■ MSB fflm ■I liiiii ■ ■ i B H m Hw iinliftiil Columbia (Hntoettfitp intljfCttpofiJettigork LIBRARY HISTORY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, BY THE Kev. E. H. GILLETT, D.D., AUTHOR OF "THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN HUBS," "THE MORAL SYSTEM, " GOD IN HUMAN THOUGHT," ETC., ETC. REVISED EDITION. VOL. I. PHILADELPHIA : PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION, 1334 CHESTNUT STREET. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1864, by (he PRESBTTERIAN PUBLICATION COMMITTEE, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. A °{ G><- Mx \ °) I PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION. The reunion of the two branches of the Presbyterian Church in this country, happily effected in 1869 after a division of more than thirty years, has called for the revision of a work prepared during the period of their separation. It has not been thought necessary to add to it the record of the steps which led to the reunion, as these are embodied in the volume entitled " Presby- terian Reunion Memorial," published in 1870 ; but in order to do impartial justice to the position and views of the two parties from the time when they first appeared, certain changes and modifications of statement have been deemed necessary, and these have been embodied in this revised edition. So far as most of the statements of facts are con- cerned, very little change has been required, but what before was asserted without qualification as to the rela- tion and action of the two parties has been so modified that the party by whom such assertion was regarded as historically true or just is alone made responsible for it. In other words, the historian has allowed each party to speak for itself, representing its own views, while the reader is left at liberty to draw his own conclusions. No other course than this was possible in the circum- stances. The position and sentiments of each branch of the Church have become historical, and to exclude or ignore them would have betrayed at once an unworthy 3335*6 VI PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION. timidity and distrust of the solid basis of reunion, and a faithlessness to the claims which demand an impartial statement of all the facts material to a proper historic record. Moreover, the history of a denomination, like that of a State, has its lessons; and if lessons of warning against dangers which are liable to recur, they can be gathered only from the study of many things which, if truth would suffer it, we might prefer to leave unrecorded. But if good men, and even wise men, have erred, their errors may prove only less instructive than their virtues ; and while we jealously vindicate their just fame and their conceded merits, we are not at liberty to conceal their failings when these must be known in order to form an impartial judgment of events in which many others besides themselves were equally interested. To render the revision as perfect as possible, and to remove whatever could be fairly considered as objection- able, competent aid has been sought from those most familiar with the subject and best qualified to suggest emendations. 1 It is believed that the work in its pres- ent form will prove acceptable to the reunited Church, furnishing it with information concerning its origin and progress that can be found nowhere else in the same compass. E. H. GlLLETT. 1 I feel myself under special obligations to the Rev. S. J. M. Eaton, D. D., whose "History of the Presbytery of Erie" ranks with the very best of our local church histories ; as also to Eev. J. H. Martin, D. D., of Tennessee, Eev. Wm. Aikraan, D. D., of Detroit, and others of whose communications I have availed myself in this revision. NOTE. At the request of Dr. Dulles, on behalf of the Board of Publication, as well as of Dr. Gillctt, the author, I read over carefully the volumes of this History, with a view to suggest alterations which the late reunion has made proper. It is a pleasure to state that both these brethren, the author and the editor, have manifested the utmost readiness to expunge anything like a partisan tinge, and to render the work unexceptionable to the whole Church. Of course it could not be re-edited without a sub- stantial identification with the original imprint. We could not consistently wish it to be otherwise and retain the truth of history as it lies in the mind of the author. But I am happy in testifying that candor, amity and a truth-loving heart have conceded everything that " Old School " men could reasonably ask in this revision. Alex. T. McGill. Princeton, August 20, 1873. FROM THE PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION. More than seventy years have elapsed since the attention of the General Assembly of the Presby- terian Church in the United States was called to the subject of preparing a history of the denomi- nation in this country. In 1791, Ilev. Drs. Wither- Vlll PREFACE. spoon, McWhorter, and Green, and Rev. Messrs. William Graham, James Hall, and James Temple- ton, were appointed a committee "to devise measures for the collecting of materials necessary" to carry out the project. In accordance with the suggestions of their report, it was enjoined upon each Presby- tery "strictly to order their members to procure all the materials for forming a history of the Presby- terian Church in this country, in the power of each member, and bring in the same to their Presbytery, and that the Presbyteries forward the said collection of materials to the next General Assembly." In 1792, and in successive years till 1795, the sub- ject was considered, and "delinquent Presbyteries ' were called upon for their reports. But no further action was taken till 1804, when Dr. Green and Mr. Ebenezer Hazard were appointed, from the ma- terials gathered, to write the history. Delinquent Presbyteries were again called upon to complete their narratives. In 1813, Dr Green and Mr. Hazard stated to the Assembly that they had found it impracticable to go on with the work, and their request that the papers which they possessed might be transferred to Dr. Miller, who should be authorized and re- quested to complete the history, was granted. In 1819, Dr. Green was by vote of the Assembly as- sociated with Dr. Miller in the preparation of the work. Their request, in 1825, to be discharged from the duty committed to them, was received with "unfeigned regret;" and although it was granted, the project of the preparation of the History was not abandoned. Measures were adopted "to PREFACE. IX insure the continuation and completion of the work with the least possible delay." A new committee, consisting of Drs. Green, Janeway, and Ely, 1 was appointed for this purpose. Here, however, the matter was suffered to rest. It was left to individual enterprise and effort to investigate the history of the Church during dif- ferent periods and in different localities. Works of great value for reference and authority in com- piling a general history of the Church have thus been produced ; and while important materials have been irrevocably lost by the lapse of time and past neglect, the task of preparing a connected history has in some respects been greatly facilitated. In these circumstances, the Publication Committee of the Assembly judged, several years since, that the long-deferred project should be undertaken afresh. Nothing could be gained, and much might be lost, by further delay. With each successive year mat- ters of great value were passing to oblivion. Pres- byterians, moreover, ignorant of the history of their own Church, and of its policy as illustrated by that history, might justly claim such information as would serve at once for the vindication of their own ecclesiastical preferences and the position of the denomination with which they were identified. It was resolved, therefore, to take steps for the preparation of a work not too voluminous for popu- lar perusal, yet sufficiently minute to combine a measure of local with general interest, — a work 1 Upon Dr. Ely's resignation in 183G, Dr. Luther Halsey was ap- pointed in his place. X PREFACE. which should present an outline of the origin and progress of the Church, the methods and results of its efforts, and the spirit and policy by which those efforts have been directed. Selected by the committee for the task of pre- paring such a work, I have endeavored to embody with historic impartiality the most important facts, accessible to diligent and faithful investigation, in the work which is now offered to the Church. The labor has been by no means a light one. Materials have been gathered from most diverse and un- looked-for sources. By correspondence, and by the examination of old records, letters, and nar- ratives,— some of which must have slept unmolested on the files of Presbytery for more than half a century, — I have endeavored to supply the lack of other authorities ; and in this I have been greatly aided by the most ready and efficient co-operation of numerous individuals who have cheerfully ren- dered their assistance. To some of them I have been indebted for valuable information which will be found in the notes, or has been incorporated in the body of the work. In the preparation of the work, I have, as far as possible, availed myself of authorities contempo- raneous with the facts narrated. Among these are to be classed the minutes of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, and those of the General As- sembly; those also of Synods and Presbyteries, so far as accessible ; " The Literary and Theological Magazine," "New York Missionary Magazine," "Connecticut Evangelical Magazine," Annual Re- ports of the Connecticut Missionary Society from PREFACE. 1793 to 1820, "Assembly's Magazine," "Panoplist," " Christian Advocate," "Christian Spectator," "Bib- lical Repository," "Presbyterian Quarterly Review," "Princeton Review," "American Quarterly Regis- ter," "New York Observer," "New York Evan- gelist," "Christian Herald" (1816-21), "Presbytery Reporter," "Home Missionary," Reports of the different Domestic Missionary Societies, &c, be- sides files, more or less complete, of the various Presbyterian journals at the South and West. 1 Next in importance to these have been local his- tories, such as Prime's Lo*g Island, Hotchkin's "Western New York, Nevin's Churches of the Val- ley, Foote's Sketches of Virginia and North Caro- lina, Davidson's Kentucky, "Old Redstone," Bolton's History of Westchester County, Smyth's Second Church of Charleston, Macdonald's History of the Church of Jamaica, Riker's Newtown, Hoyt's Church of Orange, Stearns's Church of Newark, Hall's Church of Trenton, Eager's Orange County, Camp- bell's Tryon County, Munsell's Annals of Albany, Murray's Elizabethtown, Hewatt's History of South Carolina, History of Londonderry, Histories of Pitts- burg, Cincinnati, Detroit, St. Louis, &c, Greenleaf s Churches of Maine, Greenleaf s Churches of New York City, Dwight's Travels, Reed's Christian Traveller, &c. In biography, Dr. Sprague's Annals, so far as they have extended, have been invaluable and indispens- able; although in some instances I have been con- 1 New Orleans " True Witness," "Presbyterian Herald," "South- ern Presbyterian," " North Carolina Presbyterian," " Central Chris- tian Herald," &c. Xll PREFACE. strained to differ from the views which they present. Very important materials also have been derived from such memoirs as those of Drs. Alexander, Green, J. H. Rice, Nesbit, Rodgers, Griffin, Cle- land, Macurdy, Baldwin, Rowland, Baker, Holley, and Rev. Messrs. Badger, Christmas, Porter, Cor- nelius, Earned, Bruen, and others. Wilson's "His- torical Almanac" has furnished information nowhere else accessible, and has proved of material service. Among works of a more general historical cha- racter which have been profitably consulted, must be mentioned Prince's History, Felt's Ecclesiastical History of New England, Histories of the United States by Grahame, Hildreth, and Bancroft, His- torical Collections of the different States, made by individuals, Societies, or State authority in the form of "Documentary History," and numerous State his- tories, like Trumbull's Connecticut, Simms's South Carolina, Ramsay's Tennessee, &c, Dr. Green's His- tory of Presbyterian Missions, Humphrey's Revival Sketches, and the well-known works of Hodge and Webster. The list of historical and obituary discourses which I have been able to collect, or at least to consult, has exceeded my anticipations. I have had pecu- liarly favorable opportunities in this respect, and have thus been enabled to add not a little to that minuteness of detail which is often necessary to clothe and give life to the statistics, — the skeleton of history. A list of these it is not necessary here to insert, as probably they are not sufficiently ac- cessible in any public collection to enable the reader to make reference to them. PREFACE. Xlll Beside these, historical pamphlets, like that of the tour of Mills and Scherraerhorn to the Southwest, and that narrating the scenes of revival in the Caro- linas of 1802, or controversial pamphlets, like those of Dr. Ely, Messrs. Patterson, McCalla, &c, of Phi- ladelphia, of Drs. Rice, Peters, Wilson, Beecher, and others, have fallen in my way and been sifted for facts. Another class of works has not been overlooked, and has been, indeed, indispensable. To this belong Barnes's Trial, Barnes's Defence, Reports of the Presbyterian Church Case before the Civil Courts, Judd's History of the Division of the Presbyterian Church, Crocker's Catastrophe of the Presbyterian Church, Wood's Old and New Theology, with others which it is needless to mention. Some reference has been already made to manu- script and oral communications. But the manu- script History of the Secession of the Associated Presbyteries (1799-1818), by Dr. K S. Prime, is worthy of special mention ; and the files of the old Albany Presbytery — unexplored, perhaps, for half a century — afforded not only some of the original his- tories of churches ordered to be prepared by the General Assembly, but much other information of value. In the private library of the Stated Clerk of the General Assembly I obtained access to many works which I have met with nowhere else, and from friends in both branches of the Presbyterian Church I have received assistance and information to which I have been greatly indebted. No one can be more sensible than myself of the imperfections of the work. Some of them, indeed, XIV PREFACE. from the lack of materials, were inevitable. There are still gaps here and there, which remain, and in all probability will long remain, to be filled, while the assigned limits of the work 1 have precluded the insertion of much matter that had been already pre- pared. Such an undertaking as this gives us — and, after all corrections and additions, must still give us — only an approximation to a complete history. Yet, by sending the work forth, even in its present form, a great want which our churches have long felt will, I trust, be supplied, and many facts, im- portant in the history of the Church, which might otherwise have soon passed into oblivion, will be pre- served. No one can thoughtfully peruse the story of the perils and hardships, the toils and achieve- ments, of the fathers and pioneers of the Church, or linger over even the controversies and dissensions by which at times it has been rent, or, especially, regard the great work which it has nobly achieved, without deriving therefrom lessons of truth, wisdom, and love. E. H. Gillett. Haklem, New York City, April 11, 1864. 1 In repeated instances, instead of giving the full name of the ministers in the text, I have endeavored to save space by using only the surname. By a reference, however, to the Index, the full name may readily be found in nearly every instance. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. FRANCIS MAKEMIE. American Presbyterianism — Francis Makemie — Labors in Maryland — Intolerance — Virginia and Dissenters — Act of 1618 — Ministers from Boston — Their Labors — Driven out — Disabilities by Act of 1662 — The Church at Jamaica, L.I. — John Hubbard — Injustice of Lord Cornbury — Arrest of Makemie and Hampton — Conference with Cornbury — Illegal Imprisonment — Application to the Chief- Justice — Verdict of Acquittal — Second Prosecution apprehended — Maryland Intolerance — Character of Early Presbyterian His- tory Page 1-18 CHAPTER II. THE FIRST FRESBYTERY, 1706-1715. The First Presbytery — Its Seven Members — Their Location — Andrews at Philadelphia — New England "Emissaries" — Keith and Tal- bot — Episcopacy — "Independents" in New Jersey — Applications for Ministers — Correspondence of Presbytery — London — Dublin — Synod of Glasgow — Response from London — Accessions to the Presbytery — Congregations in New Jersey and Long Island — The Presbytery to be divided — Ten Years' Growth — Liberal Spirit of the Members Page 18-32 CHAPTER III. THE 8YNOD, 1717-1729. Long Island Presbytery — The Churches on the Island — Presbyteries of Philadelphia. Newcastle, and Snow Hill — Necessities of the Field — Difficulties at New York — Vesey and the Episcopal Division — Presbyterian Congregation — Anderson called — Building erected xv XVI CONTENTS. — Difficult} with Anderson — Jonathan Edwards — Ebenezer Pern berton — Jonathan Dickinson — The Church at Newark — Increase of Ministers — Their Nativity — Place of Settlement — Alexander Hutchison — William Tennent — Correspondence — Supply of Des- titutions — Fund for Pious Uses — A Commission of Synod appointed — Troubles at New York — Protest of Dickinson, Jones, Pierson, and others — The Difficulty removed — Liberal Spirit — Trouble at Newark Page 32-47 CHAPTER IV. ADOPTING ACT, 1729. Measures leading to the Adopting Act — History of Subscription in Ireland — Reasons for Subscription — The Belfast Society — Error in Scotland — Abernethy's Sermon — The War of Pamphlets — Ac- tion of the Synod — Craighead's Sermon — Permission to subscribe — The Separation — Danger to the American Presbyterian Church better apprehended — Scruples removed — A Full Synod called — The Committee — The Adopting Act — A Constitutional Basis to be changed by no Interpretation Page 47-58 CHAPTER V. i'HE SYNOD FROM THE ADOPTING ACT TO THE DIVISION, 1729-1741. ministers from 1729 to 1741 — Gilbert Tennent — His Character — Over- tuie to the Synod — Controversy with Cowell — Zeal of Tennent — Synod on the Examination of Candidates — Robert Cross opposed to Tennent — His Relations to Whitefield — Samuel Blair — Alex- ander Craighead — John Cross — Eleazar Wales — Richard Treat — The Tennents — The Party opposed to them — The Moderate Party — Growth of the Church — Decline of Vital Piety — Danger from Ireland — Samuel Hemphill — Preventive Measures — Committee to examine Candidates — The Log College — Its Success — Intrusion into other Congregations — Objectionable Course of the New Bruns- wick Presbytery — Measures for a Synodical School — Whitefield — Intrusion on a Large Scale — Synod of 1740 — Overture introduced — Preaching — Tennent's and Blair's Papers — Action of the Synod — Harshness of the New Side — Exasperation — Synod of 1741 — Absence of New York Members — The Protest of the Old Side — The Principal Grievances — Reasons of Protest — Conclusion of the Protest — Excitement — The Roll called — The Protestants a Ma- jority — The Division accomplished — The Two Parties. Page 58-82 CONTENTS. XVU CHAPTER VI. THE TERIOD OF THE DIVISION, 1741-1758. Unfavorable Prospects of the New Side — Dickinson's Proposal — The Conference — Insuperable Difficulty — Protest of the New York Members — Reply — A New Overture on the Subject in 1743 — Re- jected — Burr's Proposal to the New Brunswick Party — Reply — ■ Project of a New Synod — Futile Measures of 1745 — Withdrawal of New York Presbytery — Synod of New York formed — Causes of Offence guarded against — Constitutional Basis — Members of the Constituent Presbyteries — Beatty — Growth of New Brunswick Presbytery — Accessions to the Old Side— Gain of the New Side— • Members received — Largely from New England — Scotch Sympathy — The Old Side — Nativity of the New Members — Check of Emi- gration affects the Old Side — Disposition for Reunion — Grounds of Division narrowed — The Paragraph on "Essentials" — Position of the New Side — Presbyteries, how to be arranged — Plan of the Old Side — Commission of the two Synods — Meeting of both Synods in Philadelphia — Strength of each — Retrospect Page 82-106 CHAPTER VII. rRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. Valley of the Shenandoah — Scotch-Irish Immigration — Ministerial Supplies — Congregations gathered — Craig and Miller — Mission- aries sent out — Hardships of the Settlers — Hanover Presbytery- Morris's Reading-House — Occasion of Dissent — Meetings of Dis- senters — Prosecution — The Confession of Faith and Governor Gooch — The Dissenters pronounced Presbyterians — William Robin- son's Visit — Liberal Gift — Educates Samuel Davies — John Blair — John Roan — Prosecution — Whitefield's Visit — The Proclamation — Arrival of Davies — Meeting-Houses licensed — Davies's Early Life — His W r elcome Reception — His Health fails — Resumes his Labors — Argument for Toleration — Success of Davies — Persecution — Re- vivals — Jonathan Edwards — Davies alone — Seeks Help — Daven- port's Visit — Byram — Todd — Davies applies to Synod — Jonathan Edwards invited to Virginia — Efficiency of Davies. .Page 100-124 CHAPTER VIII. THE SYNODS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. Rainn Hall College — Dickinson President — His Character — Aaron Burr, hi.s Successor — The School a( Newark — Removal to Prince- XV111 CONTENTS. ton — Its Success — Mission of Tennent and Davies to England- Expenses — Difficulty foreseen — Apostasy of English Presbyterians — Jealousy of the Old Side — Obstructions — Tennent's Disavowal of his Sermon — Subscription sneered at — Orthodoxy in 111 Repute — Presbyterian Discipline neglected — Discouragement — Light breaks in—Sympathy for Virginia Dissenters — Partial Success — Scotland — Moderatism — Assembly orders a Collection — Tennent goes to Ireland — Witherspoon's "Characteristics" — Davies preaches — Visit to English Towns — Tennent's Success — Return to America — Burr's Death — Davies chosen President — The Old Side — Alison's School — Aid from German Schools — Dublin Donation of Books — Finley's School — Samuel Blair's School — Andrews — Evans — Davies — Correspondence with President Clap Page 124-138 CHAPTER IX. SYNOD OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA, 1758-1775. The Basis of Union— The Protest set aside — The Presbyteries — Re- vival Testimony — Lessons of the Division — Members of the Pres- byteries — Committee of Correspondence — Day of Fasting and Prayer — Trouble in Donegal Presbytery — The Second Presbytery of Philadelphia — Its Members — Vain Attempt to unite it with the First — Members received from other Presbyteries — Duffield and the Third Church of Philadelphia — Virginia Ministers ask for a New Presbytery — Dutchess County Presbytery — Churches west of the Hudson — Letter from the Presbytery of South Carolina — Pres- bytery of Orange — Large Accession of Ministers — The Mission- Field — Frontier Settlements — Professor of Divinity at Princeton — Plan to promote Ministerial Education — Missions to the Indians — John Brainerd — Samson Occum — The French War — Missionary Collections proposed — Germ of Home and Foreign Missions — Foreign Correspondence — Congregational and Presbyterian Con- vention — Its Object — Circulation of Religious Books — Germ of the Publication Cause — Psalmody — New York Troubles — Dr. Latta's Pamphlet — Synod's Commission — African Mission — Drs. Stiles and Hopkins — Synod of 1775 — Members present — Day of Fasting and Prayer— The Pastoral Letter— Its Effect Page 138-173 CHAPTER X. THE PERIOD FROM 1775 TO 1788. Presbyterian Sympathy for Freedom — Patriotic Spirit — Opposition to an Episcopal Establishment — Picture of 1709 — Episcopal CONTENTS. XIX Petition — Newspaper Controversy--Attitude of the Episcopal Churches — Conduct of the Presbyterians — Their Course in the Pulpit — John Craighead — Cooper's Sermons — Chaplains in the Army — Ministers in the Ranks — Sufferings and Hardships of the Clergy — Imprisonment — Commingling of Carnal and Spiritual Weapons — Ministers in Civil Service — Sufferings — Church-Edifices — Effect of the War on Schools and Colleges — Influence of Camp- Life — Prevalent Immorality and Disorder — Meetings of Synod — Return of Peace — Attendance at Synods — Ministerial Support — Examination of Licentiates — Bibles for Distribution — Suffolk Presbytery — Synod's Committee of Conference — Alliance of Church and State repudiated — Action on Slavery — Correspond- ence with other Churches — Change in the Confession — Plan agi- tated for forming a General Assembly — Committee of 1785 — Draught of a Constitution — Changes and Modifications — Lack of Entire Unanimity — Fear of Ecclesiastical Strictness — The Fear ungrounded — First Moderator — Dr. Green and the Correspond- ence with the New England Churches Page 173-207 CHAPTER XI. ASSOCIATED PRESBYTERIES. Secession of Jacob Green and others — Green's Objections to the Pres- byterian System — Peaceable Withdrawal — Joseph Grover — Amzi Lewis — Ebenezer Bradford — Morris County Associated Presbytery formed — Its Platform — Its Pamphlet — Appendix — Licensing Can- didates — Fund for Education — Growth of the Presbytery — As- sociated Presbytery of Westchester — Its Members, History, and Dissolution — Northern Associated Presbytery — Annual Conven- tion proposed — Confession of Faith — The Fourth Presbytery — Fate of the Secession Page 207-219 CHAPTER XII. THE CAROLINAS — RISE AND PROGRESS OP THE CHURCH. Project of Colonization — A Charter secured — Gross Inconsistency— The Early Settlers — Scotch Immigration — James Campbell — First Churches — Hugh McAden — Alexander Craighead — Two Routes of Immigration — Applications to Synod — Henry Patillo — David Caldwell — Missionaries — Orange Presbytery — Thomas Reese — James Hall — S. E. McCorkle — The Williamsburg Church — Francis XX CONTENTS Cummins — Robert Tate — William Richardson and others- James McGready — East Tennessee — Influence of the War — Suf- fering occasioned by it — The Church and Education — South Caro- lina — The First Settlers — Their Liberal Principles — Scotch Exiles and Huguenots — A Puritan Element — Dorchester and Charleston Churches — Episcopal Church established by Law — Remonstrance — Archibald Stobo — Dissenters taxed — A Presbytery formed — Its Sympathies — Successors of Stobo — Hewatt — Buist — Presbytery applies for Union with the Assembly Page 2ID-250 CHAPTER XIII. " OLD REDSTONE," 1776-1793. Emigration to Western Pennsylvania — Indian Troubles — Beatty and Dufifield's Visit — Primitive Condition of Society — Toils and Hard- ships of Ministers — Character of the People — Early Settlements — Presbytery of Redstone erected — James Power — John McMillan — Thaddeus Dod — The Log Academy — Joseph Smith — His Latin School — Accessions to the Presbytery — James Dunlap, James Finley, John Clark — Other Ministers — Character of the Pres- bytery—The Men needed Page 250-268 CHAPTER XIV. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. The Synod divided — New Synods — Changes in Presbyteries — General Assembly — Representation — The First Assembly — Address to Washington — His Reply — Overture on the Subject of Appeal- Printing the Scriptures — Ostervald's Notes — History of the Mis- sionary Policy of the Church — Steps taken by the Assembly — Synodical Action — Circular Letter — Missionary Fund — Operations of the Synod of Virginia — Pittsburg Synod — Memorials on Slavery — Editions of the Confession — Relations to Other Churches — Cor- respondence with Connecticut General Association — Delegates al- lowed to vote — Psalmody — Measures taken — Dwight's Version — Caution of the Assembly — Reports of Synods in 1791 — New Pres- byteries — Alarming State of the Country — Admonitory Letter of the Assembly — More Cheering Prospects — Dawn of a Revival Period Page 268-299 CONTENTS. XXI CHAPTER XV. IIW JERSEY AND PENNSYLVANIA, 1789-1800. New Jersey Churches — Newark — Dr. McWhorter — Princeton and Dr. Witherspoon — Orange — Jedediah Chapman — Other Ministers — Signs of Progress — New Churches and Ministers — Pennsylvania — Presbyteries of the State — Dr. John Ewing — Dr. James Sproat — Dr. George Duffield — John Blair Smith — William M. Tennent — James Grier — Presbytery of Carlisle — Church of Paxton — John Elder — Dr. Charles Nisbet — Dickinson College — Dr. Robert Davidson — Dr. Robert Cooper — John McKnight — John Black — John King — Samuel Waugh — Robert Cathcart — Other Ministers — Vacant Churches — Pastoral Changes — Presbytery of Huntingdon — Its Pastors — Redstone Presbytery — Ohio Presbytery — Original Members — Joseph Patterson — Thomas Marquis — Samuel Ralston — James Hughes — Elisha Macurdy — John Watson — John Ander- son — Thomas Moore — Other Ministers — Candidates... Page 300-333 CHAPTER XVI. MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA, 1789-1800. Obstacles to the Growth of the Church — Western Maryland — Balti- more Presbytery — First Church of Baltimore — Dr. Allison — Church of Alexandria — William Thorn — Isaac S. Keith — First Church of Georgetown — Dr. S. B. Balch — Other Members of the Presbytery — Virginia — Hanover Presbytery— Pastors and Churches — Episcopal Church — Leading Ministers — James Waddel — Lexing- ton Presbytery — John Brown, of New Providence — Primitive Call of a Pastor — Archibald Scott, of Bethel and Brown's Church — William Wilson, of Augusta — Other Ministers — Moses Hoge of Shepherdstown — Other Pastors — Growth of the Church in the Val- ley — Presbytery of Winchester — Education of the Ministers — Hampden-Sidney College — Dr. Samuel S. Smith — William Graham and Liberty Hall- -The Revival in the Colleges — Students converted that enter the Ministry — Results of the Revival Page 333-355 CHAPTER XVII. THE CAROLINAS, 1789-1800. Synod of the Carolinas — Growth of Orange Presbytery — Ministers and Churches — South Carolina Presby:ery — Its Ministers — ■ Changes of Forty Years-— Measures of the Synod — Missionary XXII CONTENTS. Policy — Now Members of Orange Presbytery — S. 0. Caldwell — James McGready — Lewis F. Wilson — Humphrey Hunter — Robert M. Cunningham — Moses Waddel and others — John Brown — John Robinson — Erection of the Presbytery of Concord — Presbytery of South Carolina divided — Members — Synod of 1796 and Slavery — James Gilliland — New Members — Synod in 1800 — Presbyteries — Missionary Operations Page 355-308 CHAPTER XVIII. NEW YORK, 1789-1800. Number of Congregations — Number in the Several Presbyteries — Churches of Suffolk Presbytery — Jamaica — Smithtown and Hamp- stead — Easthampton — Southampton — Southhold — Sagharbor— Smithtown and Islip — Huntington — Newtown — Dr. Samuel Buell — Benjamin Goldsmith — Aaron Woolworth — Effects of the War — Improved Prospects — The Church in New York City after the War — Renewed Prosperity — Third Church — Dr. Rodgers — Dr. Mille- doler — Dr. McKnight — Associated Presbytery of Westchester County — Presbytery of Dutchess County — Members and Churches — Hudson Presbytery — Its Members — Florida Church — Other Churches — Slow Growth — Prominent Ministers — Presbytery of Albany — Dutch Settlers — Cherry Valley — Johnstown — Cambridge — Salem — Ballston — Other Churches — Schenectady — Albany — Ministers and Churches of the Presbytery — Applications to it for Aid — Changes — State of Things in 1800 — Principal Pastors — Union College — John Blair Smith — President Nott — Origin of the Plan of Union — Genesee Valley — Emigration — Spirit of the General Association of Connecticut — Its Committee — Western New York — Early History of its Settlement — Its Missionary Claims — Spread of Infidelity — Dearth of Ministers — Assembly's Mission- aries — More Vigorous Measures — Year of the Great Revival — Jedediah Bushnell — Letter of Seth Williston — Origin and Spread of the Revival — Need of the Stricter System of Presbyterianism for the Churches — The Two Denominations — Early Churches — Foundations laid Page 368-402' CHAPTER XIX. KENTUCKY, 1775-1800. Population of Kentucky and Tennessee — Constant Immigration — Hardships — Ministers needed — " Father" Rice — His Interest in the Cause of Learning — Adam Rankin and others — Robert Mar- CONTENTS. XX111 fihftll and Carey II. Allen — Their Journey and Labors in Kentucky — Allen's Return, accompanied by Calhoon, to Kentucky — Trou- bles respecting Psalmody — Adam Rankin — His Zeal for Rouse's Version — Heleaves the Field — Returns, and leads off a Secession — Vindication of the Presbytery — Scottish Missionaries — James Blythe — Samuel Rannals — John P. Campbell — Joseph P. Howe — John Lyle and Alexander Cameron — Accession of Ministers — Robert Stuart — Robert Wilson — Other Ministers of the Presby- tery — The Field — Its Moral and Spiritual Aspects — Obnoxious Influences — A Critical Period — Better Prospects Page 403-422 CHAPTER XX. TENNESSEE, 1775-1800. Abingdon Presbytery — Twelve Years' Growth — Churches in the State — Pastors — Date of Churches — Transylvania Presbytery — Early Settlements in the State — Charles Cummings — Hardships — Samuel Doak — A Friend of Learning — Hezekiah Balch — Other Ministers — Robert Henderson — Gideon Blackburn — Samuel Carrick — His Re- ception — Pioneer Life — Sermon of Carrick and Balch — Ramsey — Balch's Hopkinsianism — His Indiscretion Page 422-435 CHAPTER XXI. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1800-1815. Era of Missionary Societies — Various Organizations — Missionary Zeal — Co-operative Spirit — Need of United Effort — "Plan of Union" — Critical Period — The Spirit of the Occasion — Synod of Albany and New Presbyteries — Act of Incorporation — Plan for a Mission Fund — Assembly's Magazine — Ministerial Education — Methods to promote it — Missionary Arrangements of 1802 — Synod of Pittsburg and Missions — Other Mission Interests — Doak in Tennessee — Gideon Blackburn and the Cherokees — His Plan en- dorsed by the Assembly — Missionary Appointments — General Progress — Mission Distribution of Books — Revivals — Influence of the War — The Cause of Temperance — Dr. Beecher — Duelling — Action on Slavery — The Kentucky Revival — Troubles that sprang out of it — Cumberland Presbytery — Progress of the Church — Missionary Zeal — Revivals reported in 1810 — Presbyteries formed — Mission of Mills and Schermerhorn — The Mission-Field — Funds — Ministers needed — Dr. Green's Overture — Favorable Reception of the Plan for a Seminary — Princeton Seminary — Prominent Min- isters of the Church in 1815 — Others more obscurc.Page 436-470 XXIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXII. PENNSYLVANIA, 1800-1820 The Presbyteries — Growth at the West — Relative Increase — Presby- tery of Philadelphia — Uriah Dubois — John B. Linn — Dr. J. P.Wil- son — Dr. Jacob J. Janeway — Dr. Ezra Stiles Ely — G. C. Potts — Thomas H. Skinner— William Neill— The Seventh Church— Other Churches — First African — John Gloucester — George Chandler and Kensington — James Patterson and Northern Liberties — John F. Grier — Other Pastors — Vacant Churches — Carlisle Presbytery — John Linn — Dr. McKnight — William Paxton — Joshua Williams — Dr. McConaughy — Upper Marsh Creek — Robert Kennedy — H. R. Wilson — David Denney, John Moody, and others — Presbytery of Huntingdon — Presbytery of Northumberland — Synod of Pitts- burg — Strength of the Presbyteries — Redstone Presbytery — Dr. Power — Change of Forty Years — Samuel Porter — James Dunlap — John McPherrin — Joseph Stockton — George Hill — Francis Herron — Second Church of Pittsburg — Third Church — Fourth Church — Site of the Seminary — William Wylie — Dr. Andrew Wylie — Pres- bytery of Ohio — Dr. McMillan — Joseph Patterson — James Hughes — John Brice — Thomas Marquis — Cephas Dodd — Samuel Ralston — Other Pastors — John Anderson — President Brown — Elisha Macurdy — Other Pastors — Vacant Churches — Presbytery of Erie — Vacant Churches — Members of Presbytery — Thomas E. Hughes — Presbyteries of Steubenville and Washington — Grand River Pres- bytery — Cause of Collegiate and Theological Education — Mission to the Indians — Operations of the Pittsburg Synod — Wyandotte Indians — Plan of the Mission — Partial Success — Labors of Mr. Badger — James Hughes and his Mission — Sympathies of Pittsburg Synod — Revival of 1802 — Meeting at Three Springs — At Raccoon — At Cross-Roads — "Bodily Exercises" — Badger's Statement — Spread of the Revival — Statement of Mr. Robbins — The "Exer- cises" — Effects of the Revival Page 471-549 CHAPTER XXIII. NEW JERSEY, 1800-1820. Churches of the State — Jersey Presbytery — Newton Presbytery — First Church Newark — Dr. Griffin — Dr. Richards — Dr. Hilly er — Amzi Armstrong — Dr. McDowell — Dr. King — Aaron Condict — Other Pastors — New Brunswick Presbytery — Dr. S. S. Smith — Dr. A. Green — Dr. Alexander — Dr. Miller — President Lindsley — Dr. R. Finley — Newton Presbytery — Ministers and Churches — Re- vivals — Great Meeting at Madison — Its Effects Page 550-576 THE HISTORY PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH UNITED STATES. CHAPTER I. FRANCIS MAKEMIE. American Presbyterianism, like American civiliza- tion, has derived its distinctive character from many and diverse influences. As we trace the course of its history we find it receiving tributaries from distant and varied sources, yet all blending in a current that flows in a channel of its own, and marked at every step by features peculiar to itself. Commingled in it, and made more or less homogeneous by it, we find the ele- ments of English " dissent," Irish fervor, Scotch per- sistence, and Huguenot devotion. There is scarce a memorable event in the history of Protestantism in the Old World that does not assist to elucidate the character of its founders. It inherits alike the memories of the noble men who fell victims to the bigotry of Alva or Laud, or endured the brutal cruelty of Lauderdale or Jeffries. In the annals of the Genevan republic, the heroism of the Netherlands, the sufferings of the Hu- VOL. I.— 1 1 XXIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXII. PENNSYLVANIA, 1800-1820. The Presbyteries — Growth at the West— Relative Increase — Presby- tery of Philadelphia — Uriah Dubois — John B. Linn — Dr. J. P.Wil- son — Dr. Jacob J. Janeway — Dr. Ezra Stiles Ely — G. C. Potts — Thomas H. Skinner— William Neill— The Seventh Church— Other Churches — First African — John Gloucester — George Chandler and Kensington — James Patterson and Northern Liberties — John F. Grier — Other Pastors — Vacant Churches — Carlisle Presbytery — John Linn — Dr. Mc Knight — William Paxton — Joshua Williams — Dr. McConaughy — Upper Marsh Creek — Robert Kennedy — H. R. Wilson — David Denney, John Moody, and others — Presbytery of Huntingdon — Presbytery of Northumberland — Synod of Pitts- burg — Strength of the Presbyteries — Redstone Presbytery — Dr. Power — Change of Forty Years — Samuel Porter — James Dunlap — John McPherrin — Joseph Stockton — George Hill — Francis Herron — Second Church of Pittsburg — Third Church — Fourth Church — Site of the Seminary — William Wylie — Dr. Andrew Wylie — Pres- bytery of Ohio — Dr. McMillan — Joseph Patterson — James Hughes — John Brice — Thomas Marquis — Cephas Dodd — Samuel Ralston — Other Pastors — John Anderson — President Brown — Elisha Macurdy — Other Pastors — Vacant Churches — Presbytery of Erie — Vacant Churches — Members of Presbytery — Thomas E. Hughes — Presbyteries of Steubenville and Washington — Grand River Pres- bytery — Cause of Collegiate and Theological Education — Mission to the Indians — Operations of the Pittsburg Synod — Wyandotte Indians — Plan of the Mission — Partial Success — Labors of Mr. Badger — James Hughes and his Mission — Sympathies of Pittsburg Synod — Revival of 1802 — Meeting at Three Springs — At Raccoon — At Cross-Roads — "Bodily Exercises" — Badger's Statement — Spread of the Revival — Statement of Mr. Robbins — The "Exer- cises" — Effects of the Revival Page 471-549 CHAPTER XXIII. NEW JERSEY, 1800-1820. Churches of the State — Jersey Presbytery — Newton Presbytery — First Church Newark — Dr. Griffin — Dr. Richards — Dr. Hilly er — Amzi Armstrong — Dr. McDowell — Dr. King — Aaron Condict — Other Pastors — New Brunswick Presbytery — Dr. S. S. Smith — Dr. A. Green — Dr. Alexander — Dr. Miller — President Lindsley — Dr. R. Finley — Newton Presbytery — Ministers and Churches — Re- vivals — Great Meeting at Madison — Its Effects Page 550-576 THE HISTORY PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH UNITED STATES. CHAPTER I. FRANCIS MAKEMIE. American Presbyterianism, like American civiliza- tion, has derived its distinctive character from many and diverse influences. As we trace the course of its history we find it receiving tributaries from distant and varied sources, yet all blending in a current that flows in a channel of its own, and marked at every step by features peculiar to itself. Commingled in it, and made more or less homogeneous by it, we find the ele- ments of English " dissent," Irish fervor, Scotch per- sistence, and Huguenot devotion. There is scarce a memorable event in the history of Protestantism in the Old World that does not assist to elucidate the character of its founders. It inherits alike the memories of the noble men who fell victims to the bigotry of Alva or Laud, or endured the brutal cruelty of Lauderdale or Jeffries. In the annals of the Genevan republic, the heroism of the Netherlands, the sufferings of the Hu- VOL. I.— 1 1 2 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. guenots, — culminating in the bloody St. Bartholomew, — the sterling conscientiousness of the Puritans, and the unswerving loyalty to Christ's crown and covenant evinced by the countrymen of John Knox, may be dis- cerned the elements of that training which shaped the views and character of its founders. Thus, without taking any other church on earth as its model, it was built up out of materials drawn from sources the most diverse, and into a structure that con- stitutes its own type. Even here it was modified by local influences, — sometimes constrained in the New "World to renew the struggle which had become too familiar in the Old, and to protest against an intolerance which could not but revive memories of Acts of Con- formity, bigoted proscription, or Claverhouse's dragoons. Yet ere long it was left unmolested, and, in a field broad enough to tax its utmost energies, was called to the task of competing with other denominations in the noble work of evangelizing a young and growing empire. Although it was not till after the commencement of the eighteenth century that the Presbyterian Church in this country assumed an organized form, yet many of the elements that were finally assimilated and em- bodied in it had been long acclimated on these "Western shores. The Plymouth Church conformed — almost as far as in its isolated position was possible — to the French Presbyterian type. 1 The early Synods of New England repeatedly and emphatically endorsed the importance of the eldership. The Synods themselves were the concession of public conviction to the neces- sity for a supervision of the churches which a state theocracy strove vainly to supply. Not a few of the leading minds of New England regretted and opposed 1 Life of Brewster. FRANCIS MA K KM IE. 6 the tendencies upon which the churches were for many- years steadily drifting towards a relaxation of church order and discipline, and it is scarcely surprising that the}- should have strongly favored the Presbyterian system, when they felt constrained, like Stone of Hart- ford, to define Congregationalism as "a speaking aris- tocracy in the face of a silent democracy ," or to say of it, with the elder Edwards, "I have long been out of conceit of our unsettled, independent, confused way of church government in this land." Nor were there wanting those, even in New England, who had been educated under the Presbyterianism of men like Owen and Baxter and Manton and Jacomb, but who with their liberal sympathies readily adopted the ecclesiastical usages of the land of their adoption. But as they went abroad, — some of them removing to Long Island and some to New York and New Jersey, — they just as liberally and readily acquiesced in the forms and methods of their new religious associations, and, like Burr of Newark and Dickinson of Elizabeth- town, — without violating their convictions or sacrificing an iota of principle, — became the leaders in the ranks of the Presbyterian Church. Thus, long before the first Presbytery was formed, quite a number of churches on Long Island and in New Jersey which subsequently" became identified with the Presbyterian Church had been organized by the de- scendants of the Puritans, and mainly by New England men. In only one or two instances is it probable that the church was possessed of a Presbyterian organiza- tion j but their sympathies were one with Protestant Dissenters, whether in the mother country or its colo- nies. The New England Puritan affiliated readily with the " Scotch Independent/' which in the lips of a Church- man was often a Bynonym for Presbyterian, and in tho absence of thai stale supervision of die churches which 4 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. constituted the administration of the " New England Theocracy," he felt the propriety and yielded to the expediency of an organization to which should be com- mitted " the care of the churches." By the year 1700 there must have been in the colo- nies of New York and New Jersey from ten to fifteen churches which were of a New England origin and type. It is more than possible that the church at Jamaica was organized as Presbyterian, 1 and if so it is probably the only one of them all entitled to claim this distinction until at least some years after the form- ation of the first Presbytery. Nor did it come into connection with Presbytery until some time subsequent to its organization. 2 The man to whom the honor belongs of laying the foundations of the Presbyterian Church, as an organized body, in this country, is Francis Makemie. He was an Irishman, — born near Eathmelton, Donegal county, Ireland, — a student at one of the Scotch universities, and a licentiate of the Presbytery of Laggan in 1681. Three years later, after laboring a while in Barbadoes, 3 he organized the Presbyterian Church in Snow Hill, Maryland. Here, in the narrow neck of land between the Chesapeake and the ocean, sheltered by the mild i See Macdonald's Jamaica. 2 Macdonald's "History of the Presbyterian Church of Jamaica, L.I." (new and enlarged edition), published since the above was written, labors to show that the Jamaica Church is the oldest exist- ing church of the Presbyterian name in America. He certainly renders this highly probable. And yet the church is spoken of by Vesey and others as one of Scotch Independents, and the fact that it stood in connection with no presbytery until after Macnish com- menced his pastorate, forces us to regard it as Independent Pres- byterian, and not an integral portion of " The Presbyterian Church in the United States" as already organized by the Presbytery at Philadelphia. 3 Foote's Sketches, First Series, p. 42. FRANCIS MAKKMIE. 5 laws of a colony founded by a Roman Catholic noble- man, the Presbyterian Church of America began its existence. 1 It is probable, indeed, that other Presbyterian con- gregations had been gathered before this in other localities. But their condition must have been far from promising, and rarely could they have enjoyed the ordinances of the sanctuary. The population was sparse, and there were no " towns." Makemie notices it as " an unaccountable humor" 2 that no attempts were made to build them. The people were scattered like sheep in the wilderness, and a large portion of his labor was to search them out. Soon after he had commenced his ministry in Maryland, he found on Elizabeth River in Virginia " a poor desolate people" mourning the loss of their " dissenting ministers from Ireland," who had been removed by death the summer previous. 8 It was not long before quite a number of congregations were gathered in the region which he had selected as his field of labor. An itinerant missionary, and in reality the bishop of a primitive diocese, he journeyed from place to place, sometimes on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, sometimes in Virginia, and sometimes extending his journeys as far as South Carolina. To the extent of his ability he supplied the feeble churches, but he deeply felt the need of others to assist him. To obtain these was an object of paramount importance, and he spared no eifort to attain it. With this end in view, he cor- responded with ministers in London and in Boston. But he was not content with this. He broke away — we may be sure at a great sacrifice — from the pressing 1 From 1649 to 1692, Maryland enjoyed perfect religious tolera- tion. In the latter year the Episcopal was made the Established Church. The attempt to introduce this innovation was made in 1677, but defeated by Lord Baltimore. 2 Sprague, iii. 2. 3 lb. iii. 6. 6 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. calls around him that he might personally urge his appeals. He crossed the ocean and applied to the Independent and Presbyterian ministers of London for aid. He visited New England and consulted with Mather. Indefatigable in effort, clear-sighted and sagacious in his views, liberal in sentiment, fearless in the discharge of duty, and shrinking from no burden, his name needs no eulogy beyond the simple record of what he accomplished and endured. Makemie had been but a few years in Maryland when the English Eevolution took place. For the English Dissenter it secured some of his just rights, but its' benefits were scarcely felt on this side of the ocean Indeed, in Maryland it resulted in the establishment by law of the Episcopal Church. The principles of religious liberty were not to be vindicated here without a strug- gle, and the early history of the American Presbyterian Church rallies around it the sympathies of every friend of civil and religious freedom. The experience of Makemie in a New York prison, or before a royal judge, reminds us of Baxter and the abuse heaped upon him by the infamous Jeffries j while the history of the Vir- ginia Dissenters is not unworthy a place by the side of that of the English Non-conformists of 1662. Makemie in 1703-4 visited England and procured as fellow-laborers John Hampton and George Macnish. 1 They returned with him to Maryland, — sent out and sustained by the London Union of Presbyterian and Independent ministers. But when they reached Mary- land it was to experience the intolerance that allowed that colony no longer the enviable reputation for reli- gious freedom which it once enjoyed. The Episcopal had now become the Established Church, and no Dis- senter was allowed to preach without a license. For 1 Usually, but incorrectly, spelled McNish. FRANCIS MAKEMIE. 7 many years in New York, Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina, the growth of the Presbyterian Church was checked by persecution and intolerance. We can- not do justice to the spirit of the first Presbyterian ministers and their noble vindication of religious liberty, without a brief review of the conditions of their fields of labor. For a long period Virginia rivalled the mother coun- try it the hardships with which she treated all but Episcopalians. The Established Church was exclusively tolerated and sustained by law, and every form of dis- sent was accounted obnoxious. For three-quarters of a century it was suppressed by the most rigid laws, and for another three-quarters of a century it was at best but barely tolerated, and in some cases altogether interdicted. In the earlier period the laws against those who did not conform were peculiarly rigid. By the Act of 1618, absentees from the parish church were punished by a fine and a night in the stocks, and for the third offence by being made slaves to the colony for a year and a day. In the revisal of 1642 the Act for Conformity was made more severe on ministers. The Governor and Council were directed to send away any who did not comply with this enactment. Nor was the law suffered to remain a dead letter. There was already in Virginia a Puritan leaven long before the arrival of Makemie. 1 In 1607, Eev. Henry Jacobs fled with the celebrated John Eobinson to Leyden. He subsequently returned to England and organized the first Congregational Church in that country in 1616. In 1624, he emigrated to Virginia* 1 Prince's Chronology. 2 In 1624 Henry Jacob, who had been the pastor of the South- wark Congregational Church, London, left his charge and removed to Virginia, where he died. The scene and duration of his labors are uncertain, but in 1642 (May 24) Richard Bennet, Daniel Gookin, O HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. with thirty members of his congregation. He was succeeded in his labors in this country by Eev. Mr. John Hyll, and others, to the number of seventy-one persons, wrote to the ministers of New England, speaking of themselves as "inha- bitants of the county of the Upper Norfolk in Virginia," and as having prepared an address to the ministers in an appeal for help in the previous year. At the later date they speak of "the present incumbent" being determined to leave them, so that they are forced to provide for themselves. The county, they say, is of large extent, and it had been found necessary to divide it into three parts, each of which wa's willing to support a pastor. Philip Bennet was agent for the applicants, who desired to obtain three ministers, such as should on trial be found "faithful in pureness of doctrine and integrity of life." The Virginia letters were read publicly, and a time was ap- pointed to consider them. Phillips of Watertown, Tompson of Braintree, and Miller of Rowley, were designated. The first declined, and his colleague Knowles consented to take his place. Miller's health forbade his compliance. Knowles and Tomp- son set out, and at New Haven were joined by James, formerly of Charlestown. They were eleven weeks in reaching their destination ; but when they reached their field of labor they were greatly en- couraged. Their labors were greatly prospered; but the authorities silenced them, and they returned in less than a year. But Thomas Harri- son, the chaplain of the Governor, had been brought under their influence, and had adopted and begun to preach their evangelical views. Virginia renewed its application to Massachusetts for help. William Durand of Upper Norfolk wrote also to New Haven urging John Davenport (Felt, i. 515) to advance the sending of ministers to Virginia. He states that his friends had thought of applying in England for pastors, but had concluded that those of best qualifi cations were to be found in New England. Knowles, Tompson, — whose wife died on the mission, — and James, had scarcely left Virginia when the Indians rose and massacred a large number of the settlers. A " mortal sickness" also prevailed, and the Governor likewise ordered those who would not conform to Episcopacy to leave the jurisdiction. Harrison was left alone, — pastor of a church at Nansemond gathered by the missionaries and composing "a large congregation," — but in 1648 he also left for FRANCIS MAKEMIE. 9 Lathrop. Congregational ist Dissenters were thus in- troduced into Virginia at an early period. In 1641, a gentleman from Virginia by the name of Bennet visited Boston with letters from Virginia resi- dents to New England ministers, "bewailing their sad condition for want of the glorious gospel/' and entreat- ing that they might thence be supplied. The letters were openly read at Boston upon a lecture-day, and the subject was taken up in earnest. Tompson and Knowles, colleague-pastors at Watertown and Brain* tree, were selected for the mission, and on their way were joined by James of New Haven. Their voyage was slow and difficult. They began " to suspect whether they had a clear call of God to the undertaking," but their success on their arrival soon dispelled their fears. The magistrates, indeed, gave them little encouragement, but from the people they received a warm welcome. In several parts of the country " there were many people brought home to God." But they were not long left unmolested. The Episcopal clergy were far from exemplary in the dis- charge of their duties. 1 They felt the rebuke of a better example, and at their instance, or at least with their sanction, the laws against dissent were enforced against the New England ministers. They were " dis- charged from public preaching in Virginia," but they continued their labors in private, " and did much good." They were at length, however, forced to leave. In 1648, the Virginia Puritans were still numerous. About one hundred and eighteen were associated under New England, and his people, to avoid persecution, thought of remov- ing to the Bahamas. Tims "dissent" was rooted out of the colony just so far as intolerance could effect it. — Felt's X< w England, i. 216, 471-7, 487, 4r.o\ 515, 5:^-7 : ii. 7. 1 Bishop Meade's Churches of Virginia. 10 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. the pastoral care of Harrison, who bad been tbe Go- vernor's chaplain, but who, from the moment be showed a leaning to the Puritans, was looked upon with disfavor. He, too, withdrew to New England, and the congrega- tions were scattered. During the time of Cromwell (about 1§56), we still find traces of the Puritans. A cer- tain people congregated into a church, calling them- selves " Independents," was found to be " daily increas- ing," and " several consultations were had how to sup- press and extinguish them." These consultations bore fruit. " The pastor was banished, next their other teachers," while of the people some were imprisoned or disarmed, till " they knew not in those straights how to dispose of themselves." It was estimated that the num- ber of this class of Dissenters amounted at this period to about a thousand. In 16G2, the laws were made still more rigid against Non-conformists. The Quakers, as well as Puritans, experienced harsh treatment. It seems probable that, in spite of adverse legislation, quite a number of Pres- byterian or Independent Dissenters still remained in the colony; but they were scattered and disorganized, and subject to many disabilities. It was in these cir- cumstances that Makemie first visited the region. On the borders of Maryland, but within the Virginia line, was the place of his residence; yet it was ten years after the toleration edict of 1689 before he could pro- cure a legal license to preach in Yirginia. And even then he had no light difficulties to encounter. The spirit of the preceding period still survived, and for half a century longer Presbyterians were regarded with great disfavor. Meanwhile, efforts were made, in the face of great difficulties and discouragement?, to extend the Presby- terian Church in other directions. 1 The town of Ja- 1 Ministers were sent from New England to New York, 1685, at FRANCIS MAKEMIE. 11 maica on Long Island had been largely settled by Presbyterians. In 1702, they numbered over a hun- dred families, "exemplary tor all Christian knowledge and goodness." They had a church valued at six hun- dred pounds, and a parsonage at more than double thai amount. In 1702, the town chose Presbyterian church- wardens and vestrymen, and settled as their pastor John Hubbard, a native of Ipswich, Mass., and a classmate of Andrews of Philadelphia. But High-Church intolerance was in the ascendency in the colony, and the Presby- terians were ejected to make room for the Episcopalians. Bartow, the church-missionary of West Chester, in Hubbard's absence, took possession of the church and began to read the Liturgy. Hubbard arrived, and, finding what was the state of things, withdrew, and assembled the congregation, w T ho furnished themselves seats and benches from the church, in a neighboring orchard. Bartow meanwhile concluded his services, locked the door of the church, and gave the key to the sheriff. The people demanded it, but were refused. The Governor, Lord Cornbury, thanked Bartow for what he had done, but summoned Hubbard, with the heads of the congregation, before him, and forbade him any more to preach in the church. 1 Nor was this all. He added meanness to injustice. During the great sickness of 1702, in New York, Corn- bury entreated Hubbard, in a friendly manner, for the use of the parsonage. It was granted ; but Cornbury requited the favor by putting the house, when he the desire of Governor Andrews. Pierson and Bishop of Stamford wrote to I. Mather of Boston and Shepard of Charlestown, that they had conversed with the Governor, and that he expressed the wish that several plantations might be supplied with honest and able minis- ters, promising them encouragement. — Felf, X. England, ii. 679. 1 See N. Y. Doc. Hist, and McDonald's Hist, of the Church of Ja- maica. 12 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. vacated it, into the hands of the Churchmen. Without form or due course of law, he gave the sheriff a war- rant to dispossess Hubbard of the glebe : this was sur- veyed out into lots, and leased for the benefit of the Episcopalians. The aggrieved party were "afraid to petition" for redress. The Presbyterians of Bedford, in West Chester county, N.Y., had petitioned for a minister. The petition re- mained unanswered " until an abdicated Scotch Jacobite parson obtruded upon them, that insults intolerably over them, is consulted with." Such was the domineer- ing and tyrannic style in which liberty of conscience was dealt with in the province of New York. " If a people want a minister, they must have a license to call one, whether from New England or Europe; a license to admit ministers to attend any ordination, and limited for number, and tied up from exercising their ministry without license, though in a transient manner; which has drove some out of the government, and de- terred others from coming thereunto; which informs all, what liberty of conscience Dissenters do enjoy." In what spirit the authorities of the colony would receive dissenting preachers from abroad may readily be surmised. In January, 1707, Makemie and Hampton, on their way to New England, doubtless to procure sup- plies for newly organized churches in their own neigh- borhood, passed through New York. Makemie proposed to preach in the Dutch church; but Lord Cornbury forbade him. In consequence of this, at the earnest request of a number of individuals, he preached a ser- mon at the house of William Jackson, in Pearl Street. The exercises were as public as possible. The doors were thrown open, and the sermon was printed. This was on Sunday, the 20th of January. The same day Hampton preached at Newtown, on Long Island, in the public meeting-house, offered by the inhabitants. FRANCIS MAKEMIE. 13 Here he was joined on Wednesday by Makemie, who by public appointment was to preach that day. But no Booncr had he arrived than he and Hampton were both apprehended by the sheriff Cardale, acting under the authority of a warrant from Lord Cornbury. The prisoners were taken before the Governor at Fort Anne, New York. Cornbury demanded of them how they dared preach under his government without a license. Makemie referred him to the Toleration Act of King William in 1689. He told them this did not extend to the American Plantations. Makemie replied that it was not a limited or local act, and adduced his certificates of license from courts of record in Mary- land and Virginia. Worsted in the argument, Cornbury appealed to the act of Parliament directed, as he said, against strolling preachers, and told Makemie and Hamp- ton that they were such. " There is not one word, my lord," said Makemie, "mentioned in any part of the law, against travelling or strolling preachers/' To this the Governor could only reply, " You shall not spread your pernicious doctrines here." Makemie told him that the doctrines he taught were found in " our con- fession of faith," and challenged all the clergy of New York to show any thing false or pernicious in them, adding that he could make it appear that they were agreeable to the established doctrines of the Church of England. " But these Articles," replied the Governor, "you have not signed." "As to the Articles of religion" said Makemie, " I have a copy in my pocket, and am ready at all times to sign, with those exceptions specified in the law." Upon this, the Governor charged him with preaching in a private house. Makemie replied that his lordship had denied him permission to preach in the Dutch church, and hence he had been necessitated to do as Vol. I.— 2 14 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. he had done; but he had preached "in as public a manner as possible, with open doors." Again Cornbury fell back upon his instructions, de- claring none should preach without his license. Make- mie replied that the law, and not his instructions, was the rule for him. He could not be guided by what he had never seen and perhaps never should see. "Promul- gation," said he, "is the life of the law." The Gover- nor then demanded that they should give bonds and security for good behavior and not to preach any more under his government. "For our behavior," said Makemie, " though we endeavor to live always so as to keep a conscience void of offence towards God and man, we are willing to give it; but to give bond and security to preach no more under your Excellency's government, if invited and desired by any people, we neither can nor dare do." " Then you must go to jail," said the Governor. It was in vain that Makemie re- monstrated. Lord Cornbury sat down to write out the necessary papers for their discharge from the cus- tody of Cardale and their commitment in New York. While he was doing so, Hampton demanded of him a license, but it was peremptorily denied. Makemie moved that it was highly necessary that the law should be produced before their commitment, and offered to remunerate the attorney if he would produce the limit- ing clause of the act. But the motion was disregarded. In a contemptuous tone, the Governor asked Makemie if he knew law. " I do not," replied Makemie, " pretend to know law; but I pretend to know this particular law, having had sundry disputes thereon." He had quite a large collection of law-books in his library. The copy of their commitment was made out. It was illegal in several respects. It was granted and signed by the Governor, and not by any sworn officers appointed and authorized by law. The queen's name FRANC IS MAKEMIE. 15 or authority was nol mentioned in it. No crime was alleged as a ground oi' commitment, and the direction to the sheriff to keep them safely was not, "until they are delivered by due course of law" but, "until further orders." Thus Makemie and Hampton found themselves im- prisoned with no prospect of immediate release. They petitioned the Governor for a knowledge of their crime, and, as they were strangers on their way to New Eng- land, and four hundred miles from their habitations, for " a speedy trial according to law," which they humbly conceived to be " the undoubted right and privilege of every English subject." To this petition a verbal but unsatisfactory reply was returned through the sheriff. They could not learn " the right way to have a trial." Petitioning to be admitted, in the cus- tody of the sheriff, to make application to the Quarter Sessions in order to offer themselves "for qualification as the law directs," they were again rebuffed, and the messengers who presented the petition were severely threatened. They now resolved "to trouble his Excellency with no more petitions," but presented their application to the Quarter Sessions. Their petition was looked at and handed about, but allowed no reading in open court. To the chief-justice, Roger Mompesson, they made applica- tion after an imprisonment of several weeks, and a writ of habeas corpus was granted. But when it was to be served, the sheriff told them he had a new mittimus, wherein their crime was specified, by which it was evi- dent tli at for more than six weeks they had been sub- jected t<» false and illegal imprisonment. To complete the iniquity , the sheriff demanded the payment of twelve dollars for the commitment, and as much more for the return of the writ, — refusing, moreover, receipts for the money when it had been paid. 16 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. The case was now brought before the grand jury, atid a true bill found against Makemie; for though Hampton was equally an offender, he was dropped from the in- dictment. The trial came on upon the 4th of June. The iniquity of the prosecution was abundantly shown, and after his attorneys had concluded their arguments, Makemie arose and spoke in his own defence. With great force of argument he vindicated himself from every charge, and showed himself more than a match for the prosecuting attorney. He showed great fami- liarity with the English laws bearing upon the subject of toleration, and effectually set aside the authority of the Governor's instructions as a rule of law. The jury brought in a verdict of not guilty, and solemnly declared that they believed the defendant innocent of any viola- tion of law. Yet in spite of the verdict, and his own plea for moderate charges, the bill of costs which he was forced to pay amounted to more than eighty-three pounds. Even after this, Makemie was not left unmolested. He narrowly escaped a second prosecution, based, if possible, on even weaker grounds than the first. A strange intolerance pursued him as a chief offender, but the object was to obstruct the preaching of all Presbyterian ministers. The Dutch and other Dis- senters neither asked nor would receive a license; yet they were not disturbed. But any attempt of Presby- terian ministers to extend their Church was seriously obstructed. Nor was New York the only province in which they had to encounter gross and severe intolerance. The statutes of Virginia, as we have already seen, were so framed as scarcely to recognize even the existence of the Toleration Act of 1689. In Maryland the petitions of Hampton and Macnish for licenses to preach in ac- cordance with the act, were opposed by Episcopal in- FRANCIS MAKKMIE. 17 fluence. The vesl ry of the parish of < Jovenl ry appeared, against them, encouraged, as is supposed, by Rev. Robert Keith, of Dividing Creek. The petitions were referred to the Governor and Council, and were finally granted, Mr. Hampton settling at Snow Hill. Still the hard- ships imposed upon Dissenters even in this colony, established originally on principles of equal liberty, but where the Episcopal Church was now established, were by no means light. A tax of forty pounds of tobacco was imposed on every "taxable," to meet the expense of building and repairing churches and supporting ministers. The meeting-houses of Dissenters were to be " unbarred, unbolted, and unlocked." The nature of the obstacles thrown in the way of the Presbyterians and other Dissenters may be judged from the character of the Episcopal clergy of that day in Virginia as well as Maryland, — the off-scouring of the English Church, — men, for the most part, according to Bishop Meade, far more worthy to be ejected from society than to lead or instruct the flock. In the Carolinas, moreover, Presbyterians were made to feci the edge of intolerant legislation. During the troublous period from the Eestoration to the Eevolution (1660-1688) they had sought a shelter from persecu- tion in a colony in which civil and religious rights were solemnly guaranteed to them. They had increased in numbers, and amounted in South Carolina to several- thousands. But in 1703, by methods that savored of the brutality of Jeffries and the bigotry of James II., the Episcopal was made by law the established Church. Dissenters of all classes were taxed for its support, and those who did not conform were disfranchised. They who had left England for freedom of conscience were pursued by English intolerance across the ocean, and, in spite of their earnest remonstrance and appeal to Parliament, the yoke was fastened to their necks and 2* 18 HISTORY OF FRESBYTERIANISM. they were politically and socially degraded by a legisla- tion which, to prop up Episcopacy, violated the solemn pledge in the faith of which they had become exiles from their native land. Thus amid scenes of intolerance and persecution the Presbyterian Church in this country commenced its career. But it soon manifested, in the persons of its adherents, a vital energy that was to overbear obnox- ious statutes and tyrannic legislation. The treatment which Makemie, Hubbard, Hampton, Macnish, and others experienced at the hands of royal Governors or servile judges, fitly links the history of American Pres- byterianism with the memories of the English, Irish, and Scotch Dissenters under the reigns of the Stuarts. CHAPTEK II. THE FIRST PRESBYTERY. The first Presbytery formed in this country dates from 1705 or 1706. The loss of the first leaf of the records leaves the precise time uncertain. Our first view of it is obtained from the minutes of a meeting, called probably at Freehold, 1 N.J., for the purpose of ordain- ing Mr. John Boyd. It consisted at this time of seven ministers, Francis Makemie, John Hampton, George Macnish, Samuel Davis, John Wilson, Jedediah An- 1 The church at Freehold was organized about 1692, and John Boyd, who died in 1708, was the first minister. A charter of in- corporation for this church, including those of Allentown and Shrewsbury, was obtained through the influence of Governor Belcher. (Hodge, i. 56.) The country around Upper Freehold was at that time a wilderness full of savages. — Webster, 323. THE JIRST PRESBYTERY. 19 drews, and Nathaniel Taylor. Some of these men had been for many yours laboring in their respective fields. In 1684, Makemie was performing the duties of pastor of the church at Snow Hill, which he had assisted to organize. He had been ordained an Evangelist in 1G81, 1 and sent out by Laggan Presbytery, on the applica- tion of Colonel Stevens of Maryland, aa a missionary to this country. For some time he labored in Barbadoes, and afterwards on reaching Maryland, " notwithstand- ing all obstacles, his hearers and congregations multi- plied." It became, consequently, his great anxiety to obtain more laborers for the extensive and inviting field which was opened before him. With this object in view, he corresponded with Increase Mather of Bos- ton, 2 and at length crossed the ocean and applied for aid to the Presbyterian Congregational Union of Lon- don, which Increase Mather had had a hand in forming. His application was not in vain. " A respectable body of Dissenters in London 3 sent out, for the purpose of serving as evangelists in the middle and southern colonies of America, two itinerants for the space of two years." 4 These they undertook to support, engaging afterwards to send out others on the same conditions. This was in 1704-5. Makemie 'returned in the fall of 1705 with the two ministerial brethren, " his asso- ciates," 5 John Hampton and George Macnish. Accord- ing to law, since the Toleration Act was designed to take effect in the colonies, they were entitled to the unmolested exercise of their ministry. Macnish com- menced preaching at Monokin and Wicomico; Hamp- ton, who had applied with him to Somerset Court to be qualified, meanwhile going north with Makemie to !N"ew York. i Foote's Sketches. 2 Webster, 297. 3 Miller's Life of Rodgers, 90. * Foote, 52. & ibid. 53: Webster, 90. 20 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Of the other members of the Presbytery, Samuel Davis was residing in Delaware as early as 1692, when that Quaker convert to Episcopacy, George Keith, visited him. John Wilson, as early as 1702, preached in the court-house at New Castle, 1 but, becoming dis- satisfied, removed. In a few months, however, " finding it not for the better," he returned. He was doubtless one of those who gave Keith occasion to speak of Cot- ton Mather's " emissaries/' 2 Of these, Andrews also was accounted one. He was born at Hingham, Mass., in 1674, and graduated at Harvard in 1695. In 1698, at the instance of the "New England Doctors/' if we are to regard the insinuations of Keith, he went to Philadelphia. The Quaker schism had opened the way for the commencement of religious services by Baptists, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians, and, as the latter withdrew from common services, the Baptists proposed to the Presbyterians that Mr. An- drews and his infant congregation should unite with them. The negotiation, however, proved futile, and in 1701 Andrews was ordained. His congregation was far from homogeneous. At the outset there were " nine Baptists and a few Independents in the town." There were, moreover, Scotch, Welsh, Swedish, 3 and New Eng- land elements. The prospect for the young congre- gation was far from promising. " The Presbyterians," says the Episcopal missionary Talbot, " have come a great way to lay hands on one another; but, after all, 1 The Presbyterian church in New Castle is believed to be the con- tinuation of the Dutch church which William Penn found in exist- ence in 1683. Wilson probably commenced his labors here, con- tinuing there till after the formation of the Presbytery. 2 Prot, Hist, Col., i. 07. 3 The Wicacoe (Swedish) church, near the navy-yard, was organ- ized in 1675, by order of the general courts, held at New Castle in that year.— Old Records, Vol. B. F. TIIE FIRST PRESBYTERY. 21 I think they had as good stay ai borne, for all the good they do. . . In Philadelphia one pretends to be a Presby- terian, and has a congregation to which be preaches." The prospect was but little better in 1703. "They have line." says Keith, " a Presbyterian meeting and minis- ter, one called Andrews; but they are not like to in- crease here." They did increase, however. Under the influence and labors of Andrews the heterogeneous mass began to coalesce. In 1705, five adults were baptized; in 170(3, four more. We have thus the elements which were to give to American Presbyterianism its earliest distinctive type, brought together in the first Presbytery. Makemio was a correspondent of Increase Mather, and an appli- cant for missionary aid to the Dissenters of London, composed of Presbyterians and Congregationalists. By them, his two " associates," Hampton and Macnish, were supported for several years. 1 Andrews was a Massachu- setts man, and Wilson, originally from Scotland, but an emigrant to Connecticut, was probably an emissary of the " New England Doctors." Taylor was settled on the Pa- tuxent, over a congregation composed to a considerable extent of Independents; although the body consisted originally, according to tradition, of a colony of two hundred from Fifeshire. They arrived, with Taylor as their pastor, it is said, in 1690, and founded the church of Upper Marlborough. Davis can scarcely be taken into account : for fourteen years he had labored in Delaware 1 Rev. George Macnish was umloubtedlj a Scotchman. His name (which he wrote as above) indicates it; his descendants assert it; and Rev. Mr. Poyer of Jamaica, in a letter of April, 1714, to the society in England, styles him "a Scotch Independent preacher," and in another letter "an Independent North Britain preacher." J. R. 22 HISTORY OF PRESBYTER1ANISM. before a Presbytery was formed, 1 and never attended its sessions afterwards, except upon a single occasion. 2 Nor was the intrusion of the "emissaries" uncalled for. Keith had split the Quakers, and was itinerating over the whole land in behalf of Episcopacy. He preached at Boston, and Increase Mather felt called upon to print a refutation. Keith's answer was pub- lished at New York, and circulated in the Jerseys and in Philadelphia, where he preached with unwearied zeal. He needed, consequently, to be met on his own ground. Those among whom he scattered his pecu- liar doctrines were many of them in sympathy with Mather. According to Keith himself, " the people of East Jersey who are not Quakers are generally Independ- ents, having originally come from New England." He thought that "the young generation might easily be brought off to the Church," if " the Church" was only set up among them. There was indeed danger of this. In East and West Jersey, "except in two or three towns, there was no place of public worship of any sort." The people lived "very mean, like Indians." The difficulty was to get ministers of any kind. The Church of England was especially unfortunate in those whom she sent out. "We want a great many good ministers here in Ame- rica," wrote Talbot; 3 " but we had better have none at all than such scandalous beasts as some make themselves, — not only the worst of ministers, but of men." Such as these were not wanted. " Those that we have to deal with," he continues, " are a sharp and inquisitive people : they are not satisfied with one doctor's opinion, but must have something that is authentic, if we hope to prevail with them." i Webster, p. 311. 2 Dr. Hill. 3 Epis. Hist. Col. xxxvii. THE FIRST PRESBYTERY. 23 The zeal of Keith and Talbot was groat. They were encouraged by the Society — then recently formed — for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. All the Episcopal clergy in the provinces north of Virginia were its missionaries. 1 In 1700, there were less than half a dozen of them in this part of the country, and only one in Pennsylvania. Before the first Presby- tery was formed, there were five Episcopal congrega- tions in that State; and in the course of two years the society in England sent out thirteen missionaries. Jealousy of New England stimulated Episcopal zeal. They were especially afraid lest — to use their own lan- guage — "Presbyterian ministers from New England would swarm into these countries and prevent the increase of the Church." The people showed them- selves, as Talbot thought, only too ready to accept these " emissaries. " " They send," he says, " to New Eng- land, and call any sorry young man, purely for want of some good honest clergyman of the Church of England." At Woodbridge, N J., in 1703, there was an " Independ- ents' meeting-house," and Keith was glad of the chance to preach in it. This was one of the places named by Cockburn in 1685, in reference to the wants of which he says, writing to Scotland, "there is nothing dis- courages us more than want of ministers here. . . . They have a mind to bring them from Scotland." But along with the Scottish settlers in the troublous period of James II. there came also colonists from New England. Nearly half a century before, New Haven had shown extreme persistence in the resolution to sustain her claims to the territory. At every favorable opportunity, she had sent out loads of emigrants. Once the Dutch Governor at Manhattan had seized their vessel and 1 Wilborforce, Hist. Epis. Churoh. 24 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. forced them to return. They applied to Cromwell for aid; but the Protector died too soon to help them. Yet they were not discouraged; and as soon as Dutch rule vanished from New Amsterdam, the often-defeated project was revived. That "sharp and inquisitive people" whom the Episcopal missionaries found it hard to deal with, poured in, and before the close of the seventeenth century the laws of the colony attested the presence of those who are called indifferently In- dependents and Presbyterians. 1 Indeed, notwithstand- ing the Scotch element, a very large proportion of the early settlers were from New England, although a con- siderable number of Quakers had here found refuge. Mather and the "New England Doctors" would have acted a part unworthy of themselves if they had lacked active sympathy with Presbyterians in the neighboring colonies. If they could have modelled their own Churches anew, they would have secured them the advantages of Synods and ruling elders. 3 In Philadelphia, Andrews was greatly encouraged. The Episcopal missionaries were jealous of his pro- gress. " There is," says Talbot (1705), " a new meet- ing-house built for Andrews, and almost finished, . . . which I am afraid will draw away great part of the Church, if there be not the greatest care taken of it." The first Presbytery met in that house. Andrews and Makemie were kindred spirits, and the Presbytery was the result of their co-operative councils. Each was a missionary, and felt the burden of care for the Churches. Makemie traversed the country to Boston, and crossed the ocean, to obtain ministers. Andrews could not so well leave his post, but he was scarcely less active. He went abroad on preaching-tours through the sur- rounding region, in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys 1 Mulford's Hist, of New Jersey. 2 Pres. Quar. Rev., Jan. 1859. THE FIRST PRESBYTERY. 25 Quite a number of congregations were gathered at various points, and ministers were needed to supply them. This was the subject of greatest anxiety to the Presbytery. They were little anxious whence they came, if they were only good men. They wrote to New England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Congregational and Presbyterian Union of London, to procure them. Evidently their ecclesiasticism was of no very rigid type. The argument for the Scotticism of the original Presbytery, drawn from the presumption that, if any considerable New England element was in union with it, it would have manifested itself in a form of govern- ment more or less allied to Congregationalism, is utterly invalid. The early ecclesiasticism of New England was largely Presbyterian. 1 The correspondence of the Presbytery at this early 1 The sympathy between the Presbyterian churches and New Eng- land was perfectly natural. Robinson (see "Life of Brewster") was a Presbyterian, and claimed that his church at Leyden was conformed to the rule of the French Presbyterian Church. In 1G06, Brewster was chosen elder in Robinson's congregation, and in 1609 was made Robinson's assistant. He declined, however, — as only an elder, — to administer the ordinances, even when the church at Plymouth had no other teacher. Then the church at Plymouth was in reality a Presbyterian Church, with Brewster for its ruling elder. — Princes Chronology, pp. 114, 120. A permanent ruling eldership was accepted as a principle of church order by the eaidy New England settlers. (lb. 177.) Salem and Charlestown had ruling elders (263-311), Watertown and Boston. (358, 365, 409.) The office is distinctly recognized by the Synods of New England, at Cambridge, in 1646 and 1680; and at the latter date the Westminster Confession was adopted. — Mather's Mag. ii. 180, 207. The Synod of Connecticut, in 1708 (Say brook Platform), adopted it. Even Eliot ordained elders at Martha's Vineyard. — Mather, i. 515. Synods were held at Cambridge in 1637, 1649, 1667, 1679, 1680, and at Boston in 1662, all of which distinctly name ruling elders as officers in the Chore*.— Mather, ii. 192, 207, 238, 279, 289. This Vol. I.— 3 26 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. period throws light upon the liberal spirit by which it was animated. In 1708, a letter was written to certain ministers in Connecticut. It speaks of the object of the formation of the Presbytery, — "for the furthering and promoting the true interests of religion and godliness." It declares, " It is our universal desire to walk in the nearest union and fellowship with the churches in those parts where you inhabit, not knowing any difference in opinion so weighty as to inhibit such a proposal, nor doubting of your cordial assent thereto." In 1709, a letter to Sir Edmund Harrison, an emi- nent Dissenter in London, states, " It is a sore distress and trouble to us, that we are not able to comply with the desires of sundry places crying unto us for minis- ters to deal forth the word of life unto them; therefore we most earnestly beseech you, in the bowels of the Lord, to intercede with the ministers of London and other well-affected gentlemen, to extend their charity ■was the distinct, feature of the organization adopted by the Synod in 1680, in accordance with "Heads of Agreement" in England, in the formation of which, in 1690, Dr. Increase Mather bore a distin- guished part. — Mather, ii. 233, 235. Thus at the formation of the first Presbytery there was no repre- sentation of such Congregationalism as that which prevails to-day on this continent; and the apparent laxness in the language of the Saybrook Platform is merely a copy of the "Heads of Agreement" of 1690 on this point.— F. There was no diversity, therefore, really, between the Irish Pres- byterians and the New England " emissaries " in the matter of ecclesiastical sympathy. The doctrine and discipline of New Eng- land was regarded as identical with that of the Dissenters in Great Britain and the more southern provinces in this country. The founders of the Presbyterian Church were as anxious to procure ministers from New England as Mather was to send them. For them, help from this source was a matter of convenience and neces- sity, and they found those who joined them one with themselves in the matters of church order and discipline. THE FIRST PRESBYTERY. 27 and pity to us, to carry on so accessary and glorious a work ; otherwise many people will remain in a perish- ing condition as to spiritual things." There is no trace of Scotch jealousy or rigid ecclesiasticism in this epis- tle. 1 In 1710, a letter was sent to the Presbytery of Dublin in response to their desire for a correspondence to " be settled and continued from time to time." It narrates briefly the efforts of Makemie with the ministers of London, and expresses the conviction that had they — ■ "our friends at home" — been equally watchful and diligent as the Episcopal society in London, "our in- terest in most foreign plantations might have carried the balance." With saddened feelings, they confess the weakness of their numbers. In Virginia there was but one congregation, on Elizabeth Biver; "in Maryland only four, in Pennsylvania five, and in the Jerseys two, with some places of New York." The Presbytery request their friends in Dublin to raise the sum of sixty pounds to support for a year an itinerant minister whom they were to send out, at the same time inform- ing them that they had exerted their influence to secure a similar favor from the ministers of London, " in the hands of Eev. Mr. Calamy." 1 In the same year a letter was addressed to the Synod of Glasgow. It was invited by the assurance of a mem- ber of the Synod, of its " willingness to correspond with us in what concerns the advancement of the Mediator's interest in those regions where our lot is fallen." Of the Synod, the Presbytery, in view of the urgent de- mand for ministers, make a request similar to that which they had made to the Presbytery of Dublin. 1 The London ministers to whom the letters were addressed were the very men who adopted the "Heads of Agreement" nineteen years before. 28 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. From London there came back a cheering response, for which the Presbytery expressed their gratitude in the warmest terms. In 1712, Thomas Reynolds en- gaged, for the ensuing year, to advance thirty pounds for missionary labor within the bounds of the Presby- tery; promising, according to his capacity, to do what he could to serve them in after-years. " I should be glad," he says, "to be an instrument of disappointing any that can encourage no expectation from us." The aid was seasonable; it proved "the relief of some weak congregations," unable to maintain their own ministers. Prom the time of its formation, the Presbytery con- tinued steadily to increase in numbers and strength. At its meeting in 1706, John Boyd, a probationer from Scotland, was ordained, and commenced his labors in New Jersey at Freehold and Middletown. In 1708, " trials" were appointed to Mr. Joseph Smith (from New England), whose settlement was desired among them by the people of Cohansey. In 1710, John Henry and James Anderson were received; the first — invited, upon the death of Makemie, by his people, to succeed him — was from the Presbytery of Dublin; the last, settled first at New Castle and afterward in New York, was from Scot- land. At the same meeting, Nathaniel Wade, who had been ordained and settled at Woodbridge, N.J., by the ministers of Fairfield county, previous to 1708, and Joseph Morgan, who, after several years of discourag- ing experience in West Chester county, N.Y., had set- tled in 1709 at Freehold, were received as members of the body. Early in 1712, George Gillespie had been licensed by the Glasgow Presbytery. He came shortly after to New England, with letters from Principal Stirling to Cotton Mather. By the latter he was recommended to the divided people of Woodbridge, but finally settled at White Clay Creek, at the same time extending his THE FIRST PRESBYTERY. 29 care to the congregations of Red Clay, Lower Brandy- wine, and Elk River, in Delaware. 1 The people of Patuxent applied the same year to friends in London to procure a pastor, and Daniel McGill was sent over. In the two following years the Presbytery was strengthened by the accession of four new members, Howell Powell, 1 Malachi Jones. Robert Witherspoon, 3 and David Evans, — all but Witherspoon (who was a Scotchman) from Wales. In 1715, John Bradncr, Hugh Conn, and Robert Orr were received. The first, from Scotland, was licensed and ordained in this country, and settled over the con- gregation of Cape May :* he afterwards removed to Goshen, N.Y., where he died. 5 Conn was a native of Ireland, but sent over by the "friends in London," and bore with him the cheering letter of Thomas Reynolds to the Presbytery. He was settled in Baltimore county, and became a member of the New Castle Presbytery. Orr was from Ireland or Scotland, and in 1715 accepted a call to Maidenhead and Hopewell. Besides these, several others had joined the Presby- tery, but the connection was transient or their position less important. The Presbytery had increased to such an extent that, in the judgment of its members, a divi- sion was demanded. The new Presbyteries would in- 1 His remains lie buried at the "Head of Christiana," where a marble slab commemorates his virtues. 2 Ordained at Cohansey, October 15, 1714. 9 Rev. Robert Witherspoon was ordained at Appoquinimy, now Drawyer's Church (Del.), May 13, 1714, and died in May, 1718. * Bradner preached first at Fairfield, N.J., afterwards at Cape May. These churches were colonies from New England. Mr. Joseph Smith was probably the first minister at Cohansey, from Deerfield. Mass. ; and the tradition is that that people brought their minister with them. The colony was from Fairfield, Conn. Mr. S. was a member of Presbytery in 1708. 5 Riker's Newtown. 30 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIAN1SM. deed be weak, but already there was assurance of their rapid growth. There were quite a number of ministers and churches whose distance rendered their connection with a single Presbytery, central to Philadelphia, un- advisable. Measures were already taken to establish a Presbyterian congregation in New York. A church had for many years been in existence at Newark, N.J., and in 1709 Jonathan Dickinson had been ordained at Elizabethtown by the ministers of Fairfield county, but had as yet formed no connection with Presbytery. On Long Island quite a number of churches, known sometimes as Presbyterian and sometimes as Independ- ent, 1 but formed on the New England model, were ready, through the influence of Macnish, who mean- while had removed to Jamaica, to be organized into a Presbytery by themselves, and to receive under their care the churches and ministers that might be disposed to unite with them. Pumroy of Newtown had already (1715) united with the Presbytery, and in the following year a call from Southampton was presented to Samuel Gelston, accompanied by the assurance that the people were ready to place themselves under its care. In these circumstances, Macnish and Pumroy were left to act according to their discretion, with regard to the formation of a Presbytery on Long Island. It was recommended to them " to use their best endeavors with the neighboring brethren that are settled there, which as yet join not with us, to join with them" in the erection of a Presbytery. The other members and churches of the original body were set off to form the three Presbyteries of Philadelphia, New Castle, and Snow Hill. Thus, in ten years from the formation of the original 1 Nearly aU the early churches on Long Island and in New Jersey were colonies from New England. THE FIRST PRESBYTERY. 31 Presbytery it had growD to a Synod. The period had been one marked also by general harmony, as well as by rapid growth. The ministers of the body were from Ireland, Scotland, London, Wales, and New England, and, laying aside all differences of minor importance, they had cheerfully and heartily co-operated on a basis broad enough to accommodate them all. As yet there were manifest no doctrinal diversities. All were Calvin- ists, and all cheerfully assented to, if they did not prefer, the Presbyterian form of government. The laborers in the Held stood ready to welcome faith- ful fellow-laborers, from whatever quarter they might come. To the reverend brethren of the Church of Scot- land, whom, said they, "we sincerely honor and affec- tionately esteem as fathers," they represented the deso- late condition of the vacant places that had applied for ministers. To the Presbytery of Dublin, and to the ministers of London, they had likewise sent similar requests, and with the ministers of Boston, New Haven, and New England, generally, they were on the most friendly terms. To Connecticut they had sent ex- pressly for aid, and were disappointed to find that the vacancies in that colony were so numerous as to defeat their expectations. The necessity of a specific adoption of standards by the Presbytery does not yet seem to have occurred. The great body of the ministers, while they were yet few in number and drawn together by the urgent neces- sitics of their common field, were evidently united in doctrinal sentiment. The most trying discussions of Presbytery were those which concerned variances be- tween pastor and people, — as the case of Wade at Wood- bridge, — the morals or the discretion of the ministers, as in the case of Van Vleck and Evans. Nor, when we regard the intimacy and mutual confidence of An- drews and Makemie, the last bequeathing his library to 32 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. the former, one from New England and the other sus- tained and encouraged by the London ministers, can we feel that either they or their " associates" were in danger of error on the side of excessive strictness. Their moderation, indeed, was such that they were drawing towards them, as they were recommending the policy that would do it, the Congregationalists of Long Island. With Drs. Miller and Hodge, against all the argu- ments of Dr. Green, we must hold to the strong impro- bability that the lost leaf of the records contained any specific standard for the adoption of members. CHAPTEE III. THE SYNOD, A.D. 1717-1729. Upon the division of the original Presbytery and the formation of the Synod, the Long Island Presbytery commenced its existence. It met and was constituted at Southampton, April 17, 1717, and its first work was the examination and ordination of Samuel Gelston, whose call to the Southampton church had been ap- proved by the Presbytery of Philadelphia in the pre- ceding year. The ministers who took part in the ordi- nation undoubtedly composed the entire Presbytery. 1 They were George Macnish, who had removed to Ja- maica in 1710, Samuel Pumroy, who was settled al Newtown, and George Phillips, who for twenty years had been laboring at Setauket. The churches under the care of the Presbytery had, most of them, been long in existence. Their membership was largely from New 1 Frimc's Long Island. THE SYNOD, A.D. 1717-1720. 33 England, and their forms of worship and government were Congregational or [ndependent. The chnrch at Southampton was gathered as early a.-> L640, when Abraham Pierson, afterwards the founder of the church at Newark, was its pastor. The church at Setauket enjoyed, as early as 1655, the labors of Rev. Nathaniel Brewster, a grandson of Elder Brewster of Mayflower memory. Newtown was settled by English emigrants in 1652, and in 1671 a house of worship was erected. It was not till 1724, seven years after the erection of the Presbytery, that the church was provided with ruling elders and became distinctly Presbyterian. 1 The first settlement of Jamaica was in 1656, and in 1663, by vote of the town, a meeting-house was erected. It was replaced by a stone edifice in 1690; but in 1702 the arbitrary authority of Lord Cornbury r wrested it from the Presbyterians and placed it in the hands of the Episcopal rector. But beside these churches under the care of the Presbytery, there was quite a number of others, com- posed largely of New England settlers in other parts of the island. Some of these, at a later period, became Presbyterian. The one at Southold was gathered in 1640. Emigrants from Lynn found their way to East Hampton in 1648, and were prompt in securing for themselves the privileges of public worship. Hunting- ton was settled from New England in 1658, and soon after a church-edifice was erected. Hempstead enjoyed the labors of Rev. Richard Denton at the earliest period of its history, in 1644. A church was gathered at Bridgehampton in 1695, and at Mattituck in 1715. Thus, at the period of the formation of the Pres- bytery there were at least ten <»r twelve churches, called indifferently Presbyterian or [ndependent, on 1 Hiker's Annals of Newtown. d4 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM the island. Several of them in the course of a few years became connected with that body, which em- braced at first but the four churches of Jamaica, New- town, Setauket, and Southampton. The church at Mattituck came into connection with the Presbytery in 1719, and some of the others invited at least its counsel and assistance. Only their own records, in the loss of others, can show the precise date at which they became distinctively Presbyterian. Of the three other Presbyteries, the first to be noticed is that of Philadelphia. It numbered at its formation six ministers: — Andrews, at Philadelphia; Jones, at Abington; Powell, at Cohansey; Orr, at Maidenhead and Hopewell; Bradner, at Cape May; and Morgan, at Freehold. Of these, Bradner is said to have been from Scotland, and Orr from Ireland. Jones and Powell were Welshmen ; Andrews and Morgan were from New Eng- land. The missionary field of this Presbytery was quite extended, and there were several congregations desti- tute of pastors. The Presbytery of New Castle likewise numbered six ministers: — Anderson, at New Castle, Delaware; McGill, at Patuxent; Gillespie, at White Clay Creek; Evans, on the Welsh Tract; Witherspoon,at Appoqui- nimy ; and Conn, in Baltimore county, Maryland. Here, with a single exception, all the members were from Scotland or Ireland. The Presbytery of Snow Hill, which became absorbed in that of New Castle, numbered as members only Davis, Hampton, and Henry. The first still remained among the people with whom he had so long been con- nected without pastoral settlement, yet no longer ser- viceable in the pulpit. Hampton was settled at Snow Hill, and Henry was Makemie's successor at Eehoboth. Here, at the commencement of the existence of Synod, were the nineteen ministers of whom it was THE SYNOD, A.D. 1717-1729. 85 composed, scattered at wide distances along the coasl from Virginia to the eastern pari of Lou-- Island. The demand for new laborers in the field was greater than ever before, and new congregations were in process of formation at various points. In New York and its vicinity, the intolerance of Lord Cornbury and the in- trusion of Episcopacy had discouraged the efforts of those who were now known as Dissenters. The treat- ment of Makemie was a warning to any from abroad who might propose to follow his example. Conse- quently, several years passed before measures were taken to form a Presbyterian congregation. Meanwhile, however, discord had begun to spread in the ranks of what its friends were pleased to call, most unwarrantably, the Established Church. In 1G93, the Assembly of the colony, at the instance of the Governor, and by what that devoted friend of Episcopacy, Colonel Lewis Morris, denominated his "artifice," made pro- vision, by an act, for the maintenance of "one good sufficient Protestant minister" within the bounds of each town in the province where the people should desire it. The " one good and sufficient Protestant minister," according to the interpretation of Lord Cornbury and his zealous friends, could be no other than a clergyman of the Church of England. The congregations, however, were still entitled to the choice of vestrymen and churchwardens. The denial of this right would at once have opened the eyes and excited the indignation of the Assembly, who were almost to a man " Dissenters." And now the door was opened for Episcopal aggres- sion. It began at Jamaica, and continued there for more than thirty years. Indirectly the whole Epis- copal Chnrch in this country became a party. Poyer, the Jamaica incumbent, after the death of Orquart, who had succeeded Hub bell, was disposed, with the 36 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. encouragement of the Governor, to prosecute his suit against the vestry, who had called Macnish, and put him in possession of the parsonage. But there was apprehension lest the case should go against the prose- cutor. The judges, for the most part, were " dissenters/' and would be disposed to do justice against Episcopal aggression. The decision would furnish a precedent, and every Episcopal incumbent would be left at the mercy of his vestry and churchwardens. Yesey of New York perceived the danger. He was a graduate of Harvard, and had been sent by Increase Mather ' to " confirm the minds of those who had removed for their convenience from New England" to New York. His express mission, according to Episcopal accounts, was to counteract the influence of the chaplain of the forces sent out from England, and till 1697 he was " a dissenting preacher on Long Island." But he was bought over by Governor Fletcher by the offer of the Eectory of New York and a promised increase of stipend. From this time he was a zealous Churchman ; and, in defence of his own views of the interest of the Church, he succeeded in bringing nearly all the Episcopal clergymen in New York and the neighboring provinces to join with him in dissuading Poyer from prosecuting his suit, and in sending to England representations prejudicial to the character and standing of Governor Hunter, who had succeeded Lord Cornbury. Hence ensued a breach between the clergy and the Governor. Nor was this all. To promote more effec- tually his designs, Yesey converted his vestry into a close corporation, and adopted measures which divided the congregation into two hostile and embittered parties. He did not hesitate to designate his op- ponents as " schismatics," and by other opprobrious i New York Hist. Col. iii. 488. Till: BYN0D, A.D. \717-1729. 37 titles. Some of them withdrew, and worshipped in the chapel of I he garrison. This was in 1714. The document in which the ag- grieved party tell their story contains several passages which were scored out of the original. Among these is one in which they say, "We have yet no dissenting congregation of English in the town, which, we fear, makes ours (the separated party) larger than it would be if there was one; and how deplorable a folly would it be to raise one out of our own dissensions!" But those dissensions were not without their in- fluence. The proceedings of Lord Cornbury — who closed his career as Governor in 1708, and was passed over by his creditors into the sheritfs hands — had created towards him a strong feeling of indignation and disgust. The proceedings of Yesey had rendered him unpopular with large numbers in his own parish. His course in regard to Poyer's suit had lost him the sym- pathy and respect of the Governor who had succeeded Cornbury, and thus, by the discord in the ranks of the "Established Church," the hopes of the Presbyterians were encouraged. After Makemie's visit, and especially after the close of Cornbury's administration, they met, as opportunity afforded, in private dwellings. " They kept together, and continued, with few interruptions and with a gra- dual increase of their number, to meet for worship without a minister, until the year 1716, when John Nieoll, Patrick McKnight, Gilbert Livingston, Thomas Smith, and a few others, conceived the plan of forming themselves into a regular Presbyterian church and calling a stated pastor." 1 Measures were immediately taken at this fitting opportunity, when division per- vaded the Episcopal ranks, and the persecuting power 1 Life of Rodgers Vol.. I.— 4 38 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. of the Church was palsied, to carry out their design. In the summer of that year they extended a call to Anderson at New Castle, in Delaware. The commis- sion of the Synod, to whom the case was referred, de- cided that Anderson ought to accept the call, and ac- cordingly, in October, 1716, he removed to New York. Here he was favorably received, and for three years, by the permission of the authorities, the infant congre- gation was allowed to occupy the City Hall for public worship. Meanwhile ground was purchased on Wall Street as a site for a church-edifice, and a building was erected in 1719. The necessary funds were procured in part from friends in the city, and in part from collec- tions in Connecticut and in Scotland. In 1720 a charter of incorporation was sought of the Governor and the Council ; but the opposition of the vestry of Trinity Church defeated the application. The result was, that the fee simple of the property was vested in Anderson the pastor, and Nicoll, Liddle, and Ingliss, members of the congregation, and by them, in 1730. conveyed in due form of law to the Moderator and commission of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. Until 1766, no further efforts were made to secure a charter. Anderson was a man of talents, learning, and piety, a graceful and popular preacher. But he had not long been settled before a portion of his congregation be- came dissatisfied. He was charged with a spirit of ecclesiastical domination and with improper inter- ference in the temporal concerns of the Church. Livingston and Smith complained to Synod of his ser- mons, and, after hearing them read, that body ex- pressed themselves as wishing that " they had been de- livered in softer and milder terms in some passages." In 1721, a division took place, and a distinct society was formed, to which Jonathan Edwards preached for THE SYNOD, A.D. 1717-1729. 39 the space of nine months. But the new congregation was boo feeble to support a minister, and the future author of the "Inquiry into the Freedom of the Will" found difficulties in his way which determined him to seek another tield of labor. Anderson did not long continue in the pastorate at New York. In 1726 he accepted a call to New Donegal, in Pennsylvania, and was succeeded by Ebenezer Pem- berton, under whose ministry the old divisions were healed. Pemberton w T as a native of Boston, and a gra- duate of Harvard College. His father was a clergy- man, and the son, trained from his early years for the ministry, fulfilled in a diligent, faithful, and useful pastorate at New York the promise of his youth. He was "a man," says Smith, 1 "of polite breeding, pure morals, and warm devotion." His labors were emi- nently successful. He understood the character of the people he had to deal with better than Anderson. They were largely from New England. "As New England," says Colonel Morris, with a sneer w T hich time has changed into eulogy, " was, excepting some fa- milies, the scum of the Old, so the greatest part of the English in this province was the scum of the New." But in Mr. Pemberton they were well united. For thirty years he exercised his ministry, and had the satisfaction to see the old house of worship replaced by a new and much larger edifice, and his congregation increased to twelve hundred or fourteen hundred souls. 2 In 1717, Jonathan Dickinson united with the Phila- delphia Presbytery. He bad been ordained at Eliza- bethtown, N.J., by the ministers of Fairfield county, in 17*'!». and for nine years had labored over the extensive field embracing not only Elizabeth town, but Rahway, Westficld, Connecticut Farms, Springfield, and a part of * Hist, of New York, i 250. * Ibid. 260. 40 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Chatham. He was a native of Massachusetts, and a graduate of Yale College. With uncommon sagacity, calm judgment, and unshrinking firmness, — tempered, however, with the spirit of Christian forbearance and moderation, — he was well qualified to take a prominent part in the public concerns as well as controversies of the Church. For nearly forty years he continued in the exercise of the ministry; and the incidents of his life are interwoven with the history of Presbyterianism throughout the period of his career. His intellectual superiority and commanding influence made him the leader of the old Synod before the separation, and he was the acknowledged leader of the new Synod after the division had taken place. The church at Newark, not yet connected with the Presbytery, but under the care of the venerable Prud- den, and soon destined to enjoy the pastoral labors of President Burr, had already been in existence as an independent church for more than half a century. It was established in 1665 by the elder Pierson, who had previously removed from Lynn, Mass., to Southamp- ton on Long Island, and thence to Branford, Conn., where he had formed a church. 1 On the union of the colonies of New Haven and Hartford, his opposition to the growing laxity of sentiment and his zeal for his own peculiar ecclesiastical views led him, with a large portion of his charge, to seek out a new place of settle- ment. His son was the first President of Yale College, and his grandson was for some years pastor at Wood- bridge, N.J. The date of his ordination was almost 1 Mr. Pierson is said to have been episcopally ordained, but to have been "equally displeased with the tyranny of Charles I. both in Church and State, and with the civil madness and religious enthusiasm which prevailed under Cromwell, and that he annexed himself to the party which were called Moderate Presbyterians " — McWhorter's Hist. Discourses. 1807. 41 contemporaneous with the organization of the Synod. It took place April 19, 1717. Prom this period fche Dumber of ministers and con- gregations rapidly Increased. Moses Dickinson, a brother of Jonathan, succeeded Orr in Hopewell and Maidenhead, in New Jersey, in 1718. Robert Cross, from Ireland, was installed at New Castle in the fol- lowing year. Joseph Lamb, a graduate of Yale College, became pastor of Mattituck in 1717, and in 17 1 '.» bis church united with the Presbytery of Long Island, by which he had been ordained. Samuel Young, from Armagh Presbytery, was appointed by the New Castle Presbytery to supply Drawyers, in Delaware, and shortly before his death, in 1721, took charge of a congregation that had been recently gathered about the branches of the Elk and was composed mainly of emigrants from Ireland. John Clement, who after- wards supplied Gloucester and Pilesgrove, and William Steward, who accepted a call to Monokin and Wico- mico, were received in 1718. In the ten years that followed, the membership of the Synod was largely increased. At the close of this period seven ministers had been received from New England, five from Scotland or Ireland, three from England and Wales, and several were licensed by the Presbyteries in this country. From New England came Webb of Newark (1720); the younger Dickinson of Maidenhead and Hopewell; Walton of Crosswieks. whose erratic course was as surprising as his eloquence ; Parris of CobanseyjHubbellof Westfield and Hanover, — including the present congregations of Morristown, Chatham, and Parsippany; Elmer of Fairfield in Co- hansey, andPcniberlon of New York. From England came John Orme, who settled with the congregation of Marlborough on Patuxent, and Robert Lainer, who supplied Brandywine and White Clay. From Wales 42 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. came Thomas Evans, who labored at Pencader; Wil liam McMillan and Adam Boyd — the former sent tc supply the people of Virginia, and the latter settled at Octorara — were both ordained in this country. Boyd was commended by Cotton Mather, and both he and McMillan were connected with the New Castle Pres- bytery. Of the other ministers, Alexander Hutchinson was sent over by the Glasgow Presbytery in answer to the petition of the Synod, and settled at Bohemia Manor and Broad Creek. Thomas Craighead, who finally settled at Pequa, was the son of an Irish minister, but labored for some time in New England before he joined the Synod. Cotton Mather loved and esteemed him. In a letter to a friend he spoke of him as "of an excellent spirit and a great blessing to youi plantation," — " a man of singular piety, meekness, humility, and industry in the work of God." Joseph Houston, who settled at Elk Eiver, was from Ireland, but had supplied the pulpit of Mr. Hillhouse, at New London, Conn., for several months previous to his uniting with the Synod. Archibald McCook and Wil- liam Tennent were likewise from Ireland. The first of these came over as a student, and was licensed by the New Castle Presbytery. His field of labor was Kent, in Delaware. It embraced Dover 1 (St. Jones) and Murthur Kill. Ten years previously, the destitution of the region had attracted the attention of Presbytery. Repeatedly they had been furnished with temporary supplies. Gelston, Cross, Hook, T. Evans, Steward, Hutchinson, and Finch had visited them; but McCook became in 1727 their first pastor. But in some respects the most important name added to the Synod's list during the ten years from 1719 to 1729 1 St. Jones is now Dover, on Jones', or anciently, St. Jones' Creek in St. Jones, now Kent county, Del. THE Bi NOD, A.l>. 1717-1729. 43 was that of William Tennent. !Iis influence upon the progress and prosperity of the Church entitles bim to a rank second to no other. In Learning, piety, and the wise forethought which he manifested in regard to provision for an educated ministry, he is entitled to the highest honor. The Synod had increased during its career from 1717 to 17-0 from about fifteen to nearly thirty members, and its congregations in a corresponding proportion. Its great anxiety was to make provision for the destitu- tions within its bounds. One of its first measures was the establishment of "a fund for pious uses." Letters were written to London, Lublin, and Glasgow, peti- tioning for aid. The claims of "many smaller places of lesser ability to maintain and support the interest of Christ among them" were urgently pressed, and " not altogether without success." The obligation and necessity of effort on its own part were, moreover, clearly recognized. A letter was addressed to the several congregations within the bounds of Synod, earnestly enforcing the duty of mak- ing annual collections in behalf of the proposed funds. The response given was such as might have been ex- pected in the feeble state of the churches. Many were unable to do any thing; but in 1719 the amount secured was more than twenty pounds; and the judicious ex- penditure of succeeding years was the means of accom- plishing great and important results. The congregation at New York received material assistance from a part of the Glasgow collection, and several feeble churches or needy ministers received valuable aid. To the Dissenting ministers of London the Synod gave in 1718 a full statement of their condition. They had " begun a small fund," they said ; " but it is yet so small that little or nothing can be done with it." Their ministers numbered twenty-three, all of them settled 44 HISTORY OP PRESBYTERIANISM. or with prospects of settlement; yet there were & till " many vacancies which either cry to us for help/' or give ground of hope that, if they could he provided with an able and faithful ministry, "the happy effects of it would soon appear." A strong desire was ex- pressed for " the honor and comfort of a yearly corre- spondence" with the London brethren, and help was craved " of all well-disposed Christians everywhere, especially, if possibly it can be, of the city of London." The Synod of Glasgow and Ayr, and Principal Stirling, received the hearty thanks of Synod for " their kind- ness to the interest of religion in these wilderness parts." Attention was largely drawn at each annual meeting to the claims of destitute places within the Synod's bounds. McGill was sent on successive missions, first to Potomoke, in Virginia, and subsequently to Kent county, Delaware. Morehead was employed at Piles- grove and Gloucester, and Octorara and Hanover were aided from the fund. To secure more prompt action, and to settle matters claiming attention during the intervals of Synod^ a commission was appointed in 1720. It was clothed "with the whole authority of the Synod," and the management of the fund was committed to its disposal. It is natural to suppose that for this body the ablest members of the Synod would be appointed j and it con- sisted, in fact, of Jones, Andrews, Macnish, Anderson, Dickinson, and Evans. Three of these were in the vicinity of New York, where their services were most likely to be required. The troubles in the Church at New York led to re- peated conferences with the ministers of Connecticut and the trustees of Yale College, by whom Edwards had been sent to supply the congregation which had separated from Anderson's. Each party seemed in THE SYNOD, A.D 1717-1729. 45 earnest to restore peace, and the Synod expressed their thanks to the ( Jonnecticut ministers *' for their concern about the interest of religion in New York." They closed their minute (1728), appointing a conference, with a recommendation that, in ease of a successful issue, the committee should "treat with said ministers about a union with us, and empower them to concert and conclude upon any methods that may conduce to that end." McGill and Cross were members, with Andrews, Phil- lips, Morgan, and Dickinson, of this committee, and McGill and Conn were appointed to write the letter in reply to the one which had been received from Con- necticut, requesting the conference. Nothing could show more decisively the absence on the part of the Synod of all jealousy of New England influence, than this minute which contains the recommendation of union, and which seems to have been adopted without the utterance of the least dissent. Indeed, on the subject of ecclesiastical authority — the only point in reference to which there had been, as yet, any serious division of sentiment — the Synod had har- monized during the previous year. Against the measure of 1721, Dickinson, Jones, Morgan, Pierson, Evans, and "Webb, had entered their protest. The minute to which objection was taken, after stating that Presbyterian government and church discipline had been exercised for many years by the Church in this country, " after the manner of the best Reformed Churches, as far as the nature and constitution of this country will allow," invited any who desired it to offer overtures, to be formed into acts by the Synod, u for the better carrying on in the matter of our governmenl and discipline." But in 1722. evidently apon mature deliberation, the protesting members consented to withdraw theirprotest. They submitted a paper, containing four articles, in 46 HISTORY OF F-RESBYTERIANISM. which they grant " the fall executive power of church government in Presbyteries and Synods," using " autho- ritatively in the name of Christ the keys of church dis- cipline ;" admit that the circumstantials of church dis- cipline, " as the time, place, and mode of carrying on in the government of the Church/' belonged to ecclesiastical judicatories to determine conformably to the general rules in the word of God, and that if these were called acts — the term which the protest was directly aimed at — no offence would be taken, provided they were not to be imposed upon those who conscientiously dissented from them. They allow also the right of appeal from inferior to superior judicatories, and the composing of directories by Synods respecting all parts of discipline, provided that subordinate judicatories might decline from them when they thought conscientiously that they had just reason to do so. These views, while guarding against a rigid and tyrannic ecclesiasticism, allowed all the freedom which Dickinson and the brethren who joined him in the protest required; and it is to the honor of the Synod that they were " so universally pleased with the above- said composure of their difference," allowing the with- drawal both of the protest and its answer, " that they unanimously joined together in a thanksgiving prayer, and joyful singing the one hundred and thirty-third Psalm." Upon the basis thus offered by Dickinson the Synod harmonized. With a clear understanding of his posi- tion and sympathies, the Synod proposed measures which, if successful in their results, would introduce into it large numbers of others whose views were sub- stantially those of the protestants; yet not a word of objection was uttered. The liberal spirit of American Presbyterianism was attested by the unanimity of the Synod. THE ADOPTING ACT, A.D. 1729. 47 In 1724, the Synod had so increased, and it had become so difficult to secure a full and regular attendance, that the question was raised in regard bo some measure of relief. It was finally decided in favor of delegation. The Presbyteries of New Castle and Philadelphia were to delegate half their members } 7 early to the Synod, and the Presbytery of Long Island was to send two of their number. Every third year, however, there was to be a full meeting of Synod. At this meeting all the members were to be present. The commission was also authorized to call such a full meeting whenever the emergency might require. Members, whether delegated or not, were left at liberty to attend as formerly " if they see cause." In 1726, the attention of the Synod was called to dif- ficulties which had occurred in the church at Newark, of which Webb was pastor. At his own request, a com- mission was appointed with a view to compose them; but the result did not answer his expectation. With Hubbell, Jones, and Evans, he joined in a protest against the measures which had been taken; and it was several years before a full reconciliation took place between the protestants and the Synod. CIIAPTEE IV. THE ADOPTING ACT, A.D, 1729. The year 1729 has been rendered memorable by the celebrated Adopting Act of the Synod. It is difficult at this day to say with whom the measure originated, although the practice which prevailed in the New Castle Presbytery — composed largely of Irish mem- bers — of requiring subscription to the Confession of 48 HISTORY OP PRESBYTERIANISM. Faith from the ministers admitted to their body, renders it not improbable that it was first urged by them. It was a new measure. No sufficient evidence has yet been adduced in proof of subscription, or the adoption of a specific constitution, by the members of the origi- nal Presbytery. Indeed, such a thing was altogether unknown to them. In 1698, Andrews went to Philadel- phia; Makemie had already been in the country for several years; and yet it was not till 1698 that the Irish Synod enacted, in conformity with the law of the Established Church of Scotland, that no young man should be licensed to preach the gospel unless " he sub- scribe the Confession of Faith in all the articles thereof as the confession of his faith." Up to this period it had been regarded as important, far less as a security against heretical members than as a testimony to the truthful and scriptural position of a body asking toleration of the civil magistrate. But shortly after this, developments took place which gave it a new importance in the eyes of the Synod. 1 Thomas Emlyn, of Dublin, avowed himself an Arian, and pub- lished a defence of his doctrinal positions. Lax views had begun soon after this to gain ground among the Dissenting ministers of London. To vindicate their own character from the suspicions of government, rather than from any suspicion of the orthodoxy of their own members, the Irish Synod in 1705 re-enacted the law requiring subscription to the Westminster Con- < fession of Faith of all persons licensed or ordained. Anxious to secure the repeal of the obnoxious sacra- mental test, legal protection for their worship and government, and a restoration and increase of the royal bounty, the Irish Church felt it incumbent upon them to vindicate their doctrinal soundness from all possible 1 Reid's History of the Irish Presbyterian Church. TIIE ADOPTING ACT, A.D. 1729. 49 question. But, acknowledging as fchey did the right of the state to ascertain the belief of religious bodies applying for protection, they felt it necessary to declare their views. Their choice lay between the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church of England as subscribed by their Dissenting brethren across the Channel, and the "Westminster Confession of Faith as adopted by the Church of Scotland. The latter was preferred in 1709, and again in 1714, upon the accession of George I. But by 1714 a change had taken place in the views of some of the ministers in and near Dublin. They had been educated among the English Dissenters, and pre- ferred a summary of doctrine more concise than either the Thirty-Nine Articles or the Westminster Confession. But even yet they professed to adhere to the doctrines of the Confession; and in the Synod of 1716 it was decided, with only a single dissenting voice, to adhere to it as declaring the faith of the Church. Only in case of , objection on the part of government was the formula which had been drawn up to be presented as a sub- stitute. It was while these discussions were going forward that the seeds of future danger to the Church were sown. In 1703, John Abernethy was settled at Antrim. By his exertions an association of ministers was formed for mutual improvement in theological knowledge. It drew into it some of the most promising and able men of the Church, and was known as the Belfast Society. Discussions arose on the subjects of religious liberty, subscription to confessions, the nature and extent of church power, and opinions were advanced and main- tained which tended to an extreme liberalism, not to say radicalism. 1 It was not long before other ministers of the Church 1 Reid'a History of the Presbyterian Church of Ireland. Vol. I.— 5 50 HISTORY OF PliESBYTERIANISM. took the alarm. The danger was aggravated in their estimate by reports from abroad. The Presbyterian churches of Switzerland had extensively fallen away from the vital doctrines of the gospel. The writings of Whiston, Clarke, and Hoadly, in England, followed by the debates and publications of the Dissenters at Salter's Hall, showed that in London all was not sound even among those who bore the honored names of a Puritan ancestry. In Scotland, moreover, the seeds of unsound doctrine had been widely sown. In 1714-16, Professor Simpson, who occupied the divinity-chair in the University of Glasgow, and under whom not a few of the Irish as well as Scottish ministers had been trained, had been tried by the General Assembly for teaching Arminian and Pelagian errors ; and the leniency of the sentence declared the extent to which he was shielded by the sympathy of the Assembly's members. Aber- nethy himself, and another prominent member of the Belfast Society, had been Simpson's fellow-students, while others had been his theological pupils. "With the Belfast Society, moreover, the Dublin ministers, who were in all essential points Independents, were in strong sympathy. In these circumstances, while there was real danger to the Church, it is not strange that it should have been vastly magnified by the fears and apprehensions of those who had taken the alarm. " There is a perfect Hoadly mania among our young ministers in the North/' wrote Francis — afterward Professor — Hutchi- son from Armagh, in 1718, to a friend in Scotland. He ascribed this antipathy to confessions to " other grounds than a new spirit of charity." ]t was his conviction that Dr. Clarke's book had shaken, if not changed, the views of several. It was in 1720 that Aberncthy ventured to publish a sermon on " Religious obedience founded on personal THE ADOPTING ACT. A. I). 1/29. 51 persuasion." It was objectionable on several grounds; but its most fatal error was that all doctrines were non- essential on which " human reason and Christian sin- cerity permitted men to differ." This was opening a wide door for error. It set aside at once not only the subscription that had been required, but all checks upon the admission of unconverted men to the Church and ministry. The practice of some of the Presbyteries was correspondingly lax. It was justly feared that the fruits of the seed already sown would be a harvest of errors more objectionable than any thing which had yet appeared. A war of pamphlets followed. It was impossible to guard the purity or peace of the Church if the principles of the Belfast Society were to be gene- rally adopted. The Dissenters of London were many of them already fast verging toward Arianism. The Dublin ministers did not come far behind them, and the principles of Abernethy and his friends were such that they might claim to be left unmolested even if they chose to take the same position. In these circumstances, the Synod felt called upon to act. They compromised with the Belfast brethren to preserve unity, but only divided their own councils. It was a great mistake, and they found it so at last. Instead of a simple enforcement through legitimate authority of the discipline of the Church, they sacrificed that discipline to prevent the threatened danger. Peace was not secured. The breach between the subscribers and non-subscribers was only widened. Yet the mode- rate portion of the party who favored subscription did their best to prevent any division. The sermon before the Synod of 1720 by Robert Craighead, the last mode- rator, was entitled "A Plea for Peace, or the nature, causes, mischiefs, and remedy of church divisions." But it failed to secure the object designed. At length the reproach of departing from her own standards was 52 HISTORY OP PRESBYTERIANISM. publicly brought against the Irish Church. It was loudly echoed by the Episcopalians. It was obvious that something must be done. To remove the scandal, and at the same time to obviate the scruples of the non- subscribers, it was resolved that the members of the Synod be permitted to subscribe the Confession. But to this, also, the non-subscribers objected. They were called at length in 1726 to propose their own terms. They were such as it would have been suicidal in the Synod to accept. The subscribers, therefore, who were in the decided majority, introduced an overture declar- ing their rejection of the new terms of peace, and that the adherence of the non-subscribers to their principles " put it out of their power to maintain ministerial com- munion with them in church judicatories as formerly, consistent with the discharge of our ministerial office and the peace of our own consciences." The overture was passed by a great majority, and the separation, w T hich had become inevitable, immediately followed. The conflict had been a fierce one, and disastrous to the interests of the Church. But it was rendered necessary by the dangerous and latitudinarian princi- ples as well as errors of the non-subscribers. Yet the party that opposed them had been moderate and for- bearing. They erred rather on the side of leniency than of harshness. Of this conflict the American Presbyterian Church could not remain a disinterested spectator. During the whole period of it, the Irish emigration to this country was large, and it was steadily increasing. It was scarcely to be doubted that some of the non-sub- scribers, whose principles were not altogether popular in the Irish Church, would soon be directing their course also to the Western world. They would natu- rally seek a connection with the Presbyterian Church in this country, and such a connection would only THE ADOPTING ACT, A.D. 1729. 53 renew among the weak churches scattered through the cronies the agitations that had done such mischiefs in Ireland. The character of the Church in this country was, moreover, at stake. It needed the sympathy of the foreign Churches that were yet sound in the faith, and still it would be sure to forfeit that sympathy if it showed an indisposition to exclude error. The Pres- bytery of Now Castle was undoubtedly most deeply sensible of this. Thomas Craighead was one of its leading members, and he would naturally share the views of his brother, the moderator of the Irish Synod. It is not surprising that their sagacity should have led them to take precautions against the threatened evil. These precautions were first used in the Presbytery of New Castle, and afterward commended themselves to the good sense of the Synod. Yet the thing was not done in haste. The separa- tion of the Irish Synod took place in 1726. Three years passed before the Adopting Act of the American Synod, and this act was framed in the very spirit of the sermon of Robert Craighead's " Plea for Peace" before the Irish Synod. It showed nothing of the rigor of a fierce orthodoxy, but a sound attachment to acknowledged standards. At first, indeed, the proposal of it threatened division. In 1727, the year following the action of the Irish Synod which led to the separation of the Belfast party, an overture looking toward the adoption of such a mea- sure was presented to the Synod by John Thomson, of Lewes, Delaware. It was then opposed, especially by the New England members. Even Andrews objected to it as impolitic and tending to division; while Dickin- son, of Elizabethtown, sound indeed in the doctrines of the Confession, was. Btrangely enough, altogether 54 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. opposed to creeds or confessions of faith drawn up by uninspired men. For two years the overture was not acted upon. It was opposed in 1727, and " staved off" by those who hoped " they should have heard no more of it." 1 But as the facts came to be better known, and the object of the overture to be better understood, the measure gained favor among its opponents. Unable to go with the Scotch and Irish " in all their disciplinary and legislative notions," the party composed of those from New England, England, and Wales had at first strong suspicion of the tendency and design of the overture. Almost to a man they regarded it with aversion. The proposal that all ministers or intrants should sign it, or else be disowned as members, was especially ob- noxious. It threatened the introduction of a system of church discipline and church legislation such as in the days of Cromwell had lost England to the Presby- terian Church, and gave occasion for Milton's celebrated saying that " presbyter was only priest writ large." In 1728, the subject was again introduced. A dele- gated Synod met this year, and the Irish and Scotch members were in the proportion, to the others, of two to one. They could, if resolutely bent upon carrying their measure at all hazards, have forced it through. But " the Synod, judging this to be a very important affair, unanimously concluded to defer the consideration of it till the next Synod," which it was agreed should be a full one. The adoption of this course showed a conciliatory spirit, and gave Dickinson, Andrews, Pier- son, Pumroy, and Morgan, an opportunity to consult and determine how far it was best to go. In 1729, the committee to whom the subject was referred was judiciously chosen. It consisted of An- 1 Andrews's Letter to Colman. THE ADOPTING ACT, A.D. 1729. 55 drews, Dickinson, and Pierson, on one side, and Thom- son, the author of the overture, Craighead, and Ander- son, on the other. Craighead waa unquestionably moderate in his views, and Conn, who was also on the committee, was scarcely to be reckoned on either sido. The result was a compromise, honorable to both parties, and evidently betraying the strong influence of the New England, English, and Welsh members. After long discussion, it was presented, in the following words : — "Although the Synod do not claim or pretend to any authority of imposing our faith upon other men's con- sciences, but do profess our just dissatisfaction with, and abhorrence of, such impositions, and do utterly disclaim all legislative power and authority in the Church, being willing to receive one another as Christ has received us to the glory of God, and admit to fel- lowship in sacred ordinances all such as we have ground to believe Christ will at last admit to the Kingdom of Heaven ; yet we are undoubtedly obliged to take care that the faith once delivered to the saints be kept pure and uncorrupt among us and so handed down to our posterity. And do, therefore, agree that all the minis- ters of this Synod, or that shall hereafter be admitted into this Synod, shall declare their agreement in, and approbation of, the Confession of Faith, with the Larger and Shorter Catechisms of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, as being in all the essential and necessary articles good forms of sound words and systems of Christian doctrine, and do also adopt the said Confes- sion and Catechisms as the Confession of our faith. And we do also agree that all the Presbyteries within our bounds shall always take care not to admit any candidate of the ministry into the exercise of the sacred functions, but what declares his agreement in opinion with all the essential and necessary articles of 56 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. said Confession, either by subscribing the said Confes- sion of Faith and Catechism, or by a verbal declaration of their assent thereto, as such minister or candidate shall think best. And in case any minister of this Synod, or any candidate for the ministry, shall have any scruple with respect to any article or articles of said Confession or Catechisms, he shall, at the time of his making said declaration, declare his sentiments to the Presbytery or Synod, who shall, notwithstanding, admit him to the exercise of the ministry within our bounds, and to ministerial communion, if the Synod or Presbytery shall judge his scruple or mistake to be only about articles not essential and necessary in doctrine, worship, or government. But if the Synod or Presby- tery shall judge such ministers or candidates erroneous in essential and necessary articles of faith, the Synod or Presbytery shall declare them uncapable of commu- nion with them. And the Synod do solemnly agr^e that none of us will traduce or use any opprobrious terms of those that differ from us in these extra-essen- tial and not-necessary points of doctrine, but treat them with the same friendship, kindness, and brotherly love, as if they had not differed from us in such senti- ments. " The ministers of the Synod then present, with the exception of Mr. Elmer, who declared himself not pre- pared, after proposing all the scruples that any of them had against any articles and expressions in the Confes- sion and Catechisms, unanimously agreed in the solu- tion of those scruples, and in declaring the Confession and Catechisms to be their confession of faith. The only exception made was to those articles of the Form of Government which related to the duties of the civil magistrate. In view of the unanimity, peace, and unity which appeared in these consultations and deliberations THE ADOPTING ACT, A.D. 1729. 57 of the Synod, they " unanimously agreed in giving thanks to God in solemn prayer and praises." 1 .No change was subsequently made in the language of the Adopting Act. Some of those who were more strict on subjects of ecclesiastical order, and who felt that they had reason to complain of their brethren on account of its violation, insisted upon a more literal and rigid interpretation of the agreement which had been made obligatory. But the history of the period shows that this arose not from any superior attachment to sound doctrine, but mainly from the conviction that the rules of order were not observed with sufficient care and fidelity. The attempt was indeed made, in 1736, to put a con- struction upon the Adopting Act which it would not bear. The Irish and Scotch immigration of the period had been unusually large, and in this year the foreign members of the Synod composed the large majority. 1 There are many facts which put the character of the Adopting Act, as a compromise measure, entirely beyond question. Dr. Green was right in his judgment of it. It does present those features which could afford him occasion to say that it gave and took, bound and loosed, in the same breath. In the mention made in Dr. Alex- ander's Life of a Mr. Hoge, a very aged man who could remember the period of the Adopting Act, we find it very correctly spoken of as the Act "which indulged such persons as were scrupulous in regard to certain articles, to express their exceptions before the Presbytery, who were permitted to license and ordain if they judged the matter not to be of essential importance. When the Act was passed, it gave great dissatisfaction, and some, the number of whom cannot be determined, left the Presbyterian Clmrch and joined the Seceders, who were then beginning to raise their standard. Among these was Mr. Hoge." The explanation of the plan of subscription given by Samuel Davies on his visit to England, and to which reference will be made hereafter, sufficiently establishes the understanding of the Synod as to the significance of the Adopting Act. 58 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Taking occasion from some complaints that bad been uttered in regard to the mode in which the Confes- sion bad been adopted, they proceed to declare, for tbe satisfaction of such complaints, " that the Synod have adopted and do still adhere to the Westminster Confes- sion, Catechisms, and Directory, without the least variation or alteration, and without any regard to said distinctions" — these " distinctions " the scruples expressed at the time of the adoption. This action was taken under the strong pressure of popular prejudice, and when less than half the ministers of the Synod were present. Among those absent were Dickinson, Pierson, Pemberton, AVebb, etc., by whom this "explication" was subsequently set aside, and who for the time may have acquiesced in it as a declaration which made no change in the Adopting Act itself, but simply asserted the manner in which the members of Synod then present chose to define their own position. CHAPTEE V. THE SYNOD FROM THE ADOPTING ACT TO THE DIVISION. From the date of the Adopting Act in 1729 until the division of the Synod in 1741, the number of ministers rapidly increased. Nearly forty names were added to the list of members. Some few of these had been trained up w T ithin the bounds of the Church, but, apart from these, nearly one-half were Irish or Scotch immi- grants. The accession from New England was only" ten. Thus, in the measures of the Synod, the foreign party, had they been united, might have secured a pre- ponderating influence. But they were not united. The division of 1741 originated in their ranks. Although originally from Ireland, the Tennents were ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 59 not to be numbered on what came to be known at the time of the division as the Old Side. Of these, besides the father, William Tennent. there were his sons, John, Gilbert, William, and Charles, all of them earnest and zealous preachers. Gilbert was by far the most con- spicuous, and in the history of the period under re- view, no other name is more frequently mentioned. With a nature incapable of fear, a burning zeal in de- fence of what he deemed to be truth, a commanding person and powerful delivery, he was destined to exer- eise, wherever he went, a deep and extensive influence. Yet his charity was sometimes overborne by his zeal. His defence of vital truth assumed, unconsciously, a defiant tone. In dealing with his equals he was be- trayed into adopting the tone of a superior, and the model which he seemed to favor was far more that which presented to view x the sternness of one of the old prophets, than the gentleness of the beloved apostle. He was independent and decided in his judgments ; tenacious of his convictions, he was not easily to be moved or persuaded by others. Yet, unfortunately, he was by no means always discreet. Soon after his licen- sure, he was called to New Castle. He declared his ac- ceptance, commenced preaching, but soon after abruptly left. The Synod pronounced his conduct hasty and un- advised. A sharp rebuke was administered, which he is said to have taken meekly. He soon settled at New Brunswick. A letter of the venerable Frelinghuysen, and a severe fit of sickness, combined with the seeming barrenness of a ministry of eighteen months, humbled him under the sense of his unprofitableness. He rose from his sick bed to preach as he never had before, and the fruits of his labors were soon apparent. In 1734, he overt ured the Synod on the subject of a more careful examination of candidates for the minis- 60 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. try, as well as for the Lord's Supper. He insisted that there should be a closer scrutiny as to the evidences of a gracious and genuine religious experience. The over- ture was favorably received, and Tennent himself could scarcely have penned any admonition more solemn or searching than that adopted by the Synod. Indeed, it may have been substantially his own production. In 1736, David Cowell was settled at Trenton. 1 He was a native of Massachusetts, and a graduate of Har- vard. His examination and installation were conducted by a committee of the Presbytery of Philadelphia, con- sisting of Andrews, Evans, Wales, and Treat. William Tennent was appointed, but did not meet with them. The examination of the candidate brought out unques- tionably his peculiar views, represented by his oppo- nents as making happiness the chief motive of religion. Gilbert Tennent could not endure this. He corre- sponded with Cowell, but remained still unsatisfied. The discussion was continued for several months, and in 1738 was brought by Tennent to the notice of Synod. A committee was appointed to consider the matter, but their report was deferred from time to time, until in the following year they brought in a report declaring the substantial agreement of the parties, prefacing it with the caustic expression of their conviction that the prin- cipal controversy " flows from their not having clear ideas about the subject they so earnestly debate about, and not from any dangerous errors they entertain. " Tennent seemed at the time to acquiesce ; but in the reading of the minutes in the following year, he took occasion to declare his dissatisfaction, and asked that the subject be reconsidered. It was refused by a strong majority. This was somewhat exasperating j and he did not hesitate to allude subsequently, in the harshest • * See Hall's "Church of Trenton," p. 80; also Synod's Minutes. ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 61 terms, to the heretical standing of many of the Synod on the points of controversy. His zeal was inflamed by other causes also. He 6aw with deep anxiety the coldness and irreligion which prevailed around him. Not a few of the ministers were far from exhibiting that fidelity and devotion which pertained to their solemn office. The report of revivals in New England had kindled his feelings to enthusiasm. The presence and preaching of Whitetield, who had just crossed the ocean, and whose early failing of judging ungraciously the gracious state of his brethren had not yet been checked, encouraged Tennent in his course. But previous to this the Synod had taken action which he interpreted as designed to injure his father's school at Neshaminy. Candidates for the ministry were to be examined by the Synod's committee, and of course to this examination the Presbyteries, as well as candidates, must submit. This was a sore grievance, and was one of the disturbing influences that contri- buted to the division of the Synod. The leading opponent of Tennent and his fellow- protesters in the Synod was Robert Cross, originally from Ireland. He had succeeded Macnish at Jamaica in 1723, and in 1737 joined the Philadelphia Presby- tery and was settled as a colleague of Andrews. He was highly respected and esteemed both for character and ability. At Jamaica, "his people almost adored him, and impoverished themselves to equal the sum offered him in the city." But on his removal to Phila- delphia he became a leading man in the Synod; and his views of the revival which had begun to prevail in several quarters were very different from those of Tennent. Whitetield was by no means his favorite. When he preached in Philadelphia, he came under Cross's definition of an itinerant ; and for two or three years the Synod had been growing more decided in its Vol. I.— 6 62 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. aversion to intrusions not warranted by the permission of Presbytery. Cross was obnoxious to many for his well-known views on the subject. He did not preach — it Avas said — so as to alarm the conscience. He had "preached most of his people away from him," said "Whitefield, in 1740. " He lashed me most bravely the Sunday before I came away." And yet, subsequently, when the snow rendered it impracticable to use the roofless " Great House," he offered his meeting-house to Whitefield ; and it was accepted. Such was the man who was destined to take the leadership of the Old Side in the protest which brought about the division. Of those who sympathized most deeply with Tennent, Samuel Blair deserves prominent mention. He was a native of Ireland, but came to this country in his childhood. From his early years his life had been most exemplary. " He grew in stature and in grace." He had studied at the Log College, 1 and became eminent for his attainments. In 1733, he Was licensed by the Philadelphia Presbytery, and, after preaching for some years at Middletown and Shrewsbury, became pastor at Fagg's Manor in 1740. The place had been settled by Irish emigrants ten years previously, and Blair, ^vith the exception of " some hopefully pious people," found religion ready to expire. Under his labors a powerful revival commenced. One who assisted him, and whose sympathies like- wise were on the side of Tennent, was Alexander Craighead of Middle Octorara. He was probably a son of Thomas Craighead already mentioned, and commenced his ministry in 1735. None were more zealous in promoting the revival. In company with "Whitefield, Tennent, and Blair, he traversed Chester county, and " they made the woods ring, as they rode, 1 See Alexander's "Log College." ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 63 with their songs of praise." He preached, without re- gard to the wishes of his brethren, and against the rule of the Synod, wherever opportunity ottered. lie claimed that ministers should not be confined within the bounds of a single congregation, and in harsh terms he inveighed against the judicial blindness and hard- ness of "Pharisee preachers." His zeal soon carried him away; and, though dividing with Tennent and Blair, he soon disowned them, because they would not come into his views for adopting the Solemn League and ( 'ovenant. In John Cross, another friend of "the Revival," Tennent was equally unfortunate. He was a " Scottish worthy," and his place of settlement was "the moun- tains back of Newark." 1 In 1734-35, there was a powerful revival in his congregation. He accompanied Whitefield and Tennent on their preaching-tours, and was remarkably distinguished for his fervor and suc- cess. " He is a dear soul," said Whitefield, " and one that the Lord delights to honor." At a later period, grave charges were substantiated against him. " His dreadful scandals came to light in the midst of the revival." This, however, was not till after the divi- sion. Eleazar Wales was from New England, a graduate of Yale, in 1727, and settled at Allentown, N.J., in 1730. He afterwards removed to Crosswicks, and finally to Millstone, in 1735, where he became, with Tennent, a member of New Brunswick Presbytery. Richard Treat was likewise from New England, and a graduate of Yale. He settled at Abington in 1731, and for several years acted with the majority of the Synod. But in 1739, on hearing Whitefield, he aban- 1 He was settled at Baskingridge, according to Hoyt's Church of Orange. 64 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. doned his former hope, and from that period preached with new fervor. Besides these men, who firmly adhered to Gilbert Tennent at the time of the division, were his father and his two brothers William and Charles. William was a powerful preacher, and his sermons, though un- polished in diction, were remarkably impressive. As a revivalist he was scarce inferior to his brother Gil- bert, while he seems to have been more discreet and far more disposed to peace. Charles was settled at White Clay and Christiana Village in 1737. The great majority of the Irish members of the Synod, except Blair and the Tennents, sided with Cross, of Philadelphia, in signing the Protest which caused the division. Andrews, of whom he was the colleague, was evidently swayed by his influence, yet did not join in the Protest. Cathcart, at Brandywine; John Thomson, the originator of the overture which resulted in the Adopting Act; Francis Alison, now at New London, but the most thorough scholar which the Old Side could boast; Eichard Sanckey, of Hanover, a plagiarist, if not worse ; Elder, of Paxton ; Craig, of Tinkling Spring, Ya., where he preached to the oldest congregation in the State; Cavin, of Falling Spring, a man of whom his people complained that he never asked about the state of their souls ; Thomson, of Pennsborough ; Boyd, of Octorara; Martin, of Lewes, Del.; and Jamison, at Zion's Hill, in the same State, joined with Cross in the signing of the Protest. Besides these two parties, which from the period of the Adopting Act began to be more distinctly marked, there was a third, occupying an intermediate posi- tion, and who might, if they had acted in time, have prevented the division. These were, principally, Dick- inson, of Elizabethtown ; Pemberton, of New York; Pierson, of Woodbridge; Horton, of Connecticut Farms; ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 65 Burr, of Newark \ Pumroy, of Newtown; Hnbbell, of Morristown; and Gillespie and Eutcheson, of New Castle Presbytery. Several of these were as warm friends of the revival as the Tennents, and, had they been present at the critical moment, might easily have turned the scale. The seeds of the division, however, had long been sown. From the time of the Adopting Act, in 1729, the discordant elements of which the Synod was com- posed began to betray themselves. The question was not in regard to the Adopting Act itself. In this, all parties seemed readily enough to acquiesce. The mem- bers who were absent when it was passed expressed their approval of it in the following year. The several Presbyteries reported the uniform acceptance of the Confession by those w T hom they licensed and ordained. The only complaint anywhere to be heard on the sub- ject was the laxness rather than the severity of the rule ; and this complaint came only from a few over- anxious, with fears transmitted from the experience of the Irish Synod. In spite of the apprehensions expressed by the friends of vital religion at the sad decline which it had experienced,, the Church was still extending its bounds. Help was given from the fund to several needy churches, and new congregations were continually forming and applying for ministers. At Wall Kill, Goshen, Crosswater, Trenton, and in Delaware and Virginia, there were urgent demands for the institutions of the gospel, — demands which the Synod exerted it- self to meet. In 1732, the Donegal Presbytery was erected, of which Anderson, who had removed from New York, Thomson, Boyd, Orr, and Bertram, were the original members. In the following year, the Presbytery of Philadelphia was divided, and a portion of it set off to constitute the Presbytery of East Jersey, which 6* 66 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. in 1738 was in conjunction with the Presbytery of Long Island, thenceforth known as the Presbytery of New York. At nearly the same time, the Presbytery of New Brunswick was erected, the members of which were Gilbert and William Tennent, Samuel Blair, Elea- zar Wales, and John Cross. There was, beyond doubt, a sad decline of vital piety among the churches. Some of the ministers whom. Tennent rebuked, and into whose congregations he intruded, were unquestionably ''Pharisee preachers." Among them, too, were bitter opponents of the revival, if not of Evangelical religion. But the majority of the Synod were by no means men of this stamp. Some of their measures were unwise and characterized by party zeal ; but in an impartial judgment they by no means deserve the odium heaped upon them by their opponents. The Irish members plausibly contended that there was danger to the Church from intrants from Ireland. The tide of immigration had within a few years rapidly increased. It was not at all improbable that, unless vigilance was exercised, the churches would be cursed by unworthy men. Indeed, the Synod had already been called to deal with one who might serve as a sj)ecimen. Samuel Hemphill, with ample credentials to the Synod from the Presbytery of Strabane, was received as a member on his easy subscription to the Confession of Faith. He preached at New London with much ac- ceptance, and without exciting any suspicion of bis deistical sentiments. Adverse reports from Ireland led to an investigation ; but the ministers of New Castle Presbytery declared themselves satisfied with his teachings. He imposed himself on Andrews, and preached all winter at Philadelphia. Franklin liked his preaching, which soon ran into downright Deism. Andrews was at length forced to bring charges against ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 67 him. They were sustained by evidence; and Hemp- bill was suspended. This was in 17:;.~>. Jlis trial was by the Synod's commission; and, when the case came before the body at its next session, Hemphill sent them an insulting letter, and closed by saying that lie thought "they would do him a deal of honor if they would entirely excommunicate him." If such conduct was felt to be exasperating, the danger which it indicated was seen to be imminent. It led the Synod to take decisive measures for the security of both ministers and churches. "Wolves in sheep's clothing" were "invading the flock of Christ/' "Devouring monsters" were "numerous abroad in the world." "The late bold assault that hath been made upon us" " should put us to our arms, and excite us with care and diligence to put ourselves in a posture of defence against all future attempts." The overture, accordingly, adds, " Seeing we are likely to have the most of our supply of ministers, to fill our vacancies, from the North of Ireland," and, in view of the "great danger of being imposed upon by ministers and preachers from thence," it is proposed to the reverend Synod to«erder a more careful inspection of credentials of those who come from abroad, no one to be called till he have preached six months within the Synod's bounds, and no student to be received to enter upon his trials, till he have given most of the ministers of the Presbytery opportunity to take a view of his parts and behavior. To these measures, taken by themselves, there could be no reasonable objection. But the attempt was made — which, in fact, if valid, would have destroyed the Adopting Act — to require every minister to receive the Confession and Form of Government, not in the sys- tematic way prescribed in the Adopting Act, but on the ij^ixxiinu. verba principle. This was the beginning 08 nisTORY or presbyterianism. of one of the difficulties which led to the division of the Church. And three years later, in 1738, a proposal was made by the Presbytery of Lewes, which was re- garded by the Tennents as espec ally obnoxious. Pre- mising the great importance of a learned ministry, and the lack of any institution for collegiate education within the bounds of the Church, which obviated the "grievous disadvantage," or furnished "a degree," it urged the appointment of a committee of Synod by whom the candidates were to be examined, and whose certificate might serve instead of a diploma. The approval of this measure by a great majority was especially obnoxious to the Tennents and to New Brunswick Presbytery. In connection with the acts of the previous year, it was thought to bear especially against them. In 1737, it was ordered that no proba- tioner or minister of one Presbytery be allowed to preach in the bounds of another, without the permission of the latter, and, upon being informed that it would be con- sidered objectionable, he was to desist. If this measure interfered with the itinerating evangelism of John Cross and the Tennents, the other seemed to intimate not the highest esteem of William Tennent's school at Nesha- miny, where quite a number of young men had been educated for the ministry. Most of the ministers of the Synod had enjoyed the advantages of a collegiate course, — the Irish and Scotch members at Glasgow, and the New England members. at Yale or Harvard. It was natural for them to imagine that no private insti- tution could answer the demand for an educated minis- try. But in this matter they scarcely did justice to William Tennent's "Log College." This institution gave to the Church some of her best men, — men eminent alike for piety and learning. The elder Tennent him- self was an honor to the Church of his adoption. In J 718 he abandoned the Episcopal communion, scrupling ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. G9 at her government, discipline, and the encouragement, or at least toleration, which she extended to Armiman error and unchristian practice. With a wise forecast, he perceived that the demand of the Presbyterian Church for more ministers must ultimately be met within herself. He set about the work of supplying the want, and under him the two Blairs, Finley, Row- Land, and his own sons, were educated for the ministry. Not long after his settlement at Neshaminy, in 172<*>, he erected, within a few steps of his own dwelling, the humble edifice which was to acquire such an enviable notoriety. The spirit in w T hich it was established au- gured well for its future. In Ireland and Scotland the signs of prevalent worldliness, foreshadowing a sad apostasy, were already apparent. In this country the primitive zeal of Makemie's compeers w T as already on the decline. "Eevivals of religion were nowhere heard of, and an orthodox creed and a decent external conduct were the only points on which inquiry was made when persons were admitted to the communion of the Church." Vital piety had almost deserted the Church. The substance of preaching was a " dead orthodoxy," in which little emphasis was laid upon regeneration, a change of heart, or the terrors of the law against sin. With such a state of things Tennent had no sympathy. His warm evangelical spirit led him to strive w T ith all his energies to effect a change. The young men who came under his influence, in their course of education, w r ere inspirited to become his effi- cient allies. When Whitefield visited Tennent, in 1739, he found much to admire in what had already been accomplished. " Our ministers," he says, " are glorious without. From this despised place, seven <>r eight worthy ministers of Jesus have lately been sent forth, more are almost ready to be sent, and the foundation is now laying for the instruction of many others. " 70 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Tennent's relation to the Synod, according to White- field, was much like that of Erskine, of Scotland, to the "judicatories of Edinburgh." He was "secretly despised." A prejudice existed against him and his institution. It was only increased when Tennent in- vited Whitefield to Neshaminy and gave him a cordial encouragement in his work. His own people were not altogether united in him. The difficulty originated in the fact that he had never been formally installed; and when a hearing of the case had been had before the Synod of Philadelphia, it was declared that the disaf- fection was due to ignorance and prejudice. The people were recommended to lay aside their groundless dis- satisfactions and return to their duty, otherwise they w T ould be treated by the Synod as disorderly. The minute stating the result of the Synod's deliberations was unanimously adopted. This was in 1737. Two years later, it is doubtful whether the vote would have been so decisive. Ten- nent fraternized with Whitefield, and the students whom he had trained were the ones who intruded their itinerant evangelism upon other congregations, in viola- tion of the rules adopted by Synod. In their view, those rules were tyrannic and unwarranted. They claimed that no " Pharisee preacher" could be author- ized to exclude them from publicly addressing those of other congregations who desired it. The act of 1738, in regard to the examination of can- didates by a committee of the Synod, was especially grievous to the friends of the Log College, as that in regard to intrusion into other congregations was to the friends of the revival. The New Brunswick Presby- tery objected to it, and their objections were stated in the Synod of 1739. The subject therefore was recon- sidered, and it was ordered that the candidates should be examined, not by the committee that had been ap- ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 71 pointed, but by the whole Synod or its commission. The principle of the previous year was virtually reaf- firmed, and it was scarcely Less objectionable in shape. Gilbert Tennent cried out that it was to prevent his father's school from training gracious men for the ministry. He protested against it, and his father, his two brothers, Samuel Blair, and Eleazar Wales, his co- Presbyters, and several elders, joined with him in the protest. The difficulty was aggravated by the fact that the New Brunswick Presbytery had, during the past year, not only licensed John Rowland, without regard to the Synod's rule, but sent him to supply a vacancy within the bounds of Philadelphia Presbytery. The Synod pronounced their action disorderly, and refused to admit Eowland as a preacher till he submitted to the Synod's examination. At this juncture the conclusion arrived at in the case of the controversy between Ten- nent and Cowell gave the former, although he did not object publicly at the time, a new occasion of offence. To make matters still worse, the Synod of the same year took steps for erecting a school or seminary of learning, — appointing Pemberton, Dickinson, Anderson, and Cross, of Philadelphia, to prosecute the affair. The first two were from New England, the third from Scot- land, and the last from Ireland; for pecuniary aid was to be sought from all quarters. The step was a wise one; but it altogether ignored Tennent's school, which was entitled to honorable mention. It showed, more- over, that the Synod had no thought of any separation as yet which would exclude Pemberton, Dickinson, or any of the New England men. Before the meeting of the Synod in 1740, some im- portant events occurred. Whitefield made his first visit within the bounds of the Presbyterian Church, and the warm and fervent spirit of Gilbert Tennent 72 HISTORY OP PRESBYTERIANISM. drew him to his views and party. A strong popular feeling was enlisted in his favor. The attraction of his fame and eloquence drew crowds to hear him, and his awakening and convincing discourses produced a gene- ral concern. In New York and Philadelphia thousands thronged around him, and large numbers were brought under conviction. Treat, of Abington, who had, to this time, acted with the majority of the Synod, and Campbell, of Tehicken, gave up their hopes and mourned as self-deceivers and soul-murderers. In the course of a few months, through Whitefield's influence, a great change was wrought. He preached in New York for Pemberton, at Elizabethtown for Dickinson, at Wilmington twice to five thousand, at New Castle to two thousand five hundred, at Christiana Bridge to three thousand, on Sabbath at White Clay to eight thousand; and his farewell sermon at Philadelphia was attended by ten thousand. These numbers may be somewhat exaggerated; but the fact that in Philadelphia there was religious service every day, and three services on the Sabbath, for a yeai after, indicates the powerful hold which he had taken of the popular mind. The members of the Old side for the most part disliked him, and refused him their pulpits. Pemberton and Dickinson, by welcoming him, had become more closely drawn to sympathize with Tennent, with whom Whitefield was in strong sympathy. Here, then, on a grand scale, the rules of the Synod in regard to intrusion had been violated, and those implicated with Whitefield were more than the New Brunswick Presbytery, who during the year had ag- gravated their original offence by taking Finley on trial, licensing Robinson and McCrea, and ordaining Rowland. Yet, with the great good effected, there were some mischiefs; and these mischiefs were nearly the entiro ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 73 result which the prejudices of the Old side permitted them to perceive. Their pence had been disturbed. Some of their congregations had been divided or greatly reduced in uumbers. The people, many of them, did not hesitate, with the sanction of W"hitefield and Ten- nent, to pronounce their ministers unconverted; and in some cases at least they were not far from the truth. In these circumstances the Synod of 1740 met. The subjects of the Synod's rule for the trial of candidates, and the preaching of ministers within the bounds of other Presbyteries, were the first introduced for dis- cussion. Tennent wished a revision of the conclusion reached in regard to his controversy with Cowell, but was met b}~ an overwhelming negative. The rule for the trial of candidates was then considered. Any mem- ber of the Synod was allowed to propose any expedient to secure peace. All were agreed that the Synod were proper judges of the qualification of their own mem- bers; but the protesting brethren objected to the inser- tion in the minutes of the agreement of the previous year, as unnecessary. There was " an uncomfortable debate" on the subject, but on the final vote it was decided to abide by the agreement for the present, or till some other expedient could be found to answer its design. The majority was not large in its favor, for of fifty-nine members of the Synod, the protestants of the previous year, joined by fifteen others present at the Synod, formed a powerful minority. Dickinson, "VVilmot, Burr, Pierson, Nutman, and llorton must have voted with the majority, or they would have turned the scale in favor of the protesting party. In regard to the other rule of the Synod bearing upon the intrusion of ministers and licentiates within the bounds of other Presbyteries, the Synod was forced to retrace its steps. Whitefield had " rode over'' ittrium- Vol. I.— 7 74 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. phantly, if not defiantly ; and the New York brethren, as well as the New Brunswick Presbytery, had lent him to some extent their countenance and sanction. Popular feeling, moreover, — and that, too, in the city where the Synod was assembled, — would have resented with indignation any such restriction as would be re- quired by a strict interpretation of the rule of the previous year. It was, therefore, declared that the object of the rule was to prevent " divisions in our congregations," and not to hinder " itinerant preach- ing." And in regard to those who might have been licensed to preach without the Synodical examination required, the Synod declared that they did not deny such to be " truly gospel ministers," but only that they could not be admitted as members of the Synod till they had complied with its rules. 1 Here at least, from whatever cause, was manifested a disposition to compromise differences. This was equally obvious when Gilbert Tennent asked for an i?iterloquitur, — a secret session for mutual conference. It was late in the closing session, and he was directed to proceed with what he had to otfer. The house was crowded with spectators, nearly all of them in sym- pathy with him. The intervals of Synod had been spent by the New side in preaching. There were two sermons at least, and sometimes more, every day, — sometimes on Society Hill, sometimes at the Baptist church. Dickinson was not sound enough on revivals to be allowed to preach. Eowland and Davenport were more popular, and their course and views were regarded with extensive, if not general, approval. The crowd that had listened to them was now assembled in the house where the Synod was convened. 1 Such is the substance of the overture introduced. It is doubt- fu» whether it was adopted. ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 75 Tennent arose, and read a terrible representation on the state of the ministry. The picture which he drew — Largely from his own fancy and fears — was appalling. If his statements were to be accepted, his first duty would have been to table charges against a majority of the Synod, or withdraw at once from all connection with it. No sooner had Tennent finished than Blair arose and read a paper drawn up in the same strain. Both were allowed to proceed without interruption. When they had closed, they were exhorted to spare no man in the Synod, but to point out the guilty, that they might at least be distinguished from the innocent. This they were not prepared to do. They would prove the matters charged against particular mem- bers; but they admitted that they had not spoken with the persons aimed at, or sifted carefully the re- ports whieh they had credited. With the calmness of dignity and self-respect, yet with a courteous regard to the statements of Tennent and Blair, the Synod declared, in view of their repre- sentations, that they " do, therefore, solemnly ad- monish all the ministers in our bounds, seriously to consider the weight of their charge, and, as they will answer it at the great day of Christ, to take care to approve themselves to God in the instances complained of. And the Presbyteries are recommended to take care of their members in these particulars." Before adjourning, the Synod readily granted the request of Newtown and Tinicum to be placed under the care of New Brunswick Presbytery. This body in many quarters now enjoyed a high degree of popu- larity, while in others its name was a synonym for mischief and enthusiasm. Notwithstanding the rules and the authority of Synod, the obnoxious Presbytery continued in its former course. It licensed Finley without regard to the Synod's rule of examination, 76 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. and sent him to preach at Eising Sun to a party who were erecting a building just across the highway from the old church. Tennent himself went forth to evan- gelize in West Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. From this field he directed his steps to New Eng- land. Whitefield had just visited Boston at the re- quest of the ministers, and had preached there, and all along; the road to New Haven, as the meeting-houses were thrown open to him. Tennent was urged to water the seed that had been sown. His labors were manifold, and his popularity was second only to White- field's. The Synod of 1741 met; but the division which re- sulted was already foreshadowed in what had taken place within the bounds of the Church. Everywhere there were divisions and alienations. New Castle Pres- bytery was divided with Evans, Cathcart, and Alison on the Old side, and Charles Tennent and Blair on the other, while Gillespie and Hutcheson were dissatisfied with both. In Donegal Presbytery, Craighead at New London, and Alexander at Brandywine Manor, coun- tenanced the itinerations of Finley and sympathized with the Tennents. They complained that candidates were licensed without proper examination in regard to heart-religion. They did not hesitate to make open objections to Black, Elder, Sanckey, Thomson, and Cavin, and, in the case of some of them, only on too solid grounds. Yet the language and conduct of the New side were on many occasions utterly inexcusable. In January preceding the meeting of Synod, Finley preached a sermon entitled " Christ reigning and Satan raging." It was extremely harsh, bitter, and denunciatory. In a printed letter he spoke scornfully of " the babbling ignorant priests that would seem such friends to holi- ness." "Are not these," he asks, "the devil's advo- ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 77 cates?" Thomson's doctrine in his sermon on Convic- tion and Assurance was condemned us "Moravian, Muggletonian, and detestable." 1 It was impossible, while such proceedings were sanctioned by the New Brunswick party, and were producing a most exasperated slate of feeling in its opponents, that the Synod should meet in harmony. It did not S" meet. The members on the side of the protestants were too bold and confident; nor can we altogether defend their course as orderly. To add to the difficulty, the entire New. York Presbytery, who might have acted as mediators, were absent. Standing aloof in great measure from the strife, they, with Gil- lespie, Hutcheson, and other moderate men, might at least have deferred the rupture. Disapproving of many things which had been endorsed by Whitefield and Tennent, they were yet the firm friends of sound doctrine, of good order, and of vital religion. In their absence, the opposing parties in the Synod came face to face. The first thing was to listen to objections against certain persons sitting in Synod. The individual most obnoxious was A. Craighead, who belonged to the Tennent party and who had been arraigned before the Donegal Presbytery. He had contemned their authority, and had been suspended for contumacy. While his case w r as pending, the members of the Old side brought in their protest against the right of the protestants of the previous year to sit in the Synod. They charged to their ''unwearied, unscriptural, anti-Presbyterial, unchari- table, division practices," for the past year, " the dread- ful distractions and convulsions which all of a sudden have seized this infant Church ; . . . that she is in danger of expiring outright." Against such disorderly 1 See AVebster's History. 7* 78 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. feelings they felt it their " duty to bear testimony/' With such conviction, they protested that it was " the indispensable duty of the Synod to maintain and stand by the principles of doctrine, worship, and govern- ment" summed up in the acknowledged standards of the Church; that no one who had not adopted or sub- scribed these standards " according to our last explica- tion of the Adopting Act," no one holding doctrines opposed to them, or persisting in practices " contrary to any of the known rights of Presbytery" or " orders agreed to by the Synod,." should be allowed to sit and vote till he repented of his wrong; that the protesting brethren of the previous year had forfeited their rights as members, for many reasons afterwards specified; that if, notwithstanding their present protestations, the others should continue, as during the past year, in their anti-Presbyterial practices, they should be looked upon as guilty of schism, and not members of " the true Presbyterian Church in this province." It will be observed that " the last explication of" the Adopting Act was that of 1736. The majority of the Synod, therefore, demanded as a condition of member- ship a principle fundamentally different from that of the Adopting Act. They demanded, in short, an ipsis- sima verba subscription. And because of the refusal to yield to this demand, among others, they proceeded to what was a virtual excision, and what they did not hesitate to characterize as such in their subsequent documents. This view is strengthened by the fact that they refer in the protest to the manner in which their Presbyteries adopt the Confession. But it can be shown by existing documents that the Presbyteries of New Castle and Donegal had adopted an ipsissima verba subscription, — one contrary to the principle of the Adopting Act. The systematic in contradistinction from ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 79 the ipsissima verba subscription, was re-established at the reunion in 1758. The members of the Old side then proceeded to give their reasons for their protest. These were found in the conduct of the favorers of the New Brunswick party, which embraced some in each of the Presby- teries of .New Castle and Donegal, denying the author- ity of Presbyteries and Synods to go any further in judging of appeals and references than to give their Inst advice; their protest and action against the Synod's rule for the examination of candidates ; their " irregular irruptions upon congregations to which they have no immediate relation, sowing the seeds of divi- sion among people," and alienating their minds with unjust prejudices against pastors j their "rash judging and condemning all who do not fall in with their measures, as carnal, graceless, and enemies of the work of God, as instanced in Telinent's Nottingham sermon, and his and Blair's papers read before the last Synod; their disorderly itinerations through other congrega- tions, which through them had become shattered and divided; their strange notions as to what constituted a call to the ministry;" their "preaching the terrors of the law in such a manner and dialect as has no prece- dent in the word of God, but rather appears to be bor- rowed from a worse dialect;" their " working on the passions and affections of weak minds, making persons cry out in a hideous manner, or fall in convulsion fits;" their maintaining that all true converts could be abso- lutely certain of their gracious state, and able to nar- rate the time and manner of their conversion, and that the people were under no tie to their own pastors, but might leave them when they pleased, and ought to go where they could get most good. For these reasons, they pronounced union with the obnoxious brethren "monstrously absurd," — one party 80 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. owning, and the other disowning, the judicial deter- minations of the whole; one party desiring to join with another party which they condemned "whole- sale," meeting with them once in the year, but work- ing against them at all other times, disregarding the authority of the common standards, yet arrogating authority to palm and obtrude members upon the Synod contrary to its judgment. Such were declared to be but a part of the reasons why the Old side protested against those who sustained the action and cause of the New Brunswick Presbytery. They did not maintain that they themselves were guilt- less, but justified the " Divine proceedings against" them, and avowed the duty and necessity of a reforma- tion of the evils whereby God had been provoked. The protest was read and laid upon the table. Several, who had not seen it before, signed their names. There was great confusion. Andrews, who was mode- rator, had no previous knowledge of the measure, and left the chair. As the elders signed their names, some cried out that they were subscribing what they had not heard or considered. Others declared that it was a protesting of lies before Almighty God. Each party was too excited to deliberate. The friends of the New Brunswick Presbytery wished to speak in their own defence. Blair and others, too confident of their strength, insisted that the protesters ought to with- draw, for they were not a majority of the body. The sympathy of the spectators was on the side of Blair and Tennent. The galleries rang with cries to cast the protesters out. No pacific measures, no offers of compromise, were presented. The New Brunswick party were firm in the conviction that they were in the majority, and can- r assed whether they or their opponents were to be regarded as the Synod. The latter maintained that, ADOPTING ACT TO DIVISION. 81 on which side soever the majority might be, the New Brunswick party had do righl t<» sit in the Synod. The roll was called. Andrews, who had to act on the spur of the occasion, — for he had not been let into 1 Ik- secret of the protest, which must have been long contemplated, as it was carefully drawn, — decided at once that he could not join with the New Brunswick brethren. The moderate members were unwilling to act with them, and some who Mould have sustained them had left. Gillespie and McHenry did not appear. Iliitcheson hesitated. Elmer and his elder had gone home. The New Brunswick party were clearly in the minority. They withdrew, followed by a great crowd. The division was accomplished. Treat and Wales were the only New England ministers who withdrew with the excluded party. The others grieved, in com- mon with the more moderate members present at the Synod, over what had taken place. There had been a struggle for the ascendency between two rival parties, each aspiring to control the Church, and each com- bining with its conscientious convictions no small measure of human passion. The New Brunswick party were zealous for what they regarded as vital evangelical truth, and believed it to be a part of their mission to unmask the hypocrisy, worldliness, and sin of the Church, and, in the over-earnestness of their purpose, forgot charity and discretion. The others, indignant under the sense of wrong, were forced to appeal to the authority of the common standards and the rules of the Synod, which their brethren had too much dis- regarded. Thus one party appealed to the word of Cod. the other to the Confession of Faith. One. zealous for truth, fell the victim of its theories ■ the other, resolute for order, could see only the letter of the constitution. which they yet violated by the operation which they 82 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. gave to a protest which was virtually an exscinding act. Their extraordinary zeal for the Confession was less from any superior attachment to its doctrines, than from the fact that they endeavored to appeal to the standards and authority of the Synod as the means of self-defence. CHAPTEK VI. THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. At the time of the division of the Synod, the pros- pect of the New Brunswick party was not the most encouraging. They were not only a minority in num- bers as the Synod was then constituted, but there was danger lest they should become the victims of their divisive principles, since the New York Presbytery, friendly to order, could not approve their course, and still adhered to the Old side. This, however, was not because they endorsed the action of the latter party, or ap p roved the protest by which the New Brunswick members were excluded. In 1742, Dickinson was chosen moderator, and the first business brought before Synod was, on his suggestion, for a conference with the rejected brethren, "in order to accommodate the differ- ence and make up that unhappy breach." A committee was appointed to consider what could be done. It consisted of seven ; and Dickinson, Pem- berton, and Pierson were members of it. The ejected ministers were invited to confer with the Synod. They did so; but the conference reached no satisfactory result. The parties could not agree as to who should be judges in the case. The New Brunswick party would submit the business to the consideration of none THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 83 who had signed the protest of the previous year. They were met by the Latter with the not very soothing declaration that tiny, the protestants, with the mem- bers that adhered to them alter ejecting the others, were the Synod, and had acted as such in the ejection, and in so doing only cast out such members as they deemed unworthy of membership, because they main- tained and practised things subversive of the constitu- tion. They could not, therefore, be called to account by absent members, " or by any judicature on earth." They were willing, however, to give the reasons of their conduct to the absent brethren, and to the public, for their consideration or review. The New York members — Dickinson, Pemberton, Pierson, Elmer, 1 and the two Hortons — were not satis- fied with this. They entered their protest against the exclusion of the New Brunswick Presbytery by a pro- test and without giving them a previous trial, as "an illegal and unprecedented procedure, contrary to the rules of the gospel, and subversive of our excellent constitution." They protested also against the refusal of the present Synod to try the legality of the protest of the previous year. They maintained that the mem- bers excluded by the protest were still members, and were to be owned and esteemed such until they were pronounced excluded after a regular and impartial pro- cess against them. As to the seeming condemnation by the protestants of the previous year, of the revival, and the language that had been employed in pamphlets sanctioned, if not issued, by the Old side, they pro* 1 Elmer, though reckoned with the " New York members," belonged to the Presbytery of Philadelphia (printed minutes of Synod, p. 141); he was from New England, and settled first at West Brookfield (Mass.), then at Cohansey, or Fairfield, N.J. Noyes Parris was probably his predecessor at Cohansey. 84 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. tested against all passages in them which seemed to reflect " upon the work of Divine power and grace, which" had " been carrying on in so wonderful a man- ner in many" of the congregations. At the same time, to clear themselves from all responsibility for the indis- cretions and faults of the New Brunswick party, they said, in conclusion, " We protest and declare against all divisive and irregular methods and practices, by which the peace and good order of our churches have been broken in upon." The protest was recorded. The only attempt to reply to it in the minutes of Synod is the statement that the protest on the first point was opposed to the facts of the case, and that the excluded members were excluded by vote of the Synod if they refused to give satisfaction for the points complained of, and that upon this they withdrew. Francis Alison alone insisted on its being inserted in the minutes of Synod, that he judged it an open infringement on the rights of society, and of the members of Synod as Presbyterians, that the body should be called to account and the legality of its acts judged by absent members. In the following year (1743), the Presbytery of New York brought up the subject again by overture to the Synod. They proposed that the excluding protest should be withdrawn, and the excluded members re- sume their seats in Synod; that candidates for the ministry should submit to the former agreement of the Synod in regard to examination, or procure a diploma from a New England college ; that the pulpits of min- isters should be open to their brethren when regularly applied for, and, unless the reasons for a refusal should be approved by the Presbytery or Synod, such refusal should be regarded as unbrotherly and tending to divi- sion or separation; that if any minister should imagine he had cause to complain of any of his brethren, he THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 85 should first seek a private conference, and, if that failed, cite him on specific charges for trial before the Presby- tery, Former matters of difference and debate in Synod were to be buried in oblivion, and in case this plan of accommodation, or others that might be pro- posed, should fail, the Synod should unitedly agree that another Synod be erected by the name of the Synod of Kew York, and liberty be left to members to unite with either as they saw fit, — the two Synods sending yearly each two correspondents to the other. The overture was rejected by the Synod, and Dickin- son, Pemberton, Pierson, and Burr, while complaining " of no unfriendly or unbrotherly treatment" from the Synod with relation to themselves, gave in a paper in which they declared that they regarded the New Bruns- wick Presbytery and its adherents as fully as them- selves entitled to sit as members of the Synod, and in consequence that they could not, while that Presbytery w r as excluded, see their way clear to sit and act as though they, with the members present, were the Synod of Philadelphia. Burr sent at the same time to the New Brunswick brethren a proposal of terms for their admission to the Synod, which were read and approved. These terms required subjection to the agreements or cen- sures of Synod, — the desisting from licensure and or- dination of men who had not complied with the Synod's rules of examination, or the alternative pro- posed in the Conference of the previous year, — the refraining from itinerant intrusion, or the setting up new separate societies within the bounds of the Pres- byteries, or fixed pastoral charges. — the renunciation of the obnoxious positions taken by Gilbert Tennent in his Nottingham sermon, which took "all govern- ment out of the hands of a Synod or Presbytery, and gave it to any person of ignorance and impudence Vol.. T.— s 86 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. enough to bring God's house into confusion/' — an acknowledgment of their guilt in these respects, and " the dreadful tendency" of their practices to promote division and confusion among the churches. If the excluded brethren had any thing to complain of with regard to the members of the Synod, they were to be welcome to table charges against them in a proper judicatory, whether the terms proposed were accept- able or not, and, in case of their acceptance, the ex- cluded members should be heartily received. To this the ministers of the conjunct Presbyteries of New Brunswick and New Castle 1 replied, by declaring that there could be no regular steps taken towards a union till the illegal protest was withdrawn, while the paper of proposals contained " sundry misrepresenta- tions and unreasonable demands." It was already in contemplation to erect another Synod. Although no action was taken in reference to it by the Synod of Philadelphia, their views were ex- pressed by a paper inserted in their minutes. In this they say that they " cannot approve and confirm schism by Sy nodical authority ;" yet " if our New York brethren see cause, contrary to our judgment and inclination, to divide themselves from us, and to erect themselves into a new separate body, while it is not in our power to hinder them, though we cannot in conscience approve of their so doing, yet we hope by the grace of God we shall sincerely and conscientiously endeavor to cherish and cultivate a truly Christian and charitable disposi- tion towards them." No further steps to promote a reunion were taken 1 The old New Castle Presbytery was divided so as to form two, each bearing the same name, — one the Old side, the other the New. The latter, of course, was the one in sympathy with the New Bruns- wick Presbytery. THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 87 till 1745. Of the New York Presbytery. Dickinson, Pemberton, and Pierson were present in Synod. They bore with them a Presby terial commission, desiring the Synod to appoint a committee of conference with them for the removal of grounds of dissatisfaction and dif- ference. The committee was appointed, but the plan which they drew up was one which the New York brethren declared that they would not accept. They could not regard it as a proper basis of union. It for- bade any member to preach in another's congregation without being invited by him or judicially appointed to it ; while it declared that all erections within the bounds of regular congregations, which had been set up by " itinerant preaching and divisive practices," should be deemed contrary to the peace and good order of the Church, and not to be maintained. The plan was quite inadmissible, and in the circum- stances of the times was especially obnoxious to the New side. The question on which it took issue was not one which concerned the excluded brethren alone. The extended revival of religion at this period — associated in many minds with the names of White- field and Tennent, but connected also with the labors of such men as Edwards and Bellamy — had produced a division in the Church throughout the land. Some favored it and some opposed it, while a large body of the more moderate and discreet, but not less devoted, ministers were free to admit the irregularities which it occasioned, while they stood ready to vindicate the good which it had accomplished. The verdict of im- partial history must pronounce it, with some qualifica- tions, a powerful movement for good. If it sometimes burnt the standing corn, it consumed an immense mass of stubble. Vital religion all over the land was strength- ened by it. Hundreds and even thousands of souls were converted. The pulpit was armed with a new 88 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. power. A dead orthodoxy was quickened to life, ai d a genuine reformation was in many cases the result. But neither the movement nor the opposition to it was confined to the limits of the Presbyterian Church. They extended alike to New England. Some of the Boston ministers opposed the revival. They preached and published against it. The Legislature of Connec- ticut, in 1742, at the instigation of certain ministers, enacted that any clergyman who should preach in any parish not under his immediate charge, without invita- tion from the settled minister or a majority of the congregation, should forfeit his salary and be bound to 'peaceable and good behavior in the full sum of one hun- dred pounds lawful money until the next court. Non- residents, not licensed by an association, were liable to arrest by any magistrate as common vagrants, to be sent out of the colony. 1 Nor was the law suffered to remain a dead letter. Davenport and Dr. Finley (President of Princeton College at a later date) were banished under this act, and Pomeroy (of Hebron) and others deprived of their salaries. In 1743, all the pulpits of New Haven county were closed against the ministers of New Brunswick Presbytery. To have accepted or endorsed the plan of the Old side, would have been regarded as a guilty acquiescence in the injustice. There was therefore now no longer any hope of re- conciling the two parties. It only remained to proceed to the erection of a new Synod. The New York brethren could not remain in a connection from which their New Brunswick brethren were illegally debarred. This was distinctly understood, and, in view of it, the Synod of Philadelphia declared, " it particularly af- fects us, that some of our New York brethren do not 1 Trumbull's History, ii. 103. THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 89 at present see their way clear to continue in Synodical communion with us." Yet, in view of their proposed erectioD of a new Synod, they desired to declare, "in the most friendly way possible," that if the project was carried out, they should " endeavor to maintain charitable and Christian affections towards them, and show the same upon all occasions by such correspond- ence and fellowship" as they should " think duty and consistent with a good conscience." Accordingly, in September, 1745, the New Brunswick party and the members of the New York Presbytery met at Eliza- beth town, N.J., and formed themselves into the Synod of New York. For the New York members no other course was left open. They could not approve the ex- clusion of the New Brunswick Presbytery by an illegal protest, yet their continued adherence to the Synod of Philadelphia would seem to endorse it. Nor was it a light matter, in their esteem, that the latter body by its public declarations and in the popular judgment had set itself in opposition to the revival, by opposing its methods and speaking of it in their public acts in a tone of depreciation. However they r might disapprove the course of the New Brunswick party on some points, they were in strong sympathy with them in regard to their estimate of the revival itself as a wonderful ex- hibition of the power and grace of God. Yet, in uniting with them to form the Synod, they were careful to guard against those causes of division and offence which had occasioned in great part the division of 1741. The principles upon which they con- sented to unite distinctly condemned insubordination to the rules and agreements of Synod. It* any one felt himself aggrieved by these, and could not in conscience submit to them, he was peaceably to withdraw, with- out raising dispute or contention upon the debated point, or unjust alienation of affection among the 8* 90 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIAN SM. members. Supposed errors in doctrine or in conduct were not to be a subject for scandal, but discipline. " Factious separating practices or principles" were by no means to be encouraged ; yet all who were of com- petent knowledge, orthodox in doctrine, regular in life, and diligent in promoting vital godliness, should be cheerfully admitted to their communion. To avoid divisive methods and to strengthen the discipline of Christ in the churches, a correspondence was to be maintained with the Synod of Philadelphia, by appoint- ing two members who were " to concert with them such measures as may best promote the precious interests of Christ's kingdom in these parts." The basis of the new body was the agreement that the Westminster Confession of Faith, with the Catechisms, "be the pub- lic confession of their faith in such manner as was agreed unto by the Synod of Philadelphia in 1729." The Directory of the "Westminster Assembly was ap- proved as "the general plan of worship and discipline." In the Synod as thus constituted, three Presbyteries — New York, New Brunswick, and New Castle — were represented. From the first, there were Dickinson, Pierson, Pembcrton, Burr, the two Hortons, Timothy Johnes, Eliab Byram, and Eobert Sturgeon. Of New Brunswick, besides Gilbert and William Tennent, there were Eobert Treat, Joseph Lamb, James McCrea, Wil- liam Eobinson, David Youngs, Charles Beatty, and Charles McKnight. Of New Castle, there were the two Blairs, — Samuel and John, — Charles Tennent, and Samuel Finley. Johnes was of Welsh descent, but a native of Southampton, L.I. He was a graduate of Yale, and in 1742 commenced at Mnrristown a ministry of many years, and one which was remarkably blessed. Byram was a Massachusetts man, a warm friend of Brainerd, and was setttled at Mendham in 1743. Stur- geon was probably at Bedford, in West Chester county, THE TERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 01 N.Y.. where, although from Scotland, he had gone as a licentiate of a New England council. Lamb, for many years at Mattituck, L.I., had Ik-cm called to Basking- ridge, and joined the New Brunswick Presbytery in 1744. McCrea and Robinson had been educated at the Log College, — the first now settled at Lamington, where he had gathered a church, and the latter just in full career as a pioneer missionary of Presbyterianism in Virginia and the Carolinas. 1 Finley, Youngs, and M c Knight were all ordained by the New Brunswick Presbytery in 1742. Finley was at Nottingham (Mary- land), where his school, until he was called to succeed Davies in the presidency at Princeton, was highly cele- brated. Youngs, a native of Southold, and a classmate at Yale of Buell and Brainerd, was settled at Setauket in 1 742. McKnight was settled at Cranberry and Allen- town. The name of Beatty is associated with that of the founder of the Log College, whom he succeeded at Ncshaminy. Although a native of Ireland, and yet but a boy when he reached this country, he had re- ceived a classical education; and it is not altogether improbable that during his stay in New England, where lie remained for two years, or at Goshen and Wall Kill, N.Y., to which places the family removed, he may have prosecuted his studies, under pastoral supervision, with renewed diligence. As he grew up to manhood, he engaged in trade. As the manner of the day often was, he travelled with his goods. On foot, or with his pack-horse, he w T ent forth to display his " auld-warld gear" to the people in their own homes. 2 In the course of his wanderings, he reached Neshaminy. At the Log College, Tennent and his pupils were surprised b} T a pedlar proffering bin 1 Afterward settled at St. George's, Del. 2 Sprague's Annals. 92 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. merchandise to them in Latin. Tennent replied; and the conversation was carried on in the Latin tongue, with such evidence of scholarship, religious knowledge, and fervent piety on the part of the pedlar, that Ten- nent commanded him to sell what he had and prepare for the ministry. Beatty was disposed to comply. He studied at Neshaminy, was licensed in 1742, and in less than a year was called to take the place of Tennent himself. Thus, within the four years that had intervened from the separation to the formation of the New York Synod, the New Brunswick Presbytery had gathered around it a noble band of young men, animated with the spirit of the revival and eager to go forth to their work. As the Synod was formed, the field to be occu- pied was greatly extended. Applications for ministers and missionaries came from afar, — from Virginia and the Carolinas. Extraordinary efforts were made to meet the demand. A large number of the ministers, espe- cially the younger portion of them, were sent out repeatedly on missionary tours. The Old side had also received some accessions. In 1742, John Guild, Samuel Evans, and Alexander McDowell were ordained. The first was a native of Massachusetts, a graduate of Harvard, and was settled at Hopewell; Evans was the son of the Evans of the "Welsh Tract. McDowell, who afterward took charge of the Synod's school, is said to have come from Vir- ginia, and to have settled at Nottingham in 1743-44. l Bell, Hindman, and Griffith were ordained in 1743, by the Old side. Neither proved to be of much ser- vice. Bell had been educated at the Log College. He 1 This is questionable, however. Dr. Finley settled at Not- ingham in 1744, and remained there seven years. See Allen's Biographical Dictionary, THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 93 adhered to the Old Bide, but, in little more than a twelve- month after his ordination, renounced all connection with Presbytery. Kindman labored for a short time as a missionary in Virginia. Griffith succeeded Thomas Evans at Pencader. 1 He died some time after L751, when he was a missionary in Virginia. In the following year. John Steel and James Scongal were the only accessions received. Both were from [reland: the first, from Londonderry Presbytery, set- tled at New London, and the other, from the Presby- tery of Paisley, took charge of the Old-side congrega- tion of Snow Hill. Thus, in the four years that had elapsed since the division, the New Brunswick party had gained vastly upon the Old side. Long Island Presbytery, some por- tions of which strongly sympathized with the Tennents, had furnished it several candidates. Davenport, with all his extravagances, had " a zeal for God and the con- version of men that was scarce to be paralleled;" and he and those who were under his influence did much to strengthen the popularity of the New side. The New York Presbytery would have decidedly turned the scales in its favor, if they had been even before. In the thirteen years that followed, from the erection of the Synod of New York in 1745 to the reunion of the Synods in 1758, the preponderance was increasingly in favor of the New side. Samuel Davies, the great pulpit orator, and President of Princeton College, who commenced his ministry in 1747, was in himself a host. John Brainerd (1748) was the worthy brother of the great missionary to the Indians ; and his name would have done honor to an} r Church." Samuel Blair, senior, 1 So stated by Webster, p. 483. 2 Settled in Deerfield, West Jersey, and missionary to the In- dians. 94 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. at Fagg's Manor, bad commenced his school, and had begun to send out men well qualified for the work of the ministry. John Eodgers, afterward the associate of Davies, and pastor at New York, was one of his pupils. 1 He studied theology with Gilbert Tennent, and in 1749 commenced his labors on the early field of Presbyterian effort in this country, the Eastern Shore of Maryland. 2 Elihu Spencer, one of the ablest men whose names adorn the Presbyterian annals, was mis- sionary to the Oneidas in 1748, and succeeded Dickin- son, at Elizabethtown, in 1750, and Eodgers, at St George's, in 1766. 3 Samuel Buell, whom the New Haven Association classed with Brainerd among " strolling preachers that were most disorderly," had settled at East Hampton in 1746, and in the following year helped to form the Suf- folk Presbytery. He was a man of powerful and pun- gent address, and nearly one hundred were added to his church at a single communion season. In 1751, Naphtali Daggett, afterward President of Yale Col- lege, was settled at Smithtown, L.I. John Todd, who was called to wear the mantle of Davies on his depart- ure for England, and again on his removal to Prince- ton, entered upon his Virginia field and was installed by Hanover Presbytery in 1751. In the same year, Eobert Smith, under whom so many of the ministers of the Presbyterian Church sub- sequently received their theological education, was in- stalled at Pequa, and the earlier years of his ministry 1 Others were Alexander Curamings, President Davies, James Finley, and Hugh Henry. 2 Life of Rodgers, p. 54. Subsequently he was at St. George's, and Middletown, Del. 8 Webster, 588. Spencer performed much missionary labor in the Southern States. THE TERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 95 were signally blessed. In 1756, George Duffield, who had been educated at Nassau Kail, and had served as tutor there for two years, commenced his ministerial career. Besides these, at the time of the reunion, the Synod of New York had upon its list of members the names of Whitaker; Kettletas, of Jamaica; Thane, of Connecticut Farms; Richards, of Bah way; Smith, of Orange; Lewis, of IIopew T ell and Maidenhead, after- ward of Mendham ; Kennedy, of Baskingridge ; Hait, of Amwell ; Chesnut, of Charlestown and New Provi- dence; Martin, of Newtown and Salisbury; Lawrence, of the Forks of the Delaware, afterward of Cape May; Arthur, w r ho succeeded Tennent at New T Bruns- wick, when the latter removed in 1744 to the Second Church in Philadelphia; Hunter, of Greenwich and Deerfield; Jacob Green, of Hanover, N.J. ; Greenman,of Pilesgrove; Ramsey, of Fairfield; Roan, associated with Robinson and Blair in the missionary work in Virginia, where his zeal seems to have exceeded his discretion and to have drawn reproach upon his party; Tuttle, of Kent county, Del. ; Harris, of Indian River, near Lewis; Prime, long settled at Huntingdon, L.I., but not till 1747 a member of Presbytery; Brown, of Bridgehamp- ton; Sylvanus White, of Southampton, and son of the venerable Ebenezer White; Talmadge, of Brook- haven ; Reeve, of Moriches, father of the celebrated Tapping Reeve, at the head of the Law School at Litchfield; Ball, of Bedford ; Smith, of Rye and White Plains; Sackett, of Peekskill, or Cortland Manor; Ayres, of Blooming Grove, a pupil of Bellamy, and first on the roll of the alumni of Nassau Hall ; Graham, of Poughkeepsie ; Moffat, of Wall Kill ; Elmer, of New Providence, 1 N.J. ; Hugh Knox, a pupil probably of President A. Burr, and, singularly enough, the teacher of 1 Webster, 609. 96 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Alexander Hamilton j Maltby, for some time tutor at Nassau Hall, and afterward pastor of a church in Ber- muda; Keed, of Bound Brook, the first member of Nas- sau Hall who became a member of Synod ; Worts, of the High-Dutch Congregation of Rockaway; Henry, of Rehoboth, Wicomoco, and Monokin, a graduate of Nassau Hall, and a pupil of Samuel Blair; Campbell, of Tehicken, afterward of South Carolina ; Bay, of Round Hill, and Marsh Creek, Pa.; John Hoge, of Cedar Creek, one of the pioneer laborers in Virginia; Ster- ling, of Upper Octorara; McAden, one of the pioneer laborers in the Carolinas; Robert Henry, of Cub Creek, Prince Edward county, Virginia; and John Martin, of Albemarle, a pupil of Davies, afterward a missionary to the Cherokees, and finally settling in South Caro- lina. A mere list of the names and places of settlement of these men shows the rapid extension of the Presby- terian Church, as represented by the New side, both at the North and South. In Orange and Dutchess counties, N.Y., on Long Island, within the very bounds of the Old side in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, in Virginia and the Carolinas, there was a rapid increase of the New-side ministers. Indeed, the Synod of New York had great advantages, in securing supplies, over the Synod of Philadelphia. Nearly, if not full, one- half of the ministers added to it, during the period pre- vious to the reunion, were from New England; and Nassau Hall was already established and sending out graduates, who were justifying the fond anticipations of its founders. On the other hand, the Old side had great difficulties to encounter. Their opposition to revivals seems to have wellnigh paralyzed the spiritual vigor both of pastors and churches. Their own candidates for the ministry were few in number, and the tide from Ire- THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 07 land had already begun to ebb. The sympathies of the foreign churches were by no means altogether on their side, especially after the mission of Tennent and Davies to England and Scotland in behalf of Nassau Hall. They wrote to Scotland for ministers, but few came. They corresponded with President Clap, of New Haven, and entertained him with their complaints of the New side, and their condemnation of the proceedings which issued in ordaining Brainerd, on his expulsion from Yale, for the mission work among the Indians. To Dickinson and the founders of Nassau Hall, such cor- respondence, uniting the sympathies of the Old side and the opponents of revivals at New Haven, was only a new argument in favor of prosecuting the task of establishing a college at Princeton. But the Old side derived little real advantage from it. President Clap might sanction their devotion to the cause of order, but he could not send them the men who could cope in zeal with Brainerd, McKnight, Buell. Spencer, Graham, Daggett, Youngs, Bostwick, Arthur, and Davenport, — all of them graduates of Yale, and carrying with them to the New side the fervor and active zeal of Whitefield and the Tennents, from whoso lips some of them had caught the flame. Yet the Old side put forth honorable efforts in the cause of learning and ministerial education. It would have been inconsistent with their professions not to have done so. They commenced a Synodical school under Alison, the best scholar on their side, and con- tinued it for several years. Some of their best men were trained in it. But the list of accessions which they received before the reunion was small, compared with that of the New side. In 1745-G, they received on Synodical examination, Thorn, afterward settled at Chesnut Level; John Dick, who took charge of Drawycrs and Appoquinimy ; Ham- Vol. I.— 9 98 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. ilton, of Kehoboth and Monokin; and Hector Alison, who succeeded Dick at Drawyers and Appoquinimy, and afterward settled at Williamsburg, South Carolina. From 1748 to 1754, the only new members added to the Synod, who remained for any length of time in its connection, were Joseph Tate, of Silver Spring, Marsh Creek, and Donegal ; Sampson Smith, succeeding Thorn in 1752 at Chesnut Level; JRobert McMordie, of Upper Marsh Creek, and Round Hill; Evander Mor- rison, of Middle Octorara ', and John Miller, of Duck Creek. 1 The only other members who united with the Old side, previous to the reunion, tbat deserve men- tion, were John Kinkead, of Chester and Montgomery counties, Pa.; 2 Alexander Miller, who settled in the Great Valley, Ya., — neither of whom reflects honor upon the party to which both belonged ; — and William McKennan and Matthew Wilson, the first settled at Wilmington and Eed Clay, and the latter at Lewes and Cold Spring, Del. Of all the members who united with both Synods, from 1745 to 1758, only twelve are known to have been from Scotland, nine from Ireland, three from England, nine from New York and the Middle States, while nearly thirty were from New England and Long Island. Of the twenty others, of whom passing men- 1 Dover, St. Jones, and "People of Kent," are all the same congregation, — Dover. This congregation is on the Records in 1714, and Mr. Anderson, of New Castle, is ordered to supply them : then Henry Hook, in 1723. The first pastor was Archibald Cook, installed June 7, 1727; died September 7, 1729. Mr. Hook was ordered to supply Kent in 1725 and 1726, and also to preach at Duck Creek (Smyrna, Del.) occasionally in 1726. This is the origin of Duck Creek Church. 2 In the minutes of Synod for 1753, p. 210, we read, "A mem- ber of the congregation of Norrington applied to the Synod, sup- plicating the ordination of Mr. Kinkead, as fast as the stated rules and methods used in our Presbyteries will permit." THE PERIOD Off THE DIVISION. 99 tion is made, some remained but a short time in this country, while the place of the others' nativity is for the most part unknown. The increase of membership of the New side from these various sources — mainly from New England and Scotland — was to that of the Old side nearly as eight to one. They secured the sympathy of all the friends of the revival, and manifested great energy in the supply of the destitute and missionary fields within the bounds of the Church. The prospects of the Old side were rendered more discouraging from the sudden check given to Irish emigration. With all the sympathy of President Clap, they secured but one or two ministers from New Eng- land, not more than two or three from Scotland, while most of the number added were their own licentiates. In these circumstances they became continually less indisposed to a reunion. Especially was this the case after the erection of the Synod of New York; the con- stitution of which embodied some of the most import- ant principles for which the Old side had contended, and to which the New Brunswick party, on mature deliberation, chose to submit. Indeed, in Burr's pro- posal for union, laid before the Synod of Philadelphia in 1745, and which embodies the principles adopted a few months afterward in the constitution of the New York Synod, he said, " We think that a subscription of these Articles (the agreements of the Synod) will be a renouncing disorder and divisive practice, and, when obtained, will lay a foundation for maintaining peace, truth, and good order, which was what was desired in the protest by which the Brunswick brethren stand excluded." The grounds of division were thus much narrowed. They were, in fact, reduced to the mode of subscrip- tion and the protest itself. The New York Synod dis- 100 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. tinctly required, that if any member objected to the life or doctrine of another, he should not spread abroad popular rumors to his prejudice, but table charges before the proper judicatory. If one could not con- scientiously submit to the agreements of Synod, he should peaceably withdraw. Factious, separating prin- ciples or practices were to be discouraged, and no one was to intermeddle with parties separating from Pres- byterian or Congregational churches within their bounds. In accepting these terms of communion, the New Brunswick brethren virtually renounced all the obnox- ious positions which they had hitherto maintained. The way was thus opened for proposals of union from both parties. They came in the first instance from the Synod of New York. This body wished to secure from the united Synod a declaration in favor of the revival as a " work of God's glorious grace," — one something like that which they had made themselves at their first meeting at Elizabethtown. To this the Synod of Phila- delphia objected, and the Synod of New York did not insist absolutely upon this point. In 1745-49, and nearly every successive year afterward, proposals were made, or communications interchanged. A commis- sion was appointed, composed of members of both Synods, who met at Trenton in 1749. The three points of difference were the protest, the paragraph about essentials, and the constituting of the Presbyteries on the union of the Synods. These points were discussed from year to year- In regard to the protest, the New York Synod insisted that " by some authentic and formal act of the Synod of Philadelphia" it should " be made null and void." This the Synod of Philadelphia refused ; and the matter was finally settled by their declaring that the protest was the act of the individual members who signed it, for which they were alone THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 101 responsible : it was not, and should not be considered the act of the Synod. In this view of the subject, tho Synod of New York had nothing further to object. The "paragraph about essentials" was one to which the Old side attached much importance. It had doubt- less been much insisted upon by the Presbyteries, who were instructed by the Synod to consider the terms of union, and give in what they thought necessary to the Old-side members of the commission that was to meet at Trenton. The difficulty was not with subscription to the terms of the Adopting Act of 1729, but subscrip- tion " according to our last (1730) explication of the Adopting Act, without the least variation or altera- tion." This point was one adhered to, not so much from tenacity for orthodox doctrine as from zeal for orderly practice. In the protest of 1741, it is the viola- tion of the thirty -first article (on Synods and Councils) of which the protestants complain. It was this which they said the New Brunswick brethren "pretend to adopt." But, in their zeal for order and subjection to the authority of Synod, they went too far. They would have violated the spirit of the Adopting Act by a rigid interpretation of their "last explication." In establishing the principles of authority, they would have made every line and letter of the Confession infal- lible as the Scriptures themselves, instead of the whole the embodiment of the system of Scripture truth. This, therefore, was a point on which the Synod of New York could not yield to the Old side. With regard to order and authority they had taken the same ground already with them; but, with a broader view of " the paragraph about essentials," they dis- tinctly said (1753), " Difference in judgment should not oblige a dissenting member to withdraw from our com- munion, unless the matter were judged by the body to be essential in doctrine <>r discipline. And this we 102 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. must own is an important article with us, which we cannot any way dispense with. And it appears to us to be strictly Christian and scriptural, as well as Pres- byterian, otherwise we must make every thing that appears plain duty to us a term of communion, which we apprehend the Scripture prohibits. And it appears plain to us, that there may be many opinions relating to the great truths of religion that are not great them- selves, nor of sufficient importance to be made terms of communion. Nor can these sentiments ' open a door to an unjustifiable latitude in principles and prac- tices,' any more than the apostolic prohibition of receiv- ing those that are weak to doubtful disputations. What is plain sin and plain duty in one's account is not so in another's; and the Synod has still in their power to judge what is essential and what is not. In order to prevent an unjustifiable latitude, we must not make terms of communion which Christ has not made; and we are convinced that he hath not made every truth and every duty a term." These were the noble sentiments, fearlessly avowed and eloquently advocated, of the New side. These they could not consent to yield. Union or no union, they could not purchase the desired result by a com- promise which bound them to a rigid interpretation of the last explication of the Adopting Act, and which placed the letter above the spirit of the Confession and on the same level of authority with the letter of the divine word. In regard to Presbyteries, the New side insisted that they should remain constituted as they were at present till the way was open for a change for the better, — till " a favorable opportunity of advantageous alteration." The Old side were not disposed to yield this point. They were anxious to have " indemnity for the past" as well as security for the future, either by the disband- THE TERIOD OF THE DIVISION". 103 ing of separate congregations, or their union under the pastor of the Old side. This was indeed & difficult matter to settle; and it was evident that no Synodieal arrangements would at once secure harmony or remove old differences. These, time and charity alone could heal. Yet the Synod of Philadelphia proposed (1751) that " all names of dis- tinction should be forever abolished, and that Presby- teries be made up everywhere of ministers contiguous to each other/' so that there should be no more " such party names as old and new Presbyteries, old and new congregations." This was all well enough in theory; but the Synod of New York justly replied, that it seemed a "jarring discord to force people" into a union "faster than they had clearness to go." The "favorable opportunity" they did not apprehend would occur immediately upon the union of the Synods. Thus, on the last point the two parties were not agreed. Instead of sending a reply, the Synod of Phila- delphia (1754), noting " a very pacific temper in the members of both Synods," proposed a conference. This resulted in the approval, by the Synod of Philadelphia, of a plan of union of the two Synods as (now "two distinct judicatures") "two contiguous bodies of Chris- tians, agreed in principle, as though they had never been concerned with one another before, nor had any differences, which is the truth as to great part of both Synods, and should now join the Synods and Presby- teries upon such scriptural and rational terms as may secure peace and good order, tend to heal our broken churches, and advance religion hereafter." Thus, in 1755, every thing seemed in a fair way to union. In the following year, although the Synod of New York had not obtained full satisfaction in regard to the protest, they acceded to the request of the Synod 104 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. of Philadelphia to appoint a Committee of Conference. Both the Tennents, — Gilbert and William, — Samuel Finley, Treat, and John Blair, were among the mem- bers appointed. This alone served to show the strong disposition in favor of union ; for some of these had been the chief and original offenders. At this conference the subject of the protest was satisfactorily disposed of, and the report given in to each Synod was favorably received. The arrangement was therefore made that the two Synods should have their next meeting at the same time and place, and, if matters should appear ripe for it, the union should be perfected. Accordingly, the Synod of New York met in Philadel- phia, May 25, 1758. The Synod of Philadelphia was already in session. The plan of union, as finally matured by the joint commissions of the two Synods who met on the 22d for conference, was laid before both bodies and unanimously approved. This approval was notified by each to the other, and on May 29 the two bodies were united as one, under the name of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia. The rela- tive strength of the two bodies, thus united in one, was far different from what it was at the time of the protest. In 1742, the Synod of Philadelphia numbered, exclusive of New York Presbytery, twenty-six minis- ters ; with them, thirty-eight. At the time of the union they were reduced to twenty -two. More had been lost by death and removal than had been gained by addi- tions. On the other hand, the Synod of New York had a list of seventy ministers, thus outnumbering the Old side in the proportion of more than three to one. Numbering at first but eight or ten, even with their licentiates included, the New side was nearly doubled THE PERIOD OF THE DIVISION. 105 by the accession of New York Presbytery in 1745; and from that period tlu-y had rapidly increased. Thus, on the formation of the united Synod it num- bered ninety-four ministers, — of whom forty-two were present and fifty-two absent. There were also four- teen elders who took their seats in the united Synod. It thus composed at its first session an assembly of fifty-six members; and among them were many whose names are worthy of lasting remembrance. Gilbert Tennent, now removed to the pastorate of a church in Philadelphia, was moderator. Bostwick, who had suc- ceeded Pemberton at New York, — Rodgers, who was afterward to be transferred to the same field, — Richards, at Rahway, — the Finleys, Dufneld, and Samuel Davies, were among the members present. Dickinson did not survive to witness the result for which his soul ardently longed. He had been cut off by death in 1747, in the very meridian of his years and usefulness. A far different scene was now presented in Phila- delphia from that which was witnessed upon the forma- tion of the first Presbytery, a little more than half a century before. The Church w T as then struggling for existence. It was persecuted both in Virginia and New York, and had scarcely a foothold in either province. A few feeble churches on the Eastern Shore of Mary- land, one or two in Delaware, one in Philadelphia, and one or two in New Jersey , composed its entire strength. Now it numbered nearly one hundred ministers, and more than as many churches. The field of its opera- tions had been vastly extended. Virginia, the Caro- lina*, the destitute but rapidly settling portions of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, as well as the river coun- ties of New York, were calling upon it for aid. It was inviting laborers from abroad, — from New England, Scotland, and Ireland. — and training them up at home. Princeton College had gone into successful operation. 106 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. Alison was at the head of the College of Pennsylvania ; and quite a number of the ministers were engaged at once in pastoral uuty, and in training pious young men to meet the demands of the churches. CHAPTER VII. PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. Scarcely had Makemie gone to his rest, when another portion of Virginia, far distant from that which had been the scene of his labors, opened an in- viting field for Presbyterian missionary effort. The Virginia government encouraged immigration along its frontier settlements, where the hardy pioneers might serve as a defence against the incursions of the Indian tribes. There was no question now raised in regard to their faith and order. If they could carry a rifle, or plant along the western forest a line of protec- tion against savage inroads, they were sufficiently or- thodox. Their distance, moreover, from the settle- ments on the Eastern Shore, prevented any umbrage being taken at a dissent which did not attract notice or give offence. Thus, in obscurity and neglect, Presby- terianism, in spite of Virginia laws, planted itself un- molested west of the Blue Ridge. Germans, Quakers, and Irish Presbyterians, from Pennsylvania, took pos-^ session of the county of Frederick. A great part of this region was of the most inviting kind. Between the North Mountain and the Shenandoah extended at that time a spacious prairie, barren of timber, but clothed with the richest herbage. It was traversed by PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 107 herds of buffalo, elk, and deer, and furnished the In- dians a favorite hunting-ground. Into this region there poured a mixed population, leavened by a Presbyterian element ;while still beyond it, more to the southwest, the county of Augusta was almost exclusively occupied by a Scotch-Irish popula- tion. Among the names of the early settlers we find not a few which have since become eminent in the his- tory of the Church. It is enough to mention those of McDowell, Alexander, Lyle, Stuart, Matthews, Craw- ford, Campbell, Moore, Brown, Wallace, Patton, Wil- son, Caruthers, Cummins, and McKee. These " Presbyterians of the valley" were a bold, hardy, perhaps austere, but religiously disposed popu- lation. More fortunate than their brethren east of the mountains, they were left unmolested in the exercise of their religious freedom. As early as 1719, "the people of Potomoke," near the present town of Martins- burg, were supplied, at their request, with preaching, by the Synod of Philadelphia. Rev. Daniel Magill was appointed to visit them, but, although not settled among them as pastor, he organized a church and labored in the region for several months. In 1732, Joist Hite, with sixteen families from Pennsylvania, fixed his residence at Opeckon, a few miles south of the present site of Winchester. Other families were scattered on Cedar Creek and Crooked Run. In 1734, Michael Woods, from Ireland, with a large family, settled near Wood's Gap in Albemarle, and his descendants were the found- ers of the ^fountain Plain congregation. From this period the tide of immigration flowed in, in a steady stream. Settlements were soon formed, mostly by Presbyterians, in Jefferson county, on Cub Creek in Charlotte, on Buffalo Creek in Prince Edward, at Concord and Hat Creek in Campbell, and at Boekfish in Nelson. Congregations were gathered at Opeckon, 108 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Timber Eidge, Back Creek in Berkeley, Forks of James in Eockbridge, and Triple Forks of the Shenandoah. In 1738, the congregations had become so numerous, and the necessity of ministers so urgent, that applica- tion was made to the Synod of Philadelphia for aid. In response to the appeal, John Craig was sent to labor with the joint congregations of Tinkling Spring and Augusta, and for twenty-five years this pioneer laborer occupied his post. But already he had been preceded by those who had transiently visited this region in the character of missionaries. James Gelston had been sent out in 1737 by the Presbytery of Donegal, and had labored at Opeckon. James Anderson, despatched by the Synod to confer with Governor Gooch on the subject of liberty for Dissenters, had visited several settlements, preaching as he went. This was in 1738. 1 In the next year he was followed by Dunlap, a pro- bationer of New York Presbytery, who spent nearly three months in the neighborhood of Staunton. In the same year, John Thompson, of Donegal Presbytery, itinerated through the settlements of the whole region, and by his influence, upon his return, Craig was sent to occupy the post at Augusta and Tinkling Spring. 1 Anderson's mission was quite successful. In 1739, he reported to Synod that he had waited on the Governor of Virginia with the Synod's address, and received a favorable answer. The substance of this is contained in a letter from the Governor to the moderator of Synod. In this letter he says, "As I have always been inclined to favor the people who have lately removed from other provinces to settle on the western side of our great mountains, so you may be assured that no interruption shall be given to any minister of your profession who shall come among them, so as they conform themselves to the rules prescribed by the Act of Toleration in Eng- land, by taking the oaths enjoined thereby and registering the places of their meeting, and behave themselves peaceably towards the Government. This you may please to communicate to the Synod as an answer of theirs." — Minutes of Synod, 147. PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 109 Scarcely was he settled, when the division of the Synod occurred (1741). He, in common with most of the Presbyterians west of the Blue Ridge, espoused the cause of the Old side. In some respects this was unfortunate for them. The Old side were weak, and unable to occupy the missionary fields which opened before them. They had few ministers or licentiates. For several years the only one whom they could send to Virginia, as a fellow-laborer with Craig, was Alexander Miller, 1 — a man who had already been put on trial for drunkenness, lying, sedition, and " opposing the work of God, then in progress in neighboring congregations." Yet for him — though we must hope that he was a better man after his trial — the congregations of North and South Mountain, in Virginia, made application in 1745 From this time the visits of Presbyterian clergymen were more frequent. The celebrated John Blair itine- rated among the congregations of the Valley in 1745 and 1746. William Eobinson and John Eoan, although their attention was mainly directed to the region east of the Ridge, did not altogether neglect them. But by the middle of the century the population of the Valley had increased so rapidly as to have far outstripped the supply of the means of grace. Their destitution was a subject of anxiety to both the Synods. That of Philadelphia, unable to afford supplies, made applica- tion for aid to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. That of New York applied for assistance to the Eastern Association of Fairfield, in Connecticut. The sympathies of the two bodies are manifest in their respective applications. Yet they were not themselves idle. The Synod of Philadelphia sent out, among others, to the vacant con- gregations, Francis Alison and John Craig, — the last 1 Webster, G18; and Foote's Sketches. Vol. I.— 10 110 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. already mentioned as settled as a pastor at Tinkling Spring and Augusta. In 1753, John Brown, of the New side, took charge of the united congregations of New Providence and Timber Eidge. The Presbyterians of the Yalley were thus divided between the two Synods ; but the superior activity and numbers of the New side were giving them a decided advantage when the re- union of the two parties took place in 1758. Prom this period, the growth of Presbyterianism in Virginia was more rapid. Hanover Presbytery was formed in 1755, comprising in it all the ministers of Virginia, except John Hoge, of Opeckon, and one or two others, west of the mountains. Amid difficulty and discouragement it prosecuted its work. The in- tolerant laws of the province were a sore grievance. As an Episcopal church was built in each county town, it was but natural that the Presbyterians should locate their houses of worship elsewhere. Till after the com- mencement of the Revolution, there was not in the Valley a single village which had a Presbyterian church- edifice. 1 The oldest congregations were all in the coun- try, amid a sparse population; and near by, in quiet solitude, was the enclosed grave-yard. The first houses of worship which were erected were rude wooden structures ; but they were sanctified by hallowed associations, and were endeared to the wor- shippers by attractions beyond those of mere archi- tecture. When, at a later period, they were replaced by more commodious and commanding structures, the new erection was a monument to the pious zeal and self-denial of the builders. The difficulties to be over- come, where the heavy timbers had to be dragged, sometimes without the aid of wheels, for a distance, and the sand for plastering had to be brought in sacks 1 Captives of Abb's Valley, p. 14. rilESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. Ill on horseback for several miles, may be better imagined than described. But these were not the only hardships which the set- tlors had to meet. On the frontiers of civilization, they stood in constant dread of the savage foe. Warlike tribes, revisiting their old hunting-grounds, exulted to take vengeance upon the white man for his intrusion upon what they still considered their own domain. British agents incited them during the war to assault the feeble settlements. Amid the quiet loveliness of nature, and within the sheltering scenes of the Valley, horrid tragedies of barbarous ferocity were enacted. The solitary settler knew not when the ter- rible blow would fall that was to desolate his dwelling and perhaps doom himself or his household to captivity or death. There was not a little to remind him of the hardships of his ancestry in times when Londonderry and Enniskillen were household words. We cannot doubt that the impending terror and the stern tuition of his frontier life gave a peculiar tinge to his devo- tion, and we know that amid the scenes of the Valley were trained some of the noblest pioneers of Presby- terianism in the new regions of Kentucky and Ten- nessee. The rise of Presbyterianism in Hanover is insepa- rably connected with what is known by tradition as Morris's Beading-Mouse. This was the first of several buildings in that region, erected to accommodate those who were dissatisfied with the preaching of the parish incumbents, and anxious to enjoy the privilege of listen- ing on the Sabbath to the reading of instructive and devotional works on religion. The origin of this move- ment was somewhat singular. The people had, for the most part, never heard or seen a Presbyterian minister. But reports had reached them of revivals in Pennsyl- vania, New Jersey, and Now England. A few leaves 112 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. of Boston's Fourfold State, in the possession of a Scotch- woman, fell into the hands of a gentleman, who was so affected by their perusal that he sent to England by the next ship to procure the entire work. The result of its perusal was his conversion. Another obtained possession of Luther on Galatians ; he, in like manner, was deeply affected, and ceased not to read and pray till he found peace in Christ. These persons, with two or three others, — all heads of families, — without previous consultation or conference, absented themselves at the same time from the worship of the parish church. They were convinced that the gospel was not preached by the parish minister, and they deemed it inconsistent with their duty to attend upon his ministrations. Four of them were summoned on the same day, and at the same place, to answer to the proper officers for their delinquency. For the first time they here learned their common views. Confirmed in them by this unexpected coincidence, they thence- forth chose to subject themselves to the payment of the fines imposed by law rather than attend church where they felt that they could not be profited. They agreed at first to meet every Sabbath alter- nately at each other's houses, to read and pray. Soon their numbers increased. Curiosity attracted some, and religious anxiety others. The Scriptures, and Luther on Galatians, were first read. Afterward a volume of Whitefield's sermons fell into their hands (1743). " My dwelling-house," says Mr. Morris, "was at length too small to contain the people. We determined to build a meeting-house merely for reading." The result was that several were awakened and gave proof of genuine conversion. Mr. Morris was invited to several places, some of them at a considerable distance, to read the sermons which had been so effective in his own neigh- PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 113 borliood. Thus the interest that hud been awakened spread abroad. The dignitaries of the Established Church saw the parish churches deserted, and took the alarm. They urged that indulgence encouraged the evil, and hence invoked the strong arm of the law to restrain it. The leaders in the movement were no longer regarded as individual delinquents, but a malignant cabal, and, instead of being arraigned merely before the magis- trates, they w T ere cited to appear before the Governor and Council. Startled by the criminal accusation which was now directed against them, and of the nature, extent, and penalties of which they had indistinct conceptions, they had not even the name of a religious denomination under which to shelter their dissent. At length, recol- lecting that Luther, whose work occupied so much space in their public religious readings, was a noted reformer, they declared themselves Lutherans. But it so happened that, on the way to Williamsburg to appear before the Governor, one of the company, detained by a violent storm at a house on the road, fell in with an old volume on a dust-covered shelf, which he read to while away the time. Amazed to find in it the expression of his own religious sentiments, so far as they had been definitely formed, he offered to pur- chase the book; but the owner gave it to him. At Williamsburg, he with his friends more carefully exa- mined the work, and all were agreed that it expressed their own views. When they appeared before the Governor, therefore, they presented this old volume as their creed. The Governor, Gooch, himself of Scotch origin and education, looked at the volume, and found it to be the Confession of Faith of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. He consequently denominated the men arraigned before him Presbyterians, and dis- 10* 114 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. missed them with the gentle caution not to excite dis- turbance. One of the party firmly believed that this leniency on the part of the Governor and the Council was due, in part, to the impression made by a violent thunder-storm then shaking the house in which they were assembled, and wrapping every thing around them alternately in darkness and in sheeted flame. The first Presbyterian minister who visited this region was William Eobinson. In the winter of 1742-3, he was sent as an evangelist, by the Presbytery of New Castle, to visit the Presbyterian settlements in the Val- ley of the Shenandoah, and those on the south side of James Eiver, as well as those on the plain in North Carolina. The Hanover Dissenters heard of him, and sent a deputation to invite him to come and preach. First satisfying themselves of the soundness of his principles, and being informed of the awakening cha- racter of his preaching, they were anxious to hear him. On July 6, 1743, they listened to the first sermon ever preached by a Presbyterian minister in Hanover county, Va. The congregation was large the first day, but it was vastly increased on the three following days. Many were awakened, and some converted, while scarce an individual of the large assembly remained unaf- fected. The four days of Mr. Eobinson's stay were long remembered. The people wished to express their grati- tude to him by presenting him a considerable sum of money. He refused to receive it. They urged it upon him, but he still refused. They then procured the secret conveyance of it into his saddle-bags, the evening before he was to leave. The increased weight of his baggage excited his suspicion. Discovering the benevolent arti- fice, he no longer declined receiving the money, but informed his kind friends that he would appropriate it to the use of a young man of his acquaintance who was studying for the ministry, but embarrassed in his PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 11 f circumstances. "As soon as be is licensed," lie added " we will send him to visit you : it may be that you may now, by your liberality, be educating a ministei for yourselves. " This possibility was soon to become a reality; although Robinson did not live to see his prophecy fulfilled. That young man was Samuel Davies, and four years later (1747) he found his way to Hanover. Meanwhile, the people were visited by Rev. John Blair, a younger brother of Rev. Samuel Blair, like him an alumnus of the Log College and a pupil of the elder William Tennent. He was ordained by the Pres- bytery of New Castle, a few months before Mr. Robin- son's visit to Virginia, and from his parish in Cumber- land county, Pa., made two missionary tours to the regions visited by Mr. Robinson. He preached with great power in various places, and organized several new congregations. Among the other regions visited by him in 1746, was the county of Hanover. The most remarkable effects followed his short stay. " His hearers, agitated beyond control, poured forth tears and sighs, and often broke out into loud crying." Ojmosers were roused to devise means to arrest the work. Absences from the parish church were more carefully noted, and the law was invoked to prevent apostasy from the ceremonies of the Church of Eng- land. These efforts were put forth with more vigor in con- sequence of the visit of Rev. John Roan to this region. Less discreet than either Robinson or Blair, his bold, earnest, stirring appeals, commingled with rebukes of the clergy of the Established Church for neglect of their official duties, provoked animadversion. The result was the prosecution of Roan, and an order for- bidding any meetings of "Moravians, Muggletonians, Mid New Lights.'' The prosecution, on the flight of 116 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. the principal mover of it, was dropped, and, on the address of the Synods to the Governor, the order was rescinded. Gilbert Tennent and Samuel Finley, deputed by the Presbytery to visit Virginia as missionaries, were kindly received by the Governor, who gave them per- mission to preach in Hanover. Their visit was a season of refreshing. " Several careless sinners were awa- kened," and quite a number " who had trusted in their moral conduct and religious duties" were aroused from their security. After the return of Tennent and Finley, the people of Hanover were visited by Whitefield. He came and preached four or five days, and his labors were favor- ably received and largely blessed. But after his depart- ure these Presbyterians were not only destitute of a pastor, but were grievously harassed by the pains and penalties of the law. " Upon a Lord's day," says Mr. Morris, " a proclamation was set up at our meeting- house, strictly requiring all magistrates to suppress and prohibit, as far as they lawfully could, all itinerant preachers." For that day they were constrained " to forbear reading." But before the next Sabbath their fears were relieved. They received the glad intelli- gence that Mr. Davies was coming to preach among them, — that he had qualified himself according to law, and had obtained the licensing of four meeting-houses, — a thing "which had never been done before." From this period a brighter prospect opened before them. The name of Hanover county was thenceforth to be ever associated with that of a man whom after- ages will delight to honor. Samuel Davies was born of Welsh ancestry, in New Castle county, Del., in 1723. His mother, in the judgment of filial reverence and affection, was " one of the most eminent saints he ever knew upon earth." His very name — Samuel — was given him in the spirit of Hannah of old. This early dedica- PSESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 117 tion to God had a powerful effect upon his own mind. In his childish years, habits of secret prayer were formed, and "he was more ardent in his supplications for being introduced into the gospel ministry than for any thing else/' At the age of twelve years, he received impressions of a religious nature, that were abiding. In his fifteenth year he made a public profession of religion, and united with the Church. His classical course was commenced under the tuition of a Welsh minister by the name of Morgan. 1 When Rev. Samuel Blair opened his famous school at Fagg's Manor, young Davies was put under his charge. 2 The standard of classical attainment was high, and the acquisition of the- ological knowledge was sedulously encouraged. From the commencement of the course, Davies applied him- self to his studies with zeal and energy. Aided by the means extended to him through Mr. Eobinson by the people of Hanover, he felt strongly drawn toward them, and, when licensed by New Castle Presbytery, July 30, 1746, his first thoughts were turned in that direction. In little more than six months from the date of his licensure, he was ordained an evangelist for the purpose of visiting the congregations in Virginia, espe- cially those in Hanover county. After some hesitation on the part of the Council, although the Governor favored his application, he received the license of the Government " to officiate in and about Hanover at four meeting-houses." 8 Davies proceeded to Hanover, and "was received with an outburst of joy." His coming with his license was " like a visit from the angel of mercy." For several months he labored throughout the region with unremitted energy. His weak frame was prostrated 1 Sprague's Annals, iii. 40; Webster, 374, 549. 2 Life of Davies: Preface to his sermons. 3 Foote's Sketches. 118 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. under this burden of effort. He was forced at the close of the summer to return to Delaware, with greatly reduced health, and with strong indications that he was the subject of a confirmed consumption. Still, in spite of his weakness, he continued his labors on the Eastern Shore of Maryland — preaching during the day, even while he was so ill at night as to need persons to sit up with him. In the spring of 1748, his health was somewhat improved, and there were slight prospects of his recovery. His services were instantly in demand. But the application from Hanover presented to his mind claims superior to any other. Accompanied by his intimate friend Mr. — afterward the celebrated Dr. — John Eodgers, 1 for whom he in vain endeavored to procure, of the Government, a license to preach, he directed his course to Hanover, and recommenced his labors. The field before him was a broad one, embrac- ing not only the region about Hanover, but most of Virginia, and portions of North Carolina. But in many places the civil authorities placed obstacles in the way of Dissenting worship. Davies argued for freedom with characteristic boldness and vigor. He claimed, in controversy with Peyton Eandolph, the king's attor- ney-general, that the English Act of Toleration for the relief of Protestant Dissenters extended to Vir- ginia. On one occasion he appeared in person before the General Court, and replied to Eandolph in a strain of eloquence that is reported to have won the admira tion of the most earnest of his opponents, who said that in him " a good lawyer had been spoiled." He per- severed in his efforts in the cause of toleration, till, crossing the ocean, he had the opportunity to bring the 1 Rodgers was banished from the colony, and returned and set- tled in St. George's, Del. PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 119 matter before the king in council, and received a declaration, under authority, that the Act of Tolera- tion did extend to the colony of Virginia. Davies went to Hanover with the feeling that he was a dying man. He hoped that he " might live to prepare the way for some more useful successor." But, with a hallowed ambition, he desired, before his lips were closed in death, to win some few more, at least, as the seals of his ministry. " He longed to carry with him to the heavens some gems for the eternal crown." Lifted above all earthly considerations, all fear of conse- quences, and standing, as he believed, almost face to face with eternity, he prepared to deliver his solemn message. A blessing followed his labors. The desire to hear the young Dissenter whom a large part of the Coun- cil had wished to keep out of Virginia, and whose license they would have revoked but for the influence of the Governor, spread in every direction. People rode from great distances to attend upon his ministry. To avoid collision with the public authorities, resolutely bent on executing the laws in favor of the Established Church, petitions from different neighborhoods for an increased number of authorized houses of worship were laid before the General Court. The petitions were granted, and three new places of preaching were added to the four already occupied by Davies. The seven were located, three in Hanover, one in Henrico, one in Goochland, one in Louisa, and one in Carolina. The nearest were twelve or fifteen miles from each other, and " some of the people have thirty or forty miles to the nearest. " The extreme points of Davies's parish were eighty or ninety miles apart. The county court of New Kent gave license, upon the petition of a number of inhabitants, for Davies to preach in St. Peter's parish, but the General Court annulled the proceeding, and the license was revoked 120 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. In spite of opposition, however, the influence and fame of Davies were spreading far and wide. The meeting- house near his own residence (twelve miles from Rich- mond, and near Morris's Reading -House) was quite too small for the multitudes which assembled in pleasant weather. " The thick woods were then resorted to ; and the opposers of the Dissenters were exasperated at the sight of crowds listening to the gospel in the deep shades of the forest." All classes were alike interested. Even the negroes, of whom Mr. Davies baptized forty during the first three years, crowded to listen. " Sometimes," said he, " I see a hundred and more among my hearers." 1 The report of this state of things went abroad, and gladdened the hearts of Christians of New England. "I heard lately," writes Jonathan Edwards (May 23, 1749), " a credible account of a remarkable work of con- viction and conversion among whites and negroes, at Hanover, Va., under the ministry of Mr. Davies, who is lately settled there, and has the character of a very ingenious and pious young man." To many others, the intelligence was not less cheering than to the great preacher of Northampton. Here, then (1750), a little more tnan a hundred years ago, is the picture of Pres- byterianism in Yirginia. Among the Scotch-Irish emi- grants along the frontier counties and in the Valley of the Shenandoah, there were five congregations with- out a settled pastor arid dependent upon such tempo- rary supplies as the Synod could send them. In five counties around and including Hanover, there were seven preaching-stations, supplied by the labors of a single pastor, feeble in health, but zealous, eloquent, and unremitting in his exertions. Even he had to en- counter a strong adverse influence and the intolerant Foote's Sketches. PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 121 measures of the Colonial Government. In vain was the earnest appeal addressed to Presbytery and Synod for more laborers. -All that could be done was to send itinerants to labor for a few weeks, or possibly months, among the destitute and frontier settlements. Thus Davies was left alone. " In the whole 'Ancient Dominion' he had no fellow-laborer with whom his heart might rejoice. West of the Blue Ridge there were Miller 1 and Craig, and on its eastern base, at the head of Rockfish, Mr. Black ; but these were members of the Synod of Philadelphia, and for some years had no communication with Mr. Davies." The task devolved upon him was overwhelming. He felt the demand to be one which was imperative, and he did his best to meet it. He preached not only on the Sabbath, but on week- days, to " laboring people, of whom the Dissenters were mostly composed." He exerted himself to procure other laborers to enter the field. Rodgers, who had accom- panied him, and in whom he had hoped to find an effi- cient ally and a sympathizing brother, had been denied a license by the Government Council. The needs of the field were repeatedly laid before the Synod. In 1749, it met at Maidenhead, and, upon representation of the circumstances of Virginia, " Mr. Davenport is appointed, if he recover a good state of health, to go and supply." The next year the Synod recommended to the Presbytery of New Brunswick " to endeavor to prevail with Mr. John Todd, upon his being licensed, to take a journey thither, as also to the Presbytery of New York to urge the same upon Messrs. Syms and Greenman. Mr. Davenport is appointed to go into Virginia to assist in supplying the numerous vacant and destitute congregations there. The same is also recommended to Mr. B} 7 ram." 1 Alexander Miller was not installed until August 1, 1757. Vol. I.— 11 122 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. The visit of Davenport was a profitable one. " Blessed be God," writes Davies to Dr. Bellamy, " he did not labor in vain." Todd became (November 12, 1752) the assistant of Davies, and, after his acceptance of the presidency at Princeton, the leading man in the Han- over Presbytery east of the Blue Eidge. Byram, who had accompanied Brainerd in his first journey to the Susquehanna, and who is mentioned by him with much affection as a kindred spirit, visited Yirginia, but did not remain long. The petition of Todd to be qualified to officiate in Hanover county was procured with great difficulty, and the Council absolutely refused to license any more meeting-houses. In spite, however, of all restrictions, the missionary tours of Davies in the sur- rounding counties were frequent and extensive. He preached at the places where he lodged, and "many neighborhoods have traditions of his usefulness. Every visit enlarged his circuit, and increased the number of places that asked for Presbyterian preaching." In 1752, Davies met the Synod of New York in its sessions at Newark. He represented before it the des- titution of Virginia, and Mr. Greenman and Mr. Eobert Henry were appointed to go there during the course of the year. Greenman was a young man who had been educated at the charge of David Brainerd; and Henry was a recent graduate of New Jersey College. Just at this period a messenger from Yirginia to Jonathan Edwards, at Stockbridge, invited him — with a handsome subscription for his encouragement and support — to settle in Virginia, in the neighborhood of Davies. But he was installed at Stockbridge before the messenger came. This was the main obstacle to his removal. Speaking with reference to a connection with the Presbyterian Church, he said (July 5, 1750), "As to my subscribing to the substance of the West- minster Confession, there would be no difficulty ; and PRESBYTERIANISM IN VIRGINIA. 123 as to the Presbyterian government, I have long been perfectly out of conceit of our unsettled, independent, confused way of church government in this land, and the Presbyterian way has ever appeared to me most agreeable to the word of God and the reason and nature of things." We will not pause to dwell upon the results that might have followed the transfer of Edwards to Vir- ginia. In conjunction with Davies, his influence would unquestionably have been widely felt. But, failing to secure his services for the people whom he had encou- raged, doubtless, to make the application, Davies set himself to w r ork to supply, as far as he was able, the lack of ministerial service in other ways. He multi- plied his own preaching excursions, extending them to the eastern base of the Blue Ridge ; he sought to enlist the interest of members of Northern Presbyteries in the Virginia field, and, beside all, to raise up preachers of the gospel in Virginia. He promoted classical schools wherever their establishment promised usefulness, and encouraged and assisted pious youths in their prepara- tory course. Among those largely indebted to him, who afterward attained to usefulness and distinction, w r ere John Wright, Patillo, of Carolina memory, John Martin, the first licentiate of Hanover Presbytery, William Richardson, the celebrated James Waddel, and James Hunt. Thus devoted, unwearied, sagacious, and energetic in his efforts, Davies multiplied himself into a host. Every- where he proved himself equal to his position, ready for the emergency. " He seems/' as one said of him on seeing him pass through a court-yard, " as an am- bassador of some mighty king." He was at once the champion of freedom, the Mend of learning, the founder of churches, and, next to Whitefield, the most eloquent preacher of his age. 124 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. CHAPTER VIII. THE SYNODS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. From the period of the division in 1741, each branch of jhe Church was intent upon making provision to train up young men for the ministry. The importance of prompt and efficient measures for this object was especially felt by the members of the Synod of New York. The destitution around them called aloud for laborers, and after Brainerd's expulsion from Yale College, and the refusal of the corporation to grant him his degree, notwithstanding his humble confession of his error, it was felt that circumstances demanded that another institution should be established, to be located within the bounds of the Presbyterian Church. The prominent mover in the enterprise was Jonathan Dickinson, of Elizabethtown, N.J. He settled at this place in 1708, although he did not join the Philadelphia Presbytery until 1717. 1 For many years he had been accustomed to receive young men for instruction in the different branches preparatory to their entering upon the study of some one of the liberal professions. He was, consequently, fully aware of the importance and necessity of a thorough education He had, moreover, before the division, been the acknowledged leader of the old Synod, and he was no less the leader of the Synod of New York after the separation. His com- manding influence, large experience, and intellectual 1 Sprague's Annals, iii. 14. THE SYNODS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 125 superiority marked him out as the individual fittest to preside in so important an undertaking. Under his counsels a charter was procured for a college from Governor Hamilton, and the infant institution went into operation at Elizabethtown, with Dickinson at its head. Continuing still the discharge of his pastoral duties, he took charge also of the instruction and disci- pline of the students. It was, however, only for a brief twelvemonth that he was permitted to occupy this im- portant post. The charter was given in October, 1746, and his death occurred October 7, 1747. This, at the outset, was a great loss. Dickinson was no common man. Those who have read his writings need no other proof of it. Dr. John Erskine, of Edin- burgh, said that the British Isles had produced no such writers on Divinity in the eighteenth century as Dick- inson and Edwards. Bellamy, who knew him well, spoke of him as " the great Mr. Dickinson." A successor for him was found, however, in Aaron Burr, pastor at Newark. 1 Burr had been called to New Haven as a colleague of Noyes, but declined the call. For nearly ten years he had been settled in his present charge, and had given proof of his ability and fitness for the vacant post. He had under his chargo already a large Latin school, when Dickinson's students were removed from Elizabethtown and put under his charge. A new charter was procured for the college, and Burr was appointed President under it in Novem- ber, 1748. On the same day he conferred the Bachelor's degree upon a class who were prepared to receive it. The corporation record states that he delivered upon the occasion, as his Inaugural, " a handsome and elegant Latin oration." Until the autumn of 1755, the college was located Sprague's Annals, iii. 08- Webster, 448. 11 126 HISTQRY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. at Newark, 1 and Burr continued to discharge the double duty of pastor of the church and President of the institution. But in the course of the following year, buildings having been erected at Princeton for the accommodation of the students, and Burr having been dismissed from his pastoral charge, the college went into operation under his presidency, in the place where it has since been permanently located. 2 1 The first entry in the minutes of the College of New Jersey is a copy of the charter granted by Governor Belcher. The next states that " on Thursday, October 13, 1748, convened at New Bruns- wick, James Hude, Andrew Johnston, Thomas Leonard, Esqs., Mr. William P. Smith, and Rev. Messrs. John Pierson, Ebenezer Pemberton, Joseph Lamb, William Tennent, Richard Treat, David Cowell? Aaron Burr, Timothy Johnes, and Thomas Arthur, thirteen of them nominated in the charter to be trustees of the college; who, having accepted the charter, were qualified and incorporated accord- ing to the directions thereof." November 9, Governor Belcher, Messrs. Peter Van Brugh Livingston, Samuel Hazard, and Rev. Messrs. Samuel Blair and Jacob Green, were qualified as additional trustees. Burr was chosen President, and the first commencement was held the same day. There were six graduates. For several years the students were scattered in private families in Newark, the public academical exercises being generally per- formed in the county court-house. Governor Belcher at length urged the erection of the college edifice, although the funds were so scanty that but for his advice and aid the enterprise would have been deemed impracticable. At a meeting at Newark, Sep- tember 27, 1752, he advised the trustees to proceed immediately to determine upon a location for the college. The people of New Brunswick not having complied with the terms proposed to them for fixing the college in that place, it was voted that it should be established in Princeton, upon condition that the inhabitants of said place secure to the trustees two hundred acres of woodland, ten acres of cleared land, and £1000 of proclamation money, all which is to be complied with in three months. On January 24, 1753, it was announced that the conditions were fulfilled. — Am. Quar. Reg. Aug. 1834. 2 The college building was for some years the largest college THE SYNODS AND TIIKIH SCHOOLS. 127 But the means for effecting this change of locution, and placing the institution nponasolid kisis, were pro- cured with some difficulty . The Synod, in 1752, 1 ordered collections in the churches on its behalf, and besought Pemberton, of New York, to cross the ocean and advo- cate its claims in Scotland and England, lie declined the mission, and the Synod then selected Gilbert Ten- nent and Samuel Davies in his place. 2 A better choice could scarcely have been made, although Virginia was exceedingly reluctant to relinquish the services of her favorite preacher. The deputation was kindly received abroad. Davies especially was greeted with welcome, and his reputation as a pulpit orator was established as securely in England as in Virginia. Funds were collected from Presbyterian and other Dissenters in England, and from the churches in Scotland, and the college was placed on a secure basis. 3 But already it began to be known by its fruits. It promised to realize the fond anticipations of its foun- ders. Although hitherto without a fixed location, without permanent funds, library, apparatus, faculty, or building, it had a noble President, and had been sending out graduates. When Davies and Tennent set out for England (1753), it numbered already fifty graduates, tw T enty-six of whom entered the ministry. Of these, five went to Virginia, and one became a pioneer missionary in North Carolina. A notice of the mission of Davies and Tennent to England is important as illustrating the mutual rela- tions of the Presbyterian Church in this country and of the churches of Great Britain. They embarked on structure in the United States. It was first named Belcher Hall, but the Governor declined the honor, and suggested instead of it Nassau Hall. It accommodated nearly one hundred and fifty students. 1 Minutes of Synod, 248. 2 Ibid. 'lol. 3 Foote's Sketches. 128 HISTORY OF riiESBYTERIANISM. their voyage for England, November 18, 1753, and in just one month anchored in the Downs. 1 Eighty pounds had been handed them by the treasurer of the college to bear their expenses. It is illustrative of the character of Davies, as well as the feeble resources of the American churches, to read in his diary, just before receiving the money, — " Was uneasy to find that the trustees seem to expect that I should furnish myself with clothes in this embassy. With what pleasure would I do it were it in my power ! but, alas ! it is not; and therefore, notwithstanding all the pliable- ness of my nature, I must insist upon their providing for me in this respect, as one condition of my under- taking the voyage." It may be that the sum advanced was raised to eighty pounds to meet this necessity. Before Davies embarked, he was surprised at a clause in a letter which was shown him from Dr. Berdt, of London, to Colonel Grant, of Philadelphia, to the effect " that the principles inculcated in the College of New Jersey are generally looked upon as antiquated and unfashionable by the Dissenters in England." It gave him premonition of a kind of difficulty he would have to encounter, which until then he had not anticipated. But upon reaching England, he found the statement of Dr. Berdt only too true. His severest trials were from the degeneracy of the children of the Puritans. His first saddening intelligence was from his corre- spondent, Mr. Gibbons, " who informed us of the gene- ral apostasy of the Dissenters from the principles of the Beformation." " The Presbyterians, particularly," says Davies, " being generally Arminians or Socinians, seem shy of us." A more welcome reception awaited the deputation " at the Amsterdam Coffee-House, where 1 For a full account of the mission, see Foote's Sketches ; also, life of Davies, in the American Quarterly Register, 1837. 7IIE SYNODS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 129 the Congregational ist and Baptist ministers met on Tuesdays/ 1 The difficulties to be encountered were by no means of a trifling nature. Several, upon whom they had depended, told them that they could do nothing for them. Objection was made to the college as " a party design; that though the charter was catholic, yet so many of the trustees were Presbyterians, that they would manage matters with arbitrary partiality; that the trustees in New York City complained that there were not more trustees of other denominations." Mr. Jacksoo was -alraid our college would fall into Episco- pal hands." Tennent, moreover, was confronted with his Nottingham sermon, which "the inveterate malig- nity of the Synod of Philadelphia," as Davies phrases it, had forwarded, with accompanying accusations against its author, to obstruct the success of the undertaking. Tennent promptly disavowed the divisive principles of his sermon, and confessed his errors. Davies was perplexed and mortified at these unexpected embar- rassments. But, with prudence and sagacity, he was enabled in great measure to overcome them. Still, among those upon whom they had counted as friends of their enterprise, there were not a few who disapproved of all subscriptions or tests of orthodoxy. Among these was one whose name was of great import- ance, — Mr. Chandler. He even objected to the Adopt- ing Act. He was at last won over to give his name and contribution to the cause. Others very reluctantly endorsed it. "Dr. Benson talked in a sneering manner of the account of conversions in Northampton," pub- lished in England by Drs. Watts and Guise. When be subscribed, if was "with tlii- Bneer, thai he was no friend t<> subscriptions." Mr. Bradbury, whom White- field had once reproved for singing a songin a tavern, was "a man of a singular turn, which would be offensive to 130 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM the greatest number of serious people." With Mr Thompson, Jr., who, though educated a strict Calvinist, had imbibed " the modern latitudinarian principles," Davies had an amicable dispute about the lawfulness and expediency of subscribing tests of orthodoxy beside the Scripture. Mr. Bowles told him he had heard that Davies's sermon, preached for Mr. Chan- dler, had been complained of as " too rigidly ortho- dox." The estimate formed by the Calvinistic clergy, of the Salter's Hall divines, may be judged of by the pun of one of them when requested to print his sermon on the text, "Salt is good," etc. He replied that "he believed he would, and dedicate it to the preachers at Salter's Hall, for they wanted seasoning." Mr. Prior told Davies, "with the appearance of great uneasi- ness," that he had heard " we would admit none into the ministry without subscribing the Westminster Con- fession, and that this report would hinder all our suc- cess among the friends of liberty." Davies's reply shows with what propriety the fathers of American Presbyterianism have been represented as ipsissima verba men. " I replied," he says, " that we allowed the candidate to mention his objections against any article in the Confession, and the judicature judged whether the articles objected against were essential to Chris- tianity ; and if they judged they were not, they would admit the candidate, notwithstanding his objections." "Alas," exclaims Davies, " for the laxness that prevails here among the Presbyterians !" Indeed, English Presbyterians no longer deserved the. name. The Presbyterian standards had been thrown aside. All tests of orthodoxy were universally rejected. Candidates at ordination were only required to declare their belief of the Scriptures. Presbyterian order and discipline had fallen into total neglect. Calvinistic preachers chose rather to consort with the Independ- THE SYNODS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. 131 ents and Baptists at Amsterdam Coffee-Honse, than with their brethren of the same name. Indeed, there was nothing like government exercised jointly by either body of Dissenters. The only associations of the Independents were their meetings at the Coffee- Jlouse, where they assembled " for friendly conversa- tion. The Presbyterians have no other Presbyteries. The English Presbyterians have no elders nor judica- tories of any kind." It may easily be perceived that the title by which they were known was a misnomer. Grave errors had crept in among them; but the pre- sence of these errors was favored, not by Presbyterian discipline, but by its utter absence. Eepeatedly the members of the deputation were over- whelmed by discouragement. Tennent's trial, however, was peculiar. His Nottingham sermon preceded and embarrassed him wherever he went. Once and again he wished himself back in Philadelphia. After a month's stay in London, Davies writes, " From the present view of things, I think if we can but clear our expenses we shall be well off." But lio-ht had be4. In L766, Nathan Ker commenced his pastorate of the church, which continued down to L804. 1 As early as L729, an application to the Synod of Philadelphia for supplies of preaching among them was made by the people of Wall Kill, through their commissioner, John McNeal. In the course of the fol- lowing year, they were supplied in part by Gelston, who had previously been a member of Suffolk Presby- tery, but in 1735 was reported as laboring in the Highlands, where rumors against his character led to his trial and suspension from the ministry. He was followed by Isaae Chalker, whose pastorate closed in 1743, and subsequently by John Moffat and John Blair, the last of whom left in 1771. He was followed by Andrew King, whose pastorate extended from 1770 to 1815. The church at Bethlehem had a house of worship as early as 1730. Isaac Chalker was the first pastor. He was succeeded by Enos Ayers, who took charge of this church conjointly with that of Blooming Grove, where a church-edifice was erected in 1759. At Bethlehem he was succeeded by Francis Peppard, who had charge also of the church organized at New Windsor in 1706, and by Abner Eeeve in the church at Blooming Grove. John Close, recently ordained by Dutchess county Pres- bytery, took charge of the two churches of Bethlehem and New Windsor from 1773 to 1790. In both places he was succeeded by Jonathan Freeman, whose pastor- ate continued until 1*05. The church at Blooming Grove was supplied, after Abner Reeve left it. in his zeal for Independency (1764— 1770), by Amaziah Lewis, Benoni Bradner (1786-1802), and Luther Ealsey. 1 Eager' B Orange County. 154 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Before the close of the century the Scotchtown church was organized (1798), and Methuselah Baldwin became its pastor. Here he remained for nearly forty years. The church at Crawford was of still older date, and Jonathan Freeman Avas pastor of it — in conjunction with New Windsor — for several years. Meanwhile a congregation was gathered at Newburgh ; but no church seems to have been organized till about 1796-98. llelinquishing his labors at Crawford, Jonathan Free- man supplied Newburgh in its stead, in conjunction with New Windsor. This was in accordance with the course of his predecessor at the latter place, John Close, who had divided his time between the church at New Windsor and the congregation at Newburgh for several years (1785-1796). Freeman was succeeded at New- burgh by Eleazer Burnet and John Johnston, — the pas- torate of the latter extending from 1807 to 1857. The church at Albany was formed before 1761. Previous to this, the feeble congregation had been endeavoring to secure the means of erecting a house of worship, and application was afterward repeatedly made to Synod to secure aid. Their case was recommended to the attention and charity of friends of the cause, and, through great embarrassments, the house of worship was at length erected and a pastor secured. The church of Schenectady was organized a few years later, and for some years formed a joint charge with Currie's Bush, now Princetown. 1 In 1770, a letter was received from the Presbytery of South Carolina, requesting to know the terms on which a union with the Synod might be obtained. This was a bod} r , composed in part of New England and in part of Scotch elements, which had existed in the low country of the Carolinas as far back probably 1 For fuller accounts of congregations, see chap, xviii. SYNOD OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 155 as 1729, and it may have been in existence even some years earlier. It continued ' under the saint- name down to the period of the Revolutionary War, when its meet- ings were interrupted and its members scattered. The Presbytery of Charleston, formed after the close of the conflict, claimed to occupy the same ground and to be substantially the same body. The Synod answered their letter, but no reply was received. The Presbytery of Hanover had already increased so that, in the view of a number of its members, a division was desirable. In 1770, a petition to this effect was laid before Synod, and the ministers south of Virginia and within the bounds of North Carolina were formed into the Presbytery of Orange. Upon its erection it consisted of six members, Hugh McAden, Henry Patillo, James Cresswell, Joseph Alexander, Hezekiah James Balch, and Hezekiah Balch. Thus at the close of the period under review, the Synod was composed of ten Presbyteries, — Dutchess, Suffolk, New York, New Brunswick, Donegal, Lewistown, New Castle, the First and Second of Philadelphia, Hanover, and Orange. Nearly as many ministers had been received or ordained as were in connection with the 1 In 1695, a church was formed in Dorchester, Mass., "with a design to remove to Carolina to encourage the settlement of churches and the promotion of religion in the southern plantations." The church embarked, with its pastor, Rev. Joseph Lord, in December. 44 On February 2, 1096, the Lord's Supper was administered for the first time in that colony." This colony settled at Dorchester, eighteen miles from Charleston. In 1098, Rev. John Cotton, son of the Boston minister, was dismissed from Plymouth, and gathered a church in Charleston. He died in 1699. In 1705, the "Dissen- ters" had three churches in Charleston and one in the country (Dorchester). In 1754, Mr. Osgood, pastor of Dorchester, with a colony from that church, organized the church in Midway, Ga. (Holmes's Annals, i. 401, 469, 492.) A colony from Midway formed the Presbyterian church in Burke county, Cia. F. 156 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Synod at the time of its erection in 1758. Most of these had been trained within the bounds of the Pres- byteries, and by these more than seventy had been ordained. Among the accessions from abroad were the celebrated Dr. Witherspoon, from the Presbytery of Paisley in Scotland, Alexander McLean, James Gourly, and perhaps one or two others from North Britain. McGill, Ehea, Huey, and two or three others were all that came from Ireland. James Sproat, Jonathan Mur- dock, and A. Lewis, were from the Congregational Association of New Haven; and Dutchess county Pres- bytery received Benjamin Strong from Fairfield West. Several others were from New England, but they were for the most part educated or ordained within the bounds of the Presbyterian Church. 1 1 The members received and for the most part ordained by the Presbyteries during this period were as follows. New Brunswick Presbytery ordained Alexander McWhorter, William Kirkpatrick (1760), James Hunt, James Caldwell, John Hanna, John Clark (1761), Samuel Parkhurst, Joseph Treat, William Mills (1762), William Tennent, Jr., Enoch Green (1763), Amos Thompson, Thomas Smith, Jacob Ker, Nathan Ker (1764), James Lyon, John Rox- borough (1765), David Caldwell (1766), Jeremiah Halsey (1768), William Schenk, Jacob Vanarsdalen (1772). New York ordained Azel Roe (1762), Francis Peppard (1765), Jedediah Chapman (1767), James Tuttle (1769), William Woodhull (1770), Alexander Miller, Jonathan Murdoch, Oliver Deming (1771), Amzi Lewis (1772), Matthias Burnet, Joseph Grover (1775). New Castle ordained John Strain, John Carmichael (1761), Samuel Blair (1766), John McCreary, William Foster, Joseph Smith (1769), John Woodhull, Josiah Lewis (1771), Thomas Read, James Wilson, James Anderson (1772), Thomas Smith (1774). Lewes Presbytery ordained Joseph Montgomery (1762), Alexander Huston (1765), Thomas McCraken (1768), John Brown (1769). Hanover Presbytery ordained Henry Patillo (1758), James Waddel (1763), David Rice (1765), Thomas Jackson, Samuel Leak (1769). Suffolk Presbytery ordained Samson Occum, Ezra Reeve (1759), Moses Barrett, Thomas Smith (1760), Benj. Goldsmith (1764), David Rose (1765), Elam Potter, John Close (1766), Joshua Hart (1772), John Davenport (1775). The SYNOD OF NEW York AND PHILADELPHIA. 157 The growth of the Church was thus from its own natural increase, and the missionary efforts thai were pu1 forth. These efforts, though unequal to the demand, were strenuous and unremitted. The applications ad- dressed to the Synod, both from the North and South, were urgent and repeated. Virginia and the Carolinas presented inviting fields for missionary effort; but the laborers were few. From the Great Valley west of the mountains, from the region in and around Prince Eld- ward, from the Presbytery of Orange, embracing a large part of North Carolina and extending into South Carolina and Georgia, the applications for aid were First Presbytery of Philadelphia ordained John Murray (1766), Alexander Mitchel (1709), James Boyd, James Watt (1770), William Hollingshead (1774), Nathaniel Irwin, Daniel McCalla (1775}. The ministers ordained by the Second Presbytery of Philadelphia were Patrick Allison (1703), Samuel Eakin (1770), Robert Davidson (1774). Donegal ordained John Craighead (1708), Hezekiah J. Balch (1770), Hugh Vance (1772), William Thorn (1773), Thomas McFarren (1775). Dutchess county Presbytery ordained David Close (1773), Black- leach Burritt (1774). The Presbytery of Orange ordained Thomas Reese, John Simpson (1774); and the Presbytery of Lancaster, during its brief existence, ordained Samuel Blair (1706). The members received from other bodies by the Presbyteries during this period were few in number. Suffolk received Thomas Payne in 1704; New Brunswick, Jonathan Leavitt, from New Eng- land, in 1705, John Witherspoon, from Scotland, in 1709, and James Gourly, from Scotland, in 1775. The First Presbytery of Philadel- phia received James Sproat, successor of Tennent in Philadelphia, in 1769. Dr. Sproat had been converted under Tennent's preach- ing, and had been settled at Guilford, Conn., for nearly twenty-five years. (Sprague's Annals, iii. 125.) New Castle received Daniel McClealand, in 1709. Donegal, Joseph Rhea, from Ireland, in 1771, Robert Hughes, also from Ireland, in 1773, and Daniel McClure and Levi Frisbie, missionaries from New England, in the same year. The last two, however, were not received by the Synod. In 1775, Colin ISfcFarquhar was also received from Scotland. Orange Pres- bytery received James Campbell and James Edmonds, from South Carolina, in 1774; and Dutchess county, Benjamin Strong, in 1772. Vol. I.— 14 158 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. renewed, sometimes with each successive year. The Synod sent among them all whom it could spare. Licentiates, and ministers recently ordained, were directed to labor in these destitute regions from a few weeks to several months. Some of the ablest members of the Synod, as Duffield, ^McWhorter, Spencer, and Treat, were employed from time to time to itinerate through the region and organize churches. 1 By such methods the Synod attained a large acquaintance with the Southern field, and their interest and sympathies were excited in its behalf. This was also the case with the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania and the northern settlements of New York. Duffield and Eodgers were active in visiting them and encouraging the feeble churches, or organ- izing them where they were not yet established. The incessant demand for ministers led to measures for securing a larger number of candidates and making provision for their education. The project of appoint- ing a Professor of Divinity at Princeton College was agitated as early as 1760, only two years after the union of the two Synods. No adequate provision, however, could be made at the time for his support, and the matter was for the time deferred. Yet the Synod (1761) declared that "the Church suffers greatly for want of an opportunity to instruct students in the knowledge of divinity;" and it was therefore agreed that every student, after taking his first degree in col- lege, should " read carefully and closely on this subject at least one year, under the care of some minister of an approved character for his skill in theology," under his direction discussing "difficult points in di- vinity, forming sermons, lectures, and such other use- ful exercises as he may be directed to, in the course ot 1 Sec Minutes for successive years of this period. SYNOD OF NEW FORK AM) PHILADELPHIA. 159 liis studies." Practice in public speaking was recom- mended, and probationers were "to forbear reading their sermons from the pulpit, if they could conve- niently." 1 But these provisions came far short of meeting the emergency. The college at Princeton, a few years later (1768), secured the services of the celebrated Dr. With- erspoon, of Scotland, who was invited to the presidency of the college on the death of Dr. Finlcy. A new and energetic effort was now made throughout the hounds of the Church to secure a larger endowment for the institution. It was prosecuted with much vigor and a good degree of success. Dr. Witherspoon, in addition to his other duties, gave lectures on divinity, and instructed the students who desired it, in the Hebrew language. This, in the circumstances, was the best provision that could be made. The Synod, encouraged by the prospect, engaged to add fifty pounds a year to his salary. The first difficulty, the securing of a Divinity Pro- fessor, w r as thus met. Another remained. The neces- sities of those engaged in a course of preparation for the ministry were often urgent, and for lack of means they were sometimes compelled to abandon their pur- pose. The Synod endeavored (1771) to meet this diffi- culty by "a scheme for supporting young men of piety and parts at learning for the work of the ministry, so that our numerous vacancies may be supplied with preachers of the gospel." By this scheme, it was the aim of the Synod to throw the burden upon those who were most interested in the success of the project. Each vacant congregation asking Presbytery for sup- plies was to pay annually two pounds into a common fund. Every minister a member of the Presbytery 1 Minutes, 309, 310. 160 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. was to pay one pound, and any who were willing to contribute were to have the opportunity of annual sub- scription. Individuals who applied for aid were to be examined and approved by the Presbytery, and were to preach one year after licensure in the vacancies within its bounds. In case any persons thus educated should withdraw from their purpose of laboring in the ministry, they were to give bonds for the repayment of what they had thus received. 1 Here, then, was the model of a Presbyterian Educa- tion society. It was probably the first of any kind that had yet been devised in this country. The plan had originated with the Presbytery of New Castle, and was overtured to the Synod, who approved it and earnestly recommended it, or a like scheme, to the several Presbyteries. In 1773, the subject was again brought to the notice of Synod. 2 It was found that the Presbyteries of New York and New Brunswick, and the Second Presbytery of Philadelphia, had " complied fully" with the recom- mendations of the Synod, and had succeeded so far in " raising money for poor pious youths" as to have " several young men at education." Some of the other Presbyteries had done something, but had not answered the design of the Synod. They were now ordered " to prosecute this important plan as speedily as possible." But the approaching scenes and troubles of the Eevolu- tionary conflict defeated any successful or general prose- cution of the project. The subject of missionary labors among the Indians was not overlooked. David Brainerd had labored with devoted zeal among the tribes along the Delaware, and had made Crossweeksung, Kaunaumeek, and the Porks of the Delaware, classic in the literature of Christian i Minutes, 419, 420. 2 u^d. 433. SYNOD OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 101 missions. His brother John, not unworthy of such a kin- dred, had Longed to tread in his steps; but tjie French War, and trouble among the tribes, bad deranged his plans. He settled, therefore, as pastor of the congre- gation at Newark, waiting for a more favorable oppor- tunity. In 1700, be laid bis ease before Synod, then in session at Philadelphia. He asked advice, whether he should leave his present comfortable position at Newark and resume his mission to the Indians. The Synod dared not repress bis zeal. Though "tenderly affected with the case of Newark congregation, yet, in consider- ation of the great importance of the Indian mission, they unanimously advise Mr. Brainerd to resume it." The interest of the Indian fund was given him for the year, in order to " his more comfortable subsistence. " It was subsequently renewed, and the congregations throughout the Church were urged to take up collec- tions for his support and in order to sustain an Indian school. 1 But the attention of the Synod had already been called to the Oneida tribe. 2 At first they could not see their way clear to make any eifort to sustain a mission among them; but when, in 1763, the faithful Occam bad already entered the field, and derived but a scanty support from "the Society in Britain," the Synod gene- rously resolved to place at his disposal for the year the sum of sixty-five pounds; and, in order to secure it, collections were ordered in the several congrega- tions. At this time Sergeant had joined the Indian mission under the care of Brainerd. In 1708, " the Synod, taking under consideration the deplorable condition of the Indian tribes, the natives of this land, who sit in heathenish darkness and are perishing for lack of knowledge," appointed a com- i Minutes, 211, 31G, 324. 2 Ibid. 321. 1G2 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. mittee " to draw up and concert a general plan to be la\d before the next Synod, to be by them approved in order to prepare the way to propagate the gospel among those benighted people." The committee con- sisted of some of the ablest members of the body. Allison, Read, Treat, E wing, William Tennent, McWhor- ter, Caldwell, Williamson, Thomson, and Blair, com- posed it, and were to meet in October, at Elizabeth- town, to devise the plan. But the troubled state of the frontier, — such that Cooper and Brainerd, who had intended to visit the Indians on the Muskingum, were forced to abandon their project, — the intrigues of the French, and the near approach of the war, effectually prevented the success of any enterprise which the Synod might have chosen to prosecute. It was thirty years before the ground which was thus lost could be regained, or the attention and sympathies of the Presbyterian churches be effectually drawn to the religious claims of the aboriginal tribes. Yet it was the full intention of the Synod to prosecute the matter on a well-devised system. A part of this was developed in the overture from the New York Presbytery, on the subject of a missionary collection in all the churches of each Pres- bytery, — a plan which was adopted by the Synod in 1767. This was with a view not only to secure mis- sionary labor for the Indians, but to relieve " the un- happy lot of many in various parts of our land who are brought up in ignorance," whose "families were perishing for lack of knowledge," and " who, on account of their poverty and scattered habitations, are unable, without some assistance, to support the gospel minis- try among them." It was publicly acknowledged and declared to be the " duty" of the churches "to send missionaries to the frontier settlements, who may SYNOD <)F NEW YOEK AND PHILADELPHIA. 1G3 preach to the dispersed families there, and form ihem into societies for the public worship of God." Here wen- the germs both of Some and Foreign Missions, thirty years before the great missionary movement at the beginning of the present century commenced. But for the war, it is possible that Brain- erd might have had the honor reserved for I'mry. and the American Church — like the child teaching the parent to read — have se1 England the lesson that by many years should have antedated the formation of her missionary societies. The correspondence of the Synod with other churches was not overlooked. In 1759, Davies, Cross, and Ten- nent were on a large committee to propose to the Pres- byterian churches abroad to settle some plan by T which this object could be secured. In successive y r ears, committees of correspondence w T ere appointed or con- tinued; but they had been unable to meet, and for seven years no digested plan was laid before Synod. In 1766, Alison, Blair, Beattv, and P. Y. Livingston were appointed a committee to prepare and bring in a plan "as soon as possible." They reported in favor of a correspondence with the churches of Holland, Geneva, Switzerland, the General Assembly of Scotland, the seceding Synods, the ministers in and about London, the Irish Synod, the ministers of Dublin and of New England, and the churches in South Carolina. For four or five years, the correspondence which was thus recommended was more or less maintained; but the last notice of it appears in 1771. The regular correspondence with the consociated eli arches of Connecticut hears date also from 1766 Already the -Synod had given evidence of regarding them in a different light from that of "individual minis tcrs, convened as a temporary judicatory for the single purpose of licensing or ordaining a candidate." While 164 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. declaring (1764) that " every Christian society should maintain communion with others as far as they can with a good conscience/' yet "no society was bound to adopt or imitate the irregularities of another/' in order thereto, " contrary to its own established and approved rules of procedure." Hence the candidates of the New- Light party in Ireland, of Congregational Councils in New England, and others, were not to be received by the Presbyteries without examination. But in regard to the associated churches of Connec- ticut a different feeling prevailed, and, at the same time that the correspondence with foreign churches was reduced to system, a plan for closer intimacy with those of Connecticut was devised. Arrangements were made, in concert with the General Association of Con- necticut, for a convention of Congregational and Pres- byterian ministers, to be held annually, in order to pro- mote objects of common interest to both denominations. The convention was to meet alternately in Connecticut and within the bounds of the Presbyterian Church, but was to exercise no authority over the ministers or churches. Its general design was "to gain informa- tion of" their "united cause and interest; to collect accounts relating thereto ; to unite their endeavors and counsels for spreading the gospel and preserving the religious liberties of the churches ; to diffuse har- mony and to keep up a correspondence throughout this united body, and with friends abroad," and to vindi- cate the loyalty and reputation of the churches thus represented. 1 1 This is a very covert and delicate statement, concealing the real object. The phrase "preserving religious liberty''' is very significant. "To vindicate the loyalty and reputation of the churches''' reveals the design. Episcopacy, combined with hyper-Presbyterianism (Scotch) in New England, which desired a Presbyterian Establishment on the basis of the Solemn League and Covenant, remonstrated with the SYNOD OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. IG5 The convention mel al Elizabeth town, in L766. It drew i!]) a plan of union between the Congregational, Consociated, and Presbyterian Churches, which was reported to the Synod the following year. Jt was amended by them, and finally adopted by both parties. From this period the convent ions were held annually until 1776. The disturbance occasioned by the wai- led to its neglect, and no effort was made to revive it till 1792. The object of this convention was simply Christian and patriotic. There were common dangers which threatened alike the Presbyterian churches of the Mid- dle States, and the Congregational churches oi* New England. It was well known that, while civil liberty was threatened by stamp acts, a project for the sacri- fice of religious freedom to Episcopal ascendency in the colonies was cautiously but resolutely cherished in England. It was believed, on what was regarded as good authority, that nothing less w T as contemplated than the extension to these shores of the English Establishment, for which Dissenters here would be taxed as they were in England. To present a united front of resistance to such a pro- English Parliament against the holding of Synods in New England. Under the lGth of Richard II., the power to convoke conventions was vested in the Crown, and continued to be exercised even by Cromwell. New York and Virginia had already Episcopal Estab- lishments, and the effort was made to put the entire country under diocesan bishops, as in England. The object of the convention of Presbyterians and Congregationalists was to prevent this; and by their extensive correspondence they aimed to prevent such a result The opponents of the Dissenters were also enemies of the existing colonial governments. Through influence from this source, the Con- gregationalists lost their Synods, and the convention was formed to ilently the attempt to Bubjecl them to Royalty and Episco- pacy. (Holmes's Annals, i. 586. Printed .Minutes of the convention. These last were printed in pamphlet form a few years since.) F. 166 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. ject; to make common cause with all Dissenters sub ject to disabilities in any of the colonies, — as in Mary- land and Carolina ; to diffuse among the people facts and information which should enable them to deter- mine intelligently in regard to the great questions looming up in the distance; to secure careful estimates of the number of Episcopalians and non-Episcopalians in the different colonies, — these were the objects which the convention kept ever in view. It is. evident, from a perusal of its minutes, that the men who composed it were not disturbed by the apprehension of merely imaginary dangers. They perceived the identity of interest between the cause of civil and that of religious liberty; and we cannot doubt that the influence of their deliberations powerfully contributed to the successful issue of the great conflict which some already felt was near at hand. Soon after the arrival of Dr. Witherspoon in this country, an effort was made to secure a union of the "seceding" ministers with the Synod. At the request of the ministers themselves, a committee was appointed to converse with them (1769). That committee failed to meet, and another was appointed in the following year. Their conference proved barren of results; and in 1774 the Associate Presbytery in Pennsylvania, " for reasons which appeared to them valid/' declined any further measures with a view to union. The necessities of missionary labor had called the attention of members of the Synod to the wisdom of making provision for the circulation, especially in frontier settlements, of religious books. In 1772, the charity of the public was asked for the promotion of this object. The books which were specified as those most desirable for circulation were Bibles, the West- minster Confession, Assembly's and Vincent's Cate* chisms, Doddridge's " Eise and Progress," Alleine's SYNOD OF NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 107 "Alarm," Watts's Songs f< r Children, and "A Compas- Bionate Address to the Christian World." These books were designed to be given to the poor; and, in 177;), committees were appointed in Philadelphia and New York to see to their procurement, and each was authorized to draw upon the treasurer of Synod for an amount not exceeding twenty pounds. The germ of the Publication cause, as well as those of Home and Foreign Missions, was thus manifest at a period ante- rior to the Revolutionary conflict. The subject of Psalmody was one which occasioned in some quarters no little disquiet. Many were indis- posed to give up the old version of the Psalms, and some of the Scotch w r ere especially tenacious of it. The church at New York had been sorely rent by troubles which had originated from this source. In 1763, the question was introduced into Synod, "As sundry mem- bers and congregations within the bounds of our Synod judge it most for edification to sing Dr. Watts's Imitation of David's Psalms, do the Synod so far approve 6aid imitation as to allow such ministers and congrega- tions the liberty of using it ?" The reply was, that, as many of the Synod had not examined the book, they were not prepared to answer, but, inasmuch as it was approved by many members of the bod} 7- , no objection would be made to its use till the subject of Psalmody was further considered. Members were recommended to examine the matter and be prepared to present their views the next year. But in 1764 the matter was postponed, and in 1765 it was referred to Dr Fin- ley and Mr. .McDowell. Upon their report it was decided that the Synod " look upon the inspired Psalms in Scripture to be proper matter to be sung in Divine worship, according to their original design and the practice of the Christian churches, yet will not forhid those to use the Imitation of them whose judgment 168 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM and inclination lead them to do so." For a time this decision seems to have been acquiesced in; but in 1773 trouble arose in the Second Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia. Of this church, James Sproat — converted while in Yale College under the preaching of his prede- cessor, on his tour through New England — was pastor. \Yatts's version had been introduced among the congre- gation, to the great annoyance of certain members. The Session favored the measure, and the Presbytery confirmed the judgment of the Session. An appeal was had to Synod, and, after discussion, a committee was appointed to confer with the original parties. Upon their report, it was decided to be unwise to affirm or disapprove the several distinct propositions laid down by the Presbytery in their judgment, and, as the Synod had not then time to " consider fully the different ver- sions of the Psalms in question," and it had already been declared that each congregation might determine the matter for themselves, the Synod contented itself with recommending to both parties peace and harmony, forbearing all harsh sentiments and expressions, and especially all intimation that either version was " unfit to be sung in Christian worship." It was more than fifteen years later that Dr. Latta, of the Second Pres- bytery of Philadelphia, issued his pamphlet against Anderson, of the Associate Church, contending that the principal subjects of Psalmody should be taken from the gospel. The pamphlet was widely scattered, and, although great agitation had been produced on the sub- ject, even beyond the mountains in the feeble churches of Kentucky, it went through four editions, and was never answered. Thus a leading member of the Old- side Second Presbytery of Philadelphia became the champion of the dreaded innovation. For some time the authority of the Synod's Corn-mis- sion had been called in question. It was argued that SYNOD OF NEW FORE AND PHILADELPHIA. 1G9 the Synod had no righl to delegate its full authority to a portion of its members. There were serious doubts, moreover, as to the utility as well as powers of Com- mission, and in 1774 the Synod found it necessary to vindicate its course in the annual appointment which had been made with ondeviating uniformity from the date of its erection. Provision, however, was made to guard against any abuse of its powers from deficient attendance, and its decisions. Like those of the Synod itself, were declared to be without appeal. Its pro- ceedings and judgments, however, might be reviewed, and in this review the Commission might be present and assist. It was at this period (1774) that Eev. Dr. Ezra Stiles and Eev. Samuel Hopkins called the attention of the Synod to the claims of the African race. They were agitating the plan of sending two natives of Africa on a mission to propagate Christianity in their native country, and they asked the Synod to approve and countenance the undertaking. The request was favor- ably received. The Synod declared itself "very happy to have an opportunity to express their readiness to concur with and assist in a mission to the African tribes, especially where so many circumstances concur, as in the present case, to intimate that it is the will of God, and to encourage us to hope for success." They gave assurance that they were ready to do all that was proper for them in their station, for the encouragement and assistance of those who had originated the move- ment. _ With the cause of civil and religious liberty the American Presbyterian Church has been identified from its earliest period. From the time when Lord Cornbury imprisoned Francis Makemie lor preaching in New York, the voice of the Church which boasts him as its founder has ever been 0:1 the side of free- Vol. I.— 15 170 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. dom and against all intolerance. Throughout her entire history, and in all her records, there is not an act on this great subject which has received her sanc- tion, for which she needs to offer an apology. On the other hand, the cause of civil and religious freedom has never found a more earnest and steadfast champion. This is abundantly illustrated in the history of our Eevolutionary conflict. The Synod of 1775 met at Philadelphia, May 17, 1775. It was a time of great popular excitement. Just four weeks to a day before they assembled, the first blood shed in the Eevolutionary conflict flowed at Lexington. Just one week before, the General Con- gress had assembled, and was now sitting but a short distance off in the same city. Outside the place where the Synod was convened, in the streets of Philadelphia, and indeed throughout the land, nothing but the scenes and interests of the opening conflict was talked of. Yet this body calmly attended to its own proper busi- ness, and, when the fitting time had arrived, gave appropriate expression to its patriotic sympathies and its religious convictions on the subject of colonial rights. Barely, on any occasion, has there been a par- allel utterance more significant or effective; and it came at the opportune moment, when political zeal needed to be tempered and sustained by religious sanctions. The members present in the Synod were less in num- ber than was usual upon similar occasions; but this is easily accounted for. The Presbyteries of Suffolk, Lewes, Philadelphia Second, Hanover, and Orange, were without a single representative; Dutchess county Presbytery had but three, — Wheeler Case, Samuel Mills, and Ichabod Lewis; New Castle and Donegal had each but one, and Philadelphia First but two. In all there were only twenty- four ministers and five elders. But their very presence upon the occasion indi- BYNOD 01 NEW YORK AND PHILADELPHIA. 171 cated their character, and the smallness of their num- bers was compensated by the vigor of their spirit. Foremost among them was the venerable Dr. Wither- spoon, Scotch in accent and in strength of conviction, hut American in feeling to his heart's core, and des- tined for six years to represent his adopted State in the General Congress, and draw up many of the most important state papers of the day. With a clear intel- lect, a calm judgment, indomitable strength of purpose, and a resolute and unflinching courage, he combined that conscientious integrity and religious feeling which made him among his associates in the Church what Washington was in the field, and secured for him the respect and veneration of all. But, if a host in him- self, there were others present worthy to be his allies. There was Eobert Cooper, for a time chaplain # in the army, and who was near being taken a prisoner at Princeton; Dr. John Eodgers, of New T York, chaplain during the war, first of Heath's brigade, then of the Convention of the State and of the Council of Safety; McWhortcr, who shared the councils of "Washington on the memorable 2Gth of December, 1776, when the Ameri- can troops crossed the Delaware, and who was afterward chaplain of Knox's brigade; James Caldwell, inherit- ing with his Huguenot blood a feeling of opposition to tyranny and tyrants, a member of the Jersey regiment under his parishioner, Colonel Dayton, with a price set upon his head by the enemy, his church burned, his wife shot by a refugee, and himself at length (1781) by a drunken soldier; Jedediah Chapman, the fearless mis- sionary pioneer, and the father of Presbyterianism in Central New York. — and others beside, well worthy to stand in the foremost rank of American and Christian patriots. These were the men win. fearlessly committed them- selves on the side of freedom. In the alarming posturo 172 HISTORY OF PRESRYTERIANISM' of public affairs they judged it their duty to appoint a day of " solemn fasting, humiliation, and prayer," to be " carefully and religiously observed" by all the congre- gations under their care. Anticipating a similar appoint- ment by "the Continental Congress, now sitting," they directed that if not more than four weeks distant from it, it should supersede their own. The measure — then unusual — of a pastoral letter, was adopted. Witherspoon, Rodgers, and Caldwell were the leading members of the committee appointed to draw it up. It bore throughout the stamp of their deep feeling and patriotic as well as religious zeal. It noticed the threatening aspect of public affairs and the apprehended horrors of a civil war, and, in view of these things, recognized the Synod's duty of addressing the numerous congregations under its care " at this important crisis." In a tone that must have sounded in strange contrast with the echoes of war, it pressed home upon the attention of all, the great truths of God's sovereignty and providence, and personal duty in relation to the claims of gospel repentance, faith, and obedience. The letter then proceeds to express the views of the Synod, w T hich they declare they " do not wish to con- ceal, as men and citizens." It urges loj^alty to the king, but union on the part of the colonies : mutual charity and esteem among members of different reli- gious denominations : vigilance in regard to social gov- ernment and morals : reformation of manners : religious discipline : the careful securing of the rights of con- science by the magistrates; personal honesty and integ- rity; humanity and mercy, especially among such as should be called to the field. " That man will fight most bravely," they say, "who never lights till it is necessary, and who ceases to fight u& Boon as the neces- sity is over." THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 173 Such was the spirit ol* this noble Idtcr. Five hun- dred copies of it were to l»e printed and circulated at the Synod's expense. Thus they were scattered abroad throughout all the congregations, contributing in no small measure to kindle and sustain the patriotic zeal of the country. The Presbyterian Church, by the act of its highest judicatory, thus took its stand at Phila- delphia by the side of the American Congress then in session, and its influence was felt in a most decisive manner throughout the bounds of the Church. CHAPTEB X. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR AND THE REORGANIZATION OP THE CHURCH. 1775-1788. There were some very obvious reasons why the Presbyterian Church in this country should take the noble stand it did, at the critical moment when the people were called to choose between resistance and submission to arbitrary power. The same reasons also were valid when the question of national independence was to be met. The history, traditions, and sympathies of the Church, — the principles upon which its very existence w r as based, — the nature of its system, combining liberty with law, — the aims which it stood pledged to cherish, as well as the dangers which it had to fear in case an arbitrary system was to triumph and be established by the power of the sword, — contributed to unite the members and friends of the Church, almost as one man. in the pa- triotic cause. Its constituent elements, it is true, had been drawn from sources widely diverse ; yet each la* 174 HISTORY OF PRESBYTEBIANISM. brought with it traditionary memories, cherished with sacred fondness, which were singularly harmonious it their nature and bearing. Within its fold were men whose ancestors had resisted the Spanish tyrant, even to the death, on the dikes of Holland, — some who had listened in childhood to the story of what their ances- tors, driven into exile by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, had suffered less than a century previous. — some whose parents had wandered houseless in Scot- tish glens, or who had indignantly witnessed the des- potic attempt to impose Episcopacy on Scotland, — not a few who must have seen and heard the heroes of Londonderry or Enniskillen, — and hundreds, if not thousands, who might proudly boast that in their veins flowed the blood of the Pilgrim Fathers of New Eng- land. Each had some treasured memory of the past, some ancestral association, which he cherished as a pledge of unswerving fidelity to the cause of civil and religious freedom. The date of the foundation of the Church in this country, moreover, was significant. It seemed born just in time to inherit the legacy of the noblest spirits, the persecuted heroes of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Continent. When Makemie first landed on these shores, a majority, possibly, of the two thousand Non-Conformists of 1662 still survived. Baxter had just been fined nearly two hundred pounds for preach- ing within five miles of a corporation, and was now writing his New Testament Paraphrase, for which the vengeance of Jeffries was soon to sentence him to a two-years imprisonment. Owen, sinking under his gigantic labors, was feeling even yet the bitterness of the intolerance that sought to identify him with the conspirators of the Eye-House Plot. Manton, silenced in the pulpit, was calmly waiting the summons to a higher service. Bates, who might have had "any bish- THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 175 opric in the kingdom" if he would but conform, was in i n old age, busy with his elegant pen. Calamy. of J, on. ion. — whose father for preaching had been Benl to Newgate, and whose son, now a boy of I welve years, was to be the historian of the heroes of Non-< lonformity, — was Looking eagerly toward the New World, to learn what welcome the exiled for conscience' sake found a] its shores; and to him, with his friends in the great metropolis, Makemie himself was to turn for sympathy and aid in his arduous task. Indeed, in the early history of the Preshyterian Church, every vessel that passrd from the Old World to the New might have borne with it some story of persecuted faith, some illus- tration of religious intolerance, to make the voluntary exile for conscience' sake pledge himself anew to the cause for which he, as well as his fathers, had suffered. Then came the grievous hardships to which for succes- sive generations "Dissenters" had heen subjected in Virginia, the establishment of the Episcopal Church in the Carolinas, the tines and imprisonment of Makemie in New York, and the bigoted jealousy which up to the very moment of the Declaration of Independence denied the Presbyterians of that city a charter of in- corporation, to confirm, even by the exasperations of wrong, the fidelity of the Church to the principles upon which, by New Testament authority, it had becD established. And yet — in spite of temporary grievances, now fast passing away — Presbyterians loved, and had good reason to love, this land of their nativity or adoption. Here w r ere no cumbrous hierarchies, no prescriptive rights of nobility or primogeniture, no courts of Star Chamber ami High Commission, no obtrusive and im- pertinent interferences, save in a few instances, with freedom of worship, or the enjoyment of civil and reli- gious rights. Here were institutions which, if left 176 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIAN1SM. undisturbed, came nearer than any others on the globe to realiziug the ideal of a free and liberal government. Here the citizen might hope to enjoy for himself, and transmit to his children, the blessings of equal laws and constitutional freedom. Here was a treasure, therefore, worthy to be esteemed above all price, — a treasure not to be surrendered to the arrogant claims and encroach- ments of the British ministry, or to be yielded to the terror even of invading armies. Nor did it need any remarkable sagacity to perceive that the mischief to be dreaded was involved in the very principle on which encroachment was based. Let that principle be yielded, and no limit could be set to the arrogance that demanded the first concession. One right after another might be wrenched away, and religious liberty would not long survive the loss of civil privilege. With the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches of the land, this consideration had great weight. They knew that there were among them many whose work was to spy out their liberties and send back sinister reports across the ocean. They were well aware that upon them were the eyes of men to whom the trap- pings and forms of Episcopacy were as delicious as the leeks and onions of Egypt to the Israelites in the desert. They knew that with thousands on both sides of the ocean it was a favorite project to cement the unity of the empire by the introduction and establish- ment in this country of diocesan bishops. Not that they envied " the Episcopal churches the privileges of a bishop, for the purposes of ordination, confirmation, and inspecting the morals of the clergy;" 1 not that they would deny to others the rights or privileges which 1 Language employed in reference to the subject, — Minutes of the convention of delegates from the Synod and Connecticut Asso- ciation, p. 13. THE REVOLUTIONARY' WAR. 177 they claimed themselves; but they wauled no bishops with powers such as were " annexed to the office by the common Law of England/' " Our forefathers," said they, "and even some of ourselves, have seen and felt the tyranny of bishops' courts. Many of the first inhabitants of these colonies were obliged to Beek an asylum among savages in this wilderness, in order to escape the ecclesiastical tyranny of Archbishop Laud and others of his stamp. Such tyranny, if now^xer- cised in America, would either drive IIS to seek new habitations among the heathen, where England could not claim a jurisdiction, or excite riots, rebellion, and wild disorder. We dread the consequences, as often as we think of this danger." Nor was the danger merely imaginary. The Epis- copacy which our fathers dreaded was the Episcopacy which they had know T n in England, commingling the exercise of civil with that of ecclesiastical prerogative. It was the Episcopacy which turned out the Non-Con- formists, and which forced Scotland almost into open revolt. It w r as the Episcopacy which, grafted on the old Virginia intolerance, would exterminate " dissent," impose tithes and church-rates, and set up ecclesias- tical courts sure to encroach on the rights of conscience. Disavowing the desire to introduce it with its more obnoxious features, the clergy of New York and New- Jersey yet petitioned for the Episcopate, pleading that nearly a million of the inhabitants desired it. Ameri- cans in England were openly told that bishops should be "settled in America, in spite of all the Presbyterian opposition." The matter was no secret. As early as 1 748, in the times of Archbishop Seeker. — perhaps earlier. — it had been proposed to introduce Episcopacy into New England by elevating some of the most distinguished of the clergy to an episcopal pre- eminence over their brethren. But the bribe held out 178 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. was promptly and nobly spurned. Whitefield, on one of his last visits to this country, had communicated information, 1 which he had derived from an official source, of the project entertained in England of making in this country the Episcopal the Established Church. Enough was known to excite jealousy and suspicion, and unite all non-Episcopal denominations in resist- ance to the project. In the Political Register of 1769 is a picture entitled " An attempt to land a bishop in America." The name to be read on the vessel's side is that of Hillsborough, the then Colonial Secretary. The vessel has touched the wharf, but a crowd of earnest people with long poles are pushing her from her moor- ings. One of the multitude has a book entitled "Sid- ney on Government" another has a volume of "Locke's Essays" a third, in Quaker garb, has "Barclay's Apology" open before him, while from the lips of a fourth issues a scroll inscribed, " No lords, spiritual or temporal, in New England." Half-way up the shrouds of the vessel is a bishop in his robes, his mitre falling, and a volume of Calvin's works, hurled by one on shore, is about to strike his head. From the bishop's lips issues a scroll, on which is inscribed the nunc dimittis of aged Simeon, while in the foreground is a paper with the words, " Shall they be obliged to maintain a bishop who can- not maintain themselves 1" At the same time, a mon- key near by is throwing a stone at the bishop. The picture is significant as expressing the popular feeling in opposition to Episcopal projects. This feeling found prompt and decided expression in the papers of the day. It was at just this period (1766) that a voluntary Episcopal convention of the clergy of New York and New Jersey was held j and by them the petition for bishops, already referred to, was drawn 1 Gordon's America, vol. i. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 179 ftp to be forwarded to England. Dr. B. Chandler, of Elizabethtown, was requested to write and publish an appeal to the public in favor of the project. The appeal was published in 1707, but was soon ably an- swered by Dr. Charles Chauneey, of Boston. The paper controversy had now commenced: by the close of the following year, articles bad been published sufficient in number and length to be comprised in two volumes, which were published at New York in 1708. The convention of Congregational, Consociated, and Presbyterian Churches, which began its annual meet- ings in 17G6, had its attention called to the subject. Indeed, the convention itself originated in the general apprehension of the common danger. The opposition was not to bishops vested only with spiritual powers, but to the governmental sanction of an episcopate whose temporal ambition would be thereby inflamed, and which would not be disposed to rest till it enjoyed the prestige and emoluments of an Establishment. There was, therefore, grave reason for apprehension. The projects of the British ministry were scarcely even disguised. But the Presbyterian Church was not dis- posed to meet them with tame submission. The spirit of Makemie still lived in the hearts of those upon whom his mantle had fallen. The cause of civil was with them also the cause of religious freedom. They wanted no Establishment, no Episcopal arrogance, no lords spiritual, on this side of the Atlantic. The mere know- ledge of the threatened danger tended strongly to unite them almost to a man in opposition. Equally significant was the attitude of the Episcopal Church. For the most part it was ultra-loyal. It num. bered only here and there a clergyman who manifested the least sympathy for the cause of liberty. Thev "leaned, with very few exceptions, throughout the colonies, to the side of the crown, and in the Middle 180 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. and Northern provinces their flocks were chiefly of the same way of thinking." 1 This fact was not without its influence. It reacted upon the minds of the Pres- byterians, and made them still more earnest in their efforts and apprehensive in their fears. Thus was a religious element mingled in the strife. It was not merely a protest against stamped paper and a tax on tea, but it was the cause of civil rights, of con- science, and of religious freedom. It required no little strength of conviction to sustain the patriotism of the country through a seven-years conflict ; but what was required was found to exist. The Revolution came, and it found no more steadfast friends and adherents than in the ranks of the Presbyterian Church. The influence of the war upon the condition and prospects of the Presbyterian Church, throughout the country, was most disastrous. Its members were almost all decided patriots, and its ministers, almost to a man, were accounted arch-rebels. Their well-known views and sympathies made them specially obnoxious to the enemy, and to be known as a Presbyterian was to incur all the odium of a "Whig." It is not strange, there- fore, that they should have been the marked victims of hostility, or that they should have been, in many cases, mercilessly molested in property and person. In initiating the Revolution, and in sustaining the patriotic resistance of their countrymen to illegal tyranny, the ministers of the Presbyterian Church bore a conspicuous and even foremost part. Through- out that most trying and disastrous period through which the Church and country had as yet been called to pass, they proved themselves alike faithful to both. Their conduct fully justified the noble utterance of the Synod of 1775, a few weeks after the first blood was i Hildreth, iii. 56. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 181 sbcil at Lexington. They preached the duty of resist- ing tyrants. They cheered their people in the dreary periods of the conflict by inspiring lofty trust in the God of nations. Some of them were engaged person- ally in the army. Some occupied a place in the civil councils. Others were personal sufferers from the ven- geance of an exasperated foe, and others, still, sealed their devotion to their country by their blood. 1 Among those who advocated the cause of the colo- nies, and who from the pulpit endeavored to strengthen patriotic zeal by Christian principle, it would be almost invidious to name any; for nearly all were alike guilty in this respect. Dr. Witherspoon, Patrick Allison in Baltimore, William Tennent in Charleston, George Dufiield in Philadelphia, John Miller at Dover, James Waddel and John Blair Smith in Virginia, led the way in vindicating from the pulpit the cause of American freedom. On the fast-day (May 17, 1776) Dr. Witherspoon preached a sermon, — afterward published and dedi- cated to John Hancock, — in which he entered fully into the great political questions of the day. It mani- fested his loyal zeal in behalf of his adopted country, and his ability to vindicate her cause. Republished, with notes, in Glasgow, it subjected its author to the odium of a rebel and a traitor. A member of the Pro- vincial Congress of New Jersey, he was elected by that body to the Continental Congress, and took part in defending the project of the Declaration of Inde- pendence. During the debate on its adoption, he is reported to have said, " That noble instrument on youi table, which secures immortality to its author, should be subscribed this very morning by every pen in this 1 The facts that follow have been dei'ived from very various sources, although n ost of them are from Sprague's Annals. Vui.. L— 1G 182 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. house. He who will not respond to its accents, and strain every nerve to carry into effect its provisions, is unworthy the name of a freeman. Although these gray hairs must descend into the sepulchre, I would infinitely rather they should descend thither by the hand of the public executioner than desert at this crisis the sacred cause of my country." John Carmichael preached, at their request, to the militia of the city of Lancaster. The discourse of Miller, of Dover, who was bold in the expression of his patriotic ardor, was especially remarkable. Several days before the Declaration of Independence, he so far anticipated the spirit of that decisive measure as to address his people from that significant text, indicative enough of his own views, — " We have no part in David, nor any inheritance in the son of Jesse : to your tents, O Israel !" Eobert Davidson, pastor of the First Pres- byterian Church of Philadelphia, at the commencement of the war, preached before several military companies from the text, " For there fell down many slain, because the war was of God." A fortnight after, it was repeated before the troops at Burlington. Sermons of this stamp were by no means infrequent. Many of the soldiers were Presbyterians, and in the camp sought the privi- lege of hearing their own pastors, who sometimes, in their anxiety for their spiritual welfare, followed them to the field. Of John Craighead, pastor of Rocky Spring Church, Pa., it is said that " he fought and preached alter- nately." At the commencement of the war he raised a company from the members of his charge, and joined Washington's army in New Jersey. His friend Dr Cooper, of Middle Spring Church, is also said to have been the captain of a company. 1 He preached " before 1 Mr. Craighead was a humorist, and many good jokes are told of him. One day, it is said, going into battle, a cannon-ball Tin: aEVOLl TIONABY WAR. 183 Colonel Montgomery's battalion under arms," near Shippensburgj Pa., Augusl 31, 1775, a sermon entitled " Courage in a Good Cause." 1 Dr. King, of Conoco- oheagae (Mercersburg), was eminent for his patriotic zeal. He not only volunteered his services, and went as chaplain to the battalion which marched from his region, but many were the addresses which he delivered to inspirit the hearts of the people in their devotion to the cause of the country. From one of these, something may be gathered of the tone of pulpit utterance in that trying period. "Subjection," he said, "is demanded of us, but it is not the constitutional subjection which we are bound to pay; it is not a legal subjection to the king they would bring us to. That we already acknowledge. But it is a subjection to the British Parliament, or to the people of Great Britain. This we deny, and, I hope, will always deny. They are not our lords and masters; they are no more than our brethren and our fellow-subjects. They call themselves, and it has been usual to call them, the mother-country. But this is only a name, and, if there was any thing in it, one would think that it should lead them to treat us like children, with parental affection. But is it fatherly or motherly to strip us of every thing, to rob us of every right and privilege, and then to whip and dragoon us witb fleets and armies till we are pleased ? No ! as the name does not belong to them, so their conduct shows they have no right to claim it. We are on an equal footing with them in all respects; struck a tree near him, a splinter of which nearly knocked him down. "God bless me!" exclaimed Mr. Cooper, "you were nearly knocked to staves." "Oh, yes," was his reply; "and, though you are a cooper, you could not have set me up." — Nevin's Churches of (he Valley, 211. 1 This sermon is in possession of the Presbyterian Historical Society. 184 HISTORY OF PRESBYTER1ANISM. with respect to government and privileges; and, there- fore, their usurpation ought to be opposed. Nay, when the king uses the executive branch of government which is in his hand, to enable one part of his subjects to lord it over and oppress another, it is a sufficient ground of our applying to the laws of nature for our defence. " But this is the case with us. We have no other refuge from slavery but those powers which God has given us and allowed us to use in defence of our dearest rights; and I hope he will bless our endeavors and give success to this oppressed people, and that the wicked instruments of all these distractions shall meet their due reward. I earnestly wish that in such troublous times, while we plead for liberty, a proper guard may be kept against any turbulent or mobbish outbreak, and that unanimity may be universal both in counsel and action, and that we may still have an eye to the great God, who has some important reasons for such severe corrections. Let us look to the rod and Him that hath appointed it; let us humble ourselves before him daily for our sins, and depend upon him for suc- cess. If he be against us, in vain do we struggle ; if the Lord be for us, though an host should encamp against us, we need not be afraid. " In one of the darkest hours of the strife, — after the repulse in Canada, — he said, in a funeral discourse on the death of Montgomery, " Surely we have still reason for the exercise of faith and confidence in God, that he will not give a people up to the unlimited will and power of others, who have done all they could to avert the calamity, and have so strenuously adhered to the cause of reason and humanity, — a people who have been attacked with unprovoked violence, and driven with the greatest reluctance to take up arms for their defence, — a people whom he himself, by a series of THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 185 gracious actings, hath gradually led on to this condi- tion. . . . Therefore, when these are our circumstances, we may rationally judge that God is not an uncon- cerned spectator, but that he sees and will reward the persecutors. Man}* things, indeed, seem to be against us; a very great and powerful enemy, who have been long trained to victory; their numerous and savage allies, who, having lost their liberty, would have others in the same condition; our weakness and inexperience in war, internal enemies, the loss of many of our friends, and a beloved and able general. But let not these destroy our hopes or damp our spirits. To put too much confidence in man is the way to provoke God to deprive us of them. This may, perhaps, be the dark- ness which precedes the glorious day. ... It is agree- able to God's method to bring low before he exalteth, to humble before he raises up. Let us trust in him and do our duty, and commit the event to his deter- mination, who can make these things to be for us w T hich, by a judgment of sense, we are ready to say are against us." In a similar strain did he exhort the soldiers march- ing to the field, or address the people who remained behind. " Be thou faithful unto death," was the text of one of his discourses. " There is no soldier," he said, " so truly courageous as a pious man. There is no army so formidable as those who are superior to the fear of death. Consequently, no one qualification is more necessary in a soldier than true religion." These words were accompanied by the tender counsels of a pastor whose affections followed his men to the scenes of danger ana death. With the greatest earnest- ness he urged them to watch over their own souls, and not to bring dishonor on the cause to which they were attached. While several of the Presbyterian ministers per 16* 186 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. formed service and led companies to the field, a large number were engaged as chaplains in the army. Alexan- der MeWhorter — afterward Dr. MeWhorter, of Newark, ■ — was chaplain of Knox's brigade while it lay at White Plains, and often had General Washington among his hearers. James F. Armstrong — afterward of Elizabeth- town — joined a volunteer company before his licensure, and, soon after he was ordained, was appointed by Con- gress " chaplain of the second brigade of the Maryland forces." Adam Boyd was chaplain of the North Caro- lina brigade. Daniel McCalla.was sent to Canada as chaplain with General Thompson's forces at the com- mencement of hostilities. Dr. John Eodgers was chap- lain of Heath's brigade. George Duffield, in connection with Mr. (afterward Bishop) White, was employed as chaplain of the Colonial Congress. It was not infrequently that the minister of peace felt called upon to engage in active service in the armies of his country; and not a few of the young men who had won distinction in the use of carnal weapons became afterward still more eminent in the service of the gos- pel. When an unusual number of his people had been drafted to serve in the militia, James Latta, of Chesnut Level, with a view to encourage them, took his blanket, shouldered his knapsack, and accompanied them on their campaign. James Caldwell, chaplain of the Jer- sey brigade, accompanied his own parishioners to the camp, and, with a price set upon his head, it is not sur- prising that when he preached at " the Old Eed Store" he was first seen to disengage himself of his pistols. Samuel Eakin, of Penn's Neck, was a strong Whig, and the idol of the soldiers. Gifted with extraordinary eloquence, and accounted scarcely inferior to White- field, he was ever on the alert to kindle the patriotic zeal of his countrymen. When there were military training**, or the soldiers were ordered to march, he THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 187 was present to address them and thrill them hy his eloquence. 1 John Blair Smith, teacher, and afterward President, of Hampden -Sidney College, was chosen captain of a company of students, and, after the battle of Cowpens, hurried to join the retreating army, and was only dissuaded by the remonstrances of the com- manding officer, who represented to him that his patri- otic speeches at home would be far more valuable than his Bervices in the camp. James Hall, of North Caro- lina, subsequently the pioneer missionary in the Val- ley of the Mississippi, was selected as leader anc 1 accepted the command of a company formed mainly from his own congregation, whom his fervid and pathetic appeals had inspired to arm against Corn- wall is. Such was his reputation that he was offered the commission of brigadier-general. When Tarleton and his British dragoons spread con- sternation throughout the surrounding Valley of Vir- ginia. "William Graham, John Brown, and Archibald Scott exhorted the stripling youths of their congrega- 1 ions — their elder brethren were already with Washing- ton — to rise, join their neighbors, and dispute the pass- age of the invader and his legion at Roekfish Gap, on the Blue Eidge. Graham was the master-spirit; but he was heartily supported by his co-Presbyters. On one occasion, when there was backwardness to enlist, he had his own name enrolled. The effect was such that the company was immediately filled, and he was unani- mously chosen captain. It is worthy of mention that Dr. Ashbel Green, many years before he aspired to be an ecclesiastical leader, had attained the distinction of orderly sergeant in the militia of the Revolutionary period, and had risked his life in the cause of his coun- try. Dr. Moses Hoge served for a time, previous to 1 Barber's ttew Jersey, l^u. 188 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. entering the ministry, in the army of the Eevolution. Dr. John Brown, President of Georgia University, had at the early age of sixteen exchanged the groves of the Academy for the noise and bustle of the camp, and fought with intrepid spirit, by the side of Sumter, his country's battles. Dr. Asa Hillyer, of Orange, N.J., while a youth, assisted his father, a surgeon in the Revolutionary army. Joseph Badger was in the battle of Bunker Hill, and served as soldier, baker, nurse, &c, in Arnold's expedition to Canada. James White Ste- phenson, of South Carolina, — teacher of Andrew Jack- son, — served throughout the war, and on one occasion had his gun shivered in his hand by the enemy's shot, which glanced and killed the man who stood by his side. Lewis Feuilleteau Wilson, who studied medicine before his attention was directed to theology, served for seve- ral years as surgeon in the Continental army. Simp- son, of Fishing Creek, S.C., encouraged his people to deeds of heroism or patient endurance, and was him- self found bearing arms, and was in several engage- ments; and Joseph Alexander, of the same State, was often a fugitive from his own home, while he offered his dwelling at all times as a hospital for sick or wounded soldiers. 1 Jonas Coe, one of the early mem- bers of the Albany Presbytery, joined the army, along with his father and four brothers, while yet a youth of sixteen. Robert Marshall, afterward an eloquent min- ister in Kentucky, was in six general engagements, one of which was the hard-fought battle of Monmouth. James Turner, the eloquent Virginian preacher, could boast that at the early age of seventeen he had seen service in the Revolutionary army. These are but a few of that large band identified with the interests of the Presbyterian Church, and 1 Dr. Howe's Historical Discourse. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAE. L89 then, or al a later period, Berving a1 her aitar, who freely risked their lives in the Bervice of their country. Whether in tin.' bosom of their own congregations, or serving in the camp, they wore animated by the same devotion to the cause of God and their native land. Their message everywhere was welcome. The soldier was inspired to bolder courage by the look and words of his own pastor, or the pulpit exhortations of those who sinned his hardships and his perils. The camp betrayed the presence of a conservative influence which checked the vices which are wont to be indigenous to it, while many who never listened to the gospel before were privileged to hear it at a crisis when at every hour they stood in peril of their lives. To the privations, hardships, and cruelties of the war the Presbyterians were pre-eminently exposed. In them the very essence of rebellion was supposed to be con- centrated, and by the wanton plunderings and excesses of the marauding parties they suffered severely. Their Presbyterian ism was prima facie evidence of guilt. A house that had a large Bible and David's Psalms in metre in it was supposed, as a matter of course, to be tenanted by rebels. To sing " Old Bouse" was almost as criminal as to have levelled a loaded musket at a British grenadier. To the Presbyterian clergy the enemy felt an espe- cial antipathy. They were accounted the ringleaders of rebellion. For them there was often not so much safety in their own dwellings as in the camp. When their people were scattered, or it was no longer safe to reside among them, the only alternative was to flee or join the army, and this alternative was often presented. Not unfrequently the duty of the chaplain -or the pastor exposed him to dangers as great as those which the common soldier was called to meet. There was risk of person, sometimes capture, and sometimes loss of 190 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. life. Some ministers fled for safety. Dr. Eodgers was forced to absent himself from New York till the close of the war; McKnight, of Shrewsbury, 1ST. J., was car- ried off a captive; Richards, of Railway, N.J., took warning and fled. Dr. Buell, of East Hampton, L.I., who remained at his post, repeatedly ran imminent risks even from the men whom his wit and urbanity finally disarmed. Duftield was saved from capture at Trenton only by the timely warning of a friendly Quaker. At one time, while the enemy were on Staten Island, he preached to the soldiers in an orchard on the opposite side of the bay. The forks of a tree served him for a pulpit; but the noise of the singing attracted the notice of the enemy, and soon the voice of praise was inter- rupted by the whistling of balls. But the preacher, undismayed by the danger, bade his hearers retire behind a hillock, and there finished his sermon. Daniel McCalla was confined for several months in a loathsome prison-ship near Quebec. Nehemiah Greenman, of Pitts- grove, N.J. , fled to the wilderness to escape the indigni- ties so largely dealt out by the enemy to the Presby- terian ministers. Azel Roe, of Woodbridge, N. J., taken prisoner by the enemy, was for some time confined in the Old Sugar-House. He came near having a fall in a small stream which the company had to ford on the way. The commanding officer politely offered to carry Mr. Roe over on his back. The offer was accepted, and the suggestion of Mr. Roe to the officer that he was priest-ridden now, if never before, so convulsed him with laughter that he was like to have dropped his. load. Less merciful was the experience of John Ros- brugh, of Allentown, N.J., first a private soldier and afterward chaplain of a military company formed in his neighborhood, and who was shot down in cold blood by a body of Hessians to whom he had surrendered him- self a prisoner. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 191 There was a strange commingling of carnal and spiritual weapons in the experience of the camp'. Joseph Patterson, one of the fathers of the Presbytery of Redstone, bad just knelt to pray under a shed, when a board, in a line with bis bead, was shivered by the disc barge of a rifle. Stephen B. Balch preached a ser- mon on subjection to the higher powers, while General Williams, to the annoyance of royalists who were pre- sent, protected him with loaded pistols in his belt. The ministers on the frontiers, exposed to the attacks of the Indians, were compelled to go constantly armed. Thad- deus Dod, with his people, exchanged his church for the fort that bad been built on the Monongahela. Samuel Doak, of the Holston settlements, paused in his sermon at the alarm of an attack, seized his rifle that stood by his side, and led his male hearers in pursuit of the foe. Not a few of the ministers of the Presbyterian Church were called into the civil service of their coun- try. Dr. Witherspoon was for several years a member of the Continental Congress ; his sagacity and discre- tion were highly esteemed, and his pen was in frequent requisition. Many of the most important state papers of the day, in relation to such intricate subjects of political economy as the emission of paper money and the mode of supplying the army by commission, were written by him; and in calls for the observance of days of fasting and prayer, his pen was usually employed. Jacob Green, the father of Dr. Ashbel Green, was a zealous patriot, and was elected, though contrary to his expressed wishes, a member of the Provincial Con- gress of New Jersey. He was chairman of the com- mittee that drafted the Constitution of the State. Henry Patillo was a member of the Provincial Con- gress of North Carolina. J. J. Zubly was a delegate 192 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. from Georgia to the Continental Congress. 1 William Tennent, of the Circular Church, Charleston, was a member of the Provincial Congress of South Carolina, and amid the fearful emergencies of the period, and at different hours of the same day, he was occasionally heard, in his church and in the State-House, addressing different audiences, with equal animation, on their tem- poral and spiritual interests. And, not content with this, in company with William H. Drayton, he made the circuit of the middle and up country of the State, to stimulate the people to resistance. 2 David Caldwell was a member of the convention that formed the State Constitution of North Carolina; Kettletas, of Jamaica, was chosen a delegate to the New York Convention ; and Duffield, Rodgers, McWhorter, and others, were often consulted by civil and military officers in the trying crises of the Revolutionary period, and they were alwaj^s prompt to render their services. Like Thomas Read, of Delaware, roused from his bed at midnight to describe the region which the army was to traverse and in which he might act as a guide, they were never wanting when their country required their counsel or their aid. It is not strange that their course was regarded as specially obnoxious by the British troops. Their houses were plundered, their churches often burned, and their books and manuscripts committed to the flames. The church of Midway, in Georgia, — then Congregational, — rendered itself obnoxious to the foe by its patriotic zeal. In November, 1778, a special detachment from Florida attacked the settlement, burned the church- edifice, almost every dwelling-house, the crops of rice, 1 He did not, however, approve the Declaration of Independence, und was subsequently banished from Georgia. 2 Dr. Howe's Historical Discourse. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 193 then in stack, drove off the negroes and horses, carried away fche plate belonging to the planters, and outraged even the graves of the dead. Some of the members <>f the congregation were seized and imprisoned. Dr. McWhorter had removed to Carolina while the enemy, under Cornwallis, threatened the Southern country. Under the apprehension of danger, he fled with his family, and on his return found that his library, furni- ture, and nearly all that he possessed had been sacri- ficed. Not less unfortunate were Elihu Spencer, at Tit 1 1 ton, and David Caldwell and Hugh McAden. of North Carolina. On many occasions the soldiers stu- diously destroyed all that they could not carry away, ami the Presbyterian clergy were generally the special objects of vengeance. As might be expected, religion suffered greatly throughout the entire period of the war. The church- edifices were often taken possession of by an insolent soldiery and turned into hospitals or prisons, or per- verted to still baser uses as stables or riding-schools. The church at Newtown had its steeple sawed off, and was used as a prison and guard-house till it was torn down and its siding used for the soldiers' huts. The church at Crumpond was burned to save it from being occupied by the enemy. That of Mount Holly was burned by accident or design. The one at Princeton was taken possession of by the Hessian soldiers, and Stripped of its pews and gallery for fuel. A fireplace was built in it. and a chimney carried up through its roof. Supposing it would be defended against him, Washington planted his cannon a short distance off and commenced firing into it. It was subsequently occu- pied by the American soldiers, and the close of the war found it dilapidated and open to the weather, while its interior was quite defaced and desrroyed. The church of Wostfield was injured by the enemy and its bell car- Vol. I. — 17 19-4 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. ried off to New York. The church of Babylon, Long Island, was torn down by the enemy for military pur- poses. That of New Windsor was used as a hospital. This was the case also with the one at Morristown; and repeatedly in the morning the dead were found lying in the pews. The one at Elizabethtown was made a hospital for the sick and disabled soldiers of the Ameri- can army. Its bell sounded the note of alarm at the approach of the foe, while its floor was often the bed of the weary soldier, and the seats of its pews served as the table from which he ate his scanty meal. At length it was fired by the torch of the refugee, in ven- geance for the uses to which it had been devoted. The churches at New York were taken possession of by the enemy. Prisoners were confined in them, or they were used by the British officers for stabling their horses. Ethan Allen describes the filth that had accumulated in the one with which he was acquainted, as altogether intolerable. 1 The loathsome victims of disease, foul with their own excrements, lay stretched upon the floor. And throughout the country the church-edifices, unless some selfish motive prevented, were treated with but little more respect. More than fifty places of wor- ship throughout the land were utterly destroyed by the enemy during the period of the war. 2 The larger num- ber of these were burned, others were levelled to the ground, while others still were so defaced or injured as to be utterly unfit for use. This was the case in several of the principal cities, at Philadelphia and Charleston, as well as New York. 3 Even where the church-edifice was left unmolested, the congregation was often scattered. At Albany, for 1 Life of Ethan Allen. 2 Life of Dr. Rodgers. 3 Other denominations sometimes suffered as well as the Presby- terians. The Quaker-meeting house at Birmingham, Pa., was used as a hospital after the battle of Chadd's Ford. THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 195 the most part beyond the reach of the enemy, the ordinances of religion almost altogether ceased, and with the returD of peace the church had to be organ- ized anew. This was no infrequent experience. Pas- tors, in many cases, were not allowed to continue their ministry, or like Rodgers, of New York, Richards, of Rahway, Prime, of Huntington, or Duffield, of Phila- delphia, were forced to flee for their lives. But all did not escape. Caldwell, of Elizabeth town, Was shot by a sentinel who was said to have been bribed by the British, or the Tories, to whom he was especially obnoxious. Moses Allen, a classmate of President Madison at Princeton, pastor of the Mid- way church, Georgia, and chaplain of a regiment, was drowned near Savannah, February 8,' 1779, in attempt- ing to Bwim ashore from a prison-ship, the barbarous captain of which refused his friends boards for his cof- fin. And not a few others incurred hardships which in all probability shortened their days. It is certainly remarkable, considering their exposure, and the almost venomous hatred with which they were regarded by the enemy, that among the Presbyterian ministers the direct victims of the war were so few. There was too much else to engage public attention to allow much regard to be given to the claims of reli- gion. The clash of arms drowned the voice of the preacher, save when it was heard in camp during the intervals of fight. Even there it was sometimes dis- turbed by the cannon's roar and the rolling drum. Academies and colleges were almost entirely deserted. The young men. many of them, hurried away from the scenes of study to aid their country on the field of battle; and sometimes the teacher, like Daggett, at New Haven, or Smith, at Eampden- Sidney, headed his pupils in resistance to the invader. At Vale but a small number of student- were left within the college 196 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANI6M. walls, and for a time these were removed to other towns of the State. James Latta's school at Chesnut Level was closed, for the usher and the older scholars had joined the army. The operations of the College of New Jersey were suspended, the class of 1778 num- bering but five students. The classical school in Cul- pepper county, Va., where Moses Hoge was pursuing his studies, was altogether broken up. Hampden-Sid- ney had scarcely a name to live. James White Ste- phenson gave up his classical school near the old Wax- haw church, dismissed his pupils, 1 and knew no other life than that of a soldier until the return of peace. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that the course of the Presbyterian Church should be retro- grade rather than- on the advance. The camp, with all the safeguards that could be thrown around it, and with all the counteracting influence which the chap- lains could exert, was a school of immorality, pro- fanity, and vice. Many places, especially in Virginia, were sadly cursed by the disbanded soldiery. Civil order was established as yet on very insecure founda- tions. Eeligious institutions were paralyzed in their influence, even where they were still sustained. Sab- bath desecration prevailed to an alarming extent. Infi- delity, in many quarters, soon acquired a foothold. The civil character of the war, especially in the Southern States, gave it a peculiar ferocity, and produced a licen- tiousness of morals of which there is scarce a parallel at the present day. Municipal laws could not be enforced. Civil government was frustrated, and society was well- nigh resolved into its original elements. Thus at the close of the war religion was. on every side, in an exceedingly decayed state. The churches presented to view a wide scene of desolation. That 1 See Sprague, i. 550. THE REV0L1 TIONARY WAR. 197 of Newtown numbered but five members al the close of the war; and scores of others were in an equally Lamentable coi dition. The stated ordinances of the gospel had been discontinued, and t lie young men who should have been prepared to enter the ministry had been constrained to abandon their purpose. The meetings of the Synod during the period of the Avar were gloomy and disheartening. There was but a small attendance, and the reports which were brought by the few who came, were discouraging in the extreme. Little could l»e undertaken, and less accomplished. At the opening sessions of 177G there were but eighteen ministers and three elders present; in the following year, only twenty-six ministers. In 1778, the enemy had taken possession of Philadelphia, and the Synod was opened at Bedminster with eleven ministers and three elders. In the following year there were twenty ministers and seven elders, and in 1780 only fifteen ministers and four elders, at the opening sessions. Nearly all that could be done was the annual appoint- ment, continued through the war, of a day of humilia- tion, fasting, and prayer. Applications for aid were received, hut it was beyond the power of Synod to supply the demand. They came from the North, the South, and the West, but the most urgent and importu- nate were from Virginia, where the Hanover Presby- tery found the popular sympathy turning strongly in favor of Presbyterianism, and where the opposition to English tyranny created a prejudice with many against the Episcopal Church as lukewarm in a cause in which it must he necessarily divided against itself. With the return of peace, tic Presbyterian Church began to revive. The meetings of Synod assumed somewhat of their former aspect. In 17S0. it had com- menced its sessions with only fifteen ministers and four elders present, and in 1781, with only twenty-one min- 17 198 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. isters and four elders. In 1783, there were forty-three ministers present at the opening session; in 1781, thirty; in 1785, thirty; in 1786, thirty-eight; and in 1787, under the urgent call to consider the subject of a new organization of the highest judicature of the Church, there were fifty-two. The period of the war had been one of peculiar hardship to the ministers of the Church. Their sala- ries, paid, if at all, in depreciated currency, proved quite insufficient, and in 1782 their condition claimed the attention of Synod. In 1783, on the report of a com- mittee appointed the previous year, a pastoral letter was drawn up and printed, addressed to the congre- gations, on the subject of ministerial support. The interests of religion were pronounced to be "in danger of suffering greatly, at the present, from the many dis- couragements under which the ministers of the gospel labor, from the want of a sufficient support and liberal maintenance from the congregations they serve." The restoration of peace brought with it the same difficulty which had been before experienced from the immigration of foreign ministers and candidates. Although no longer so numerous as to form a party in the Church, some of them were regarded with well- grounded suspicion. Applications to Synod to receive or ordain men of this class were becoming frequent, and in 1784 the members of the several Presbyteries were enjoined " to be particularly careful" in view of " imminent danger from ministers and licensed candi- dates of unsound principles coming among us." In the following year the question of relaxing the terms of literary qualification in candidates for the ministry was brought up. By a great majority it was carried in the negative. It was also proposed that the term of stud}-- ing divinity should hereafter be two years instead of one; but action upon it was deferred to the next meet- TIIK REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 199 ing, when,in the press of other matters, it was crowded out. The subject of procuring Bibles for distribution among the poor, especially on the frontiers, by means of collec- tions in the churches, was brought up in 1783. The Synod recommended that collections should be made; but the recommendation was complied with in only a few instances, and was renewed again in 1785. The neglect was due in part to the exhausted and impove- rished condition of the country at large, and in part to the absence of members and even of whole Presby- teries. To such an extent had this latter evil grown, that a letter was addressed to the Presbyteries of Han- over, Orange, Dutchess, and Suffolk, urging attention to the subject, and kindly remonstrating with them for a neglect which might tend to "the great injury, if not the entire mouldering away, of the body." The purport of the letter seems to have been misap- prehended by the Suffolk Presbytery. Several of its ministers were originally Congregationalists, and quite a large proportion of the people were descendants of New England settlers. They seem also to have been disturbed by the proposal, already agitated, for a new form of government and discipline. Not a member of the body appeared in Synod the following year; but in 1787 a letter was received from them, addressed to the moderator of the Synod, praying that their union with the body might be dissolved. Dr. McWhorter was di- rected to prepare a reply. It was kindly worded, and was intended to meet their objections of "local situa- tion." non-concurrence " with the draught of the form of government," and non-compliance of the churches within their limits. As to the first of these, it had always been the same. In regard to the second, the "draught was submitted for overture and amendment;" while the indisposition of the churches to comply might be the 200 HISTORY OF PRESBTTERIANISM. result of groundless prejudices, hastily imbibed, — pre- judices "which, by taking some pains and by giving a, proper explanation of the matter, might be readily removed." To enforce the arguments for a reconsideration of its resolution by the Presbytery, Drs. McWhorter and Eodgers, and Messrs. Eoe, Woodhull, and Davenport, were appointed a committee to meet and converse with them. The result of the conference was that the Presbytery withdrew their petition, and were prepared in the following year to enter with the other Presby- teries as constituent elements of the newly-organized Assembly. The spirit of this proceeding is indicative of the tolerant temper of the Church. This temper had not changed. The annual convention of Congregationalists and Presbyterians had been dropped from necessity at the. commencement of the Eevolutionary conflict, but the spirit in which it had originated still survived. Nor was the Synod neglectful of its position as the advocate of civil and religious freedom. Scarcely had the war closed, when rumors were afloat in some quar- ters which seemed to intimate the purpose of the Pres- byterian Church to seek an alliance with the state. It occupied, indeed, a highly respectable position. Its ministers had been chaplains in the army. Its leading man, Dr. WithersjDOon, had been a leader in the Gene- ral Congress. It was, in fact, the only denomination which, from position and influence, could be considered in the light of a candidate for the special favors of the state. But any charge of seeking such favor on its part was utterly ungrounded. The Synod scarcely deemed it necessary to make a disavowal of it; but some of its members insisted on the necessity of such a disavowal. In consequence, a minute was adopted by the Synod of 1781, which the next Synod ordered TUT. REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 201 to be expunged. Bui in 1783, on the principle that no minute in any instance Bhould be expunged, it was ordered to be restored. It was to the effect that it had been represented to Synod thai the Presbyterian Church Buffers greatly in the opinion of other denomi- nations, from an apprehension that they hold intole- rant principles; and in view of this - l the Synod do solemnly and publicly declare that they ever have, and still do, renounce and abhor the principles of intole- rance, and we do believe thai every peaceable member of civil society ought to be protected in the full and free exercise of their religion." Nor did the Synod overlook the subject of civil free- dom, at least in its moral aspect. Upon a review of the Minutes in 1780, it appeared that "an affair respect- ing the enslaving of negroes" had been before the Synod of 1774. Ity succeeding Synods it had, " by some means, been passed over." It was now discussed, but without definite action. In 1787, however, it was declared that " the Synod of New York and Philadel- phia do highly approve of the general principles in favor of universal liberty that prevail in America, and of the interest which many of the States have taken in promoting the abolition of slavery ) yet, inasmuch as men, introduced from a servile state to a partici- pation of all the privileges of civil society, without a proper education, and without previous habits of indus- try, may be, in some respects, dangerous to the com- munity; therefore they earnestly recommend it to all the members belonging to their communion to give those persons, who are at present held in servitude, such good education as may prepare them for the better enjoyment of freedom. And they moreover recommend that masters, whenever they find servants disposed to make a proper improvement of the privi- lege, would give them some share of property to begin 202 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. with, or grant them sufficient time and sufficient means of procuring, by industry, their own liberty, at a moderate rate, that they may thereby be brought into society with those habits of industry that may render them useful citizens; and, finally, they recom- mend it to all the people under their care, to use the most prudent measures consistent with the interest and the state of civil society in the parts where they live, to procure eventually the final abolition of slavery in America." So important did this utterance afterward appear, that by the Assembly of 1793 it was ordered to be republished in the extracts from the Minutes, thus receiving the authoritative re-endorsement of the Pres- byterian Church. The plan of union between the Synod and the Asso- ciate Presbyterian Church had proved a failure. The letter of 1769 put an end to any hopes of it which might before have been entertained. But, in 1784, a plan of correspondence between the Synod and the two Synods of the Eeformed Dutch and Associate Presby- terian Churches was discussed, and measures taken for rendering it effective. The desire was expressed by members of those bodies in favor of " a friendly inter- course between the three Synods, or laying a plan for some kind of union among them, whereby they might be enabled to unite their interests and combine their efforts;'' and by these members some such measure was pronounced to be practicable. A committee, therefore, was appointed to meet with corresponding committees from the other Synods, to consider what plan could be devised. The convention met at New York in 1785, and gave to the subject their deliberate attention. There seemed to be on the part of the committees from the other Synods a jealousy in regard to the soundness and rigid discipline of the Synod of New York THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 203 and Philadelphia. The question was raised in regard to its standards and the manner in which they were bo be regarded and adopted. Although the convention assumed only the powers of counsel and advice, sug- gestions were made and measures adopted to secure mutual harmony between the different bodies In the following year the committee asked of the Synod more definite instructions in regard to some points on which they had been unable to give entire satisfaction. In view of the meditated change in the constitution of the form of government, it was decided that "the mutual assurances mentioned in the Minutes of the last convention may be made with much more propriety after the intended system is finished than at present." The conventions continued to be held annually for several years, and committees were appointed for the purpose at each meeting of Synod. The rapid extension of the Presbyterian Church after the paralyzing effect of the Revolutionary con- flict had begun to pass away, directed attention toward measures for perfecting its organization, as well as putting forth a full declaration of its principles. The separation of the colonies from the mother-country required a corresponding change in that part of the Confession which referred to civil government. It wafi evident that the future policy of the Church must now be initiated; and the project was entertained of a division of the Synod and the formation of a General Assembly. Unless some such measure should be speedily adopted.it was feared that the body which hitherto had been the supreme judicature of the Church would become too large and unwieldy to perform its duties with efficiency and vigor, or that "the attendance of members would fall into Qeglect." As early as the annual meeting of the Synod in May. 17 s ">. a committee was appointed to prepare the 204 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. form of a Constitution for the Church, to be submitted to the Synod of the following year. Their report was duly made in 1780, and referred to another committee to meet in the autumn of that year, with powers to digest a Constitution for the Presbyterian Church, to print it, and send copies of it, to each of the Presbyte- ries. These again were to report their judgment of the same, in writing, at the Synod of 1787. These reports were made, and the Synod, after reading and considering the draught of the preceding year, and availing itself of the written suggestions of the Pres- byteries, issued another pamphlet, more complete than that of the committee, and ordered a thousand copies to be distributed to the several Presbyteries. The system thus presented formed the basis of the deli- berations of the Synod of 1788, which issued in the formation and publication of the Constitution of the Church. The full title of the volume issued is, " The Constitution of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America : containing the Confession of Faith, the Catechisms, the Government and Discipline, and the Directory for the Worship of God, ratified and adopted by the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, May the 16th, 1788, and continued by adjournment until the twenty-eighth of the same month. Philadel- phia. Printed by Thomas Bradford, md.cclxxxix." 1 In the discussions which preceded the final adoption of the Constitution, the question was raised, " Shall the Supreme Judicatory be denominated a General Council or a General Assembly ?" The question was, indeed, one only of name; for in either case the body would be possessed of the same powers. But the very fact that it was agitated, and that Dr. Witherspoon 1 1 transcribe the title-page of the only copy of the work which I have met, now in my possession. the revolutionary war. 205 himself voted in favor of "Council," shows thai the body did qo1 feel themselves bound to any rigid adop- tion of the Scot tisli model. In the Confession of Faith no alteration was made, excepl in the pari treating of civil government and the civil magistrate. Instead of giving the Latter, as in Scotland, the power to call and supervise Synods, it declared it the duty of civil magistrates " to protect the Church of our common Lord, without giving pre- ference to one denomination of Christians above the rest, in such a manner that all ecclesiastical persona whatever shall enjoy the full, free, and unquestioned liberty of discharging every part of their sacred func- tions, without violence or danger." Some minor changes were made, hut all of a similar import. The vote on the adoption of the Catechisms of the Church excited no debate. They do not appear to have been even read over, with a view to adoption seriatim. No alteration had been proposed in relation to them, until, just at the moment when the vote was to be taken, Rev. Jacob Ker, of Delaware, arrested the proceedings by calling attention to a clause of the Larger Catechism in answer to the question, "Which are the sins forbidden in the second commandment?" He stated that the Catechism, as it then stood, speci- fied, among the sins forbidden, "tolerating a false reli- gion ;" and he made a motion that the clause bo stricken out. The motion was carried without debate, ami the Catechisms of the Church were then adopted without further alteration. In the adoption of the Directory for Worship, the forms of prayer therein introduced were stricken out, and the subjects were presented in a doctrinal form. WluMi this had been done, the Constitution of the Church stood forth complete. For three years it had Vui.. I.— IS 206 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. been under consideration. Eepeated draughts of it had been made, and the widest publicity had been given them. The object was twofold, — to perfect the instrument and to obviate future objection. Even yet entire cordiality of sentiment was not effected. There was at least " a small minority" whose leanings were toward a more liberal and less rigid system. One clergyman, a member of both the committees for pre- paring the draughts, but kept at home by indispo- sition, addressed a letter to the adopting Synod, strongly objecting against a high-toned Presbyterian system : yet the vote on the Adopting Act was nearly, if not quite, unanimous. Although the Scottish Confession had been adopted by so strong and decisive a vote, it was not in the spirit of a rigid ecclesiasticism. 1 The highest judica- ture was an "Assembly/' and not a "Council;" but it began its existence by acts which indicated that none of the exclusiveness of the Scotch National Church had been allowed a triumph in the selection of a name. Dr. Witherspoon opened the Assembly of 1790, by appointment, and Dr. John Eodgers — on whose motion a few years later the delegates of the Connecticut and other General Associations were allowed to vote as well as speak in the Assembly — w T as chosen the first moderator. In the very next year, on motion of Dr Ashbel Green, arrangements w T ere made for a plan of 1 Quite a number of the leading ministers of the Church might be mentioned who had decided leanings toward a liberal construc- tion of Presbyterian formulas. For instance, Henry Patillo, the patriarch of the Church in North Carolina, says, at this very time, "I have often thought that the popular congregational government of the Independents, joined to the Presbyterial judicatures as a final resort, would form the mest perfect model of church govern- ment that the state of things will admit of.'' — Palillo's Sermons, Wilmington, N.C., 1788. ill I : ASSOCIATED PRESBYTERIES, 1779-1818: 207 intercourse between the Assembly and tin- New Eng- land churches. " 1 am responsible," says Dr. Green, in his autobiography, •• for the correspondence between them and us." CHAPTER XI. THE ASSOCIATED PRESBYTERIES, 1779-1818 Just ten years before the meeting of the first Gene- ral Assembly, a secession took plaee from the Presby- tery of New York, which deserves at least a passing notice in the history of the Church. It was based mainly on the principle of the independency of the local church j although conjoined with this was the assumption that the power of ordination was vested not in the church, but in the Presbytery. 1 The originator of the movement was Jacob Green. 2 from 1740 to 1790 the pastor of the Presbyterian church of Hanover, New Jersey. He was a native of Maiden. Mass., and a graduate of Harvard College in 1744. Although he had cherished a Christian hope, he was led to abandon it on listening to the sermons of Whitefield (September, 1740), and especially to a powerful one by Gilbert Tennent in January, 1741. Eis mental exercises were of a most humbling nature. He was bowed to the dust under the deep sense of 1 This account is largely derived from a manuscript " History of the Secession from the Synod of New York and Philadelphia in 1780, which assumed the name of 'The Ass dated Presbytery of Mrniis County.' " By Rev. Dr. N. S. Prime. - Father of Rev. Dr. Ashbel Green. 208 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. his imworthiness, and extracts from his diary show how thorough must have been the work of his con- viction. After teaching for about a year, subsequent to his leaving college, he met again with Whitefield, who engaged him to go to Georgia to take charge of the Orphan-House. On reaching New Jersey, he learned from him that he had just received informa- tion which rendered it impracticable to assure Mr. Green of permanent employment. He offered, however, to employ him for six months, or refund to him the expense that he had already incurred. By the advice of Dickinson and Burr, he chose the latter alternative, with a view to labor as a minister within the bounds of the Presbytery. In September, 1745, he was licensed by the Presb3 T tery of New York, and almost imme- diately was invited to preach at Hanover, where, in November of the following year, he was regularly ordained and installed pastor. After more than thirty years' experience of the Pres- byterian system, he deliberately resolved to withdraw from his connection with it. He did not object to its doctrines. 1 He made no complaint of his brethren in the Presbytery, for -whom generally he expressed his high esteem as " worthy and excellent ministers of the gospel." His exceptions were directed against the 1 Although this was the case, yet his views of the Abrahamic covenant, baptism, and kindred subjects^were such as, through his published discourses, to bring him into controversy with some of the New England ministers. Shortly after the re-union (1758), he avowed himself, in his published work on Baptism, an Fdwardict)i f — representing Stoddard and Edwards as the leading exponents of conflicting views. It is altogether probable that his strong New- side sympathies led him to regard the union with the Old side as quite objectionable, and strengthened his purpose to withdraw from Synod. He is the first minister in this country — so far as I am aware — who publicly declared himself an "Edwardian." THE ASSOCIATED PRESBYTERIES, 1779-1818. 209 exercise of power by the Synod, according to "the Directory of Church Government authorized by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland." "They assumed," he said. " the authoritative enacting style in their Minutes, appointing and requiring, instead of re- commending and desiring." They moreover assumed a " legislative power," "appointed ministers and can- didates to travel to distant parts, .supply vacancies, &c," — had •• ordered — not desired — conl ributions," — had claimed a power to liberate ministers from their peo- ple, again si the will of the latter. — as. for instance, several presidents for the college" They had re- quired candidates to study a year after taking their degree, — had ordered licentiates to write their notes at large and show them to some minister, — had enjoined the keeping of registers of births, baptisms, marriages, and burials, — had also enjoined ministers riot to use notes in preaching; and, in the union of the two Sy- nods, the Westminster Confession, " without any liberty for explanation in any article, was enjoined upon all their ministers, who were to teach and preach accord- ingly" Some of these orders and injunctions were undoubt- edly regarded by Mr. Cireen in the light of personal grievances. He was licensed without the year of study required after graduation. After the New England manner, he doubtless preferred the use of "notes." Collections in his congregation he would rather have "desired" than "ordered;" and his liberal sympathies revolted at the rigidity of the " Scotch system." But he greatly mistook, either through prejudice or inad- vertence, when he assumed that the k - Scotch system" was in force; and quite a large amount of his repug- nance might have been overcome if he had known or remembered that provision had been made for the "scruples" of the candidate, and that he was to bo IS* 210 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM, admitted by the Synod or Presbytery, unless bis scru- ple or mistake concerned some " essential and neces- sary" doctrine. In justice to himself, moreover, he should have stated that the injunction not to use notes was materially qualified by the clause which left it to the " convenience" of the minister. But he had taken his position, and, in spite of the kind remonstrances of the Presbytery, he was not dis- posed to recede from it. He insisted upon his right quietly and peaceably to withdraw, cherishing the kindest feelings toward his ministerial associates, and uniting with them still in ministerial communion, or sitting, if desired, as a corresponding member of the Presbytery. Of his two congregations, one (Hanover Neck) chose still to remain under the care of the Pres- bytery, retaining him as their pastor; and to this the Presbytery made no objection. At the same time (October, 1779) that Mr. Green thus requested the privilege of quietly withdrawing from Presbyterial connection, Joseph Grover, 1 reported in 1774 as a licensed candidate from New England, and who since that time had been settled at Parsippany, sent in to the Presbytery a paper declaratory of his " quiet withdrawal." He had been surprised to find, after his settlement, that he was viewed as a member of Synod, and when " lately admonished by the Synod for not attending Synodical meetings," he appears to have felt that his ecclesiastical freedom was infringed upon, and, consequently, chose to seek release from a body with which he did not suppose himself to have entered into connection. At the May meeting of the Presbytery, Amzi Lewis, pastor (from 1772) of the churches of Florida and Warwick, X.Y., " entered a declinature" which, at his 1 Erroneously said to have been a graduate of Yale College. THE ASSOCIATED PRESBYTERIES, 1779 1518. 211 request, was returned to him, when he declared " that he peaceably withdrew from the Presbytery, and chose bo longer to be considered as a member of the same." At the same time, Ebenezer Bradford, a graduate of Princeton in 177o. and from July 14. 1 7 7 -"> . pastor of the church of South Hanover, 1 "gave in a declinature, whereby he withdrew from the Synod and this (New York) Presbytery." Efforts were made to induce the Beceding brethren to retrace their steps, but they proved futile. The churches were regarded still as under the care of the Presbytery, and measures were taken to bring before them the question of their future ecclesiastical connection. Hanover Neck and South Hanover seem alone to have been disposed to remain in their former ecclesiastical relations. This was the entire extent of the original secession. 2 Of the four ministers who withdrew, all but Mr. Green were young men, with brief experience in the ministry, and all of them, with the single exception of Mr. Brad- ford, were from New England, while Mr. Bradford was the son-in-law of Mr. Green. They withdrew, to the regret of the Presbytery, by whom they were esteemed and respected, and that esteem and respect were largely reciprocated. To the last appeal of the Presbytery, the seceding brethren returned a kind reply, in which they stated that they had formed them- selves into a Presbytery, and had "no inclination to dissolve the voluntary connection into which they had 1 Subsequently known as Bottle Hill, now Madison. 2 So it would appeal- from Dr. N. 8. Prime's manuscript " History of the Associated Presbyteries." But several years previous to tbe organization of the Morris County Presbytery, at least in 1709 or 177<>, Abner Reeve, of Blooming Grove, N.Y., Moses Tuttle, of New York Presbytery, and Mr. Dorbe, of Parsippany. declared in favor of Independency, and withdrew from Synod and Presbytery. — Webster t GG8-9. 212 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIAXISM. entered, or cease to be a distinct Presbytery." A small body like their own they considered better adapted to transact business " with ease and advantage," and more likely to prove harmonious. Nor was this all. " We think you have," said they, " such notions of Presby- terial power and church government, as are not agree- able to our free sentiments." The "distinct Presbytery" whose existence was thus announced was formed at Hanover, May 3, 1780. The four seceding ministers united themselves in "a volun- tary society for promoting the interests of religion," and, as they considered themselves " Presbyterians, in a scriptural sense/' they agreed to call themselves, and to be known by the name of, " The Presbytery of Morris county." To this, at a subsequent date, they saw fit to prefix the term "Associated;" and with this qualification of the title they w r ere subsequently know r n. Their platform was Presbyterian in form, but Congre- gational in fact. The ministers were to meet as a Presbytery ordinarily twice a year; each church was authorized to send two elders or lay delegates; all jurisdiction over the churches was disclaimed, except so far as they should apply for advice or assistance; and no "rules" should be made " authoritative," while all agreements should be alterable, as circumstances should require. In 1781, the Presbytery published a duodecimo of Beventy pages, presenting "A View of a Christian Church and Church Government." with an appendix, representing the case and circumstances of the Asso- ciated Presbytery. The preface discusses the question, whether Christ has instituted or appointed any par- ticular form or mode of church government. The six sections of the body of the work are devoted to dis- countenancing the idea of a "provincial" Church ; pre- senting a sound definition of the "particular" or local 213 Church; vindicating ministers and elders, whose offices are regarded as identical, together with deacons and evangelists, as permanenl officers of the Church; claim- ing that admonition and excommunication are the only censures of the Church, from which in no case is there to be any appeal j rejecting all ecclesiastical authority of Presbyteries and Synods, and giving the preference to pro re nata councils. Certain questions of casuistry, raised by the discussion of their peculiar principles, are taken up and decided in the closing section. In the appendix is found a reply to the proposal of the Presbytery of New York, that the seceding mem- bers should reconsider their declinature and become again members of the Synod. This they are willing to do on three conditions, that they remain a distinct body, which is their choice, — that they meet in Synod as a voluntary society, to consult and promote the interests of religion, — and that they shall have "an unrestrained liberty to license and ordain for the gospel ministry any persons whom they shall think proper." The last of these conditions was, for the Associated Presbytery, a vital one. 1 But the liberty it claimed had been exercised more than forty years before, in a manner which no Presbytery or Synod at this juncture would be disposed to endorse. The reply of the se- 1 Webster states that Mr. Green, previous to his withdrawing from the Presbytery, had grown "dissatisfied with the hindrances in the way of supplying our vacancies: 'first we make them gentlemen, and then ministers.' He proposed to Bellamy to establish two schools, one in New Jersey and one in Connecticut, for educating men up to a certain point in languages and philosophy, and then licensing them. He "wished to imitate the Baptist way, that our growing country might not be left unblessed with sound doctrine and firm discipline." He is said to have disliked the Congregation- alism of New England as much as the Scotch type of Presbyterian* ism.— Web*ter t 628-9. 214 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. ceders was, therefore, equivalent to a final refusal to return. It was soon manifest that, so far from this, they anticipated an increase which would distance competition on the part of those from whom they had withdrawn. They proceeded immediately to the prose- cution of their favorite scheme, introducing into the ministry a number of men of limited qualifications. Yet they were far from denying the importance of proper education, and, in order to secure for their can- didates some special privileges for instruction, insti- tuted a society, and by contributions, bequests, &c, collected a fund, for the management of which they obtained from the New Jersey Legislature, May 30, 1787, an act of incorporation. The style of the corpo- ration was, " The Trustees of the Society in Morris county, instituted for the promotion of learning and religion ;" and among the names of the trustees, along with those of laymen and those of the seceding minis- ters, was that of Jedediah Chapman, of Orange, a mem- ber of New York Presbytery, 1 although a native of .Connecticut. In the course of ten or twelve years, the new Pres- bytery had become greatly enlarged. Its most con- siderable growth was, as might have been expected, in a region where it was assured of Congregational sym- pathy. The counties of Dutchess and Westchester, N.Y., lying along the New England line, afforded the most inviting field for its efforts. Here were already several churches, which, by local proximity and eccle- siastical sympathy, were predisposed to favor such a system as that of the Associated Presbytery. Here, also, after the close of the war. new and feeble congre- 1 The fact may be taken either as an indication of the individual Bympathies of Mr. Chapman, or of the mutual kind feeling between New York Presbytery and the Seceders. THE ASSOCIATE.) PRESBYTERIES, 1779-1818. ^15 gationa were in the process of being gathered, and the licentiates of the Presbytery would naturally seek- in this field places of Labor. In this quarter, therefore, the new organization received the Largest accessions. Indeed, there is no evidence thai a single church united with them west of the Hudson and north of the New Jersey line. At a mooting of the Associated Presbytery in Oc- tober, 1701, itrwas deemed expedient that a now asso- ciation should be formed, to embrace the churches of Westchester county and vicinity. Accordingly, in Janu- ary, 1792, a meeting was held, at which a body was organized under the name of " The Associated Presby- tery of Westchester." The individuals originally com- posing it were Amzi Lewis, — who in 1787 removed from Florida to North Salem, taking charge of the Academy and at the same time acting as pastor of the Presby- terian church, — John Cornwoll, Silas Constant, pastor of Crumpond, John Townley, of Greenburg, — all of whom were from the original Presbytery, — together ■with Abner Benedict, soon after settled at North Salem, Daniel Marsh, of Poughkeepsie, and Medad Rogers. At a subsequent period, among the members of the body were Andrews, of Pound Ridge, Abraham Purdy and Abner Brundige, of Somers, Bradford, Knight, Blair, Osborn, St. John, Jones, Austin, Bouton, Hosea Ball, McKnight, Frey, and others. The churches brought into this connection were those of Sing Sing, Greenburg, Peekskill, Yorktown, Eed Mills, Gilead, Somers, North Salem, Southeast, and Pound Ridge, together with those of North Stamford, Cornwall, and New Fairfield, in the State of Connecticut. The Pres- bytery continued its meetings till about the year l s i'<», when it was formally dissolved, and the members con- nected themselves with other ecclesiastical bodies, some 216 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. with the New York Presbyteries, and others with those of Bedford and North Kiver. Meanwhile the numbers had increased in the more northern portion of the region bounded by the Hudson and the New England line. It was, therefore, proposed to form another Presbytery in this region. The pro- ject was unanimously favored by the parent Presby- tery, Westchester Presbytery, and Berkshire Associa- tion, of Massachusetts, who were consulted in reference to it. Accordingly, Messrs. John Camp, John Stevens, Beriah Hotchkin, Robert Campbell, David Porter, and Luther G-leson, ministers in the State of New York, convened at New Canaan, November 12, 1793, and after a mutual interchange of views formed themselves into an Associated Presbytery, based on the same princi- ples with those of Westchester and Morris county, and assumed the name of " The Northern Associated Pres- bytery in the State of New York." The distinct organizations having been thus mul- tiplied, some method of intercommunication, which should serve as a bond of sympathy and union, remained to be devised. Committees from the different Presbyteries were appointed to consider the subject. They met at Poughkeepsie, April 10, 1794, and agreed to recommend to the several Presbyteries the appoint- ment of two or more correspondents, whose business it should be to communicate, by letter or otherwise, such information of the doings or prospects of their respective bodies as might be thought useful or neces- sary to co-operative effort. These correspondents, more- over, were to meet annually as a Convention of Corre- spondence, to consider generally the wants of the entire field, and make such recommendations to the several Presbyteries as they should deem adapted to promote the cause of Christ. The proposal was approved by the Presbyteries, and THE ASSOCIATED PRESBYTERIES, 1779-1818. 217 the annual convention was held. At its meeting in 1795, it adopted, and subsequently (1796) published, a small bound volume of one hundred and two pages, entitled "A brief account of the Associated Presby- teries, and a general view of their sentiments concern- ing religion and ecclesiastical order." It contained a history of the several organizations, and their senti- ments on the subjects of Christian doctrine and church order. "We are at present," they say, "united in a general scheme of doctrine, which may be denominated Calvinistie, Edwardian, or Hopkinsian, and we consider those systems which in our day and country are gene- rally distinguished by those terms, as essentially ortho- dox. Yet we call no man Father. Nor do we know of any public system or Confession of Faith, consisting of many particulars, which we can unitedly adopt without exception or explanation, and with this liberty we know of none which we cannot adopt/' Their own Confession of Faith consisted of eighteen articles, mainly accordant with the Westminster Con- fession, and their exposition of their ecclesiastical sen- timents was what might be expected from the princi- ples of their organization. A Fourth Presbytery, with the consent of the North- ern Associated Presbytery, was organized at Milton, February 3, 1807. It took the name of the Saratoga Associated Presbytery. Its constituent members were Elias Gilbert, Daniel Marsh, Charles McCabe, Elisha Yale, and Lebbeus Armstrong. The churches were Greenfield, Moreau, Bennington, Vt., Kingsborough, Malta, and Milton. The last, if no other, had been taken under the care of the Presbytery of Albany as early as January 10, 1792, and remained in that connec- tion till January 21, 1800, when at a church-meeting, presided over by Mr. Gilbert, ofCreentield.it was voted Vol. I.— 19 218 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. to adopt the system of doctrine and order of the Asso- ciated Presbyteries. Members who subsequently united with this Presby- tery were Sylvanus Haight, Eeuben Armstrong, Cyrus Comstock, Silas Parsons, and Joseph Farrar. The only church which joined it was one organized by Messrs. Comstock, and Lebbeus and Eeuben Armstrong, in Luzerne and Hadley. After continuing its meetings till September, 1818, the several members of the Pres- bytery requested and obtained letters of dismission to unite with other ecclesiastical bodies, and the " Sara- toga Associated Presbytery" adjourned sine die} It was doubtless at about the same time that the West- chester Associated Presbytery disbanded. In 1819, some of its churches had come under the care of Presbyteries connected with the General Assembly; and previous to 1825 there were but two or three which were not con- nected Avith the Presbytery of North River or the Presbytery of New York. Thus the most rapid growth of this secession was within the first twenty years of its existence. It embraced, at the time of the formation of the Annual Convention, quite a large number of churches, spread over a large extent of country. But with the single exception of the transient organization of the Saratoga Associated Presbytery, numbering at the most but seven or eight churches, it made no further advance. One church after another relinquished connection with it, until at last nearly all were absorbed by the surround- ing organizations, either Congregational or Presby- terian; and in thirty years afterward all the memorials of it that remained were to be found in the fast -van- ishing records of its churches and extinct Presbyteries. 1 The records of the body were left in the hands of Rev. Elisha Yale, of Kingsborough. THE CAROLINAS. 219 CHAPTER XII. THE CAROLINAS — RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE CHURCH. The final and successful attempt to colonize " Caro- lina" was due to a project formed by certain courtiers of Charles II. for their own profit and aggrandizement. Their selfish scheme was veiled with the pretext of " a generous desire of propagating the blessings of religion and civility in a barbarous land." A project couched in these terms was presented to the king by eight per- sons whose fidelity had cheered his exile, or whose treachery had regained for him his throne. Among them were Clarendon, Monk, and Shaftesbury. They claimed to be "excited by a laudable and pious zeal for the propagation of the gospel," and they " begged a certain country in the parts of America not yet culti- vated and planted, and only inhabited by some barba- rous people, who had no knowledge of God." Their request was readily granted. The charter was doubtless drawn by their own hands, and secured them everything "saving the sovereign allegiance due to the crown." They immediately took liberal measures to procure a settlement. A few colonists were already on the ground, and to them, on taking the oath of alle- giance and submitting to the proprietary government, their lands were assured and their rights conceded. Arrangements were made for a popular government, limited only by the laws of England and the veto of the proprietaries. To all, the most perfect freedom of religion was assured. A singular spectacle is this, — a body of men whose 220 HISTORY OF PllESBYTERIANISM. names were indissolubly associated with the legislation that harassed English Dissenters, and surrendered jus- tice to High-Church bigotry, yet adopting — when left to look simply at their own pecuniary interests — a policy as liberal as the most fanatic of Cromwell's Inde- pendents could have desired. The same hands which framed the intolerant Act of Conformity in England shaped a satire on their own folly in the constitution which they gave to Carolina. While with relentless severity they silenced such men as John Owen, and filled English prisons with men like Baxter, Buiryan, and Alleine, they allowed the colonists the most perfect and entire freedom of opinion. The 'New England settler, the English Dissenter, the Scotch Presbyterian, were alike welcome, and alike invited to a refuge from oppression. It may even excite a doubt, whether per- secution in England was not made more virulent by a policy which demanded exiles to people the colonies. The early settlers were from diverse localities, — New England, 1 Virginia, Barbadoes, and at length in increas- ing numbers from Ireland and Scotland. For many years it is doubtful, however, whether the province was visited by a single clergyman. Its growth was for a long period very slow, and among the scattered and far from homogeneous population no effort seems to have been made to establish religious institutions of any kind. More than half a century passed away (1663-1715) before the Presbyterian Church could be said to exist within the northern portion of the colony. 1 In 1658, a small company of emigrants from Massachusetts, carrying their religious institutions with them, settled around Cape Fear. For many years their condition was one of poverty and hard- ships. In 1607, the Bay Legislature recommended them to their former fellow-colonists as objects worthy of charitable relief. Con- tributions were made for them, and a vessel was sent them laden with supplies. — Felt's New England, ii. 232, 307, 417. THE CAR0LINA8. 221 The original Presbyterianism of the Carolinas was mainly of the Scotch type. As early as 1729, Scotch emigrants settled on Cape Fear River, Cumberland county, N.C. In 1736, we trace the arrival of others. In the winter of 17^9, Whitefield preached, "not with- out effect," at Newton, on Cape Fear River, where among the congregation were many settlers who had recently arrived from Scotland. 1 The rebellion of 1745 sent large numbers of Highlanders over to this region. .Many who had taken up arms for the Pretender pre- ferred exile to death or subjugation in their native land. Ship-load after ship-load landed at Wilmington in 1746 and 1747. In the course of a few years more they were joined by large companies of their countrymen, who wished to improve their condition and become owners of the soil upon which they lived and labored. For the most part, they were a moral and religious people, noted for their industry, economy, thrift, and perse- verance. 2 No minister of religion came out with the first set- tlers. It was nearly ten years after the emigration of 1747 before they secured the services of a Pres- byterian minister. The first one who labored among them was James Campbell, who from 1730 had been settled over a church of Scotch emigrants in Pennsyl- vania. 3 Despondent in regard to his own spiritual con- > Webster, p. 531. 2 The materials for the early history of Presbyterianism in Virginia and Carolina have been largely drawn from Foote's Sketches. 3 Webster makes Campbell a native of Argyleshire, Scotland, emigrant to this country in 1730, licensed by New Castle Presby- tery in 1735, and "well received'' by Fhiladelphia Presbytery, May 22, 1739. After preaching for four years, part of the time at Tehicken, he became convinced that he was still unconverted, and ceased to preach. After conference with Whitefield and Tennent, he resumed his labors. After his ordination in 1712, he divided his 19* 222 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. dition, he had ceased to preach, but at an interview with Whitefield, whom he met as he traversed the country, his doubts were overcome and. his difficulties removed. lie resumed his ministry, and at length took up his residence on the left bank of Cape Fear Eiver, a few miles above Fayetteville. Here and in the sur- rounding region he labored with untiring zeal for nearly a quarter of a century. His labors had no bounds but his strength. He had three regular congregations, one at "Eoger's Meeting-House," one at "Barbacue Church," and one at McKay's, now known as Long Street. Here were the pioneer churches of the region. As emigration continued and population increased, new neighborhoods were formed, and new congregations gathered. One after another the numerous churches in Cumberland, Eobeson, Moore, Eichmond, and Bladen counties were organized, and new laborers were de- manded. In 1770, Eev. John McLeod came from Scot- land, accompanied by a large number of Highland families, to cheer the heart and strengthen the hands of the pioneer missionary. More worthy of special mention for his labors in this field is Hugh McAden, a graduate of Nassau Hall and a theological pupil of John Blair. He was licensed in 1755 by New Castle Presbytery, and was immediately sent out as a missionary to the Carolinas. On a por- tion of his route he had been preceded by that " burn- ing and shining light," William Eobinson, whose suc- cess in Carolina was far less than in Virginia. By him Duplin and New Hanover, and the scattered settle- ments of that region, were visited. But his journey was attended by much exposure and many hardships. time between Greenwich and the Forks of the Delaware. On the division, he adhered to the New side, and was sent to preach to the vacant churches. — Webster, 530. THE CABOLINAS. 223 Mi-Aden fared but little better. His journal 1 still exists, and attests his indefatigable zeal and devoted purpose. lLe passed through Virginia, and extended his labors into the northern part of South Carolina. At various places on his route he was warmly wel- comed, and at some was invited to remain. lie found the people greatly scattered, but anxious generally to hear preaching. In 17-V.t. lie was dismissed from New Castle to Hano- ver Presbytery, which then included the greater part of Virginia, and. extending indefinitely south, covered his destined field of labor. This embraced the congre- gations of Duplin and New Hanover, the largest at that period within the bounds of the State. Here he remained for ten years. After this he took charge of the churches of Hico, Dan River, and County Line Creek, with which he labored till his death in 1781. At the time when he commenced his labors in North Carolina, there were some Presbyterian churches built, and many worshipping assemblies, yet few, if any, organized churches, and no settled minister. McAden himself belonged to the New side. He was in sym- pathy with Hanover Presbytery, and was a man of kindred spirit with Robinson and Davies. Among the members set off by the Synod to form the Presbytery of Hanover, in 1755, occurs the name of Alexander Craighead. He w T as licensed by Donegal Presbytery in 1734, became afterward a warm friend of Whitetield, and was an earnest and awakening preacher. His zeal for the "Solemn League and Cove- nant" carried him away, and for some years his name disappears from the Synodical records. He had asso ciated himself with the Cameronians; but in 1749 he 1 Foote, in his Sketches of North Carolina, gives this journal in full. 224 HISTOKY OF ritESBYTERIANISM. had found his way to the western frontiers of Virginia. Here he labored for several years, in a situation much exposed to the hostile inroads of the Indians; and when Eraddock's defeat sent terror through the whole valley and large numbers of the population fled to the South, he followed them to North Carolina. 1 Crossing the Blue Eidge, he found a location among the settlements along the Catawba and its smaller tributaries. In Janu- ary, 1758, he was directed to preach at Eocky River, and visit other vacancies till the spring meeting of the Presbytery. At this meeting a call from Eocky Eiver was presented for his services, and here he was installed during the course of the year. Thus Eocky Eiver was the oldest church in the upper country, and Sugar Creek was within its bounds. Here Mr. Craighead passed his closing days. Unmo- lested by Virginia intolerance, which he could ill brook; far removed from interference from his own ecclesias- tical brethren who might be disposed to criticize his revival movements, he poured forth, among a people prepared to receive them, his really noble and manly principles of civil and religious freedom, which bore fruit in the Mecklenburg Convention and the bold stand of his adopted State in favor of national inde- pendence. Into this region there had already begun to pour a strong tide of immigration. It was mainly from Ire- land j but it reached this Mesopotamia of North Caro- lina by different routes. Part came by the port of Charleston, and part by Philadelphia and the Delaware. The two streams met and commingled, producing a class of population worthy of the highest honor. They carried their principles with them into the wilderness. They built churches, and earnestly sought ministers or i Webster, 437. THE CAROLINAS. 225 missionaries from the Synod; and in the Revolutionary conflict the strength of their principles was tested by their devotion to the cause of liberty of person and conscience. Almost contemporaneously with the settlement of Mr. Craighead at Rocky River, the congregations of Hopewell, Steel Creek, New Providence, Poplar Tent, Rocky River, Centre, and Thyatira, were gathered. Their applications to Synod for aid in procuring preaching were frequent and earnest. Nor were they altogether unheeded. Year alter year, missionaries were appointed to visit the destitute settlements of Virginia and Carolina. In 1764, McWhorter and Spencer were sent to North Carolina, and by them quite a number of the churches in the neighborhood of .Mecklenburg were organized. In 1765, a call was presented to Hanover Presbytery, for Henry Patillo, from the congregations of Hawfields, Eno, and Little River. Patillo had been a student under Davies, and had been licensed by Hanover Presbytery in 1757. As a patriarch of the Presbyterian Church in North Carolina, his name is worthy of more than merely a passing mention. 1 Of large frame and some- what coarse features, but honest and candid to a pro- verb, his genial spirit and freedom from all assumption bound the hearts of others to him, and made them for- get the plainness of his countenance and homeliness of his manner, in the integrity of his heart and the fervent simplicity of his purpose. He was above the influence of all merely earthly considerations. He confessed no attachment to any thing of a perishable nature, except. books. He was always poor, and never envied wealth. He sustained himself in his preparation for the minis- try by teaching the children of his neighbor-,. I lis 1 Spraguc, iii. 196. 226 HISTORY OF mrSBYTERIANISM. dwelling — for he was married at the time — was a " house sixteen feet by twelve and an outside chimney, with an eight-feet shed, a little chimney to it." Yet even thus he was well content. But Mr. Davies, who fell in with him upon a preach- ing-excursion to the Roanoke, and encouraged him to study for the ministry, did not need to blush for his pupil. Patillo proved himself " possessed of an origin- ality of genius, and endowed by nature with powers of mind superior to the common lot of men." But, above all, lie was most devoted to his work. He lived for Christ. All the ardor of his nature, all the genial warmth of his friendship, was enlisted in the duties of his sacred calling. Sustained by an unwavering faith, he was always cheerful, always active. It was rarely that his sky was clouded or his spirit disheartened. For thirty-six years — the last twenty-one at Nutbush and Grassy Creek — he was zealous and indefatigable in the service of Christ; and the Church in North Carolina may well be proud to name him among her founders. Of the first Provincial Congress of the State (1775) he was elected a member, and was unanimously elected chairman of the committee of the whole, on the subject of a National Confederation. Early in 1765, a call was presented to the New Bruns- wick Presbytery, by the congregations in Buffalo and Alamance settlements, for the services of David Cald- well. 1 He was a native of Lancaster county, Penn- sylvania, the son of a plain farmer, and was twenty -five years of age before he was converted. He at once commenced his preparations for the ministry, under Robert Smith, of Pequa, was graduated at Nassau Hall in 1761, and in 1763 was licensed to preach. His first labors were in the region where he was 1 Sprague. iii. 259. THE CAROLINAS. 227 afterward settled. He visited North Carolina as a mis- sionary of the Synod, and Labored there somewhat over a year. On his return in 1765, he entered upon his parochial duties. It may give some idea of the feeble condition of his united congregations, that both of them gave him in all but a salary of two hundred dollars. It was, therefore, a matter of necessity for him to make other provision for his support. He accordingly purchased a small farm, and at nearly the same time commenced a classical school in his own house. His usefulness as a teacher was scarcely infe- rior to his usefulness in the pulpit. Some of the most eminent men in Church and State were trained under his instructions. His scholars ranged generally in num- ber from fifty to sixty. Mr. Caldwell's congregations needed a man of his discretion to preserve their harmony. The church at Buffalo was composed of Old-side members; that at Alamance of New-side, or followers of Whitefield. In him, however, they w T ere united; and they had good reason to be. Tradition says that the first sacramental occasion observed by Presbyterians in Granville was in 1763. William Tennent, Jr., 1 recently ordained by New Bruns- wick Presbytery for a Southern mission, officiated. For six months he labored in this region, under the direc- tion of the Presbytery of Hanover. The congrega- tions were regularly organized by James Cresswell, licentiate of Hanover Presbytery, who supplied them for some years. The interests of the Presbyterian Church in North Carolina were not neglected by the Synod of New York and Philadelphia. Repeatedly that body sent some of its best men as missionaries into the field, Subsequently >>i' Charleston. 228 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. to gather congregations and organize churches. Among the names of those who were thus commissioned, we meet with those of William Tenncnt, Jr., Nathan Ker, George Duffield, William Ramsey, James Latta, Elihu Spencer, and Alexander McWhorter. In 1770, Hezekiah Balch, whose life is identified with the history of the Presbyterian Church in East Tennessee, was ordained as an evangelist by the Presbytery of New Castle, and entered on his labors as a missionary of the Presbytery of Hanover in North Carolina. As the number of ministers and churches in this region increased, the need was felt of another Presby- tery, the membership of which should consist of minis- ters south of the Virginia line. At a meeting, there- fore, of Hanover Presbytery (1770), a petition was pre- pared for Synod, asking for a Presbytery for Carolina and the South. The petition was granted, and Hugh McAden, Henry Patillo, David Caldwell, James Criswell, Hezekiah Balch, Hezekiah James Balch, and Joseph Alexander, were constituted a Presbytery, by the name of Orange. From time to time the Presbytery was strengthened by the accession of new members, most of them originally from the North, but at an early age residents of North Carolina. Thomas Reese, a native of Pennsylvania, had removed when quite young, with his father's family, to Mecklenburg county, N.C., where he prosecuted his studies at an academy under charge of Rev. Joseph Alexander, the successor of Alexander Craighead, as pastor of Buffalo and Sugar Creek, in 1768. Mr. Alexander was a fine scholar, a graduate of Princeton and a licentiate of the Presbytery of New Castle. In connection with a Mr. Benedict, he taught a classical school of high excellence and usefulness. When the Presbyterians subsequently proposed to secure of the king a charter for a college, he was named as the first professor. THE CABOLINAS. 229 Under his care young Reese pursued his preparatory course. In L768, at the age of twenty-six, he was graduated a1 Princefon. Returning to Carolina, he devoted some time to the study of. theology, and was the first minister ordained by the new Presbytery of Orange in 1 7 7 - J . Soon after this he entered upou his labors in the pastorate of Salem Church, Sumter Dis- trict, 8.C. In 1792 or 1793. he removed to Pendleton District, S.C., where he Labored for several years. A distinguished scholar, and eminently devoted to his work, he exerted a wide and healthful influence. Anxious only for the salvation of souls, " his success in his ministerial labors evinced the presence and power of the Holy Spirit." In 177r. Wither- spoon. Upon its completion he returned to North Caro- lina. On every side the broad field of spiritual desti- tution invited Laborers. Various congregations pressed Vol. 1.— I'd 230 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. Mr. Hall to become their pastor. These applications he felt it necessary to decline, and finally settled — where his early years were spent — over the united congregations of Fourth Creek, Concord, and Bethany. In 1790, he secured a release from the first two, retain- ing only his connection with Bethany, that he might have more time to devote to the cause of domestic missions. In this cause he was a pioneer and veteran laborer. Over a vast region of country his excursions were extended and his influence felt. In his own congrega- tions his labors were eminently blessed. As the fruit of revivals, eighty were received to the communion at one time, and sixty at another. Few men have left behind them a more enviable memory. Devotedly pious, unwearied in his" endeavors, sagacious in his plans, and self-denying in the work which he loved above every thing else, his ministry for forty years " was one glowing scene of untiring activity and ear- nest zeal to win souls to Christ." Precious memorials of him, as a warm and active friend of revivals, still survive among the churches of the region in which he labored. His solemn, pungent appeals in the pulpit, his grave, impressive manner, his long and toilsome missionary tours, and the constancy of a consecration to his work which improved for usefulness every oppor- tunity that offered, have invested his name with pecu- liar interest. A worthy compeer and co-Presbyter of Hall was Samuel Eusebius McCorkle, who, like him, a native of Pennsylvania, early removed to North Carolina. In 1766, he commenced his preparatory course of study at Dr. Caldwell's school in Giilford county, and in 1772 was graduated at Princeton in the same class with Dr. McMillan and Aaron Burr. In 1774, he was licensed by the Presbytery of New York, and by the Synod THE CAR0LINA8. 231 was commissioned to go southward and labor for at least a year under the direction of the Presbyteries of Hanover and Orange. After spending two years as a missionary in Virginia, he accepted the call of the church at Thyatira, where his early years had been spent, and where his parents still resided. For thirty- five years his course of usefulness and successful labor was continued in the region where he first settled. For ten or twelve years, he, like many of his brethren in the ministry, took charge of a classical school, which bore the significant name of Zion Parnassus. He was a thorough scholar and a devoted minister, less of a missionary than a student, and so intensely devoted to theological investigations that his temporal interests were sometimes too much neglected. He wrote his dis- courses, but used no manuscript in the pulpit. His tall and manly form, his grave and solemn countenance, and his impressive and thrilling tones, made his dis- courses most effective in riveting the attention and amusing the conscience. In the revivals of 1801 and 1802, his influence, like that of Hall, was deeply and widely felt. Quite a number of churches had been gathered in the bounds of North Carolina before the Presbytery of Orange numbered any under its care south of the State line. The Presbytery of Charleston stood apart by itself, and occupied but a limited portion of the State." The Williamsburg church was formed as early as 1736, and for many years enjo3~ed great spiritual prosperity. But for some time previous to the Revolu- tion its prosperity had declined, chiefly, it is said, in consequence of receiving Large accessions from the North of Ireland, in which, to Bay the least, spiritual- ity was not the predominant element. Throughout the war of the Revolution the church was vacant, and its difficulties were only aggravated by the subsequent 232 HISTORY OF FRESBYTERIANISM. settlement of a Mr. Kennedy. By a secession the Bethel Church was formed previous to 1790, over which, in connection with that of Indian town, James White Stephenson was settled from 1790 to 1808. 1 In 1782, Francis Cummins accepted a call from Bethel Church, in the district of York, S.C., where he was ordained toward the close of that year. Like MeCor- kle, Hall, and Reese, he was a native of Pennsylvania, but had removed with his family, while yet a } T outh, to Mecklenburg county, N.C. Here he enjoyed and im- proved the opportunity atforded him for an education superior to any which had hitherto offered. In the neighboring college, then called " Queen's Museum," under the instruction of Eev. Dr. McWhorter, who had recently removed thither from New Jersey, he pursued his studies, and was graduated in 1776. His theological studies were pursued under the direction of Eev. James Hall, and in 1780 he was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of Orange. His fields of labor were numerous and varied. Indeed, his labors were never confined to a single congregation. There were some twenty churches which considered him as, in some sense, their pastor, during the whole course of his ministry. Twenty-four years were spent in South Carolina, and twenty-five in Georgia. Yet, during this long period, his time was almost always laboriously divided between teaching and preaching. The churches in that region were at this period so generally missionary stations, and the ministers so few in number, that their efforts were spread necessarily over a broad field. Of this arduous work, Dr. Cummins performed his full share. Indeed, he seemed peculiarly adapted to it. An accurate scholar, an able and well-read theologian, 1 Sprague, iii. 552. THE CAROLINAS. 233 with a physical development in keeping with his Large intellectual gifts, and a high, capacious, and intelled uaJ forehead which proclaimed him no ordinary man. his presence in the pulpit was sure to command attention and awaken interest. His deep-toned voice, somewhat authoritative and dictatorial manner, and perfect self- command, conjoined with his mental and spiritual gifts, rendered him eminent as a preacher. He lived to aripe old age of nearly fourscore, and died in 1831. These were among the most eminent of the early ministers of Orange Presbytery. But there were others who labored in the region for a longer or a shorter period. In 1760, Rev. Eobert Tate came from Ireland to Wilmington, and opened a classical school for his support. Many of the young men of New Hanover, who took an active part in the- Revolution, enjoyed his instructions. While residing at Wilmington, where no Presbyterian church was organized until after the war, he was accustomed to make preaching excursions through New Hanover and the adjoining counties, par- ticularly up the Black and South Rivers. During the war. on account of his ardent Whig principles, he found it prudent to leave Wilmington and reside in the Jlaw- fields, in Orange. Without being settled as a pastor, he performed a large amount of missionary labor. His cultured manners, genial conversation, and winning deportment gave him great influence, especially among the young. Rev. William Richardson labored for a while at Provi- dence, although his residence was in South Carolina and he was a member of the Charleston Presbytery. He was a licentiate of Hanover Presbytery in 1758. Rev. John Debow was the second pastor of the con- gregations of the Eno and the Haw. He commenced his labors as a Licentiate <>r the Presbytery of New Brunswick in 1775, but died eight years afterward. 20* 234 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. In 1785, Rev. William Bingham commenced his labois at Wilmington and in the surrounding country. He was a native of Ireland, and an excellent scholar. He sustained himself b} r conducting a classical school, in the management of which he was exceedingly popular. At a later period he removed to the upper country, and taught with great success in Chatham and Orange. At about this period, James McGready, whose name figures so largely in connection with the revivals in Kentucky at the commencement of the present cen- tury, commenced his labors in North Carolina. His unsparing denunciations of wickedness, and his terrible appeals, which won him the title of " Boanerges," ren- dered him, while popular with some, greatly obnoxious to others. But his labors were* not in vain. Among those who were deeply affected by his influence was the Rev. William Hodge, who is said to have been a native of Hawfields, and who accompanied McGready to Kentucky. While McGready was preaching on Stoney Creek and along the Haw River in 1789, Hodge was one of his constant hearers. In listening to the bold, fearless preacher, he felt his own desire to preach the gospel revived, and, on being licensed by the Pres- bytery of Orange, he went hand and heart with his teacher in the revival work. Meanwhile, the Presbytery of Orange was extending toward the West. Eastern Tennessee was included within its bounds. Here were to be found some of its most earnest and devoted members. Among them were Charles Cummings and Hezekiah Balch. These, with Samuel Houston, Samuel Carrick, John Cossan, and James Balch, formed at a subsequent period the Presbytery of Abingdon, in East Tennessee. The Presbyterian Church in the Carolinas had passed through a trying period. The influence of the war was disastrous to public morals, while many of the THE CAROLINAS. 2o5 churches and congregations were sadly scattered. In some cases the people dared ool assemble. A meeting for religious purposes would have been accounted trea- son, and, while the country was in the hands of the British troops, would but too surely have invited a visit of the dragoons. The pastors, moreover, were especially obnoxious. Prom the first they had manifested a warm zeal in the cause of national independence. Some of them had for years before the crisis been inculcating those princi- ples of civil and religious freedom which bore fruit in the results of the Revolutionary conflict. Indeed, they might he said to have given the impulse to the popular mind around them, which resulted in the Declaration of the celebrated .Mecklenburg Convention. In the proceedings of this body, the influence of the Presby- terian (.dement which helped to compose it is plainly seen. Xor were they wanting to themselves or to their country when the crisis came. Patillo was a member of the first Provincial Congress in 1775, and its chair- man when it sat in committee of the whole. Caldwell was a member of the State Convention in 1776. Craig- head had already for more than a score of years been a zealous and uncompromising champion of those prin- ciples of civil and religious liberty of which the Meck- lenburg Declaration was a practical exposition. As members of the convention, sat several elders of the Presbyterian churches in the Mecklenburg district. There were at least seven of these, four of them of the well-known name of Alexander. The Rev. Hezekiah James Baloh was also a member; and among the young men who listened to the doings of the convention were Joseph (afterward General Joseph) Graham, long an elder, and Humphrey Hunter, minister, of the churches of Unity and -hcn. Of this number also was Fran- cis (afterward Rev. Dr.) Cummins, then a student at 236 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. "Queen's Museum," in Charlotte, and like the others, in full sympathy with the proceedings of the conven- tion. Among the sufferers by the war, the Presbyterian clergy held a distinguished rank. By the British and Tories they were singled out for vengeance, and upon the head of one was set a price of two hundred pounds. McAden was fast verging to the grave; but he and his congregation suffered severely; and scarcely had his ashes been laid in the grave, before devastation sj)read over the scene of his labors. Two weeks after his death, the British encamped in the yard of Bed-House Church, where he had preached, searched his dwelling, plun- dered and destroyed his papers, and carried desolation through the region. James Tate, a staunch Whig, was forced to flee from Wilmington to escape the grasp of British power. Thomas H. McCaule was a zealous patriot, and his field of labor was in the track of the hostile armies : he was by the side of General Davidson when the latter was shot off from his horse. The congre- gations of Eno, Hawfields, Buffalo, and Alamance, were the scenes of the plundering^ of Cornwallis's army. The sufferings and privations which they endured were fearful. The catalogue of outrage would fill a volume. The house of Dr. Caldwell was broken open, his library and valuable papers destroyed, and his pro- perty stolen, while he, watched as a felon, spent night after night in the solitudes of the forest. Many an effort was made to draw him from his hiding-place. His house was watched ; sudden visits were made to surprise him; but, eluding all the arts of his enemies, he escaped their hands. Such a state of things could not but be sorely disas- trous to the churches. Attention was diverted from religion to the discussion of political questions. The community was rent into embittered parties by civil THE CAROLINAS. 237 feuds. The ravages as wel] as the license of war pro- duced desperation and excited to reprisals; morality was at a Low ebb j congregations were scattered, and the seed of thai infidelity which at a later period ravaged the land was now. in part, sown. With the return of peace the prospecl brightened : the congregations could assemble again, with none to molest or make afraid; the pastors could and did re- sume their duties, and once more regularly occupied their pulpits. But, before religion could fairly regain the ground it had lost, there was to be another con- flict, but one not waged with carnal weapons. Infi- delity was to fall before the bold reproof of a faithful ministry and the wonderful outpouring of the Divine Spirit. The Presbyterian Church in the Carolinas showed itself from the first a fast friend of education. The pioneer laborers deeply felt the necessity not only of giving an impulse to the general intelligence, but of training up an educated ministry. They perceived clearly the necessity of providing for the enlarged de- mands of an extensive and still extending missionary field. Hence, wherever a pastor was located, there was in connection with his congregation a classical school. This was the case at Sugar Creek, Poplar Tent, Centre, Bethany, Buffalo, Thyatira, Grove, Wil- mington, and the churches served by Patillo in Orange and Granville. The oldest of these was under the care of Joseph Alexander, at Sugar Creek J and here a large number of ministers received their classical education. The prejudices of George 11 1, denied it a charter, for it was in the hands of Presbyterian Whigs. Bui "Queen's Museum" flourished without a charter, and the debates preceding the Mecklenburg Declaration were held in its hall. It was but a fitting tribute to its usefulness 238 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. and promise, when the Legislature of North Carolina, in 1777, chartered the institution, under the name of Liberty Hall Academy. It was entirely under Pres- b} T terian direction, and under the supervision of Orange Presbytery. The Eev. Alexander (afterward Dr.) McWhorter, of Newark, was solicited to take charge of it; but his residence was only temporary, and the pre-eminence of Liberty Hall as supplying the place of a college for the South was transferred to JMount Zion College, Winnsborough, S.C., over which Thomas H. McCaule presided for several years. Classical schools of a high order, under Presbyte- rian direction, were more numerous after the Revolu- tionary War. Dr. Caldwell continued his in Guilford till his death. Dr. McCorkle sustained one in Eowan, and afterward in Salisbury. Dr. Robinson sustained the one at Poplar Tent, with some intermissions, till near the close of his life. Dr. Wilson was very successful at Rocky Hill, and Dr. Hall at Bethany. There was also a nourishing one, under William Bing- ham, in Chatham, and one in Burke. Providence, Grove, and Fayetteville, enjoyed a succession of clas- sical teachers. With the establishment of the University of the State, at Chapel Hill, in 1789, the preponderance of classical schools ceased to be so entirely on the side of the Presbyterian Church. Yet at a later period the cause was taken up by them again, with revived energy, and with results that nobly justified the effort. As we have already seen, the first attempt to colo- nize South as well as North Carolina resembled in its origin an investment of capital by a company of land- jobbers. 1 The proprietaries furnished the emigrants with means to embark, but sent out with them their 1 Bancroft, ii. 166. THE CAROLINAS. 239 own commercial agent, and undertook the manage- ment of all commercial transactions. As mighl have been expected, the coIodj wsub a scene of turbulence, and industry was unproductive, till the old Constitu- tions were abandoned and the colonists learned to rely on their own energy. The first band of emigrants to South Carolina set sail in January, 1670. The period, in England, was one of sharp persecution for Dissenters. Eight years before, the terrible Act of Conformity had expelled nearly two thousand ministers from their parishes and pulpits. Cavalier statesmen were unscrupulous enough to take advantage of the fruits of their own bigoted counsels. In the first band, along with the commercial agent, was William Sayle, the proprietary Governor, "probably a Presbyterian," who, more than twenty years before, had attempted to plant an " Eleutheria" in the isles of the Gulf of Florida. The emigrants had hardly landed before they insti- tuted a polity on a liberal basis. Eepresentative gov- ernment was established, and continued to be che- rished. It was in vain that Locke theorized or Shaftesbury speculated. The Utopia of their dreams was not to be realized. It was not long before Dutch enterprise offered the colonists the luxury of cargoes of slaves. From the banks of the Hudson, lured by stories of the fertility of the soil, came an unlooked- for accession to the population. In little more than a year after the arrival of the first colonists, two ships with Dutch emigrants from New York arrived, and these w T ere soon followed by others with their country- men from Holland. Even Charles II. provided at his own expense — a munificence the more marked for its isolation, and perhaps designed to manifest his sym- pathy with Carolina rather than Now England — two small vessels, to transport to Carolina a few foreign 240 HISTORY OF PRESBYTEUIANISM. Protestants. But the most considerable emigration was from England. The prospect of immunity from the molestation of informers and acts against conven- ticles and Non-Conformity, tempted Dissenters to a colony where their worship would be tolerated and their rights respected. A company of them from Somersetshire were conducted to Charleston by Joseph Drake, brother of the gallant admiral, and the fortune which the latter had acquired was employed to plant South Carolina with a people who dreaded the evils of oppression and the prospect of a Popish successor to the throne. The condition of Scotland, likewise, impelled not a few to project a settlement in Carolina. But a com- paratively small number, however, under the lead of Lord Cardross, who soon returned, crossed the Atlan- tic. A colony of Irish under Ferguson received a hearty welcome, and were soon merged among the other colonists. More important, however, for a short period at least, was the accession to the population from the exiled Huguenots. The French king essayed to torment them into conversion, but he only tor- mented them out of the kingdom; and not a few found their way to the shores of South Carolina. Here were fugitives from Languedoc and Saintonge and Bor- deaux, from Northern and Southern France, — Calvinist Protestants seeking the shelter which the worldly policy of High-Church statesmen extended to the ad- herents'of every creed. At an early period, also, the population of South Carolina received into its bosom a Puritan element from New England. Although by the Charter of the State the Church of England was the only one legally recognized, yet it contained provisions favorable to other creeds. The Colony, though founded by bigoted Churchmen, was governed by " Dissenters." Blako THE CAROLINAS. 2-11 was a Presbyterian, and Axchdale a Quaker.* There were also in the colony " godly Christians, both pre- pared for and longing alter the edifying ordinances of the gospel." The first from abroad to respond to their appeal was Joseph Lord, of Charlestown, Mass., who, four years before, had graduated at Harvard, and had since been teaching at Dorchester, and studying theology with the pastor of the church. 2 On the 22d of October, 1695, those who offered to go with him were embodied in a church, over which he was ordained pastor. 3 From the churches of Boston, Milton, Newton, Charlestown, and Eoxbury, came pastors and delegates to assist in the services at the gathering of this little flock, and " to encourage the settlement of churches and the promo- tion of religion in the Southern plantations." In little more than a month the company were ready to embark; and their faith and ardor did not abate at the prospect of separation from old associations. The parting scene was solemnized by the holy services of religion. Their former pastor, Mr. Danforth, preached " a most affec- tionate and moving valedictory." On the 5th of De- cember, the colony — a whole church — set sail, and for the first time New England sent forth missionaries beyond her bounds. For a time the voyage was bois- 1 Graham's History of North America, ii. 167. 2 Graham (History of North America, ii. 170) says, "At the close of the seventeenth century, there were only three edifices for divine worship erected within the Southern province, containing re- spectively an Episcopal, a Presbyterian, and a Quaker congregation, and all of them situated in the town of Charleston. Throughout all the rest of the province there were neither institutions for public worship, nor schools for education." It is evident that he overlooked his own statement (p. 1GG) of tho settlement which, just before the close of the century, had be*>u made at Dorchester by the New England emigrants. » Am. Quar. Reg., Aug. 1841. Vol. I.— 21 242 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. terous and unpleasant, and it was fifteen days before they landed in Carolina. Following the course of the Ashley Eiver, they found on its northeasterly bank, about twenty miles from Charleston, a rich piece of land, whose virgin soil and whose stately woodlands, with their interlacing vines and evergreen misletoe and dra- pery- of moss, were well adapted to their purposes, and which they immediately selected as their future home, giving to it, in memory of their native place, the name of Dorchester. Here, on February 2, 1696, " they raised their grateful Ebenezer," by celebrating, for the first time in Carolina, the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. Mr. Lord remained with this people for more than twenty years. Hugh Fisher was his successor; and, upon his death, John Osgood, a native of the colony (Dorchester), was ordained (1734-5). In 1754, the church mostly removed, with their pastor, to Midway, Georgia. At Charleston, also, beside the Huguenot Church, (1686), originating with the expulsion of Protestants from France, by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, there was, as early as 1690, a meeting-house for a congregation (known, till 1730, indiscriminately as Presbyterian, Congregational, and Independent) of which Benjamin Pierpont (1691-1696-7) was pastor, and whose successors were Mr. Adams, 1 and John Cotton, son of the Boston minister. 2 This at first may have embraced alike settlers from Scotland and from 1 Am. Quar. Reg., Aug. 1841. 2 Graham (History of North America, ii. 167) says, "In the year 1698, he [Blake] had the satisfaction to see John Cotton, a son of tne celebrated minister of Boston, remove from Plymouth, in New England, to Charleston, in South Carolina, where he gathered a church and enjoyed a short, but happy and successful, ministry." This must be a mistake. The statement of the American Quarterly THE CAUOLINAS. 243 New England. But the two elements were not alto- gether congen ial, and in 1730 the Scotch demanded an organization of their own. 1 Its germ was found in the secession of twelve families from the old Church. Up to the close of the seventeenth century, all de- nominations had enjoyed an equal freedom. The law favored none at the expense of others. But in 1703 a the Governor, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, as if in concert with Lord Corn bury at i^ew York, determined to in- troduce into the colony the system which Dissenters had learned to regard with well-grounded jealousy. By skilful arrangements, and through elections at w r hich it is said that the most despicable classes of the population were allowed to vote, a legislature was secured favorable to the Governor's design. By a close Register, taken from a Charleston publication, is doubtless more reliable. See, however, Sprague, i. 29. 1 Dr. Smythe, in his History of the Second Presbyterian Church of Charleston, says, " As early as 1690, the Presbyterians, in conjunc- tion with the Independents, formed a church in Charleston, which continued in this united form for forty years. During this period, two of their ministers, the Rev. Messrs. Stobo and Livingston, were Presbyterians, and connected with the Charleston Presbytery. After the death of the latter, twelve families seceded, and formed a Presbyterian Church on the model of the Church of Scotland. Their building was -erected in 1731, on the site of the present, which was completed in 1814." Dr. Howe, in his Historical Discourse, states — evidently a mistake — that the date of the founding of the First Presbyterian Church of Charleston was 1741. It should have been ten years earlier. That Stobo was the successor of Cotton in charge of the same church, I see no reason to doubt. Cotton died (Sprague, i. 29) Sept. 8, 1699, and Stobo, who brought no colonists or congregation with him, arrived in 1700. What more natural than that under Stobo, himself a Presbyterian, the Independents and Presbyterians should unite? 2 Hewatt's Sauth Carolina, i. 107, 172. 244 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. vote it was enacted that the Episcopal should be the estaVlished Church, and that it should be supported by a tax on all classes of citizens alike, including Dis- senters, who were likewise deprived of all civil rights. 1 The colony was divided into ten parishes, and arrange- ments were made to secure the necessary number of missionaries from England. The measure met with strong opposition. The Pres- byterians exclaimed against it, and the Quakers were not silent. John Archdale told the Governor that the Dissenters had not forgotten the hardships to which they had been subjected in England in consequence of acts of conformity. He asserted boldly that, under the Constitution of the colony, freedom of conscience was the birthright of every citizen. Others united with him in his remonstrance. But opposition was vain. Despairing of redress, some of those who complained of what they regarded as a tyrannical measure, and a violation of plighted faith, prepared to leave the colony and remove to Pennsylvania, and a portion of them actually removed; 2 others determined to apply to the proprietaries for redress. The citizens of Colleton county united in a petition, which they sent to England by the hands of one of their number, Joseph Boone. On reaching London, he found the prospect before him far from encouraging. The proprietaries were not disposed to annul the obnoxious measure; but the London merchants united with Boone in urging the petition, and it was carried before the House of Lords. Their action was favorable, and there was a prospect that the prayer of the petitioners for relief would be granted. The queen issued an order declaring the obnoxious laws to be null and void; but her promise to issue a process against the provincial charter was never 1 Simms's South Carolina, 78. 2 Hewat.t, i. 178. THE CAROLINAS. 245 fulfilled. The Episcopal Church was established in the colony. Dissenters were taxed for its support, and at the same time, if they wished to enjoy their own form of worship, were forced by their private contributions to erect churches and sustain ministers One of the leading opponents of the Governor's pro- ject — along with Archdale — was Archibald Stobo, the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Charleston, — "a survivor of the ministers who accompanied the Scotch emigrants to New Caledonia." He had been a resi- dent of the city since the year 1700, 1 and at the time when the act creating the Establishment was passed, he exerted a powerful and commanding influence. He was possessed of eminent ability, — of " talents which render a minister conspicuous and respected/' 2 To a mind well stored with the treasures of learning, and an excellent capacity, he united an uncommon activity and diligence in the discharge of his appropriate duties. Naturally averse to Episcopal jurisdiction, and with an inveterate Scotch antipathy to that prelatic tyranny which had inflicted such persecution on his native land, he w r as not conciliated by the designs in favor of Episcopal supremacy which he now witnessed in his adopted country. From the first he met the proposed innovation with unqualified opposition; and his in- fluence was powerfully felt. No minister in the colony had engrossed so universally the public favor and esteem, and no one rendered himself more obnoxious to the disfavor of the government. Malignant arts were employed against him, and the Governor resorted to the weapons of slander to break dow T n and to ruin his influence. The effect of the measure which he so strenuously opposed was disastrous to the Presbyterian churches. Bprague, iii. 251. 2 Hewutt, i. 178. 21* 246 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. The English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel sent twelve Episcopal missionaries to the colony, and their support was largely secured from the public treasury. Spacious churches were built and paid for by taxes, which fell heavily on Dissenters. The state patronage extended to the Episcopal Church soon secured it ascendency also in numbers and strength. The friends of religious liberty in the Assembly were reduced in numbers, and the energy and art of the Governor bore down all opposition. Large numbers of the children of Dissenters were led to abandon the worship of their fathers and connect themselves with the State Church, against which the prejudices of the community were no longer directed. 1 But Stobo still maintained his ground. By great diligence and ability, he preserved a number of fol- lowers ; and, in spite of desertions, his congregation was strengthened by the accession of emigrants from Scotland and Ireland. The Presbyterians composed yet " a considerable party in the province," and sus- tained their own forms and ordinances of worship. At length, encouraged by help from Scotland, Stobo united with two other ministers — Fisher and Witherspoon — in efforts to promote the interests of the Presbyterian Church in the colony. They " associated" 2 themselves for this purpose, and probably united in forming a Presbytery. 3 Churches were gathered, 4 and houses of 1 Hewatt, ii. 51. 2 Hewatt. 3 The date of this is not given ; but it must have been before 1734. * Dr. Smythe, in his History of the Second Presbyterian Church of Charleston, states that the churches belonging to the Presby- tery were those of Wiltown, Pon Pon, St. Thomas's, Stoney Creek, Salt-catchers, Black Mingo, the original and first incorporated church of Williamsburg, Charleston, Edisto, and the church of John and Wadmalaw Islands. THE CAROLIKA& 247 worship erected, a1 Wiltown and " three of the Mari- time Islands," and subsequently at Jacksonbupg, Indian- town, Pon Pon, or WalterboFeugh, Port Royal, und Williamsburg. 1 In 1710, a letter from South Carolina, published in London. 2 stated that there were in the colony five churches of British Presbyterians. Some of these may subsequently have become extinct. The church on Edisto Island 3 dates tioni 1717; that of Pon Pon, or Walterliorough, of which Stobo, on leaving Charleston, became pastor, from 1728 ; those on John's and James's Islands from 1734 or 1735; that of Wiltown was many years anterior; while the Independent Presbyterian Church of Stoney Creek dates from 1743. The five early churches must have been those of Charleston, Dorchester, perhaps Wiltown or Edisto, and one or more on the Maritime Islands. The pastors were obtained for the most part, if not in every instance, from Scotland. The Presbytery regarded itself as a portion of the Scotch Kirk, and looked to it for a supply for its pulpits. The presence in the colony of " ignorant" and " fanatic" men who assumed the right to preach, but who were regarded by the members of the Presbytery in the light of ranters, made them jealous as to the character of those whom they admitted to their pulpits or to the care of their vacant churches. In full sympathy, as we have reason to believe, with the Moderates of the Church of Scotland, it would not have been strange if 1 Williamsburg was founded by a colony of Irish in 1734. Simms'a South Carolina, 132. 2 Dr. Howe's Historical Discourse. 3 In 1705, Henry Brown obtained a grant for three hundred acres of land, which in 1717 he conveyed to certain persons "in trust for the benefit of a Presbyterian clergyman in Edisto Island." • — llmhje, i. 58. 248 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. their antipathy to the revivalists of the New side — who may have penetrated into what the former considered their exclusive domain — should have led them to class the intruders with ignorant fanatics. The successors of Stobo and Livingston, 1 Alexander Hewatt (1763-1776) and George Buist (1793-1808), were, like himself, natives of Scotland, and were there educated and ordained. At the request of the Church, addressed to ministers in that country, the last two, at least, were sent out to supply the pulpit. Hewatt was a man of learning, ability, and no little of kindly feeling. To his congregation he ever remained strongly attached. Among them for twelve years he continued his labors, till the near prospect of war with the mother-country led him, as is supposed, to return to Scotland. In 1779, he published in London his History of South Carolina. His successor, Buist, was sent out, at the request of the Church, by Principal Eobertson and Dr. Blair, of Scotland. They pronounced him from their own acquaintance to be " a good scholar, an instructive preacher, well bred, and of a good natural temper." The recommendation is characteristic of the mode- ratism of its authors. Nor did he on his arrival in this country belie the assurance given in regard to his 1 Stobo (Dr. Howe's Historical Discourse) was succeeded at Charleston by Livingston ; or rather Livingston, I suspect, took charge of the Scotch Church when formed in 1730, and Stobo with- drew from Charleston to one of the country churches. The labors of the latter continued until as late at least as 1740, in which year the slave insurrection took place. When the intelligence of it reached Wilt own, he was preaching at the church, whither the men, according to custom, had come armed. To this fact the prompt and successful suppression of the insurrection was due. How much longer Stobo lived, we have not the means to determine. Howe and Smyth e both speak of Livingston as Stobo's successor ; but the fact is probably as stated above. THE CAROLINAS. 249 qualifications. ITe was a man of original gonitis, an eminent classical scholar, and an impressive preacher. He took charge of the church in 1793, and in 1805 was appointed Principal of the Charleston College,-*- a post for which he was eminently fitted. It was during his pastorate (1805), and not improbably at his instance, that the Presbytery with which he was con- nected petitioned to be received by the General Assem- bly. 1 They were not disposed, however, to unite them- selves with the Synod of the Carolinas. Their sym- pathies, if fairly represented by men like lie watt and Buist, whom the moderates of the Church of Scotland could commend, were not very strongly in the direc- tion of the revival in which the churches of the Synod had so recently and so largely shared. The petition was one which the Synod, therefore, for very obvious reasons, opposed. They drew up a remonstrance (Oct. 1805) to the Assembly against the reception of a Pres- bytery which declined to unite itself first with the Synod within whose bounds it properly belonged, and pronounced the proposed measure unconstitutional and reflecting upon the Synod. Here the matter rested until 1811. In that year the Presbytery renewed its request to be united with the General Assembly. The prayer of the petitioners was 1 The Presbytery of South Carolina received quite a number of members from New England and the Presbyterian Church long before its connection with the Assembly. William Richardson, in 1760, was dismissed from New York Presbytery to South Carolina Presbytery. In 1768, James Latta, from Philadelphia Presbytery, united with the same body. In 1770, John Malt by, of New York Presbytery, also united with it. In 1768, Dr. McWhorter wa9 appointed by the Synod to correspond with the South Carolina Presbytery; and in 1770 the latter body proposed to unite with the Synod. The troubles of the Revolution doubtless interfered with the execution of the project. See Synod's Miuutes, 3U7, 378, 408-9. 250 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. granted, but on such conditions that the Synod had no longer any reason to object. These conditions were the adoption, by the members of Presbytery, of the Confession of Faith and Constitution of the Presby- terian Church, -and a compromise or union with the Presbytery of Harmony, subject to the review and control of the Synod. CHAPTEB XIII. " OLD REDSTONE," 1776-1793. The treaty of peace between England and France in 1762, opened to colonial enterprise and immigration the vast territory to the west of the Alleghanies, which France had hitherto claimed, and of which Fort Pitt was one of the defences. Almost immediately settlers began to find their way across the mountains, and in the course of a few years a population of thousands had e'xtended the frontiers of civilization to the vicinity of the Ohio. The emigrants came mainly from Eastern Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the North of Ireland. 1 A large proportion of them were Presbyterians, bap- tized and brought up in the bosom of the Church, and some of them, before their emigration, members of its communion. For the most part, they were a bold and hardy race. Only strong men, physically and morally, would have braved the hardships they freely encoun- tered, — the hardships not only of the pioneer settler, but those of danger from Indian hostilities. Almost at the same time that the preliminaries of 1 Old Redstone, p. 52. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 251 peace were signed at Fontainebleau, — in fact, only thirteen days afterward, — the " Corporation for poor and distressed Presbyterian ministers" agreed to ap- point some of their members to wait on the Synod at its next meeting, and in their name request "that mis- sionaries might be sent to the distressed frontier in- habitants, report their distresses, learn what new congregations were forming/' what was necessary to promote the spread of the gospel among them, and discover w T hat opportunities there might be of mission- ary work among the Indian tribes. 1 Messrs. Charles Beatty and John Brainerd — brother of the missionary — were accordingly appointed, and provision was made for their absence for several months. But the whole design of the mission w T as frustrated by the breaking out of the Indian War. French hostility, no longer open and avowed, still instigated its former savage allies to the work of vengeance. The whole country west of Shippensburg w T as ravaged. Houses, barns, corn, hay, and every thing combustible, were burned. The w r retched inhabitants, surprised at their labor, at their meals, or in their beds, were massacred with the utmost cruelty and brutality, and those of them who escaped might almost envy the fate of those who had fallen. Overwhelmed by the common calamity, terri- fied by danger, reduced by w T ant and fatigue to a state of exhaustion, famished, shelterless, without the means of transportation, their tardy flight was delayed by " fainting women and weeping children." " On July 25, 1763, there were at Shippensburg thirteen hundred and eighty-four poor distressed back inhabitants, many of whom were obliged to lie in barns, stables, cellars, and under old leaky sheds, the dwelling-houses being all crow r ded." 2 Old Redstone, p. 113. 3 Hist. West. Penn. 252 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. The defeat of the Indians in the succeeding autumn drove them beyond the Ohio, and for a time the settlers were unmolested. In 1766, Mr. Beatty, in conjunction with Mr. Duffield, performed his Western mission. At Fort Pitt (Pittsburg) he was invited by McLagan, chaplain to the 42d Regiment, 1 to preach to the gar- rison, while Mr. Duffield preached to the people, who lived " in some kind of a town without the fort." The missionaries on their return reported 2 " that they found on the frontiers numbers of people earnestly de- sirous of forming themselves into congregations, and de- claring their willingness to exert their utmost in order to have the gospel among them •" but their circum- stances were " exceedingly distressing and necessi- tous," in consequence of the calamities inflicted by the war. The westward limit of their journey was among the Indians on the Muskingum, "one hundred and thirty miles beyond Fort Pitt." The prospect of mis- sions among them was reported as encouraging, and steps were taken to secure the services of two other missionaries for the ensuing year. Although difficul- ties arose to prevent their going, it is significant at once of the poverty of the people and the liberality of the Synod, that the order was made that the mis- sionaries " take no money from the frontier settle- ments for their ministerial labors among them." It is impossible to determine how far the measures of the Synod for mission-labor in Western Pennsyl- vania were carried out with each successive year; but they were regularly made at each annual meeting, and in some cases at least were successful. The war of the Revolution, however, interrupted the further prose- cution of the plan ; and yet before its close (1781) Red- stone Presbytery had been organized on the field. i History of Pit.sburg. 2 Minutes of Synod, p. 375. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 253 A very primitive state of society was that which greeted the eye and shaped the experience of the first pastors of the Presbytery. The persons that com- posed their congregations were by no means dressed in accordance with the fashions of Eastern cities. In nine cases out of ten, a blanket or a coverlet served as a substitute for a great-coat in winter weather, and the worshipper was not ashamed to wear it. 1 Deer-skin was a substitute for cloth for men and boys. Every thing that was not brought from a distance of more than a hundred miles across the mountains, had to be manufactured by patient industry and primitive agen- cies. The best dwelling of the settler was for many years a log cabin, and its furniture was of the simplest description. Here and there a fort told the story of danger from Indian invasion, and suggested the hazards by day and night to which the inhabitants were ex- posed. Until 1790, it is not known that a church edifice or house of worship was erected in the region. Meetings were held in the shady groves, or, for greater security, within the walls of the forts. They were attended sometimes from a distance of twelve to sixteen miles ; and he was fortunate whose residence enabled him. by a walk of not more than five or six, to enjoy the regular ordinances of Sabbath worship. In many cases every man came armed. The guns were stacked, and a sentinel was appointed to sound the signal of alarm in case of danger from Indian attack. The i The author of "Old Redstone" relates an anecdote to the effect that when the first court of common pleas was held in Catfish, now Washington, a highly respectable citizen, whose presence was required as a magistrate, could not attend without first borrowing a pair of leather breeches from an equally respectable neighbor, who was summoned on grand jury. The latter lent them, and, having no others, had to stay at home. — Page 44. Vol. I.— 22 254 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. perils from this source did not cease till Wayne's vic- tory in 1794. The toils and hardships of the ministers were excess- ive. They not only shared the lot of their people in respect to food, clothing, and lodging, but in their ex- tended journeyings from place to place to preach, ad- minister the ordinances, and visit their scattered sheep in the wilderness, were exposed to peculiar hazards. Often did they have to travel a distance of from fifteen to fifty miles in order to discharge their parochial duties, so extended were the fields which they were called to occupy. They were indeed bishops in the primitive sense, and each had his diocese. For days together they were absent from their families. In some places there were no roads, or only those of the worst description. " A blind-path, but seldom used, must be followed, when every neighborhood road to a mill or a smith's shop, being much more distinct, would be almost sure to mislead them." 1 Guide-boards there were none. Bridges had not yet been built, and fording- places were not always easy to be discovered. Yet, braving all perils, exposed to heat and cold, plodding through the mud or facing the storm, they discharged their duty, — brave in a heroism not less noble that it was obscure, not less admirable that it was the fruit of Christian faith and pastoral fidelity. The support of the clergyman was by no means ample; yet two and sometimes three congregations were united to secure it. Even then he might be neces-, sitated to eke out his salary by cultivating a farm, or unite thrift with charity in the work of instruction. There was indeed ample wealth around him, — such as it was; but it was the riches of a fertile soil, and the verdure of hill and valley ; it was nature herself with 1 Old Redstone, p. 133. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 255 her mines and acres waiting for the hand of industry to coin them into shape and imprint upon them the image and superscription of civilization and culture. But a richer soil than that of the hills and valleys was that which the laborer in the Lord's vineyard was called to cultivate. His parishioners were by no means the mis- cellaneous drift-wood which emigration usually floats off from older communities to new settlements. Among them were men of culture, and a large proportion of them were characterized by stern religious principle. They were men whose energy and vigor were developed by the circumstances of their lot, and w T ho, in grappling with the forest and repelling or guarding against savage attack, were made more sagacious, fearless, and self-re- liant. Their outward condition was far from enviable; since for many years they underwent severe hardships, which rendered it any thing but Eden-like. The " howl- ing" wilderness, literally so, around them, — the danger of starvation, no remote one at many times, — the scar- city of salt and iron, — with roads that for the most part were mere bridle-paths, — all these things might seem to indicate a degraded lot; but the wilderness did not reduce them to barbarism. Their food might be — often was — "hog and hominy;" potatoes and pumpkins were a substitute for bread. Bear's oil sometimes took the place of butter. The dress, too, might betray a mix- ture of an Indian and a civilized wardrobe. The " lin- sey-woolsey" hunting-shirt, with its large sleeves, rude belt, and bosom w T hich served as a wallet for bread, j irk, or tow for the rifle, — the breeches made of the skins of beasts, or, if unusually fine, of buckskin, — the moccasins stuffed in cold weather with deer's hair or dried leaves, — the rude furniture of the log cabin, little in advance of that of the wigwam, — all might indicate but a slight superiority over the savage, reluctantly yielding to the encroachments of the white man. But beneath this 256 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. coarse exterior beat hearts as true to the cause of free- dom, intelligence, morals, and religion, as any in the world. "A more intelligent, virtuous, and resolute class of men never settled any country than the first settlers of Western Pennsylvania." 1 They had, indeed, their peculiarities. Some brought with them habits and associations which were not always the most com- mendable. Their prejudices were strong. A portion of them were of the strictest sect of Seceders. They could breathe forth railings against Watts's Imitation, and denounce a departure from Rouse as heresy. But, as a powerful leaven of the constantly increasing im- migration, even these were invaluable, and, as a whole, the material of which the churches of Western Penn- sylvania were composed was of just that sort which the times and the emergency demanded, — men stern enough not only to retain their own individuality, but to impress it upon the more yielding mass accumulating around them. The land was inviting, and it was cheap. The State of Yirginia, assuming a right to the territory, sold large portions of it at a merely nominal price. 2 " The purchase-money was trifling indeed, — about ten shil- lings the hundred acres, — and even that was not demanded." The fees for warrants were two shillings and sixpence; and, on these terms, Yirginia disposed libe- rally of Pennsylvania territory, — a proceeding which resulted in trouble afterward, when the claims of the respective States came to be settled, but for the time it invited immigration, and Western Pennsylvania by the close of the Ee volution ary War had not far from twenty thousand inhabitants. The earliest settlements were of course in the vicinity of Pittsburg, and gradually extended northward toward i Old Redstone, p. 43. 2 Ibid. 32. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 257 Luke Erie. "In 1765, Pittsburg was, to a small extent, regularly laid out. In 1765 and 1766, settlements were made at Redstone and Turkey-foot. Several of these were made by heads of Presbyterian families. v ' About 1768, what is now Fayette county was occupied by emi- grants from Berkeley county, Ya. At nearly the same time, a considerable number of settlers located on the Youghiogheny, the Monongahela, and its tributaries. In 1770-1, many Scotch-Irish from Bedford and York counties, from the Kittatinny Yallcy, from Virginia, and some directly from the North of Ireland, commenced settlements in Washington county. As the tide of population increased in volume, and extended from the Monongahela to the Ohio, it was swelled by contribu- tions from various sources, yet not sufficient to change its general character. Until 1774, the settlers were dependent for gospel- ordinances upon the missionaries sent out by the Synod. This provision was interrupted by the difficulties of distance, Indian hostility, and the excitement that heralded the rupture with the mother-country. It was, moreover, inadequate to the necessities of the field. But one after another of the ministers at the East was induced, by the confusion that the war introduced and the appeals presented by the needy condition of the Western settlements, to remove to that region. At length a sufficient number had entered the field to feel warranted in asking for the erection of a Presbytery. Their distance from the Presbyteries with which they were connected, the utter impracticability of meeting with them, and the necessity of the churches to which they ministered, impelled to the request; and at the meeting of the Synod in May (16), 1781, the Rev. Messrs. Joseph Smith, John McMillan, James Power, and Thad- 1 Redstone, p. :5U. 22* 258 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. dens Dod, were erected, in accordance with their peti- tion, into the Presbytery of Redstone, and their first meeting was appointed to be held at Laurel Hill, on the third Wednesday of September ensuing. The meeting, however, on account of the incursion of the savages, was held, not at Laurel Hill, but at Pigeon Creek. Within the bounds of " Old Redstone," extending indefinitely over Western Pennsylvania, the Virginia " Pan-handle," and the borders of the Northwestern Territory, James Power was the first settled pastor. He was born in 1746, at Nottingham, Chester county, Pa. His course previous to entering college was pro- bably pursued under John Blair, at the school of Fagg's Manor. In 1766, he was graduated at Princeton, and in 1772 was licensed by New Castle Presbytery. His earliest labors as a missionary were in Virginia. A call from churches in Botetourt county was extended to him, but declined. In the summer of 1774, he crossed the mountains, and spent the summer in missionary labors in Western Pennsylvania. The settlements em- braced in what are now Washington, Alleghany, West- moreland, and Fayette counties, were the field which he traversed. Two years were spent at the East before he returned to make this region his permanent home. Toward the close of 1776, he removed with his family to the scene of his future labors. For several years his life was that of an active and energetic itinerant mission- ary. He visited the new settlements, preaching, among other places, at Mount Pleasant, Unity, Laurel Hill, and Dunlap's Creek. In the spring of 1779, he became the regular pastor of Sewickley and Mount Pleasant congre- gations. Quiet in manner, neat in dress, courteous and gentlemanly in his whole deportment, with a memory of persons that was almost fabulous, he was, moreover, OLD REDSTONE, 177G-I793. 259 a graceful speaker and a devoted pastor. lie had no enemies. Parents respected him, and the little children loved to see his face. Plain in speech, earnest but not impassioned in address, his sermons were instructive and persuasive rather than vehement or pungent, and his influence was felt throughout the extensive sphere of his labors, exerting a quiet but steady power. He had been two years in the Western field when he was joined by another laborer, whose character in several respects was directly the reverse of his own. This was Mr. (afterward Dr.) John McMillan, like him- self a pupil of John Blair, a graduate of Princeton, and a student of theology under Dr. Eobert Smith at Pequa. In 1776, he accepted a call from the united congrega- tions of Chartiers and Pigeon Creek, and entered upon his self-denying and hazardous work. The cabin in which he was to live, he found when he reached the place, had neither roof, chimney, nor floor. The danger was such from the Indians that he dared not take his family with him till 1778. Even then, when he moved into his house, which his people kindly assisted him to prepare, he had neither bedstead, table, chairs, stool, or bucket. Two boxes served for a table, and two kegs for seats. Oftentimes his family had no bread for weeks together; but, content to dispense with luxuries, they felt that it was enough if they had " plenty of pump- kins, potatoes, and all the necessaries of life." As he set out upon his journey, McMillan was enjoined by Dr. Smith " to look out some pious young men and educate them for the ministry." He respected the wisdom of the injunction, and, until the academy at Canonsburg was opened, devoted a portion of his time to the training of young men for the ministry. Nearly all of these became useful, and some of them eminent among the ministers of the Presbyterian Church. Kot a few were afterward his efficient co-Presbyters and 260 HISTORY OF TRESBYTERIANISM. coadjutors. Among these were Patterson, Porter, Mar- quis, and Hughes. Of a large frame, commanding presence, a look some- what stern, with decision and resolution traced in every feature, the outward person was no unbefitting type of the inward man. With a perfect scorn for all that was fanciful or nice, an enemy alike to luxury, flattery, studied ornament of speech, or studied grace of man- ner, he was almost a Knox in boldness, energy, and decision. With a voice that no art could have made musical, but of wonderful power; a vehement and intense utterance which carried conviction and forced, rather than won, assent, and with a concise brevity and energy of expression which presented his thoughts in their naked strength, he was the man who could overawe opposition, and with whom any one would beware how he came in conflict. .Repeated revivals occurred under his ministry, and, although by two years preceded in his entrance upon the field by Mr. Power, the superior energy of his nature placed him in the first rank as a pioneer missionary of the Pres- byterian Church west of the mountains. He was a man of the stamp which the times and the rude wilder- ness region around him demanded. His nature was cast in a stern mould, but it enabled him to impress others without yielding himself. His theology was of the type of his instructor, Robert Smith, and his sons, Samuel Stanhope Smith and John Blair Smith, succes- sively presidents of Hampden-Sidney, 1 and, subsequently, the first of Princeton and the second of Union College. His own soul was pervaded by its power, and he could not fail to make others feel something of what he felt 1 The author of "Old Redstone" says, his "views on the subject of natural and moral ability are much the same with those of Dr. Lyman Beecher." OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 2G1 himself. Thus revivals wore not only favored, hut expected and labored for; and some of the most marked demonstrations of the power of divine truth which the history of the Church affords, occurred under his min- istry. McMillan had been in the field but little more than a year when another laborer arrived, — a worthy compeer in the great missionary work in Western Pennsylvania. In the fall of 1777, the whole region was alarmed by an incursion of the Indians. Fort Henry, at the mouth of Wheeling Creek, was attacked, and the whole West for weeks and months afterward was alive with appre- hension of savage forays. In this season of anxiety and trembling, a young man of slender form, black hair, keen dark eyes, and sallow complexion, reached Fort Lindley. To some of its occupants he was well known : he had come from the same region with them, and he was now prepared to cast in his lot with theirs. His name was Thaddeus Dod. His father was a native of Guilford, Conn., and the son was born at Newark, N.J., March 7, 1740. From early childhood he was the subject of deep religious impressions. Not, however, till after he united with the church at Mendham, at the mature age of twenty- four, did the thought of preparing for the ministry enter his mind. Struggling with his straitened circum- stances, now teaching, and now studying, he succeeded in securing the necessary preparation to enter, on an advanced standing, at Princeton in 1771. He studied theology with Dr. McWhorter, of Newark, and Timo- thy Johnes, of Morristown. The Presbytery of New York licensed him to preach, in 1775. After preaching in parts of Virginia and .Maryland, he crossed the mountains to Western Pennsylvania. Here were many who had emigrated years before from his own region of country, — some who had been aflflo- 262 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. iiated with him in the scenes of the revival of 1764, when he united with the Church. They invited him to settle among them, assuring him of a hearty welcome, and a support for himself and family, if he would con- sent to become their pastor. It was not an enviable post ; but he did not feel at liberty to decline it. He preached at the fort, at Cook's settlement, and other places. In 1778, he com- menced forming congregations. Lower Ten-Mile and Upper Ten-Mile, each about ten miles from Washing- ton, constituted one church, to which he more espe- cially ministered. 1 Lindley, who gave his name to the fort, was one of the elders r — a descendant of the Puri- tan Francis Lindley, who was associated with Eobin- son in Holland and crossed the ocean in the Mayflower. Of the others, there were those well worthy to rank with him. In them the missionary found friends and supporters. It was not long before a revival commenced at the fort. In this most perilous of the frontier posts, while east of the mountains all was dark and discou- raging, the Lord smiled upon Zion. More than forty indulged the Christian hope. It was a blessed season, and the harbinger also of many others that were yet to come in better days. In 1781, a log academy, considerably larger than any dwelling-house in the region, was put up by Mr. Dod's neighbors and parishioners. " They consisted, indeed, of many persons considerably in advance of the Scotch-Irish in point of education. They had 1 A church was organized at Ten-Mile, August 15, 1781, at the house of Jacob Cook, consisting of twenty-five members. The first sacramental season did not take place till the third Sabbath of May, 1783. The ordinance was administered in Daniel Axtell's barn, three miles north of Fort Lindley. — Wines'* Historical Dis- course, pp. 13, 14. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 263 brought their New Jersey and New England tastes with them." 1 Of the academy which they erected. Mr. Dod took charge; and none could have been better fitted -for the post. As a mathematician he was almost unrivalled, and his eminence as a teacher was such that in 1789 he was called to take charge of Washing- ton Academy, just incorporated by the Legislature of the State, and which in 1806 was merged into Washing- ton College. Few men have left behind them a more cherished memory amid the scenes in which they labored than Mr. Dod. Modest, humble, devout in spirit, of prepos- sessing manners, and of rare natural and acquired gifts, he was a man to be at once respected, reve- renced, and loved. In his mental structure, mathe- matical talent, classical taste, and poetic imagination were alike combined. His calm decision and cheer- ful self-denial allowed him to shrink from no task or peril to which duty called. For sixteen years he was spared, to lay deep and firm the foundations of the Church in the region which was honored as the scene of his labors. He had been but a few months in this Western field, when he was cheered by the accession of one, his senior by several years and his equal in devotion, whose name is worthy to be ranked beside his own Joseph Smith was a graduate of Princeton in 1764, and five years later, at the age of thirty-three, was installed pastor of Lower Brandywine. In this region he labored till 1778. The troubles and confusion of the war led him to think of seeking another field. In 1779, he crossed the mountains to Western Pennsyl- vania. His short visit led to his receiving a call from the united congregations of Buffalo and Cross Creek. 1 Old Redstone, p. 145. 264 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. He accepted it, and for the twelve remaining years of bis life continued pastor of these congregations. A revival commenced soon after his settlement, and it may almost be said to have continued to the close of his pastorate. A more devoted pastor was not to be found in the whole band of those that preceded or followed him. He was a man of prayer and faith. In the pulpit, and out of it, his power was wonderful His soul was thrown into his utterance. His voice was " now like the thunder, and now like the music of heaven." His manner " had a strange kind of power about it, totally indescribable." He had the pecu- liarity of Whitefield, a slight look askance of one eye ; and the piercing brilliancy of his glance was remark- ably impressive. " I never heard a man," said the Rev. Samuel Porter, " who could so completely unbar the gates of hell and make me look so far down into the dark, bottomless abyss, or, like him, could so throw open the gates of heaven and let me glance at the insufferable brightness of the great white throne." " He would often rise to an almost supernatural and unearthly grandeur, completely extinguishing in his hearers all consciousness of time and place." 1 No one could appreciate the man merely from his written discourses. His tones, his emphasis, his holy unction, and the holy vitality of his soul made them indescri- bably impressive. His mind had been early disci- plined by classical studies and collegiate drilling. He- was capable, doubtless, of scholarly reasoning, of cau- tious logic ; but in the earnest glow of his eloquence, in the soarings of lofty and hallowed thought, he spurned them as an eagle would a ladder by which to climb. Yet he was a man who was regarded with affection 1 Old Redstone, p. 67. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 205 as well as awe. Always cheerful, eminently social, there was n charm in his tones and manner that won the hearts of all with whom he had intercourse. His soul was attuned to praise. Amid hardships from want and exposure, and perils from savage foes, he was still calmly resolute. In pastoral duty he was faithful and unwearied, and large and blessed were the results of his fidelity. Like Dod and McMillan, he did not neglect the cause of ministerial education. Soon after his settle- ment, as early as 1785, he commenced a school for the training of young men. He had no building for the purpose, and, with his wife's consent, his kitchen was devoted to the service of mental instead of bodily aliment. Here the first Latin school of the region was commenced, and McGready, Patterson, and Por- ter began their course. Others soon joined them, and these young men — supported by the ladies of the neighboring congregations, who made up for them their summer and winter clothing (coloring linen for summer wear in a dye made from new-mown hay) — largely composed the future missionaries and minis- ters of Redstone, Ohio, and other Presbyteries. Thus, in 1781, the Presbytery of Redstone was con- stituted with these four ministers, Smith, Dod, McMil- lan, and Power, as its first members. In 1782, James Dunlap, a graduate of Princeton, and a theological pupil of James Finley, joined the Presbytery, and was installed over the congregations of Laurel Hill and Dunlap's Creek. He afterward became a member of Ohio Presbytery, and subsequently President of Jeffer- son College at Canonsburg. He was soon followed to Western Pennsylvania by his theological instructor, James Finley, who had accepted a call from the two societies in the Forks of Youghiogheny. He was a brother of President Finley of Princeton, and for Vol. I.— 23 266 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. several years had been settled at East Nottingham. On repeated occasions he had visited this Western region, and when not a few of his neighbors and parishioners, and some of his own children, had car- ried into action their purpose to emigrate, he resolved to follow. He became " informally, and without the consent of the Presbytery," 1 pastor of Rehoboth and Round Hill, and so continued without any further action of the Presbytery, of which for four years he continued a corresponding member before he united with it. As Dr. Hill well remarks, " We were not very strict in observing church rules in those days." Meanwhile, a veteran in the Eastern field had crossed the mountains. John Clark, already over sixty years of age, had been settled successively within the bounds of Philadelphia and New Castle Presbyteries. In 1781 he became the supply, and afterward pastor, of the united congregations of Bethel and Lebanon, under the care of the Presbytery of Redstone. In 1785, Mr. Barr, from New Castle Presbytery, accepted a call from the united congregations of Pittsburg and Pitt township. In 1788, John Brice, James Hughes, James McGready, and Joseph Patterson were licensed by the Presbytery, and entered soon after upon their fields of labor, the first at Three Ridges and Forks of Wheeling, the last far on in the wilder- ness, at Short Creek and Lower Buffalo, and Patterson at Raccoon and Montour's Run. McGready, after- ward so famous in connection with the great revival in Kentucky, was converted under the preaching of Joseph Smith, and was for a while his pupil. He labored but a short time within the bounds of the Presbytery by which he was licensed, returning soon to Carolina, where his parents resided, and where a 1 Old Redstone, p. 283. OLD REDSTONE, 1776-1793. 267 revival quickly commenced under his Labors, among the fruits of which was Dr. Anderson, who succeeded Joseph Smith in the pastorate at Upper Buffalo. In the course of the following years the Presbytery was strengthened by several others who had been trained up upon the field. John McPherrin, Samuel Porter, Robert Marshall, George Hill, William Swan, and Thomas Marquis, were licensed, and became effi- cient laborers w T ithin the rapidly extending bounds of the Presbytery. Jacob Jennings and Thomas Cooley were received by dismission from other bodies : so that at the period of the formation of the Ohio Presbytery, in 1793, the Redstone Presbytery numbered more than twelve ministers and about three times as many churches. Rarely, if ever, in the history of the Presbyterian Church in this country has any of its missionary fields been occupied by a more able and devoted band of pioneer laborers than that which was covered by the Old Redstone Presbytery. In wise and sagacious fore- thought and provision for the prospective wants of the Church, as well as in unwearied and faithful cultiva- tion of their own fields, they have been rarely equalled, and never surpassed. Their self-denial, their energy, and their success alike entitle them to the highest honor. In spirit they w T ere the successors to the Blairs, Finleys, and Smiths of the Revival period who during the division adhered to the New side and the cause of vital piety. Many of them w T ere rarely gifted, and w r ould have done honor to the most exalted sta- tion ; and the influence which they exerted upon the great "Western field then opening with inviting promise to Eastern emigration, cannot, be estimated. Deterred by no hardships, appalled by no terror, whether from the wilderness or the savage, they stood firm at their 268 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. posts, contending to the last with their harness on. 1 They had no supernumeraries, and yet, notwithstanding the crying need of missionary labor, declined to license a man whose piety they approved, but with whose qualifications they were dissatisfied. They wanted, and made provision to secure, strong men; and all who joined them seemed to be made partakers of their own spirit. It was of immense importance to the Church that its earliest Western outpost should be held by the hands of these men, whom the providence of God had trained and appointed to the task. CHAPTER XIV. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. The original motion for the division of the Synod, with a view to the formation of a General Assembly, proposed the constituting of three Synods. This was in 1785; but in the following year the terms of the measure were modified so as to read, "three or more." Accordingly, the Presbyteries were so divided and arranged as to constitute four Synods, — viz. : those of New York and New Jersey, Philadelphia, Virginia, and the Carolinas. The first embraced the Presbyteries of 1 " In everything our fathers were trained to endure hardness as good soldiers. Their first temples were the shady grove, and their first pulpits a rude tent made of rough slabs ; while the audience sat either upon logs or the green turf. Not even log churches were erected till about the year 1790. Even in winter the meetings were held in the open air. Not one in ten had the luxury of a great-coat. The most were obliged to wear blankets or coverlets instead." — Dr. Wines's Historical Discourse, 1859, p. 10. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 269 Suffolk, Dutchess county, New York, and New Bruns- wick; the second, those of Philadelphia, Lewes. New- castle, Baltimore, and Carlisle; that of Virginia, the Presbyteries of Redstone, Hanover, Lexington, and Transylvania; that of the Carolinas, the Presbyteries of Abingdon, Orange, and South Carolina. In order to carry out this arrangement for a division, several changes were made in relation to the Presbyte- ries. The Presbytery of Abingdon, extending over the borders of Western Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, was divided, and that of Transylvania, embracing Ken- tucky, was formed out of it. Hanover Presbytery was also divided, and the portion of it northwest of tho Blue Ridge, embracing the Valley of the Shenandoah, was set off to form the Presbytery of Lexington. The Presbytery of Donegal was also divided, and the Pres- bytery of Carlisle erected out of it. A new Presbytery was formed, by the name of the Presbytery of Balti- more, and the Old-side Second of Philadelphia, which had not hitherto altogether harmonized with the Synod, was struck from the list, and its members distributed between the three Presbyteries of Carlisle, Philadelphia First, and Baltimore. The four Synods, embracing sixteen Presbyteries, were now to be united in a General Assembly. From the widely extended bounds of the Church, it had become altogether impracticable to secure a full attend- ance of the ministers and elders of the more distant churches. For successive years, several Presbyteries had not been represented in Synod by so much as a single member. The number of churches and minis- ters, moreover, had so multiplied that it was supposed that an Assembly that would embrace them all would be too unwieldy for wise deliberation. It was there- fore resolved to adopt the principle of delegation. Every Presbytery of not more than six ministers might 23* 270 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. send one minister and one elder to the Assembly. If it consisted of more than six and not more than twelve, it was to send two ministers and two elders, and like- wise in the same proportion for every six ministers. The first General Assembly of the Church met in Philadelphia in 1789. 1 By the appointment of the Synod that ratified the constitution of the Church, it was opened with a sermon by Dr. Witherspoon, and Dr. John Eodgers, of New York, was chosen the first mode- rator. The first Congress of the United States under the present Constitution was then in session in New York: so that the Federal Government of the country and the present constitution of the Presbyterian Church were nearly contemporaneous, and went into operation at the same time. It is not surprising that, in such circumstances, the Assembly should have felt the appropriateness of the suggestion that a committee should be appointed to draft an address to the President of the United States; and the selection of the committee, of which Dr. Wither- spoon was chairman and Drs. Allison and Samuel Stan- hope Smith were members, shows the importance which was attached to the proceeding. The Assembly, doubt- less, felt it to be a privilege not only to express to "Washington himself the respect they felt for his vir- tues, but to lend the sanction of their approval to his conduct, and encourage him in the discharge of the arduous duties to which he had been called. The document, as drawn up and adopted by the 1 See Rev. Dr. Ashbel Green's Autobiography. With a few excep- tions, Philadelphia was the place where the Assembly convened regularly each year till after the division of 1838. The distance of the Southern and Western portions of the Church led them to ask that it might meet nearer to them. The request was granted a few times, an in 1792 and 1795, when it met at Carlisle, and in 1799 when it met. at Winchester, Va. In 1835, it met at Pittsburg. 271 Assembly, is worthy to stand as a precedent of appro- priate address Prom a Christian Assembly to a Christian ruler, whose character Deeded no eulogium beyond bin own acts. It was respectful, dignified, and manly in its tone. After referring to his past career, it proceeds, '• From a retirement more glorious than thrones and sceptres, you have been called to your present elevated station by the advice of a great and a free people, and with an unanimity of suffrage that lias few, if any, examples in history. A man more ambitious of fame, or less devoted to his country, would have refused an office in which his honors could not be augmented, and where he might possibly be subject to a reverse. We are happy that God has inclined your heart to give your- self once more to the public. And w T e derive a favor- able presage of the event from the zeal of all classes of the people, and their confidence in your virtues, as» well as from the knowledge and dignity with which the federal councils are filled. But w 7 e derive a presage even more flattering from the piety of your character. Public virtue is the most certain means of public felicity, and religion is the surest basis of virtue. We therefore esteem it a peculiar happiness to behold in our chief magistrate a steady, uniform, avowed friend of the Christian religion ; who has commenced his administration in rational and exalted sentiments of piety, and w T ho in his private conduct adorns the doctrines of the gospel of Christ, and, on the most public and solemn occasions, devoutly acknowledges the government of Divine Providence. " The example of distinguished characters will ever possess a powerful and extensive influence on the public mind; and when we see in such a conspicuous station the amiable example of piety to God, of benevolence to men, and of a pure and virtuous patriotism, we natu- rally hope that it will diffuse its influence, and that, 272 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. eventually, the most happy consequences will result from it. To the force of imitation we will endeavor to add the wholesome instructions of religion. We shall consider ourselves as doing an acceptable service to God, in our profession, when we contribute to render men sober, honest, and industrious citizens and the obedient subjects of a lawful government. In these pious labors we hope to imitate the most worthy of our brethren of other Christian denominations, and to be imitated by them ; assured that if we can, by mutual and generous emulation, promote truth and virtue, we shall render a great and important service to the re- public, shall receive encouragement from every wise and good citizen, and, above all, meet the approbation of our Divine Master. " We pray Almighty God to have you always in his >holy keejring. May he prolong your valuable life, an ornament and a blessing to your country, and at last bestow on you the glorious reward of a faithful ser- vant/' Such an address testifies to the high estimate enter- tained by the Assembly of the religious character of the first President of the Eepublic, while its endorse- ment of the effort to render men " the obedient subjects of a lawful government" stands as a precedent for later times. The reply of Washington was modest, and yet pro- perly characterized by self-respect. He would not be elated by the too favorable opinion of the Assembly; yet, conscious of the disinterestedness of his motives, it was not necessary for him to conceal the satisfaction he felt at general approbation of his conduct. "While I reiterate," he says, " the professions of my depend- ence upon Heaven as the source of all public and private blessings, I will observe, that the general pre- valence of piety, philanthropy, honesty, industry, and GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 273 economy, seems, in the ordinary course of human affairs, particularly necessary for advancing and con- firming the happiness of our country. While all men within our territories arc protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of their consciences, it is rationally to be expected from them in return that they will all be emulous of evincing the sincerity of their professions by the innocence of their lives and the benevolence of their actions. For no man who is profligate in his morals, or a bad member of the civil community, can possibly be a true Christian, or a credit to his own religious society." He closes by desiring the Assembly to accept his acknowledgments for their laudable endeavors to render men sober, honest, and good citizens, and " the obedient subjects of a lawful government," as well as for their prayers for the country and himself. # The correspondence does honor alike to the Assem- bly and "the great man" 1 whom it wished to cheer and encourage in his arduous position. The popular esti- mate of his Christian character was no doubt reflected in the language of the Assembly. His own modesty forbade him to accept the full measure of their praise j but he reiterated his professions of dependence on Providence, and gratefully acknowledged their prayers in his behalf. The liberal ecclesiastical spirit of the first General Assembly is sufficiently attested by the reply to an overture bearing directly on the power and authority of Synods and Assemblies. The overture was to this effect : — " Whether the General Assembly, out of their liberality, charity, and candor, will admit to their com- munion, in the ecclesiastical Assemblies, as far as they 1 This was the term )y which Fisher Ames was wont to speak of Washington. 274 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. can consistently with the scrupulosity of their con- sciences, a Presbytery who are totally averse to the doctrine of receiving, hearing, or judging of any ap- peals from Presbyteries to Synods, and from Synods to General Assemblies, because in their judgment it is inconsistent with Scripture and the practice of the primitive churches ?" In reply, the General Assembly declare " that, although they consider the right of appeal from the decision of an inferior judicature to a superior, an important privilege, which no member of their body ought to be deprived of, yet they at the same time declare that they do not desire any member to be active in any case which may be inconsistent with the dictates of his conscience. " As to the source from which this overture originated, we are left to conjecture. It is barely possible that it may have proceeded from the Presbytery of Long Island, which for some years after the organization of the Gene- ral Assembly was, on account of the Congregational sympathies of the churches, scarcely prepared to go the full length of the friends of a more rigid ecclesiasticism j 1 but it is more probable that it emanated from the Asso- ciated Presbytery of Morris county, N.J., or that of Westchester county, N.Y. These bodies, from old asso- ciations, chose to retain the Presbyterian name, while they approximated to Congregational usage, but, unable to sustain themselves permanently, became at length 1 In 1790, the Presbytery of Long Island addressed a circular letter to the churches under their care, in which, among other things, they present an argument in favor of "not only the par- ticular but general government of the churches." The letter is given in the "Presbyterian Magazine," July, 1859, p. 326. In the course of it, the Presbytery state that they "are not insensible that prejudices have been implanted, by ill-designing persons, in the minds of many against Presbyterian government." These they endeavor to remove. 275 disintegrated, and the constituenl churches were for the most part absorbed in other Presbyteries under the care of the Assembly. It was indicative of the spirit of the Assembly, that at its first sessions it should adopt measures to preserve " faithful and correct im- pressions of the Holy Scriptures." Mr. Collins, of New Jersey, proposed to print an edition of the Bible, and to this end sought the countenance and support of all denominations. The General Assembly warmly favored his project, and a committee of one from each of the sixteen Presbyteries of the Church was appointed to bring the subject before their respective bodies, so that in each congregation an individual should be appointed to secure subscriptions. It was also pro- posed to inquire whether, and on what terms, Oster- vald's 1 notes could be printed with it. The recommendation of 1789 was repeated in the following year, and the effort to secure the printing of the notes — which could be done only for those who especially desired it — was promoted by measures for obtaining subscribers for five hundred copies at 3s. 9d. each, or one thousand at 2s. 6d. each. In 1795, the interest of the Assembly in the cause of learning was evinced by their recommendation of the agents of " Kentucky Academy." 2 Expressing the earnest wish that the cause of learning and religion might be promoted throughout the world, and espe- cially in this country, they certified to the good stand- 1 Ostervald, a Protestant minister, born, 1663, at Neufchatel, a friend of Turretin and Werenfels, the three in connection repeat- edly styled "the triumvirate of Swiss theologians." Ostervald bore the reputation of being "learned, pious, anl humane." 2 Minutes of 1795, p. 105. Transylvania University, founded by Presbyterians, had been wrested from their hands and given over to the influence of infidelity. The effort was now made to secure an institution of which they might have the control. 276 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. ing of Rev. Messrs. Eice and Blythe, recommending them and their cause to all to whom they might apply, and inviting liberal donations "for the promotion of the seminary about to be erected" in the new State of Kentucky. From the earliest period the Presbyterian Church in this country assumed the character of a missionary Church. In 1707, only two years after the formation of the first Presbytery, it was recommended to every minister of the body " to supply neighboring desolate places where a minister is wanted, and opportunity of doing good offers." Soon after, we find appeals made to the churches in Ireland, Scotland, and London, for ministers and means to supply the infant churches, which were rapidly organized. One of the first acts of the Synod of Philadelphia after its formation was the initiation of a fund " for pious uses." Each minister was to contribute some- thing himself, and use his influence on proper occasions to induce others to contribute. The fund was under the Synod's control, and was devoted to the aid of feeble churches, assistance in building houses of wor- ship, sustaining the ministry, and extending relief to the widows of deceased brethren who had been left in indigent circumstances. Annual collections were enjoined upon the congregations in 1719, and the first recorded disbursement was in behalf of the Presby- terian Church in the city of New York. But, while the fund thus inaugurated subsequently assumed a systematic form, the principal mode of its application was in sustaining itinerant ministers who visited the new settlements, gathering the people and organizing churches. After the union of the two Synods in 1758, the missionary operations of the Church were carried on with increased energy. In 1759, Messrs. Kirkpatrick, GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 17S9-1800. 277 McWhorter, Latta, and Lewis were sent to Virginia to act under the direction of the Presbytery of Hanover, and were succeeded in the following year by Messrs. Duilield and Mills. At the same time provision was made for sustaining John, the brother of David Brain- erd, in his labors among the Indians. Collections were successively ordered to promote this object. The annual appointments for itinerant missionary labor still continued to be made ; and in 1773, Mr. Occum, missionary of the British Society, was taken under the care of Synod, and sixty-five pounds were ap- propriated for his support. In the same year the desti- tute condition of the frontier settlements w T as brought to the attention of Synod. Messrs. Beatty and Brainerd were appointed to go to the West and report the result of their researches. Arrangements were also made for devising a more systematic plan of missionary opera- tions. In the following year it was ordered that each member of the Synod should take up a collection in his congregation, to raise a fund for missionary pur- poses. The amount realized was only one hundred and twelve pounds j and the Synod, with regret that so little had been accomplished, adopted an overture from the Presbytery of New York, providing for an annual collection in each congregation, and appointing a treasurer for each Presbytery, as well as a general treasurer for the Synod. During the war the missionary policy of the Church was paralyzed, but upon the formation of the General Assembly the subject claimed its earliest and most serious attention. The necessity was urgent of making provision for missionary effort in the new and destitute settlements. From the close of the war there had been a large and continuous emigration from the East to the West ; and in the period which had elapsed Vol. I.— 24 278 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. since the plan for a General Assembly was first agitated, the region west of the Alleghanies had risen into new importance. Settlements had been com- menced in Central and even Western New York, and quite extensively in Western Pennsylvania. Even during the war, applications for missionary aid were frequent. They were now more numerous. The Assem- bly felt the importance of the subject, and Dr. Allison and Dr. Samuel S. Smith were appointed a committee to prepare a minute with reference to sending mis- sionaries to the frontier settlements. 1 Each Synod was directed to name those of its number whom it deemed properly qualified to discharge the duties of missionary labor, and who would be disposed to under- take the work at least for a portion of the year. This was in 1789 j but in the following year the duty was more appropriately committed to each Presbytery, which would naturally be better acquainted with the qualifications of its members. The object of this arrangement was to bring before the Assembly the names of those from whom it might select the persons, in its judgment, best fitted to be sent out into the new fields. The Assembly moreover (1790) took measures for carrying out the plan which had been devised. Two missionaries, Messrs. Hart and Ker, 2 were appointed to visit the extensive field that was already opened to 1 The overture, from the Committee on Bills and Overtures, with reference to which the Missionary Committee was appointed, was to the effect "that the state of the frontier settlements should be taken into consideration, and missionaries sent to them to form them into congregations, ordain elders, administer the sacraments, and direct them to the best measures for obtaining the gospel ministry regularly among them." — Minutes of Assembly for 1789, p. 10. 2 Probably Nathan Ker, of Goshen, N.Y., and Joshua Hart, of Suffolk Presbytery. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1S00. 279 effort within the bounds of New York and Northern Pennsylvania. 1 The route which they were directed to pursue was then regarded as the extreme west of the New Settlements. They visited Middletown, Still- water, Fort Edward, Fort Miller, New Galloway, Cherry Valley, Fort Schuyler, Whitestown, Coopers- town, Clinton, Chenango, Tioga, Wilkesborough, Hano- ver, and other places on the route, as well as the Indian tribes. They were treated everywhere with great respect, and were requested in the most affectionate manner " to offer the thanks of the people to the General Assembly for their pious attention in sending missionaries among them." The request was urgently and earnestly made that the favor might be repeated. To this request the Assembly responded by sending out in the following year, through the same region, James Boyd and Aaron Condict. The latter — a theo- logical pupil of Jedediah Chapman, who was after- ward settled at Geneva — had just been licensed by the Presbytery of New York; and so acceptable did he prove himself in his preaching upon his route, that he was called within a few months to the pastoral charge of the church at Stillwater, twenty miles north of Albany. It soon became evident that, in some portions of the broad field covered b}^ the Church, the local knowledge possessed by the Synods best fitted them to direct the laborers that were sent out. The Synods of Virginia and the Carolinas therefore (1791), at their own request, were allowed to manage the missions within their bounds. This was also the case afterward with other Synods with which the Assembly sometimes co-ope- rated, and from which they expected annual reports. 1 In 1794, the salary of missionaries was iixed by the Assembly at forty dollars per month. 280 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. The Assembly, however, did not give the matter exclusively into the hands of the Synods. There was, indeed, more work to be done than all united could properly perform, and the attention of the Assembly was directed to those regions which came most directly under the notice of its missionary committee as need- ing aid. Appointments were sometimes made with the understanding that the Presbyteries or Synods should unite with the Assembly in the support of mission- aries. The fields which were principally regarded by the Assembly were those in Delaware, Western Penn- sylvania, and Northern and Central New York. The latter region was never overlooked in the list of the Assembly's appointments. To give a Avider dissemination to its views on mis- sions, the Assembly of 1791 prepared, and inserted in the printed extracts from its minutes, a circular letter to the churches under its care. It urged in a forcible manner the claims of the cause of Christ upon the members of the Church, and held up before them the animating prospect of the results which by proper exertion might be attained. In order, moreover, to provide the necessary means for the support of the missionaries, who ought not to be left to bear alone the whole burden, annual collec- tions were directed to be taken up in all the congre- gations, and to be placed in the hands of the General Assembly. The amount realized from this source was inadequate to any extended operations ; but it amounted in 1795 and 1796 to $1,226.50, and at least enabled the Assembly to carry out in form, however feeble in imme- diate results, a policy which was to bind the Church together in healthful and harmonious co-operation. Securing in 1799 a charter of incorporation from the State of Pennsylvania, the Assembly prosecuted its work with enlarged resources. Donors felt greater GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 281 security in contributing to its funds. Its plan now was to initiate a system that should at once reach the des- titutions of the older and frontier settlements, negroes, including slaves, and the Indian tribes. Yet, as has been noted, the missionary operations of the Church were carried on not only through the Assembly, but through the Synods. Those of Vir- ginia and the Carolinas, and, subsequently, of Pittsburg and Kentucky, were all directly employed in the work, although some of them retained connection with, and received aid from, the Assembly. But the Synod of Virginia found itself from the first (October, 1789) better prepared than some of the other Synods to prosecute its work. The influence of the remarkable revival which had visited Hampden-Sid- ney College and Prince Edward county had, through the labors of Graham and his younger coadjutors, been extended in several other counties, even to Augusta. In some neighborhoods the work was very powerful. Quite a large number of the students in the two insti- tutions were converted, and immediately turned their attention to the ministry. Among them were some whose names occupy the highest places of distinction in the history of the Church: Legrand, Lacy, Allen, Hill, Alexander, Lyle, Campbell, and Stuart, were of the number. The Synod of Virginia, finding at its command such a noble body of young men preparing for or just enter- ing the ministry, some of them of superior gifts, and all panting for active service, did not fail to seize upon and improve the opportunity of enlarging its sj^here of effort. At its first session, October 24, 1789, a Com- mittee of Synod for Missions, consisting of four minis- ters and three elders, was appointed, to whom the general cha?-ge of this important subject was com- mitted. 282 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. The committee met in the following April, and pro- ceeded at once to business. The Synod was divided into four districts, corresponding to the four Presby- teries. The pay of a missionary was to be sixty pounds per annum, and Nash Legrand, a probationer of Hanover Presbytery, was first commissioned. The funds were supplied by the voluntary contributions of the people, and the missionaries were to report in person at each annual meeting of the Synod. The plan worked well. The Synod became an effi- cient missionary body. Its meetings were anticipated by the people with the deepest interest. From the most distant places within the bounds of the Synod there was an eager desire to be present. The occasion w T as regarded almost as a solemn festival. Old and young, the patriarchs of the Church and its young missionaries fresh from scenes that kindled their zeal and love, met together. 1 The narrative of what they had seen and felt and experienced, kindled the mis- sionary spirit to new fervor. " The tear of sympathy coursed down many a patriarchal cheek," and with it flowed tears of gratitude for what God had accom- plished. Ardent and glowing were the petitions that went up to heaven, as the Synod supplicated upon its youthful members, committed to a great work, the blessing of Heaven. The spirit of devotion glowed ^rightly. The scene was one of the highest social and religious interest. Heart was bound to heart, and all felt themselves to be laborers together in a common work. The benefits of these meetings, and especially of the missionary tours, the account of which added so much to their attraction, were great. A marked change was effected in the moral and religious condition of the 1 See Foote's Sketches. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 17S9-1800. 283 people. The demoralizing effects of the war, and the pernicious spread of French infidelity, were f.rrestcd. The pulpits that had been vacant, or occupied by super- annuated men, were now supplied by those who aban- doned other pursuits and lucrative prospects to engage in the self-denying work of the ministry. Churches that seemed about to die were resuscitated, and new congregations were gathered. On all sides the Church was roused to new life and vigor. " The salutary effects" of this work " are still apparent. Many of the now nourishing churches in the lower counties owe their origin to this epoch ; while there is scarcely a romantic dell embosomed amid the huge mountain- ranges, however unpromising its religious aspect may formerly have been, whose echoes are not regularly waked by the voice of hallowed praise upon the Sab- bath day." 1 The band of young men consecrated to the Church as the fruits of the revival was large. It numbered from thirty to forty. But the field that opened before them, inviting them to effort, was correspondingly large and extensive. Virginia itself had broad wastes demanding faithful missionary culture. The Carolinas at the South were calling for laborers. Kentucky and Tennessee had just been opened to civilized enterprise, and population was pouring over the Alleghanies in a ceaseless and swelling tide. In 1793, a memorial, signed by Warner Mifflin, a member of the Society of Friends, was handed, under cover, to the moderator, read, and ordered to lie upon the table. It related to the subject of slavery, and the Assembly, in response, ordered that the minute of the Synod of 1787 on the same subject be reprinted in the annual issue of extracts from the Minutes. In 1 Foote's Sketches, and Life of Alexander. 284 HISTORY OP PRESBYTERIANISM. 1795, ar. overture was brought in by the Assembly's committee to the following effect: — "A serious and conscientious person, a member of a Presbyterian con- gregation, who views the slavery of the negroes as a moral evil, highly offensive to God and injurious to the interests of the gospel, lives under the ministry of a person, or amongst a society of people, who concur with him in sentiment on the subject upon general principles, yet for particular reasons hold slaves and tolerate the practice in others. Overtured : Ought the former of these persons, under the impressions and circumstances above described, to hold Christian com- munion with the latter ?" To this the Assembly replied, " that, as the same difference of opinion with respect to slavery takes place in sundry other parts of the Presbyterian Church, notwithstanding which they live in charity and peace according to the doctrine and practice of the apostles, it is hereby recommended to all conscientious persons, and especially to those whom it immediately respects, to do the same. At the same time, the General Assem- bly assure all the churches under their care that they view with the deepest concern any vestiges of slavery which may exist in our country, and refer the churches to the records of the General Assembly published at different times, but especially to an overture of the late Synod of New York and Philadelphia, published in 1787, and republished among the extracts from the Minutes of the General Assembly of 1793, on that head, with which they trust every conscientious person will be fully satisfied." At the same time, Mr. Rice, of Kentucky, Dr. Muir, of Virginia, and Eobert Patterson, an elder, were ap- pointed a committee to draft a letter to the Presby- tery of Transylvania on the subject of the overture. The report of the committee elicited much discussion. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 285 The Original draft contained a paragraph which urged the duty of the religious education of slaves. "A neglect of this," it declared, " is inconsistent with the character of a Christian master; but the observance might prevent, in great part, what is really the moral evil attending slavery, — namely, allowing precious souls under the charge of masters to perish for lack of know- ledge. Freedom is desirable, but cannot at all times be enjoyed with advantage. A parent, to set his child loose from all authority, would be doing him the most essen- tial injury. * * * A slave let loose upon society igno- rant, idle, and headstrong, is in a state to injure others and ruin himself. No Christian master can answer for such conduct to his own mind. The slave must first be in a situation to act properly as a member of civil society before he can be advantageously introduced therein/' The entire paragraph containing these words was stricken out ; and the Assembly, while urging the duty of peace and forbearance, contented itself with saying, that they " have taken every step which they deem expedient or wise to encourage emancipation, and to render the state of those who are in slavery as mild and tolerable as possible." The Presbytery is informed that it will be furnished with attested copies of the Assembly's decisions upon the subject. The original edition of the Confession of Faith and Catechisms, issued by the Synod of New York and New Jersey as " The Constitution of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America," was published in 1789. In the introduction the Synod lay down " a few of the general principles by which they have hitherto been governed, and which are the ground- work" of their plan. They declare themselves unani- mously of opinion that " God alone is Lord of the conscience." They disclaim any desire "to see any religious constitution aided by the civil power, further 286 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERXANISM. than may be necessary for protection and security ;" and in this case they would have the aid " equal and common to all others." In consistency with such prin- ciples, they hold that every Christian Church, or union or association of particular Churches, is entitled to declare the terms of admission to its communion, the qualifications of its ministers and members, and the whole system of its internal government, appointed by Christ for the preaching of the gospel, the administer- ing of the sacraments, the exercise of discipline, and the preservation of truth and duty. Holding, more- over, to " an inseparable connection between faith and practice, truth and duty," they deem it " necessary to make effectual provision that all who are admitted as teachers be sound in the faith," while they profess their belief that there are truths and forms with respect to which good men may differ, and in these " they think it the duty both Of private Christians and societies to exercise mutual forbearance towards each other." Each particular society is entitled also to elect its own officers, while Scripture prescribes their character, qualifications, and authority. All Church power, more- over, is ministerial and delegated merely, since no Church judicatory may make laws to bind the con- science, and all its decisions should be founded on God's revealed will. While Synods and Councils may err, yet " there is much greater danger from the usurped claim of making laws than from the right of judging upon laws already made and common to all who profess the gospel." Such were the liberal principles which the Synod took care distinctly to enunciate and embody in the first edition of the Confession of Faith. This edition was published without the Scripture proofs usually appended; it was, moreover, soon exhausted; and it had been issued simply by the authority of the mj-isoo. 287 Synod. In 1792, therefore, a committee was ap- pointed by the Assembly to revise and prepare for publication an edition of the Confession, Catechisms, and Form of Government and Discipline. The com- mittee consisted of the venerable Dr. Eobert Smith, of Pequa, Eev. Nathan Grrier, of Forks of Brandywine, and Eev. Alexander Mitchell, of Upper Octorara. They were instructed to select and arrange the Scrip- ture texts to be adduced in support of the several arti- cles in the Confession, &c. Dr. Smith undertook to adduce proofs for the Larger and Mr. Grier for the Shorter Catechism j while Mr. Mitchell was to do the same for the Confession of Faith and Form of Govern- ment. The death of Dr. Smith left his task incom- plete ; and in 1793 the moderator, James Latta, was substituted in his place. A partial report was made by Mr. Mitchell, but the subject was recommitted for a report to the Assembly of 1794. In that year Dr. Green and Messrs. John B. Smith, James Boyd, William M. Tennent, Nathaniel Irwin, and Andrew Hunter were appointed to examine the report of the committee, revise the whole, prepare it for the press, and supervise the publication and sale of the work. The change subsequently made in the striking out of certain proofs was in part justified on the ground that the work of the committee had never been submitted to the Presbyteries for their approval, and hence could not be regarded as having the proper sanction of the Church as a part of its Constitution. The relations of the Assembly to other kindred ecclesiastical bodies were now to be defined. The annual convention of Presbyterian and Congrega- tional ministers which existed before the Eevolution and was continued down to 1776, had testified the strong sympathy which existed between the two deno- minations which were represented in it. It manifested, 288 HISTORY OF PRESBYTERIANISM. ' moreover, the liberal and co-operative spirit of the churches represented by the Old Synod. It had ac- complished the main object for which it had been insti- tuted; but, in view of other results still to be desired, the question now recurred as to whether it should be revived or some substitute provided. The subject was carefully considered. While there were other ecclesiastical bodies — the Eeformed Dutch and Associate Presbyterian, as well as Congregational — to be taken into account, it was felt that some plan was desirable which should bring the Assembly into correspondence with them all. The consideration of this comprehensive plan was not neglected : still, the former relations of the Presbyterian to the Congrega- tional Churches entitled the latter to the first place in the Assembly's regard. In view of this fact, therefore, the following resolution was unanimously agreed to by the Assembly of 1790 : — " Whereas there existed before the late Revolution an annual convention of the clergy of the Congrega- tional churches in New England and ministers belonging to the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, which was interrupted by the disorders occasioned by the war; — this Assembly, being peculiarly desirous to renew and strengthen every bond of union between brethren so nearly agreed in doctrine and forms of worship as the members of the Congregational and Presbyterian Churches evidently are, and remembering with much satisfaction the mutual pleasure and advantage pro- duced and received by their former intercourse, did resolve, that the ministers of the Congregational churches in New England be invited to renew their annual convention with the clergy of the Presbyterian Church; and the Assembly did for this purpose ap- point the Rev. Dr. Rodgers, of New York, and the Rev. Dr. McWhorter, of Newark, NJ., to be a com- GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 289 m it tee to take such measure's for the obtaining of the proposed object as they may jndge (o be most effectual, and to report their proceedings to the General Assem- bly at their next meeting." 1 In 1791, the committee thus appointed made their report. Three modes of correspondence were proposed for consideration : the first, by letter of committees of the Assembly and the Connecticut Association respect- ively ) the second, by reviving a convention similar to that which existed before the war; and the third, by sending delegates reciprocally from each body. Action on the several plans offered was deferred till the General Association of Connecticut had been con- sulted. Drs. Withcrspoon, Rodgers, and McWhorter, and Messrs. Chapman, S. S. Smith, Tennent, and Aus- tin, were appointed a committee to confer with that body. The result of this conference was the adoption of measures of correspondence, based avowedly on " the importance of union and harmony," and " the duty incumbent on all pastors and members of the Christian Church to " assist each other in promoting, as far as possible, the general interest of the Redeemer's king- dom;" and, in consideration of the fact that " Divine Providence appears to be opening the door for pur- suing these valuable objects with a happy prospect of success," it was deemed best that the two bodies should have, each, a standing committee of correspondence, besides a committee of three members having the right to sit in each other's meetings but not Xo vote. Measures were to be taken to prevent injury to the churches by irregular and unauthorized preachers. The Presbytery or Association was to certify to the 1 This movement was made, and the above paper drawn up, by Dr. Ashbel Green, who also penned the Plan of Union of 1801. Vol. L— 25 290 HISTORY OF PRESEYTERIANISM. character of its members travelling at a distance; anc 1 the certificate of a standing committee, to be appointed by the Assembly and General Association respectively, was to secure their reception as authorized preachers of the gospel in the bounds of the body, whether Pres- bytery or Association, within which they might be em- ployed. The plan thus proposed by the convention was una- nimously and cordially approved by the Assembly of 1792, and the necessary measures were taken for carrying it into effect. It was endorsed by the Asso- ciation of Connecticut, the only tangible ecclesiastical body in New England with which the Assembly could correspond; and in 1793 Timothy Dwight, Jonathan Edwards (afterward President of Union College), and Matthias Burnet, took their seats in the Assembly as delegates of the General Association. From this period the intercourse by correspondence between the two bodies was continued without inter- ruption. The delegates of each body were allowed a seat, but not a vote, in the one to which they were sent. There was a change, however, soon made, when full membership was allowed. On motion of Dr. Eod- gers, the plan was so amended in 1794 that the dele- gates from each body respectively were allowed the right not only to sit and deliberate, but also " to vote in all questions which might be determined by either of them." The Association voted a compliance with this proposal of the Assembly, and down to 1827 the delegates of the General Associations of Connecticut, and afterward of Vermont (1809), New Hampshire (1810), and Massachusetts (1811), were allowed full membership in the General Assembly. Massachusetts was not ready to relinquish her claim to the exercise of the right which was thus conceded until 1830, and GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 291 even then only after repeated representations from the Assembly. 1 The correspondence proposed between the General Assembly and the Associate Reformed and Reformed Dutch Synods was, after a delay of some years, referred to a convention of delegates from the three bodies which met in New York in 1798. Their report was adopted by the General Assembly, but rejected by the other two bodies. No active measures to revive this or a similar plan were taken for nearly twenty years. The subject of Psalmody was one which gave no small occasion of anxiety to those who sought the union and harmony of the churches. The Synod of New York and Philadelphia had left the congregations to their own deliberate preferences in regard to the book to be used. Some still adhered to the old version of the Psalms, and some preferred Watts's Imitation. At the first meeting of the Assembly, Adam Rankin asked to be heard on the subject. He had crossed the moun- tains from Kentucky to disburden his mind of the apprehensions which he felt in regard to " the great and pernicious error" into which the Synod had fallen by " disusing Rouse's Versification of David's Psalms in public worship, and adopting, in place of it, Watts's Imitation." He asked the privilege of being heard upon a subject in regard to which — with all the inten- sity of his Scotch nature, aggravated by memories of 1 In 1796 the Synod of Philadelphia resolved tb submit to the consideration of the next General Assembly the propriety of taking- constitutional measures to effect an alteration in the Form of Gov- ernment, so as to admit Assemblies to meet only once in three years, if they judge it expedient. The reason urged for this was the difficulty of convening even a quorum of the Synod, inasmuch as its meetings seemed almost unnecessary, from the fact that its proper business had been so largely engrossed by the Assembly. — Minutes, 1790-1820, p. 110. 202 HISTORY OF PRESBYTEBIANISM. a martyred ancestry — he felt deeply. He was heard " at great length," and the Assembly endeavored to relieve him from the difficulty under which he appeared to labor, but to little purpose. His mind was not open to conviction j and it only remained for the Assembly to exhort him to Christian charity and to guard against disturbing the peace of the churches. Eankin identified the permission given by the Synod (1787) to use Barlow's revision of Watts, with an ex- clusive endorsement of it. In this he was mistaken j but the importance of uniformity among the churches in the form and order of public worship had already led man}- to consider the policy of procuring a book which would meet the necessities of the churches under the care of the Assembly. Nothing of importance was done, however, before 1800. Three years previous (1797), President Dwight was requested by the General. Association of Connecticut to revise Watts's Imitation so as to accommodate it to the state of the American churches, and to supply the deficiency of those Psalms which Watts had omitted. This measure was adopted in consequence of the ill odor which Barlow's career in connection with French politics had given to his edition of Watts. Its use in Presbyterian as well as Congregational churches had become obnoxious, and the advocates of Eouse found a very opportune argu- ment against the book which had been the rival of their own favorite. In these circumstances, Dwight undertook the task. He possessed the confidence of both the Presbyterian and Congregational Churches, and had sat and voted as a member of the General Assembly. When his task was wellnigh complete, the Assembly were informed of it, and, with a view to procure a work that should answer the demands of its own churches, appointed a committee (1800) to meet a similar committee of tho GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1789-1800. 293 General Association, at Stamford, to examine the result of Dwi