Chicago, and 
 pledges its earnest and untiring support to the nominees of that convention— Grover 
 Cleveland, of New York and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois. 
 
 The resolution was unanimously adopted, Mr. Gilroy (Grand Sachem) pre- 
 sided at this meeting. In behalf of the resolution Mr. Croker spoke for the space 
 of twenty minutes, a long speech for him. He urged upon the members of the 
 Executive Committee the great importance of the coming elections, and the 
 necessity for earnest work, explaining, fully, that though the Tammany delegation 
 had worked for Senator Hill in the past, it was now their duty to support the 
 nominees of the national convention. He said: 
 
 " We gave Mr. Hill our best, and taking all the circumstances together, we did the right 
 thing. But Mr. Hill wasn't nominated and Cleveland was. I am convinced that Mr. 
 Cleveland is stronger with the people than Mr. Hill would have been and that the party is 
 not weakened by his nomination. I have been looking over the field and I am convinced 
 also that Cleveland can carry the State by a larger majority than any Presidential candi- 
 date in a generation. It is a rather curious thing— I don't know whether you have noticed 
 It or not— but Presidential results in this State alternate. Mr. Lincoln carried the State in 
 1864. In '68 Seymour carried it for the Democrats. Then Grant, in '72, brought the State 
 to the Republicans. But in '76 again Mr. Tilden carried it, Garfield in '80, Cleveland in 
 '84, and Harrison in 1S88. It is swinging toward the Democracy this year. 
 
 " The party will carry the State, and it is our affair to create a majority in New York 
 that shall be greater than that of Seymour in 1868, Tilden in 1876 or Cleveland's first major- 
 ity in 1884. 
 
 " Now I want the district leaders to talk to the district captains and the men upon 
 whom ycu depend. Urge them to work harder this year than they ever have done. If 
 there is any grumbling against Cleveland stop it. Heal up any little disaffection that may 
 exist in your districts and all pull together." 
 
 After some other remarks, all in the same spirit, the district leaders were 
 asked to report on the feeling prevailing in their several districts at an early date. 
 There seemed to be the best of feeling in the Committee, and perfect confidence 
 that they were going to fight for the winning ticket. And their premonitions 
 proved to be correct. 
 
I l<l 
 
 CHARTEK XLIX. 
 
 A RED LETTER DAY. 
 
 ary, [892, was a red letter day with Tammany 
 late (the anniversarj of the battle of New 
 . is always a day of special observance with them, 
 ing a \ ictorj won by a I Jemocratic < leneral after their 
 own hearts, General Andrew Jackson. I'm on thai particular 
 anniversary they had more modern victories to celebrate and 
 rejoice over. Not only had the November elections filled their hearts with 
 renewed courage, but their already large membership was growing so rapidly that 
 the Secretary almost required an assistant to aid him in recording the names of 
 returning wanderers, as well as of new recruits. 
 
 On the lirst of January there were already eighl thousand recorded, and each 
 day thereafter added largely to the number; but on the 8th they poured into the 
 handsome \\ igwam, on fourteenth street, with a rush. Regiments of politicians, 
 who had long been fighting against Tammany, had given up the battle and sur- 
 rendered at discretion, ready once more to renew their allegiance, and very glad 
 to get back home again. County 1 )emocrats, \ oorhisites, and even Republicans, 
 had abandoned the tepees of the weakened enemy, and made with all speed for the 
 shelter of the strong defences of the old Wigwam. There were also a large num- 
 ber of young men anxious to cast in their lot with the conquering tribe. All were 
 welcomed, the old truants with the new pupils. 
 
 Among some of the well-known names added to the membership was that of 
 William S. Andrews, the great " Resolution Draftsman " of the County Democ- 
 racy; Jordan L. Mott, a sometime truant; Mr. Charles W. Dayton appeared as a 
 debutant. One of those who excited much interest was William J. O'Dair, who 
 had just been elected to the Assembly in the Twenty-third District of New York 
 as a combined Republican and County Democrat. Pie was warmly congratulated 
 upon getting under the shelter of the Wigwam. One of the candidates for 
 Alderman in the Sixth District, who had deserted only a few weeks before, came 
 in looking very happy, indeed, to be readmitted; while hundreds, who must here 
 be nameless, but who had voted against Tammany in November, joined the crowd 
 already anxiously awaiting enrollment at the hands of the Secretary. Among 
 those who could not escape observation, if he would, was the tall President of the 
 Brooklyn Bridge, Colonel Alfred Wagstaff. 
 
 \t 8 P. M. a general adjournment took place, and the ever-growing crowd, 
 leaving the lower offices, made their way to the public Hall, where Nelson 
 Smith was made Chairman; John B. McGoldrick, Reading Secretary; Joel O. 
 Stevens and John G. H. Meyer. Recording Secretaries: John McQuade, Treas- 
 urer; Robert Kelly, Sergeant-at-Arms. 
 
 Resolutions were passed in approval of ex-Governor Hill, also affirming the 
 necessity of economy in State affairs, and commending the administration of the 
 
150 
 
 city finances. Mr. Cockran then followed in a very fervid speech in which he 
 referred to the fact of the numerous victories of Tammany and also to the speedy 
 recuperation of the party after their occasional defeats. 
 
 Mayor Gilroy then introduced the following resolution: "That we denounce 
 the tyrannical, unchristian, and barbarious persecution of inoffensive Hebrews 
 by the Russian Government, and extend to the helpless victims of this ferocious 
 oppression our heartfelt sympathy, in the misery under which they suffer." 
 
 This was passed unanimously. 
 
 It was freely, though quietly, stated, on this occasion, that the Society had a 
 preference for the nominee at the ensuing Democratic Convention, but that, if 
 their preference could not be secured, Tammany would loyally sustain whomso- 
 ever the convention should select. Before separating the Executive Committee 
 appointed a special committee to visit Washington, on January 20th, to urge the 
 National Democratic Committee to select the City of New York as the place for ' 
 holding the nominating convention the ensuing month of June. 
 
 If this was a day of rejoicing, still greater was the jubilation at the close of 
 the year 1892, when, after the grand national victory of November had been duly 
 celebrated, and the routine business for the coming year provided for by the hold- 
 ing of primaries in each of the thirty Assembly Districts of the city, in which, at 
 this time, there were no contests of any importance, all was peace and harmony 
 in the Wigwam. The only stragglers were those outside, striving to get in ; all 
 the once opposing parties seemed of one mind, in this emulation. Scenes of the 
 same nature had occurred before in the history of the Society, but on this occasion 
 the rush was unprecedented — including not only County Democrats, Anti- 
 Snappers, Voorhis men, but also old Republicans, who came in shoals, not for- 
 getting a contingent from the old O'Brien faction. Among the notable Republi- 
 can converts was John Nugent, a recent leader in the Republican Tenth Assembly 
 District. Another of note was Dr. Wicks Washburn. Still another very active 
 Republican convert was Mr. James Hart. Then, again, William P. J. Carthy, 
 ex- Assemblyman; City Paymaster P. J. Timmerman; H. N. Elliot, and others 
 from the County Democracy. 
 
 One of the most interesting converts from the Republican party, who re- 
 nounced his old allegiance, and came to cast in his lot with the Democracy, was 
 the Rev. Nicholas Bjerring, formerly of the Greco-Russian Church in this 
 city, well-known in literary and social circles of the metropolis. 
 
 Among the curiosities of conversion was observed one of John T. Davenport's 
 old political employees. 
 
 The only changes in district leaderships for the year were in the First, Third 
 and Thirtieth Districts, where Colonel Michael C. Murphy. Assemblyman Timo- 
 thy Sullivan and Coroner John B. Shea, succeeded respectively, Frank T. Fitz- 
 gerald, Henry C. Miner and Henry D. Purroy. The new General Committee 
 had, at that date, a voting membership of 3,539, and an actual membership of from 
 12,000 to 15,000. The District Committees averaging about 1,500 each, making 
 a total of 45,000 for the whole city. 
 
 It is one of the most interesting features of the historical Tammany organi- 
 zation that it has ever been subjected to alternate periods of virulent attacks by 
 
'5' 
 
 us political enemies, interspersed with seasons oi spe< ial in< rease in growth, in- 
 fluence, and consequent elation of spirits Ever since the dissolution of the old 
 Federal party, these contrasts have occurred. ( ither parties have lived out their 
 appointed time, fallen into the senile stage, utterlj md died a natural 
 
 death, while the Tammany Democracy, invariably rallies upon the old battle- 
 ground with renewed vigor, after ever) temporarj set back. 
 
 Win thfs radical difference in the fate of the Tammany Society, and us 
 numerous and varied defuncl opponents? 
 
 I- it nol in -real measure from th< fad that the Tammany Society has always 
 acted upon broad genera] principles which ever) man can understand Mich as 
 the equalit) of all classes before the law; tin- righl to freedom of personal action 
 up to the limit of non-interference with others; the duty of all citizens to defend 
 the integrity of the soil. The right of the States to maintain all the prerogatives 
 conceded to them by the Constitution; the right of cities and towns to control 
 their ow n local affairs? 
 
 On the other hand, their opponents have been in tin habit of assuming a 
 spirit of superior virtue, unaccompanied by any evidence of this possession, with 
 a strong tendency to favor classes, and to interfere with the natural rights of indi- 
 viduals; in sumptuary matters. 
 
 Particularly of late years it has been very noticeable how largely the Republi- 
 can campaigns have been conducted (in this State), on the simple ground of abuse. 
 condemnation, and unmitigated slanders against Tammany, without evidence or 
 logical argument. Honest people will not bear too much of that sort of thing, 
 and the natural impulse is, with those accessible to reason, to resent such whole- 
 sale abuse of their fellow citizens and finally to sympathize with and act with 
 them; Much oi the latter day strength of Tammany is recruited from voters 
 fairly driven out of the Republican ranks by their dishonest and unjust treatment 
 of their Democratic opponents. 
 
152 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 THE TARIFF— MAYOR GILROY'S MESSAGE. 
 
 | HE new year, 1894, opened with the cheering announcement by 
 the retiring Democratic Governor, Roswell P. Flower, that the 
 State of New York, for the first time in seventy-five years, was 
 free from debt. Has it been free from debt under his Republi- 
 can successors? In this message of the Governor another 
 subject of importance to the metropolis was referred to, as 
 " the rising sentiment in favor of consolidation of the neighboring towns and 
 cities." At this time the tax-rate of the City of New York was lower than that 
 of any large city in the United States, and this was under a Democratic Mayor, 
 who was also a Tammany Sachem. 
 
 Early in January it is usually the custom to reorganise the Tammany Hall 
 Committees; that is, if changes in the leadership or membership seems best for 
 the interest of the Wigwam; if not required, of course, the status is not disturbed. 
 Changes are only made for cause, not arbitrarily. 
 
 The question of the tariff and the " Bland Bill," for the coinage of the silver 
 seigniorage in the Treasury, was occupying the attention of Congress, while the 
 evil effect of the McKinley bill was pressing upon the business and commercial 
 interests of the metropolis, and the suffering, but unthinking, were clamoring 
 against the President for not producing the "good times" which had been hoped 
 for, but for the failure of which the administration was in no way responsible — 
 for one reason that his predecessor had left an empty treasury. 
 
 One of the earliest meetings of Tammany's General Committee, in January, 
 1895, adopted a resolution expressing the general Democratic sentiment as to the 
 desirability of a prompt settlement of the Tariff question, which resolution, infer- 
 entially, at least, condemned the Wilson bill as an unconstitutional and undemo- 
 cratic measure, which was one of the main causes of delayed prosperity. In fact, 
 the recent Congressional elections (special) in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Dis- 
 tricts were mainly of interest as affecting votes on that half-way and generally 
 unsatisfactory bill. 
 
 For seven years the Democratic party had been struggling for a radical 
 reform of the tariff. In the House, the Democratic votes had passed the reason- 
 able Mills bill, but this was lost in the Republican Senate. Of course, under the 
 Harrison administration, no progress could be made; but in 1890 the contest was 
 renewed, and the elections of that year showed a popular majority of over 1,300,- 
 000 against a high protective tariff, and gave a Democratic majority of 148 in the 
 House, but the Senate still stood in the way of relief; and thus the Wilson bill 
 was finally accepted by the Democrats, because they could get no better, though 
 it was far from meeting the wishes of the party. The later Dingley bill was called 
 the " revenue-reducing bill." 
 
 The annual message of the Mayor of New York, Mr. Gilroy, was, or ought 
 to have been, a convincing document, disproving the frequent charge against 
 
tS3 
 
 Tammany, by its enemies, of mismanagement and general corruption in the 
 administration ol municipal affairs showing, as il did, thai while th 
 had been materiall) reduced, most valuable improvements had been carried on; 
 and this in face of the fad that New York city had paid verj heavy State ta 
 out of all proportion to the taxes paid bj the counti \ < oun 
 
 During the year just passed the cit\ had expended, or contracted, foi exten 
 sive dock improA ements the sum of $2,750,000; for nev» school houses, $i 1 1 1,0 o; 
 for street repairs, $1,000,000 ; for ( roton water works, including additional high- 
 water service, and the sanitary protection of water supply, $3,750,000; for new 
 armories, $240,000; for the Museums of Art and Natural History, $196,000. 
 
 In addition to these Minis, there was expended for new buildings, including 
 
 tin' splendid new Court I lonse. on ( Yntre street, and a new asylum for the insane, 
 
 in asphalting numerous streets, in rebuilding the interior of Castle Garden and 
 establishing th( Aquarium there, with other improvements and adornments of 
 the city in all to the amount ^\ $20,850,000. During all the hard winter the 
 Mayor was indefatigable in devising means for the employment of men whose 
 usual avocations had been interrupted by the general stagnation of business. 
 
 In the spring there was a fresh outburst of anti-Tamman) combinations, 
 including those chronic factionists, the Steckler brothers; the Michael Duffy 
 Association; Walter Indian's rather limited followers; and some of the "left- 
 over" Voorhis party; while the perennial Parkhurst was in full bloom again. 
 Later in the season the combination was increased by the organization of the 
 redoubtable " Seventy," with which the so-called Good Government Clubs affili- 
 ated. It was at this period, April 23d, £894, that the " Lexow Committee" was 
 appointed at Albany to inquire into the charges against the police force of New 
 York city, of which all the convictions found were subsequent^ quashed in the 
 Supreme Court, sitting on May 21, 1896, chiefly on the ground that the wkn 
 produced by the prosecution were of such debased character and criminal record 
 as to be unworthy of belief. The lawyer employed on behalf of Parkhurst, the 
 chief complainant, was John W. Goff, later Recorder of New York. The 
 most despicable means were employed by Parkhurst to try and injure the Tam- 
 many organization, even descending to the employment of young boy spies to 
 follow and watch respectable citizens (known to be Democrats) on election day. 
 
 A curious instance of how prejudice without knowledge nullities the reason- 
 ing powers is illustrated by a little incident which occurred in the course of the 
 charitable work undertaken by Tammany during the winter. One of the " unco 
 guid" of the North Baptist Church was the chief performer of the little farce. 
 Several thousand dollars had been raised by Tammany workers of the Ninth Dis- 
 trict, and this money was put into the hands of its leader, Mr. Boyle, for distribu- 
 tion. He divided it into smaller sums and sent checks to leading persons in the 
 district whom he knew to be trustworthy. Among these was the pastor of the 
 church referred to, the Rev. John J. Brouner. Mr. Boyle accompanied the check 
 with a kindly note requesting that the money be dispensed for charitable pur- 
 poses. When the announcement (if the reception of this unsolicited gift was made 
 at a church meeting, a Republican deacon arose and vehemently opposed its 
 acceptance, on the ground of its "coming from a corrupt source." Fortunately, 
 the pastor was endowed with a modicum of common sense, and kept the check, 
 subsequently putting the money to good use in his immediate neighborhood. A 
 
"54 
 
 prominent Tammany man remarked, upon a similar incident. " that the descend- 
 ants of such Pharisees may be found in politics," adding, " they are those who 
 thank God that they are not as other men, and straightway go out to form Mug- 
 wump circles." 
 
 Early in May, Mr. Croker, whose health had been failing for some time, 
 resigned all his political offices which he held in the Tammany organization, 
 retaining only simple membership therein. His resignation, which had been fore- 
 seen, was accepted by all the members present, with only one dissenting voice. 
 No other leader was elected in Mr. Croker's place — a position he had so ably rilled 
 for the nine preceding years, and, in advance of this period, he had rendered fully 
 twenty years of faithful work in the interests of the organization. 1 1 is retirement 
 at this time did not result from any loss of interest, but was simply a life-saving 
 necessity, and was insisted upon by his physician. 
 
 Mr. John McQuade, a man of large business experience, was made Chairman 
 of the Finance Committee, but the organization, as a whole, underwent no 
 material change, every department being in a healthful condition, and well able 
 to sustain their several parts in the general management; thus no immediate 
 necessity existed for selecting a special leader. As an old and experienced mem- 
 ber remarked: "When a new leader is really needed, one will be developed — 
 Tammany never lacks able men." 
 
 The Fourth of July programme was prepared in ample time, with the usual 
 supply of excellent speakers and the unfailing enthusiastic audience, but one- 
 event, which had not been announced, was received with a more intense outbreak 
 of rejoicing than all the rest of the formal arrangements. This was the unex- 
 pected return and appearance on the scene of Mr. Croker, which, to all but a very 
 limited number, was wholly unlocked for. His reception was cordial in the 
 extreme, and to a great number of those present would have been ample compen- 
 sation, if it had simply been substituted for the usual proceedings. As full 
 descriptions have been given in these pages of several of these celebrations, it will 
 not be necessary to go into any detailed description of this one, which so many of 
 our readers will personally recollect; and, really, the main event of the day was 
 the sudden return of Tammany's old chief, who, however, took no part in the- 
 public proceedings, only greeting the friends who came to him and departing, 
 from the hall before the orators commenced their " long talks." 
 
( ll \l'i ER LI. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION AND GOVERNOR BILL 
 
 HE Constitutional Convention which met this summer (1894), 
 largely interested Tammany, as dealing with the question of the 
 reapportionment of the Senate and Assembly districts of the 
 State, with which, of course, considerable partisan feeling in 
 both parties existed. It was not a new question. For the pro- 
 ceeding fifteen years it had been the cause not only of serious de- 
 bate, but also of not a little ill feeling. The Constitution of the State had pro- 
 vided that an enumeration of the population should be taken every ten years, 
 and that the legislative districts should be apportioned by the Legislature next 
 sitting upon the new enumeration. An enumeration should have been taken in 
 1885. At that time David B. Hill was Governor, but the Republicans had con- 
 trol of the Legislature. An enumeration bill was passed, but vetoed by the Gov- 
 ernor, on the gorund that it gave to the Republicans control of 
 the appointment of the enumerating officers. After the Legislature 
 adjourned Governor Hill called an extra session, which reconvened, but 
 passed the same bill which had been \ ei'oed. Discrimination was clearly against 
 the City of New York. The greatest injury to the Democratic party fell on Kings 
 County, now the New York Borough of Brooklyn. Tammany felt somewhat 
 relieved when (the worst was known. 
 
 The Democratic State Convention, which assembled in Saratoga on Septem- 
 ber 29th, again selected David B. Hill as their nominee for Governor, Darnel N. 
 Lockwood, of Erie County, for Lieutenant-Governor, and William J. Gaynor, of 
 Kings County, for Judge of Court of Appeals. Although the last State election 
 had not been reassuring, the Democratic party of New York met with brave 
 words and good courage to renew the contest lost in 1894. The Committee on 
 Credentials made its first announcement that the regular delegates from New 
 York and Kings Counties would be seated. The Tammany Times, published in 
 New York city, which was being distributed by thousands, helped to create a 
 furor in favor of Hill, his picture being on the front page, and this was in every 
 delegate's hand. When Hill's name was regularly placed before the convention 
 and the roll call demanded, there were 383 responses in the affirmative, every 
 county in the State having voted for him. On this occasion Mr. Hill was voted 
 for in spite of himself. His candidate had been Mr. Thatcher, who was with- 
 drawn. 
 
 The platform adopted expressed its condemnation of a single silver standard, 
 a worse than war tariff (the McKinley), and satisfaction at the repeal of the Sher- ' 
 man law, adding: " We concur with President Cleveland in regard to the new 
 tariff, the Wilson bill, that it does not embody the full measure of tariff reform 
 needed." "We reaffirm the declaration of principles contained in the Democratic 
 National platform of 1892, in favor of honest money; economy in public expenses; 
 just and liberal provision for disabled Union soldiers, and the true principles of 
 
156 
 
 Civil Service reform." This platform repudiated the Income Tax; favored all 
 just legislation in the interests of labor, and denounced, " as contrary to the spirit 
 of our institutions, any display of religious intolerance or political proscription on 
 account of any special form of religious belief." 
 
 The clause in the platform referring to labor appeared to have been widely 
 read and appreciated by the class most interested. At a meeting in Cooper 
 Union, held on October 25th, which was addressed by the nominee for Governor, 
 the immense hall was filled by almost exclusively an audience of workingmen, 
 who had come to see and hear the man who had done so much for the industrial 
 interests of the community, and was ready to do more. Between forty and fifty 
 different trade organizations being represented, including some musical societies 
 and other forms of industry not usually classed as labor. At the close of Mr. 
 Hill's address, which was vociferously applauded, a representative of Typographi- 
 cal Union No. 6, read a list of beneficial laws affecting labor which Mr. Hill, as 
 Lieutenant-Governor, and Governor, had secured for the State of New York. 
 
 But enthusiasm does not always elect. And, in truth, it may be said, that no 
 political organization in the United States ever had as formidable a combination 
 against it as Tammany had at this time. Very shortly after the adjournment of 
 the State Convention the experienced leaders had serious consultations how best 
 to meet the threatening forces arrayed against them, their main efforts being 
 directed to securing the right candidate for the office of Mayor of the City of Xew 
 York. Several of the prominent officers of the Wigwam favored the nomination 
 of Frederic R. Coudert, which would undoubtedly have drawn some of the pro- 
 fessed reformers from their new allegiance to strange gods, thus exhibiting great 
 magnanimity on the part of Tammany; for Mr. Coudert had latch' been working 
 against the organization, but was still recognized as a Democrat untainted with 
 Republicanism. Unfortunately, another spirit had been at work among the lead- 
 ers of the Assembly Districts, which rendered the nomination of Mr. Coudert 
 impolitic, if not impossible. Former Mayor Hugh Grant favored the candidacy 
 of Nathan Strauss, and he was finally selected, and accepted the nomination, 
 which, however, he later resigned, and the name of Hugh Granl was substituted. 
 What had given the combined opponents of Tammany the absolute assurance 
 that they could secure its defeat was the fact that in the State election of 181)3 the 
 Democratic candidate for the Court of Appeals had only won in the city by a 
 majority of 31,677, and this was taken as a safe estimate of Tammany's strength. 
 From this style of arguing the antagonistic element somewhat naturally, though 
 erroneously, came to the conclusion, that if all the enemies of Tammany could 
 be united, in addition to their permanent opponents, the Republicans, it would be 
 easy work to overcome a matter of 30,000 votes. 
 
 I Ik strongest enemies to be met in the independent camps were undoubtedly 
 the State Democracy, and the organization of the " Seventy," which was formally 
 launched on the political tide early in September, and with which the lesser anti- 
 Tammany associations and clubs were more or less affiliated ; but the idea of this 
 general combination must, in strict justice, be attributed to Park-hurst, whose con- 
 tinuous preaching and personal influence had originally aroused, by his persistent 
 assertions of Tammany's wickedness, and his own purity, the animosity of 
 thousands of ill-informed but probably honest people; for it is a well understood 
 element in uncultured human nature to take persistent assertion for fact and accu- 
 
sation (or proof. ( >ne of the preacher's favorite topics was that of election frauds, 
 which were urged against the police force, including indiscriminately, Republicans 
 
 and Democrats, hut which the orators of the former party habitually referred to as 
 "Tammany frauds," though, as ex-Mayor Hewitt pointed out, the same stereo 
 typed charges were brought in [875, when Tammany held no office in the city 
 
 government; and the same occurred under his own mayoralty. The inference 
 plainly to be drawn from his published letter is that, m his opinion, wherever there 
 were human beings and strong temptations, a certain percentage would fail in 
 their duty under the very best conditions. The whole number indicted, out of 
 some four thousand, were only seventy-two, of which twenty nine were dismissed 
 as unsustained, a few pleaded guilty; other doubtful cases were suspended, or 
 referred to the next session of Oyer and Terminer, but were not heard of again. 
 All the convictions were procured by a Democratic District Attorney, irrespec 
 tive of politics, with no question of what party they belonged to. But out of these 
 trials the reformers, in their haste to make political capital, did not 
 scruple to throw such dishonor upon their own city that foreign newspapers and 
 other distant critics felt justified in speaking of the metropolis of our country as 
 if it were a place unfit for habitation — a species of treason which no Democrat 
 was ever guilty of. 
 
 One of the worst of these detainers was the Rev. George H. Hepworth, who, 
 in his book on Armenia, refers to Tammany in such a malicious and untruthful 
 spirit that every intelligent reader naturally asks himself: Is a man thus capable 
 of slandering his own fellow citizens a reliable witness on any subject, especially 
 the political conditions of a foreign country? 
 
 After the defeat of the Democratic ticket, in 1894, inexperienced people 
 began to talk as if the end of Tammany had come, but the old-timers of the Wig- 
 wam were not in the least dismayed. They had experienced reverses before, and 
 had outlived them, rising from them with renewed strength, like the ancient hero 
 of Grecian mythology, Anteus, who, in his struggle with a formidable enemy, was 
 reinvigorated every time he touched mother earth. The blow this time was not 
 mortal. In the first place, the Tammany people knew that the adverse result had 
 been brought about not because they were sinners above all men, but simply from 
 the combination of unnatural allies, who, in the nature of things, could not long 
 remain in unison, being held together not by any platform of principles, but 
 largely by an ardent desire to achieve the handling of the city patronage, and not 
 by any recognized historic party who had a future to look to. If these temporary 
 allies had been the pure and disinterested men they claimed to be, they would not 
 have conducted their campaign on a basis of wild calumny and falsification, as 
 they did; and, in view of this, Tammany was satisfied that, with a little time for 
 reflection, the mass of honest voters, who had been misled by misstatements and 
 the hypocritical pretence of superior purity of motive, would soon see these pre- 
 tenders unmasked by their own actions, and the betrayed people would recover 
 their second sober thought and come back to the party of less pretence, but more 
 habitual honesty of purpose. Besides, the Tammany vote had not been small; 
 its candidate for Mayor, Hugh Grant, received 109,000 votes, which was only 
 eight thousand less than the vote which had elected him in 1888: so the veterans 
 felt; in their hearts, that it would not be long before these deserters would be 
 speeding back to their old home, under the permanent shelter of the Wigwam. 
 
158 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 SOME REVERSES -PARKHURST-MATNARD. 
 
 ffc^TT ZS5il LTHOUGH New York State would have failed of its electoral 
 /lVra2K\?]Vll vote f° r Grover Cleveland without the loyal aid rendered by 
 
 Tammany, that organization stood on its dignity, and made no 
 immediate effort to secure recognition at the hands of the 
 President, as he had not been their preferred candidate, while 
 naturally not averse to accepting any good thing which the 
 Administration felt inclined to put in their way; and, while the men from " up the 
 State," some of .whom had even signed a protest against Cleveland's nomination, 
 did not hesitate to make personal application at the White House for a share of 
 the spoils, the officers of the Tammany Society checked the inclination to rush 
 to Washington, but, instead, agreed among themselves what it was rightly 
 entitled to, selected the names of the men for the offices to which they were best 
 fitted, and, after waiting a reasonable time, quietly sent them to the Executive 
 Mansion. Such was the seemly method employed by Tammany; while from the 
 country parts of this State, and from every other State in t'e Union, the White 
 House was besieged with office-beggars of every class and description. 
 
 The most important event of 1893 and which had a far reaching effect upon 
 the Tammany organization was, of course, the State election. Already a num- 
 ber of small factions, calling themselves anti-Tammany, and with no other excuse 
 for existence, were cropping up, destined, in the end, to extinction, but trouble- 
 some for the time they continued, simply seeking their individual interests, 
 regardless of the greater interests of the party. Among these events affecting the 
 interests of Tammany which burst into sudden prominence this year was that 
 outbreak of unrestrained fanaticism which has been called " the Parkhurst 
 assault," but though the reverend gentleman's name has been specially identified 
 with the attack, ostensibly directed to the New York police force, yet, in intent 
 and purpose, meaning injury to Tammany, he was not the originator of the move- 
 ment which eventuated in the appointment of the notorious " Lexow Committee 
 of Investigation." 
 
 The original instigator was a business man, a cotton broker, named Henry 
 Morehouse Taber, who happened to be foreman of the Grand Jury of March, 
 1892, and who, in that capacity, made a wholesale charge of corruption against 
 the police force and the police courts, acting, in this matter, in conjunction with 
 Dr. Parkhurst. Adding his own opinion to the official presentment, he declared 
 his belief that the police were paid to protect law-breakers, and that the corruption 
 fund existing for this precise purpose amounted to $7,000,000 or $8,000,000! That 
 a commission of inquiry into this man's sanity was not immediately instituted 
 remains one of the mysteries of that period. This veracious individual indulged 
 in other eccentricities of conduct, all of which were not known to the public until 
 after his death, when his peculiar will disclosed some of them. During all of his 
 adult life Mr. Taber had posed as a devout Christian, being on intimate terms with 
 
[59 
 
 his Presbyterian pastor, acting also as a trustee oi the church, and 'I" el) con 
 nected with other ( hristian societies; yel he lefl a will p ai total 
 
 disbelief in any and all religions, deeming them all mere superstitions Of course, 
 Mr. Taber, as all others, have the right to believe or disbelieve w hal they cho 
 but what amount of mental honesty in anj matter of moral ethics can exisl in a 
 mind thus inconsistent with itself? \ daily outward appearance, and habitual 
 profession of faith in Christianity, while, in reality, at heart a confirmed agno 
 While Mr. Taber lived he and Parkhurst worked together the one a self-pro 
 nounced hypocrite, and the other an impracticable theorist. Their work ending, 
 as might have been expected, in a profound fiasco, so far as permanent results 
 were concerned, to which farther reference will be made. 
 
 The momentous Democratic State Convention which met this year at Sara- 
 toga, on October 5th, met with no pronounced opposition to its nominees until 
 the name of Judge Isaac 11. Maynard was presented as the candidate of the con- 
 vention for Judge of the Court of Appeals, which (.hew out some hostile remarks. 
 However, the whole ticket presented was accepted by the convention, and ratified 
 at a meeting in the \\ igwam, in New York, on the evening of the 27th. At this 
 meeting Governor Mower presided; many enthusiastic speeches were made, and 
 Colonel Fellows took occasion to specially eulogize Judge Maynard; yet, at this 
 very time, there was, in the minds of some of the leaders, more than a faint sus- 
 picion that the Judge would prove a drag-anchor to the whole of the State ticket, 
 which, indeed, it did, as the following figures plainly show: 
 
 Though the Democratic ticket had a majority of 35,066 in the city, there was 
 this difference: The candidate for Secretary of State, Cord Meyers, received a 
 vote of 65,000 throughout the State, while Maynard was simply slaughtered in the 
 country towns, and, even in the city, fell some 30,000 below the general ticket; 
 and thus, although the victory remained in the city with Tammany, there was a 
 reduction in the majorities which gave cause for thought. The falling off was 
 universally attributed to Judge Maynard's name on the ticket ; yet he had always 
 borne an irreproachable character, and in the opinion of his friends, in the matter 
 charged against him, on this occasion, he had only acted on the principle of 
 accomplishing an act of practical justice by the use of all the means which a 
 fortunate opportunity placed in his way. 
 
 The affair which caused his defeat has passed into history under the name 
 of " the Mylod returns," these being the election returns from Dutchess County 
 in 180,0. In counting the ballots on this occasion it was found that a certain 
 number of votes cast for the Republican candidate bore certain private marks, 
 -which could be easily identified; these, in the first count, were legally and 
 properly rejected and thrown out. The political friends of the losing candidate 
 commenced a contest for their restoration, and applied to the courts to effect such 
 restoration; then followed a long series of law proceedings, "stays," "man- 
 damuses," " injunctions," and all the devices known to the law to make the worse 
 appear the better cause, on the one side to secure the recognition of the legality 
 of the original returns, on the other to enforce the counting of the marked ballots. 
 During this contest, by the delay of a mail delivery. Judge Maynard. who was 
 acting at the time as counsel to the original board, had the opportunity, and 
 availed himself of it, to present the original and correct returns to the State Board 
 of Canvassers, and with this, undisputed before them, the Democratic candidate 
 
i6o 
 
 (Osborne) was declared duly elected to the Senate, as he had been in fact. The 
 accusation against Maynard was that he had acted in defiance of certain legal. 
 injunctions, which he, as good a lawyer as any of his accusers, claimed were illeg- 
 ally issued; but the rage and disappointment of the Republicans, who had thus 
 lost a Senator, was unappeasable, and knew no bounds. Even some members of 
 the Bar Association met together and formally condemned the position taken by 
 Judge Maynard. So much excitement was there that eventually the Legislature 
 ordered an inquiry, and a joint committee of both houses was appointed, but it 
 soon dropped the whole business; sending in, however, a majority and minority 
 report. The Legislature adopted the majority report, which practically exoner- 
 ated Maynard; and Governor Flower soon after reappointed him to the honorable 
 office of Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals; but this nomination was not sus- 
 tained in the ensuing election, to which .Maynard appealed for vindication. 
 
 The lesson of all which is that the people demand that their judges shall not 
 only be of the purest integrity, but that it shall be of such a grade and quality as 
 to be beyond question, even by their enemies. The writer has seen many political 
 campaigns, but never one in which such vicious virulence was indulged in against 
 a candidate of long established good reputation as that which pursued Judge 
 Maynard. At the same time, it must be admitted that his defense, by his party, 
 was very weakly conducted. The Judge died in Albany in June, 1896. 
 
 Though the Democrats had carried the city, the State had gone Republican. 
 Some of the causes of this defeat were sufficiently obvious, but leading them all 
 was the " bad times," which conjunction of ideas and facts is explained by the 
 common experience, that there is to be found in all communities a large number 
 of persons who habitually hold the government responsible for business condi- 
 tions, and the times were hard. The President was a Democrat. Hence, in the 
 logic of many voters, it must improve matters to change party control. Added 
 to this sort of reasoning, was some resentment against the President for certain 
 appointments which were distasteful to the many of both parties, particularly that 
 of a wealthy gentleman of Rhode Island, who was most widely known as a large 
 subscriber to the election fund; then, also, Mr. Cleveland's attitude towards 
 Hawaiian affairs, and his semi-support of the dethroned queen was displeasing to 
 others. Still more potent was the disappointment over the failure to secure 
 satisfactory changes in the tariff. The changes made not being radical, it was 
 charged that such as were made were simply disturbing business, though, as 
 the Democrats were not at this time a majority in Congress, thev could not 
 properly lie held responsible for this. Other minor causes added to the feeling of 
 desire for a change. The hard times being at the base of all. The Democratic 
 victory of 1892 had turned largely on the question of tariff reform, and the reform 
 had not materialized. But Tammany was not seriously discouraged. Tt never is. 
 Since its leading object is to maintain the great cause of human rights, it is ever 
 assured that it must and will prevail in the end, whatever delays or obstructions 
 temporarily intervene. As a means to a desired end, a special effort was made 
 this year to increase the number of local Tammany clubs, and towards the end of 
 the year, during the latter part of December, an innovation was planned for 
 introducing into the organization of the Assembly districts a material change. 
 
 The criticism had often been made that the q-ovcrnment of Tammany Hall 
 was wholly composed of place-holders, professional politicians. To meet this 
 
11,1 
 
 objection, though it was not Founded on fact, Mr. Croker conceived the id< 
 connecting with the local leadership a body of nun specially selected for their 
 business qualities, and Iheir social status as business men, believing that such 
 might be valuable aids to the usual leaders and would also add prestige to the 
 part) iu the eyes of the general public. This plan was announced as experimental 
 only, and not necessarily a permanency. Few of the existing leaders were 
 enthusiastic on the suggested change, bul no serious opposition was made, and 
 the arrangement went into effect, working well in some districts, bul in others 
 producing complications; most of the business men themselves eventually with- 
 drawing from the arrangement. 
 
 At the late election delegates had been chosen to the Constitutional Conven- 
 tion. Among the Tammany men thus honored we find such names as William C. 
 Whitney, John Bigelow, De I.ancev X'icoll, Xelson J. Waterbury, Gideon J. 
 Tucker, Charles II. Truax, Andrew II. Green and others of equal standing and 
 intelligence. 
 
 Very shortly after the result of the election was officially made known, a 
 S) stematic and combined effort was made, by the opposition, to unite all parties ; 
 great and small, antagonistic to Tammany. What might be called the formal 
 inauguration of this movement took place at a meeting on November 21st, at the 
 Union Square Hotel. At this time and place the various malcontents assembled, 
 and one obscure person offered the following resolution: 
 
 Resolved. That a committee of ten be appointed by the Chairman to arange for a pub- 
 lic mass meeting for a union of all anti-Tammany forces in New York. 
 
 No expression of principles, political or otherwise, was offered, or apparently 
 expected, thus illustrating the general and habitual attitude of opponents to the 
 Tammany Hall organization, who, as a rule, have no other end in view than to 
 secure the patronage naturally inherent in the administration of a large munici- 
 pality. About the same time a remnant of the old County Democracy met, with 
 similar purposes, in the Twelfth District, and one in the Seventh, calling them- 
 selves the Citizen's Democracy. Other associations of great prestige were soon 
 to follow. The association of the State Democracy was largely composed, at 
 first, of the old anti-Snappers, of which faction Charles S. Fairchild was the 
 leader. Just at the same time Senator Hill was bravely fighting the Federal Elec- 
 tion bill, and Tammany was busy striving to alleviate the distress of the unem- 
 ployed poor in the City of New York, by raising large sums of money in all the 
 Assembly districts, furnishing fuel and food to thousands thrown out of work by 
 the general stagnation of business. 
 
162 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 RATIFICATION OF NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 HE celebration of Tammany's great day, the Fourth of July, 
 was not so brilliant as usual, on account of the absence of many 
 of the leading men who had gone to the National Democratic 
 Convention, which was to meet in Chicago on the 6th; though 
 the gathering was interesting and enthusiastic, for, fortunately, 
 the assembled patriots had not the prevision to see the perplex- 
 ing effect which the nomination for President, made by the convention, would 
 produce. Of course, there were individual sympathizers with the silver Bryan- 
 ites, but to Tammany, as an organization, the ticket nominated at Chicago fell 
 like a wet blanket, and for a time produced almost a sense of stupefaction among 
 the most intelligent members of the Democratic party in New York city. The 
 question of officially accepting the candidate and the platform was a very serions 
 one; but it had to be met. Quite a number, like ex-Governor blower, Senator 
 Hill, Comptroller Ashbel P. Fitch, the veteran Tammanyite, General Sickles, 
 ex-Mayor Hugh Grant, and scores of others, openly and promptly repudiated 
 both the candidate, Mr. Bryan, and certain principles enunciated in the platform, 
 on the ground that neither represented true Democracy; yet — there was the 
 one Democratic principle which could not be absolutely ignored, that the ma- 
 jority should rule, and the Chicago convention represented, through its dele- 
 gates, the will of the party. However, distasteful, Tammany decided that to 
 retain the prestige of regularity, it would be necessary to formally accept the 
 situation and make the best of it. 
 
 Not only in the city, but throughout the State, the condition was a compli- 
 cated and very trying one, to those of the party who regarded the action of the 
 convention as undemocratic. To the more independent members of Tammany a 
 bolt and practical protest seemed the right thing to do; hence the organization 
 of the Sound Money party, who put an independent ticket in the field, with 
 Palmer and Buckner, for President and Vice-President, as their nominees; not 
 hoping, indeed, to win, but as a rebuke to the Democracy of the West, which had 
 controlled the convention. 
 
 It was decided to hold the public ratification meeting at Madison Square 
 Garden on the 12th of August; and, although the heat was intense, an immense 
 crowd assembled to greet Mr. Bryan. There had been a marked degree of curi- 
 osity to see this new style of Democrat from the West, and it was asserted by old 
 New Yorkers that a large portion of the audience were non-habitues at Democra- 
 tic meetings, but was largely made up of the floating population, who had not 
 been able to leave the torrid streets and escape to the country. However, this 
 may have been, Mr. Bryan received such a cordial reception as must have given 
 him the impression that his friends were largely in the ascendant, his speech being 
 frequently punctuated with hearty and apparently sincere applause; though it was 
 long enough and serious enough to have wearied any common audience on a less 
 torrid night. As his arguments have been so widely published, there is no object 
 in tcpeating them here. 
 
WILLIAM .ILXMXCS I'.UYA.N. 
 
i«3 
 
 About a month later the Democratic State Convention met al Buffalo. Its 
 main business was to endorse the national ticket, which il did, and to nominate 
 State officers, including a Governor. Senator Hill's favorite candidate for this, 
 office was fohn Boyd Thatcher,. and for Lieutenant Governor, [saac S. Catlin, of 
 Kings County, a man who had now. bul never previously, bolted a National 
 ticket. 'The silver nun were much chagrined to perceive the influence exerted 
 by the General's attitude, while Mr. John C. Sheehan branded all sound money 
 men as traitors. On this occasion the lion. I), (ady Merrick, of the Appellate 
 Court, took a prominent part. 'The nominee finally selected was W'ilber F. P01 
 ter, of Watertown. The opposing candidate was Mr. Black, who, in the ensuing 
 November, was elected. 
 
 The campaign was not very exhilirating to Tammany, on account of the 
 falling off of funds; so many of the business people who had been accustomed to 
 subscribe liberally became timid over the situation, fearing financial disturbance, 
 in case of the success of Mr. Bryan. This feeling was greatly strengthened by 
 the daily reports of prominent Democrats having joined the gold monometallists, 
 the opposition papers taking particular care to publish such lists as campaign 
 weapons. After the election was over, it was estimated thai 40,000 Democrats 
 voted against Bryan. 
 
 The representation of Tammany men at the convention had been small (only 
 208) as compared with previous occasions, as for instance, in 1892, 1,200 attended. 
 Mr. Croker was not present when Mr. Bryan was nominated: Mr. Sulzer spoke 
 for the Tammany delegation supporting the motion, and, as the unit rule pre- 
 vailed, the rest of the delegation was forced to take the same attitude, though, 
 personally, so many were dissatisfied with the result. At a conference with the 
 district leaders, held on July 2ist, Mr. Sheehan, as acting leader of Tammany 
 Hall, advised that it was best to ratify the nomination of William J. Bryan. His 
 views being accepted, there was no object in delaying the public ratification, and it 
 was decided to issue a call for meetings of the Executive and ( Jeneral Commit- 
 tees; but Justice Frederick Smyth, who was at this time Grand Sachem, 
 declared that he could not vote for Bryan — yet neither would he vote for the 
 Republican candidate, Mr. McKinlev. 
 
 Some members of Tammany took the stand that the organization should not 
 put up any National electoral ticket, but limit themselves to a State ticket. This 
 position was taken by ex-Secretary of the Navy, William C. Whitney, but the ques- 
 tion of official recognition, as the Democratic party of New York, overbalanced 
 this idea. Finally, at a meeting of the Executive Committee, it was voted, by 70 
 to 4. to indorse Bryan ; but it was well known that the feeling was not nearly so 
 unanimous as the vote. " ' Stand by the majority,' is the rule," said Mr. Purroy, 
 though he believed in the monetary standard recognized by all the great commer- 
 cial nations of the earth, and he added, "though the prevalent Democracy has 
 wandered into error, it is far better constituted to act as the great agent for the 
 preservation of the sovereignty of the people, far better entitled to my support 
 than can ever be its irreconcilable enemy, the Republican party, that organization 
 of monopolies and trusts." This argument was good doctrine, but the speaker's 
 subsequent action effectually nullified his speech. 
 
i6 4 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 ADVENT OF THE " REFORMERS." 
 
 S was anticipated by those who knew the recuperative power of 
 Tammany, that organization rapidly recovered from the de- 
 pressing effect of the defeat of the party in the last State 
 election. One of the amusing displays of " reform " claims 
 to strength and influence was the ridiculously high figures 
 which each and all of these factions put forth by grossly mis- 
 stating the number of votes they controlled, and the consequent recognition due 
 to them from the victorious party. As, for instance, the State Democracy had 
 claimed that they were absolutely sure of 50,000 votes; the Independent County 
 oiganization put their help at 40,000; the German- American Reform had set theirs 
 at 75,000; the Anti-Tammany Democracy at another 40,000. These alone cov- 
 ered more than the total vote of the opposition ; yet where was the vote of the 
 redoubtable " Seventy ? " Where that of the Good Government Clubs? and 
 all the other brood akin to them, including the much larger body of the regular 
 Republican machine adherents? Some of the foes of Tammany, who had boasted 
 loudly of their power and numbers before election, made such a poor showing on 
 election day as to be simply ridiculous. 
 
 But to the new Mayor these independents of all sorts and sizes became a 
 serious annoyance, each and all clamoring for their share of the spoils, while 
 Tammany proceeded peacefully and quietly in its regular course, merely chang- 
 ing its committees, so far as was required by the re-districting, in accordance with 
 the new Constitution adopted at the late election. Biding their time, in the full 
 faith of a certain and not distant return to power. 
 
 At the first meeting of the General Committee it was decided that an address 
 to the people should be prepared thanking the 109,000 men who had voted the 
 Tammany ticket — this, perhaps, just to let their late opponents know that they 
 were neither dead nor sleeping. In regard to the reorganization, it was decided, 
 at a meeting in February, that to make it thoroughly efficient, it must be effected 
 by the Sachems of the Tammany Society, as distinguished from the political 
 organization, as these really commission the active leaders of that body, and. in 
 aid of this measure, it was decided to elect new members to the Board of Sachems. 
 A committee of five was authorized to nominate. The men nominated by this 
 committee proved conclusively that Mr. Croker's influence was still potent, as 
 the friends of the old chieftain were largely in the majority of those selected. In 
 fact, there was not one who could be considered inimical to his leadership. 
 Frederick Smyth was chosen Grand Sachem; Charles Welde, Father of the 
 Council, and Maurice Holahan as Scribe. 
 
 As the original Indian chief, Tammany, was called, in his old age, " the Chief 
 of many days," so the Society which still honors his memory, may truthfully be 
 called the Society of many days; for it has outlived all other political organizations 
 ever formed in the United States; and, from its very nature and constitution, will 
 
'65 
 
 continue to live long after its presenl opponents, of \\ hatever name, are moribund, 
 dead, or transmigrated into new forms of existence, as lias been the fate of all the 
 preceding forms of opposition. Where now are the old Federalists; the Whigs; 
 the anti-Masons; the Know Nothings; the Free Soilers; the Citizens' Union and 
 all their kin? The Republican party, at the present moment, wearing out the 
 loyalty of their best friends by endeavoring to conceal, rather than repudiate, the 
 wrongdoers in the party? This feature of permanence is annually emphasized by 
 Tammany's unremitting recognition of the 4th of Jul) . 
 
 To show the disinterestedness of the professidnal reformers, it is instructive 
 to note that Recorder Goff, the principal " Lexovv " lawyer, had scarcely got 
 seated in the Recorder's chair than he had the audacity and the greed to 
 demand the patronage of four judges all for himself, and. without any rea- 
 sonable pretext, asked for a large increase of salary. After the experience 
 furnished by the latter-day purifiers of politics, not a few Democrats were tempted 
 to apply the same verdict to the average professional " reformer." Mayor 
 Strong, the so-called non-partisan Mayor, appointed, in May, the following mem- 
 bers of the new Bi-Partisan Police Board: Theodore Roosevelt, Fred. D. Grant 
 and Andrew D. Parker. Police Commissioner Andrews nominated Roosevelt as 
 President of the Board, an office which he subsequently filled in such an arbitrary 
 and unreasoning manner that he did much to hasten the return of Tammany to 
 power in the city. 
 
 The most striking change in city life, after the advent of Mayor Strong- and 
 Police Commissioner Roosevelt, was the enormous increase of crime in the form 
 of burglary. At first this epidemic was simply wondered at. or feared by the 
 timid, but the reason for it soon became apparent; the policemen, instead of 
 patrolling their beats, as formerly, were largely engaged in watching saloons, 
 especially on Sundays. Not only that, but spying upon small shopkeepers, to see 
 if they sold a loaf of bread, a sheet of letter paper, five cents' worth of milk or of 
 ice. Thus burglars had plenty of time to plan and carry out their schemes with- 
 out danger of discovery or interruption by the new police. Violent crimes of all 
 kinds became alarmingly prevalent. This condition of things was so fully recog- 
 nized that it even affected the city's credit. A three per cent, loan for only 
 $2,256,371. absolutely failed and was withdrawn, though, only a few years prev- 
 iously, a bond for $9,000,000 was readily taken up, when issued by a Tammany 
 civic administration. In fact, the whole reform movement was rapidly proving 
 itself a dead failure, because the leaders did not know how to proceed on a line 
 with the general sentiment of the community', with which, in fact, they had no 
 sympathy. 
 
 The newly ordained Blanket Ballot, by some called the Raines ballot, requir- 
 ing long and patient study, perplexing even to the most intelligent, was sprung 
 upon the long-suffering voters this year. The object of its framers seemed to be 
 to repel from the ballot-box the poorer class of voters, who had little time to spare 
 from their daily avocations in which to study out its complications; but, as usual, 
 its framers failed to reckon on the resources of the Tamilian v leaders, who opened 
 special night schools of instruction, in which they familiarized the men of little 
 leisure how to safely deal with its intricacies. To begin with, there was, this year, 
 on one sheet, nine party emblems, with the nominations of each of these parties 
 to be selected from, according to the judgment or wishes of the voter. The 
 
i66 
 
 straight Republican ticket had for its emblem an Eagle; the regular Democratic 
 was a Star; the Democratic Reform was a Ship; the Prohibition a Fountain; the 
 Socialist Labor party an upraised Arm with Hammer; the People's party (what 
 they wanted it was hard to find out) a Trefoil; Independent Citizens, a Sunrise; 
 Citizens' Independent, a Horseshoe: Ninth Senatorial Independent Republi- 
 can, a figure of Justice. Was not this medley enough to discourage any but the 
 most determined voter from attempting to venture within the voting-booth, 
 watched, perhaps, by some personal enemy, or, at least, an enemy to the voter's 
 party? 
 
 During the summer, while Mr. Croker was absent, what was called by the 
 profane " the Steering Committee " of Tammany Hall consisted of Messrs. James 
 J. Martin, Lawrence Delmour, George W. Plunkitt and the late Augustus W. 
 Peters. The organization had been so constantly annoyed by claims for official 
 recognition by small factional parties that Tammany was now seriously consider- 
 ing the question of seeking a change in the ballot laws, by which the number 
 lequired for recognition should be raised from 3,000 signatures to 10,000. This 
 latter number would certainly have put the State Democracy, the Stecklers and 
 others, hors dn combat. 
 
 The State Convention met at Syracuse, on September 23d. Senator Hill, 
 who was in the lead at this time, was favorably inclined to the admission of most 
 of the small factions, feeling that no offered addition of strength should be 
 rejected. Perry Belmont was made temporary chairman and Roswell P. Flower 
 permanent chairman. The majority organization, Tammany, obtained the use of 
 the party emblem for their local ticket; the State Democracy, as also the 
 Shephard Democracy of Brooklyn, was allowed but a one-third representation. 
 As usual, the country counties exhibited their chronic jealousy of Tammany, and 
 strove to curtail its influence. Mr. Belmont, speaking on the Excise question, 
 condemned the State law, which allowed to country towns local option, but 
 denied to the great City of New York one of the essential elements of Home 
 Rule. Tl e Puritanic Sunday laws and the " Raine's restaurant sandwich " came 
 in for a good share of satirical denunciation. 
 
 The offer of one-fifth of a vote to the State Democracy, while four-fifths was 
 given to Tammany, excited strong indignation among the delegates of the for- 
 mer, who finally withdrew from the convention. Some additional contention 
 arose over the admission of the followers of ex-Mayor Grace, when Mr. Thomas 
 F. Grady remarked that the combined votes of all the opponents of Tammany 
 was less than one-fifth of the total Democratic vote. The Grace men thereupon 
 left — in no amiable mood. After nominating a State ticket, the chief speeches 
 made were directed against sumptuary laws being forced upon the city by non- 
 resident legislators, who knew nothing and cared less for its needs, but never 
 forgetting to exact a high rate of State taxation. Senator Hill, in his speech on 
 this occasion, coinciding in the views expressed above, added some remarks in 
 favor of bi-metallism. 
 
 Of city control from Albany the sentiment expressed by Mr. Belmont was 
 the prevailing spirit of the Tammany delegates, as he had on a previous occasion 
 declared: " Under the existing system stability of city government is impossible; 
 our cities have no real autonomy; local self-government is a misnomer. All the 
 evils of our city government arise from the following causes: First: Excessive 
 
">7 
 
 aUkuiy legislation. Second: Failure to enacl general laws granting largei power 
 to cities. Third: Absence of accurate information at Ubanj in respect to 
 Home rule is the only solution." 
 
 The platform adopted embraced, in substance, the following principles and 
 policy: 
 
 A Strong stand for Home Rule no legislative meddling with purelj local 
 affairs. 
 
 Economy in public expenses a stricl audit of expenditure; a lovi tax rate. 
 
 Honesty in public office no corrupt traffic in legislation. 
 
 Equal enforcement of all the laws; an orderl) Sunday; modification or 
 repeal of laws unsupported by public opinion; local option on Excise matters; 
 no blue laws. 
 
 Equal taxation: no partial legislation; individual liberty. 
 
 Honest elections; official accounting of expenditures. 
 
 Practical and honest reform in Civil Service; intelligent and liberal promo- 
 tion of agriculture; improved highways throughout the State. 
 
 Needed legislation for laborers. 
 
 Federal taxation for revenue only; no Government partnership with pro- 
 tected monopolies. 
 
 Sound money— gold and silver legal tender: gradual retirement of green- 
 backs. 
 
 Strict construction of the Federal Constitution: No Force bills. 
 
 This platform was unanimously adopted. Mr. Sulzer offered a resolution of 
 sympathy with the Cuban patriots, which was received with cheers. The nomina- 
 tions having been completed, the convention adjourned sine die. 
 
 As a result of earnest Democratic effort, with an increasing- dissatisfaction 
 with Republican management, the former party made a clean sweep in the city at 
 the ensuing November elections, the Tammany nominees being elected by a 
 majority of 37,800, carrying in every one of its candidates for city ai 1 county 
 offices, with some State and legislative; namely, three Justices of the Supreme 
 Court, two Judges of the Court of General Sessions, the three Justices of the City 
 Court, their nominee for Congress, and twenty-six out of the thirty-five Assem- 
 blymen, a grand gain over the results of the struggle the previous year. Rut the 
 people had not then suffered a year of Republican tyranny and misrule. It was 
 at this election that the people voted the appropriation of $0,000,000 for the 
 enlargement 'and improvement of the Erie Canal, which, later, under the adminis- 
 tration of Governor Black, was officially charged by a State Investigating Com- 
 mittee with fraud, dishonesty and waste in the expenditure. So clearly were the 
 facts established as greatly to injure the Republican campaign of 1898. 
 
1 68 
 
 CHAPTER LV. 
 
 TESTIMONIAL TO RICHARD CROKER. 
 
 NE of the most interesting social events concerning the Tam- 
 many magnates, in recent years, took place at the Hotel Savoy 
 on February 8th. This was an entertainment given in honor 
 of Mr. Croker. There were one hundred and fifty guests 
 present at the dinner, which was very elaborate, and was not 
 concluded until 10 P. M., when Mr. John C. Sheehan, after 
 a neat speech of welcome, called upon Senator Grady to respond to the first toast, 
 " Our Guest, Richard Croker." Mr. Grady's reputation for timely oratory makes 
 it unnecessary to introduce his discriminating eulogy of the guest of the evening 
 here. He concluded by saying: " We do not want this dinner to become simply 
 a memory; therefore, we have provided a more substantial testimonial, which will, 
 in after years, testify to you (turning to Mr. Croker) and to your descendants our 
 hearty affection." Here Mr. Grady presented a beautiful and costly Loving Cup, 
 which had been subscribed for by friends present. 
 
 Mr. Croker, responding, said: " This magnificent testimonial of your friend- 
 ship I accept, being conscious of the sincerity of the sentiment which occasions 
 your assemblage here to-night. I always attributed the success of the organiza- 
 tion with which we have been so long identified not to my individual endeavor, 
 but to your loyalty and truth, and to the unity and cohesion which marked your 
 efforts to promote the prosperity and glory of Tammany Hall, and of the masses 
 who were faithful to the doctrines of true Democracy. Now, let me persuade and 
 entreat you to a continuance of that cohesion, that truth, that loyalty, and that 
 unity among yourselves, at all times and under all circumstances." After some 
 farther remarks, Mr. Croker closed his brief address amid loud applause and 
 hearty cheers. Other interesting addresses were made, the banquet not closing 
 until a late, or, more correctly speaking, an early hour of the next day. 
 
 The Loving Cup presented to Mr. Croker is of silver, of a capacity of two 
 gallons. It was designed and made by Tiffany. Its cost was $2,000. Mr. 
 Croker sailed for England shortly after this pleasant testimonial to the esteem in 
 which he is held by his personal friends and political confreres. One of Mr. 
 Croker's sententious sayings about this time was, '' That Reform needs Reforma- 
 tion," and another, " The bossism of the newspapers is more dangerous than thr 
 political — the one can be removed, the other cannot." 
 
CHAPTER LVI. 
 CONSOLIDATION. 
 
 HE question of consolidation was beginning to attract morc 
 attention as the season advanced. The Tammany people 
 
 were by no means a unit on this subject. Mr. Sulzer, for 
 instance, was a strong advocate for it, while Mr. John C. Shee- 
 lian, in May, publicly praised the twenty-five Assemblymen 
 who had voted against that measure. 'The populous City of 
 Brooklyn had sent up to Albany a protest against it, but Governor Morton paid 
 no attention to it. The history of this movement was rather peculiar, from the 
 fact that from its initiation its friends were incessantly active, while those who 
 were opposed to it were absolutely apathetic, not appearing to realize that, if not 
 desired, it was something to be vigorously fought; and it was not until after the 
 vote upon it had been taken that they awakened to the necessity of action, which 
 was then too late to have any staying power. 
 
 When this bill was finally passed in the Assembly, in April — the Senate had 
 always been strongly in favor of it — and it was submitted to the mayors of the 
 interested cities for their approval or otherwise; both the Mayor of New 
 York and that of Brooklyn vetoed it; but the minor and less important 
 towns and cities outnumbered these two, and won the victory. The bill 
 united under one city government the old City of New York; Kings 
 County, including the City of Brooklyn; Richmond County (Staten 
 Island); Long Island City; the towns of Newtown, Flushing and Jam- 
 aica; and a part of the Township of Hempstead. A commission was 
 appointed to prepare a charter for this combined territory. This com- 
 mission was composed of Mr. Andrew H. Green, Mr. Strong, Mayor of New 
 York; Mr. Wurster, Mayor of Brooklyn; Mayor Gleason, of Long Island City; 
 the State Engineer and Surveyor, C. W. Adams; the Attorney-General, Theodore 
 E. Hancock; and nine other persons, to be selected by the Governor. These 
 were required to make their final report on or before February ist, 1897. This 
 Commission was empowered to employ a clerical staff, to subpoena witnesses, to 
 compel the production of public records, or municipal documents, and to admin- 
 ister oaths. 
 
 The two men who practically prepared the charter were the Hon. William C. 
 De Witt, of Brooklyn, and Mr. David Dean, of New York, for many years con- 
 nected with the Corporation Counsel's office in that city. Mr. Dean's continuous 
 labor on the charter was the proximate cause of his death. To meet the necessary 
 expense, the sum of $25,000 was assigned to be raised by the cities of New York 
 and Brooklyn in proportion to each city's valuation of its real estate. The last 
 section of the bill provides that the consolidation " shall take effect on the first of 
 January ,1898." This bill had been repassed by the Assembly in April, over the 
 vetoes of Messrs. Strong and Wurster, by a vote of 78 to 69. As it was known 
 
170 
 
 that the consolidation of the cities was originally a Republican project, devised 
 for the purpose and with the expectation of overcoming the power of Tammany 
 Hall, and that most of the commissioners appointed for the preparation of the 
 charter were of that mind, the exact nature of that instrument naturally became a 
 subject of much interest, and not a little distrust, although the integrity and abil- 
 ity of its leading framers was not questioned; yet it was certain that several of 
 these were accustomed to look at all matters of a polilitical nature from a different 
 standpoint from that of the Tammany magnates. A reform mayor, in a neigh- 
 boring city, had just drawn much criticism upon himself by his published expres- 
 sion of his personal views as to " How to Govern a Great City," on account of the 
 vivid contrast which existed between the conditions of the city, unfortunately, 
 under his rule, and the exalted views professed. 
 
 In New York itself, the city, under a " reform mayor." was simply an object 
 lesson of discouragement. Probably meaning honestly to begin with, but sadly 
 incompetent, from lack of experience — Mr. Strong was not a politician, but a 
 bank President — his administration was marked with favoritism in appointments, 
 free plunging into showy and unnecessary expenses; with a Police Department 
 quarrelling among themselves; the head of another commission driving about 
 the city in a gaudy brougham, with driver and attendants in livery; a Building 
 Superintendant and Dock Commissioners under reproof of the Corpora- 
 tion Counsel ; a Street Commissioner, working under such a negligent 
 system of payments as eventually to cost the city many thousands of 
 dollars in the payment for work which was never done; not to repeat, here, the 
 tyrannical application of laws which had wearied the people and made the very 
 word " reform " a subject of ridicule. It was no wonder that the practical work- 
 ing of the new charter was looked upon with considerable doubt, if not actual dis- 
 trust. 
 
 The much discussed Raine's bill was signed by Governor Morion in the latter 
 part of March. As Comptroller Fitch had already warned the Governor, so it 
 proved, when put into operation. Mr. Fitch was a man of long experience in 
 municipal matters. In the protest which he sent to Albany, he said : " I have never 
 known so universal condemnation of any bill among all parties, and all classes of 
 citizens, as exists in this city toward this unjust measure." The grounds of its 
 unpopularity were numerous, but the fundamental wrong was its audacious 
 invasion of the principle of Home Rule. Mr. J. C. Sheehan, acting leader of 
 Tammany Hall, in discussing this subject, said: " A meeting should be called in 
 every Assembly district, under the auspices of our organization, to denounce the 
 Republican party for imposing such an iniquitous measure on the people of this 
 State. Tt robs the charitable institutions of the city of over $500,000 annually. 
 It robs the city of over one-third of its just tax, and gives this money to the 
 interior counties of the State. It permits the opening 1 of dives of all kinds, while 
 closing the decent, quiet German beer saloons, and prohibiting restaurants from 
 furnishing wine or beer with meals on Sunday. It will deprive of employment at 
 least 50,000 workmen, hop-growers, hop-pickers — both men and women; saloon- 
 keepers, cigar manufacturers, butchers, bakers and other industries. It injures 
 real estate owners by closing a great number of stores, dependent on early Sun- 
 day morning trade. Tt opens the door to the most gigantic political blackmailing 
 machine ever imposed upon a law-abiding community." 
 
'7' 
 
 measure delibi i atelj 
 pow< i hi ihr hands o( 
 
 Another leading Tammanj member added: " It 
 planned with the clear intention of placing almosl arbiti 
 favored Republicans." 
 
 Commissioner George C. Clausen said "II is a direct attack upon personal 
 liberty; the most intolerant and aggressive measure the Republican party has 
 ever dared to thrust upon the people. It will work great injury to the City of 
 New York, and is certain to lead to widespread corruption, bj putting the 
 power of unlimited discrimination in the hands of partisans." 
 
 The official opinion of Corporation Counsel Scott, of New York city, "that 
 certain provisions of this bill were to go into effect immediately," hurried the 
 action of Chief Conlin, of the Police Department, in prohibiting free lunches, and 
 in ordering bars to be exposed to view from the streel ; also inhibiting the sale of 
 liquor to am under eighteen years of age. The police force were also informed 
 that they might make summary arrests. These rules, however, did not apply to 
 private clubs. Thus the rich were favored and allowed to do as they pleased. 
 
 .'•• -JOS v f&^&n^S/S**!^**! - y C J l "■•!•.•■ 
 
CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 THE VICTORY OF 1897. 
 
 fp ? J ~~& NE of the unprecedented features of the campaign of 1897 was the 
 
 ^HH^HI fact that every newspaper in the City of New York with the ex- 
 ception of four, and those not of the largest circulation, worked 
 against the Tammany ticket, using, instead of argument, 
 unrestrained abuse. Misstatements and tricks of all kinds, 
 were resorted to by the combined opposition, with the morti- 
 fying result to them that the Tammany nominee for Mayor was elected by the 
 large vote of 228,686, being a plurality of over 80,000 over his strongest oppon- 
 ent, Seth Low, the nominee of the Citizens' party; which shows that, whatever 
 influence the papers have, they cannot crush the people's sense of right by the use 
 of invective, against that of natural feeling of self-protection which can discern 
 an enemy under the disguise of fine words, fair promises, or even threats of dis- 
 aster, when experience has shown that these are false. To use the words of the 
 great Lincoln, " You cannot fool all the people all the time." The leading papers, 
 boasting of their immense circulation, fell powerless before the discrimination of 
 the great majority, which does think for itself, at least when its personal interests 
 are interfered with by demagogues, under false pretences, however much they 
 may be depreciated by those who claim to have all the virtue and all the intel- 
 ligence. 
 
 Self-congratulation before election had been so prevalent among the Seth 
 Low party, who felt assured of victory, that the disappointment was most cruelly 
 felt. A specimen of this confidence was presented by an act of the well-known 
 lawyer, Joseph H. Choate (now Ambassador in England), who, a few days before 
 election, and after prophesying the certain victory of Mr. Low, asked the popular 
 Episcopal clergyman, Dr. Rainsford, to preach the very best sermon he could on 
 the next Sunday from the text, " Beware of false Prophets," meaning, of course, 
 the Democratic leaders. When the election returns came in, less than a week 
 later, there was no escaping the conclusion that Mr. Choate himself was an illus- 
 trious example of the denunciation of the text. 
 
 With the Mayoralty candidate, Robert A. Van Wvck, the whole Democratic 
 ticket was successful, not a single Republican being elected in New York city, 
 and only four in the Borough of Brooklyn. In the State the Democratic 
 majority was some 65,000. Certainly one reason for this signal victory was the 
 unexceptional character of the nominees; not the most fastidious of carpers 
 could find any personal ground of objection to any name on the ticket. Ex-Jus- 
 tice Robert A. Van Wyck is a native of New York city, of Holland stock, edu- 
 cated to the profession of Law, and elected to the bench of the City Court in 
 1889. His decisions have been almost invariably sustained by the Appellate 
 Courts. He had long been a consistent Democrat. When we remember that 
 the consolidation movement was a Republican project, with the declared hope of 
 destroying Tammany, the test result was, indeed, legitimate cause for extraordm 
 ary rejoicing by the Democracy of the great city. 
 
73 
 
 The habitual calumnj in which the opponents of Tarn man) indulge has sel 
 dom had anj serious result, and certainlj no permanent effect on the organization 
 itself, because intelligent voters knov that must ol the accusations are absolutely 
 false or wild exaggerations. < If course, like all human institutions, it is subject t<> 
 mistakes or temporar) errors of policy, but, in the general honesty of purpose to 
 do well for the city, it compares more than favorably with its perennial accusers. 
 
 Though tins continuous and vicious misrepresentation rarely does damage 
 to its specific object, it does great damage in another direction. It injures the 
 fair fame of the metropolis of the country. It is treason to all the dwellers in 
 the city. Every New Yorker is lowered in the estimation of foreigners. It must 
 be so, when Europeans are led to believe that they willingly choose to live under 
 an organization which is utterly corrupt, and have done so for over a hundred 
 years! And what is the motive of these slanderers of the leading city of the 
 nation? Simply to get control themselves of the municipal government, with the 
 patronage it implies; and for this they are willing to blacken the character of the 
 majority of their own townsmen. English and other foreign editors cannot con- 
 ceive of such turpitude in what pass for respectable American papers, and conclude 
 that the charges must be true; so they join in the chorus of abuse, and add their 
 little mite to the defamation of the metropolis. Every American's moral sta- 
 tus abroad is thus wilfully lowered by these conscienceless slanderers of Tammany. 
 
 List of National Parties which Tammany has Outlived. 
 
 Federals — Represented by George Washington and John Adams ' 7^^-1796 
 
 Coalition — John Q. Adams 1824 
 
 National-Republican — Henry Clay 1828-1832 
 
 Anti-Masonic — William Wirt 1832 
 
 Whig — General William I I. Harrison 1840 
 
 Liberty Party — James (.. Birney 1844 
 
 Free-Soil — M. Van Buren 1 848 
 
 Free Democratic — John 1*. Hale 1852 
 
 Whig— Winfield Scott 1852 
 
 Native American — Millard Fillmore 1856 
 
 Republican — John C. Fremont 1856 
 
 Conservative Union — John Bell i860 
 
 Independent Democrat — S. A. Douglas i860 
 
 Single Tax — Henry George 
 
 The crop of local opponents now hors du combat are very numerous: most of 
 them will be found named in a later chapter. 
 
 Fiat Justitia mat Coclum. 
 _'*L£t Justice be done, though the Heavens fall." This appears to have been 
 the controlling spirit in which Mayor Robert A. Van Wyck entered upon his new 
 duties, which he had officially accepted in a speech of little more than a single sen- 
 tence. In reply to Mayor Strong's address of welcome, holding out his hand to 
 the retiring Mayor, he simply said: " I accepted this office at the hands of the 
 people, and to them will I answer." The only preceding speech which he uttered, 
 during the campaign, was almost equally brief, and was addressed to the members 
 of the committee which announced to him his election, and was as follows: 
 
174 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Tammany Hall Executive Committee, I thank you all kindly 
 for the work you did for me on election day, and I hope that I may prove as suc- 
 cessful an executive as I was as a candidate." But, though so brief of speech, the 
 new Mayor spoke quickly enough by his actions, reminding one of Shakespeare's 
 "Cordelia," who says: "What I well intend I'll do't before I speak." His views 
 upon municipal expenditures he summarized thus: " Increased expenditures 
 must be guarded against wherever possible, without interfering with natural 
 growth and progress." He believed in attending to one thing at a time. " It is," 
 he remarked, " a waste of energy to preoccupy the mind unnecessarily; wait till a 
 matter actually comes up for decision; you cannot do justice to what is before 
 you, if you are worrying about future contingencies." Again: " I want men 
 about me who will confine themselves to the duties of the office they fill." He 
 also recognized the necessity of physical health to properly perform mental work. 
 Hence, he refused to be hurried, realizing that time was needed to get all the ele- 
 ments thus suddenly thrust together into smoothly running order. It was not an 
 easy matter in all cases to fix the interpretation of the language of the charter. 
 
 The Civil Service Commissioners, for instance, at a meeting held in Decem- 
 ber, indorsed the action of the old New York Board, which declared of the char- 
 ter "that where any Board or Department was legislated out of power under the 
 new charter, its employees, without further examination, should stand at the head 
 of the eligible list for promotion, in any similar department created under the new 
 municipal government." This, of course, proved very embarrassing to the new 
 administration. The new Civil Service Commissioners, however, took an oppo- 
 site view. Messrs. Knox, Dyckman and Deyo thought Governor Black's civil 
 service rules became inoperative under the charter. The practical question was, 
 " Can the State Board control New York city ? " The charter, having provided 
 that " All Acts or parts of Acts inconsistent with it, are to be regarded as 
 repealed," the latter would appear to have been the true solution. 
 
 Many other difficulties were encountered on the inauguration of the new gov- 
 ernment of the consolidated city, but none occasioned so much perplexity, annoy- 
 ance and disappointment as the condition of the finances, all the annexed boroughs 
 having so managed, late in the preceding year, to involve their several sections 
 deeply in debt, with the expectation that these local claims would be met and paid 
 by the greater city. It was an exasperating condition which confronted the new 
 Mayor, and drew forth from his closely guarded lips, referring to the largest of 
 these boroughs, the expression that " it had left him a legacy of fraud," in that the 
 annexed borough had recklessly expended large sinus of money for which no 
 satisfactory returns were visible, and had contracted heavy debts with the expec- 
 tation of foisting the payment upon the consolidated city. As the most serious of 
 these maladministrations had occurred in the large Borough of Brooklyn under a 
 semi-Reform Republican Mayor, the object lesson of its exposure tended greatly 
 to the removal of prejudice against the coming Democratic regeme in the greater 
 city. 
 
>75 
 
 < ll \l'l ER L\ III. 
 
 SOME TAMMANY MEN SOME TAMMANY INCIDENTS. 
 
 BILL had been introduced into the House, in the spring of 1896, 
 for the construction <>t' six new naval vessels, bui the Senate, 
 in its false economy, had cut down the number to tour, and 
 when the bill was under reconsideration, in the House, a mem- 
 ber had suggested the adoption of tin.' Senate's amendment, 
 It Mr. Cummings had foreseen the war of [898 he could not 
 d more vigorously Or intelligent!) for tin- expansion of tlu- Navy, 
 low see was our main strength and reliance againsl Spain, and that 
 with a less forcible Navy than we had the war might have lasted for years. Mr. 
 Cummings was Chairman of the Naval Committee of the Fifty-third Congress, 
 and had been an influential member of the same in previous wars, and had always 
 favored the most liberal appropriations for the increase and development of our 
 naval strength. 
 
 Considering the honor which the Nav) has. h\ its record of [898, brought to 
 the American nation, it is interesting to recall the fact that the Tamilian \ repre- 
 sentative in the Congress of 180.6, Amos J. Cummings, was one of the most per- 
 sistent statesmen that had on every opportunity which was offered, during the 
 nine years that he had been in the House, urged upon Congress the crying need 
 for the construction of more ships. Two years before the proclamation of the 
 war against Spain, Mr. Cummings made two most earnest and eloquent speeches 
 in favor of increasing the Navy, showing, by historical data, the absolute necessity 
 for the better protection of our seaboard and especially the desirability for the 
 United States to have the means of protecting its citizens abroad, and the ability 
 to meet force with force, if circumstances should require it, on the sea. 
 
 Another eminently useful member of Tammany introduced a bill for the 
 better lighting and general arrangements of the Forty-second street tunnel in 
 New York, the previous dark condition of which had caused many serious and 
 fatal accidents. Mr. William Sulzer, now Congressman (1900), is responsible 
 for the Freedom-of- Worship law, (for all public institutions); the amended 
 Mechanics' lien law; the Albany Capitol Appropriation law, intended to curb the 
 wild expenditures heretofore indulged in on that perennial work; the amended 
 law abolishing imprisonment for debt; the ten-hour law for labor; Woman's 
 Reformatory law; the anti-Conspiracy law; the Constitutional Celebration law; 
 a law for the establishment of the Aquarium in New York city, a valuable, instruc- 
 tive resort for the people; with many other laws of essential benefit to the com- 
 munity which, without his aid, would have failed. 
 
 When Mr. Croker returned from his long absence, toward the end of Novem- 
 ber, new life seemed to be infused into Tammany Hall, and it was decided that a 
 general, but gradual and quiet, transformation must take place, weeding out the 
 inefficient or useless leaders and members, displacing such of the former as had 
 failed in their duties or manifested a lack of zeal; infusing new blood wherever 
 needed. Mr. Croker fully recognized the faithful work done during 
 
i 7 6 
 
 nis absence, and was not discouraged by the result of the late election. He said: 
 " In my opinion, Tammany Hall made a gallant fight against great odds. The 
 really large vote polled on November 3d in this city may be taken as a presage of 
 future success. Of next year's municipal control, I can only say I am confident 
 of victory. As I take it, there is no intention to fight a Presidential campaign 
 during only a municipal one. Next year all Democrats will be together for the 
 common good." This expectation was founded on the belief that the silver ques- 
 tion would then be eliminated from the contest. 
 
 The Presidential election being over, Tammany was free to commence its 
 work for 1897. The next campaign would be far more vital to the interests of 
 the city than the one just passed. The Federal election affected New Yorkers, 
 simply as Democrats, equally with all other Democrats throughout the Union, 
 neither more nor less, but the municipal election next in view was altogether of 
 another character, and one with which the party outside of New York had no 
 special interest, but which was of far more importance to Tammany than any 
 which had preceded it during its whole existence; for, on this approaching elec- 
 tion turned the control of the enlarged metropolis for four consecutive years, with 
 possibilities of an indefinite extension. 
 
 It was well-known that the original project of consolidation of the neighbor- 
 ing towns and cities with old New York had been conceived in the Republican 
 brain in the hope and firm expectation that it would thus be able to overcome the 
 influence of Tammany; and some even imagined that it could thus actually 
 destroy the indestructable. Ex-Governor Black, in speaking of the consolidation 
 measure, evidently viewed it from a political and not a municipal standpoint. In 
 January, 1897, he said: "The extent of its influence is not safe to predict. Con- 
 ditions have arisen more than once in which an entire national policy has 
 depended upon this State. When questions of such moment become thus depen- 
 dent, the position of the City of New York is commanding and may be decisive. 
 Every move upon this subject should result from the utmost caution and study." 
 Does not this expression of opinion clearly indicate that Governor Black was 
 thinking solely of national politics, rather than of the wellbeing of the community 
 for which the charter was at that time being prepared? The clearer such intent 
 was developed the more intense grew the feeling in Tammany circles that the city 
 must be redeemed and secured for the Democracy. 
 
 At the Tammany Central Club, where Mr. Croker was present, early in 
 January, he took occasion to state, anew, his position, which was: First, that he 
 had not taken up a residence in England, which had been persistently asserted, 
 but that his home was in New York, and always would be, but that lie had defin- 
 itely withdrawn from mere routine work in Tammany Hall, though he had lost 
 none of his interest in its success. He next expressed himself in the belief that 
 rotation in office was eminently desirable, with the full conviction that when a 
 man had been in office three or four years he should resign, and make way for new 
 men. This rotation, he added, keeps the blood in circulation, and excites the 
 ambition of the younger men, and is an incitement to them to work for the party. 
 
 An amusing incident occurred about this time illustrative of the habit of 
 many Republicans of using every opportunity to make a verbal thrust at Tam- 
 many, without any special reason for doing so. The event occurred at a social 
 meeting of the Colonial Club, at which Stewart L. Woodford, our late Minister to 
 
V7 
 
 Spain, figured, which vividly recalls the faux pus made bj General Jackson, as 
 narrated in a previous chapter. On this later occasion General Woodford 
 happened to be present at the club as a substitute speakei [or General Trai y, and 
 was so led to believe thai the Colonial was a Republican club, and, in responding 
 
 to the toast " ( heater ,\Yu York," he began a violent attack upon Tammanj I [all, 
 not apparently having observed the presence oi e\ Mayor < iilroj . < lolonel William 
 L. Brown and other leading Democrats. Commencing his ill timed tirade, he 
 predicted, among other offensive remarks, that "the combined ant i Tamilian) 
 
 forces would soon throttle Tammanj Hall," etc. etc. Colonel Brown could 
 
 endure no more, and rose to resent the attack. He gol no farther than. " I 
 denounce," when General Woodford, perceiving his blunder, hastily concluded 
 his speech, and left the room, while Colonel Brown's friends did all they could to 
 pacify him. The fact was that the Colonial Club was composed of gentlemen he 
 longing to both political parties, and was wholly social in its nature. If this fact 
 had been communicated to the General, in time, it would have saved him from a 
 ver\ mortifying discomfiture. 
 
 An incident of a different nature, though akin to this as an exponent of ignor- 
 ant prejudice, happened in the County Clerk's office in New York. An elderly 
 citizen entered to ask some ordinary question which the Deputy Clerk, Mr. Scully. 
 courteously answered. On turning to go, the visitor happened to notice on the 
 wall the sign, " Smoking prohibited here." " I am glad to see that notice." he 
 remarked; "when those Tammany rascals held possession here they would have 
 had that down in two minutes, but a citizen can get civilly treated here now," 
 etc., etc. Just look round, and see the gentlemanly-looking clerks." " My good 
 man," said Mr. Scully, "this office is in charge of gentlemen who are all con- 
 nected with Tammany Hall." " What's that ? " exclaimed the astounded citizen. 
 " I say," repeated Mr. Scully, " that all the gentlemen at these desks are members 
 of Tammany Hall." On comprehending which statement, the bewildered man, 
 without another word, beat a masterly, if somewhat hasty, retreat. He, like 
 thousands of others, had evidently formed his opinion from some of the vitupera- 
 tive Republican orators, or papers, without really knowing anything on which to 
 form a just opinion. 
 
 At a meeting of the General Committee in January, 1897, one of the speakers, 
 referring to the last election, in the exuberance of his faith, exclaimed: "Tam- 
 many Hall serves notice to-night on the ignorant and incompetent administration 
 which now governs the city (the Strong and Roosevelt) that it has started a relent- 
 less warfare against the ' reform ' cabal, which will not end till that cabal is 
 exterminated root and branch, and New York city is redeemed from its domina- 
 tion. This ignorant set has made New York city ridiculous in the eyes of the 
 world, presenting the picture of Hypocrisy arm in arm with the ghost of assumed 
 Virtue; watching Hope die in the arms of official Incompetency." These words, 
 extravagant though they might sound, under the circumstances, were destined to 
 be redeemed at the polls within less than a twelvemonth of the time in which they 
 were uttered. The only defection of any account at this time was the with- 
 drawal of County Clerk Henry D. Purroy, who had been Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Organization. It was not considered remarkable that this self-centred 
 person should bolt at any moment, as his proclivity that way had become chronic. 
 His action had no observable ill results. 
 
i 7 8 
 
 On the occasion of the celebration of the National Independence, this year, 
 Hon. Amos J. Cummings gave the key-note to the general thought. He said: 
 " It is time for a declaration of independence on the part of the people of the City 
 of New York. Home Rule is what is wanted. The city to-day is simply a 
 satrapy of the State. It recalls the situation of the colonies in 1776. The time 
 for this new declaration of independence is the coming fall. The result of the 
 election then will express the sentiment of the people. If they desire to continue 
 to pay 64 per cent, of the State taxes on a one-fourth representation in the Legis- 
 lature, they will not vote the Tammany ticket. A vote for the Tammany ticket is 
 a declaration of independence on the part of every individual citizen, and the re- 
 pudiation of bigotry, intolerance and dishonesty masquerading under the guise of 
 reform." 
 
 Of course, the Republicans, and all monometallists, had been hoping that 
 Tammany would fully adopt and support the 16 to 1 silver heresy; as this attitude 
 would have given them the most effective weapon which they could have hoped 
 for in the great battle; but, being disappointed in this they still endeavored to 
 fix this stigma upon the party, not realizing that the people knew that the National 
 campaign was really over, and that silver had nothing to do with the coming 
 struggle. One of the clearest statements on this point was made by the 
 able editor of the Tammany Times, in the issue of that paper of date May 
 15th, 1897. The article is too long for insertion here, but the following are 
 the main points of the argument. He asks: " What has the national financial 
 question to do with the local government of the City of Greater New York ? The 
 opponents of Tammany are trying to 'ring a dead issue into a live campaign.' 
 What we want in this great city is Home Rule, pure and simple, in the true sense 
 of the word. Under Tammany administration, taxes were lower; the Police 
 Department more efficient; every one of the city departments was in better condi- 
 tion; all petty differences were not aired before a long-suffering public through 
 sensational newspapers; but were promptly adjusted by the officers of the Tam- 
 many organization; and, under that control, how much better were the times 
 than under this present ' reform ' administration? Certainly, we had the misfor- 
 tune, under the previous Democratic Mayor, to be assailed by a mass of howling 
 Dervishes, calling themselves reformers. One Goff, having attained to a place of 
 importance, becoming prominent through the Lexow investigation, displayed his 
 skill at cross-examination by forcing a reluctant witness to confess that a 
 majority of the Republicans holding office in the city were corrupt! This investi- 
 gation cost the city many thousands of dollars. Yet there is worse corruption in 
 all the reform city departments now (1897) than ever existed under Tammany. 
 Even Mayor Strong complimented Tammany and its President of the Board of 
 Police, by keeping the incumbent of that office six months under his own 
 administration." 
 
'-' 
 
 CHAPTER L1X. 
 
 IMPROVEMENTS IN NEW YORK CITY. 
 
 MAT no False economy but g 1 management accounted for the 
 
 better showing of Democratic rule it is well to remind our 
 
 readers of a few Facts of which indeed the) can scarcel) I 
 norant, as that during the six years under consideration thirt) 
 three capacious school house's were built, and at the close of 
 Mayor Gilroy's term of office fourteen additional schools and 
 annexes were in process of erection. It was Democratic officials who inau 
 gurated the great and much needed work of improving the water front in the 
 early months of 1889. Useless piers were removed; lift\ live substantial, line 
 piers were built, and twenty-three piers extended; nearly 20,000 feet of new 
 bulkhead and crib work were completed, ready for use, greatly to the advantage 
 and increase of commerce to this port. Contrast this with the record of the "re 
 form" Dock Commissioners, who neither built nor extended a single pier. 
 
 In the matter of streets, from January 1st, 1889, to December est, [894, [68 
 miles of new pavement were laid, and 250 miles relaid and repaired; and, before 
 the close of the second Democratic Mayoralty, 107 miles of new water-mains had 
 been laid, and the water supply of the city nearly doubled: and for the sanitary 
 improvement of the city many miles of new sewers were not only laid, hut car- 
 ried far enough out from the ends of the new piers to ensure the contents being 
 carried a safe distance from the shore. Among other valuable services rendered 
 the community by Tammany, might be mentioned the erection of armories, 
 court houses, viaducts, bridges, small parks and other improvements, so numer- 
 ous that even the briefest mention of them would he tedious. In view of these 
 facts, and many more of a similar nature which may lie readily verified at the vari- 
 ous departments by those desiring the truth, there does not seem much room for 
 charges of misapplication of funds or wasteful extravagance. 
 
 The truth is that, with all the outcry about partisan politics, a body of men 
 filling public offices, without an organized party behind them, are the most 
 unsafe of municipal managers — not being responsible to any authority, and know- 
 ing the unstable tenure of their position, they are under the strongest temptation 
 to make the most of their opportunity in grasping a t the spoils; while, on the 
 contrary, organized, permanent parties have always the future welfare of that 
 party to consider, which acts as a wholesome check in causing the officeholder to 
 reflect on the bearing any unfaithfulness on his part would have on the future 
 success of his party and his own career. 
 
 Mr. Croker arrived from Europe the first week in September. During his 
 absence rumors had been rife as to who would be the permanent leader of the 
 organization, which appeared for two or three years to have been open to who- 
 ever was best able to fill the position; with a natural supposition that the man 
 whom Mr. Croker had designated as his choice, when lie resigned the Chairman- 
 ship of the Finance Committee, would hold the place permanently ; while other 
 
i8o 
 
 eminent members of the organization were more specially favored by their per- 
 sonal friends. All this mass of conjecture dropped away as if by magic when the 
 veteran manager reappeared upon the scene. Within a very brief period, with- 
 out any formality or public resumption of his old-time offices, he was practically 
 recognized as the dominant mind, and just the man needed for the great struggle 
 now within a few weeks of victory or defeat. 
 
 The great Democratic Convention, which was held in the Grand Central 
 Palace this fall, was the first lammany meeting which recognized Brooklyn lead- 
 ing Democrats as natural colaborers, Messrs. Bernard J. York and Almet F. 
 Jenks, with others from that borough, being heartily welcomed to the platform. 
 It was at this meeting that the name of Robert A. Van Wyck was first publicly 
 mentioned as a fitting candidate for the Mayoralty of the great city so soon to 
 commence its chartered existence. The nomination was made by Justice 
 McCarthy, of the City Court, which he introduced with a short, but telling speech, 
 ex-Judge Troy, of Kings, seconding the nomination. Other municipal officers 
 were selected, and a platform naturally followed. This latter emphasized the need 
 of those cardinal Democratic doctrines, Home Rule and personal liberty, con- 
 demning the Raines law; conspiracies to crush out competition in business; in 
 favor of municipal ownership of municipal franchises; reduction, to a reasonable 
 rate, of illuminating gas; insisting on the eight-hour law for labor; favoring ade- 
 quate school accommodations; the development of rapid transit and public 
 improvements of every character. With these plainly expressed aims and pur- 
 poses, they asked the people for that support which was, two months later, 
 answered with a most emphatic affirmative response. 
 
 By this time the Citizens' Union, with Seth Low for its candidate, was 
 engaged in active work. Senator Piatt was urging his candidate, General Tracy, 
 on the regular Republican voters. Henry George had gathered quite a numer- 
 ous following, while smaller factions of both parties were following with a hue and 
 cry — it was Tammany against the field, but, with undaunted courage and feeling 
 certain of success, because the community, by this time, had sufficient experience 
 of " reform government " to compare its claims with its performance. 
 
 At this point it became important to secure the active co-operation of the 
 populous Borough of Brooklyn, which was the stronghold of the Seth Low party; 
 and all politicians recognized the fact that the position taken by the trusted and 
 experienced leader, Mr. Hugh McLaughlin, would have a decided influence upon 
 the voters of that section. Little doubt, however, was entertained that he would 
 give his hearty support to the municipal ticket though ever jealous of the honor 
 and the just claims of Brooklyn. Those who knew him best felt certain that he 
 would not desert the general interests of Democracy, or risk its defeat, out of any 
 feeling of uncertainty as to how his native borough might fare in the consolida- 
 tion of the cities. The event proved that his good common sense and his keen 
 political insight could be depended upon to throw his powerful influence in the 
 direction of destroying fake reform, and re-establishing an honest and reliable city 
 government, so sadly warped from its course of true reform under the control of 
 fanaticism, bigotry and extravagance. 
 
 Among all the combinations attempted against Tammany at this time there 
 was none more grotesque than one which was made in the Harlem district, to 
 effect a union between the Republicans, the Citizens' Union and the Henrv 
 
ifil 
 
 George League. The Republicans, representing, as they did, strictly machine 
 rule, and a "boss" specially execrated by the Citizens' party, the Seth Lowitea 
 standing for the money power and as claimants to superior virtue; while the 
 Henry George party, falsely calling themselves Jeffersonian Democrats (a name 
 
 to which they had not a shadow of rightful claim i. and reall) representing notli 
 ing hut the debasement of our currency and impractical, even fantastic notions 
 such as the single-tax theory. Where was the mental or moral cement which 
 could hind together such heterogeneous material? 
 
 Mr. Croker, viewing, with some amusement, the three leading opponents to 
 be met at the polls, sententiously grouped them thus: 
 
 A vote for Benjamin F. Tracy means the rule of Plutocracy, 
 
 A vote for Seth Low means a Dictatorship. 
 
 A vote for Henry George means Socialism. 
 
 A vote for Robert A. Van Wyck means individual freedom and Home Rule 
 
 He added: "The Democratic organization known as Tammany Hall is the 
 only party that has always protected the interests of the people absolutely, fear- 
 lessly and faithfully, as representing the Democratic party." 
 
 It has been sometimes asked: "Why, if Tammany possesses average political 
 honesty, are so many people found prejudiced against it?" There are two 
 reasons. One is that its opponents have always dealt largely in vituperation 
 rather than argument, and so influenced many who listen to only one side; while 
 the Democratic party practice just the reverse, deal in argument and avoid abuse. 
 
 Another reason is that when Tammany finds anything going wrong in that 
 organization, the Society is the first to expose it and root it out, and secure the 
 punishment of the offender. Thus the wrong immediately becomes known, and 
 the whole party is blamed, when, indeed, this action is deserving of credit. The 
 opponents of Tammany have habitually taken the opposite course — as they have 
 so recently exemplified in the matter of army contracts, etc. Their aim uniformly 
 is not to expose faults or crimes in their partisans, but to conceal the crime, if 
 possible, and shield the criminal, while claiming a monopoly of all the virtues. 
 Which is the honester course? 
 
 This is a great cosmopolitan and Democratic city, and should be governed hy- 
 men of Democratic minds. They should not rest until Home Rule is 
 secured. They should make their own laws, and not be hampered by 
 country gentry who cannot understand the needs of a great metropolis. 
 Misrepresentation of Tammany has been so habitual that many accept the mere 
 accusations for truth, mainly from the fact of constant repetition, never taking 
 the time or having interest enough to seek out the truth for themselves. An' 
 organization which has- endured all kinds of assaults for over a century must 
 necessarily be honest in its methods. If unsound in any essential of good govern- 
 ment, could it have endured so long in a free Republic? 
 
 At a large and most enthusiastic meeting of the General Committee, held the 
 first week in June, the Secretary, John B. McGoldrick, read an elaborate paper 
 setting forth the unseemly condition of the reform government of the City of 
 New York, of which the following items formed a part: 
 
 First — The proven fact that every charge against Democratic city officials by 
 the Lexow investigating committee, in 1894, was shown to be false; though the 
 sum of $200,000, half of which was authorized by the State Legislature for the 
 
ife 
 
 employment of expert accountants, was expended in the search; and also that 
 Democratic officeholders, during their six years in office, handled $250,000,000, of 
 which not one dollar was stolen or wasted! 
 
 Secondly — That every contract entered into for public work was awarded to 
 the lowest bidder. 
 
 Thirdly- — That no public work was paid for until the inspectors and engineers 
 of the department had certified that the specifications were strictly carried out. 
 and that this was also indorsed by the engineers of the Comptroller's office. 
 
 The annual yearly budget under Mayors Grant and Gilroy, from January 
 1st, 1889, to December 31st, 1894, was $34,210,310.33. The budget for 1897, 
 under Mayor Strong, was $45,686,297.17. 
 
 Here is a list of the increased amounts in each department under Mayor 
 Strong above the expenditures of the last year under Tammany administration: 
 
 INCREASE. 
 
 Mayor's office and Bureau of License, Common Council $14,155 
 
 Department of Public Works 457,595 
 
 Department of Street Improvements 420,390 
 
 Department of Health 156,278 
 
 Police Department 1,844,792 
 
 Street Cleaning 1,130,863 
 
 Fire Department 195,529 
 
 Department of Buildings 136,085 
 
 Taxes and Assessments 42,500 
 
 Board of Education 1,297,105 
 
 Commissioners of Accounts 27,500 
 
 Sheriff's office 12,050 
 
 Armories and Drill Rooms 39,689 
 
 Salaries of Judges 320,070 
 
 Miscellaneous account 397,098 
 
 And yet the cry continued that extravagance, fraud and corruption marked 
 Tammany control! 
 
1*3 
 
 CHAPTER LX. 
 SOME EMBARRASING RESULTS OF CONSOLIDATION. 
 
 4 II E complication of the finances continued for 
 f mainly over the question whether county debts 
 charged to the consolidated city, and, also, whei 
 
 triplication of the finances continued for BeveraJ mentha 
 
 ts could be justly 
 whether public work 
 contracted for, but not accomplished, in some rases not even 
 commenced, could propcrb be reckoned as part of the city 
 debt. The various legal opinions uttered upon the question 
 whether New York had exceeded its "debt limit" was not finally cleared up, so as 
 to give the new administration full liberty of action, until July, 1899, when it was 
 clearly demonstrated that the city was well within its legal right to issue new 
 bonds, and take up the needed work of improvements; since when, every depart- 
 ment has been pushed to its utmost capacity. 
 
 \'ew York city is constantly handicapped by the irritating and unjustifiable 
 interference of the State Legislature. The narrow-minded, who appear at present 
 to be in the majority, never seem happy unless they are devising some plan to 
 interfere with Home Rule in the metropolis — as if the residents of a*ny location 
 were not better fitted to judge of their own needs than non-residents can possibly 
 be. If this sort of spirit continues to actuate the State government, the question 
 may very possibly develop as to dividing the State, so as to give to the largest city 
 in the United States real Home Rule, of which it is now deprived by the constant 
 interference of the Legislature, whose action, instead of striving to benefit the 
 metropolis, is ever directed to curtailing its liberties, and making it subordinate to 
 outside influence— certainly not superior in intelligence, or any other good qual- 
 ity, to the sound Democracy of the Empire City of the whole country. 
 
1 84 
 
 CHAPTER LXI. 
 
 EFFORTS TO DESTROY THE SOCIETY. 
 
 T various times in the life of this Society, numerous efforts were 
 made to destroy its existence, as well as to impair its usefulness. 
 It being a very strong and powerful Democratic organization, 
 based, as is now understood from the preceding pages on the 
 Rock of Liberty, it became quite important for its opponents 
 to try to weaken its power, and in so doing they have ever freely 
 used the unworthy weapons of vituperation and slander, against its representa- 
 tives as well as against the Society itself. 
 
 In fact, the opponents of the political faith represented by the Tammany 
 organization seem to have made a special point of trying to destroy by defama- 
 tion of character both individuals as well as the general good name of the Society, 
 believing that that was the best policy to destroy the effectiveness of its organi- 
 zation. 
 
 In 1876, an extraordinary effort was made to abolish the Tammany Society, 
 not openly, but under cover of a bill introduced in the State Senate by Senator 
 Wooden, a Republican. This bill, as was generally believed and asserted at the 
 time, was projected and actually drawn by Dorman B. Eaton, a Republican 
 reformer in the City of New York, who appeared before the Judiciary Committee 
 in its support. It was entitled, " An Act to prevent the abuse of corporate fran- 
 chise and special privileges conferred by law through their use for corrupt and 
 partisan purposes." 
 
 The members of the Legislature saw the dangerous power contained in the 
 bill, and also perceived, as the New York Tribune expressed it, that " such a 
 sweeping measure might hit where it was not intended." 
 
 The unceasing political feud, always existing in the State of New York, how- 
 ever, incited several efforts to control and divert the purposes of the Society, one, 
 particularly strong, being in 1879, a ^ ter *h e bolting of the Tammany delegates to 
 the State Convention and the nomination of John Kelly for Governor. The 
 County Democracy, organized under Abram Hewitt. Edward Cooper and others, 
 made a fight at the polls of the Tammany Society at its regular meeting that year, 
 and were defeated by a large majority. The Board of Sachems favored by Mr. 
 Kelly was elected, and his influence and power continued in the Tammany 
 organization. 
 
 Then, and now, the policy of all its opponents has been, as is well known, to 
 villify and traduce the Society, while year after year, the confidence of the people 
 is attested in its beneficence and usefulness, by the increased majorities at the 
 polls. 
 
■«5 
 
 ( II MTHK 1.X1I. 
 
 GRAND SACHEMS. FROM 17H!) TO L899. 
 
 1781) — 90. 
 1790—91. 
 1791—92. 
 1792—93- 
 1793—94- 
 1794—95- 
 1795—96. 
 1796—97. 
 
 1808. 
 
 1811. 
 
 1819. 
 1820. 
 
 (Major Twenty-seventh Regiment United 
 
 William Mooney, 
 William Pitt Smi i h. 
 josiah c )gden i loffman 
 John R. B. Rogers. 
 William Pitt Smith. 
 J. mix 1. 11 n 1 
 Peter R. Livingston. 
 
 Nicholas EvERTSON. 
 Benjamin Romain. 
 Clarkson Crolius. 
 States Infantry.) 
 i8n. William Mooney. 
 Clarkson Crolius. 
 
 Walter Bowne (Mayor of New York 1 
 Geokge Seaman . 
 Samuel T>. Romaink. 
 Matthew L. Davis. 
 Samuel Hawkens. 
 Shivers Parker. 
 
 M. M. Noah (Editor National Advocah 1 
 Robert B. Boyd. 
 William McMukray. 
 William J. Waldron. 
 George G. Warner. 
 Samuel Hopkins. 
 James Conner. 
 Daniel E. Delevan 
 Elijah F. Purdy 
 Daxiel E. Delevan 
 Elijah F. Purdy. 
 Lorenzo D. Shepard 
 Daniel E. Delevan 
 Isaac V. Fowler. 
 James Conner. 
 William D. Kennedy. 
 Nelson J. Waterbury. 
 Elijah F. Purdy. 
 
 John T. Hoffman (Governor of New York) 
 William M. Tweed. 
 Augustus Schell. 
 Charles H. Haswell. 
 
 1844—45. 
 1845—46. 
 1846—51. 
 1851—54. 
 I854—55- 
 1855-56. 
 1856—58. 
 1858—60. 
 1860—61. 
 1861—62. 
 1862—63. 
 1863—66. 
 1866—68. 
 1868—71. 
 1871—74. 
 1884—85. 
 
 * Records lost. 
 
1885—87 
 1887—89 
 1889—91 
 1891—93 
 
 '895 
 896 
 
 8 9 7 
 898. 
 8 9 9 
 900 
 
 i86 
 
 P. Henry Dugro (Justice Supreme Court) 
 
 James A. Flack. 
 
 Abram D. Tappan. 
 
 Thomas F. Gilroy. 
 
 Frederick Smyth (Justice Supreme Court). 
 
 Frederick Smyth (Justice Supreme Court). 
 
 Thomas L. Feitner. 
 
 Thomas L. Feitner. 
 
 Thomas L. Feitner. 
 
 Thomas L. Feitner. 
 
 * Date of term of office uncertain, records being lost; as also terms of office between 
 1797 and 1808. 
 
 Dates of terms of office for certain periods uncertain as many records were lost between 
 1808 and 1844. Also in the Are at the Wigrwam on Fourteenth street. 
 
,K 7 
 
 CHAPTER i.xili 
 
 CHAIRMEN OP THE GENERAL COMMITTEE OF TAMMANY HALL 
 (The Political Organization,) From 1872 to 1900. 
 
 1872 — 76. Augustus Schell. 
 
 1S77 — 80. Henry L. Clinton. 
 
 1880. Henry D. Purroy. 
 
 1881. Augustus Schell. 
 
 1882. John G. Boyd. 
 
 1883. William Sauer. 
 
 1884. Sidney P. Nichols. 
 1885—86. Abram D. Tappan. 
 
 1887 — 90. John Cochrane (Brig.-Gen. U. S. Vols., 1860-61) 
 
 1891 — 92. Nelson Smith. 
 
 1893 — 94. Nelson Smith. 
 
 1895 — 99. Augustus Peters. 
 
 1899 — George M. Van Hoesen. 
 
 1900 — George M. Van Hoesen 
 
1 88 
 
 CHAPTER LXIV . 
 
 OFFICERS 
 
 of the 
 
 SOCIETY OF TAMMANY 
 
 or 
 
 COLUMBIAN ORDER FOR 1901. 
 
 John Whalen, 
 John F. Carroll, 
 Daniel F. McMahon, 
 John W. Keller, 
 John J. Scannell, 
 Charles F. Murphy, 
 
 Grand Sachem, 
 Thomas L. Feitner. 
 
 Sachems, 
 
 Thomas J. Dunn. 
 
 Secretary, 
 Thomas F. Smith. 
 
 Treasurer, 
 Peter F. Meyer. 
 
 Sagamore, 
 John T. Nagk 
 
 Wiskinkie, 
 John A. Boyle. 
 
 Randolph Guggenheimer, 
 Maurice Featherson, 
 Asa Bird Gardiner, 
 George W. Plunkitt, 
 George C. Clausen, 
 John Fox, 
 
THOMAS L. FEITNER, 
 Grand Sachem. 
 
192 
 
 JOHN J. SCANNELL. 
 Sachem. 
 
CHARLES F. -MURPHY. 
 Sachem. 
 
104 
 
 GEORGE C. CLAUSEN, 
 s ichem. 
 
195 
 
 RANDOLPH GUGGENHEIMER, 
 Sachem. 
 
196 
 
 ASA BIRD GARDINER, 
 
 Sachem. 
 
">7 
 
 THOMAS J. DUNN, 
 
 Sachem. 
 
ig8 
 
 ,K iii.\ F. CARROLL, 
 Sachem. 
 
JOHN WHALEX, 
 Sachem. 
 
JOHN W. KELLER, 
 Sachem. 
 
MAURICE FEATHERSON, 
 Sachem. 
 
GEORGE W. PLUNKITT, 
 Sachem. 
 
-'■ »3 
 
 JOHN FOX, 
 Sachem. 
 
204 
 
 PETER F. MEYER, 
 Treasurer. 
 
2< '5 
 
 JOHN T. NAGLE, 
 Sagamore. 
 
206 
 
 T1H i.MAS F. SMITH. 
 
 Secretary. 
 
20 7 
 
 JOHN A. BOYLE, 
 Wiskinkie. 
 
NEW YORK DEMOCRATS 
 
 AND MEMBERS OF THE 
 
 TAMMANY SOCIETY. 
 
-T> f. 
 
 'W-^^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 R( IBERT A. U \X WTCK. 
 
JOHN B. SEX 
 
 PATRICK KBENAN. 
 
213 
 
 John mcQtjade. 
 
214 
 
 Al'i I'STl'S T. IinCHART 
 
21 S 
 
 VERNON M. DAVIS. GEORGE M. VAN HoESEN 
 
 WILLIAM T. JENKINS, M.D. JOHN B. COSBY. M.D. 
 
2l6 
 
 GEORGE P. ANDREWS. 
 
WILLIAM DAI/TON. 
 
 GEORGE F. SCANNELL. 
 
 BERNARD F. MARTIN. 
 
 LAWRENCE DEL.MOUR. 
 
DAVID McADAM. 
 
219 
 
 HENRY W. BOOKS') AVE 
 
 CHARLES !l TRTJ 
 
 DAVID LEVENTR] 
 
 JAMES A. O'GORMAN. 
 
MAURICE UNTERMYER. 
 
OLIVER H. P. lil'LMnXT WILLIAM ASTOR CHANLER. 
 
 ELBRIDGE T. GERRY. 
 
 LEWIS NIXON. 
 
WAKLKY 1'I.ATZKK. 
 
123 
 
 f 
 
 FRANCIS .1. LANTRY 
 
 .K "UN T. I IAKLEY 
 
 PATRICK J. SCULLY. NICHOLAS J. HAYES. 
 
224 
 
 JOHN J. FREKDMAN 
 
 JOHN F. McINTYRE. 
 
-'-'5 
 
 U IUIS F. HAFFEN. 
 
 UJi IUST Mi i-EBUS. 
 
 THi 'MAS F. l»i iXXEl.LY. 
 
 JOHN B. McKEAN. 
 
226 
 
 NATHAN STRA1 
 
2-7 
 
 WILLIAM F. CliKLL 
 
 ISAAC KIIOMMK. 
 
 MICHAEL T. DALY. 
 
 THOMAS S. BRENNAN. 
 
228 
 
 W. J. K. KENNET. 
 
MATI1KW F. IHIN'HIU'E. 
 
 JOHN .1. RYAN. 
 
 JAMES J. PHELAN. 
 
 PATRICK KEAHON. 
 
230 
 
 LOUIS J. CONLAN. 
 
 JAMES M. FITZSIMONS. 
 
 joiin iikxkv McCarthy. 
 
 Ji IHN P. SCHUCHMAN. 
 
-M' 
 
 P. HENRY DUGRO. 
 
232 
 
 CHARLES H. KNOX. 
 
233 
 
 WILLIAM WARNER PENFIELD. BENJAMIN HUFFMAN. 
 
 JOHN M. TIERNET. 
 
 HERMANN F.OLTE. 
 
234 
 
 FRANCIS M. SCOTT. 
 
235 
 
 CHARLES E. SIMMS. JR. 
 
 HENUY A. BKANN. 
 
 HERMAN JOSEPH. 
 
 WILLIAM F. M< mike. 
 
236 
 
 WILLIAM GILI5KKT LAV IKS 
 
«37 
 
 JAMES J. MARTIN. 
 
 CORD MEYER. 
 
 EDWARD OWEN. 
 
 JOHN 0. HERTL.E. 
 
2 3 8 
 

 STEWART M. BRICE. 
 
 BART( »W S. WEEK! 
 
 JAMES L. GORDi »N. 
 
 GE< >RGE G. BATTLE. 
 
240 
 
 ANDREW FIIEKD.MAX 
 
-•I I 
 
 MARTIN DNGEL. 
 
 .MAS C. T. CRAIN. 
 
 PATKIOK DIVVElt. 
 
 DAVID E AUSTEN. 
 
M 1 LES M O'BR] E 
 

 ALBERT M. CAR] 
 
 .M'UAN l> KATIK'HIU) 
 
 SMITH K. I,.\XK 
 
 JOHN X. LEW 
 
244 
 
 THOMAS J. BRAD'S 
 
 WILLIS HOLLY 
 
245 
 
 WIM.IAM J FRYER. 
 
 THOMAS I. WATT. 
 
 MILTON ROBLEE. 
 
 WILLIAM C. TOWEN. 
 
EDWARD E McCAI 
 
 JACOB RUPPERT, JR. 
 
-17 
 
 WILLIAM E. STILLINGS 
 
 JAMIOS I). M.iM.|.;i,|,.\Xl) 
 
 JOHN A. SULLIVAN. 
 
 THEODORE W. MYERS. 
 
248 
 
 WII.I.IA.M 11 i;i'\V 
 
•I" 
 
 CHARLES P. WEJL.DE. 
 
 J( is I : I ■! i 11. STEINER. 
 
 HENRY D. IliiTi'llKI 
 
 VICTOR J. DOWLING. 
 
250 
 
 TMi. i.MAS F. GRADY. 
 
~\S' 
 
 ANTONIO ZUCCA. 
 
 WILLIAM A. BUTLER. 
 
 THADDBUS MORIARTT. LEO C . DESSAR. 
 
2 5 2 
 
 JAMES I). BELL,. 
 
253 
 
 CKouc.io hill. 
 
 .lollX II Mot iXKV. 
 
 MAURICE J. POWER 
 
 GEORGE L. STERLING. 
 
>54 
 
 WILLIAM SULZER. 
 
'55 
 
 r.Ki >k<;k MVINGSTi >N. 
 
 CLINT( -N II. SMITH. 
 
 JOHN T. BRADY. 
 
 FLORENCE J. SULLIVAN. 
 
256 
 
 WILLIAM SOHMER. 
 
>7 
 
 VINt'KNT C. KINO. 
 
 DELANI I C CALVIN. 
 
 WIT,"LIAM M. HOES. 
 
 A. O. MCCAL.L. 
 
258 
 
 AMOS J. (T.M MIXCS. 
 
259 
 
 GEORGE F. SPINNEY. WILLIAM J. FANNING. 
 
 WILLIAM P. MITCHELL. WILLIAM T. EMMKTT. 
 
260 
 
 BIRD S. COLER. 
 
26l 
 
 CHARLES BL.ANDT. 
 
 .1 iSEPH P. KALI.' IN. 
 
 EDWARD GILON. 
 
 CHARLES G. F. WAHL.E. 
 
262 
 
 JOHN Q. UNDERH] I.:. 
 
263 
 
 FRANKLIN BIEN. 
 
 CHARLES W. DAYT( iN. 
 
 JAMES W. OSBORNE 
 
 GEORGE MUNDORF. 
 
2 6 4 
 
 FRANK T. FITZGERALD. 
 
•".. 
 
 MAURICE B. BLDMENTHAL ADOLPH C. HOTTENROTH 
 
 HENRY A. GUMBLETON. MYRON H. OPPEXHEIM. 
 
266 
 
 ISAAC A. H< IPPER. 
 
■•■;■ 
 
 HENKY W. UNGIOR. 
 
 JAC< »B E. BAUSCH. 
 
 TKniiNTuX X. MOTLEY. 
 
 HANS S. BEATTIE. 
 
268 
 
 JOHN H V. ARNOLD. 
 
269 
 
 C,K< HtC.E i:i- FIARDINO 
 
 GEORGE M. CURTIS. 
 
 ALBERT E. CKABTREE 
 
 JAMES W. BOYLE. 
 
NELSON SMITH. 
 
71 
 
 DANIEL P. II A VS. 
 
 AN 'I ONIO RASINES. 
 
 i;kh|;i;k h. Tool'. 
 
 JOHN B. DOERR. 
 
HOLLIX M. MORGAN 
 
THOMAS McADAM. 
 
 WELLESLE1 W. GAG] 
 
 WALTKK S. LMi'i.W. 
 
 THOMAS P. DINNEAN. 
 
274 
 
 EDWAltl' SI I i:i:i IV 
 
WILLIAM A. SWKKTSKK 
 
 WILLIAM P. BURR 
 
 \ I '.!•:]. CROOK 
 
 JOHN E. BROPSKV. 
 
276 
 
 WILLIAM R. CLACK. 
 
-77 
 
 FREDERICK HABERMAN 
 
 < : i-:< u:«; f. f. i:< ikscii. 
 
 PHILIP J. BRITT. 
 
 THi '.MAS F. BYRNE. 
 
ALBERT BACH. 
 
 CHARLES D, OHLENDO IF 
 
279 
 
 CHARLES A. JACKS! IN. 
 
 iikxi: v m. g< 'i.i iF< "M.i-: 
 
 DANIEL J. RIOR] »AN. 
 
 RICH \i:'> H. MITCHEL. 
 
280 
 
 ,r< >nx McCartney 
 
 WILLIAM .1. LAKMNEK. 
 
28 1 
 
 CHARLES L. GUY 
 
 WILLIAM 11. PAGE, .1 I: 
 
 OTTO HORWITZ. 
 
 ALPHONSE H. ALKEK. 
 
282 
 
 LOUIS DAVIDSON. 
 
 Tl 1 1 UIAS J. BRADLEY. 
 
 JAMES KEARNEY. 
 
 STEPHEN S. BLAKE. 
 
283 
 
 LOUIS MA XX KM AN. 
 
 KASTI'S S. KAXSi »JI. 
 
 BRYAN L. KENNELLY, 
 
 GEORGE FAHRBACH. 
 
284 
 
 RICHARD FIT/ PAT KICK. 
 
 LAWRKN'CK \V. AHKFXS. 
 
 CHARLES J. IIAIMiV. 
 
 AP.KAIIA.M M. FKOMISFKC. 
 
28s 
 
 EDWARD KEARNEY. 
 
286 
 
 C. E. LYDECKBR. 
 
 EDWARD HASSETT. 
 
 SIDNEY HAKIMS 
 
 TEKKY SMITH. 
 
••s- 
 
 WILLIAM I.. TURNER 
 
 Sfl ERIDAN S. N< IRTi IN 
 
 THEODORE F. HASCALL. 
 
 LOUIS C. RAEGENER. 
 
288 
 
 EDWARD B. LaFETRA. 
 
 Al'STIX Iv PUKSSIXdKK. 
 
 LOUIS MINSKT. 
 
 LKOX SAXDKUt 
 
•SWALD < lTTEND< >RFER 
 
2QO 
 
 ANDREW H. GREEN. 
 
29 1 
 
 E. ELLEKY AXDKKSnX, 
 
292 
 
 JOHN J. QUINN. 
 
 C. M. BEATTIE. 
 
 .ii iHN M ENRY ROGAN. 
 
 .JOHN ll. PA' 
 
BIOGRAPHIES 
 
 OF 
 
 NEW YORK DEMOCRATS 
 
 AND MEMBERS OF THE 
 
 TAMMANY SOCIETY. 
 
294 
 
 Ahrens, L. W.— Was born in this city and received his early education in the public 
 schools. He is a Mason, a prominent member of the Royal Arcanum, and a veteran of the 
 Seventy-first Regiment, New York State Volunteers. He is a member of the Democratic 
 Club, the Pontiac, Nameoki and West End Clubs, and is a member of the Tammany Hall 
 General Committee of the Twenty-first Assembly District. He has been a staunch Demo- 
 crat all his life, and has always been prominent in the councils of his party. 
 
 Alkee, Alpho.nse Henry — Lawyer, born in New York, October 8th. 1851. He is a mem- 
 ber of the Tammany Society and has been a member of Tammany Hall since 1ST:;, serving 
 on various committees during- that time. He is at present a resident of the Twenty-sev_ 
 enth Assembly District, where he has many friends. 
 
 Anderson, E. Ellert — Lawyer, born in New York City in 1833; has been a prominent 
 figure in Democratic politics since attaining his majority. Has never held public office, 
 but has accepted a number of public trusts, such as School Trustee, Rapid Transit Com- 
 missioner, and Commissioner in reference to acquiring lands both for the Croton Aqueduct 
 and elevated railway. Appointed by President Cleveland, in 1887, a commissioner to inves- 
 tigate the affairs of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific Railway Companies. Served as 
 Major in New York State Militia during Civil War. 
 
 Andrews, George P. — Justice of the Supreme Court, born in Maine. Alter being 
 graduated from Yale College, came to New York, in 1859, and was admitted to the New 
 York Bar in 1860. He has held the offices of Assistant United States District Attorney of 
 the Southern District of New York, Assistant Corporation Counsel, and, later, Corporation 
 Counsel of the City of New York. In 1883 he was elected to the Supreme Court Bench and 
 re-elected in 1898. Judge Andrews is a strong and loyal Democrat, and has taken an active 
 interest in the affairs of his party. 
 
 Arnold, John Harvey Vincent — Lawyer, ex-Surrogate, literateur and art collector, 
 born in New York July 23, 1839. He was educated at public and private schools, 
 and took a classical course at the University of the City of New York. In 1889 Mr. Arnold 
 was appointed by the Board of Aldermen to be President of that body, to fill the vacancy 
 caused by the di ath of George H. Forster. In the fall of the same year he was nominated 
 for the same office and elected to serve until 1890, and he was then again elected for a two 
 years' term. For a year he returned to his law practice, and then he was. in 1S93, 
 nominated and elected Surrogate for the term of fourteen years, but he resigned in Feb- 
 ruary, 1899. Mr. Arnold was one of the Sachems of the Tammany Society. Died 1901. 
 
 Austin, Col. David E.— This distinguished officer and thorough Democratic politician 
 was born in New York, at the house of his grandfather on Bowling Green. He has filled 
 many important offices and his military record forms a part of the history of the State. 
 He is a member of the Tammany General Committee, of the 1 lemocratic Club, and the Re- 
 gatta Committee and a veteran of the Grand Army of the Republic. 
 
 Bach, Albert Assistant Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, born in this 
 city in 1S54; has been active in Tammany circles Cor many years and is very prominent 
 also as a lawyer and author; member of Democratic Club, Continental Whist Club, Royal 
 Arcanum and the Order of the American Legion of Honor. 
 
B ITT1 B, Q] ORG! ' lOHDON BO] n in Noi Hi ' !ai a, OctOb 
 
 from the Qniversitj oi Virginia In 1889, wltl legrei oi Ma tei oi \<< Studl 
 
 at the Universltj oi Virginia undei Prol John B Minor, and al Columbia Collegi under 
 
 Proi Thi odore W Dwlght Began prai I I la in li Ni w 5 ork I lit) li 
 
 ••pi iti i \ Istant District Utoi ,i, j i,> thi then District am,,, ney, i «• Lai 
 
 in 1894 was plai ed In charge of thi Bui au ol tndictmenl bj thi lati Col John R i 
 Shortly after the death of Col. Felloe I i Crorn the office and entered Inl 
 
 general practlci with Bartow S u el al Iroadway, undei Lhe firm nami ol 
 
 & Battle, The firm name was subsequently changed to Week! Battli & Mai hall Mi li 
 Snowden Marshall becoming a partner, is a membei ol th itlon thi Southern 
 
 Society, the Calumet, Military and Seneca Clubs, thi Columbian Ord i and I mbei 
 
 of the General Committee of Tammany Hall In the Twenty fifth Vssemblj i >. tricl 
 
 Bausch, Jacob E Coroner Bausch was born In the Citj of New fork am 
 
 education In Grammar School No. 22. [mmedlatelj after leaving -, b be ■ nti n d Into the 
 
 employ of Palmer & Emburj .is an apprentii e, and learn* d the trade of « I cai : 
 
 has represented the Wood Carvers' Ass,,, iatlon as business ageni and walking delegate toi 
 many years. He was elected Coroner in 1897 b3 a very large majoritj over his opponent. 
 
 Mi Bausch is a member of the George Washington Benevolent s ■< j . thi Centi il Laboi 
 
 Union, Building Trade Sei tion, Queer Fellows' Association and Compai i Social L 
 
 r.i lch, Miles Justice of the Supreme Court, and son of the late Hon. William \ 
 Beach, was born in is:::;. Educated at Union College appointed Judge ol the Court of 
 Common Pleas In 1ST!), and elected In 1880, and again eleci d in 1893 and transfer! 
 1894, through the consolidation of the courts, to the Supreme Court. 
 
 Bi \.ttie, Charles Maitland. Charles Maitland Beattie was born In New fork City 
 in 185S, where he received his education in the College of the Citj of New JTork Hi - hos 
 a professional career, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1882, where hi 
 practiced. His present office is at Uli Nassau street. Mr. Beattie is i memb ■'' Of th D 
 
 cratic Club, the New fork Press Club and the General Cimmitt f Tammany Hall from 
 
 the Ninth Assembly District. He is an anient Tammany Hail man. 
 
 Beattie, Hans Stevenson Was horn in Belfast, Ireland, in 1849. He went to London 
 at eighteen where he studied stenography and the elements of law. He came to New 
 York when nineteen and entered as a stud, nt at the New York University. He was 
 admitted to practice in the State and United States cants, and iii 1881 entered the office 
 of William C. Whitney, Corporation counsel, and was afterwards appoint, ,1 Surveyor of 
 the Port by Presidenl Cleveland. He was Commissioner of Street Cleaning under Mayor 
 Grant, and in 1893 was appointed Treasurer of the Metropolitan Street Railway Company of 
 New York. 
 
 Bell. Isaac— "Was horn at 14 Greenwich street. New York, 1814. His Bather and -rand- 
 father were both Isaac Bells and were distinguished citizens before the Revolution. Mr. 
 Bell began his business career in the old firm of Lentilhon & Co., in whose interest he vis- 
 ited the South and made several trips to Europe where he met Miss Mott, to whom he was 
 afterward married. In 1X44. while South, he was made a member of the staff of the Gov- 
 ernor of Alabama, and in 1S48 was elected to Congress from the same State. Coming to 
 New- York he joined Tammany Hall and was elected to the Board of Supervisors, and. in 
 1857, was appointed Commissioner of Charities and Correction. In '69 he was appointed a 
 member of the Board of Education in which his broad principles were also conspicuous. 
 He was mainly Instrumental in founding Bellevue Hospital and in establishing the system 
 of hospital ambulances In New York. Mr. Bell organized the Riot Relief Fund of which 
 he was custodian until succeeded by his son Edward, a few years ago. During the Rebel- 
 lion he provided ways and means for upholding the Union. He was a genial figure in so- 
 ciety and a general favorite with everyone. He died in 1897, after a long and useful life. 
 
296 
 
 Bell. James D.— Of the Fifth Assembly District of the County of Kings. Brooklyn, 
 was born in New York in 1845. He has held many leading positions, among which 
 may be named: Supervisor of Nineteenth Ward. Brooklyn; Chairman of Law 
 Commission, Commissioner of Police and Excise. Commissioner and Secretary 
 of new East River Bridge, Chairman of Special Committee on Reorganization Democratic 
 party of Kings, Chairman Democratic General Committee, Chairman Committee on Organi- 
 zation. First Vice-President, Brooklyn Bar Association: Chairman Law Library, Brook- 
 lyn; Chairman, member and ex-Committee, G. A. R.. Kings County in 1899, for fourth term. 
 It will thus be seen that Mr. Bell is a leader in the many business and political organiza- 
 tions of the greater city. 
 
 Belmont, Oliver H. P.— Congressman Belmont, son of the late August Belmont, the 
 banker, was born in the City of New York in 1858, attended school here and at St. Paul's, 
 and later went abroad for three years to complete his studies. Returning to America he 
 entered the Naval Academy at Annapolis, graduating in 1889. and served two years in the 
 Navy. Resigning from the Navy Mr. Belmont became a member of the firm of August 
 Belmont. In 1900 he was elected a member of Congress from the Thirteenth New York 
 Congressional District. Mr. Belmont is a member of the New York Yacht Club. Democratic 
 Club, and is a Mason and Past Master of St. John's Lodge, A. F. and A. M.. X". 1. of New- 
 port, R. I. 
 
 Bien, Franklin— Member of New York Bar. was born in this city January 23. 1853. 
 Educated in public schools. Free Academy of the City of New York (now College of the 
 City of New York). Columbia Law School. Counsel for many corporations in the United 
 States, and has acted as counsel in important questions connected with the Democratic 
 party. Never held public office. 
 
 Birdsai.l, George W. — Chief Engineer. Department of Water Supply. Born in New 
 York in 1836; appointed Assistant Engineer Department Public Works in 1871; First 
 Assistant. 1875; made Chief Engineer in 1879; holding same until 1898, when appointed to 
 present position. 
 
 Blake, Michael F.— Michael F. Blake. Clerk of the Board of Aldermen, was barn in 
 the Eighteenth Ward, City of New York. August 1, 1S57. He was educated in the public 
 schools and the Columbia College Law School. Mr. Blake studied law in the office of Ex- 
 Supreme Court Justice Abraham B. Taippen and Henry Parsons. He subsequently em- 
 barked in journalism and was for many years a writer on the New York Herald, in L889 lie 
 1 esigm 'I from the //< raid to accept the position of Deputy Clerk to the Board of .\ 'dermen, 
 where he seived for some years under Captain Franc's J. Twomey. When Captain Twomey 
 retired on account of age, Mr. Blake was unanimously elected clerk to the Common Council 
 which position he held for many years. In 1898 Mr. Blake was reappointed to the position 
 of clerk to the Board of Aldeimen, which place he now holds. He is vice-chairman of the 
 General Committee of Tammany Hall of the Eighteenth Assembly District and chairman 
 of the Law Committee of that District. He is a member of the Democratic. Press and 
 Anawanda Clubs. 
 
 i;i.w i :, Stephen S Assistant District Attorney. Born in Ireland in 1843; came to the 
 United States when eight years of age. He entered Niagara College, from which he was 
 graduated in L865, subsequently pursuing a two-years' course of higher studies at the Col- 
 lege of Montreal. Was elected City Clerk of the City of Bridgeport, Conn., and served for 
 three years on the Hoard of Aldermi n of that city; was Town Attorney, also Prosecuting 
 Attorney of the City of Bridgeport. He was Judge of the City Court of Bridgeport, by 
 
 appointment of the Legislature, for four terms, in 1880 he was the candidat ' the 
 
 D, mocratic partj Cor Secretary of State. In 1883 Mr. Blake removed to this city and was 
 a membei oi the Constitutional Convention of L894 and of the Legislature of L895. 
 
297 
 
 Blandy, I'm mm i \ istant < '•■> po i i lour el CI 
 
 In 1848 He was edui ated In the publli i nd thi u 
 
 i ,.\ ed i" New SToYk and In LSBI enti red upon tin 
 
 i n L872 he ^\ . ■ -• admitted to the bai at General T and al on 
 
 in 1882 William C. Whitney, then Corporation Counsel, Invited Mi B 
 
 tanta to try Ju ind held II dui ing al ol Mr 
 
 Whitnej 's term .is well aa i hal of his suci P. Ai 
 
 L890 Wllllani 'I Clai u became Corpoi it Ion i loun and madi ili I 
 
 to trj the mosl Important cases. John Whalen, Corj i i ne of hie 
 
 assistants on Januarj I, 1898, 
 
 r.i i \ii:\tm m .. Mai rice B, Former a . 
 1870, and long befoi e he reai hed in- majoi 
 
 became, a - he has evei inci been n ardenl Democrat H In thi 
 
 Unlversltj of the Cltj of New STork. Hi placed In nomination In thi various 
 conventions Judge Leonard \ Glegerlch and Frederick Smyth ol thi 
 Court, and Judge Schuchman ol the Cltj Court He wa named a 
 upon the Democratic ticket of 1856. it" is a mem>bei od the Tarn man j Hall Comn 
 
 Organization, Tammanij S ity, Progress Club, the Home So< lal Club, thi 
 
 the Jefferson Club ol the Sixteenth ^.ssemblj District, the SToung M i D m cratlc Club, 
 
 Hi,- Eleventh Ward League, the Comanche Leg-ion, thi SToung M n H n \ 
 
 the Greater New STork Democrats WUiiance, the Jacksonian 
 
 Club, Post Graduate's Grammar School No. 15, the Daniel Webster Lodge, and a number 
 
 of other social and fraternal organizations. Resigned from District Utornej office earlj 
 
 Bolte, Hermann Justice of the Second Districl Court, is a graduate ol Columbia Law 
 School, class 1874; afterwards attended CJniversitj al Heidelb rg Germany, to studj civil 
 law. in 1893 he was elected Justice ol the Second Districl Court, n is worths to note thai 
 out of a registration of over 12,800 votes, he received majoi I ol namely 
 
 10,975, ever cast in the District, and on his n election, 1899, received ovei i pei cent 
 entire vote cist in his Judicial District. Judge Bolte has always taki n a vi rj di i p interest 
 in the public schools in this city and in educational matters generally. Through hi 
 endeavors the new schoolhouse, Grammar School No. l. Henry and Oliver streets, has been 
 erected, while acting as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Fourth Ward 
 January 1. 1891, until July 1, 1896. 
 
 B staver, Henry W.— "Was born in is:::,. He received his early edu it] 
 
 academy In Orange County, New Fork, and prepared himself for Rutgers College, from 
 which he graduated with hi^h honors. He was admitted to the bar in 1S61, and later be- 
 came a member of the law firm of Brown, Hull & Vanderpoei. Among the <> : 
 he has filled previous to his election to the bench of the Supreme Court are Sheriff's At- 
 torney, counsel to the Police Board, and counsel to the Commissioner of Charities and Cor- 
 rections. Ex-Judge Bookstaver is one of New fork's most eminent lawyers, with a large 
 clientele and practice, with offices at 256 Broadway. 
 
 Boi ker, DeWitt Clinton, Jr.— Prominent among the contractors ot Gn iter New Yak 
 is D. C. Bouker Jr., who was born in Greenville, Hudson County. X. J., in 1865. S 
 after he was born his parents removed to Far Rockaway, Queens County, L. [., since 
 which time Mr. Bouker has been a resident of New York and closely identified with the 
 business and political affairs of the metropolis; in fact Mr. Bouker is a typical New 
 Yorker and a l >emocrat. 
 
 Boyle, James W. — Was born In New York on May 11. 1845. He was uppointed a Com- 
 missioner of Appraisement and Assessment for lands taken Cor the new aqueducl in 1892. 
 Mr. Boyle is a member of the Manhattan. Democratic and New York Athletic Clubs, and 
 is also Chairman of the Tammany Hall General Committee of the Seventh Assembly Dis- 
 trict. He has been a member of the Tammany organization ever sine.- he took an 
 in politics. He was appointed a Commissioner of the new E3as1 Rivej Bridge in 1898. 
 
Boyle, John Ambrose.— Was born in the City of New York in 1S46; educated in the 
 public schools of this city. He went to the war as a drummer boy with the Sixty-ninth 
 Regiment and was a veteran at the age of seventeen. Mr. Boyle has been employed in the 
 Register's office for the last twenty years, having advanced himself to the position of Chief 
 Searcher and Examiner. He has also been the Financial Secretary of the old Eightenth, 
 now the Twentieth Assembly District. Tammany Hall General Committee, for twenty-five 
 years. Mr. Boyle was elected Wiskinkie of the Tammany Society in 1898. 
 
 Brady, John T.— One of the foremost builders and contractors of the City of New York 
 is John T. Brady, who was born in Ireland in 1849. Beginning without a dollar capital, he 
 is now at the head, and hundreds of the finest structures in the city attest his capabilities. 
 Among these are the residences of E. W. Bliss, Nathan Strauss, Mrs. Kohn, and the public 
 buildings, such as the new Surrogate's Court. Thirteenth Judicial District Court and 
 Grant's tomb, on Riverside Drive. 
 
 Brady, Thomas J.— Former President Department of Buildings, was born in this city 
 in 1854. Became Inspector of the Fire Department in 1S84; First Department of the Bu- 
 reau of Inspection of Buildings in the Fire Department in 1887; Superintendent of Build- 
 ings in 1889; appointed President Department of Buildings in 1898; resigned April, 1901. 
 
 Bradley, Thomas J. — Mi mber of Congress from the Ninth Congressional District, was 
 born in this city in lsTn. Hi atti ml. d the public schools and was graduated from the City 
 College in 1887. He taught school at Lenox avenue and 134th street, and in 128th street 
 between Lenox and Seventh avenues. In 1891 he was admitted to the bar. Although 
 barely of age, he was made an Assistant District Attorney, which position ho held until 
 1895, when he resigned to practice iaw. He was nominated for Congress in lsnti against 
 "Tim" Campbell, whom he easily defeated, and ran 1.400 ahead of his ticket. Died 1901. 
 
 Brann. Henry A. — Born in Ireland in 1847; landed in America in isr.fl: admitted to the 
 bar in 1S68 at Ubany; joined Tammany Hall in 1869; has since been a prominent member; 
 has served on General and District Committees of the Twenty-third District; has held the 
 office of City Magistrate since 1895. 
 
 Brennan, Thomas S. — Deputy Commissioner of Charities, born in this city 1844; 
 appointed Ward n of Bellevue in 1866; appointed in 1860 to Bellevue Hospital as Watch- 
 man, then Captain of Night Watch; promoted to Island Hospital as Steward in 1864; 
 remained as Steward until 1866, then promoted, and in 1^7.". appointed Commissioner "f 
 Public Charities ami Correction and twice reappointed. Appointed Street Cleaning Com 
 missioner by Mayor Grant in 1893 and served for one year, resigning t'> engage in the real 
 business. Died in 1901. 
 
 I'c.m s, Steti m; i M. — Councilman Brice was born in Lima, i >hio. in lsTn and received 
 his early education in his native city. He removed to -Ww York in 1881 and continued his 
 tudies In a private school in the metropolis. After two years <>( this training he entered 
 He Philips Academy of Exeter, in the State of New 1 lamps hire, in L886 he started upon a 
 tour around the world. Shortly after returning from his trip, which was in issT. he en- 
 tered Harvard. On the completion of his course in Harvard in 1893, he entered upon an 
 
 active business career. Ho i ante General Manager of the Dayton Natural Gas Com 
 
 pany, of Dayton, Ohio, and about a year after assumed personal charge of the enormous 
 railroad interests of ins father, Senator Calvin S, Brice. In 1897 Mr, Brice was elected a 
 membi r of the Council. He is a member of the New York Athletic Club, the Racquel Club, 
 the Knickerbockei Club, the Lambs Club and the order of the Elks. 
 
 Britt. Philip J. i.;i» yi 
 
 Ini e L886 and Cor a numbe 
 
 if Manhal tan < lolli ge and 
 
 3888-ls'io: api ted ' lounsel 
 
 In this city in 1865. Identified 
 
 with Tammany Hall 
 
 ■s Secretary of the Committee 
 
 hi Speakers. Graduate 
 
 a University. Searcher of Til 
 
 les in Register's office, 
 
 IT in 1898 Member of Tammni 
 
 5 Soctetj since 1888 
 
•99 
 
 Brod ikt, John E Born In Nev Fork City Ma He received hi 
 
 i Ion In i hi publli chool ind I i private tea< hen Hi then 
 
 School, and was graduated from that institution In the cla ol ■■ I r 
 
 i.i B He wai admitti d to the bar In Julj 1878 A: Brodsl ntered •■ ind 
 
 was ;i pupil i ii' i protege of the late John J Brlen Hi 
 
 1879, 'ii.i continued until L882, when he accepted a Senatorial nomination R 
 
 the Assembly as an Independent In 1891 Mr. Brodskj Ii an active and prominent m 
 
 oi i . 1 1 1 1 1 1 ; 1 1 1 \ ii. mi He represented the Eighth \ emblj Dl trld bul In the 
 
 Thlrtj in si Ass. nil. i> Dlsti 
 
 Browne, Edward, Ex Ji dgi was born In Ireland, bul reo 
 tin; city, He was elected a Jud ol thi Cltj Courl In 1883 Coun ■ i I 
 years. Judge Browne is a member of the Oem ral Committee ind Committi 
 
 lion oi the Ninth Assemblj District of Tamman: Hal] Hi 
 
 Democrat and a worker for ins party. He served In the Civil War In the An 
 Potomac. Received "Medal of Honor" from United oi braverj at 
 
 of Fredericksburg, May, L868, and brevetted Captain United Sta 
 lantry on Held of battle. 
 
 Burr, William P. w i born in Dublin, [reland Mai h 10 L851 Hi rei 
 
 education In I hat citj unde: the tuition of Madam Mi ni i of i udin 
 
 to N.'\\ Fork in L863 he attended thi DeLaSalli [nstituti ind I tei entered St. James' Col- 
 lege. Baltimore, [n 1875 hi was appointed to the West Point Militarj Academy, but left 
 there in ts77 to enter the Columbia College La^ School, where he was In 1879, 
 
 and admitted to the Bar the same year. He was a delegate t>> 1 1 1 . ■ x.w v..ik c.m 
 tional Convention from the Eleventh SenatoriaJ District, distinguishing himselt th 
 his fight against trusts and monopolies. Ho is a member of the Manhattan Democratic, 
 Lawyers', Narragansett, Sagamore and Harlem Democratic Clubs, State Bai 
 Tammany Societj and oi the Standing Committee of Tammanj Hall on Resolutioi 
 Con espi mi 
 
 Butler, William A. The Supervisor of the City Record and former Clerk of thi 
 County of New York, William A. Butler, was born in this city and lias been a mem 
 Tammany Hall for over twenty years. Mr Butler was elected County Clerk in L879 He 
 is a resident of the Twenty-first Assembly District, and continues Supervisor of thi 
 i the present time. 
 
 Byrne, Thomas F. Deputy Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1855. 
 Graduated from Manhattan College in 1S74 and New York University Law School in 
 
 He has been an active and influential membei of Tammanj Hall sine.' 1893 and 
 
 of the Tammany Society since 1897. Resides in the Fifth Assemblj District, and has - 
 upon the General Committee and Commit! f Organization. 
 
 ('\i.\i\-. Hri.w.i <\. L.L. D.— Judge Calvin was horn in Clayton. X. V.. and has been 
 active in Tammany Hall since 1866. He held the office of District Attorney of Jefferson 
 County, Commissioner of Education in Watertown, N. Y.. and - Countj if Ni a 
 
 York, and at present is in legal practice at 58 William street, being largely identified with 
 estate cases and practice in the higher courts. In politics he has b ihe State 
 
 ever since his introduction by Governor Seymour and Senator Kernan, in 
 and that of faithful Tammany and the regular Democracy, he itedlj and suc- 
 
 cessfully canvassed the city and the State. 
 
 Card, Albert M.— Born in Ancram, N. Y., July 21, 1S45; was educated in the public- 
 schools and at the Ami nia Seminary and Eastman Business College, Poughkeepsie, N. 
 Y. He studied law with Hon. Charles Wheaton, of Poughkeepsie, and began the practici 
 
 of law in Duchess County. He has always been a Democrat. Mr. Card was United States 
 District Revenue Assessor, with headquarters at Poughkeepsie. and served as School Com- 
 missioner of Duchess County. For twelve years he was Judge of Probate for the District 
 of Sharon, Conn., and three years member of Assembly in Connecticut Mr. Card 
 
300 
 
 is President of the Village of Sharon; President of the Sharon Casino Company, and 
 a Director of the Sharon Water Company, the Sharon Telephone Company and the Sharon 
 Electric Light Company. He is also Commissioner of the Superior Court of Connecticut, 
 Vice-President and Secretary of the Salisbury Carbonate Iron Company, and Secretary 
 and Treasurer of the Landon Iron Company. He is President and General Manager of the 
 Amenia Mining Company. Secretary of the Kelley Mining Company, and a Director of the 
 First National Bank of Amenia, N. Y. He is a member of the New York Stat Bar Asso- 
 ciation, the Democratic Club, the Harlem Democratic Club. Tammany Hall and the Old 
 Put Club, of Danbury, Conn. 
 
 Carroll, John F. — Has lived all his life in the old Sixteenth, but now divided into the 
 Twenty-second and Twenty-fourth Assembly Districts. He was for twenty-five years 
 active in politics, and during his administration as Tammany Hall leader he proved an 
 able and brilliant campaigner and has scored victory after victory. He has always b • n 
 unswerving in his loyalty to the Tammany Hall organization, and so successful were his 
 labors that, under his leadership, a once doubtful district came to the front as a Demo- 
 , ratii stronghold. As Vice-Chairman of the Committee on Finance of Tammany Hall Mr. 
 Carroll retains his connection with the organization, and is welcomed in its inner councils. 
 He is a shrewd, level-headed politician, whose intimate knowledge of public men and 
 affairs and an experience extending over a quarter of a century give to his opinions on 
 matters political very great weight. Mr. Carroll was first appointed to public office as 
 Clerk to the Grand Jury by the late Supreme Court Justice Frederick Smyth, who was then 
 Recorder, in 1879. His abilities as shown in this position brought the usual reward. He 
 was made Clerk of the Seventh District Civil Court, and was subsequently promoted to the 
 Clerkship of the Court of Special Sessions. In 1891 he was unanimously chosen by the 
 Judges to the responsible place of Clerk of the Court of General Sessions. 
 
 Chanler, William astor— Was born June 11, 1S6T, in Newport, R. I., son of John 
 Winthrop Chanler. who served several terms in the Legislature of New York State, and 
 represented the Seventh Congressional District of that State for three terms; was educated 
 at St. John's School, Sing Sing; Phillips' Academy, Exeter, N. H., and Harvard Univer- 
 sity, which he left to undertake explorations in Africa, the result of his travels having been 
 published in a book; had conferred upon him the degree of A. M. by Harvard University, 
 and became a member of two European geographical societies; was elected to the Assem- 
 bly in the New York State Legislature in 1897 from the Fifth district, and was elected to 
 lie Fifty-sixth Congress, receiving 31,604 votes, to 25,209 for Lemuel E. Quigg, Republican, 
 1,307 for Emil Neppel, Socialist Labor, and 101 Eor Alberl Wadhams, Prohibitionist. 
 
 Clausen, George C— President Department of Parks, was born in this city in L849. 
 Appointed. Commissioner of Taxes in 1893, and made Park Commissioner i, y Mayor Gilroy 
 the same year. Re-appointed to the same position by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898. 
 
 Coler, Bird S.— Comptroller of the City of New York was born in Champagne, 111., in 
 1866. He is the present Chairman of the Finance Committee of the General Committe of 
 the regular Democratic organization in Brooklyn, and has made himself felt in the councils 
 of the leaders. He becami identified with Brooklyn polities in L891. 
 
 Coni-an, Lewis J,— One of the Justices of the City Court, was born in Camden. Oneida 
 County, N. v.. and was educated in the Polytechnic institute in Troy, and was elected a 
 member of the Legislature in 1885 and a Judge of the City Court in 1S93. He is a member 
 of the Manhattan, Catholic, Dei xatic, Hardware and Press clubs. 
 
 Cosby, John B.— Health Commissioner, was born In Tennessee and educated in that 
 State and. in Baltimore Medical College. Coming to New fork he became a firm advocate 
 of Tammany Hall and was selected for his present position by .Mayor Van Wyck In L898. 
 
 Crabtreb, \m:ii:i e. Auctioneer and appraiser. Born in this city in L861. Resides in 
 Thirty-first Ass. mbly Distrii t. Pr< sident of Carondelet Democratic Club, and an energetic 
 Tammanj woj kei In his district. 
 
30i 
 
 Grain, T. C, T. Ab a thorough De al and "Tammanj M in Thow lb C. T. i 
 
 known to all Mew fork, tie waa born In ibis city, wenl abroad with hi parenl >' in 
 
 earl 3 ;i:;i ' ; "" 1 waa educated In Europe Se baa been active In the Dei ratli rank Inci 
 
 1822 and with Judge Pryor and other men of note, has battled toi the malntena r 
 
 Democratic principles, especially In the Tammanj campaign From 18 Ill I B4 h 
 
 City Chamberlain. 
 
 Crook, Abel. Was born In Brooklyn, 1842. Graduated from Willlami Coll In 1862, 
 
 with degrees of B.A. and ALA., and trom Columbia College law school In 1864, ■ Ith di gr< ■■ 
 of Master of Laws. Since then he has been In active legal practice In New fork, an asso- 
 ciate with Hon. A. B. Tappen, Hon. J. B. Haskins, Supreme Courl Justice [ngraham, 
 Bourke Cockran, etc. Se is a member of the Democratic Club, the Brooklyn Club, Acco 
 mack, and other Important organizations. Ells legal practice has been extensive, covering 
 the most decisive cases before the Supreme Court and high tribunals of the city and State, 
 and affecting corporate and legislative Interests of the mosi Importanl character. 
 
 Oumminois, Amos J.— New York's famous Congressman, Amos J. Cummings, waa 
 born at Conkling, Broome County, New York, in 1841. After many adventures in the South 
 he became a compositor on the New York Tribune; after was sargeant major of a regiment 
 in the war; was distinguished by a medal for gallantry in action; became an editor of the 
 Tribune and later of the Sun; was elected to Congress in 1886 and has been the people's 
 chosen representative almost continuously since that time. As a literary man, an orator 
 and a statesman he has few peers. 
 
 Curtis, George M. — Was born in Worcester, Mass., in 1843, and pursued his law studies 
 with Gen. B. F. Butler, of Lowell, Mass., and Hon. John W. Ashmead, of this city, being 
 admitted to practice in the New 7ork courts in 1862. Was a member of the Legislature in 
 1864, 1865 and 1866; Assistant Corporation Counsel of the city in 1865-66, and was elected a 
 Judge of Marine Court in 1867 and served a full term of six years. Since his seventeenth 
 year he has stumped the city for Tammany Hall, and the State and nation for the Demo- 
 cratic party. 
 
 Dalton, William— Commissioner of Water Supply, was born in this city about forty- 
 five years ago. He entered politics at an early age, and was elected to the State Legisla- 
 ture in 1S85, serving until 1889. He was appointed Deputy Street Cleaning Commissioner in 
 1889; Excise Commissioner in 1893; Commissioner of Water Supply in 1898. He is the Demo- 
 cratic leader of the Eleventh Assembly District. 
 
 Daly, Michael T. — Commissioner Daly, one of New York's popular officals. was born in 
 Ireland, in 1841. He came to this city when a mere boy, attended the College of New Fork; 
 first entered political life under Mayor A. Oakey Hall; was for years Chief Clerk of the 
 City Court; in 1891 was appointed Commissioner of Public Accounts, and afterwards to the 
 responsible post of Commissioner of Public W T orks, winning great credit in the administra- 
 tion of both. He is a chief in local Democracy and a prominent member of Tammany Hall. 
 
 Danforth, Elliott— Is a native of Middlebuirgh, Schoharie County, where he was born 
 March 6, 1850. His father was Peter F. Danforth, a lawyer of prominence, a State Senator, 
 and a Justice of the Supreme Court. Mr. Danforth was educated in the public s< 
 and in the Schoharie Academy. He was admitted to the bar in 1872. In 1880 he was a 
 delegate to the National Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, which nominated General 
 Hancock for the Presidency. He was also a delegate to the Chicago Convention four years 
 later, which nominated Grover Cleveland, whom Mr. Danfortftu supported in the convention. 
 In 1884 Mr. Danforth was appointed Deputy State Treasurer, by Treasurer Fitzgerald. He 
 served five years in that capacity, gaining an experience which proved of excessive value 
 to him when, in 1SS9, he was nominated for Treasurer, and elected by a plurality of 13,955 
 votes. In 1S91 he was re-elected by a plurality of 43.281, thus evincing his popularity. In 
 1896 he received the offer of the nomination for Governor upon the retirement of John 
 Boyd Thacher. but declined to serve, preferring to accept the Chairmanship of the State 
 Committee. 
 
302 
 
 Davidson, Louis— Lawyer and legislator, was horn in this city May 2, 1861. He received 
 his education in the public schools and at the College of the City of New York, graduating 
 from there in 1879. In politics Mr. Davidson was always a true and regular Democrat. In 
 1892 and 1893 he was elected by a large majority to represent the Twenty-sixth Assembly 
 District of New York County. Died in 1901. 
 
 Davies, Wii.i i am Gilbert— Was born in this city in 1842; educated at Trinity College, 
 Hartford. Conn.. Leipsic, Germany, Columbia College Law School. Admitted to the Bar 
 in 1863. Mr. Davies is a Democrat in politics, and a member of the Union. Century, Uni- 
 versity. Manhattan. Democratic. Liederkranz. Tuxedo. Lawyers', Groliers and -St. Nicholas 
 Clubs, the Sons of the Revolution, the Society of Colonial Wars and the American State, 
 and City Bar Associations. 
 
 Davis. Vernon M. — Was born in this rity in 1855. He was educated in the public and 
 private schools and the College of the City of New York, graduating from the latter insti- 
 tution in 1S76. In 1885 he was appointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney by Randolph 
 B. Martine. and later he was promoted to be Assistant District Attorney, serving as such 
 until April 20th, 1897. During the terms of District Attorneys Nicoll and Fellows. Mr. Davis 
 was Acting District Attorney, and upon the death of Col. Fellows he became District 
 Attorney by the unanimous appointment of the Judges of the Court of Genera! Sessions on 
 December 7, 1896. holding the office until the appointment of Mr. Olcott by Governor Black 
 fifteen days later. Mr. Davis is now a member of the School Board of the Borough of Man- 
 hattan and the Bronx, a member of the Board of Education of the City of New York, ana 
 Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of the College of the City 
 of New York, a member of the Board of Trustees of the Normal College. He is a staunch 
 Democrat and a member of the Harlem Democratic. Sagamore and Democratic Clubs. 
 
 Dayton, Charles W.— This well-known New York Democrat has been promi- 
 nently before the public since his eighteenth year. He was elected to the State Legisla- 
 ture in 1881: was a presidential elector in 1855; was appointed Postmaster of New York by 
 President Cleveland in 1893 and in every position has proved his fitness for the conduct .if 
 public affairs. 
 
 Dessar, Leo C. — Was educated in the public schools and at an academy in Cincinnati, 
 and while yet a mere boy during his college days, he left his studies to take p irt in the 
 war for the Union. On his discharge he was graduated from the Columbia College Law 
 School, and in 1870. admitted to the New York bar. He at once engaged in praotice, while 
 at the same time taking a prominent part in tin- anti-Tweed reform movement, of which 
 Samuel J. Tilden was the leader, being one of Mr. Tilden's chief associates in carrying out 
 the reform measures. With the nomination of Tilden for Governor of the Stat.- in 1874, at 
 his request, Mr. Dessar hecame a candidate for the Assembly, and was elected from the 
 Seventeenth District of New York City. In 18S4 Mr. Dessar was elected the first civil 
 iustice of the then newly erected Eleventh Judicial District Court. Upon his retirement 
 from the bench. Judge Dessar resumed the practice of his profession. He is the author of 
 the famous book "A Royal Enchantress." 
 
 Deyo, Robert E.— Municipal Civil Service Commissioner, born in 1843. Was a member 
 of the Constitutional Convention in 1894, and was appointed Civil Service Commissioner in 
 the same year. He is and has been for a number of years a member of various committees 
 of Tammany Hall. 
 
 Dinnean, Thomas P.— Lawyer, was born in this city in 1S5S. Prominent in political 
 circles and a member of Tammany Hall for many years, and associate leader in Sixth 
 Assembly Dstrict. 
 
 Diwer, I' \ thick.— Born in Ireland, in 1845, and coming to America wihen a mere child. 
 M, Diwer has always made New York his home and has become one of her most popular 
 Democratic citizens. He lias filled, consecutively, the offices of court officer, Alderman and 
 Justice of the Police Court, to the satisfaction of the public and the people he has so faith- 
 fully served. 
 
3 »3 
 
 Docharti luoi n T Wai born In the Cltj of New Fork and wa educated In thi 
 public schools and the collegi of hi native city, where hli fathei wa noted - 
 
 .'i mathematics, A.I the beg u ei he Idenl i him ell .\ 1 1 1> 
 
 Tammanj Hall [n L870 he was appoli i clerk In the Compti 
 
 became Assistant Secretarj of the Board ol Ipporl ment, and aftei ward Contract Cleric 
 
 in the Department ol Publl* Works, and Deputj Regl tei ol the Cltj and Countj ol New 
 
 fork in L880 Tammanj Hall Dei racj nominated Mi Dochartj foi R< 
 
 was elected bj .1 larger majority than anj candidate on the local ticket thai 
 
 thousand of New Sfork's leading attorneys endorsed hie administrt n ol thi iffa 
 
 the office in 1889, and 1 1 1895, he wa of the Dock Coi on the 
 
 'iist of January, L898, he was appointed to his present 1 cretarj ol th 
 
 Department of New STork, where his greal experience has made hi ervii Indlspenslble 
 
 Doerr, John B Was born In Philadelphia, Pa., In 1842. He was educated In the pub- 
 lic schools of Philadelphia He first started In business with Mr. William Piss In 1879. Mi 
 Doerr was Instrumental In building up an Immense trade In the sale ot hoi He was 
 
 the pioneer of selling fresh Western horses direcl to the haltei In New S"Ork City. The 
 corporation founded bj Mr, Doerr In 1895, the Piss, Doen & Carroll Horse Company, are 
 the largest di ilers In inns..- in the world. Mr. Doerr was a member of the Democratic 
 Club, Hi Road Drivers' Association, the Dakewood Driving Club, of which he was 01 
 Hi 'ganizers, and an honorarj member of the Freehold Driving Olub. Hi died In 1901. 
 
 Ihinnki.lv. Thomas F. Was born in Spring street, near the Bowery, in 1863, and was 
 educated In the public schools and the College of the City of New Fork He is a lawyer in 
 
 active practice, and was graduated from Columbia College Law School with the class of 
 1884. He has been an active member of Tammany Hall for fifteen years, and has repre- 
 sented the Thirty-second Assembly District of New York City in the State Legislature 
 during- the years of 1896, L897 and 1898. In 189S he was the leader of the Democratic minor- 
 ity in the Assembly. Mr. Donnelly was elected to the State Senate from the Twentieth 
 District for 1899-1900. 
 
 Donohi'w, Matthew F. -Deputy Commissioner of Sewers, was born in New York In 
 1867. Appointed to his present position in 1898. Although one of the youngest Democratic 
 leaders in the Tammany organization, his conduct of the Twenty-first Assembly District 
 lias .arned him the commendation of political friends and foes. 
 
 Dowling, Victor J. — State Senator, was born in this city in 1866. Mr. Dowlihg was 
 leader of the Twenty-fourth District in 1895, 1896, t897, retiring in 1898. He was one of 
 the Secretaries of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall, and is at present a membei 
 of the Law Committee thereof. He has been a prominent and effectve speaker in all Tam- 
 many campaigns. He is a member of the Democratic Club and of the Catholic Club, and 
 is also interested in a number of fraternal societies. 
 
 Dugro, P. Henry— Justice of the Supreme Court, born in this city in 1855; was educated 
 at Columbia College, in the class of 1876, and also at Columbia College Law- School; elected 
 to the Assembly in 1878, when twenty-three years of age; elected to Congress in 1880, and a 
 Judge of the Superior Court in 1887. Transferred to Supreme Court in 1894. Elected 
 Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall in 1.885. 
 
 Dunlap, Colonel Thomas.— One of the oldest and most respected members of the Tam- 
 many Democracy was lost when Thomas Dunlap died in 1896. Colonel Dunlap had served 
 New York in many of the most important official stations— as Alderman. Naval Officer, 
 Deputy Sheriff, Collector, Superintendent of Markets, Warden of Ludlow, etc.— in all of 
 which he was conspicuous for honesty and faithfulness to every trust. 
 
 Dunn, Thomas J.— The ex-Sheriff began life on a farm and was educated in the common 
 schools. When old enough to learn a trade he chose that of a stone-cutter, and by economy 
 and diligent application he saved enough money out of his wages to start in business for 
 himself by the time he had reached the age of thirty years. Mr. Dunn's devotion to the 
 plain. Democratic principals of Tammany Hall has been life-long. 
 
304 
 
 Emmet, W. T.— School Commissioner Emmet is a New Yorker by birth, by education 
 and by residence, having been born in "Westchester County in 1869. He entered Columbia 
 College at an early age, graduated from Columbia Law School in 1S90 and began the prac- 
 tice of law in this city in 1891. In 1894 he was honored by being elected a delegate to the 
 Constitutional Convention at Albany and in 1900 he was appointed School Commissioner by 
 Mayor "Van Wyck. Mr. Emmet is a member of the Democratic Club, the Metropolitan 
 Club, the Down-Town Association and the Bar Association. 
 
 Engel, Martin. — Councilman Martin Engel was born in the City of New York in the 
 year 1847. He received his early education in the public schools of this city, graduating 
 from Ward School No. 42 at the unusual age of thirteen. Immediately after his gradua- 
 tion he went to Europe and attended the University of Berlin for two years. After finish- 
 ing his course of study in Berlin, Mr. Engel returned to this country and at once entered 
 upon an active business career. He became associated with his brother Samuel, and they, 
 under the name of Engel Brothers, carried on business for over thirty-five years. In 1896 
 Samuel died and Martin has carried on the business since. He has taken an active part in 
 politics ever since reaching his majority and has been the leader of the Eighth Assembly 
 District since the formation of the same. He was elected Councilman for the First Dis- 
 trict in 1897. Mr. Engel is popular socially and is a member of several prominent clubs and 
 organizations. 
 
 Ely, Smith— One of the oldest of the living ex-Mayors of New York is Smith 
 Ely, who was born in New Jersey in 1825. Mr. Ely is a merchant and politician of promin- 
 ence and has been identified with Tammany Hall since 1850. He has also held the offices 
 of Supervisor, Trustee of Brooklyn Bridge, State Senator, Commissioner of Education, 
 Presidential Elector, Congressman and Park Commissioner of the City of New York. 
 
 Fahpbach, George H.— Deputy County Clerk, born in this city in 1863; appointed 
 Recording Clerk, 1886-1888; Chief Application Clerk of the Excise Board, 1888-1890; Equity 
 Clerk of the Supreme Court 1890-1898, when he was appointed to present position. 
 
 Fairchild, Julian D.— Commissioner of the East River Bridge, born in Stratford, 
 Conn., in 1850, and has been prominent in Brooklyn financial and political circles since 1875. 
 
 Fallon, Joseph P.— Justice of the Municipal Court, Ninth District, was bom in Ireland 
 in 1845, coming to America in 1S49. He was educated in the public and Christian 
 Brothers schools; elected Judge of the Ninth District in 1887; appointed a School Trustee 
 Twelfth Ward, 1873-1875; elected to the Legislature in 1876; member of Tammany Hall 
 General Committee, Catholic, Harlem Democratic, Democratic and Sagamore Clubs. 
 
 Fanning, William J.— Born in Saratoga County, New York, and received his educa- 
 tion at the Half Moon Institute, Middletown, N. Y., and the University of the City of New 
 York. Mr. Fanning is a member of the Manhattan, Democratic and Catholic Clubs. 
 
 Farquhar, Percival— Born in York, Pa., and was educated at the York Collegiate 
 Institute, and subsequently in Yale College. He was graduated from Yale in 1884, with the 
 degree of Ph. B. He then began the study of law at Columbia Law School, being gradu- 
 ated with high honors, and was admitted to the bar in 1886. He has always taken an 
 active interest in politics, and in 1889 was a candidate for Member of Assembly from the 
 Third Assembly District. He was defeated in that campaign, but the following year was 
 elected by a majority of 2,000. He was re-elected in 1891 and again in 1892, by a still larger 
 majority. 
 
 Featherson, Maurice— Represents the Eighteenth District in the State Senate. He 
 was born in this city in 1862. and was educated in the public schools. At the election of 
 1895 he was the candidate of the regular Democratic organization for the senate in the dis- 
 trict which he now represents. He received altogether 11,221 votes, as against 5,333 cast for 
 J Philip Berg the Republican candidate; 1,408 for Richard Morton, who was backed by the 
 Socialist Labor party, and 603 for James Meehan, who had the backing of the State 
 Democracy. 
 
3' '5 
 
 Fdxtnbr, Thomas L. Grand Sachem of Tammanj Boclety, was born In thli cits In 
 
 1847; was appointed C i i ol Taxi bj Mayoi Edson In 1888, and reappointed bj 
 
 Mayor Granl In 1889; appointed Police Justice bj Mayoi Qllroj In 189 :: and again appointed 
 Presldenl Department of Taxi ! by Mayor Van Wy< k In 1898 Mi Pi Itm i bai filli d i 
 every position of Importance In the Tammany organization during the la 
 He lias been a Sachem of the Tammany Society for ten years and wai elected Gi 
 Sachem In 1897. 
 
 Kki.i.ows. .John it. \ brilliant I vmncratic leader and Tammany orator wa John R 
 Follows, the able District Attorney of New Y"ork, who died In the mid I of his useful! 
 as a citizen and a valued and devoted member of Tammanj Mr, Fellow elected and 
 
 re elected to Congress; was the first to nominate that great Democrat, Horatio Seymour, 
 
 for President; was a winner In hundreds of famous cases at law and alwaj > I toi the 
 
 people, sound monej and home rule In the City of New fork. 
 
 Fitzgerald, Frank T Oj f the two Surrogates of New Fork, was the first Surro- 
 gate ever elected for a term of fourteen years, was born in the First Ward of this city and 
 was educated in St. Francis Xavier's College, in this city, and In St. Mary's College, Niagaia 
 Fails. He was graduated from Columbia College Law School In 1878, and afterward pur- 
 sued his legal studies in the office of Smith M. Weed and the late Gen. James W. n« 
 He was elected to represent the old sixth Congressional District In Congress In 1888, and 
 long before his term was completed he was elected Register of the county. This was in 
 1889. Judge Fitzgerald was a delegate from the Eighth Senatorial District to the last 
 
 Constitutional Convention, and was a member of the Commit! n Cities and Taxation. 
 
 He is a member of the Manhattan. Catholic and Democratic Clubs and Press Club. 
 
 Fitzgerald, James.— Judge of the Supreme Court, was born in Llmirick. Ireland 
 forty-seven years ago. He attended the De La Salle Institute for more advanced studies 
 and at the age of sixteen he wont into the mercantile business. Shortly after reaching his 
 
 majority he was elected to the Assembly from the old Sixteenth District. While clerk in 
 the County clerk's office he studied law and later graduated from the Columbia Law 
 School. In 1883 he was appointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney and was Assistant 
 District Attorney under District Attorneys Martine and Fellows, in 1889 he was elected 
 Judge of the Court of General Sessions, and in 1897 he was elected a Judge of the Supreme 
 Court. 
 
 Fitzpatrick, Richard.— Is one of the most popular and most charitable residents of 
 the Ninth District. He was born on Thirteenth street in 1859 and became the associate 
 leader of his ward, and is one of the favorite members of Tammany Hall. 
 
 Fitzsimons, James M- Judge of the City Court, born in this city 1858; is a graduate ol 
 Columbia College Law School; was elected Alderman from Eighteenth District, and in 
 1889 served as Vice-President of the Hoard: appointed Judge of the City Court in 1890, and 
 elected to succeed himself in 1891. 
 
 Fox. John— Merchant, born in Fredrickton, New Brunswick, is::.".: member of Tam- 
 many Hall since 1856, and has served on all principal committees; always a prominent 
 and leading figure in Democratic circles. At various times has held the offices of Alder- 
 man, Supervisor, Congressman and Senator. 
 
 Freedman, Andrew.— This thorough Xew Yorker was born in this city in 1860 and is 
 one of the best-known men of the metropolis. He was educated in our schools, the St. 
 Aloysius Academy and College of the City of New York. He is a large dealer in real es- 
 tate and an expert in real estate law. His influence has ever been exerted foi the I 
 cratie cau«e and he is a leading member of many metropolitan societies such as the Law- 
 yers" Club. Democratic Club, president of the New York Baseball Club, and a general 
 favorite in political and social organizations. 
 
 Freedman, John J.-Justice of Supreme Court, was born in Nuremberg. Germany, In 
 1835- came to New York in 1851; appointed Justice of the Superior Court in 1S69; elected in 
 1869 'for a full term of six years; elected for a full term of fourteen years in 1S76. re-elected 
 in 1890; transferred by the consolidation, in 1896. to Supreme Court. 
 
3°6 
 
 Fromberg, Abraham M.— Was born in Elmira. N. T., in 1872, and received his early 
 education in the Susquehanna Collegiate Institute, Towanda, Pa. He attended the Lehigh 
 University for two years, and then came to this city and read law for four years with 
 ex-Judge Van Hoesen. Meantime he attended the New York Law School, being graduated 
 with the degree of D.L. B. He was admitted to the bar in 1893. 
 
 Fromme, Isaac— Register Fromme was born in the City of New York, August 4, 1854; 
 was educated in the public schools and graduated from the College of the City of New- 
 York in 1874, and two years later from Columbia College Law School. For almost a quar- 
 ter of a century he has practiced his profession. Mr. Fromme was one of the organizers of 
 the Real Estate Exchange, serving as secretary and director for a number of years. He is 
 also examining counsel of the Lawyers' Title Insurance Company. He was made a Mason 
 twenty years' ago, and is well and favorably known in Masonic circles as the Past Master 
 of Hope Lodge and one of its trustees. He is Past Grand Master of the Lodge of Per- 
 fection and the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite. He is a member of Mount Horeb 
 Lodge, Free Sons of Israel, is Past President of the Zion Lodge No. 2 of the Independent 
 Order of B'nai Brith, and Ex-Governor of the Home of the Aged and Infirm Hebrews, at 
 Yonkers; is a member of the West Side Association and the West End Club; also of Mount 
 Sinai Hospital, Monteflore Home, the German Society of New York and the Elizabeth 
 Home; also of the Tammany Society or Columbian Order, and the Pontiac and Xarragan- 
 sett Clubs. Mr. Fromme was elected Register of New York County in 1897 by an over- 
 whelming majority. 
 
 Gage, Welleslet, W. — Was born in Hamilton, Canada, fifty years ago. After coming 
 to the States, Mr. Gage graduated from the Law School at Albany with the degree of 
 L.L. B. and was immediately admitted to the Bar in New York and also to the Bar of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States. Mr. Gage is a strong and consistent Tammany Hall 
 Democrat, and is a member of the General Committee, as also a life member of the New 
 England Society and of the Columbian Order of Tammany. He is a strenuous advocate 
 of local self-government, insisting that by home-rule only can true Democracy and a 
 Republican form of government be perpetuated in our cities and the several States. 
 
 Gardiner, Col. Asa Bird— Was born in this city in 1S39. He is a member of the 
 Union, the Metropolitan, the Manhattan, the Democratic, West Point, Seventh Regiment 
 Veteran, and Delta Kappa Epsilon Clubs. The Colonel is also a simon-pure Democrat, 
 and as such, is in succession to his father and grandfather, a member of Tammany Hall 
 General Committee for the First Assembly District. He is also a member of and Sachem 
 in the Tammany Society. 
 
 Gerry, Commodore Eldridge T. — Born in New York, 1837; a graduate of Columbia Col- 
 lege; a lawyer of great prominence; founder of "The Gerry Society" for the prevention of 
 cruelty to children; Commodore of the New York Yacht Club, Eldridge T. Gerry is a con- 
 spicuous figure in the history of New York. His life-work in behalf of the children of the 
 poor is an evidence of his humanity and Democracy as well. 
 
 Gildersleeve, Henry Alger— Soldier, jurist, sportsman, and. at one time, the finest 
 rifle shot in America, was born in Dutchess County, New York, on August 1, 1840. In 
 1875 he was elected Judge of the Court of General Sessions. His term expired in 1889. But 
 in 1891 he was called back to the bench by Governor Hill, who appointed him a Justice 
 of the Superior Court. In the fall of the same year he was elected to succeed himself for 
 the full term of fourteen years, from January, 1892. Under the Constitution of 1894 he 
 was transferred to the Supreme Court, and there presides at the present time. 
 
 Gilon, Col. Ki>w \ui Was born in New Voik City August 11. 1838, and was educated 
 in the common schools of his native city. Col. Gilon has held several important posi- 
 tions, among others that of Alderman. From 1S76 to 1880 he held the important office 
 of Collector of Assessments and clerk of Arrears. From 1880 to 1894 he was Chairman of 
 the Board of Assessors. In February, 1S94, he was returned to the duties he had so 
 capably fulfilled, and was appointed to ins old position which he now tills so creditably, 
 that of Collector of Assessments and Clerk of Arrears. Col. Gilon has been for many 
 years identified with the Democratic party In this city, and has done much to advance 
 its cause. 
 
3' 7 
 
 Q ii Henri m Municipal Coui I Ju I i In 1866 While 
 
 in active Interesl In polltli ai waj recognized a tn ardenl i <• m 
 
 Goldfogle never held onj office, other than one on th bench, though on vai occa 
 
 sinus he was pi offei id the nomination foi \ embl; md Con i hi declined, 
 
 He has been e delegate to everj Democratic Btate Convention since 1877 
 alternate to the National Convention which lasl nominated Mi Cleveland foi th< P 
 
 dency, and also a delegate to the National Convention of the Dei racj at Chicago In 
 
 1896. 
 
 Gordon, .i imes Lindsat. Ex-Deputj Assistant DlstrlcJ attorney, born in Virginia; ha 
 practiced law In New Fork Blnce 1898, and is a membi r of the General Committee of Tam- 
 many Hall for the Twenty-fifth District. 
 
 Grace, William R. Former Mayor Grace was born In Ireland In 1833 and came 
 to America a! the age of fourteen, He became promlnenl as a business man, and later, as 
 a politician, and in L880 was elected to the Mayor's office to which hie was also re elected 
 in 1884. For years he was the acknowledged head of the Democratic party of New S 
 
 Grady, Thomas Francis Senator Thomas Francis Grady, the noted politician and 
 successful lawyer, was born in New York City In November, 1853. He was elected a mem- 
 ber of the Tammany Society In 1877, and lias been a leading and conspicuous member of 
 Tammany Hall since 1875, serving on Committees of Organization, Resolutions and Cor- 
 respondence and Committee on i.aw and Executive Affairs. Senator Grady's districl is 
 the Twentieth formerly the Second— and he has been member of Assembly, 1 ^77 to 1879; 
 Senator, 1882, 1883, 1889, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899 and 1900, as well as Police .Justice- L891 to 1895. 
 He is a celebrity who lias been prominent in every Presidential and State campaign since 
 he i" .an f age. Tammany Hall and Grady have always led to victory. 
 
 Grell. William K.— Sheriff Grell was born in Germany in 1852. His residence during 
 his business and social career has been in New York City. Solely by bis own efforts Mr. 
 Grell has attained bis present high standing in the community. He is widely-known In 
 the business and social circles throughout the city. Mr. Grell's fitness for public office has 
 been proved by his record in office as a Tax Commissioner. To the untiring efforts of Mr. 
 Grell is due the establishment of that splendid monument of German generosity, the "Alt- 
 enheim" (Home for the aged), which from the top of the Palisades overlooks New York as 
 well as N.-w Jersey. Mr. Grell is as prominent in sooial circles as he is in the political 
 woild. He is a member of the Eichenkranz. Amt Hadler Club, the Ann Achin Club and 
 the New York Schutzen Corps, and about 150 other societies and clubs. He was elected 
 Sheriff of New York County in 1899. 
 
 Green, Andrew H. — Andrew Haswell Green is a native nf Worcester, Mass.; a student 
 of law, and partner with Samuel J. Tilden in New York, and held some of the highest of- 
 fices in the city, as president of the Board of Education, Park Commissioner, Comptroller, 
 president of the commission for the creation of Greater New fork, of which for years he 
 was the advocate and the acknowledged "Father." Mr. Green is also a director of the 
 Metropolitan Museum of Art. the New York Historical Society, the State Bai Association, 
 and many mote of like importance. 
 
 Guggenheimer, Kandolph — President of the Council, New fork City, was born in 
 Lynchburg, Va., in 1848, and came here when a boy. Educated in the public schools, he 
 completed his studies privately, and finally graduated from the Law School of the Univer- 
 sity of New York. He was admitted to tie bar in 1889. In 1S88 Mr. Guggenheimer was 
 appointed a member of the Board of Education. He was elected to his present position 
 in 1897. 
 
 Gumbleton, Henry A. — Was born in the City of New York September It. 1846. He has 
 at various times held important positions in the public service; he was elected i ' »unty Cl< rk 
 in 1S76, was a Sachem of the Tammany Society for several years prior to 1886, and was 
 a member of the Board of Assessors. He is a lawyer and has been engaged in the active 
 practice of his profession for the last sixteen years. 
 
3 o8 
 
 Guy, Charles L.— Kx-State Senator, lawyer, orator, club man, was born in New York 
 and received the earlier part of his educational training in the public schools of this city; 
 attended the College of the City of New York, after which he studied medicine in the Col- 
 lege of Physicians and Surgeons, and later got his legal training in the Columbia College 
 Law School and the law offices of Elihu Root. After admission to the bar in 1881, Mr. 
 Guy was appointed law assistant to the Surrogate of New York County, but resigned in 
 1893, having been elected to the Senate from the Thirteenth District. An active Democrat 
 since 1877, Senator Guy has always taken an enthusiastic interest in local, State and 
 national issues. 
 
 Haberman. Frederick. — From the Twenty-ninth Assembly District of New 
 York, has been a Democrat ever since he was naturalized in 1864. He is a Bavarian by 
 birth, but came to New York when a boy, was an apprentice at the tinner's bench, and 
 rose to be head of a manufacturing establishment employing fifteen hundred men. 
 
 Hapfen, Louis F.— President of the Borough of the Bronx, was born in 1S54 in Mel- 
 rose, Westchester County. He graduated from Columbia College School of Mines as 
 Civil Engineer in 1879. He studied previously at St. John's College, Fordham. N. Y., and at 
 Niagara College, receiving the groundwork of his education at a German private school 
 and the local public school. He entered the active practice of civil engineering after fin- 
 ishing at Columbia College, and in a short time made a practical study of mines in Colo- 
 rado, California and Arizona. On his return to New York he resumed the work of a city 
 surveyor and civil engineer in Melrose. He afterward became Superintendent of Parks of 
 the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards. In 1893 he was appointed Commissioner of 
 Street Improvements of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Wards by Mayor Gilroy, and 
 in the fall of that year was elected to the same position. He held the office of Commis- 
 sioner of Street Improvements until December 31, 1897 when it was abolished. In 1897 he 
 was elected President of the Borough of the Bronx. 
 
 Hanneman, Louis— Ex-Corporation Attorney el the City of New York, was born in 
 1858 in this city. Mr. Hanneman has always been actively identified with the Democratic 
 party, and for many years, until 1886, he was Secretary of the Tammany Hall General 
 Committee. He is a member of the Committee on organization. He is a member of the 
 Tammany Club, the Gravesend Bay Yacht Club, the Masonic Order, Odd Fellows, Knights 
 or Pythias, Royal Aroanum, Eichen-Kranz Singing Society, Municipal Art Society and the 
 Columbian Order. 
 
 Hardy, Charles J. — Lawyer, has been a member of Tammany Hall for the past ten 
 years, and was elected a member of Tammany Society in 1899. Is also a member of Demo- 
 cratic, Liederkranz and Catholic Clubs, and of a number of college societies. 
 
 Harris, Sidney— Was born in New York City in 1866; son of Miriam Coles Harris, 
 author of "Rutledge," ate, and the late Sidney S. Harris; educated at St. Paul School, 
 Concord, N. H., and Columbia College; admitted to the bar in 1889. Member of the Union 
 Club, St. Anthony Club and Democratic Club. 
 
 Hascall. Theodore F.— Justice of the City Court, was bom at Leroy, (ienesee County, 
 this State. Mr. Hascall— who has always been a stanch Democrat— became connected with 
 Tammany Hall in 1876 and has since continuously served upon its various committees In 
 the Seventh, Third, Tenth and Twenty-fifth Districts. He was elected to the City Court 
 in 1898. 
 
 Hassett, Edward Lawyer, received bis education in the public schools of Bath, N. 
 Y., and was admitted to the bar of the State of .Ww fork at Rochester in lsv_. Since his 
 establishment in the metropolis, Mr. Hassett has been connected with anil engaged in 
 litigation involving very large and valuable Interests. lb' is a member of the Bar Asso- 
 ciation of the City of New York, and a prominent member of several other associations and 
 Clubs in the city. 
 
 Hayes, Nicholas J.— First Deputy City Clerk, was born in Troy, N. v.. in isr,4; edu- 
 cated at Bryan! & Stratton's Business College and St. Francis Xavier C ge; appointed 
 
 Clerk of 1 1 ■ • - Superior Court in issr,. transferred to Supreme Court L896, and appointed to 
 his pros, hi position in 1898; is a member of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall. 
 
3 6g 
 
 Hayb, Daniel P Lawyer, born In w, i heal i Count) In 1854; bai alwaj b»en an 
 active Democrat, and In 1898 wai appointed CommlBBlonei of ^.ppral li to the 
 
 changing of grades In the Twenty third and Twentj t h u u 
 
 was made Civil Service C miBBlom r, and elected Chairman of the Board H< 
 
 her of the Democratic, Lawyera', Reform, Bagamore and Harlem Democratic Club . being 
 Preaiden! of the latter organization for tv o jreai 
 
 1 1 1 !: 1 1 r John C Commit loner Hertle 1 a nath ' \. « Fork and la of Germ 
 
 Mter completing his common Bchool education In New Fork City, he entered and 
 graduated from one of our best business colleges of which he was afterwards principal. 
 Later he went Into the mercantile business [n 1898 Mayor Van Wyck appointed him to 
 the very imp, .riant office of Commissioner of Accounts. Mr. Hei 
 Tammanj Socletj and the t >emoi ratic Club. 
 
 Hill, Ghorgh Was born May 5th, 1845, al Rochdale, England, He came to New Tork 
 Citj In 1853. Was prepared for college a1 Phillip's Exeter ^.cademj In Exeter, N H 
 uating in the class or 1st;:,. He then entered Harvard College and there graduated In the 
 
 class .if isiiii. Suiis.iiurni.v he took up a course in Harvard Law Scl I. Sil ! 
 
 has been a r, si, lent of this city. On January 1st. 1871 he became managing clerk for the 
 law firm of Devlin, Miller & Trull, and remained In thai position until May. 1875, when be 
 started a law practice of his own. having been admitted to the bar In Feb li" 
 
 was afterwards admitted to practice In the United stales Courts for the Southern District 
 of X \\ York ami the Supreme Court of the United States. Mr Hill li 'came a memher of 
 Tammanj Hall and the Columbian Order in IsSt. lie was appointed by M.>n John W'halen 
 In February, 1898, to the office of Assistant Corporation Counsel, which office he still holds. 
 He is a member of the Executive Committee In the Twenty-fifth District. 
 
 Hoes, Wm. M.— Public Administrator of the County of New York, born in this State; at 
 Kinderhook. Columbia County. 1840; educated at Kinderhook Academy and Williams Col- 
 lege and Columbia Law School; member of the Holland Society, Down-Town, Manhattan, 
 Democratic and University Clubs, Bar Association of the City of New York, American 
 Geographical Society, Williams College Alumni Association and Past Master of Kane 
 Lodge, Free and Accepted Masons. 
 
 Hoffman, Benjamin— Member of the Assembly from the Sixteenth Assembly District, 
 was born in the Eleventh Ward, this city, in 1862. He attended Grammar School No. 15, 
 and after being graduated therefrom took a law course and entered the law office of 
 Judge Alfred Steckler. He then formed a partnership with his brother. Charles L. Hoff- 
 man, under the firm name of Hoffman & Hoffman. In Tammany circles, Mr. Hoffman 
 holds a prominent position. Mr. Hoffman has been a member of Assembly for five terms, 
 and at the recent election was elected without opposition as Justice of the Municipal Court. 
 Fifth District. He has been Secretary of the Tammany Hall General Committee of the old 
 Sixth Assembly District. He is also a member of the Eleventh Ward League, Democratic 
 Club. Tammany Society, the Jefferson Club, the Seminole Club and the John F. Ahearn 
 Association. Besides these social and political clubs, he is also a prominent and active 
 member of the Gad Lodge. I. O. O. F.; the Gottlieb Lodge. A. I.: Max Kahn Lodge. I. O. 
 S. B. ; American Star Lodge, the American Legion of Honor, Adelphi Lodge 23. F. A. M. 
 
 Holahan, Maurice F. — President Board of Public Improvements, was born in 1^48; 
 has been in both branches of the State Legislature — as a member of the lower lions.- and 
 Clerk of the Senate; Chief of Customs in the Treasury Department; Chief Special Agent 
 of the Treasury Department for New York. Connecticut and New Jersey; appointed Com- 
 missioner of Accounts of the city in 1889. and Deputy Commissioner Public Works in 1S90. 
 Mr. Holahan has been a member of Tammany Hall for twenty-five years, and for many 
 years was Scribe of Tammany Society. 
 
 Holly, Willis.— Was born July 4th, 1854. in Stamford. Conn. In early life he wis a 
 prominent newspaper man. First office held in New York was that of Secretary and Chief 
 Clerk in Mayor's office, to which he was appointed in 1891 by Mayor Grant, and in which 
 he continued under Mayor Gilroy. Was appointed Secretary of Park Board in 1S9S. He 
 is a member of Tammany Society, of General and Executive Committees, being at present 
 a member of the Executive ICommittee in the Twenty-fifth District. 
 
3io 
 
 Hopper, Isaac A.— A stanch and loyal Democrat, who has engaged in the erection of 
 some of the largest buildings in the city, among them being the Emigrant Savings Bank, 
 Carnegie Hall, Academy of the Sacred Heart, the New Netherlands Hotel, the Third Ave- 
 nue Bridge, the three power-houses of the Third Avenue Cable Road, the Commmercial 
 Hotel and the Spingler Building at Union Square. He also constructed the three and one- 
 half miles of cable road for the Third Avenue Company, the lattter involving an expendi- 
 ture of more than a million dollars. Mayor Grant appointed Mr. Hopper a member of 
 the Board of Education in 1891, but finding that his health was not of the best and his 
 business engagements too pressing, he resigned in 1893 Tammany leader in the Thirty- 
 first Assembly District; is now President Twelfth Ward Bank and the Empire City 
 Savings Bank. 
 
 Horwitz, Otto— Was born in Berlin, Germany, and educated there and at the New 
 York City College, this city. He has long taken an active interest in Democratic politics 
 in this city and is a member of numerous clubs and associations. 
 
 Hotchkiss, Henry D.— "Was born at Albany, N. Y. He began the study of law in the 
 office of David B. Hill, at Elmira. Subsequently came to the city of New York and 
 entered the office of James C. Carter. Was elected to Assembly from Eleventh District of 
 Kings in 1886, winning by a plurality of 221 over Republican opponent in a total vote of 
 22,000. the normal Republican majority being about 4.000. Declined a renomination. Was 
 a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1894. 
 
 Hottknroth, Adolph C— Member of the City Council from the Borough of the Bronx, 
 City of New York and the New York University, and is a member of the law firm of Gum- 
 bleton & Hottenroth. In 1894 Mr. Hottenroth was one of the youngest members of the 
 Constitutional Convention, representing practically the same district that he now repre- 
 sents in the Municipal Council of Greater New York, besides the Counties of Westchester 
 and Putnam. 
 
 Jackson, Charles A. — Was born in New York City in 1843. He was educated in the 
 Fishkill Academy, Fishkill. N. Y., and Columbia College Law School. He graduated in 
 1859, was admitted to the bar in 1863 and has practiced law in this city ever since. In 1879 
 he was nominated for State Senator against William Waldorf Astor and was defeated, but 
 he succeeded in cutting down a Republican majority of 10,000 to 4,000. In 1881 he was of- 
 fered the nomination for Surrogate on the City Democracy ticket but declined it. He was 
 appointed Inspector of Schools by Mayor Grace. In 1899 he was appointed Commissioner 
 of Change of Grade by Mayor Van Wyck. He has 1 n a member of the Tammany So- 
 ciety fo~r twenty-five years and the Society of Cincinnati for ten years. Mr. Jackson is 
 a member of the Democratic and Manhattan Clu'bs and a member of the General Commit- 
 tee of Tammany Hall from the Twenty-seventh Assembly District. 
 
 Jenkins, William T., M. D. — Health Commissioner, was born in Holly Springs, .Miss.. 
 October 25, is:.:,; educated at the University of Mississippi and University of Virginia; 
 came to New York in 1878; has served as Coroner's Physician from 1880 to January, 1892; 
 Health Officer of Port from February, 1892, to January, 1S95; Health Commissioner and 
 Chairman of Sanitary Committee, of Board of Health, member state Hoard of Health by 
 appointment of Governor Theodore Roosevelt, January, 1899. 
 
 Joseph, Herman.- Judge, lawyer and good Democrat, born in tliis city in 1858, and re- 
 ceived his early education in the public schools and the University of New Xork, graduat- 
 ing from the latter institution with the class of '77. He is a brother in law of Judge John 
 H. McCarthy, and lias always been a Democrat in polities. 
 
 KSAHNET, EDWARD. Mr. Kearney, who was born in Ireland. 1S::0. was educated in New 
 York, and throughout his life was prominent in the business and political life of New fork. 
 He made a fine record as a soldier, as a successful business man and as a favorite member 
 of Tammany Hall, lie was Richard Croker's lieutenant in the Eighteenth Assembly Dis- 
 trict, and as a Democrat and a man was respected for bis Integrity and ability. 
 
Kearney, Jamj Lawyer, 111 the new si Paul Building Mi Kearm 
 
 friends and is a well know n man In botl al and li ral clrcli 
 
 Keenan, Patrick Was born In Counts Tj Ireland, In 183' Th( Fascination of 
 
 politics Beized upon Mr. Keenan when young He has always been b stanch Democrat 
 
 He became a member of the Counts tocracj In 1880, and continued until 1890, vh n hi 
 
 joined Tammany Hall, He has been leader of the Sixteenth District evei Ino HI fii I 
 official i»>s 1 1 1, mi was attained In 1872, when he was thlrtj Hvi yean old, being then elected 
 to the Board ol Issistanl Aldermen, and hi continued to b a membei ol thai bod until 
 it was abolished In 1874. Subsequently, In is,... he was elected to the Board of am- rmi n, 
 
 and he served for six years, until 1882, when he attained a tigher offlci bj hli i 
 
 to Counts Clerk, Mr. Keenan was appointed to his present position, Citj Chamberlain, 
 i-n 1898. 
 
 Keller,. \ \v. Presidenl Board of Charities, born In Kentucky In 1856 educated 
 
 .it Fale College; came to New Fork In 1879; Journalist bj occupation; ea President New 
 York Press Club; President D mocratic Club; appointed to present position In 1898 Mi tnbei 
 uf Executive Committee of Tammanj Hall and Chairman of Committee on Printing H< 
 is a Sachi m of i he Tammanj Socl i \ 
 
 Kennellt, Bryan L. Real estate auctioneer and appraiser, was born In New York 
 City in 1865. Mi Kennellj was the founder of the first Democratic club on the Wesl Side, 
 between Fiftj ninth and One Hundred and Twentj fifth Streets, which was organiz d in 
 Ninety-fifth street, in L890; afterward being instrumental In amalgamating said club Into 
 What is now the celebrated Pontiae Club, the Tammany Hall club of Hi district, ol hich 
 club he lias been Vice-President. He represented Tammany Hall from the Ninete nth 
 Assembly District on Adjutant-General Josiah Porter's stair at the inauguration of Grover 
 Cleveland in Washington, March 4, 1893. He is a member of the Colonial Club, New fork 
 Athletic Democratic and Catholic Clubs, and Priendlj Sons of St. Patrick, Pontiai Club of 
 the Nineteenth Assembly District, and the West End Association. 
 
 Kenny, William John Knight — This popular editor and political manager was born In 
 
 New York, in 1851. He is President of the Securities Advertising Agency and his i n 
 
 prominently identified with Tammany Hall politics for fifteen years, serving on Organiza- 
 tion, General and District Committees and as Supervisor of the City Record. He assisted 
 in managing the Mayoralty campaign of Hugh .1. Grant and Robert A. Van Wyck, and has 
 be. mi at different periods city editor New York Herald, law reporter and political writer 
 New York Times, city editor Journal and New York Press, in 1898 Mr. Kenny managed the 
 campaign which resulted in the election of William Astor Chanler to Congress. 
 
 King, Vincent C. Sr.— A life-long member of the Tammany Society, born in Wilton, 
 Saratoga County, N. Y., and came to New York at the age of two years. Entering the 
 employ of his father in the manufacture of plaster, he remained In the same business 
 under the firm name of V. C. & C. V. King until bis death in 18D;. Mr. King was a pioneer 
 Democrat of the old Ninth Ward, a foreman of No. 23 Volunteer Hose, a member of the 
 Legislature and a Commissioner of the New York Fire Department. His son Vincent C. 
 King, Jr., continues the business. 
 
 Knox, Cuari.es H. — President of the Municipal Board of Civil Service Commissioners, 
 was born in this city, and is now in his forty-sixth year. He is a lawyer and the senior 
 member of the law firm of Knox and Woodward. In 1884 he ran for Judge of the Court of 
 Common Pleas, but was defeated. In 1S91 he was appointed by Mayor Grant as a School 
 Commissioner, and was reappointed by Mayor Gilroy in 1894. In January, 1894, the Board 
 of Education chose him as President, and again in 1895. He resigned in July, 1895. In 1896 
 he became a member of Tammany Hall. Mr. Knox was appointed Civil Service Commis- 
 sioner by Mayor Van Wyck, and is Pn sident of the Board. 
 
 La Fetra, Edward B.— Lawyer, born in Eatontown, N. J., in 1866, and has been a 
 member of Tammany Hall for twelve years, serving on Committee on Organization and 
 General Committee; number of Assembly from Eighteenth Assembly District in 1894 95. 
 
312 
 
 Lane, Smith E. — Born in this city in 1829; was educated at the University of the 
 City of New York, and admitted to the bar in 1852. Has been actively engaged in politics 
 since 1852 with the Democratic party, frequently a delegate to the State Conventions, an 
 old member of the Society of Tammany, or Columbian Order, and a member of the Tam- 
 many Hall General Committee for thirty years. Appointed a Park Commissioner in 1878 
 for five years, and in 1898 appointed Commissioner of the new East River Bridge, subse- 
 quently being elected Secretary. 
 
 Lantry Francis J. — Has always been a Tammany Hall Democrat. He was elected 
 Alderman in the year 1892, and was re-elected two years later; at the expiration of his 
 second term he was appointed by Mayor "Van Wyck Commissioner of Correction.- He was 
 born January 8, 1859, and was formerly connected with the meat industry. He was Master 
 Workman of Local Assembly 9,797, and was Delegate to District Assembly 49 for three 
 years. 
 
 Lardner, William J.— was born in this city in 185S, received his education at St. 
 Francis Xavier College and the University of the City of New York. Mr. Lardner cast his 
 first vote in 1879 for the late John Kelly, Democratic candidate for Governor, and has 
 since been a strict Tammany Hall man. He has been on the General Committee of the 
 Sixteenth Assembly District (now the Eighteenth). He never held public office, except 
 that of Deputy Attorney-General conferred upon him as a personal compliment by Mr. 
 Croker. 
 
 Leventritt, David— Justice of Supreme Court, born in South Carolina in 1845; came to 
 New York in 1854; has been a prominent member of Tammany Hall for many years and a 
 lawyer of national reputation; elected Justice of Supreme Court in 1898. 
 
 Levey, Edgar J— Was born in this city in 1863; graduated from Columbia College 
 In 1883 and from Columbia Law School in 1886; appointed Secretary to the Comptroller In 
 1891; Assistant Deputy Comptroller in 1893, and Deputy Comptroller in 1898. 
 
 Lewis, John M.— Born in Maiden. N. Y.. in 1837, and educated at Phillips Academy, 
 Andover. Williams College, and New York University; admitted to the bar in 1858; 
 appointed Assistant District Attorney in 1894. He served in the War of the Rebellion and 
 is a member of Lafayette Post, G. A. R., Manhattan Club. Larchmont Yacht Club. Grand 
 Lodge and Grand Chapter of Connecticut, and the Veteran Association and Society of War 
 Veterans of the Seventh Regiment. Mr. Lewis has been for many years a member of the 
 General Committee of Tammany Hall. 
 
 Logan, Walter S.— Was born at Washington, Conn., in 1847. Graduated from Yale In 
 Class of 1870; from Harvard Law School in 1871, and from Columbia Law School, 1872, 
 being one of the few holding sheepskins from three of our great universities. Regan prac- 
 tice of law in office of James C. Carter, assisting Charles O'Connor in the famous Jumel 
 case, and prizes his association with these great lawyers beyond measure. Mr. Logan has 
 been engaged in many noted litigations in the State and United States Courts, and is 
 Presidenl of the Ne-n York State Bar Association and chairman of Committee on Com- 
 mercial Law Of American Association, and member Of num. 'ions literary, social and 
 political organizations. 
 
 Lydecker, Charles Edward.— This popular lawyer was born in New York City. 1851; 
 was educated in the City College and graduated from the Columbia College Law School in 
 1871 and was admitted to the bar in 1873. He has tried many Important eases and is a mem- 
 ber of the Manhattan. Reform, Lawyers', Underwriters'. Bar Association, and life member 
 of the State Bar of New York. In military life he held rank of Major in the Seventh R< gi 
 ment, of which he was a member twenty-seven years. 
 
McAdam, r i 
 
 'l II >\l 
 
 the Supreme C 
 
 ourl 
 
 was a member 
 
 of T 
 
 313 
 
 Martin, Bernard F. State Senator Bernard F Martin wa bon In In 
 
 ''■' '" ■ N ''''» ?ork in L849. He received I1I1 earlj 1 due ition In th pu 
 
 dtj and Immedlatelj after leaving scl 1 he entered upon an active bu 
 
 8 S as an employee In th Ice ol lsaa< Lohman, wh Ii coi , 1,, 
 
 L861, al the first call tor volunteers, tie responded nobly, enlisting Ii Thli 
 
 New S"ork. Ait.,- the war Mr. Martin k a position with the New STork Ni 1 
 
 as manager 01 the wholesale department, which position he occupied until L870 He was 
 
 clerk of the Health Department Crom 1875 i.> L880, in thai yeai hi I • 1 
 
 was then the Seventh District, He was then successively Alderman, Coi ir, Ordei ol \< 
 
 resl cink, Deputy Commissioner <>r Public Works, CommisBi r ol Jui n Polli 1 
 
 and then Senator. 11.' is still leader of ins district, now th.- Fifth. 
 
 McAdam, David One of the besl know,, judges or the Supremi Court, wai Dorn in 
 
 tins city in is.'.s; admitted to th.- bar in 1859, and elected u] the Democri ikel as 
 
 Justice of the Marino Court in is,.:, and re elected in L879 .in. 1 iss*. [ n 1890 he was «lected 
 a Judge of the Superior Court, now th, Supn me Court, where he still pri Idei 11. ■ is an 
 eloquent speaker and lecturer, and has given valuable aid to the party, both on the plat- 
 form and as an adviser. 
 
 .—Lawyer, born in this city in 1863, son of Hon. David McAdam 
 in h; takes an active Interesl in politics, and Cor a number of years 
 nmany Hall General Committee from the old Thirteenth District. 
 
 McCall, A. O.— Clerk of the Supreme Court, Mr. A. O. McCaJll, was born in the City of 
 Albany on the 14th day of July, 1865. He received his primary education in the public 
 schools of Albany and graduated from the Albany High School, class of 1885. Immediately 
 after his graduation Mi-. McCall began the study of law in the office of Hon. D. Cady Her- 
 rick now a Justice of the Supreme Court, and subsequently studied in the offices of Peck- 
 ham, Rosendale & Hessberg. After two years' course in the New York University he re- 
 ceived the degree of DL.B. from that institution. In 1889 County Clerk Edward Reilly ap- 
 pointed Mr. McCall a clerk of the Supreme Court. The Appellate Division subsequently re- 
 appointed him, and he still holds that important position. 
 
 McCall Edward E.— Was born in Albany, the capital city, in January, 1863, and has 
 been a resident of this city for the past twenty years. He attended the University of the 
 City of New York and graduated from the law school of that college. Mr. McCall has the 
 reputation of being one of the best real estate lawyers in the United States, having had 
 the distinction of being connected with three of the largest insurance companies in the 
 world, and in each of the three being in charge of the real estate interests. He was first 
 connected with the Mutual, then with the Equitable, and latterly with the New York Life 
 Insurance Company. Mr. McCall is a member of various social and political organizations 
 and is a member of the Tammany Society. 
 
 McCarthy, John Henry— Judge of the City Court; was a member of the Assembly in 
 1880 and also in 1881, and he was the only Democrat on three committees, the Judiciary, 
 second highest committee in 1880 and 1881, the Committee on Two-Thirds Bills, composed 
 of the Speaker, Husted, and the leading members of the Assembly, and Trades and Manu- 
 factures. In the fall of 1889 he again ran against Timothy J. Campbell, who was then Con- 
 gressman, and who had the Republican and Democratic nominations for the Fifty-first 
 Congress, which was presided over by Speaker Reed, and was elected by over 5.S00 major- 
 ity. In 1891 he was appointed by Governor Hill as City Court Judge, and elected in 
 1892 and again re-elected in 1897 for ten years, receiving the largest majority on the ticket, 
 except Dunn, who ran for Sheriff, who received about 1,500 votes more. McCarthy's major- 
 ity was over 91,000. He was the only one from New York on the Joint Committee in the 
 Legislature on the first street cleaning law, which was passed while Grace was Mayor. 
 He was also all through the Conklin and Piatt contest in January, 1881. which lasted from 
 January of that year to July of the same. 
 
 McCartney, James — "Was born in the old Twenty-first Ward in 1858. and educated in 
 the public schools; appointed Superintendent of Engineering Department of the Depart- 
 ment of Public Works by Allen Campbell; was appointed Street Cleaning Commissioner in 
 1897 by Mayor Van Wyck. Died in 1900. 
 
3H 
 
 McClelland, James D.— Ex-Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1843; edu- 
 cated in public schools; graduated from Mount Washington Collegiate Institute and New 
 York University; has devoted himself to the practice of criminal law, and has. as a legis- 
 lator, introduced many reforms into the Criminal Codes, notably the amendment providing 
 for bail at station houses at all hours of the night. He has been an active worker in the 
 interests of Tammany Hall for many years. Served in the Legislature lssj-s:: 
 
 McClure, David— Was born at Dobbs Ferry, Westchester County, N. Y., in 1848. He 
 studied law and was admitted to the bar at about the time he reached his majority, in 1869, 
 and has been engaged in the active practice of his profession for thirty years. Mr. 
 McClure is a popular club man, being a prominent member of the Manhattan and Demo- 
 cratic Clubs, and also of the Bar Association. 
 
 McInttre, John F. — Ex- Assistant District Attorney, was born in this city in 1S55. His 
 education was obtained in the public schools and in St. Francis Xavier's College. Being 
 graduated from the latter in 1877 with high honors, he immediately entered public life, and 
 in 1886 he was elected to the Legislature from the old Twenty-second Assembly District. 
 On his return from his legislative services at Albany, Mr. Mclntyre became cousel to the 
 Comptroller of New York City, and upon the election of Delancy Nicoll to the District 
 Attorney's office he was appointed by Nicoll as his assistant, and subsequently he was 
 reappointed by Col. John R. Fellows and Col. Gardiner. Mr. Mclntyre has been an active 
 member of Tammany Hall foi a number of years, and has been a delegate to all of the 
 Democratic State Conventions and to two National Conventions of the party. He is a 
 member of the Manhattan, Democratic and Algonquin Clubs and of many Irish societies. 
 
 McKean, John Bell.— Justice McKean was born in Belfast, Ireland, in 1838. Coming 
 to New York when fifteen he engaged in mercantile pursuits for some years, when he was 
 appointed Clerk of the Supreme Court Circuit, Part I. While serving in this capacity he 
 was admitted to the Bar in 1864. Was afterwards appointed Clerk in Police Court, where 
 he served many years, until Governor Hill, in 1889, appointed him Justice of the Seventh 
 Judicial District Court. One year thereafter the people elected him to fill the unexpired 
 term of Justice Monell by a plurality of 2,010 votes, and re-elected him in 1893 by a plural- 
 ity of 6,589. In 1899 he was appointed Justice of Special Sessions, First Division, which 
 position he now holds. The Judge is an old and honored member of Tammany, of the 
 Democratic, Algonquin and other clubs and benevolent and social organizations. 
 
 McQuade, John — Forty-eight years a Tammany man, former Police Justice, former 
 chief of Tammany Hall, former Alderman, was born in Ireland on Christmas Day, 1827. 
 His parents brought him to America two years later. He was the Father of the Council 
 and a Sachem of the Tammany Society for many years. When Mr. Richard Croker re- 
 signed the Chairmanship of the Finance Committee of that body, Mr. McQuade was chosen 
 fro succeed him. In 1868 he was elected, .and in 1869 re-elected, as Alderman from the 
 Yorkville district, where he still resides. From 1870 to 1872 he served as Police Justice, 
 until legislated out of office. He was leader of the old Twenty-second Assembly District, 
 and as such organized the Jefferson, now the Algonquin Club, of which he is still a mem- 
 ber. He was elected Treasurer of the Tammany organization in 1890. 
 
 Meyer, Cord, Jr.— As a successful business man and Democratic politician the name 
 of Cord Meyer is a household word in New York. He was born at Newtown in 1854 "and is 
 a resident of Maspeth, L. I. He has been a leader in State polities, a member of the State 
 Executive Committee, and held various high offices as a tribute from his friends, the people. 
 
 Meyer, Peter F.— Was born in New York in the year 1S42. He received a limited 
 school education and began life as a Central Park water boy. In 1862 Mr. Meyer started 
 in the real estate business at 111 Broadway, and has remained there since. Mayor Van 
 Wyck appointed him Commissioner of Docks and Ferries in 1897. Mr. Meyer is treasurer 
 of the Tammany Society, a member of the New York Athletic, Democratic Olympic and 
 Sagamore Clubs. 
 
3 '5 
 
 Minsky, Louis. LouIb Mlnskj wash l Germany, but carm to V.m rli 
 
 youth, He la a graduate of both a German • i i and a Hebn . college, and th 
 
 versed In the literature ol both these language . In addition to his perfect acqualntanci 
 with English letters Earlj trained to business habits bj hli father, a ucci tul tnei 
 chanl In Germany, Mr. Mlnsky, with a email capital united with w 
 business for himself In 1880, and bj pei evi ram and the exi n 
 has built his business to a great success. Mi Aim i. ., | ., upportei and dli 
 charitable societies Including the Montefoln Homi toi \ ed Hebn , Mt. Slnal J 
 Lebanon Hospital, Beth [srael Hospital, Hebrew Charities and Correction I 
 leth Chasodin Association, Hebrew Orphan Asylum and Malboth Arumlm. 
 
 Mitchell, Richard H, State Senatoi from the Twentj flrsi District, w> rn In this 
 
 citj and was educated al thi Collegi ol the Citj ol New Vfork and Columbia Law . 
 For the lasl six years Mi Mit< hi li has taken an active pari In politics. He Is, 
 has i" en, a i »emocrat. 
 
 Mitchell, William P.- The printer, was born In this city in August, 1S4G. lie was 
 educated In the public schools and the Colleg ol the Citj ol New fork. From 1876 to i«80 
 he was Clerk oi the Fourth Districl Court, and in 1880 he was appointed Exi Ise Commis- 
 sioner, and served for three years .is President of the Board. He served an additional 
 term of three years us Commissi r. He was a membei ol the Democrats State Com- 
 mute* Hum 1880 to L884, and tor twenty-two years has been Chairman of the Tenth 
 Assemblj District, Democratic Genera] Committee. He Is a member of the General Com- 
 mittee of Tammanj Hall from the Tenth District, the Di mo< ratic and i iccidental Clubs of 
 the Citj of New York. 
 
 Moebus, A ..LSI Park Commissioner Borough ol the Bronx, was born In this city in 
 1850. bias always been a stanch Demoi rat and a member of the Tammany Hall organiza- 
 tion for twenty-six years; elected a member of the Board of Aldermen in l*yu and 181)1. 
 
 Moonet, John 11. Expert Accountant for Queens County, among many other public 
 offices ..1 trust held by Mr. Moonej was that of Commissioner of Accounts of tins city. 
 Mr. Mooney is acknowledged to be one oi the best accountants in the United States. 
 
 Moore, William F— Judge Third District Municpal Court, was born in 1855; ap- 
 pointed tu present position in 1890; elected in 1891, and again in L893 and in 1900; is a mem- 
 ber of Tammany Society, and Chairman of Tammanj Hall Gem ral Committee In the Fifth 
 District. 
 
 Morgan, Rollin M. — Was born in Mt. Vernon, Ohio, in is.",:. Came to New STork 
 in 1878, and is a graduate of the Columbia Law School. He is a prominent Democratic 
 politician; a lawyer of marked ability; a member of many clubs, including the Commi 
 the Manhattan, Democratic, and the Ohio and Tammany Societies. 
 
 Moriartt, Thaddeus— Native of Ireland. He came to New York, however, at the age 
 of eight years, and received his primary education in the schools of this city. In 1875 he 
 was appointed School Trustee, representing the Seventh Waul, in 1878, Mayor Smith Ely- 
 appointed him School Commissioner. He was reapointed to the Commissionership, suc- 
 cessively, by Mayor Hugh J. Grant and Mayor Thomas F. Gilroy. He is a member of the 
 Tammany Society and of the Catholic and Sgamore Clubs. Mr. Moriarty was again 
 appointed School Commissioner by Mayor Van Wyek in 1899. 
 
 Motley, Thornton N.— Mr. Motley is a well-known merchant of New York, who was 
 born in this city in 1859. He has been a member of Tammany Hall about six years and has 
 served on General Committees and in the organization work of the various Democratic 
 campaigns, in which he has shown his faithfulness to party and to friends. In public 
 office he has been Commissioner of the Bureau of Statistics, and in private life is highly 
 esteemed. 
 
3i6 
 
 Mulqueen, Michael J.-Born in the Seventh Ward in 1857. He attended Public School 
 No. 2, and continued his studies at Cooper Union and the Columbia College Law School, 
 and then read law in the office of Judge A. J. Dittenhoefer. and was admitted to the bar 
 in 1883. In 1894 Mr. Mulqueen was elected a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. He 
 is a Tammany Hall Democrat, a member of the General Committee of the Thirty-first 
 Assembly District and a member of the Committee on Organization. He belongs to the 
 Manhattan. Democratic, Catholic and Sagamore Clubs. 
 
 Mundorf, George H.— Was born in 1860 in the City of New York. He received his 
 early education in the public schools of this city, and later graduated from the College of 
 the City of New York. He entered into active business life in 1887, succeeding his father 
 in the wholesale and retail grocery business. Mr. Mundorf has always taken an active 
 interest in politics. In 1897 he was nominated by the Democratic party for Alderman and 
 made a good race in a district which was almost hopelessly Republican. In 1S9S he was 
 appointed Councilman, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Charles F. Allen. 
 
 Murphy, Charles F.— Mr. Murphy, one of the successful Democratic leaders of the 
 Eighteenth Assembly District, is one of the popular members of Tammany Hall. He 
 was born in New York in 1858 and has lived in his district all his life. He was selected as 
 leader in 1892, and was appointed Dock Commissioner in 1898. 
 
 Murphy, Col. Michael.— Ex-President of the Health Board and Police Commissioner, 
 was born in Limerick, Ireland, in 1841. In the fall of 1866 Col. Murphy was elected to tne 
 Legislature, and after that he rapidly added political reputation to previously acquired 
 military fame. Always popular among his constitutents, he was repeatedly re-elected, and 
 continued to represent the lower part of the city in the Assembly and Senate for fourteen 
 years. The Colonel has never lived out of the First Assembly District. He has been a 
 member of Tammany Hall since the disbandment of the County Democracy. He has been 
 an Excise Commissioner, Clerk of the First District Civil Court, and was appointed on the 
 Health Board in 1898. He is a member of Shiloh Post, G. A. R., the Loyal Legion. Presi- 
 dent of the "Hickory Club," and is the possessor of the most highly prized "Congressional 
 Medal of Honor" for gallantry in action. 
 
 Nagle, Dr. John T.— Chief of the Bureau of Municipal Statistics, was born in 1S43; 
 appointed Assistant Sanitary Inspector in 1869; promoted to Sanitary Inspector, Deputy 
 Register of Records and Register of Records, Bureau of Vital Statistics, in succession; 
 appointed to present position in 1898. Dr. Nagle has been a member of Tammany Society 
 for many years, and is Sagamore of same. 
 
 Nixon, Lewis— Commissioner of the new East River Bridge, Is a graduate of the 
 United States Naval Academy, and is one of the ablest naval constructors in the wond. 
 He is a thorough Democrat and an indefatigable worker for the party. 
 
 Norton, Sheridan S.— A. B., A. M., L. L.B., was born in New York City in 1874, and 
 educated in St. Francis Xavier College and Columbia Law School; admitted to Bar in 1896. 
 
 Oakley, John T. — Councilman Oakley is a native of New York, having been born in 
 this city in 1863. He received his early education in the public schools. Soon after gradua- 
 ting from them he entered the College of the City of New York. At an early age he entered 
 into active business association with his father, with whom he was in partnership. In 1895 
 his father retired, and Mr. Oakley has since conducted the business alone. When but 
 twenty-one years of age he was appointed index clerk in the Register's office by Register 
 Reilly. Since then he has held the responsible positions of clerk in the law divisions of the 
 Custom House, deputy clerk of Internal Revenue under President Cleveland's first admin- 
 istration, and complaint and correspondence clerk in the Department of Street Cleaning. 
 In 1892 he was persuaded to resign this position and accept the nomination for Alderman 
 and was elected by a majority of 3,700. In 1894 he was again nominated and elected Alder- 
 man, and in 1897 he was elected Councilman in the First District. Mr. Oakley has been 
 leader of the Fourteenth District for the past six years. 
 
 O'Brien. Miles M. School Commissioner, born in Ireland in 1851. One of Tammany 
 Hall's most influentiall members for many years, and has taken a leading part in munici- 
 pal affairs; member of H. B. Claflin Co., dry goods merchants. Is president of the board 
 of School Commissioners. 
 
3»7 
 
 i i'Bribn, John P. i Iraduat d In 1894 from tin Holy Cri n Worcestei 
 
 with the degrt I A.B., and afterward took a post graduate com e In thi Q 
 
 University, receiving the deg \ m . In L89G Hi gi iduated with honoi In both 
 
 tutiona. II ■ later attended the Georgetown University La* Bel i and k thi i 
 
 L.L. B. In l897. During the law Bchool c he taught b i la In thi prepi \ d< pari 
 
 menl of Hie University, in 1898 he was adtmitted to the bar and took up the practl 
 law In tins city. Mr, O'Brien is prei Idenl ol the Leo Club, la a membei ol thi 
 Georgetown Alumni In New 7ork and Knlghl of Columbus. He is greatlj Inten ti 
 the College Men's Democratic Club, havln been mad n h ce-presldenri if the 
 
 organization, Mr. O'Brien is secretary of the Speakers' Club of thi Twentj fli I \ 
 District and a member of the Tammanj Hall General Committee. 
 
 O'Brien, James W. Editor and publisher, born In Ireland, L846; pesides in the Seven- 
 teenth Assembly District, and has been a membei of Tammany Hall for fifteen years, 
 serving on various committees; elected a member of Tammanj Socletj In 1897. 
 
 O'Brien, Morgan J, Justice of the Appellate Division ol the Supreme Court, born In 
 New York in 1852; made Corporation Counsel of the city in 1887, and elected Justice of the 
 Superior Court in isss; appointed Justice of the Appellate Division, Supreme Court, in 1895. 
 
 O'Dwyek, Edward F. Judge of the City Court, was born In New York in 1860; elected 
 Alderman in 1884; elected to the City Court Bench in 1895 and re-elected in 1897. Has been 
 Vice-President of the Democratic Club tor eight years. 
 
 O'Gorman, James A.— Justice of the Supreme Court, born in the City of New York on 
 May 5, I860; was educated in the public schools, the College of the City of New York and 
 the Law Department oi the New York University, from which institution he was 
 graduated in May, 1SS2. In the same month he was admitted to the bar; was elected 
 Justice .Municipal Court in 1893, and Justice of the Supreme Court in 1899. He was a dele- 
 gate to the National Democratic Convention in Chicago in 1896, and was a loyal and active 
 supporter of the Bryan and Sewall ticket. He is a member of the Democratic Club, the 
 Tammany Society, the Catholic Club, the New York Athletic Club and numerous fraternal 
 and patriotic organizations. 
 
 Olendorp, Charles Dewey— Born in Otsego County in 1856 and received his early 
 education at the Academy in Cooperstown. While there, Mr. Olendorf read law with 
 Judge Harris and was admitted to the liar at Albany in 1879. Mr. Olendorf was appointed 
 Assistant Counsel to the City Corporation in July 1889, and since that time has been at the 
 head of the Condemnation Bureau of the office, where all matters pertaining to the acquisi- 
 tion of land for public purposes, such as public parks, school, engine, station and court 
 house sites are transacted. 
 
 Oppenheim, Myron- H.— Lawyer, born in Albany, N. Y., 1S59; graduate of Columbia 
 College; has been a member of Tammany Hall and Tammany Society for a number of 
 years and has served on Genera! Committee most of the time; member of Democratic, 
 Narragansett, Lambs, West End, Pontiac, Dry Goods, Wool Club, Wwight Alumni, Albany 
 Society and many other clubs. 
 
 Osborne, James W. — Assistant District Attorney Osborne was born in Charlotte, x. c. . 
 in 1S59, is a graduate of Davidson College and of the Law School of Columbia College. New 
 York. His experience has been great, being assistant of Delancy Nicoll, Colonel John R. 
 Fellows, Olcott, Colonel Asa Bird Gardiner, and of the present incumbent. He is a staunch 
 Democrat and prominent member of all Democratic clubs. 
 
 O'Sullivan. William Joseph, M. D. — Medico-legal specialist, was born in the city of 
 Cork, Ireland, June 1, 1858. son of William Murtagh, M. D.. and Monica (O'Bryan) O'Sulli- 
 van. He was educated at St. Fin Barr's Seminary, Cork, and the universities of Edinburgh 
 and London, and having taken both medical and veterinary degrees, in 1882 he came to the 
 United States. In this country he continued his professional studies at Yale, entered the 
 medical school of that university, in which he graduated with the degree of Doctor of Medi- 
 cine in 1888, and pursuing a course in the law school received the degree of Bachelor of 
 Laws in 1S90. With this equipment Dr. O'Sullivan entered upon the practice of law, first 
 in Connecticut where he was admitted to the bar late in 1890, and subsequently in Ww 
 York in 1891, where he came prominently into public notice by his masterly handling of the 
 expert chemical testimony in the Buchanan poison case. He has been identified with Tam- 
 many Hall ever since his residence in New Yoik. and is also a member of the Tammany 
 Society. 
 
Ottendorffr. Oswald— Born February 26, 1S26. in Zwittau, County of Mehren, Austria. 
 Educated at the University of Vienna, from which he went to Prague to study law. Came 
 to America, where he found himself in New York friendless, penniless and without a 
 knowledge of the English language. Subsequently he obtained a clerkship in the office of 
 the 8taat8 Zeitung, where by industry and ability he was promoted until he became its 
 chief editor. The Staats Zeitung is now a stock company, and a controlling interest in the 
 paper is held by Mr. Ottendorfer's family. He was a member of the Committee of 
 Seventy in 1872, and at one time held the position of a member of the Board of Aldermen. 
 He was a member of the Manhattan. City, Century, Reform, Commonwealth and Patria 
 Clubs, the Lieder Kranz and American Geographical Societies and the chief organizer and 
 leader of the German-American Reform Union. Died in 1900. 
 
 Owen, Edward. — Was born of Southern parents in Cincinnatti, Ohio and was educated 
 in the schools of that city and in Kenyon College. He was a gallant soldier during the 
 war, and since his residence was established in New York has been conspicuous as Com- 
 missioner of Accounts, where his record has been of the best, and he has been retained for 
 many terms at the urgent requests of prominent citizens. Mr. Owen is a model Democrat 
 as well as a favorite official. 
 
 Page, William H., Jr.— Born in Paris, France, of American parents, then traveling 
 abroad, in 1861; resides in the Twenty-first Assembly District, and has been a member of 
 Tammany Hall and Tammany Society since 1897. 
 
 Patrick, John H. — Was born at Albany, and was educated in the public schools of 
 New York. He joined the Tammany Society in 1876 and was elected Sachem for 1895, 1896 
 and 1897. Was also Chairman of the present Twenty-second, and former Twentieth 
 Assembly District for over fifteen years, and now resides in the Twenty-third. Mr. 
 Patrick has been a New York merchant for forty years, and is now President and Treas- 
 urer of the American Tool Chest Company, located at 200 West Houston street. 
 
 Penfield, William Warner — Justice of the Municipal Court of the First District of 
 the Bronx, was born in New Rochelle in 1858. His early education was received in the 
 public schools of his native place. He later entered Yale College, being graduated from 
 there, with the highest honors in 1879. South Mount Vernon, now known as Wakefield, 
 owes most of its growth to the efforts of Mr. Penfield; and the people of that place have 
 repeatedly shown their appreciation of his worth by conferring on him all the honors in 
 their power to give— the Presidency, the Chieftainship of the Fire Department, the respon- 
 sible office of Corporation Counsel, and many others. 
 
 Penny, William N.— Clerk of the Court of Generail Sessions. In 1883 he resign..! the 
 city editorship of the Daily Vews to accepl the appointment of private secretary to that 
 worthy exponent of Democracy, John McKeon, then District Attorney, of this city. He 
 retained this position, earning a high reputation for tact, capacity and honesty, under Mr. 
 McKeon's successors, Messrs. Olney, Martine and Fellows. When Judge James Fitzgerald 
 was elected to the bench of the Court of General Sessions, Mr. Penny resigned from the 
 
 District Attorney's office to become Clerk of that court. Mr. Penny lias always 1 n a 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Phelan, James J.— Born in the old Ninth Ward in March, 1847. He received his early 
 education in the public schools of this city, then attended St. Francis Xavier College. Mr. 
 ph. lan. in ...on. .Hon with ex-Mayor Grant, Judge D. F. McMahon, Alderman Burke, 
 Judge Dresser and Sheriff John B. Sexton organized the Narragansett Club, which was tin- 
 first club of that nature to start in this city. Mr. Phelan was elected its Treasurer, 
 
 Platzek, M. Warley— Lawyer, born in North Carolina in 1854; educated in Virginia 
 High School and under the immediate tutelage of Professor Witherow, of South Carolina. 
 When be reached his majority he was chosen Assessor and Treasurer of Marion, South 
 Carolina. In 1876 he came to this city and entered the N>-w York CJniversIti Law School 
 from which hi graduated one year later with distinguished honors. He takes an activi 
 interest in politics. Loins; a Coventor ,,f the D in... i.ili. Club of the City Of New York. 
 ex Pi. si. l.nt of the Progress Club and of the Young Men's Hebrew Association of this 
 city, ami also belongs to the Reform, Jefferson and Mohican political clubs and many 
 prominent social clubs and benevolent associations. He was a delegate Hom the Tenth 
 Senatorial District In New York City to the Constitutional Convention of the state of 
 .New York in 1894. 
 
POW BR, M 11 RII I .1 
 
 appointed Justice ol P 
 
 Shipping < lommiasl i 
 
 si r in 1891 and re a] 
 
 protegpe of the late Sa 
 organization. 
 
 I 'RESSl NQER, A i sri N B, 1 tB w J 
 
 of the Democratic and Century Cy 
 
 meni ; resides In the Twentj flrsl Assembly 1 1 
 
 1880, "i\ Ing toi ten yt a 
 
 i 
 
 made United 
 
 if New 'i "i k in 1898; appi 
 
 n,i 
 
 d \.pi. duel ' 
 
 yor Van Wyi b In 1898. Jui 
 
 Igi 
 
 i 
 
 . and has alwaj i been he 
 
 Id i 
 
 bj the 
 
 fi idu tte of Columbia Coll 
 
 
 Law Si i i . member 
 
 Fii i Lieuti ii.ini i ' 
 
 om] 
 
 ianj i .. Si i i nth Regl 
 
 Raegener, Louis C. Was born In New fork Cltj April 29, 1856, and i eduacted In 
 the New Fork public schools. He graduated with honors from Columbia College In 1876 
 
 and n ceived the degree of A.M. He also graduated from the Columbia Law Scl I In 1878, 
 
 was admitted to the bar In the sum.- year, and has practiced law evei since in N 
 city. His liist partner was Judge P. Henry Dugro, with whom he practiced i 
 years. When Judge Dugro was elevated to the bench he formed a partnership with Paul 
 Goepel, Esq., under the Arm name of Goepel & Raegener, and remained a member of thai 
 firm until January I, 1901, when he joined the firm of Dickerson & Brown, under the Arm 
 name of Dickerson, Brown & Raegener, with offices at 141 Broadway. Mr. Raegener is a 
 member of the Tammany Society and lias been for more than fifteen years. He is a mem- 
 ber of the Democratic Club, of the New York Bar Association and of the German Club. 
 For meritorious services rendered to the Venezuelan Republic in 1894 he received the decor- 
 ation of "Busto del Libertador." 
 
 Ransom, RaSTUS S.— Lawyer; born in Mount Hawley. 111., in 1839; closely identified 
 with Tammany Hall since 1877; served on General Committee, Committee on Organization 
 and other committees; ex-Surrogate County of New y/ork. 
 
 Rasines, Antonio One of the founders of the Twelfth Ward Bank and Twelfth Ward 
 Savings Hank in Harlem; Director and Vice-President of Twelfth Ward Hank for main 
 years, and President Savings bank, born in this city in 1847; resides in the Nineteenth 
 Assembly District, and has been prominently identified with Tammany Hall for many 
 years; was School Trustee Twelfth Ward for eleven years, and is new Commissioner 
 Municipal Statistics. Member New York Athletic, Democratic and Aldine Clubs. Member 
 Tammany Hall and Tammany Society. 
 
 Riordan, Daniel J. — This thorough New Yorker was bom in the Eighth District 
 in 1869, received his education in the public schools and graduated from Manhattan Col- 
 lege in 1890, with high honors. He was the regular Democratic nominee for Congress from 
 the Eighth; is a member of the Democratic Club; President of the Patrick J. Divver Asso- 
 ciation and an influential and popular business man and politician. 
 
 Roesi it. George P.— Judge of the Municipal Court for the Fourth District of the 
 Borough of Manhattan, was born in this city on June 19, 1855, and was educated in St. 
 Nicholas' Parochial School, De La Salle Institute of the Christian Brothers and Columbia 
 Law University, and admitted to the bar on October 30, 1876. He has always been a Tam- 
 many Hall Democrat and has been a speaker for his party in both the English and 
 German languages since 1874. He was for three years the member of the Tammany Hall 
 Executive Committee from his district. He was a member of Assembly in 1883, 1885, 1888 
 and 1SS9. and a Senator from 1890 to 1S94. He was Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Com- 
 mittee in 1S92 and 1893. 
 
 Roblee, Milton.— Was born in Saratoga. 1S63. He is a graduate of the University of 
 Syracuse. Mr. Roblee is a member of the Tammany Hall General Committee and the 
 Democratic Club. He is the well-known proprietor of the Hotel Bartholdi. 
 
3 20 
 
 Rogan, John H.— Was born in New York in 1863, and after receiving a public school 
 education studied law in the office of John McKeon and the late Justice Frederick Smyth. 
 He was admitted to the bar at the age of twenty-one years. His association with these 
 eminent lawyers was of great value to him. As both Mr. McKeon and the late Justice 
 Frederick Smyth were men of rare legal attainments. After Justice Smyth's elevation to 
 the Supreme Court bench in 1895, Mr. Rogan successfully continued the latter's law busi- 
 ness and also continued a large practice of his own. Mr. Rogan is a Democrat, having 
 been a member of the General Committee of Tammany Hall for many years, but has never 
 held political office. In addition to belonging to the Tammany Society, he is a member of 
 the Society of Medical Jurisprudence, the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, the Driving Club 
 of New York and the Jefferson Club of the Sixteenth Assembly District, of which he is 
 treasurer. 
 
 Rogers, John Henry — Mr. Rogers was born in the City of New York in 1863. He is 
 prominent as a lawyer and active as a Democratic politician and counselor for various 
 societies. He has been a member of Tammany Hall since 1884, and of the Tammany Society 
 since 1898, and has served on the General and Organization Committees and in other places 
 and positions of important trust. 
 
 Rowe, Col. Wm. H, Jr.— Merchant, born in Troy, N. Y.; appointed Assistant Quarter- 
 master-General of New York State in 1894 by Governor Flower; member of the firm of 
 W. H. Rowe & Son, of New York, one of the largest commission firms in knit goods in the 
 United States; one of the leading Democrats of New York State, but has never held pub- 
 lic office. 
 
 Ruppert, Jacob, Jr.— Col. Jacob Ruppert, Jr., is one of New York's famous nun; a 
 graduate of the Columbia Grammar School; a popular politician, and Congressman from 
 New York, and one of the most successful business men of the metropolis. He is a stal- 
 wart Democrat and staunch supporter of Tammany Hall, and is deservedly prominent in 
 official and commercial life. 
 
 Sanders, Leon— Born in Odessa, Russia, May 25, 1867. On being admitted to the bar of 
 New York with honorable mention, on the 8th day of November, 1895, he resigned his 
 clerkship in Commissioner of Jurors' office, where he had served for five years. He is 
 well known as one of the leaders of Tammany Hah in the Twelfth Assembly District. He 
 was this year member of the Assembly from the Twelfth Assembly District. He is a 
 member of Perfect Ashlad Lodge, No. 604, F. and A. M.; Script Lodge. Knights of Pythias; 
 Emanuel Pisco Lodge, I. O. B. A.; the Leon Sanders Association (which, named after him, 
 occupies the handsomely furnished clubhouse at No. 255 East Fourth Street); Tammany 
 Hall General Committee; Thomas Jefferson Association; a number of the Hebrew charity 
 societies, and the Columbian Club, of which he is President. 
 
 S.'anxell, George Florence— Leader Twenty-fifth Assembly District, "as born In this 
 city in 1860 and has been a prominent figure in Democratic circles since 1881, serving on 
 many important committees; clerk in Fire Headquarters for a number of years and for 
 past twelve years in Surrogate's office. 
 
 Sc v 
 
 ,,. John J. Fire Commissioner and Sachem of Tammany Society, 
 
 lis city in 1X4(1. Mr. Scannell is a lifelong Democrat, has been for twelve years the ram- 
 many Hall leader of what is now the Twenty-fifth District. He was appointed one ... the 
 Commissioners of the Mulberry Bend Park by the Supreme Court, and was unanimously 
 ..,„,.„.,, p r( .si«l.-nt of the Board by the other members, who were politically opposed to him. 
 ■He was appointed bj Mayor Gilroy to till a vacancy In the Fire Board January i 1893, 
 and shortly after resigned and was then elected by his colleagues President ol the Board, 
 Reappointed Fire Commissioner by Mayor Van Wyck in 1898 for the whole of Greater 
 Ni w York. 
 
 Schuchman John l>. -This well-known East Side Democrat was born in Hesse-Darm- 
 ,,,H German; in L851, where he graduated from the Technical College. 1868, the year he 
 
 , t o xvw Y.„k and has i n a resident of the Fourteenth Assembly District ever since 
 
 rL's ,'. Id Jany offices; is a capita, lawyer and , general favorite in politi, i, and social 
 clrc les, He is now Judge of the Cltj Court. 
 
321 
 
 Bcow, Francib m Born In the Cltj oi New Jforh March m 1848 Hi attended tha 
 
 Thirteenth Streel Grammar Bel I, the well known No 86, and i from thi 
 
 "i the Cltj 61 New J ork In 1861 Me then att< nded thi Columbia i 
 
 s '' I. from which he waB graduated with the degree ol i.i. B In 1861 i ■ ..■ idmltted 
 
 to ""• bar, Bim e which time he hai i ti adllj pra i hi profi Ion In thl 
 
 he was extremely active In pr imotlng the election ol Prei Idenl Cli veil and Mayoi wu 
 
 bam R. Grace, In 1886, Mr Scott, tor the flrsl time accepted public office being api ted 
 
 AssiM.mi Counsel to the Corporal bj the then Corporation Counsel, Hem I 
 
 In this pob n he served under Mr Lacombe. Mi Morgan J O'Brien and Mi Hem 
 
 Beekman, with all of whom ins relations were close and confidential .Mr Bcotl was 
 appointed Counsel to the Corporation of/the Cltj oi New sTork In 1895, and remained In 
 office until lus election as a Justice ol the Supreme Court, In 1897 
 
 Scully, P, J. The Tammany leader in the Twelfth Assemblj Dlstricl since 1893, an 
 
 enthusiastic and hard-working Dei a1 Hi Is a life-long member of Tai any, and 
 
 has devoted the energies of his best years to hard work In its behalf. Born in New fork 
 
 Cltj in 1855. Entering upon a business career, Mr. Scullj coi cted himse t with th 
 
 merclal house of Augustus Ti r & Brother, where he remained Eor nearlj twentj years 
 
 At the expiration oi thai time he was i mployed at the Custom House as Assistant cashier, 
 a position which he resigned in L888 to accepl the Deputj Clerkship In the County Clerk's 
 office. He was appointed City Clerk in 1898. 
 
 Shekht, Edw ai:i> C. — Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments Edward C. Sheehj . is a 
 thorough New JTorker. He was educated in the public schools of this city and after grad- 
 uation entered the real estate business in which he has continued these thirty years past, 
 and during his time has conducted some of the most important and biggest deals ever re- 
 corded on the Exchange. He was elected a member of the Executive Committee of Tam- 
 many Hall in 1S71. In 18S1 the judges of the Supreme Court appointed him a member of 
 the East River Park Commission. Mr. Sheehy has served a term in the Assembly, and in 
 1889 Mayor Grant appointed him Commissioner of Charities and Corrections. He was ap- 
 pointed Commissioner of Taxes and Assessments in 1897 by Mayor Van Wyck. 
 
 Sickles, General Daniel E. — Famous among the many Tammany officers in the War, 
 the veteran soldier and statesman, Daniel E. Sickles, is known to all. He is a native of 
 New York, was educated in the City University and was admitted to the Bar in 1844. 
 From Colonel of the "Excelsior Brigade," he rose to the rank of Brigadier, and afterward 
 to a Major-Generalship, for conspicuous gallantry. He has since served as our Minister 
 to Spain and president of the Tammany Monument Board for suitably marking the field of 
 Gettysburg, which he with Tammany, did so much to win. 
 
 Simms. Charles E., Jr.— City Magistrate, born in this city in 1861; appointed Assistant 
 District Attorney in 1891; appointed Police Justice 1893; appointed City Magistrate in 1895. 
 Member of Tammany Hall, Democratic Club, Morris and County Cycle Clubs, Indian Har- 
 bor Yacht Club; President of Associated Cycle Clubs of the City of New York. 
 
 Smith, Clinton H.— Is a New Yorker; was born in the Eleventh Ward, where the 
 family has resided for nearly five generations. He resides at present in the Thirty-first 
 Assembly District, and is a member of the General Committee, as also Assistant Secr< tary 
 of the Park Board, which department he entered in 1879, at the aye of eighteen, and in 
 which he has served continuously ever since. Mr. Smith is a member of several clubs, in- 
 cluding the Democratic and other social and political organizations. 
 
 Smith, Nelson— Member of the New York bar, was born in Middleton, N. V.; educated 
 at Delaware Academy and in this city; has been a life-long member of and active worker 
 In the interests of the Democratic party, having been elected Presidential Elector in 1892, 
 a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1894, and for four years, 1890-94. chairman 
 of the General Committee of Tammany Hall. 
 
 Smith. Terry — Lawyer, World Building, New Y'ork City, born in Houston. Tex., Sep- 
 tember 9, 1S65; has been a member of Tammany Hall for past five years, and served on 
 General Committee: graduate of Columbia College Law School; member of Association of 
 the Bar. Western Society and a Master Mason. 
 
322 
 
 Smith, Thomas F— Thomas F. Smith, clerk of the City Court, was born in New York 
 City July 24, 1865. He attended the public schools and St. Francis Xavier's and Manhattan 
 College and was subsequently employed by the Western Union Telegraph Company as clerk 
 and was later promoted to the position of operator and manager. Later he became a news- 
 paper reporter, -working on the World, Journal and Tribune, and at various times for the 
 United Press, up to the time of its dissolution. He was appointed stenographer to the 
 Building Department in 1892, and two years' later he was appointed to the stenographer- 
 ship of the Eighth District Court which position he held until April 1898, when he was made 
 Chief Clerk of the New York City Court. Hon. Richard Croker made Mr. Smith his private 
 secretary in 1899, subsequently making him secretary to the Tammany Society and the 
 Tammany Hall General Committee and the Executive Committee. He was one of the 
 founders and the first president of the Tenderloin Club, which was organized some years 
 ago by newspaper men. He is a trustee of the New Y'ork Press Club, and a member of the 
 following organizations: The Democratic Club, the State Stenographers' Association, the 
 Telegraphers' Club, the Excelsior Council, C. B. L., and the Knickerbocker Council, Knights 
 of Columbus. 
 
 Sohmer, William.— County Clerk, born at Wurtenberg, Germany, May 26, 1852. Mr. 
 Sohmer's entrance into the field of active politics dates back to 1889, when he was made the 
 candidate for the Assembly in the Tenth District, being elected by a splendid majority. 
 Mr. Sohmer served three successive terms in the Assembly. At the expiration of his third 
 term he was made a Deputy Tax Commissioner. He held the office until 1896. when he 
 resigned to accept the nomination for the office of Register, to which he was elected. Mr. 
 Sohmer was Chairman of the Committee on Organization during* the years 1898-97, and was 
 also a Sachem of the Tammany Society in 1896, 1897 and 1898. He was elected Vice-Chair- 
 man of the Executive Committee of Tammany Hall in 1899, and was re-elected in 1900. 
 
 Spinney, George F.— This popular newspaper man, for years the Democratic editor of 
 the New York Times, was born at Great Falls, N. H.. in the forties and graduated from the 
 High School at Lawrence, Mass. He was first with the Brooklyn Argus, then with the New 
 York Sun. The Times was at its best under Mr. Spinney's management. 
 
 Steiner, Joseph H.— Was born in New York City in 1839. He attended the public schools 
 and was in 1857 graduated from the Free Academy. After graduating he accepted a posi- 
 tion as reporter on the New York Sun. In 1859 he commenced the study of law. and was 
 graduated from the New York University as Bachelor of Daws. In 1861 he was admitted 
 to the bar. When the war broke out he was made Captain of a company in the Ninth 
 Regiment, New York Volunteers, and was subsequently promoted to Major in the Fifty- 
 ninth Regiment. Judge Steiner was also a member of the Fire Department, belonging to 
 Engine Company No. 18. He was commander of the Phil Kearney Post, G. A. R., and is 
 still a member of that post. In 1893 he was elected civil justice in the Eighth Judicial Dis- 
 trict of the city and county of New York. 
 
 Sterling, George Loomis— Was born of Scotch-English ancestry, at Trumbull. Conn.. 
 1855. Graduated from Yale, 1876; Yale Law School, 1880. and admitted to New York 
 Bar, 1881, since which time he has practiced law in this city and been Assistant Coipora- 
 tion' Counsel since 1885. Was identified with Codification of Laws of State of New York 
 and with preparation of Charter of Greater New York, and in the different city adminis- 
 trations for fifteen years. Mr. Sterling is a member of many important clubs, the Bar 
 Association, Yale Club, Seawanhaka, Corinthian Yacht Club, St. George's, the Democratic 
 Club, Senaca Club, Twenty-fifth Assembly District and General Committee of Tammany 
 Hall. 
 
 Stillings, William E.— Was bom March 28, 1857, in the Twenty-first Ward of the City 
 of New York. He acquired his education in the New York public schools, at Claverack 
 Academy, and at the Columbia College Law School. Mr. Stillings is a member of the 
 Society of the Sons of the Revolution, the New York Athletic, the Democratic Club and 
 many other metropolitan clubs, an enthusiastic Democrat, having become a member of the 
 Tammany Hall General Committee in 1880, and a member of the Executive Committee of 
 Tammany Hall in 1892. 
 
 'Stravs, Nathan Ex-Sachem of Tammany Society, was born In Ottenburg, Germany; 
 came to America In 1855, and settled in New Fork shortly after the close of the War of the 
 Rebellion. 
 
Sullivan, Florence J Was born In Ireland, lugust p : 1863 Hi ha been 
 of New Fork Ince he cameto America, and he wa then only three month old B 
 
 ' d In thi i lo i i i "i 'in olty, Mr, Sullivan I a fli 
 
 "thj D, Sullivan, He was ap] tted bj Polli e i mer Martin .1 tnu iry 9, 1 1, to th< 
 
 1 '■ force where he made an exceptional record. He was named bj unanlmou 1 
 
 tor the office which he now holds, thai of Superintendent of incumbi 
 
 Si 1 1 n \\. John a. This ardent and conspicuous Di 1 born at Ron 
 
 v.. graduated from the Kingston Academy; was appointed internal Revenue Collectoi by 
 Presldi ni Cleveland, and was re appointed at the expiration ol hi term, since whi< h time 
 he has 1 n General Manager of the Securitj C pans of Philadelphia, In th< Citj ol N< 1 
 
 York. 
 
 Sui er, William Born In Elizabeth, N .1 . March is. 1863. Educated In the public 
 schools; admitted to the bar In 1884; was .1 member of the New Fork Legislature In 1 89, 
 1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1894; Speaker ol the Assembly In 1893; was elected to B4tb Con- 
 gress as a Democrat, and re ile< ted to the 55th Congress; was a delegate to the National 
 Convention at Chicago, In 1896. He was educated In the public schools and at Columbia 
 College, ami was admitted to thi bar as soon as he attained his majority. He quickly 
 achieved distinction In bis profession and as a political orator. He stumped the States of 
 New York, New Jersej and Connecticut for the Democratic National Committee in 1884 
 and 18SS. In IS89 Mr. Sulzer was elected to the State Legislature, where his force and 
 merit speedily found recognition. Nol even the mosl Implacable foe of Tammany Hall 
 ever aspersed his im-snty. Ins generosity or Ins ability, and when the Democrats cap- 
 tured .1 majority of the Assembly in 1S93. nobody was surprised to see him installed by the 
 unanimous vote of his party '-olleagues in the Speaker's chair, the youngest man to whom 
 such in honor had been accorded. Re-elected to Congress in 1898 and in 1900. 
 
 SWEETSER, W. A.— Was born in Brooklyn, near the entrance to the East Rivi 1 bridge. 
 He first attended the public schools Nos. 12 and 1, St. Francis' and St. John's Colleges in 
 Brooklyn, and later, until 1873, St. Lament's College in Montreal, Canada. Elected presi- 
 dent of the alumni of St. John's College in 1879. After a short experience in the commer- 
 cial line he studied law in Brooklyn and was admitted to the bar in 1879, and opened an 
 oilier. Mr. Sweetser has always been a Democrat, but took no active pari in politics 
 until 1888, when Hon. Hugh J. Grant was elected Mayor. On July 3d, 1889, the late Hon. 
 William H. Clark, who bad been appointed counsel to the corporation, named Mr. Sweetser 
 as one of his assistants in that office, which office he held until the Hon. Francis M. Scott 
 was made Corporation Counsel. Mr. Sweetser, at th.e request of Mr. Scott, accepted the 
 position of clerk in the proceeding to open, widen and extend Elm street. In 1898 Mr. 
 Sweetser received the regular Democratic Tammany Hall nomination for member of As- 
 sembly in the Nineteenth Assembly District, one of the strongest Republican distrii ism 
 that time in the city. Mr. Sweetser made a great fight but was beaten by Robert Mazetl 
 by a small majority. He has always been a Tammany Hall Democrat and joined that or- 
 ganization in 1888, becoming a member of the Narragansett Club and later the Pontiac 
 Club in the Nineteenth District. 
 
 Tierney, John M.— Justice of the Municipal Court for the Second District Of the Bor- 
 oii^h of the. Bronx, was born in the City of New York October 14, 1860, and was educated in 
 thi public schools. In 1892 Mr. Tierney for a short time was Assistant Attorney to the 
 File Department, and from June, 1892, to April, 1895, was Assistant Counsel to the Depart- 
 ment of Buildings. 
 
 Toop. George H.— Born in England in 1836. Mr. Toop was the associate leader of Tam- 
 many Hall, with Hon. Rollin M. Morgan, of the Twenty-ninth Assembly District, and has 
 been connected with political affairs in the up-town section for the last thirty years, 
 though never Inning held any office except that of School Inspector, to which he was 
 appointed by. Mayor Grant. This position he held for five years. 
 
 Towen, William C. Now resides in the Eleventh Assembly District: was a resident of 
 Bedford Park, Bronx Borough, and foi many years has been prominently identified with 
 every progressive movement in that locality. He is a member of the Tammany Hall Com- 
 mittee of the Eleventh Assembly District Committee and of many other organizations, 
 among them the Democratic Club, Bedford Park Taxpayers' Association, the Tammany 
 Society. Army and Navy Association. League of American Wheelmen, the Pavonia and 
 Atlantic Yacht Clubs, and President New York State "Good Roads League." 
 
3^4 
 
 Truax, Charles H.— Justice of the Supreme Court, was horn in 1846; elected Justice 
 Supreme Court in 1880; re-elected in 1S95; was delegate to the Constitutional Convention 
 in 1894. 
 
 Turner. William L.— Lawyer. Born June 5, I860, in New York City. Educated at 
 the College of the City of New York and at the Columbia Law School. Upon graduating 
 was admitted to the bar, and has since been engaged in the practice of his profession in 
 this city. He was Secretary to Mayor Grace in 1885 and 1886. and Assistant Counsel to the 
 Corporation of the City of New York from 1886 to May, 1889, and in March. 1895. was again 
 appointed Assistant Corporation Counsel. He is identified with the New York State 
 Democracy organization, and is a member of the University, Reform and Manhattan Clubs, 
 the Bar Association, Society of Medical Jurisprudence, and various city college clubs and 
 societies. 
 
 Underhill, John Quincy— Representative in Congress, for the Sixteenth District, is 
 one of the prominent Democratic leaders of the Empire State. In his district, which 
 comprises the County of Westchester and the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth Assembly 
 Districts of New York City, he is well known and universally liked. Mr. Underhill was 
 born in New Rochelle, Westchester County, February 19, 1848. He has served several terms 
 as Trustee and President of the village of New Rochelle. and for ten years was President 
 of the Board of Commissioners of Sewers and Drainage of said village. He is a member or 
 the Larchmont Yacht Club, the New York Athletic Club, the New Rochelle Yacht Club 
 the Democratic Club and Manhattan Club. 
 
 Unger, Henry W.— Former Assistant District Attorney, born in this city in 1S63: ap- 
 pointed Deputy Assistant District Attorney by De Lancey Nicoll in 1891; retained by 
 Colonel Fellows and reappointed, in 1891, by Colonel Gardiner. 
 
 Untermyer, Maurice. — Born at Lynchburg, Va„ 1860; came to New York when nine 
 years of age, attending Grammar School 35, then entering classes in City College and School 
 of Mines, Columbia College. Determining on the legal profession, he graduated at Columbia 
 Law School in 1882, and opened a branch office of the old firm of Guggenheimer & Unter- 
 myer in 125th street, where he formed many valuable connections, and became one of the 
 organizers of the Harlem Democratic Club, exercising a leading influence in the council 
 of Democratic organizations and being chosen de'egate to National and State Conventions. 
 The present law firm of Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall is one of the leading ones 
 of the world, conducting the legal business of largest companies and corporations. Mr. 
 Untermyer is one of the founders of the Hebrew Infant Asylum, a member of Tammany 
 Society, Democratic, Knickerbocker Athletic, Press. Criterion, Harlem and Progress Clubs. 
 Geographical Society. Medical Jurisprudence. Freundschaft Societies and one of the leading 
 Masons of the State of New York. 
 
 Van Hoesen, George M. — Was born in the City of New York. He was graduated 
 at the University of the City of New York and afterwards at the State and National Law 
 School at Poughkeepsie. In 1875 was elected a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for 
 the City and County of New York, in which capacity he served for fourteen years. He has 
 been President of the Holland Society, President of the Association of the Alumni of the 
 University of the City of New York, and for three terms was Chairman of the Memorial 
 Committee, an association of all the Grand Army of the Republic posts of the City of New 
 York. 
 
 Van Wyck, Robert A.— Judge Robert A. Van Wyck, so well-known as the first 
 Mayor of Greater New York, is a New Yorker whose prominence is well-deserved, and who 
 has given to Democracy the straight proofs of his devotion to the people's Interests. He 
 was graduated from the Columbia Law School at the head of his class, and. in and out of 
 politics, he has maintained his leading position and the confidence ami support of the 
 
 public He has I n appropriately described as "A Democrat among Democrats, a man 
 
 among men." 
 
 Wahlk. Charles <:. F. Lawyer Wahle was born in this city in 1866. He has been a 
 member of Tammany Hall for twelve years and of the Tammany Society since 1889. Mr. 
 Wahle resides in the Thirty-fifth Assembly District, and has always been an active worker 
 in the interests of the Democratic party. He served on General and Organization Commit- 
 tees, and has held the office of Inspector Of Public Schools and Commissioner of Accounts, 
 1890-1894, besides in many offices of honor and of trust. 
 
325 
 
 Walters, Richard m Mr, Walteri li b well known pli manufactui i 
 
 born In New York, and is a resident of the Twentj ninth • trlcl Hi ba 
 
 a prominent figure In Tamroanj Hall foi manj jreai B Music 
 
 Trade Convention In the United Btates and organized the Piano and Organ Manufacturers' 
 Association of which he was First Vice President. He is now vice President of thi Mer 
 chants' and Manufacturers' Board of Trade of the City of Mew J 
 
 Weeks, Bartow s. Born In New Fork City April 26, 1861 He was educated In the 
 
 ptihii. schools of this city, graduated from the New Fork College in ist:». and from thi 
 Columbia Law School in ivs::. ii. was appointed to ins ftrsl official po 
 Districl Attorney in January. lS'.M, by IV Lanccj N'icoll, an.l reappointed bj I 
 lows. He is a member of Tammanj Hall General Committee, 
 
 Welde, Ciiari.es— Commissioner of Jurors, was born In Germany in 1843; Is the form, r 
 Tammany leach r of the Thirty-first District, and has always taken a deep interest in and 
 been an active worker for the party. He was a Police Justice for twelve years, a Sachem 
 of Tammany Society for eighteen years, and has been a member of the Finance Commit- 
 tee of Tammany Hall for ten years. 
 
 Whai.en, John— Sachem of Tammany Society and Corporation Counsel of the City of 
 New York, was horn in this city in 1S54, and admitted to the bar in 1877; has always been 
 an ardent Tammany Hall Democrat. 
 
 Zucca, Antonio.— Was born in Trieste, Austria, and passed his youth in Ttaly. Coming 
 to America, he espoused the people's cause, becoming an active member of the General 
 Committee ..f Tammany Hall. He has long been President of the United Amercan Italian 
 Societies, of the Latin American Democratic Union, and has held many positions of honor 
 an.l of trust in this city where he is so well and favorably known. 
 
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 ing agencies, or from the publishers, 
 
 DAILY TELEGRAPH CO., 
 
 I 16 NASSAU STREET, 
 NEW YORK CITY. 
 
--- -I- -I- -I- -I- -i- -i- -I- -l- -i ••: :::::::::::::::::::::: .i-i-i- !• ::::::. 
 
 CARL H. SCHULTZ 
 
 Used by Over 900 Physicians is Guaranty 
 
 CARL H. SCHULTZ 
 
 CARL H. SCHULTZ 
 
 % 
 
 % 
 
 ..- -7- -I- -1- -I- -T- -I- -1- -T- -T- -T- -T- -i •:••:••:••:■■: :::•:■;•;; 
 
 ; B "j5£ hed Tel., 142 Madison Square tfo-444 First Avenue, New Y. 
 
 Cbe Brunswick-Balke-ColkiKkr Co., 
 
 The Most Extensive Manufacturers of Billiard and Pool Tables in the World. 
 
 New and Handsome Designs; also Second 
 Hand Tables. All tables fitted with the une- 
 qualled Monarch 1 juick Cushions. Billiard and 
 Pool Balls. Cloth.Tbues, &c. 
 
 Sole Manufacturers of the 
 CELEBRATED WICKES 
 
 PATENT REFRIGERATORS 
 
 wood or tile lined, for household and other 
 urposes. 
 
 w^ Bowling Alleys and Supplies; Bar Fix- 
 
 V- — " — 1 -^'\ _.>* tures. Beer Coolers and Saloon Fixtures. 
 
 227-229 FOURTH AVENUE AND NINETEENTH STREET, NEW YORK. 
 
 A/TESSRS. REED & BARTON, Silversmiths, 
 call attention to their wares in 
 
 STERLING SILVER 
 
 made under personal supervision of the Artists 
 who designed them, by skilled silver- workers : thus 
 each piece is perfect and each set is in absolute 
 harmony. These wares embrace many useful and 
 decorative pieces especially appropriate as 
 
 GIETS EOP WEDDINGS 
 
 and everything needful for use at home 
 
 /nedals, <?tjp5 aod Jropr/ies for all 5P ort: 5. 
 
 REED & BARTON, Silversmiths, 
 
 41 UNION SQUARE, _ 
 
 6 MAIDEN LANE, ^ NEW YORK. 
 
BERNHEIMER Sr SCHMID, 
 
 LIOM BREWERY, 
 
 Columbus Ave. and 108th St., 
 
 MEW YORK 
 
 1 GRAVITY and PRESSURE* 
 
 1 um FILTERS. | 
 
 Constructed under the r^f 
 
 Jewell, Warren, Continental, Hyatt and other Patents. ^J5, 
 
 1 
 
 Adopted by the Newest^ 
 Large Office Buildings, & 
 Hotels, etc., in the Uni= (g 
 
 fetf States. 
 
 Si NEW YORK CONTINENTAL JEWELL FILTRATION CO., [£ 
 
 W) 25 Broad Street 40-42 West Qulncy Street, ,>• 
 
 fee NEW YORK. CHICAGO. >Cy 
 
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