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AUTHOR: WACHSMUTH, WILHELM TITLE: HISTORICAL ANTIQUITIES OF THE PLACE: OXFORD DA TE : 1837 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGFT Master Negative # Restrictions on Use: Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 866 V711 r ' ' inmMn. iv i m..v,,yi i i ^ ^^ . ^ ' - .-j fffsr- 1866 ■ ^"^'^ ^-^-B^^Wrafeelm^ttUeb, 1784- The historical antiquities of the Greeks xviiv, ,.^f to tlieir pol tical institution^ nJ^WMr ' ^"*n, "reference -2-v. 22"». V. / l^ccce-IIist. 2. Grcece-Pol. & ^vt. . Woolrych. Ed.und, tr. Library of Congress 4-35174 DF81.W11 •I TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: LkX. FILM SlZE:__3_r-_/:2S2 IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA ( HA ) IB IIB DATE FILMED:__S_-i?J^ INITIALS MJ^C HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOOOn RinnP. cf r Association for Information and Image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring. Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 1 2 3 iiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiiliiiiliiii 5 6 iliiiiliiiiliiii m 7 8 iliiiiliiiil mm\ 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 mm liiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiil m 1 I T Inches 1 1 1 1 1 1 ^M T 1.0 I.I 1^ 13.2 163 u: I 36 m luuu 4.0 TTT 2.5 ITT 2.2 2.0 1.8 1 1.25 1.4 1.6 MRNUFfiCTURED TO fillM STfiNDfiRDS BY fiPPLIED IMRGE, INC. % ^^ ■; /% -.. • A NN W Columbia ©nibersiitp \ intljeCitpof^etogorfe LIBRARY » i^'m.^y_V^ T' ' 1 This book is due two week s from the last date sUmped below, and if not returned or renewed at or before that time a fine of five centu a dav will be incurred. i ~V-T— -T,7-r>' ■ -' T' mfi.'m ' ". » Mil I / THE HISTORICAL ANTIQUITIES OF THE GREEKS WITH REFERENCE TO THEIR POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS / BY WILLIAM WACHSMUTH PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OP LEIPZIG^ TRANSLATED PROM THE GERMAN BY EDMUND \YOOLRYCH ESQ. VOLUME I. if OXFORD D A TAI.BOYS AND 113 FLEET-STREET LONDON M DCCC XXXVII. p- 1 t -^ »» Lm N t <^ i /■ //■ I '!• / / k > * /i jit '1 /' The two volumes of which a translation is now offered to the English reader form the first part of Professor Wachsmuth's treatise on Grecian An- tiquities, a work which occupies a distinguished place in the estimation of the learned in Germany and has been mentioned in terms of high com- mendation by eminent scholars in this country In the execution of his task the translator has ad- hered to the form of the original, as closely as appeared consistent with perspicuity, but whilst he has cautiously abstained from making altera- tions which involved any departure from the sense ot his author, he has not considered himself pre- cluded from giving a free translation of passages where a literal version would have been ambigu- ous or obscure. How far he has succeeded in ren- dering the translation clear and intelligible must be left to the judgment of the reader ; but he hopes that in the estimate that may be formed of the manner in which he has acquitted himself ot his task, some allowance will be made for the difficulties he has had to contend with— difficulties arising no less from the character of many of the disquisitions contained in the work itself, than from the peculiarities of the author's style which occasionally is not readily intelligible even to Ger- man readers. A general index will be published with the fourth volume. The second part of the work in two volumes, will appear as soon as the translation IS completed. London, June, 1837. <"^ A -'i ' * PREFACE. The investigation of the history, political con- dition, and monuments of ancient Greece, has for some time past been prosecuted with the greatest ardour and success : the labours oi* able enquirers in Germany and other countries have aw^akened the warmest interest in the learned world gene- rally, inspired the proficients in antiquarian science with the desire of imitating their example, and raised the demands of those who are qualified to judge of such researches. Hence it becomes more than ever incumbent upon the person who un- dertakes a new work upon the subject, to form to himself a clear and definite notion of the object he has in view, whilst it is no less natural that the author should wish to guard against misconcep- tion in others as to the nature and intention of his performance. Since the regeneration of the study of Grecian antiquities, various portions of the ample field of enquiry which that science embraces, have been cultivated with a zeal and assiduity that have borne the choicest fruits. But much still re- mains to be accomphshed; and a painful and discouraging contrast to the fresh beauty of those more favoured portions of the antiquarian do- main, is presented in the dreary aspect of those which have not yet been visited by the fostering and renovating care of culture. Under such circum- stances, what can be more natural in itself, or more calculated to promote science by its results. TIU PREFACE. than for the antiquarian to devote his attention to those branches of the subject, which stand most in need of elucidation ? But, on the other hand, it may be asked, will not the attempt to produce a general picture of Grecian life, before its indivi- dual parts have been thoroughly and satisfactorily explored, be pronounced rash and premature? And will not the writer, who is bold enough to midertake such a task, be sternly reminded, that he thereby proves himself ignorant of the true nature and real demands of science ? To this I reply, that not only m^y the want of the requisite means and opportunities entirely cramp and de- feat the efforts of a writer, however desirous he may be of entering into an exhaustive investigation of particular subjects — but it is moreover essenti- ally opposed to the nature of the human mind, to consider itself prohibited from examining a scien- tific structure as a whole, because certain parts of that structure may have been thrown down and built up again, while the rest remains in its imperfect and now incongruous state. Aristotle has observed that the whole must necessarily exist before the part'; and it may be affirmed, that whilst the individual parts of a thing undergo various modifications according to the particular stages of development through which they re- spectively pass, the image of the whole firmly and abidingly exists in the human mind. Moreover, unless the spirit of enquiry has become altogether extinct, it would be as absurd as the expectation of the rustic at the river's side, to wait for the * Tbydp oKov irportpov avayKoiov dvat. rov fikpovQ, Aiistot. Pol. 1.1.11. IX PREFACE. arrival of an all-sufficient harvest, before we ar- range and distribute our provisions. Will any one assert, that no general history of Germany ought to be written, until an equal degree of research shall have been employed upon all the particular histories which it embraces, or till all the sources shall be published? If, lastly, in the mental world, the individual mind be entitled to assert Its natural freedom and independence, then an author is at liberty to pursue that train of enquiry to which his feelings impel him ; and his scientific labours must be estimated wholly without reference to the wants and demands of the age. Accordingly the work, of which the first part is now offered to the reader, and which is designed to exhibit a view of the whole civil and political life of the Greeks, I have undertaken from the interest I feel on the subject. And as I have fol- lowed the bias of my own mind in the principles by which I have been guided in this survey, without reference to the demands to which I have adverted, so it has been equally foreign from my purpose to endeavour wholly and absolutely to satisfy the opposing claims of those who loudly insist upon the necessity of compiling all that has been effected in the various departments of Gre- cian antiquities ; though it must be confessed, that the want of such a compilation has long been sen- sibly felt. I have elsewhere observed ^ that the method in which the ^ study of antiquities has hitherto been treated is an unscientific one. Though repeated f * See my plan of a Theory of History, 1820, p. f6. m X PREFACE. attempts in academical lectures to carry into exe- cution the plan which I then contemplated, namely, to blend history and antiquities into one great pic- ture, by removing the barriers by which they were divided, have convinced me that it is not practi- cable ; still my opinion with regard to the want of scientific unity in the antiquarian structure re- mains unaltered. In former works, some of which have been distinguished by the praiseworthy care and diligence with which they have been compiled, antiquities have been treated as an auxiliary sci- ence, solely destined for the illustration and ex- planation of the ancient authors : but the circle of the subjects included in them has been more and more enlarged, and in every new work the mate- rials have been arranged in as scientific a form as their extent and diversity would admit of. Still the manifold imperfections of these performances, arising from their encyclopedic character, are ob- vious to every one. That branch of these so-styled antiquities in which the dwellings, dress, furniture, and imple- ments of the ancients are treated of is eminently defective, and these dull compilations forcibly re- mind us of the spiritless banquet of Athenaeus. It would perhaps render these subjects more in- structive and attracting, if they were considered in an archaeological point of view, and if the descrip- tion of them were made subservient to, and con- nected with the illustration of existing monuments. The severe censure which Ruhnkenius^ passed 4 'II 3 Oratio de doctore umbrat. Opusc. 1 19 :— paedagogorum ingeniis relin- quendje sunt insulsae de veterum calceis, annulis, fibulis et poenulis compila- tiones. PREFACE. XI upon the older treatises on these so-called anti- quities was by no means undeserved, nor do I feel the least inclination to prolong their (existence. On the other hand, many important and exten- sive departments of Grecian antiquities have long since assumed the character of distinct and sub- stantive sciences, and have recently had the most sedulous care and attention bestowed upon them. But this has not only had the effect of still farther loosening the frail band by which the fabric of Grecian antiquities was formerly held together, but has increased the difficulty of treating this sub- ject according to the ancient method ; for a mind bent upon searching and comprehensive investiga- tion, must now more than ever despair of being able to grasp it in its whole extent and diversity ; whilst encyclopedic abstracts and compilations only tend to destroy an inclination for original re- search, and do not at least in real science advance us a single step. Hence, in order to produce such a picture of ancient life as should accord with my own views on the subject, and possess that unity of design which is essential to a work of science, it was necessary that it should be consid(3red under an entirely new aspect. This is indicated in the title, and requires a few words of explanation here. I have endeavoured to consider Grecian antiquities with reference to the state, i. e., in a political point of view. Now, if the state were merely to be regarded as the outward form which includes within it the various phenomena of the life of the Greeks as men, and these phenomena were treated as though they were destitute of all inward con- 1 I, Xll PREFACE. nection, and merely as held together by an outside frame, then, it must be confessed, we should gain but little by selecting it as our point of reference : but view the state in its living, fertilizing, creative, and preserving activity, and then we shall have the unity of conception we require, and be enabled to separate that which properly falls within our field of enquiry from that which is foreign to it. The former comprises everything that pertains to, and is an essential ingredient of the governing power of the state itself, or that is controlled, penetrated, and modified by that power. Under the latter is included everything that appears as the result of chance or caprice, all that is de- tached and insulated, forming no part of a con- nected political system, not referrible to the state, and exerting no reactive force such as to modify its form or influence public hfe in general : Thus defined, the whole subject resolves itself into two main branches. I. Those constituents of the state, from which its ordering and fashioning power is derived— the Constitution. II. The hfe of the members of the state, so far as it is determined by the agency of the state — the Government. The first branch comprises a description of, 1. The personal rank and rights of the members of the state, with reference to their share in the supreme power. 2. The supreme power itself, and the pub- he authorities in which it is vested. The second contains the three principal dutiei of the government. PREFACE. xui • • 1. To provide for the physical subsistence and well-being of the state — political economy commencing with the measures for ensuring a supply of the first necessaries of life, and for the regulation of the simple trades, and as- cending to the artificial machinery of finance — the monetary and fiscal systems. 2. To preserve legal order and security, and internal and external independence — law — police — armed force. 3. To promote mental culture and civiliza- tion in general — public education, health, strength, virtuous relation betweejn the sexes, the rational use of the products of nature, science, art, moral feeling, religion. In the application of this scheme to any particu- lar state, the enquiry must be preceded by an historical account of the material and personal con- stituents of the same, namely, its land and people, as it is only thereby that we can become acquainted with the pecuUar circumstances under which a state was constituted and gain a correct notion of its nature. Again, the filling up of the preceding outline depends in a great measure upon the pecu- liar character of the people to be desmbed. The character of the Greek nation, which was com- posed of various single states, possessed of a com- mon nationality, but standing in very slight poli- tical connection, will render a two-fold method of treatment necessary, inasmuch as the consideration of that which was peculiar to individual states must be prosecuted coincidently with that which was common to the whole nation, and care must be taken not to suppress the general principle by XIV PREFACE. II giving undue prominence to the particular charac- teristics of the individual states, as veell as not to set up as a general principle that which does not hold good in every particular — whence it has so often happened that Attic usages have been repre- sented as common to the whole of Greece. Hence, in treating of the first branch of the subject, namely, the ordering power in the state, we have not only to regard the internal constitution of the single states, but also their external position with respect to each other ; and again both these must be examined in th(^ir relation to the predominant power in the state-system. Whilst thus considering the differences arising from local circumstances, it is equally important that we should describe the development of the poUtical systems of Greece from their commence- ment to their close in regular historical succession. But this does not necessarily imply that the con- sideration of Grecian political life must be pro- secuted, in conjunction with the regular history of the Grecian states: for the province of the former is to describe that combination of pheno- mena which constitutes a political order of things ; that of the latter to narrate actions and events ; still the two are so blended and interwoven that it would be an absurdity to draw a broad hne of dis- tinction between them. Such are the outlines of the task I have under- taken, and hence we shall be able to deduce the rules to be observed in filling them up, for instance as regards the measure of fulness to be expected in the narrative, etc. On the other hand, there is no independent or invariable standard to de- 111 PREFACE. XV termine how far it may be necessary to enter into details ; the proportion of the parts must be regulated by the dimensions of the whole, and these may be varied according to the particular object with which an enquiry may be conducted. I have made it an invariable rule to refer to the sources themselves for the materials of my inves- tigations. But as this work is not designed to resemble a magazine or general repertory, I have not always considered myself bound to adduce all the authorities upon a question. According to the maxim of Plato \ that it is not the number, but the knowledge of the judges which should decide, I considered it sufficient to refer to the most conclusive passages, and when these ap- peared decisive of the matter in hand, I saw no utility in bringing forward a host of others. It will also be found that I have frequently re- ferred to the passages in ancient authors only, without noticing the modem writers who may have treated of the subject under discussion. I trust that this will not be regarded as an indica- tion of presumption and self-sufficiency on my part. This also arose from the peculiar character of these investigations, in which it was less my intention to collect all that has hitherto been ac- complished in this field, than to give the results of my own enquiries. However, I myself have not always been able to distinguish betwee^n that which I have derived from a penisal of the originals, and that with which I may have become acquainted through the researches of others. At the same * Laches, 184. A. : t;re(rri;/iy— 5« Kpive(T9ai, aXV or 7rXi/0a ro fiiWov KaXutg Kptd{t* Concerning the fiequency and violence of the earthquakes ^ ^^« destruction of an island near Lemnos. (Herod 7. 6.) implies the occurrence of earlier events of a similar nature concerning Chryse and the volcanoMosvcblos. see Ch in ?ie:i?. fepW rr^Xr^^^^^^^ ^- "•^^^^-^-- -'• '• ^ -mpar/u^err Z Ji';®2- 3 ' I^iodoJ-. 12. 59 ; comp. Thucyd, 3. 89. 9 OK ^ ^' ^" 0*°:? ^^' ^- ^- ' ^^^^^- »• 57 ; Plin. 4. 23 ; Seneca Quss Nat To ffi' ^^""f^'^'^f'^l Justin, 30. 4; Dio Cass. 60. 29; coTp. Choiseul-* Th^^^"' V^oo^;'.?'^"'^" ^^' ^" '^^ ^"bj^^^ «^ »he island which Vose^ear The a on the 23d May. 1707, see Philosoph. Transact, an. 1788. p 67. 2(5)1 Wn ' P' • • ^^"l ™^"y P^*^«^ between Therasia and Hiera, where the land once projected, the plummet now finds no bottom. ^ Strab. 9. 407, b2 » li I! H 4 INTRODUCTION. or converted them into volcanoes, as on Lemnos'^ , the abode of Hephaestus, the Arcadian Lycaeum^, and Methone *^ in ArgoUs. § 2. The Maritime Territory, during the earhest periods of Grecian civiUsation, must be described, as commencing northward at the mouth of the Hel- lespont. At this point terminates the Chersonese, at one time a bulwark against the barbarians \ and afterwards a bridge, by which they crossed from Europe into Asia ; and here began what the Greeks denominated " this sea," or " the sea near us ^" The shores of these two quarters of the globe recede, and the waters of the iEgean expand into a spa- cious gulf, whilst the eye of the mariner could still descry his seamarks, Lemnos and its volcano, Im- brus and Samothrace ; the first, as early as the heroic ages, the abode of the Hellenic Minyans, possessed one of the finest harbours in the whole Archipelago ^ and the last, though dreaded for the breakers* along its coasts, had no want of ports ^ Towards the west, follows Thasus with its two har- bours ^ ; and, somewhat further, from the fruitful Thrace jut out into the sea three inviting strips of land, of which the Greeks were not slow to avail themselves, when their own country became too con- ^ See note 20. lU ancient name. klQaXtia, contains an a""«on to its former heat. Comp. Polyb. 34. 11, and the Commentatoi-s on Sophocl. i^Pau'san. 8. 29. 1 ; comp. Dodwell's Classical Tour 2 . 380. . « Strab. 1. 59 ; compare at large v. HoflFGesch. der Verander. d. Erdobcr- ''?\'t' wa! L'ttd by the elder Miltiade. against the Thracians Herod. 6. 36 ; Pericles. Plutarch Per. 19 ; percyllidas. ^enoph Hell. 3. 2 10. » "H5£ w BaXaaaa, 17 Trafi 17/iiv BAXaiyaa ; Herod. 1. 1. 4. 39 , Plat. Fhaea. 1 13 • Scvlax. p. 34. ed Gronov'. ; r^ U^ OdXarra in Polyb. 3. 39 who, acconi- Jijio the Roman custom, applied Kaff n/mg OaKarra to the Mediterranean. ^^i KiU^gen Belihreib. d. Archip.. transla^d into German by K. Sprengel, p 77 ' Importuosissima oronium, Plm. Hist. Kat. 4. m. »Scyl.65. ' I*"'*- LAND AND PEOPLE, J 2. 5 fined for them. On the most easterly of these rises Mount Athos, which is visible from cape SigJEum^ Its shadow, during the summer sol- stice, fell upon a brazen ox, in the market-place of the Lemnian city of Myrina«; the astonishment of the ancients gave rise to marvellous tales, such as that the sun was visible upon its summit three hours earlier than in the plain ». From the western strip of land the Thermaic gulf winds far into Ma- cedonia. Its coast, notwithstanding the eye may discern Olympus and Ossa '«, was never considered purely Grecian. In the Greek seas were situated to the east of Thessaly the four islands of Pepare- thos, whence Lemnos " may be descried, Halonnesus, Scopelos, and Sciathos— the first and last contain- ing harbours «. The Greeks, who were accustomed to coasting, generally steered between Sciathos and cape Sepias into the channel between Thessaly and Euboea. The northern coast of Euboea presented the harbour of Histiaa" (where afterwards lay Oreus) ; but a still more favourable position for commanding the adjacent region, is the Pagassan gulf opposite. Traditions were attached to Aphetae the tongue of land westward of its mouth, concern- ing the most ancient maritime expedition to the un- known seas of the north », the voyage of the Argo- nauts. Demetrias, built in its innermost creek, was destmed, at a later period, to become one of the "Scyl.50. &cyl.6l. " See the passages in Miiller Orchomenos, 252. .t ^ ^-*- 6 INTRODUCTION, three fetters of Greece '' ; the second was Chalcis in Eubcea '^ on the strait of the Euripus, where the coasts of Eubcea and Boeotia approach to within so short a distance of each other, that a bridge could be thrown over the channel '^ and the passage inter- cepted, as is the case at the present day '\ To the south of Chalcis, Eretria presented an excellent har- bour in Bathys '^, sixty stadia from the Attic Oropus, which lies opposite '\ On the coasts of the main- land, along the straits of the Euripus, there were ports at Cynos, belonging to the Locrian city of Opuses as well as at Anthedon and Auhs in Bceotia ^\ These last are bounded by a spacious and secure bay ", which once contained the whole of the Gre- cian fleet assembled for the expedition against Troy. The narrow sea between Eubcea and the continent, was a channel the more frequented by the Greeks, as the boldest seamen dreaded circumnavigating the external coast of Eubcea, where there was no an- chorage "S and which it was even dangerous to ap- proach. Amongst the most notorious spots were the shoals of Coila^ off cape Caphareus^ which proved the destruction of the Grecian fleet on its return from Troy. But Scyros, to the east of Eubcea, was in a very early age connected with i* Polvb. 17. 11 ; Strab. 9. 436 ; Liv. 32. 34. •« Strab. 9. 428. " Ibid. 9. 400. 403 ; Liv. 31.24 ; Hawkins in Walpole's Mem. 539, sqq. »8 Mannert. Geogr. 8. 256. " Strab. 8. 403. «> Thuc.8.105. •-'» strab. 9. 426. *» Ibid. 9. 403. 404. M Dodwell, 2. 154, and Strab. ub. sup. ,j,. /• j t- oi « Gerffistus was the only spot where moorings could be found. Liv. Si. 44. says nobilem vortum ; comp. Schol. Thucyd. 3. p. 403. Bipont; Aristo- phanes, Equit. 56 Land Schol. Strab. 10. 446. r^ . „ » Liv 31 47 • Strab. 10. 445, erroneously olaces them between Geraeslus and Aul'is, unless the last be corrupt, and the correct reading perhaps be "Avdpov instead of "Av\idoq ( Andros is opposite Gersstus). 26 Stephan. Byzan. Ka<^ap. Etyra. Mag. Ka^npet;^. Dio Chrysostom 1. 222 sqq.231.ed. Reisk. Hygin. 116. Cape Caphareus was afterwards called the Wood-devourer, KvXotpdyoi ; Tzetz. ad. Lycoph. 373. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 2. 7 Greek traditions. Theseus and Achilles were said to have resided with Lycomedes, prince of Scyros ^ ; there is, however, reason to suppose that he was regarded in the light of a foreigner, just as the Dolopes in Scyros were afterwards looked upon as dwelling without the pale of Greece^. From the southern extremity of Eubcea, there is a most tempting passage marked out through the iEgean sea to Asia Minor; an uninterrupt(?d succession of islands rendering the voyage entirely free from danger. The facility of the passage to Delos sub- sequently became proverbial ^. However, there are very faint traces of any Grecian settlement there, from the time of the Ionic migration ^. The navi- gation of these seas, which had such an extensive influence on the national character oi' the Greeks, belongs to a later age. § 3. The east coast of Attica has i ti Panormus * a harbour by no means unimportant, and the road- stead of Thoricus ^ which is covered by the island of Helena ; even cape Sunium, the maritime con- fine between the JEgean and Myrtoan seas, has a port \ But the bounty of nature is most conspicu- ous on the coasts of the Saronic gulf, where she had placed the still noble harbour of Piraeus, and near it the creeks of Phalerum and Munychia *, the port of Salamis (now KoluriJ, one of the best in ^ Plut. Thes. 41 ; Horn. Od. 11. 508. ^ Thucyd. 1.98; Plut. Cim.8. » Zenob. Prov. 2. 37. 30 Delos occurs in Horn. Od. 6. 162 ; but the Hellenic panegyris around the alter of Apollo on that island, did not begin till after th«: Ionian migration Compare below, $ 14, where also see the account of the Dorian settiemenU on the more southern islands. ' Chandler, Trav, in Greece, p. 157 ; Mannert, 8. 300. ' Horn. Hymn, in Cerer. 126 ; Kinsbergen, 53. ' Scylax, 47. incorrectly says two. * See Meurs. Piraeus, and the ample description in Mannert, 8. 808, sqfj. I i B INTRODUCTION. Europe*, the once celebrated port of Nisaea, be- longing to Megara, formed by the foreland of Minoa^ and Cenchreae^, belonging to Corinth; those of iEgina, situate in the channel most traversed in the maritime intercourse of the natives, but the en- trance to which, as in Samothrace, was attended with great difficulty ^ ; the commodious harbour of Epidaurus^ opposite, not far from which are the excellent roads of Trcezen, called Pogon ^", covered by the island of Calauria. The communication between the Saronic and Corinthian gulfs is inter- cepted by the isthmus, which is forty stadia wide in its narrowest part. The advantages of such a channel were recognised at an early period, and the removal of the impediment did not appear alto- gether impracticable. But the attempts to cut through the isthmus belong to a later age ". The passage into the gulf of Argolis first lay along the Acth, as it was called ^^, and then round cape Scyl- laeum, westward of which there are a number of reefs and rocky islands, such as Hydrea ^^, Tiparenus (now Spezzia), etc., and which, though not calcu- lated for the settlement of peaceable citizens, are by no means inconvenient stations for the shipping of fearless mariners. In the gulf of Argolis, nature has been most lavish of her favours to the bay of Argos ; the port of Nauplia (Napoli di Romania) is, it must be confessed, shallow in itself, and only » Kinsberg. 46; Dodwell, 1. 564, sqq. « Strabo, 9. 391. 7 Ibid. 8. 380. « Pausan. 2. 29.6 ; Muller, ^Eginet. p. 4. n. 5. » Dodwell. 2. ch. 7. "> Herod. 8. 42 ; Strab. 8. 373. *' On that of Periander, which appears very doubtful, see Diog. Laert. 1. 99 ; concerniDg the attempt of Demetrius Poliorcetes, Strab. 1. 59 ; on Caesar's, Sueton. 44; Nero's, Sueton. 19; Plin. Hist. Nat. 4. 4; Pausan. 2. 1. 5; Lucian, 9. 266, sqq. Bipont. " Paus. 2. 8. 4; Plutarch, Arat. 40 ; comp. Wesselingad Diodor. 12. 43, and 15. 31 ; Miiller, Dor. 1. 81, note 2. 13 Herod. 3. 59 ; Pausan. 2. 34. 9 ; Hecataeus ap. Steph. Byzant 'T^pea. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 3. 9 adapted for smaller vessels ; nor w as it of much importance in ancient times '* ; but it^ roads, which are, by far, more extensive than was required by the scale on which navigation was in those days conducted, are large enough to contain nearly two hundred ships of the hne, and are only exposed to south-easterly winds '^ The east coast of Laconia only possessed the harbour of Epidaurus Limera '^ (Napoli di Malvasia), As the inhabitants were ex- ceedingly averse from intercourse with their neigh- bours, it was seldom touched at ; but the southern extremity of Laconia, with the promontory of Malea, was no less dreaded than the east coast of Eubcea ; and as it was owing to this circimistance that the Eu- ripus and Chalcis attained their high consideration, so through the peril attending the attempt to double Malea '^ Corinth, where the ships were hauled over the isthmus '% became the principal depot of trade '». Malea was no less notorious for its sudden and dan- gerous squalls, than for the violent winds that blew from the north-west, known by the name of the Etesiae^^ during which '^^ vessels would not answer to their helm in the passfige round the point. On the other hand, these winds seem at a very early period to have promoted an inter- course between the Peloponnesus, and perhaps the northern provinces "^ and the island of Crete, only eighty miles from Malea, and whither they once X Plin. Hist. Nat. 4. 19. w Kinsbergen, 25. 27. »« Paus. 3.23.6; Hesych. Ai/ii/p^i. Schol. Thucyd. 4. p. 476. Bipont; comp. CoroneUi Morea, p. HI. ■/ r i~ > " There was a proverb, '« When thou doublest Malea. forget those at home, MoAcag U Kafiy^a^ kviKdBov r&v oiKah, Strab. 8. 378. '• Ai'oXicoe, see $ 6. n. 49. •» Besides this it had the advantage mentioned by Dio. Chrys. 1. 276 : luffTrcp Iv Tpwdtfi rrjg 'EWdSog Uuro. Z ff^.^PP^"^- ' • " ^*^ ''«ff civnvvoias, Strab. 8. 378. ^ Muller Dor. 1. 31. I I 10 INTRODUCTION. drove Ulysses *'. But in examining the ties which, in the remoteness of antiquity, were contracted between Crete and the Grecian continent, it must be borne in mind, that although the north coast of Crete possesses excellent harbours^*, their ap- proach is rendered extremely difficult by the ad- jacent sandbanks, and that the sea northward of Crete was described as in the highest degree tem- pestuous ^^ ; consequently the establishment of the earliest intercourse, as well as the dominion of that sea ^^, would with less probabiUty be ascribed to the strangers, whom the force of the Etesian winds drove to the island, than to its inhabitants, who were familiar with the character of the neighbour- ing sea, and who could from their own Ida behold Cythera and Taygetus, as well as Rhodes and Asia Minor ^. § 4. After the passage round Malea was effected, the navigation between the Laconian coast and Cythera was attended with great difficulty \ Earth- quakes several times altered the soundings, and cape Onugnathus, once attached to the mainland ", after- wards became an island ^ Cythera had two ports ^ ; the south coast of Laconia had none, whilst that of Gytheum was formed by art ^. The Achillean har- bour, near cape Taenarus, as well as that of Psama- thus ^ opposite, are unimportant. Off the Messenian coast, near Corone, there is nothing but an anchor- » Odyss. 19. 186. ^ Hockh, Crete, 1.94. « Sophocl. Trach. 1 18 ; Horat. Od. 1. 26. 1. » Anstot. Pol. 2. 6. 4 ; Diodor. 4. 17. « Hockh, 1. 4. » Plin. Hist. Nat. 4. 19. » Strab. 8. 363. ' Riedesel, Reroarq. d'un voyageur moderne, p. 12. * Scyl. 38 ; Thucyd. 4. 54. has but one ; comp. Zach. Geogr. Ephem. 1798, p. 50. * Strab. 8. 363. « Scyl. 37 f Paus. 3. 25. 4 ; Steph. Byz. ^a/iaOot'c II LAND AND PEOPLE, §4. 11 age-ground ; at Methone indifferent roads \ to the east of which is situate the unimportant harbour of Phaenicus ^ The west coast of the Peloponnesus is better provided. There is the first rate harbour of Pylos (Navarino) ^, which is covered by the island of Sphacteria^^; that of Cyparissia " very commodious, and further northward is Cyllene '^ the port of EUs. Some of the ancients make the gulf of Corinth " begin between the promontory Araxus, and the mouth of the Achelous, which pours its waters into the sea opposite ; to the east the shores gradually approach, and not far from the narrowest part of the strait are the roads of Patrae, the situation of which is one of unusual excellence, though the har- bour itself is insignificant ^*. Soon afterwards the extremity of Achaia and Locris, Rhium and An- tirrhium'*, like the straits of the Hellespont, approach to within seven stadia of each other, and are not unaptly termed the keys of the Hellespont. This is the real mouth of the gulf '^. Eastward, at a short distance from Rhium, projects the point of Drepanon, and between the two sweeps the double bay of Panormus ^^ The whole guli* was not ori- ginally called Corinthian, but Crissa^an^^, from its principal division, the spacious bay of Phocis : what formed its eastern boundary was named the Alcyo- nian sea'^ and it was not till the time of Thucydides^ 1 Kinsbergen, 210. The fifih iEpytid Dotadas established a station for shipping there. Paus. 4. 3. 6. 8 Paus. 4. 34. 7. 9 Kinsbergen, 206, sqq. •«> Thucyd. 4. 8, sqq. " Scylax, p. 36. only mentions this one ; he says nothin? of Pylos. " Paus. 6. 26. 3. « Strab. 8. 335. ; 10. 450. '* Strab. 8. 387. »* To irspov 'Ptov, Thucyd. 2. 86. '« Ibid. »7 Strab. 8. 335 ; Paus. 7. 22. 7 ; Thucyd. 2. 86. '8 Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 431 ; Thucyd. 1. 107 ; 2. 85. '• See with reference to the corrupt passage in Strab. 8. 336. Maonert, 8. 152. » As in Polyb. 4. 57. \ •, r x^ t 12 INTRODUCTION. that the gulf of Corinth became a general denomina- tion. Off the Achaean coast there is a most violent smf ; its harbours at Erineos ^% iEgira ^^ Pallene ^\ and even Sicyon^, are imimportant; and vessels were not considered to be effectually sheltered till they had reached the Corinthian port of Lechaeum. The navigation along the Megaro-Boeotian coast was endangered by reefs and violent mountain-vrinds ^. The Megarian Pagae ^^ and the Thespian Creusis ^ both had ports. The harbour of Cirrha in Phocis ^ was admirably situated ; it is true it was filled up in the first holy war, but it still continued to be a safe anchorage^. Equally commodious were the har- bour of Anticirrha ^^ and that of Naupactus ^^ (Le- panto), till very recently, the chief emporium of modem Greece. However, the Corinthian gulf can never become as important as the Saronic ; as the latter may be approached without difficulty or danger, whilst the narrow entrance of the former is obstructed by those imperious bulwarks, the islands of the Ionian sea, Cephallenia, Zacynthus, and Ithaca ^^ Especially formed for maritime war- fare and for endangering the surrounding seas, is Acamania**, with its numerous ports ; near the site of »» Plutarch. Arat. 21. « Thucyd. 7. 34. ; Paus. 7. 22. 7. « Paus. 7. 26. 1. 24 Pausan. 7. 26. 7. » Xenoph. Hell. 7. 3. 2 ; Polyb. 5. 27. The city and harbour were sepa- rate. * Paus. 9. 23. 1. ^ Thucyd. 1, 111. ^ Strab. 9. 410; Creusa ; Liv. 36. 21 ; 44. 1. * That Cirrha and Crisa, Crissa, were in reality the same name, may be ex- plained from the use of the a for the p, and the transposition of the letters. Compare other opinions on the subject, published by Freret and G^dyon, in the Mem.de I'Ac. d. Inscr.5. 164 ; Miiller, Orchom.495, and Prolegom, 275 ; Bbckh. explic. Pind. 286. *> Polyb. 5. 27. 3> Liv. 32. 18 ; Strab. 9. 423. 9* The port is now shallow; Pocqueville, Voyages, 4. 41. Even Polybius states that there were shallows there in his time, 6. 103 ; comp. Thucyd. 2. 91. 33 Concerning its three harbours, see Dicsearch. 52 j and the description of the one, Odyss. 13. 95. 3* 'AKapvavia vatra ivXifitvog, Scyl. 30. [ LAND AND PEOPLE, § 4. u the ancient maritime townCEniadae'^, are now Misso- longhi, Natolico, and Galaxidi. Th(? gulf of Am- bracia ^, at whose mouth, near Actium, the fleet of the west secured to Augustus the empire of the Ro- man world, washes it on the north, and resembles one vast harbour '\ whilst the peninsula Leucas » forms its extreme boundary. But the queen of this island region, and mistress of the Ionian sea, was Corcyra, situate further north, at first the abode of the nautical Phaeacians, a people at amity with, and even alhed to the Greeks ^, but first introduced into Grecian history by the Corinthians. The Epirote regions beyond the gulf of Ambracia were not con- sidered absolutely barbarian in the primitive ages, although the gulf was subsequently regarded as a natural boundary ^, The Ionian sea was at a very early period considered to belong to Greece *S though a Greek population did not visit the shores beyond it, those of Sicily, for instance, which afterwards gave its name to the sea that washes the Pelopon- nesus on the south *% till the migrations of the his- torical age. i. The Interior. § 5. As the sea spread out its fairest charms to captivate the Greeks, so the mountains presented to them a no less attractive spectacle, in the bold and diversified forms they assumed in their abrupt com- » Scyl. 28 ; Dicaar. 30. « Thucyd. 2. 102 ; Polyb. 4. 65. ^ Strab 7. 325 evXifievoc Sk Trag. »• An attempt was made to convert it into an island, by deepenine the nar- TOW channel by which it was divided from Acamania, and through which the vessels were towed. (Thucyd. 3. 81.) Liv. 33. 17. * Compare below, § 14. n. 39. ^ Dicaearch. 24 ; comp. Ephorus ap. Strab. 8. 334. On the use of the words 'Uviog KoXiroc and 'A^pia.:, see Strab. 7. 325. 326 J comp. Mannert, Ital. 1. 12. 13. « Strab. 2. 123. ¥ 14 INTRODUCTION. binations with the sea, whilst from the remotest ages, they have bid defiance to its storms, and ex- ercised their power over the rivers that gush from their heights, at one time driving them with impe- tuosity into the valleys beneath, and at another drying up their channels \ From the vast mountain-belt, which, under the name of Haemus, Scomios, and Scardos, (Scordus, Scodrus,) extends from Pontus to Istria, a chain of hills runs towards the south, with gradually decreas- ing summits, and stretches its arms towards the east and west. On the east side lay Macedonia, where none but the occupants of the seacoast were sus- ceptible of a few of the social forms of their more cvdtivated neighbours ^, whilst the intermediate mountains were inhabited by barbarians. On the west, the extremity of lUyria harboured a small number of Greek colonies. The Grecian continent, properly so called, in the opinion of the people, and, according to geographers, consisted of two principal divisions, the Peloponnesus and the main- land without it^. At the northern confines of the latter, the chain of hills, which continues its course from the north, has received the name of Pindus *. The way that once led from Thessaly to the Athamanes ^, is nearly five thousand feet above the level of the sea ^, and there is a short but very ' For instance, the Attic Ilissus was in winter a wide and deep stream. Aristoph. Acharn. 380. In summer its bed was dry, and there was such a drought in the adjacent country, that vegetation could not thrive. Demosth. adv. Polycl. 1225. The stagnation of the rivers is said to be more frequent at the present day, because there is less wood upon the mountains. Dodwell, 1. 475. But a number of canals now draw off the waters of the Ilissus. See Clarke, Travels, 2. 2. 588. ' Comp. MiiU. Dor. 1. 2, sqq. ' 'H IC7 strab. 9. 428 ; Liv. 36. 15. 18. 19. Holland, 374, sqq. did not find this to be the case, but the aspect of the country has entirely changed, in consequence of the sands which have been deposited there. See Barb, du Bocage analyse in Voyage du i. Anach. Atlas, p. 20, and Dodwell, 2 68, sqq. •* «/*,r^^** ^' ^^' ^' concerning the two roads now in use, see Dodwell. 2. 74. 126. » Herod. 7. 213. 216. " On the expedition of Brennus, see Pausan. 10. 21, s^a. « Thucyd. 3. 92 j comp. Liv. 36. 15. 22. c2 1 20 INTRODUCTION. might have proved an effectual defence under more favourable circumstances. Still further towards the south are scattered some considerable eminences belonging to the great nor- thern clusters, such as the towering Ocha in Euboea'^^ But the connecting height between CEta and Cyl- lene, and the central point of the Grecian regions in general^*, is the mighty Parnassus, with its three soaring peaks ^. This vast mountain is rooted in the original seat of the Hellenic race in Doris, and from ' the extraordinary form of its caverns and grottoes, Corycion^^ and Castalia'" — the Phaedriades^ of Delphi, which rise two thousand feet above the level of the sea — its almost perpendicular rocks, and mural precipices, eight hundred feet in height — and the enthusiastic effects of its exhalations — was regarded as one of the wonders of nature, invested by the Greeks with a divine character, and marked out for the seat of the oracle and the sanctuary of the nation. Parnassus was the boundary of nations towards the east, parting off those Hellenic tribes in which the nobler faculties of humanity were still undeveloped. The valley of Phocis lay to the north, between its base and that of (Eta; besides a third defile, leading from Thessaly through the mountains of Phocis to the heart of Greece, and covered by the fortress of Elatea ^. The sacred way ^, set apart for the solemn processions and pilgrimages to Delphi, extended » Strab. 10. 445 ; Steph. Byzan. Kapwroc- ** The Greeks called it ofupaXog y^g. Pindar Pyth. 4. 7. 134 ; 8. 85 ; Plato de Republ. 4. 427. C. ; Strab. 8. 419, etc. ** Two only can be seen from Delphi, therefore biceps Parnassus. « Herod. 8. 36 ; Paus. 10. 32 ; 5. 12. It is 330 feet in length, and 200 in breadth. Raikes, in Walpole's Memoirs, 310, sqq. " Paus. 10. 8. 5. ^ Holland, 393. » Strab. 7. 327 ; 9. 413. 424. » Herod. 6. 34. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 6. 21 along its base in a southerly direction, as well as the dangerous double pass '^ by Daulis to the Lo- crians in the north-east, and by Ambrj^ssus to Bceotia, towards Lebadea. The Cirphis, separated from Parnassus by the bed of the Phaestus, is the extre- mity of the mountain towards the Ciissaean bay ^^ The north-eastern portion of Boeotia is a valley shut in by mountains on every side ; it contains the fertile plain of Orchomenus, watered by the Cephis- sus", which flows from Parnassus, and runs into lake Copais. This lake did not, Uke the Thessalian, after the area of Greece had assumed a permanent form, retain a free outlet ; its subterranean chann^s ^ were stopped up by earthquakes, and many cities were ingulfed by the waters of the lake, which afterwards burst its embankments^. The south- east coast of Boeotia decUnes towards the Euripus, and is divided from Attica and Megaris by a chain of hills, which is connected with Parnassus, along the Corinthian gulf, by the considerable heights of the well-wooded Helicon, the parent of those fountains of the Muses, Hippocrene and Aganippe. The rugged Cithaeron in the south, which contains Sphragidium ^, the grotto of the nymphs and the springs of Asopus, opens various paths for traffic between Peloponnesus and northern Greece, besides " Sxitrri) 656c Eurip. Phoen. 38 ; Sophocl. (Ed. Tyr. 725 ; Paus. 10.5.2 • likewise rpio^of JEschyl. apud. Schol. Soph. ub. sup., the road to Delphi being reckoned as the third. Now rd (rrtvij, Dodwell, I. 194, sqq. ^ On the subject of Parnassus, see Miiller, Orchom. 20, sqq., and the first exact description of Doris in his Dorians, 1. 35. 37. llie road from Cirrha lo Delphi IS described by Liv. 42. 15. *» Muller, Orchom. 41, sqq. 1 'liS®'^ Kara/3o0pa. See on Strab. 9. 406; Wheeler, Pococke, Dodwell 1. 237, sqq. ; Walpole's Mem. 305, sqq. ; Muller. Orchom. 62. sqq., and Boeotia in Ersch und Gr. Encyclop. ^^ "^ ^*ui*' ^- ^^ 5 *«€ Steph. Byz. 'AOrivai, who states that some ruins be- came visible after Alexander had caused the waters of the lake to be drawn off * Paus. 9. 3. 5, i ill ' 1' 1^ ( ' 22 INTRODUCTION. which the Athenians possessed the roads of Oropns and Tanagra ^ along the east coast, to which the Parnes and Brilessus extended from Cithaeron. As Boeotia, in spite of its striking position between three seas^, was, both by means of its mountains and a profusion of the most luxuriant natural produc- tions, as it were, confined within its own limits, so Attica, an inconsiderable and narrow strip of land, forming a sharp projection from the northern dis- tricts, poor of soil and sparingly watered^, was driven by its native poverty to a maritime life. It is intersected by mountains ; the Fames joins Cithae- ron; to the south of this is PenteUcus, which is succeeded by Hymettus, whilst the terminating point is cape Sunium '^, No moimtain in Greece offers a more beautiftd prospect of the dark blue sea than Hymettus, the view towards the east extending as far as Chios ^^ To the south of Boeotia Ues Megaris, where moun- tain and sea unite with the utmost abruptness, and where, as at Corinth, but with a larger interval, there was one port to the east, Nisaea, and another to the west, Pagae ; the intermediate space is occupied by the Geraneia*^ a rugged range of hills, in some parts as high as two thousand five hundred feet*^. The Oneia*^, separated from the Geraneia by the valley of the Isthmus, extend from Cenchreae as far as the gulf of Corinth. The road from the Peloponnesus runs either over the Geraneia, along the Saronic 37 See Append, ii. ^ Tpi9a\arrog, Strab. 9. 400. » Concerning the IHssus, see § 5. n. 1 ; comp. Dodwell, 1. 456 ; on the Cycloborus, see Schol. in Aristoph. Eq. 137. ^ See in particular Dodwell, 2. 14 ; Miiller, Attica in Ersch. und Or. En- cyclop. 6. 216. *» Dodwell, 1.485.541. " See Append, iii. « Holland, 419. ** See Append, iii. ( * LAND AND PEOPLE, § 7. 28 gulf, by a long, narrow, and most precipitous path, the Scironian rocks ^, or by a circuit of three hours distance to Attica, over the back of the Geraneia, where banditti find secure haunts *^. Here it was customary to intercept the passage of hostile armies*^ To the south of this is the Isthmus, properly so called *» — a neck of land contracted to the incon- siderable breadth of forty stadia *9. It was there, near the harbour of Schoenus, that ships and mer- chandise were carried over ^ ; and there the Greeks built a wall to protect them against Xerxes ^\ which was afterwards several times restored ^\ This was joined by Acrocorinthus, calculated for a first-rate fortress ^^ conveniently situated for closing the isth- mus, and not only in modem days an advantageous position for commanding the surrounding country ; it was looked upon as the third fi^tter of Greece, and like Ithome, accounted a horn by which the Peloponnesian ox might be secured ^. § 7. The Peloponnesus may be called a cluster of mountains ; to the natural firmness and seclusion of this mountain bulwark of Greece \ must be added a genuine Greek population, whereas the barbarians were at no period very distant from the higher ranges of the north. Tradition ' recounted that the waters -,** ^"^}: ^' 391 ; the Spartans closed it up in the Persian war, Herod. 8. 71 ; Hadrian widened it. Pans. 1. 44. 10 ; Pocqueville. 4. 59 : but Clarke i" ^vll P*'^^ ""^ '*' °°^y ^''''''^ ^P'^*^^ ®°«"e^ ^*>^ t^'o horsemen, see Travels! Z. Z. 7oo. ' 9 o ^^7 ""^^'^"^ Kake Skala on account of the banditti that infest it, Clarke, z. z. /04. " Thucyd. 1. 107. " Thucyd. 4. 42. ^ Strab. 7. 335. «> AtoXicoc Thucyd. 8. 7 ; Aristoph. Thesm. 654 ; Strab. 7. 335 : 8. 380 M y, ®* ^^' '^^' ''' ^®® Mannert, 8. 362. Clarke: The stupendous rock of Acrocorinthus, if properly fortified would render all access to the Morea impracticable j and, as a fortress, it mighi be no less secure than that of Gibraltar. ^ ^* Polyb. 7. 11. 3 ; Plut. Arat. 50. ' Strab. 8. 334. a Comp. $ 1. a. 3. JTiTf -T- , I 'I if ':(:• t4 INTRODUCTION, had likewise here, at one time, prevailed over the land. The natural monuments by which this fact is attested, are the craters of the interior, the chasms and hollows of the mountains themselves, and the vnnding aspect of those districts that border on the sea, on that account anciently called '' the hollow,** " the vaulted \" At the time of Aristotle * the soil was in many places marshy. The whole of the Peloponnesus was covered with hills, with the ex- ception of a small portion of the sea coast. Their root Cyllene, the highest range in the Pelo- ponnesus ^ and the opposite eminence to Parnas- sus, occupies the north-eastern region of Arcadia, whence there runs a ridge of hills to Acrocorinthus, the extreme northern hnk of the Peloponnesian chain ; to the north-east, crossing PhUus, it termi- nates in a point of land near Sicyon, whilst between the two is the pass of PhUus, leading to Sicyon and Corinth, which the Sicyonians once attempted to blockade, by means of the fortress of Thyameia ^ That ridge likewise formed the northern boundary of Argolis, and the narrow but practicable road of Contoporeia led from Cleonae to Argos^ through the ravine Tretos (the perforated) % in which was the den of the Nemean Uon ^ ; parallel with this, there were two other paths, but both arduous, and only traversed by foot passengers ^^ By means of the ex- pansion of Cyllene towards the west, Achaia is con- ' 'H KoXXri 'HXtc, Strab. 8. 336 ; Laconia, Paus. 3. 1. 2; the territory of Argos, Soph. (Ed. Col. 378 ; and Schol. ; comp. respecting the mountain KoiXw(y° f hucyd. ub. sup. > LAND AND PEOPLE, § 7. 25 tracted to a small coast-district, in which the moun- tains, in many places, approach so close to the sea that they leave nothing but a narrow cornice be- tween, on which account the rivers of the country are mere torrents, the Crathis being the only one that constantly flows ". A main road *^ leads from Arcadia to Patrae over the Panachaicon, which was in some parts covered vdth impenetrable forests ". Northern EUs partakes of the nature of a level country. The hilly barrier to the south of Cyllene, as far as Mantinea, has most obstinately resisted the forcible passage of the waters ; water and land were frequently confounded together, so as to be almost undistinguishable ; no river of consequence descends from these heights; the mountain tor- rents have formed themselves subterranean vents, and these not spacious ones ; in the rainy season brooks swell into lakes, and tht? stoppage of a channel lays whole tracts of country imder water. The Stymphalus, which enters the bowels of the earth and reappears as the Erasinus in Argohs^*, has channels of this description, and an irregular height of water, on which account it is at one time a river and at another a lake ; of a similar character are the Olbius, near Pheneus ^\ which, in its course imdergroimd, is supposed to unite with the Ladon ^\ and sometimes inundated Pheneus ''\ and lastly, the " Herod. 1 . 145. •'Now called Makeleria from the many murders committed there, Dodwell, i« 11 <5. " Polyb. 5. 30. " Herod. 6. 76 ; Strab. 6. 275 ; 8. 371. 389 ; Paus. 8. 22. 3. '* Theophrast. Hist. Nat. 3. 1. 5. 1. '•Strab. 1. 60 ; 8. 389; Diodor. 15. 49; Plin. Hist. Nat. 4. 10; Paus. 8. o oaF*"** ®* ^^* ^ ' Theoph. Hist. Plant. 5. 4 ; Plut. de sera numinis vindict. if* Hjo. I n 26 INTRODUCTION. Ophis, near Mantinea ^^ The slope decliniug from Cyllene to the south-west, which was crossed by the great road from the isthmus to Olympia, by Pheneus^^ and Thalpusa, extends along the river Alpheus, which, after flowing through Pisatis, the central district of Elis, empties itself into the sea. The Gortinius and Erimanthus, and the Ladon^^ inferior to no river in the clearness of its waters, flow into it from the north-western part of Arcadia. The second principal river of the Peloponnesus, the Eurotas, rises near the source of the Alpheus. Both bear the traces of a struggle with unusual geological obstacles. They flow in common a short distance from their som-ces under the earth ^^ ; then separat- ing, are obliged to force a passage through obstruct- ing mountains. The bed of the Eurotas is said to have been originally formed by artificial means ^*. Mount Lycaeum, the opposite eminence to Cyl- lene, and of nearly equal elevation with it, commands a view of the greater part of the Peloponnese, and bounds the decUvity above described to the south- west ^'. This is joined westward by the Triphylian, and southward by the Messenian mountains, which, in the heights of Ithome, possess one of the strongest barriers of the Peloponnesus ^*, and end in the pro- montory Acritas ; and to the south-east by the Laco- nian Taygetus, which terminates in the headland Taenarus. A chain stretches eastward from Lycaeum and fonns the Une of demarcation between Arcadia and Laconia. Besides these, there extend various »« Concerning a lake near Mantinea, see Pausan. 8. 7. 1, and Pocque- ville, 4. 157. « Muller, Dor. 1. 446. » Pausan. 8. 20. 1 ; 8. 25. 7. « Pausan. 8. 44. 3 ; comp. 8. 54. 1. 2, and Polyb. 16. 17. » Paus. 3. 1. 2. « Paus. 8. 35. 5. « See § 6, n. 53. i\, LAND AND PEOPLE, § 7. 27 ridges of bleak eminences, as connecting links be- tween Cyllene, and the southern groups from north to south, for the most part stretching along the southern confines of Arcadia, Uke a strong neitural wall, and ending in the point of Malea. The peninsula of ArgoUs is studded with eminences, by which it is naturally divided into districts ; these' heights, which possess httle vegetation and few sjmngs of water, end at the gulf of Hermione in rugged cliffs ^\ The Erasinus was the only river of the country that constantly flowed ; Neptune was ssiid once in his anger to have dried up the beds of all the others *^ The boundary between Argolis and Arcadia is marked by the mountains Artemisium and Par- thenium. They were traversed by four passes ; 1. through a coimtry called Prinos ; 2. a good broad path, frimished with steps, and thenjfore called Cli- max ; 3. a narrow path along the Inachus, and then between the mountains called Artemisium ; all these led towards Mantinea, whose high plain, also access- ible in other directions, was, Uke Bceotia, the arena of rival armies ; 4. by way of Hysiie, through the Parthenium to Tegea ^. A very arduous path, called Anigraea ^, led along the coast of Lema towards La- conia, to the district of Cynuria and the city of Thyrea ; the possession of this w^is contested by Athens and Sparta, and it was accordingly the scene of frequent and sanguinary conflicts'^. The adjoining natural frontier of Arcadia was formed by the Par- ^ See $ 3, n. 12. * Apollod. 2. 1. 4; Paus. 2. 15. 5; compare Dodwell, 2. ch. 6. "^ Paus. 8. 6. 2 ; 8. 54. 4 ; Liv. 34. 26 ; compare on the position of Teeea at the foot of the Parthenium, Polyb. 4. 23 ; and Heroo6g hn, AperA Strab!2. 127^"'' ^"^ '"*'''' ^^"^ ''"''"'*' ''^^ "^^^"^ '^^'^'^'^ <^«°'P^^« 292 ^L^iT«H?«n 7T- ^''^li '"^^^"^ rea,pyo£;vric ; Isocrat. Symmach. ^r;oX.^tsAr^:^,ti?2^^^^ "^^ " ^"^^ disrepute 'A^avLca^a. 7 \(!^'T'' "*''4n^A®- o^ A f"^^' ^' ^20 ; PHn. Hist. Nat. 9. 18 ; Athen. to* thA '%^V ^^^ •!• 'i^^u^,- ^^« ^°"^°*^ ^b«"«d in passages relaS to the tunny fishery, vid. iEschyl. Pers. 430 ; and Blomfield's^itaL ^ ir aus. o, ♦I. o. II ^"?°p!*- w^•®?^• "P'^»'<5''«'-ov«^axof iv0p .-xt* » ' '\ I . I 32 INTRODUCTION, and luxuriantly than at present «% when barbarian hordes bum down part of a wood, to sow a single crop in the ground manured with its ashes '*. The bold huntsman seldom returned home without spoil ; hares and deer were the objects of pursuit ; and even wild boars were found in great numbers in the whole of Greece ; bears '% wolves, foxes, and even lions ^^ were opposed to the enterprising vigour of their youth, who found faithful compa- nions in their powerful dogs^. The settler and the agi-iculturist had no want of useful domestic animals for food and labour ; excellent horses were found in Thessaly and Bceotia, which likewise abounded in poultry^; whilst mules ^^ cattle, sheep, pigs, asses, and goats ^^ were found in all the pro- vinces. The less wooded eminences ^^ were covered with bees, and even at the present day, the Attic honey is the sweetest in the world ^\ In those parts where forests had been felled and marshes drained, thrived fruit trees ^^ corn, and plantations, particularly the vine ^ ; these were all found in the «» This was even the opinion of Plato, Critias, 111. B. C. « Pocqueville, 2. 86. «« c o .in «i «* On the Fames, Tavgetus, etc., Pans. 1. 32. 5 ; 3. 20. 5. « Herod. 7. 126, and (from him?) Anst. Hist. An. 6. 28, 8. 27 , wune» the Ache^iisand the Nestus as the boundary line of the region infested by ''""S^'Laconian. Arcadian. Argive. Locrian, Eretrian, Cretan Molossian, dogs are na^ed by Pollux. 5. 38. I'he last, according to the " Mythus denved their origin from a brazen dog belonging to HephtEstus, 5. 39. On the ex- cellent Laconian breed, see A?istot. Hist. An. 6. 21 ; 8. 27 ; Pmd. ap. Ath. 1. 28 A ; Frag. ap. Boeck. p. 699 ; Paus. 3.2 0. 5. » Plato. Polit. 29 B. flocks of Thessalian geese and storks. « For one of the most humane amongst all the popular decrees o^ Athens as to a mule of eightv years old, consult Theoph. Hist. An. 6. 24. Elis only had no mules, Herod. 4. 30. , , «« t^- i qa \ Q,.vrn« Pmii 30 Especially on the barren (Zenob. 1. 32 ; Diogen. 1. 30.) Scyros. Pind. ub. sup. =" Plato. Grit. ub. sup. » Dodwell 2. ch. 1. » See Kruse, 1. 351. » ,. , •« Winrit is trie, belongs rather to those islands of the Archipelago which aftemards became Grecian, but Homer 11. 2. 561. mentions aurrcXo^vr EXvpov(conf.2.507.537); onPamassus there was a c.lebrated (iescnpt.OB y I LAND AND PEOPLE, § 8. 33 greatest profusion, and, consequently, of various descriptions in Thessaly « ; but the most fertile were Bceotia ^, the marshland of Greece, Sicyon ", Mes- senia», Elis '», Argos *», PhUus, which last derives Its name fiom the luxuriance of its soil «, the plain of Laconia *\ and the island of Euboea ". The less fertile regions, such as Attica", produced fruit of other kinds, adapted to the peculiar nature of their soil ; ohves and figs, both of unusual excel- lence in Attica, as well as com and wine, were amongst the most important natural productions of Greece. The herds found ample pasturage in those parts where the slopes of the mountains were not fitted for the objects of tillage, as in " Arcadia with its many flocks «." Without the Peloponnesus,' particularly in the Attic Laurion, the earth con- ^1'"''b??"''- ^"J""- ?^®' o" ">' cultivation of the vine in Laconia see ^P^ki '<.'"?'T'.'"*' '^'^<"'- '-29; "boat Thebes, 1. 33 on ?he *sla^ of Entoa SophocI n Schol. Eurip. Phoen. 238 ; conf Sehoi A« L "s^^z^zi"'''""""''^ >'"' -'' "- '^»''^-' -"'■«"<; -t the^sIhoT'Theocri; h""/*-?"- '^ '-' ' '^'"P"? "■', '"P<>"^« "' "« ""cle in betwe'^n c'^rinth'^rnH V'^^'' ^^u^j'^"^- '^ ^""^ "'^^^ ^ P"^^»»a»e «" the land » feJrip- aJ°s^^.'bT38r''f^'* ™''"'"*"''?"' Kop-e«dV suid • "• in Wal^re's Mel 60 Mh." 1 """"r f?"' '{Y^M^ thirly-fold. Sibthorp oyssus, I aus. s. 5. 2. « Ansiot, Meteor. 1.14. J Steph Byz. ♦X.vrapwuv-d,),iuv ^ y^An.yc.« -„;?r.'3t^4Tr' '" ---"'^^-^r Po1.b. «•"•«£. Pind. 01. 7. 51 ; 13.52; Kem. 8 9 VOL. I. ; ..I ) 1 1 ^- f il h1 34 INTRODUCTION. tained veins of silver *^, besides rich shafts of copper and iron : marble and copper were especially found in the Euboean Ocha *^ and in the northern moun- tains of ArgoHs*^, iron in Laconia*^ marble near Carystus in Eubcea'^ whilst the Attic Hymettus and Pentehcus *^ supphed the mechanic with imple- ments and the artist with materials. II. THE TRIBES OF GREECE. a. The Pelasgians, § 9. The researches devoted to ascertaining what race was originally destined to inhabit the Grecian regions, which, in accordance with the physical pe- culiarities of the country, must necessarily have contained the germ of their subsequent nationality, move in a field which no one has yet attempted to explore, without more or less wandering from the right path. Formerly people supposed they could find firm footing for researches of this nature in the statements of the ancients, and accordingly endea- voured to gain over to their side a majority of cita- tions, or with the authority of some leading name, to confute those who ventured to pronounce dif- ferent opinions. But an unprejudiced and intelli- gent estimation of the sources of early Grecian his- tory has now called forth as many doubts, as it has produced bold and ingenious conjectures. As the ^ On the subject of the precious metals in general, consult Boeckh, Pub, Econ. 1.6. On the silver mines of Laurion, see Boeckh in Berl. AbhandL Hist. Phil. 1814-15. *' Strab. 9. 437 ; 10. 446. Hence XoXkiq Steph. Byz. Sid. to x«Xi:oi;pY«ia irpioTov Trap' avroii 60^vat. Conf. Schol. Ven. in Hom. II. 10. 439, where the Cyclops are said to have first forged arms at the house of the Euboean Euteuchius and Casaub. ad Ath. 899. ^^ Miill. Dor. 1. 72. <» Steph. Byz. Aaict^ai/i. » Strab. 10. 446. «> Strab. 9. 399. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 9. 35 vertical point of these opinions may be regarded that view, which enjoins us to behold in every thing that has been transmitted to us from the times of the Doric and Heraclid migration, nothing but a poetical fiction, and to treat that period as an age so entirely detached and included within itself, that no sort of connection can be established between it and the one by which it was succeeded \ Ephorus commenced his history with that migration, but he was far from considering the primeval age as a period that had vanished, and left no memorial of its existence, and reverted, in various and numerous particulars, to the ancient time. No one, in fact, who proposes to investigate ancient Grecian history, can refuse entering upon the domain of poetry and fable, in order there to seek a footing for his opera- tions. The testimony of the ancients, it cannot be denied, would present to us httle more than their view of the preceding ages, did not a glance at the universal analogy of national history enable us to divest their accounts of the garb of fable, and to dis- cover facts in them. Amongst the numerous poe- tico-historical accounts of the heroic ages of Greece, fragments of traditions, concerning its most ancient population, have been preserved, and from these it may be gathered that it was comiposed of various races. With the generalising spirit of his nation, Herodotus distinguishes the Pelasgians, above all the others, as a widely-extended race, and con- trasts them as the stationary Attico-Ionic primitive tribe with the Hellenes, whom he calls the essentially migratory tribe, and the forefathers of the Do- rians ^ His further account of tVie nationality of » See Appendix iv. concerning Homer as an historical authority. ^ Herod. 1 . 67. D 2 I I ! Il HI ; I' M \l 36 INTRODUCTION. the Pelasgians ^ ; his loose mode of reasoning back from the so-called Tyrrhenian Pelasgians of his own time, to demonstrate the barbarian character of their language *, and his view of the conversion of the ancient Pelasgi of the mainland into Hellenes, have been for ages the guiding, or rather the mis- guiding, stars of investigation ; and even at the pre- sent day it is not generally considered that the Father of History was the first to explore that path, and when there were no fruits of sohd discovery to be reaped, advanced a conjecture, which, it is true, resulted from a spirit of judicious criticism, but was still unable to produce a full and substantial har- vest. But the hypothesis, which is chiefly founded upon his assertion, that the Pelasgians were a race of barbarians distinct from the Hellenes in language, customs, and feehngs, will scarcely meet with trust- worthy advocates at the present day. In lieu of this, there has sprung up an abundant harvest of conjecture, partly reminding us of the ominous signification of the word " Pelasgi," which, without any great violence to etymology, may be referred to (wKd^eLv) to lead astray ; but without pausing to ex- amine these fanciful hypotheses, I proceed to com- municate the results of my own researches. The scattered accounts of the ancients may, in the main features, be all condensed into two traditions, which are almost diametrically opposed to each other. The one which may be called the mountain tradition, and which was followed by Hesiod, Asius, iEschylus, and Ephorus, described the Pelasgians as stationary, and as autocthones in various quar- ters, of which Arcadia has the honour of being s Ibid. 2. 60, sqq. * Ibid. I. 57. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 9, 37 regarded as the first ^ where " the black earth upon Cyllene produced Pelasgus V' together with which Thessaly was accounted one of the chief seats ^ Argos was emphatically called Pelasgic \ and Attica and Achaia were said to have added a Hellenic ele- ment « to their incontestably Pelasgic population ; in Ion the fruitful Phlius counted a Pelasgus amongst its mythical princes ^ and we may recognise Pelas- gians in Boeotia in the Theban Cadmeans, however, these last may have been interwoven with the gene- alogy of the Hellenic heroes *^. But according to the testimony of Strabo ", Pelasgians were distri- buted over the whole of Greece, as well as with- out its limits, on the islands of Asia Minor and the coasts of the Hellespont, as far as Mycale ^% and according to Homer and Hesiod, around the seat of the oracle of Dodona ^\ The opposite tradition, however, describes the Pelasgians for the most part with the addition of Tyrrhenian, or as Pelasgic Tyrrhenians, as wandering hordes**, devoted to manual labour, as, for example, the construction of the Pelasgic citadel at Athens ^^ but more generally * Asius ap. Paus. 8. 1. 2; conf. 8. 4. 1 ; and Hesiod. and Ephor. 6; Strab. 5.221 ; Apollod. 3. 8. 1 ; also 'ApKahq UtXaayol in Herod. I. 146' ; and Hygin. 225 on Pelasgus, the founder of the earliest temple of the Olympic Zeus. 6 Horn. \\. 2. 681 ; Dion. Hal. 1. 17 ; Strab. 5. 220. ' .^schyl. Dan. 253, a» ntXaeryta, and king Pelasgus in the same tragedy. Conf. Eurip. Crest. 684. 949 ; Phoen. 105. 263. 8 Herod. 7. 94 ; 8. 44 ; Strab. 8. 383. » Diod. 4. 72. *® Strab. 9. 410, mentions as the former inhabitants of Boeotia, '• Pelasgians and other barbarians." The Minyans also bear the stamp of the Pelasgic character; conf. Miiller, Orchom. 124. 243. 379. " Strab. 5. 220, Kara rrfv 'EXXd^a Traaav linTtoXavi. •» Herod. 7. 95 ; Ephor. and Menecrat. ap. Strab. 2. 221 ; 13. 621 ; conf. 12. 572 ; 13. 661 ; Plin. Hist. Nat. 5. 31. " Horn. II. 16.233; Hes. ap. Strab. 7. 327; conf. Strab. 5.221. Ott their reputed descent from those of Arcadia, see Steph. Byr. "E^i/pa, where, however, the genealogical series is greatly corrupted ; comp. de la Nauze in the M6ro.de I'Acad. des Inscript. v. 7. 151, sqq. 4to. On the habitations of the Pelasgians in general, consult Kruse, Hellas, v. i. p. 404. 436. •* Strab. 13. 621, iroKvTrXavov H Kal Ta\v to ti^vog Trpbg tTravaffrdatig. '* Herodotus (1. 57 ; 6. 137.) does not explain how these Pelasgians were f 38 INTRODUCTION, as addicted to piracy- This might, in some re- spects, be denominated the coasUraditwn if it were not altogether deficient in histoncal founda- tion and consistency. Ephorus - makes a yarn and fruitless approach to the genuine old tradition when with but little critical discernment he makes bands of warriors migrate from the old Pelasgic Arcadians, like the Arcadian mercenaries of aftertimes. The account of Hellanicus concerning the P^bsgic mi- gration to Italy -, seems to be better founded. The distinguishing marks of this opinion were the assign- ing them a homeless character, as, strictly speaking, it was not attempted to determine their mother country ^^ and the want of indigenous manners and customs, as well as the conversion of the Pelasgic name into an epithet derived from ^eXap^o^, a stork ««, on account of the similarity in wandering— the employment of the word Tyrrhenian as a substantive-the confounding of the name with that of the people of Italy, and chiefly of the marauders that flocked from Adria in the Ionian sea— the transferring their ill-famed qualities to the old Pelas- gic Tyrrhenians proper— and, finally, the exten- sion of the appellation to seamen and pirates in general ^K It is evident how this view was intended to apply to a single tribe of the ancient Pelasgians, and from being imperfectly understood, became afterwards extended to the whole. On the other hand, the former emanated from an old and natural to be distinguished from the Athenians, who were themselves at one time ^'^t:i,%T.l'. on the subject of the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians. n Ap. Strab. 5. 221. »« Dionys. Hal. 1. 18, sqq. « tLVfZT, 8."397'' 'fiLever, a very different explanation of the origin S'-the nam'e is given m the Etym, ^^'^-^^ ^^'^^irs^Vaptnrv: T«Xap7Mc6v, viz. from the mvhovtQ which they wore. See append, v. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 9. «9 source; and in adhering to it we recognise in the Pelasgi an ancient and honourable race ; ante-Hel- lenic, it is true, but distinguished from the Hellenes only in the political and social development of their age, not in the intrinsic constitu(jnts of character. Herodotus and others take a prejudiced \iew of the question when, reasoning back from the sub- sequent Tyrrhenian Pelasgi, as they were called, a forlorn handfril of people, they call the ancient Pelasgians a rude and worthless race, their language barbarous, and their deities nameless -^. Numerous traditionary accounts, of undoubted authenticity, describe them as a brave, moral, and honourable people, which was less a distinct stock and tribe, than a race united by a resemblance in manners and the forms of life, and a consistent inte^rpretation of the natural appellation may be given without recurring to artificial means. The Pelasgians namely, or ori- ginally the Pelargians (for the latter name main- tained itself in Attica ^), descended from the moun- tains into the plain, which, in thci Peloponnesus ^* and Thessaly^^ was called Argos, and are indis- putably established in the charact(jr of tillers of the earth ; Pelasgus in Arcadia, said the; tradition, taught men to bake bread "^ The ancient Pelasgic Buzyges yoked bulls to the plough^; Pelasgians invented the goad for the purpose of drivhig the animals ^ ; M Herod. 1.57; 2.50. ^ trtXapyiKov, Aristoph. Av. 832, etc. But the play upon the word stork must not be overlooked here. See on Pelarge, n. 30. On the reading TltkapyiKk, Hom. II. 16. 233, see Heyne. v. 7. p. 287. *< 'XpyoQ, strictly the plain near the citadel Larissa, Strab. 8. 37 ; 'Apyov, a field m Arcadia, Pans. 8. 7. 1 ; compare on the Attic 'Apya^tiQ, below, § 43, n. 29. ^ These were pre-eminently called Pelasgic, Hom. II. 2. 681 ; Strab. 8. 372; 6. 221; 9.431. 443. Conf. A then. 14. 639. concerning Pelasgus there, the draining of the plain, the festival Peloria. Hither may likewise l>e referred WiaaoQ Larissa's father (the exuberant, fronri the richness of the soil), Suid. aQ'nuara, ^ Paus. 1. 14. 1. ^ Etym. M. ^ovlvyuQ. 40 INTRODUCTION. a (Pelasgic) Thessalian in Egypt taught the art of measuring land ^. The ancient Pelasgic gods were deities of the mountain and the field ^; their wor- ship simple, rustic, and solemnized with bloodless offerings ^^; beside the plain ^Apyoi), a fortress called Larissa^' was generally erected; writing'' and arf* were not unknown to them. Homer called them the divine ^, and they occasionally ap- pear as a better race that had succeeded barba- rians '^. It assuredly required a total revolution in their ancient and well-regulated life, and the rise of new elements, foreign to their character, to impart to them the stamp of the rude and worthless. The manner in which this was effected will afterwards be explained with the fiirther progress of the Hel- lenes. b. The other Ante- Hellenic Tribes. § 10. The Lelegians, Carians, Curetians, and Cauconians are mentioned as contemporary with LAND AND PEOPLE, § 10. 41 the Pelasgians, and as considerable; nations of the ante-Hellenic age ; some of these maintained them- selves afterwards. Frequent mention of the Lele- ges occurs in the " Politics " of Aristotle ; they are represented as inhabiting Acarnania and iEtolia, Leucas, Bceotia, the Opuntian Locris, Megaris \ as well as Laconia and Messenia \ Euboea \ and Asia Minor \ The Carians were really indigenous on the islands and shores of the Archipelago^; but are not to be traced to the west coasts of the Grecian continent ^ Both, however, belong to the mari- time districts and islands, and were related^. The Leleges appear only as scattered hordes, destitute of every distinctive feature «; whilst a martial disposition 9 and harsh pronunciation'^ are the pecuhar characteristics ascribed to the Carians: this, however, would only appear to apply to the nation under the aspect it subsequently as- sumed in Asia Minor '^ Both are enumerated I * Etym. M. aKaiva and Bekker, Anecd. 357. To this head must be referred the statement in the Etym. M. Bovpa, that this was erected by the Centaur {KevTciu), ravpoQ) Hexadius, and that the jSovffTaaia was there. *• Etym. M. ubi. sup. » Demeter. TltXaayig Paus. 2. 22. 2. Pelarge institutes her mysteries, Paus. 9.25; 5. 6. See at large Creuzer, Symb. 4. 31, sqq. ; compare on Zeus, 2. 472, sqq. ; Miiller, Dor. 1. 348. 354. 400. 402. 3' Concerning Cecrops, see Paus. 8. 2. 1. On the subject of Lycaon s re- puted sacrifice of human victims, see Suidas AvKawv, a statement of ISich. Damascenus, that differs from the common tradition, and, therefore, comcides with the above assertion. ^ M Strab. 9. 440; 13. 621 ; comp. Steph. Byz. Aapiffffa. In addition to this 'ApyoXaQ was the significant name of one of the founders of the Pelasgic citadel at Athens. Paus. 1. 28.3; comp. Herod. 6. 137 ; Kruse, Hellas, v. 1. M Paus. 3. 20. 5 ; comp. Her d. 2. 51, on the Phallos-Hermae. 3^ Diod. 3. 66. ^ 11. 10. 429 ; Od. 19. 177. , , . , ^. » Aristot. in Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397. Barbarians once dwelt in Arcadia ; they were expelled by the subsequent (Pelasgic) Arcadians. According to Herod. 1. 173, barbarians first dwelt in Crete. According to Diodor. 5. 64-- 79, Eteocreta?ans ; these were joined by the Pelasgians : now, Uiodorus, it is true, ascribes every excellence to the Eteocretaeans, but Homer's designation of the Pelasgians, 'as AToi, leaves no doubt that the praise belongs to them. ' Aristot. ap. Strab. 7. 321. 322; on Megaris, comp. Pausaa. 1. 39. 5; 4. uO. 1. » Paus. 3. 1. 1 ; 4.1.4. 3 Scymnus, 570. * Strab. 12. 610, sqq. ; 13. 632. 635. 661. * Thucyd. 1. 8. is an authority for all. « According to Herod. 1. 171. the Carians proceeded from the islands to the mainland ; the Carians, however, wished to be conside-ed atitochthones. ' Herodot. 1. 171. Carians were at one time Lelegians ; that is, those who subsequently constituted a distinct people, once formed part of the wandering /^T,':-,.^°^P- ^^'■*^- ^^' ^^^ ' P^""- 7- ^- ^- A^^n'^C rov KapiKov uolpa, and Philip. 1 heangel. ap. Ath. 6. 271 . The Carians once employed the Lele- gians as serfs. The Megarian tradition was different, Paus. 1. 39. 5 ; this con- tained a Car, and ten generations later an Egyptian Lcilex ; comp. I. 44. 5. 8 yfiydhg Aristot. ap. Strab. 7. 321 ; comp. ffvWtKTovQ, 322. * The crest, devices, and the management of the shield were considered their inventions; Herod. 1. 171. To this must be added iheir ancient custom of serving for pay ; (Strab. 14. 662 ; and Ephor. Marx. 117.) Connected with their wanderings by sea, is perhaps the remark of Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. 306 • thus they had invented ttjv Si atrrspwi/ Trpoyvoxrir. ' '° Horn. II. 2. 867. ; comp. Phil. ap. Strab. 14. 662. "Aristoph. Av. particularly refers to this, when h« says that the Cariaos lived on eminences. 4S INTRODUCTION. r among the Pelasgians^^ and sometimes mentioned instead of them ^* ; but the latter are generally dis- tinguished from them by an honorary epithet ^^ The name Curetes, like Pelasgians, was used in a twofold sense; it designated either a race of people, or a Cretan order of priests " ; the first of which only is to be considered here. A mountain tribe of ^Etoha '^, they were driven by the ^Eto- lians, with whom they were at enmity ^^, and by the Thessahan Cohans to Acarnania^^ and ap- pear no longer as a distinct people. The Caucones dwelt in Messenia, Arcadia, TriphyUa, and as far north as Dymae ^^ and attempts have been made to discover the Caucones mentioned with the Pelas- gians, the Lelegians, and the Carians in Homer, as neighbours of the Mariandynians "^ in Asia. Strabo reckons them amongst the barbarians, who were said to have inhabited Greece in the most remote ages; however the Caucones, as the followers of Nestor, were entitled to be looked upon as Gre- cian ^^ although their name existed but a short time in the historical age ; this, and the circum- " Horn. II. 10. 428. 429. Ninoe, in Caria, is called, in Steph. Byzan.. ^iv6ri-KTi(xQii(Ta vird tCjv lleXaffyCiv AtXcywv. " The Pelasgians on the Carian Chersonese, Diod. 5. 61, must be looked npon as Carians ; on the contrary, Cornel. Nep. Miltiad. 2. has Carians, instead of Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, in Lemnos. " Atoi, Horn. ub. sup. ; Strabo. 13. 610. « Strab. 10. 466, sqq. ; Hockh. Greta. 1. 198, sqq. '« Archemacus, the Euboean, Strab. 9. 465, considers Euboean Chalcis their first dwelling-place, and makes them the " shorn in front," afterwards contend with the " unshorn," the Acarnanians. The etymological point is obvious ; however the Abantes omOev Ko/xowtrrig, II. 2. 642, and the iEtolian mountain Chalcis, offered fallacious grounds for the assumption. " Horn. II. 9. 625, sqq. »• Strab. 10. 465. •» Herodot. 8. 148 ; Strab. 8. 342. 345. 387 : Paus. 4. 1. 4 ; 4. 26. 2. » Strab. 8. 345; 12. 542. 544. '• The catalogue of ships does not record them, it is true ; but in the II. 10. 490, they are Trojan auxiliaries; the Odyss. 3. 366, and Herodot. 1. 147, call the Neleids Caucones. It is worthy of remark that Caucon, Paus. 4. 1. 4 J 4. 27. 4, is the transplanter of the Eleusinian mysteries into Messenia. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 10. 4S stance of their being mentioned as an Asiatic people, may have determined the judgment of Strabo. The Carians alone maintained their footing as a distinct tribe; their connection with Greece was exceedingly remote, and they indirectly promoted the degradation of the Pelasgic name, which was confounded with their own. Amongst the tribes ascribed to the earhest ages, and characterised as non-Hellenic, the Thessalian iEmonians^ the Boeotian Pronastse-^ and Hec- tenes ^*, are mere sounds ; of the Boeotian Aones, Temmices, and Hyantes^^ nothing is known but the name ; the Centaurs ^, with their inseparable attendants, the Lapithae ^, partake far more of the mythical than the historical character, as well as the Phlegyae, whom it is difficult to distinguish from the Lapithae ^, but between whom and the Or- chomenian Minyans an affinity has been traced^; the Dryopians^ had a decidedly historical existence in Thessaly and the adjacent countries, and may be discovered scattered till a late date over Argolis, the island of Euboea, and Cythnus '\ In enquiring into the relation in which these, and the tribes before mentioned, stood to the Pelas- gians, as the principal people, it must be observed, that the ancient national denominations are applied « Pind. Nem. 4. 91. ^ Steph. Byz. npovaarai. ** Paus. 9. 5. 1 ; Lycophron. 1. 212. Comp. Miiller, Bceotia, in Ersch. und Gr. Encyclop. 6. 261. » Strab. 7. 321. « 'Apyiov ri v\ov. Strab. 9. 439. ^ Buttman (iib. d. Minyae. Berl. Abhand. 1820, p. 197, sqq.) opposes them as the builders of cities (the stone-persuading) to the Centaurs, as nomad cavalry. ^ See the examples in Miiller, Orchom. 248, sqq. ^ Ibid. 134. Compare the sagacious combination of Buttmann ubi sup. 198, sqq. » " Barbarians," Strab. 7. 321. =»« Herod. 8. 43 ; 46. 73; Thucyd. 7. 57 ; comp. Muller's Dor. 1. 41, sqq. 44 INTRODUCTION. not only to tribes of a common origin, but also to hordes of mixed extraction, united by a similarity of manners and customs. The Aones, Temmices, Hyantes, Dryopes, Curetes, and others, must ap- parently be considered as separate races, whilst the Pelasgians themselves, the Leleges, Carians, etc., can only be regarded as mixed hordes, or even tribes, or as distinguishable by a common designation through certain external points of resemblance. It is cer- tain that amongst the earUest population of Greece, tribes originally associated by an affinity of race, vv^ere not less numerous than in later ages ; and the same may be observed of others existing separate and apart from each other. Still they v^ere not destitute of one great national bond of union ; for originally a great and widely ramified family of nations, from which the Hellenes, as the noblest off- spring, subsequently issued, appears to have been spread over the whole of the region which extended from Crete and Caria along the west coast of Asia, including the Troad, as far as the Hellespont, then through southern Thrace and eastern Macedonia, over the Pindus and through Epirus as far as Acroceraunia, and none of the tribes above enu- merated can be called decidedly barbarian. How- ever, the extension of temtory, and the difference in their mode of life, arising from natural causes, or at an early period resulting from political develop- ment, could not fail to render the bond by which they were united an extremely feeble one, and to prevent any decided or uniform features from be- coming the characteristics of the whole mass. It must be considered as a complete misapprehension, and an unsuccessful attempt to simplify the ancient LAND AND PEOPLE, ^ 10. 45 population, when the Pelasgians are represented as the mother tribe, and their name; is employed as the general designation ; the Pelasgians are speci- fied by Homer individually, and together with them he enumerates other tribes ; therefore the principle of common nationaUty was seated above all these in a higher and unknown element. But if, accord- ing to the above, the Pelasgians are not to be con- sidered as a single national tribe, but their name is to be regarded as the denomination for several nations of homogeneous political character, under which, however, might be comprehended distinct tribes, with their own peculiar names, then it be- comes necessary to consider the relation of the races or tribes differently named to the Pelasgians, that is to say, of those who, like them, were dis- tinguished by a collective appellation, from another point of view. Thus from the Pelasgians, as the stationary inhabitants and tillers of the plains, are contradistinguished the Lelegians and the Carians as the wandering inhabitants of the islands and coasts; in general, however, these and the other tribes stood in nearly the same relation to the Pelasgians as afterwards the ruder mountain tribes did to the Hellenes ; but whilst on the one hand tradition converted many of them, like the Phle- gyae and the Centaurs into impious robbers, it on the other, represented the Centaur Chiron as a being of a more exalted order ^\ Finally, mention must be made of the mythical With the more familiar allusions to Chiron, compare a quotation in the ntanornachia, 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. 306, vis. that he first taught justice and the fear of the gods, SeiKac bpicov Kai Ovtrlag Kai axwara 'OxLnov. His daughter Hippo teaches natural history, AvtriKriv Oewpiav, rnv irarowv 46 INTRODUCTION. Thracians. Thracians several times occur in the ancient legends; occasionally as associates of the Pelasgians^^ and with attributes not barbarian, as for instance when Eumolpus is represented as initiating into the Eleusinian mysteries ^, the wor- ship of the muses by Orpheus, Musaeus, Thamyris ^, and the Pierians generally^, the consecration of Helicon^, and the adoration of Dionysus^, with which deity they appear to have been connected much in the same manner, as the Hyperboreans were with Apollo. Such attributes as those from which Pausanias^ infers that the Thracians must have been more cultivated than the Macedonians, do not apply to the barbarian Thracians of a later age. Those mythical Thracians extended from Pie- ria and Tempe *^, to the central provinces of Greece, Phocis^S and Delphi *% Boeotia*^ Attica*^, and Euboea*^ The mythical opinion, however, does not seem to have estabhshed any boundary in the north ; their neighbours were called the Hippo- molgi, the most just of nations ^ ; but in all pro- bability it did not extend beyond the country contiguous to Troy, amongst whose allies Thra- ^ Both fight against the Boeotians. Ephor. ap. Strab. 9 ; Marx. 128 ; from which and from the Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 134. the statement of Diodor. (Fragm. toI. 4. 16. Bipont) that Thracians had expelled the Minyans, must be rectified. ^ Apollodor. 2. 5. 1 1. ; and Heyne, 337, sqq. ; Creuzer, Symb. 2. 285 ; 4. 341. * Strab. 9. 410 ; 10. 471 ; Pans. 9. 30 ; 3—5, etc. See Creuzer, Symb. 2. 284. 294; 3. 151. sgq. ; MUU. Orchom. 379—390; Dor. 1. 9. * Heyne de Musis, C. Gott. 8. 32, sqq. " Strab. 9. 410. 38 Miiller's Orchom. 382. Comp. Creuzer, Symb. 3. 149, sqq. » Paus. 9. 29. 2. utvoi, Odyss. 8, 394. are virtually separated from them by the epithet. LAND AND PEOPLE, § lo. 47 cians are commemorated as a single tribe *^ but this cannot lead us into error, with regard to the further import of the name, any more than in the case of the Germanic Suevi^, or the old Italian Opici. Hence, whether we make the Thracians in Greece, or those about the Troad, the point from which we start, it is evident that the whole ex< tent of country, situate between the two extremes southward as far as the foot of Olympus, and con- sequently including Macedonia, which was not yet distinguished by a particular appellation, was con- sidered Thracian. Whenever the name arose, or from whatever tribe it may have been taken, the transferring of it from the Hellenic Thracians, to those around Troas, or vice vers^, could not have taken place without a certain uniformity, at least as far as concerned external indications ; and even supposing the intermediate maritime districts were called Thracian, less weight is perhaps to be at- tached to the conjecture, that through ignorance the designation had been continued from the two extremes to the centre, than to what has been observed above, namely, that a large family of nations in the main features resembling each other really dwelt along the shores of the Archipelago over the extent of territory specified above. This continuity of the nations of the coasts, however, seems to have been broken by the barbarians who pressed forward from the north of Thrace, in the same manner as the barbarians fon^ed themselves amongst the Hellenic tribes on the Pindus. The remains of that old Thracian stock are perceptible *'' Hom. 11.2.844.845. " Strab. 7. 321; 10. 471. o 48 INTRODUCTION. in the " bilinguous" barbarians near the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians of the southern coast of Thrace ^, the Bribes in the Macedonian mountains with the gardens of Midas ^^ and the non-Illyrian Mace- donians of the coasts themselves, who are on that account not unaptly denominated by Justin ^\ Pe- lasgians, in the vague acceptation of the word. These old Thracian tribes, alHed to the aboriginal in- habitants of Hellas, although on account of certain peculiarities distinguished by particular names, per- haps issued from the ancient Pieria in the north near Olympus ; and penetrated into the heart of Thessaly, and still farther south. Like the Pelas- gians, they afterwards merged in the Hellenes, without retaining the shghtest trace of a foreign origin. But inasmuch as we must suppose the Hellenes to have been but little acquainted with the north of Thrace, there appear greater truth and consistency in the mythical opinion, which, with the advancing of the barbarian Thracians, in lieu of the legends of the mystic wisdom of an Abaris, Zamolxis, and the Hyperboreans, placed their primitive home still farther in the remote north, than in the seemingly historical opinion which pretended to discover on the Strymon, or amongst the Pierians about the Pangaeus^% that which belonged to the great and but vaguely de- fined race, and endeavoured to identify the mythical Nysa, much in the same manner as various Pelasgic Larissas in Campania, etc. Even the assertion of V LAND AND PEOPLE, § 11. 49 Herodotus**, that the Thracians were the most numerous people after the Indians, rather applies to the mythical than to the historical Thracians. c. The Foreign Settlers. § 11. Closely connected with the preceding dis- cussion, is the question, in what light are to be regarded the accounts of the strangers, Danaus, Cecrops, Cadmus, Pelops, etc. who were asserted to have come from Egypt, Phoenicia, and Asia Minor, and of what nature was their influence on Grecian society ' ? Having shown that the Pelas- gians, even when considered with refesrence to their intrinsic character and native manners, by no means deserved the appellation of Barbarians, which has been applied to them, I next proceesd to enquire, whether the noble attributes of humanity, that were found amongst them, were of indigenous growth, or engrafted on the native stock from foreign sources ; a question which, after the at- tempted vindication of that people, becomes the more important ; and the answer to which neces- sarily involves the character of the Hellenes. In the indispensable preliminary enquiry, whether the accounts of those strangers rest upon an historical foundation or not, it is very far from my design, after the indescribable prodigality of research and' combination in this field, to attempt a gleaning of scattered notices concerning the individual stran- gers, their country, and age : historical criticism ■l\ u ^ Thucyd. 4. 109. ^ Herod. 8. 138. *> Justin, 7. 1. *' E g. Suidas Qafivpig IK 'KSljv&v — ol dk air' 'OSpvfffftjg. M See an example m Diodor. 3. 64. Comp. Prideaux on the Marm. Oxon. 343, sqq. ''* Herod. 5. 3. ^ ' Indirectly he even testifies against himself, 1. 60 ; — kwu ye drrficmQn VOL. I. i' f 50 INTRODUCTION. may assume as valid the possibility, and even the probability of what has been recorded, which the historians probably derived from the poets of ear- lier ages, and may even support it by analogy. Greece, from its situation, presented itself to the east under an aspect too inviting, and many of the eastern nations prove themselves in the earlier ages, to have been too active and enterprising, for the neighbouring land in Europe to have remained secluded and unknown. But of more importance to this investigation than the fact itself, are the consequences it produced; and it is undeniable that the latter in their turn throw light upon the for- mer. We therefore pass over the accounts of He- rodotus who was so immoderately influenced by his disposition to refer every thing to foreigners, as well as those of his successors, and enquire, what traces of actual settlements of this description have been preserved in the most important mani- festations of Grecian nationality. The most preg- nant, and at the same time the profoundest evidence of original nationality must be drawn from its most authentic monument — language. The language of the Greeks, considered under its general aspect, and examined according to its inherent vital prin- ciple, instead of being tried by the false standard of single and arbitrarily selected words, bears pre- eminent marks of a genuine primitive origin, and the strength of pure and unmixed growth, result- ing from it, so that the subsequent external acces- sions, by the side of a stock of words naturally and regularly derived from simple roots, appear insulated, and incapable of transfusing themselves into the inner essence and genius of the language. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 11. 51 Ancient names of places and persons of apparently foreign formation, are to be explained from the analogy of an earlier, harsher, and rougher mode of inflection, and ascribed to the parent stem of the language ^ ; with regard to its similarity amongst the single tribes, which in consequence of a com- munity of origin may be traced even in the modifi- cations of the dialects. Homer's testimony \ and the inference to be drawn from his emphatical mention of the harsh language of the Carians and Sintians^ are deserving of particular attention. How can it be supposed, that either the simple elements of language, or a supply of already ma- tured forms, could have been brought with them by the Orientals, and that they afterwards prevailed to such an extent as to supplant an anterior lan- guage in Greece ? Or how can the resemblance between certain roots and forms be extended to universal affinity. The arguments drawn from the remaining modifications of moral and social life are less conclusive ; for none of these are so closely interwoven with nationality in all its bearings as language, nor are they in their turn equally liable to be manifested in it. At the same time that it is impossible not to perceive a connection between the religion of the east and that of the Greeks in the relics of one primeval contemplation of the divine principle in nature, propitiated by a pure and innocent worship ; it must be confessed that these elements are on the one side so intellectual 'Interpretation from the oriental languages is only admissible with a very imited number. See in particular the attempts of Buttmann in the disserta- lft?ft «nH i'S?Q ^ o?? ^^"^^^V**" ^'^^e° Greece and Asia, in Berl. Abh. 3 1,4 1^7 ' Pii? ^' '**3- ^S^*"" ^^f ^^'''y*' ''^'^- *»20 and 1821. p. 206. ^ a 2: 867 •; Jd':'8^294^" '^' "^^ ^" ''''''' '^^ ^^^^''' ^'^/'«-- e2 -1 4 i) f^! 52 INTRODUCTION. and SO general, that floating as they do above the characteristic peculiarities of single nations, they do not require to be furnished with their stamp and impress in order to propagate themselves in the minds of the people. Thus it was that chivalric feeling, as one great universal principle, associated the nations of Europe and Asia in the middle ages. On the other hand, indeed, it appears, that con- temporaneously with the predominant rehgious system of the Greeks, which attained its popular development at a later period, there existed foreign forms of worship, to which peculiar sacerdotal races were annexed, wherein more than mere ac- cidental and vaguely defined sketches of the oriental principle may be perceived : still they remained foreign : the bamer between them and the Grecian mind was not removed : they obtained a footing, in- deed, but on a narrow and circumscribed ground, and were resolved into the Grecian worship through the force of its inherent character, which they were incapable of changing. It therefore follows, that although Greece received various incitements from without, and more especially in Crete, we per- ceive the native principle of advancement to have been actively and vigorously promoted by such impulses, still the main source of the Grecian cha- racter did not suffer itself to be troubled by the accession of foreign streams, but either interpene- trated them with its own crystal transparency, or proudly glided over them, like the Titaresius over the Peneus, but nowhere was any element of popular hfe in Greece perverted or endangered by oriental strangers. Its principal elements do not appear as a fortuitous and heterogeneous LAND AND PEOPLE, § 12. 53 mass, but as the native product of the soil con stitutmg an organic whole knit together by in- ternal strength, and as a youthful and healthful body, which confirms its descent from a vigor- ous parent by the strength and flexibility of its members. Those fundamental ingredients must have ongmated in the time of the Pelasgians ; their entire development in the Hellenic age was only a continuation from the same com- mencement, and the Hellenic principle cannot therefore be regarded as a new and strange ele- ment, essentially different from, and inimical to the Pelasgic. d. The Hellenes of the Heroic Age. § 12. In enquiring how the Pelasgic princinle was supplanted by a new one arising out of it, viz. the Hellen.c, the history of the name Hellenes is d.su,ct from, and subsequent to an account of that state of thmgs which though contrasted with the Pelasgic period, was not entitled Hellenic till after- wards. Postponing the consideration of the name we therefore pass on to the fact itself, viz. that the Pelasgians were superseded by the Hellenes The commencement of the history of the Hel- lenic race, and of its predominance over the Pelas gians, may be compared to the rise of contentious huntsmen, robbers, and warriors amongst peac2 husbandmen ; or, once more to use a cLmon t^ appropriate ana ogy, the growing political ascen- dency of chivalnc races of heroes and princes, ^th m htary retinues, in the midst of free r!iral commu- nities, or such, at least, as were only subject to the natural authority of their heredlLy 'chlftait c \ 54 INTRODUCTION. The genealogical poetry has placed Deucalion, the reputed father of the Hellenes, in Thessaly ' ; and thither must be referred the origin of that system. Thessaly is described, in Grecian history generally, as the land of horsebreeding, with which oligarchy was for a long time united K The employment of chariots in battle is the distinctive feature of the heroic mode of warfare, the glory of which at length sunk before the overpowering Doric HopUtes. The " horserearing Argos \" originally pointing to Thessaly as the cradle of the heroic system, has ob- tained a more general *, almost symbolical import, which holds good in the majority of those passages in Homer in which it is mentioned*. To that mode of fighting may be added what the natural man most vividly conceives, the external pheno- mena of dress and armout. How this chivalry was formed, is indicated by the tradition, that the heroes Actaeon, Achilles, etc., were educated at the foot of PeUon, by Chiron, the wisest of the Cen- taurs ^. In the same manner, as the tradition re- presents Pelasgians as proceeding from the Pelo- ponnesus into Thessaly^, it sends forth from thence, for the purpose of remodelhng the Pelasgic political system, into most of the provinces in and without the Peloponnesus, chivalric princes, declared de- scendants of Hellen, by whose name the origin of * See below, n. 18. * Hence Aristol. Pol. 6. 4. 3, classes iiriramnog xwp« i° general and oligarchy together. Comp. §. 30, n. 54. 3 'ApyoQ 'nnro^orov Horn. II. 2. 287 ; 3. 75 ; 2. 58, etc. * See Odyss. 4. 562 ; where this is transferred to the Peloponnesian Argos ; Find. Isthm. 7. 17. 'Apyoc'iTnriov, comp. Eurip. Orest. 1639. 5 So far it is with justice, that Strabo, 8. 370, says of Homer, cotvwc €ipi7«. 6 Apollod. 3. 4. 4 ; 3. 16. 6 ; ApoUon. Rhod. 1. 555, etc. Concerning the lance of Peleus, see Horn. II. 16. 143. In Steph. Byz.'EXXag, Hellen, is not the son of Deucalion, but of Phthius and Chrysippe, both very significant names. ^ Dion. Hal. 1. 17. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 12. 55 the new order of things was designated. These it then represented as one family, wiith extensive ramifications ; and whenever a prince, sprung from one of these, obtained the government of a country, the conversion of the Pelasgic into the Hellenic system seems to have been accomplished. Thucydides ^ perceives in the Hellenes wandering military hordes. This opinion does not appear altogether destitute of foundation, and is supported by analogies from later ages, as the mercenary character of the Carians, the wandering Etruscan bands under Cceles Vibenna and Mastania (Servius Tullius)^, and that which is less remote, and in reality produced changes equally extensive with those in the Mythus, viz., the Doric expedition. Still the extension of a principle is impUed, by the significant traditions of the expeditions of single heroes, unaccompanied by their tribes ; as Hercules does not take with him, on his ad- ventures, a people sprung from the same race as himself, but is either represented as attended by volunteers '^ or warriors of the country where he happened to be at the time", or as fighting and suflfering alone. This chivalric royalty, under which footsoldiers, unknightly vassals, are led by a hero mounted on his chariot, is beheld in its perfection in the Homeric poems. But Homer did not em- ploy the name Hellenes as a general denomina- tion, although it afterwards became one^^; but «Thucyd. 1.3. • See my Roman Hist. 162. „,..., •" Apollod.2. 6. 8. As m Pind. 01. 10. 51 ; comp. Apollod. 2. 7. 2. Thus Peleus took the town of lolcus fiovoQ dvtv (Trpariag, Pmd. N. 3. 59. '2 "EXXtjveQ, 11. 2. 684, are the followers of Achilles ; see Thucyd. 1. 3. The genuineness of this verse is not wholly unsuspected ; 2. 530, has UaptWtfvts ; but this one is confessedly spurious. Comp. Strab. 8. 370 • and Heyoe ad Hom. vol. 4. p. 310. 364. ' I H/ M I n 56 INTRODUCTION. instead of this he borrows from the bands of the commander-in-chief the names of Danaans and Argives ; however, the appellation Achaeans as the conjoint designation of the majority of the Pelo- ponnesian nations, and of a particular Thessalian race, was more comprehensive ^^ and must be looked upon as an intermediate denomination between Pe- lasgians and Hellenes; which explains how the latter name might still be but little diffused, after the former had ceased to be as widely extended as before. How then are we to characterise the name and race of the Hellenes ; and how did the former become extended into a designation for common nationality, after the Pelasgians had become sepa- rated from, and opposed to, the Hellenes ? Hellas v^as the original name of a province in Thessaly, which bordered upon the plain of Pe- lasgic Argos, where, towards Thebes, the latter declined towards the Pagasaean gulf, and upon the district of Phthia ^*, and was afterwards included in Phthiotis. The name Hellenes was at first only applied to the inhabitants of that country, the Myrmidons, the followers of Achilles to Troy, and '3 Thessalian Achaeans, Horn. II. 2. 684. Comp. Herod. 7. 196. 197 ; Thuc. 4. 78 ; Dion. Hal. 1. 17 ; Li?. 33. 32. They belonged to the province of Achilles. But that the name was indigenous in the Peloponnesus is proved by its continuance amongst the subsequent Achjeans. See an attempt to trace the causes uf the extension of the name in Strab. 8. 365 ; the Achaeans accom- panied Pelops to the Peloponnesus, inhabited Laconia, etc. ; and by reason of their excellence, the Peloponnesus, which had been before called Argos, was denominated the Achaean Argos. Concerning Achaeus, see 8. 383. Comp, Heyne, Horn. v. 4. p. 367. 368. '■* Hom. n. 2. 681, sqq.; 9. 447. 474; Od. 4. 816; 11. 495; comp. Thucyd. 1. 3; Strab. 9. 431. The Melitaeans, who dwelt in the south of Pharsalus, reported that there had once been a town called Hellas in their neighbourhood, the inhabitants of which had settled amongst them ; in proof of this they pointed to Hellen's tomb in the market-place. Strabo. ubi sup. Phthia is extended to the banks of the Peneus by Hesiod. apud. Schol. Pind. Pyth. 9. 6. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 12. 57 the ante-Doric inhabitants of iEgina, whom the mythi of the iEacids represented as related to them'^ and perhaps likewise the bands of Pro- tesilaus and Philoctetes, whose real name was Phthians ^\ The root of those appellations is pro- bably to be traced to a primeval relation in which the Hellenic race stood to Hella, the sanctuary at Dodona, and the Helli or SelU there ^^^ But the accounts which the genealogical j)oetry of the Hellenes gives is very different. This was neither calculated to trace such a derivation in the proper manner, nor to leave untried an interpretation of its own peculiar kind. Hesiod '« was the first, it appears, who, losing sight of the radical significa- tion of these words, inserted a hero, the son of Deucalion, called Hellen, who is unknown to Homer, in the early annals of the Hellenico-Thes- salian history ; Hellen's sons, iEolus and Dorus, and his grandsons, Achaeus and Ion, likewise pos- terior to the Homeric age '^ became the mythic founders of the Hellenic chief nations, the iEolians, Dorians, Achaeans, and lonians ^^ Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha are to be regarded as emblems of I* Comp. Miiller, ^Eegin. 18 ; Prolegom. in Mythol. 168. 6 Heyne, H. 2. 683 ; and 13. 686. " See Append, vi. c. K o 000 ^"l^.* '"^ '*'f^*^- *^ ^ycophr. 284 ; comp. A]K)llod. I. 7. 2 ; and fetrab. ». d83, who is, in this respect, still more prejudiceci than on Homeric SU Dj 6C iS • '» Homer's ^olus stands alone, Odyss. 10. 2; the laames lonians and J)orian8 are seldom mentioned ('Idoveg of the Athenians, II. 13. 685- Dorians m Crete, Od. 19. 177,) and possess not the lustre of heroic genealogy. Comp. §. lo. n. 57. 00^ r » Seethe detailed accounts in Prideaux on the Mara.. Oxon. 366, sqq. The now almost universally acknowledged fabulousness of these and the otlier heroic progenitors of the Grecian races, may be easily gathered from such ex- amples as Andreus. (original man,) said to be the first inbabitant of the Or- chomenian plain, son of the river Peneus, Paus. 9. 34. 5 ; Thessalus, the son ^oMr^' Diodor 4. 55; Penestus, his descendant, Schcl. Aristoph. Vesp. 12M. Compare the corresponding opinions of Buttmann, tber die mythischen Verbmd. etc Beri. Abh. 1818. 1819. p. 216, sqq, ; and Miiller, Prolegom. 178, sqq. 216. " 4 58 INTRODUCTION. 1 I the Thessalian plain, from which the waters of the inland lake had retired, and into which inhabitants descended from the surrounding mountains ^\ The original merely local tradition of the earliest human Settlements in the newly- created Thessahan plain, in conjunction with the increasing extension of the Hellenic name, gradually became diversified, adorned with foreign additions, and connected with other legends ; and all this with a decided tendency to exalt the origin of that race, whose name had become extended into a designation for the whole nation. To this must be referred the union between Deucalion and Prometheus "^ by which the history of the Hellenes was traced to the commencement of the human race, as well as the legend, which, however, more particularly ap- pertained to the person of Deucalion, of the crea- tion of a new race of men out of stones ^% whereby his people not only acquired a claim to autoch- thony, but also a nobility, like that of the Theban Sparti**, the connection of Deucalion with Parnas- sus *^ as well as with Delphi, which afterwards became the central point of Grecian life ; and lastly, the fiction of his son or grandson Amphic- tyon^, which represented the progress of politi- cal society in the aggregation of the individual '' Opus and its harbour Cunos were considered the first abodes of Deuca- lion after the flood ; Find. OI. 9. 66, sqq. and Schol. ; comp. Boeckh. Explicat. 190. 191. In this place, between Opus and Cunos, there was a TTiCiov tvdai^ov, Strab. 9. 425; hence the Leleges, (see §. 10. n. 7,) were also called Deucalion's people, Dionys. 1. 19 ; and the fiction of a race sprung from stones was transferred to them. Hesiod. ap. Strab. 7. 322 ; Find. O. 9. 70. » Apollod. 1. 7. 2 J ApoUon. Rh. 3. 1086. *» Seen. 21. 3* See §. 30. n. 23. » Find. 01. 9. 66, sqq.; Apollod. 1. 7. 2 ; Apollon. Rh. 3. 187; Far. Marm. Chr. £p. 2 ; on which comp. Prideaux, 343, sqq. ^ Apollod. 3. 14. 5 ; Dionys. Hal. 4. 25 ; comp. Tittmann, Amphict. p. 12. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 18. 59 popular communities of ancient times into con- federate bodies ^. e. The Hellenes as the collective People of the Historical Age, § 13. How did it occur that the name of the Hellenes was distinguished above all the other national appellations, and eventually applied to the whole people, whereas Homer calls the col- lective people Achaeans, Danaans, Argives, and none but the bands of Achilles, the Myrmidons, Hellenes? The answer to this question is to be deduced from this very circumstance, namely, the exalted poetical fame of the son of Peleus. For as poetry exercised so extensive and varied an influence on the Grecian character, this designation of the whole nation seems to have arisen from the practice of the epic and lyric poets,, who trans- mitted the strains of the IHad, and to have been established upon the basis of Homeric allusions. But that amongst the three names of the nations of Achilles, Myrmidons, Achaeans, and Hellenes, the last should have obtained the preference, can scarcely be ascribed to chance, which has gene- rally so great a share in the originatio n of national appellations. Although doubtful, it is not wholly improbable, that the allusion of the name to the Dodonaean sanctuary, and the dignity associated with it, was still remembered. Moreover, not without influence was the idea attached to the province of Hellas, the boundaries of which were % t ^ The same applies to the Amphictyon in Attica, Apollcid. 3. 14.5; and in Bceotia, Faus. 9. 34. 1. . ) 60 INTRODUCTION. I ' :. L ■-/' soon, and even in the Odyssey ^ extended beyond the dominions of Achilles. But particular stress must be laid upon the fact, that the materials of the poem derived from the Hellenes, were the more abundant, as the powerful Ajax, a descendant of iEacus, was closely allied with Achilles, the most illustrious personage of the meridian of national chivalry, both by the ties of consanguinity, and the possession of heroic attributes. The appellation Panhellenion, for the supposed temple of iEacus, may be very ancient*; the history of i^acus him- self is associated by a sort of mythical connection with that of Deucalion ; a new race of men is created for both. The migration of the Boeotians from Thessaly carried Thessalico-^acid tradi- tions into Boeotia ; Hesiod, who dwelt in Bceotia, is said to have been the first to explain the word Myrmidons by " first men^;" and it is possible that he, like Pindar*, afterwards sang the mythical aflfi- nity between ^Egina and Thebes, the iE acids and the Cadmeans ; he and Archilochus first employed the words Hellenes and Panhellenes in reference to all the tribes of the collective nation *. But a political idea appears to have been combined wdth poetical gratification, for in the opposition between iEacids and Pelopids, exhibited in the Homeric poems ^, the bold attitude of Achilles in the camp at Troy, with respect to Agamemnon, might, at a time when the royal power was limited by the nobles, gain Achilles friends as a political character. » Odyss. 1. 344 ; 15. 80. « Miill. ^ginet. $ 5. 3 Schol. Find. Nem. 3. 21 ; Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 176. * Isthm. 4. 38; comp. Nem. 4. 36 — 39. « Strab. 8. 370 ; corap. Hesiod. Op. et D. 826. * Comp. Miill. iEgin. 36. w LAND AND PEOPLE, § 13. 61 Moreover, this, as well as the influence of the poetical feeling, received a definite direction and a more decided character from the responses of the Delphic oracle, wherein the Hellenic name occurred ^ and from the authority of the Amphic- tyonic council, which was connected vdth the Del- phic sanctuary. How far this is from being foreign to the history of the Hellenic name, is proved by the tradition which derived it from the offspring of Deucalion, Amphictyon, and the historical enu- meration of the confederate nations «, among which, those from the territory of Achilles occur as Achaeans or Phthiotans, together with whom the Dolopians, at one time the subjects of Phoenix the Hellenic governor », and the iEnianes, possessed the most immediate claims to the name of Hel- lenes. It is true there exists no memorial to show that the Amphictyons ever called themselves Hel- lenes ; but who will infer from this, that they did not at an early period apply the name to them- selves? Or even supposing them not to have done so themselves— for it was a rare occurrence that the name of a people obtained currency from within, or by means of a formal decree—that it might not, at a very early period, have been used as their designation in poetry i^? Finally, the union of the Amphictyons might op<3rate retro- spectively on the custom of applying a general name to the nations of that country, and in this vJ«?'ufl'"'~^'?V^ ^'^^;.^'^^^f'oy, (instead of the false reading SvXXa- » Hem. 11. 9, 480 ; comp. Strab. 9. 431. 434. wJ/p"Tn°''''''T*^«'''"* ^^™P^- ^^'^ ^^^* "^"'e'' ™'g^t hiive employed the oTlh'e^^lL^l^a"^^^ ^° '''' "^^' at any rat! applies toLUo^ 'I . I' V INTRaDUCTION. instance the poetical impulse directed to the iEacid Hellenes. At the same time the diffusion of the name in the Peloponnesus became more general by means of the Dorians. Although these were not in the degree which Herodotus assumes, so strictly speaking, Hellenes, as the lonians were Pelasgians, they still took with them inhabitants of the Thessalian plain, and the testimony that the Spartans, called the Dodonaean sanctuary Hella", affords grounds for the conjecture, that the name Hellenes was not only current amongst them, but was perhaps, as has been already shown, even in- vested with peculiar dignity from its reference to that institution. The estabUshment of the Olympic games at length occasioned more frequent meet- ings of the general body ; and here, where the umpires were originally called Hellanodicae, Archi- lochus, the national poet of that panegyris '% seems to have given universal currency to the name, which, upon the authority of Hesiod, he employed as a general denomination. If we once more recur to the commencement of the Hellenic period, as to a great political change, this appears to have reposed upon a groundwork laid in the Pelasgic times, whilst the Hellenes seem to have been closely connected with the ancient Pelasgic sanctuary of Dodona, and not opposed to the Pelasgians as an essentially distinct main tribe. That change must not be regarded as having been produced by the preponderance of any foreign principle over the Pelasgic ; but as an event which may be traced to the internal institu- tions of the Pelasgians themselves. In this manner » Hesych.'EXXd, 1.1180. >3 Find. 01. 9. 1, and Schol. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. 63 the purer account of the ancients becomes recon- ciled with the general analogy of national history, which was unable to explain how an aboriginal people in Hellas, distinguished by a pecuhar character, could have been deprived of its nation- ality by a tribe distributed amongst its population. The commencement of the conversion of the ancient Pelasgic into the heroic system cannot be traced chronologically, and occasional vestiges only can be discerned in the accounts of poetry and tradition. For in the same manner as the Pelasgians adhered to the worship of nature, their appellation for the objects of public life were in the single provinces derived from the names of princes, wherein the personified objects of nature, river, mountain, the quality of the; soil, etc., may be recognised, such as Inachus, Eurotas, Lycaon, Cranaus, Piasus, etc. With the termina- tion of these commence the heroic genealogy, and the relationship or alliance of the princes, which, by means of the pedigree afterwards framed, were carried up to Hellen. The consideration of the order of things in the heroic age, which appeared the more brilliant, the more remote from its character the political system of reality became, had a natural influence on the estimation of the ancient Pelasgic times. Homer, as has been already observed, makes ho- nourable mention of the Pelasgians ; the people itself he only commemorates as being settled in Asia, the Troad, and Crete; but h(3 records a Pelasgic Zeus on the Hellenic continent. But when the glory attending what was represented as the only legitimate form of government, that of 1 I « i 1 li 64 INTRODUCTION. the heroic ages, continued to derive new force from the strains of the Homeric epic, those nations which had once Hved under such a government became invested with a sort of dignity, as the subjects of an ancient monarchy ; whilst such as possessed no share in epic fame, therefore the Pelasgians in particular, who had never been go- verned by heroic princes, were considered as essentially foreign to its spirit, and opposed to it ". This impression was determined by the circum- stance already stated, namely, that the character of the separate Pelasgic tribe, the Tyrrhenian Pelasgi, who were unconnected with the Hellenic state system, was ascribed to the ancient nation. Add to this poUtical consideration the difference in the religious character of the ancient and modem races, which undoubtedly operated to a consider- able extent. The simple adoration of nature that marked the primitive ages, was superseded by the youthful and sensual worship of a race of gods framed in the likeness of humanity, so that the sublimity and purity of the earlier faith could no longer be recognised. This accounts for the pre- judiced view of the subject which Herodotus takes. But so much is certain, that the Pelasgian period resembles the dawn which precedes the full light of day. We are unable to give exact particu- lars of the relations that subsisted between the tribes individually and collectively, or of their pubUc institutions. That seed which had begun to shoot in the Pelasgian, sprang up, blossomed, and ripened in the course of the Hellenic age. " This corresponds with Priam's having a daughter of the Lelegian king Altes for his concubine. Horn. II. 21. 85. 88. f?K LAND AND PEOPLE, § 13. Thus admitting that these despised remnants of the once brave Pelasgic race originally possessed Its virtues, we see, that upon the development of a new and more powerful principle, an anterior one, though by no means ignoble in itself, not only fails to advance, but even degenerates from its charac- teristic worth ; and if the Greeks, at a. subsequent period, in a diversity of circumstances still univer- sally retained one uniform national impress, this proves that their nationality attained its fiill strength and maturity upon the development of the Hellenic element. Before we accompany the hordes, which, in pursuance of the three great migrations, viz., of the Thessalians, Boeotians, and Dorians, quitted their home upon the continent into their new set- tlements without the mother country, let us once more direct our attention to the races, which in the historical age constituted the Greek nation, and were partakers of the common name; in which survey, however, we can propose nothing more than to establish a basis, whereon the cmsuing ac- count of their political progress may repose. The task of ascertaining in detail the original character and habitations of the single races, must be left to those who are eminently versed in researches of such a nature. The migration of the ThessaUans into the plain of the Peneus, appears to have been the event that marked the commencement of the; historical time, and indirectly to have given the first impulse to the radical change that pervaded the whole pohtical system of Greece ; they were a Threspo- ii Ui i i' ' \ VOL. I. 66 INTRODUCTION. tian people ^*, half-brethren of the genuine sons of Greece, and were afterwards looked upon as form- ing part of the general nation. In the mountains around them to the south, along the Spercheus^ dwelt the CEteans or ^Enianes {Enienes) ^^ ; the Malieis or Meheis from Thermopylae along the MaUac gulf^^; the Phthiotan Achaeans to the east of them, in the former territories of Achilles ^\ as far as the eastern coast of the Pagasaean gulf; the Magnetes by Pelion and Ossa, along the coast ^^ ; the Perrhaebians in the northern Thessalian moun- tains, down into the plain below, with unsettled boundaries'^, and finally near the sources of the Spercheus, at the confine of the Othrys and Pindus"^; and westward of the Pindus the Do- lopes ^^ who are likewise subsequently found on Scyros ^^ These tribes were all in existence at the time of Xerxes, under whom they performed military service ^^ and the greater part of them could still be assembled, by the call of the Roman Flaminius, to grasp at the semblance of liberty "*. Their relation to the leading people of the plain, the Thessalians, as well as the subject of their slaves, will be treated below. Lastly, on the heights of the Pindus, not far from the source of the Peneus, dwelt the iEthices, mentioned by Homer, and afterwards considered as belonging to " Herod. 7. 176 ; corop. Hygin. 225 j Thessalus, founder of the sanc- tuary of Dodona. '* . On the two names being designations for one race only, see Tittmann, Amph. 41. ** Strab. 9. 429 ; see their three tribes, UapoKioi, 'Upijg, TpaxtVtoc, Thuc. 3. 92. " Herod. 7. 196—198 ; comp. Tittmann, Amph. 42. " Strab. 9. 429. 442. »» Strab. 8. 439—444. » Strab. 8. 434. 437. ^i xhuc. 2. 102. " Thuc. 1. 98. As Pelasgians, they are called pirates by Seym. 583. M Herod. 7. 131. 185. ^* Polyb. 18. 29. 30. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 13. Epirus^^ The Opuntian Locrians, named after the mother city Opus '% dwelt about the Eubcean sea; the Epicnemidian, from the mountain Cne- mus, were not distinguished from the mother tribe, as a separate community, till afterwards^. The Dorians resided to the west of them, in the valley of the Upper Cephissus, and to the north-west about Parnassus ; and the Phocians in the northern, eastern, and southern parts of Parnassus, as far as the Crissaean sea. The former still maintained themselves, after the migration of their bravest kinsmen, as a free mountain race, and never became wholly estranged from them; the Del- phians were distinct from the Phocians, both by extraction and character ^. The district of Phocis separated the eastern fi-om the Ozolian Locrians ^, who, together with their neighbours the iEtolians and the Acarnanians, mixed with the northern Epirote half-Greeks ^ as the northern Thessalian races did with the Macedonians. The Boeotians pressed by the Thessalians, quitted their abodes in Thessaly and Arne, and occupied Boeotia, which was thereupon named after them, where, according to tradition, or rather because Homer names some Boeotians in the Grecian camp at Troy, a portion of them were supposed to have resided at an eariier period ^\ They expelled as many of the Theban Cadmeans as did not prefer a state of servitude in their own f J* » Horn. H. 2. 744 ; Strab. 8. 326 ; 9. 430. «» Str 9 416 425 ,, Strab. ub. sup. 424. 425. Compare the accounts in Schol. Find Ol' 11 " Thuc. 1. 12; Miiller, Orchom. 391, sqq. f2 I 68 INTRODUCTION. country ; the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, who at that time forced their way into Attica, and thence pro- ceeded to Lemnos and Samothrace ^", appear to have belonged to their tribe. Other bodies joined the iEoHc and Ionic migration, and their de- scendants maintained themselves in Tenedos and Priene ^^ ; the iEgidae in Laconia, and the Gephy- raei in Athens, were single Cadmean tribes **. The Orchomenian Minyans and the Cadmeans in the Boeotian migration experienced a similar fate ; a portion of them took part in the Ionic migration, and founded Teos ^. But the Minyans, who had been resident in Lemnos from the earliest ages ^, were expelled by the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, wan- dered to Laconia, and thence obtained permanent footing in Thera, Cyrene, Melos, Gortys, Crete, and Triphylia ^ ; after that time the Caucones dis- appeared from the last-mentioned place ; but the Minyans are afterwards respectively named Le- preatians, Macistians, etc., from the cities they founded ^ ; the Paroreatians are mentioned as then belonging to them^, though they had originally formed part of another race ^. The lonians, who, together with the Achaeans, by means of a fictitious genealogy, recording two " Herod. 6. 157, sqq. ; comp. Miiller, Orch. Append, i. ii. » Miiller, Orch. 398. 399. 3* Herod. 5. 57. 62 ; MUUer, ubi sup. 118. » Faus. 7. 3. 3 ; Miiller, 399. » Miiller, cap. 14. ^ Herod. 4. 145, sqq. j Miiller, cap. 16—18. *• Comp. $ 32. n. 22. » Herod. 4. 148. *° Ibid. 8. 73. When Buttmann (iiber die Minyae, comp. $ 11. n. 2.) differs from Miiller, and advances an opinion to the effect that Minyse was an epithet adopted previously to the above mentioned migrations by several races established in Triphylia, Thera, etc., from motives of national pride— connects the word with Menu, Manes, Minos, the Lydian Manes and Meones, the German Mannus, etc., and regards these collectively as symbolical of man — first man, he does not invalidate the migrations in question, although he may only allow them to have been the subsequent expeditions of cognate races. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 13. mythical grandsons of Hellen, Ion and Achaeus, the sons of the fiigitive Xuthus *S were numbered amongst the Greeks, appear to have had their pri- mitive seats on the eastern shores of the Ionian sea *' ; they occupied the north coast of the Pelo- ponnesus, called iEgialea*% and spread over the land of Cynuria **, the ArgoUc Acte ^\ Attica and Euboea ^, where the Abantes ^^ are no longer found in the historical times; in Attica the Ionic cha- racter appears to have prevailed from the time of Theseus *«. Those from iEgialea subsequently made way for the Laconian Achaeans, proceeded to Attica, and there mixed with hordes composed of other races, embarked on the sea, and steered towards the east*^; such as were scattered over other parts of the Peloponnesus mingled with the Dorians. The Dorians who were in Hellas, first of all neighbours of the Lapithae in Hestiaeotis, and after- wards dwelt near the (Eta in Dryopis, which was from them named Doris ^; migrated imder the conduct of Herachd leaders to the Pciloponnesus, and became the prevailing tribe in Laconia, Mes- senia, Argos, Corinth, Sicyon, Phlius, Epidaurus, Troezen, Hermione, and the HaUeis ; as well as « Strab. 8. 383 ; Apollod. 1. 7. 2 ; Paus. 7. 1. 2. ^ Were the Phaeacians related to them ? Amongst the former there were twelve rural divisions, Hom. Od. 8. 390. It is also worthy of remark, that the lonians are only once mentioned in Homer (see $ 12. n. 19). On the other hand see Buttmann (iiber d. mythische Verbind., in Berl. Abh. 1818. 1819. P; 222, sqq.), who considers the Ionian race to have been spread over the* whole k ^**® ^«'**P®*»°esus, along the coasts, and northward in the mterior of Greece the Danaans, Argives, and Achaeans as comprised under it ; and recognises the Ionian name in lasos, lo, lasion, Jason, lolchos, an opinion in which I cannot concur, at the same time that I admit its plausibility. « Strab. 8. 383. 386. ** Herod. 8. 73. ** On Epidaurus, see Paus. 7. 4. 3; and Miill. Dor. 1.81. On Troezen. Ibid. 82 ; comp. $ 43. n. 19. « Thuc. 7. 57. *' Hom. II. 2. 536. Are these the Thracian Abantes? « See below $ 43. « See § 14. «> Miiller, Dor. 1. 27. 41. u . r 70 INTRODUCTION. in Megaris without the Peloponnesus ^K The pre- vious occupants of these districts either submitted to, or became blended with them ; with the ex- ception of the Laconian Achaeans, a numerous body of whom proceeded towards iEgialea, drove out the lonians, and occupied the lands along the coast, which 'were from that time denominated Achaia^*. The Dorians were accompanied by some iEtolians under Oxylus, who subjugated the Epeans in Elis, and became the dominant tribe there under the name of Eleans ; in process of time the inhabitants of Pisatis and Triphylia like- wise became subject to them, without any mix- ture of the tribes ; the former are, however, after- wards called Perioeci ^\ Finally, the Arcadians maintained themselves as the pure and unalloyed sons of their native country, with which they continued in uninterrupted har- mony. The Cynaetheis, at the eastern foot of the Cyllene, were distinguished from the inhabitants of the other districts by their rude and uncivihsed character ^. III. GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE HABITATIONS OF THE GREEKS WITHOUT THE MOTHER COUNTRY. § 1 4. If omitting the consideration of the mani- fold causes which conduced to loosen the ties of the heroic poUtical system, we confine our atten- tion to the operation of a restless and unceasing pressure from without, we shall perceive that the *» See below, §31.32. »2 Strab. 8. 385. 386 ; Paus. 7. 1. 3. *3 Strab. 8. 357 j Paus. 5. 4. 2 ; corop. below, & 32. n. 21. 22. '* Polyb. 4. 20. ' r » y. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 14. 71 principal impulse to the migrations of the Greeks from their original seats, was given by the settle- ment of the ThessaUans in the plain of the Peneus^ ; the Boeotians were the first they supplanted ; but the migration of the Dorians was nearly contem- poraneous. The natives were almost universally driven from their original habitations; numerous multitudes soon yielded to the inroads of con- querors, and the encroachments of want, and sought new homes beneath other skies, and on foreioii ground : by which means such a multitude of Gre- cian settlements ensued, that the migration of na- tions itself, notwithstanding its numbers were incal- culably greater, does not present a richer or a more diversified picture. The remark of Cicero, that a Grecian border as it were was attached to the territory of the Barbarians % may be regarded as applying to all those countries which extended from the coasts of Spain to the innermost creek of the Pontus. Through the Ionic migration, the rocky island of Delos^ and the surrounding Cyclades became Grecian ; till that event they had for the most part been inhabited by Carians and Phoenicians*, but were now in a great measure occupied by the asso- ciates of the Ionic migration. The largest amongst them called Naxos, teemed with abundance *, An- I ' I decline entering into an examination of the traditional accounts of colo- nies before the Doric migration, which the primitive and unshaken faith of Raoul-Rochette has dilated into the contents of nearly two whole volumes : the Greeks were not satisfied with the almost miraculous diffusion of their race ; their fictions exaggerated both time and space. » De Repub. p. 132. ^ Kpavari, Pind. Isthm. 1. 3 ; Orpheus Arg. 1354. According to Liv. 36. 43. also Ventosissima. * Herod. 1. 171 ; Thucyd. 1. 5. 8. * Plin. His. Nat. 4. 12. with Strab. 10. 489 ; Athen. 2. 52. B ; Agathemer, 1. 5. Comp. Choiseul-Gouffier, 1. 41. 42 ; Clarke, 2. 2. 390. 72 INTRODUCTION. dros ^ Tenos ^ Ceos % Syros ^ and Cythnus ^" offered arable and pasture land of the most productive de- scription, to which Siphnus added rich veins of sil- ver ", Paros, marble quarries ^^ ; and honey as sweet as that of Attica came from all the Cyclades ^^ ; at the same time there were splendid harbours at Pa- ros^*, los", and Myconos^^ between which and Tenos, the seamen finds a secure channel ^^, whilst the sky smiles with the same cloudless serenity on Siphnus ^®, as on Attica. In the north the island of Thasos which abounded in gold^^ and the productions of the vegetable kingdom was fiimished with inhabitants from Paros, and Thasos, Andros, Chalcis, Eretria, Corinth, and some of the Greek cities of Asia, erected on the southern coast of Thrace, and particularly upon the three inviting forelands, nearly forty cities ^^ amongst which Potidaea was situated on one of the most fertile and commodious points ^\ The course of the Minyan, old Achaean, and Do- rian emigrants from the east coast of the Pelopon- nesus, was directed to the southern islands of the Archipelago. Amongst the Cyclades, Melos, which possessed a harbour-*, and like the others was • Tournefort, voy. 1. 348. "^ Flint. Hist. Nat. 4. 12 ; Kinsbergen, 116. « Diodor. 4. 81, sqq. ; Virgil. Georg. 1. 14 ; Clarke, 2. 2. 446. • Eu/3oroc, iVfiriXoc, oivoTrXriQfjg, irokvTrvpoQ, Horn. Od, 15. 405. ** KvQvioQ Tvpog, Stepb. Byz. KvOvog, '« Herod. 3. 5. 7 ; Strab. 10. 494 ; Paus. 10. 11. 2 ; Suidas S«>vioi. »« Strab. 10. 487 ; Plin. Hist Nat. 36. 5. » Strab. 10. 489. " Scylax, 49. has two. The harbour of Naussa is renowned at present, Kinsb. 123. » Kinsb. 134. " Ibid. 118. " ibid. >« Tournefort, I. 172 ; Choiseul-Gouffier, 1. 15. '» Herod. 6. 46. Hence XpvtTfj, Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 517. On its harbours see $ 1. n. 6. » Raoul-Rochette hist, de I'^tablisse. etc. 3. 198—213. « Liv. 44. 10. 11. '-" A prey to volcanic fires, it is now the seat of mephitic vapours, Choiseul- Gouff. 1. 8. 11, sqq. Comp. Miiller, Orch. 324. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 14. 73 once blessed with abundance*^, was the only one occupied by Dorian settlers. Thera, from its beauty called CalUste**, lay towards Africa, and ftimished Cyrene, famed for its three crops ^, its hides, horses ^, and silphium ^, with (Jreek inhabi- tants, for the most part Uke those of the mother state, of the race of the Minyans ** ; its colony Barce, likewise had the advantage of a harbour ^. On Crete Dorians from Laconia and Argolis like- wise foimd habitations ; Lyctus was rebuilt, and other cities supplied with a new population ^ ; but Crete, although connected by a doubh^ tie with the inhabitants of the continent, was looked upon as lying without the range of the political intercourse of Greece, properly so called, to which it was hardly less alien, than the Epirote tribes. On the other hand, the maturity of the Grecian character was exhibited in Rhodes, where the lofty Atabyris'* rises, the sun shines with unclouded splendom*'*, the purest and most genial air is inhaled '^ and the rarest fruits abound^*; its harbours are of unusual excellence^, and the strait^ which di- vides it from the Carian coast ^^ about twenty-three miles in breadth, was of the greatest importance to traffic^. Crapathus situated bet^veen Rhodes and Crete, and the islands off the west coast of Caria, Syme, Nisyros, and Cos, were? peopled by M Kinsb. 41. «* Herod. 4. 147. » Herod. 4. 199. « Hermipp. ap Ath. 1. 27. E. *> rb BcLTTov ffl\ Strab. 14. 665. » Find. 01. 7. 25 ; Plin. Hist. Nat. 2. 62. » Sueton. Tiber. IK ** Meursius, Rhod. 1 ; cap. 3. 2 ; cap, 1, sqq. M Diodor. 20. 85, sqq. » Liv. 45. 10. * Called Peraea, Liv. 32. 33 ; 33. 18.- " Demosth. adv. Dionysiod. 1285. R. '1 I I i H INTRODUCTION. I Greek colonists^, the last of these alone, how- ever, attained much importance. On the west coast of Caria were erected Halicamassus, where its harbours and citadel secm*ed it the dominion of the sea*°, and Cnidus which occupied a bold and secure position on Cape Triopium, and had two ports *\ The Milesian Cape Posidium was the northern limit to the Doric settlements *^. Beyond the straits of Rhodes the seas were considered Grecian as far as the Chelidonian isles, or the city of Phaselis, on the east coast of Lycia *^ : although the Grecian colonies, which were for the most part Rhodian, were few in number, and none of them attained consideration. But in Cyprus, in that sea the extreme nurse of the Grecian race, which was said to have been conducted thither by Teucer**, the nobler blossoms of human culture were never unfolded ; the oriental character predominated : the Phcenicians had a preponderating influence, Amasis of Egypt sent some Ethiopians to its shores ^^ and the exuberance of nature*^ served to stifle every higher feeling in sensual enjoyment. The settle- ments of the lonians occupied the whole of the middle portion of the west coast of Asia Minor, from Cape Posidimn as far as Phocaea'*^ and the adjacent islands, on which had formerly dwelt Carians, Leleges, and Cretans'*®. No region was ever occupied by the Greeks which possessed the * Raoul-Roch. 3. 70, sqq. Concerning the supposed earlier Grecian settle- ments on those islands and on Rhodes, according to Horn. II. 2. 653, sqq. see Miiller, Dor. I. 105, sqq. Comp. his Prolegom. 403. Strab. 14. 635 ; Thucyd. 8. 17 ; Choiseul-Gouff. plaoche to 1. 173. " Herod. 1. 157 ; Paus. 6. 7. 3. « Clarke, 2. 2. 370. Now la Scala. ^ Strab. 12. 580 j Choiseul-Gouff. planche to 1. 112: v. Hoff. eesch. d. Erdoberfl. 1. 257, sqq. *^ Chandler, As. Min. 167. « Scyl. 90: Strab. 12. 679. ^ EvOripov, evStvdpov, Strab. 14. 636. " Clarke, 2. 2. 364. asserts that a person calling from ibe other side may be distinctly understood. ^ «« Ibid. 2. 1. 192. *» Scyl. 90. Comp. Liv. 37. 10. 11 ; Pococke, 3. 38 j Kinsb. 112. Strab. 10. 457. Soiioc means height. *' Clarke, 2. 2. 365. 1 ' 1 76 INTRODUCTION. the choicest kind, amongst the chief of which were wine and oil, yielded abundant, and in parts double crops ^^ In the beautifully winding gulf between Samos and Chios, which receives the waters of the Cayster, lay Ephesus on that river itself, deprived, it is true, of its once con- venient harbour ^^ by the accumulation of the sands ^, but very favourably situated for an inter- course with the interior of western Asia, and on that account afterwards one of the chief com- mercial stations in the world: besides Colophon with the harbour of Notium ^\ Lebedos, and Teos, situated on a strip of land, which, near Cnidus, formed two harbours ^. To the north there projects a considerable pe- ninsula, on which the mountain called Mimas is situate. Between this peninsula and Chios there is a navigable channel, once named Embata^'^, for that reason Corycus, in the district of Teos^, on the south coast, was a notorious haunt of the pirates^. In the channel itself, are the ports of Erythr^e'^ and Phoenicus^^; and on the northern coast of the peninsula Clazomenae, to which be- longed the ancient city of Chyton or Chytron^^, «* Athen. 14. 653. F. Comp. Panofka res Sam. p 6. . « Scyl. 90. ** Choiseul-Gouff. pi. to 2. 120. Comp. Mannert, 6. 3. 106. «* ri avu} iroXiQ was distinguished from the harbour town, Thuc. 3. 34 ; Diod. 13. 71. Comp. Liv. 37. 26. •• Strab. 14. 642 ; Liv. 37. 27. 28. " Td inftara. Schol. Thuc. 3. 29 ; Polyaen. 3. 9. 29. The place "E/tjSarov Thuc. 3. 29. Clarke describes the prospect as exceedingly beautiful. 2. 1. 188. « Liv. 37. 12. 6 J , ^ Strab. 14. 644; Liv. 36. 43; Phot. KwpvjcaTof ; Suid. tov S' &pa, Zenob. 4. 75 ; Vatican App. 4. 7, etc. 7» Scyl. 89 ; Strab. ubi sup. ^' Thuc. 8. 34 ; Liv. 36. 45 ; 37. 16 ; Poppo. Thucyd. 2. 452. Is it now Tschesm^ ? "To this the inhabitants fled from their city, upon being expelled by the Persians. Concerning their attempt to return to the mainland, see Thuc. 8. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 14. 77 erected on the adjacent island. Chios, tiU very recently the garden of modem Greece, commmil cated with the sea by means of an admirable har- bour , and is abundantly furnished by nature with ^^the luxuries of life, and especially with exquisite The gulf between Chios, Lesbos, and Asia Minor, into which the Pactolus and the Hermus discharge their waters, formerly named the Her- maic gulf, resembles an extensive roadstead; whilst m its innermost bay is the beautiftil harbour of ^>myma ^^ the excellence of which w;is not fiilly appreciated till modern days. Of the once cele- brated^ harbours of Phocaea^^ one still continues ^olis with Lesbos, colonised by Peloponnesian Achffians'«, mixed with ^oUan hordes from Bceotia and Thessaly, which settled amongst Pelasgians, and other tribes of the same origin", was still more fertile than Ionia, although its chmate was less beautiful. The gulf to the south of Lesbos re- ceived Its appeUation from the town of Cyme situated on it, which was so slow in availing itself of its exceUent port««, that it became a byword to the more active and enterprising of the Greeks »•, The iEolian cities in general, on the coast of Asia strab. 13. 622; comp. Raool-Roch. 3. 34, mo. ba«ij;s'„'i:'''^;rS:t"i3i*' ""■'"'• •^•'» ^"•'" "«« •"*""• Liv. iTlS."' ^*' ^* '^'"" "' ^'''* "^ "** 'PP-**'*'*"! till «till later. II 78 INTRODUCTION. Minor/were eclipsed by the power and splendour of Lesbos. This was marked out by the productive quality of its soil, the most luxuriant vineyards ^% and its genial air, for the peculiar seat of plea- sm-e ®^ ; and adapted by its harbours ^ of Mitylene and Methymna to command the much frequented channel, by which it is divided from the mainland, as well as the entrance to the gulf of Smyrna. Amongst the northern settlements of the iEolians without the Hellespont, Tenedos, the key to that strait, is rendered of the first importance by the possession of a safe harbour^, where those ships anchor, which are prevented by the violent north- erly winds from entering the Hellespont ^. Polybius was unwilling to write any thing on the subject of the Hellespont, because he considered that there could be no one unacquainted with its pecuUar character ®'^, and we may dismiss the sub- ject in a very few words. The Chersonese, in ancient as well as in modem days, a bridge ^ for the migration of nations, and originally inhabited by Thracian tribes, the Dolonci and Apsinthii^ " Strab. 13. 617, sqq. ; Athen. 1. 28, sqq. ; Plin. Hist. Nat. 14. 7. *' Hence once called the " blessed," the " love-inspiring." Macariu, Himerte, Plin. H. N. 5. 39. ** Scyl. 85, sqq. Mitylene was first built upon a small island, afterwards upon Lesbos itself. The Euripus between the two formed two havens ; that to the south would contain fifty triremes, and the other was spacious and de«p. See Strab. 16. 617; Diod. 13. 79; Xenoph. Hell. 1. 6. 22. The small island is now united to Lesbos. Pococke, 3. 23. Kinsbergen (90), who considers the harbours of Mitylene small, probably alludes to the eastern coast ; but the entrance to the principal harbour was apparently to the south, couse- ?uently this must have been identical with the present Porto d'Olive, or Port Hero. Kinsb. 90 ; Choiseul-GouflF. 2. 83. The harbour at Pyrrha, Scyl. 87. Choiseul-Gouff. ubi. sup., is now nothing but a shallow creek, which Kins- bergen passes over as a mere cipher in a nautical point of view ; but port Sigro, farther westward, is important. Kinsb. ubi sup. •* Etym. M. Siypoi/ Xi/ii)v TtvsSov ; Kinsb. 84. •« Corop. Append, i. ^ Polyb. 16. 29. ^^ The place near Sestos, where Xerxes' bridge of boats had been fastened,, was significantly denominated 'AirofidOpa, Strab. 13. 591. •» Herod. 6. 34—36. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 14. 79 near Sestos, advances to within seven stadia of the coast of Asia^. The passage across the rapid ^^ Hellespont, from Sestos to Abydos, could be effected without difficulty, as the stream flows from Sestos situated somewhat higher, towards the beau- tiful harbour of Abydos ^^ ; but the passage from Abydos to Sestos was very troublesome? ^^ Farther northward, where the current was less rapid, there was another convenient passage from Callipolis to Lampsacus^, which was the more traversed, ai? both from Lampsacus and Ephesus a great road led into the interior of Asia ^^ The brightest gem of the Propontis was Cyzicus, situate upon an island, which was united to the mainland by bridges 96, and was for that reason called the Chersonese^; it had two harbours, which might both be closed when necessary ^. Astacus, Perin- thus, and Selymbria were provided with ports ^. The unusually favourable situation of Byzantium*^, as well as the inferior though still commodious one of Chalcedon, is attested by the passage of Polybius alluded to above; and the choice of these places for their settlements reflects great credit upon the discernment of the Megarians. Miletus was the first amongst the states to recog- nise a field for her traffic beyond the Bosphorus, and with unparalleled activity planted her colonies around the Pontus, on appropriate forelands, pe- ninsulas, and in secured and sheltered creeks and !? Herod. 7. 33 ; Strab. 2. 148 j eight stadia, Xenoph. Hd. 4. 8. 5. " Ayappoog, Horn. II. 2. 845. »» Polyb. 16. 29. »=» Strab. 13. 691. •* Strab. 13. 589. ^ Mannert, 6. 3. 517. «» gtrab. 12. 575. ^ H Xepp6vTi See Rambach de Mileto ; Raoul-Rochetle, 3. 386—400 ; Mannert, 4. »o'« Ammian. Marc. 22. 8. 25, ultra omnem ferociam ssevienint. See Vales, ibid. , « ,., , , »w 'AUvog, Strab. 7. 298 ; iEschyl. Prom. 733 ; Ix^poUvoc vavrijm firiTpvia > Hermipp. ap. Ath. 1. 27. E. »« Raoul-Roch. 3. 300, sqq. »<" Polyb. 4. 56. »»• Strab. 12, 645. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 14. ai on the south coast of the Pontus^^. Trapezus, founded by Sinope, and during several centuries dependent "^ did not become a place of extensive trade till the time of the Romans, whilst Dioscurias was the great emporium of the Caucasian nations. The ancients related that seventy, and according to some even three hundred, different languages were heard upon its marts ^^\ On the Tauric Chersonese, where the corn yielded a thousand- fold "% lay Theodosia, with a harbour for a hun- dred ships ^^^; but the passage into the Maeotic gulf, the Cimmerian Bosphorus, was obstructed by Panticapaeon and Phanagoria^'*; even in the in- nermost creek of the Maeotic gulf, at the mouth of the Tanais, the Bosphoran Milesians founded the city of Tanais, which, hke Dioscurias, be- came an important trading place, from the con- flux of the surrounding nations ^^\ If compared with this multitude of considerable Milesian set- tlements towards the east along the shores ex- tending from the mouth of the Borysthenes to the Thracian Bosphorus, the other Milesian'^ plantations, Olbia, Istropolis, Tomi, Odessus, Apol- lonia, and Mesambria, founded by the Byzantines and Chalcedonians "^ appear to have been, with the exception of Olbia ^^ of little importance, it is still a subject of astonishment that there was not a single nation dwelling around the Pontus, to which the Greeks had not found access ; and in ^ Amm. Marc, ubi sup. '» Xenoph. A nab. 4. 8. 22 ; 6. 5. 10. |» Strab. 7.311. "3 ibid. 7. 309. . "*»^- *'• 310. 311. 115 Ibid. 11. 493. • Raoul-Roch. 3. 312—318, and 386—388. " Herod. 4. 33. '• Ibid. 4. 17. 18. 74; Strab. 7. 306. VOL. I. >" Strab. 11.497.498. n ii ;.r 82 INTRODUCTION. the midst of which they had not, either by strata- gem or force, succeeded in- obtaining a footing. In the west, Corinth endeavoured, by means of colonies, to render the coast of the Ionian sea, where the Greek population terminated, dependent upon herself. Leucas, Anactorium, Argos, Am- philochium, Ambracia, partly founded, or new- peopled, with the co-operation of Corcyra ^^^ kept the navigation of the Grecian seas open to the trade of Corinth ; but Corcyra itself, which com- mandingly extends along the coasts of Epirus, soon asserted, with fearless independence, the so- vereignty of the Ionian sea, which was especially favoured by its three harbours ^^^, and checked the depredations of the Illyrian pirates, who did not infest the Grecian seas till internal corruption had impaired the strength of Greece. Still farther northward were built Apollonia, Epidamnus ^^^, (Dyrrachium), and Epidaurus; the importance of the second increased with the gradual extension of intercourse and trade. Chance and enterprise soon led Grecian mari- neif s through the Sicilian sea. Italy itself, although connected with Greece by means of one of the most ancient colonies of the Eubcean Chalcidians, Cuma^*^*, was not the immediate object of frequent voyages ; Sicily offered greater attraction, from its superior harbours ^d insular character, together with which, Sardinia was, during centuries, the object of repeated and fruitless expeditions ^"^, "9 Raoul-Roch. 3. 183. 290, sqq. ; comp. Miiller, Dor. 1. 117, sqq. '» Scyl. 5 ; comp. Thucvd. 3. 72 ; Poppo. 2. 132. •*' On the subject of its harbour, see Appian. de civ. Rom. bel. 2. 39. «2 Raoul-Roch. 3. 109, sqq. '» Herod. 1. 170, and the legends of lolaus, Diodor. 4. 29, sqq. Ij' LAND AND PEOPLE, § 14. 8S Corinthians found the once superior harbours '"* of Syracuse, and after the foundation of the city, Chalcidians, Rhodians, Megarians, Syracusans, etc., vied with each other in settling along the three coasts of the fertile island '^, whose original inha- bitants, the Sicani and Siculi, now retired farther into the interior of the country. S} racuse was distinguished above all other places by its favour- able situation ; it is recorded, amongst its peculiar characteristics, that not a day elapsed on which the sun did not shine there '-^. Less favoured by their natural conveniences for navigation, than by the excellence of their soil, arose, on the south coast, the Rhodian ^''^ Gela, and still higher, its daughter-town, Agrigentum '"^ ; but Messana offer- ed great attraction as a maritime place, in conse- quence of its harbour, and its contiguity to the straits, which bounded it in the direction of Italy, and was successively occupied by Cumaeans, Chal- cidians, Samians, and Messenians. But in no part of the island was the tillage land poor or unpro- ductive, and on this account, and in some measure from the favourable shape of the sea coast, beside those capitals, Naxos, Leontini, Catana, Himera, founded by Chalcidians and Naxiaos, securely flourished the Megarian Hybla, or Megara and its colony Selinus; even upon the Lipari isles the Greeks found a settlement, abounding in the most luxuriant natural productions '^9. But nowhere "* Seneca consol. ad Marc. 17 ; Portum quietissimum orcnium— sic tutum, ut ne maximarum quidem tempestatum furori locus sit. Comp. Poppo. Thucyd! 2. 510, sqq. ; Gtiller de situ urb. Syracus., Kephalides Reise, vol. ii. and iii. ' '»5 See at large Raoul-Roch. 3. 175. 183 ; 213. 226 ; 247 . 277 ; 319. 325 • 354. 363 ; comp. MuUer, Dor. 1. 110, sqq. ; 115, sqq. ' '» Cicero c. Verr. 2. 5. 11. ^^ Raoul-Roch. 3. 247. sqq. »* Diod. 13. 81. »» Diod. 5. 9 ; Paus. 10. 1. 3. c2 .1 84 INTRODUCTION. were human passions more active in marring the benefits of nature, than amongst the Grecian towns of this favoured island. The Greeks never found the harbour of Brundu- sium ^^, invitingly situated upon that part of the coast of Italy which Hes opposite their own coun- try, and is only forty-six miles from Acroceraunia '^' ; its fame dates from the Roman times. On the other hand, the bay between the two southern points of Italy and the west coast, beheld a number of Grecian, especially Achaean, settlements flourish ^^- in the midst of Japygians, Messapians, Qinotrians, Ausonians, and Tyrrhenians. Tarentum, founded by Laconians, was the only town situate on the gulf named after it, which possessed a harbour ^^^ ; it was built upon a small foreland ^^, furnished to abundance with the productions of land and sea ^^, and its climate was soft and voluptuous ^^. The harvests of the adjacent Achaean Metapontum were so abundant, that golden ears of corn were sent in gratitude to Delphi ^^^ The country about the Siris, where afterwards lay Heraclea, eulogised by Archilochus ^^, and pointed out by Themistocles as aptly situated for the new home of the Athe- nians ^^^ was not less blessed by nature. The situa- tion of Sybaris, although destitute of the advantage »» Mannert. Ital. 2. 42. '3> Was it at one time a barbarian capital 1 Scylax only mentions 'Ydpovg. This harbour, formerly one of the finest in the Adriatic, is now filled with sand and mud, and can only admit fishing boats and other small craft, Riedesel, 231. >*» See in general Heyne, Opusc. vol ii. ; Raoul-Roch. 3. 109. 117 ; 163. 185 ; Miiller, Dor. 1. 125, sqq. »w Polyb. 10. 1 : Strab. 6. 278 ; Scymnus, 330 ; Florus. 1. 18. 134 xt was cut through in the last century, but the channel is again stopped up. Swinburne's Travels, 1 . 288 ; ^^ Mannert. Ital. 2. 63. 64. «» Riedesel. 204. "^ Strab. 6. 264. »38 Athen. 15. 524, D. >» Herod. 8. 61. 62. I LAND AND PEOPLE, | 14. $5 of ports, could not be surpassed in point of inland attractions '«. The salubrious air of Crotona, the site of which was asserted to have been pointed out by the oracle to its founder, the Heraclid Myscel- lus, passed into a proverb "'. Both were built by Achaeans. Locri, where Doric manners became general, was stony and rugged '«, but it was taught to exercise manly virtue. The Chalcidian- Messenian Rhegium, a real sea-fortress, raised Itself, for a time, to be the mistress of the strait on which it was situated. The position of Elea was not favourable'", but the foundation of Cuma, and its daughter-town Naples, is an evidence of the good fortune which attends the youth of na- tions. The most beautiful point of Italy was the first to be descried '♦*. The coasts of Gaul and Spain may, as the far- thest confines in the west, be compared with the shores of the Pontus ; here, too, the lonians estab- hshed a system of Grecian poHty. Massilia, a colony of the Phocaeans, blessed with a sky as serene as that of Ionia, and admirably situated for an intercourse with the Gallic tribes, flourished in security and independence far from the rest of the Greeks, and planted around it, towards the east and west, a series of dependent towns, the last of which, westward, Emporiae '«, is an emblem of the attach- ment the Greeks manifested for the barbarian coasts, as well as of the desire of intercourse in the narrowest possible political sphere; a Spanish I,^ ?^!"^- ^- 2^ ; Riedesel, 200; Swinburne, 1.362. I yuirrtpoi/ KpoToivog, Strab. 6. 262. 269 ■ Zenob B 07 . «„l,„i Ar«l„ph.Eq..m,S^ph Byzan.S„p„«s,.4Td'A;;!:^: ' ' '« w 1 '^ • *** Mannert, Ilal. 1. 738, son. II . 86 INTRODUCTION, town bordered closely upon the Grecian settle- ment *^^ and the Greeks did not penetrate any far- ther into the interior of the country. IV. CHARACTER OF THE GRECIAN NATION. § 15. The sea, especially when it winds round and indents such a land as Greece \ must sooner or later become an object of attraction ; a nation so destined for a nautical Hfe as the Greeks, will not leave its peculiar mission long untried; but the most forcible natural exhortations do not always call forth a corresponding energy in man ; it re- quires many and various shocks and coincidences, before nature and mankind enter into effectual alliance. Not the Cumaeans alone were once for centuries insensible to the advantages of their har- bour^; even Britain's league with the ocean was not effected till the august Elizabeth laid the foun- dation of her maritime greatness. Admitting that time and chance are necessary for human enter- prise and art to assert their power on the sea, this element, nevertheless, soon vindicates its rights as a channel of traffic \ Nowhere do rivers and seas impede the intercourse of nations ; the inhabitant of the coast is borne upon the waves to the oppo- site dwellers; narrow-minded prejudice departs with him, and he returns with awakened energies i« Strab. 3. 160 ; Liv. 34. 9. ' According to the Geogr. Ephemerid. 1799, v. iii, p. 304, Greece has 2880 geographical miles of sea-coast, Italy 2320, and France 1100. » Strab. 13. 622 ; comp. ^ 13, n. 73. 3 Horn. Od. 17.286. yaartpa rriq 'ivtKtv Kai vfjig ivi^vyoi oTrXi^ovra* TTovTov «7r' aTpiiytrov Comp. Eurip. Supplic. 210. irovTov Te vavaTo\tjfia9' a»c ^laWayaQ t\oifiiv aXXnXoKTtr mv irivoiTO yrj. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. 87 and unwonted powers, whilst boldness and courage become the prominent features of his character*. Thus it was that the Greeks became a maritime people, amidst Phoenicians and Illyrians. On the other hand, mountains often stretch far around as insurmountable barriers, impeding the intercourse and the union of neighbours. Beyond the mountains is incalculably a more marked divi- sion than beyond the sea. Whilst Athens, in less than half a century, found means to unite islands and coasts into a confederacy dependent upon her- self, which, after the lapse of a few years devolved to Sparta for an equally short period, the Grecian mountain-chains kept up, during centuries, the freedom as well as the disunion of the inhabitants of the precipices on either side of them \ When, moreover, a country is so studded with heights and peaks, and so intersected with defiles and gullies as Greece is, it is as natural that self-defence should lead to the construction of walls and citadels, as that rapacious marauders should, from thedr haunts in the trackless forest, and the beaten mountain-pass, invade the fields and flocks of their neighbours. Now, as the influence of the sea upon such as dwell upon its shores is not always uniform, so mountains do not always operate ahke upon thcj disposition and manners of their inhabitants. One mountain tribe is simple, honest, and faithful ; another trea- cherous, violent, and insensible to justice, duty, and humanity; but they possess, in common, a certain hardiness of character, a firm attachment to * Seethe just estimate which Cicero formed of the Greek character, De Repub. 2. 4. p. 128, sqq. (Stuttg.) 5 See the admirable disquisition of Fr. v. Schlegel, Schriften, 3. 69. [ f 88 INTRODUCTION. long-established customs, a repugnance to change, obstinate prejudices, slowness in social advance- ment, and faith and superstition. The last quality is strikingly exemplified in their abundant stock of local traditions and marvellous tales, which are comparatively rare amongst the inhabitants of low- lands and maritime districts. This may be applied in its full force to the Grecian mountaineers, and especially the Arcadians, to whom nature gave so much occasion for astonishment at her caprices and enigmas. The Greek nation first received a determinate and lasting impress from the Doric migration, and those immediately connected with it, and can only be duly estimated when regarded under the pecu- liar form which it bore subsequently to that event. At the same time, together with the more marked lines of character which it derived from the migra- tions, the exclusive and peculiar properties of the individual tribes became so prominently developed, that we can discover but very few characteristics of a more general nature. Now, though in Homer one uniform colouring seems to be diffused over the national character, we must raise the poetical veil, and may unhesitatingly assert, that a national- ity, which went forth from the heroic age with such maturity that it was enabled to preserve its origi- nal impress unimpaired, after being transplanted to foreign ground and amongst barbarians, could not have been destitute of the finer shades of individual character ; at the same time, it cannot be denied that what had previously been a mere unconscious life of habit, required to be contrasted with foreign \} LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. 89 elements to attain accurate and complete self- knowledge. The original fimplicity of the national life of Greece is attested by the primitive manners of the Athenians, the Arcadians, and Acheeans, which did not even cease with the historical age; and in general the tribes of the ancient Greeks, though not devoid of enterprise and alacrity, appear to have pursued, during certain periods of time, one regular course, till shocks from without aroused and agitated them. On the other hand, after these had occurred, there followed violent and even im- petuous commotions, as is proved by the long- continued chain of the migrations themselves. We may accordingly assert the most marked peculi- arity of the Greeks to have been extreme excitabi- lity, which, affected by external causes, awakened a corresponding degree of energy, and this exerted itself in domestic feuds, in colHsions mth neigh- bours, or in migrations and maritime (expeditions. The first were kept up by the natural divisions of the country into small states, so that they never wanted for matter to nourish them ; no torpor or lethargy could ensue, but the inner life gradually unfolded itself. Strength was accompanied by the most fearless self-confidence, and by its most un- disguised manifestations; modesty and humihty were not Greek virtues ; but their sense of honour was not spun out of such fine threads as that of modern chivalry ; honour was regarded amongst them as based upon right and prerogative ; words could not endanger it. Congenial to their love of action was their susceptibility of pleasure and pain. The Greek was easily affected to tears, examples ir (I ii 90 INTRODUCTION. of stoicism, as regarded pain, can only be adduced amongst the Spartans, and elsewhere should be accounted a total degeneration^ of the national character. Solon's beautiful reply, when some one wished to console him, that he wept on that very account, that it could not be helped ^ is truly Grecian. At the same time they possessed a degree of sensuality, and a capacity of enjoyment, which left no mode of pleasure untried^. Here we may commend as a national excellence their cultivation of the arts of poetry and music ; but in their intercourse with the female sex, they were deficient in that delicacy of feeling which is associated with respect and modest shame. The Grecian mode of expression, on subjects of this nature, was coarse, and sometimes gross ; still more depraved was their addiction to unnatural lust. As in this respect, so throughout the Grecian disposition, the bad was found closely bordering upon the noble and the good ; and its most con- spicuous taints were cupidity % envy ^ hatred, and cruelty ^^. But upon the whole, the youthful tur- bulence of the nation never arrived at maturity during its political existence ; the good neither resided securely and permanently in its heart, nor did the bad ever become fully developed. From the constant influence of passion, the personal and political character must very frequently have * Diog. Laert. 1. 63. ' Oi"E\Xijve£ (piXti^ovot. Dion. Chrys. 1. 323. * E. g. Hesiod. Op. et. Di. : xprifiara yap \pvxn TfXcrat diiXoim ^poToXm. Comp. 339. According to Polyb. 6. 46. many persons were of opinion that the chief merit of Lycurgus consisted in having banished avarice. * A Persian in Herod. 7. 326. describes it correctly : tov re evrvx^iiv «p9oviovviig, Qt'iq, /ioip^, oXriBiaQ Koi ovTi TrXaffTvJg ilalv dyaOoi, applies to the primitive ages. The same may be said of the proverbial 'Atikki) iriariq. See Diogenian. 2. 80; comp. Isocrat. Areop. 243. ed Lang, on the capacity of Athens to produce brave men. '* Did they consider the <^vrj of Pisistratus to be Athene, as stated in Herod. 1. 60? We shall be enabled to estimate at its true value the opinion of Herodotus, by examining one conceived in a similar spirit, 8. 132. that Samos had seemed to the Greek fleet which had conquered at Salamis, as dis- tant as the Pillars of Hercules. Levesque, Etud. 2. 375. says the ^vij was an allegorical representation of the protection of Athene, through which, Pisis- tratus wished the Athenians to believe, he had effected his return. =» Thucyd. 2. 14. 16. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. 93 hundred years, peace with the neighbours, indif- ference to the allurements of the adjacent sea, and even few traces of any feehng for science or art. On the other hand, the political life of the Chalcidians and Eretrians, descended from a com- mon stock with the Athenians, is at an early period beheld m great activity and vigour ; domestic riches were exhibited in equestrian pageants and public games '', and colonies were assiduously sent out to neighbouring as well as remote islands and coasts. Amongst the lonians who migrated to Asia a most fruitful germ unfolded itself, in conformity to the natural conditions of their new seats, and expanded into a system presenting extensive and diversified materials for consideration. Amongst those tribes, which in pursuance of the Doric migration, left their original seats, we must add, to the Athenians and Arcadians, the Ach^ans. Undisturbed and secluded, they led a life of sim- plicity in their new home, alike free from dissen- sions, and uncorrupted by luxury, not entirely averse to navigation and the foundation of distant colonies, but upon the whole, their condition at no time became divested of its negative character. The Acarnanians may be compared with the Acha^- ans in open-heartedness and stability ^^ ; but their political advancement was never considerable, and they even partook of the rapaciousness which marked their neighbours the ^tolians"^ These 82*' nf ^' ^K ^^^'^ "'"~^- ^P- ** ^'' ^^2, sqq. ; Pind. Oil. 13. 158 : I. 1. 82 ; Dica^arch. ap Gronov. 1 1. 33. calls the Chalcidians of his time^Ai;! ** Thucyd. 1. 5. I II * • \ iilR I 94 INTRODUCTION. appear to have occupied a very low position in the scale of civilisation, and were so estranged from the great body of the Grecian nation, that they can scarcely be recognised as belonging to it^*; they were moreover not without barbarian admix- ture "-^j and till the time of Polybius were violent and lawless marauders '^ who, in their native land, continued no less rude than free till the time of the Romans, only becoming connected with the nobler tribes of Greece in their character of mercena- ries ^^ This dehneation is no less applicable to the Ozolian Locrians -^ who were in fact afterwards included amongst the ^Etolians-^. The Eleans, amongst whom the majority of the governing body were of iEtohan origin, can by no means be con- sidered as sacred and guiltless in the early age ; a domineering disposition is their most prominent characteristic; afterwards they became notorious for their drunkenness and falsehood^. Nothing peculiar is commemorated of the Locrians of Opus and Cnemus ; the Phocians are only described as the steadfast opponents of the Thessalians ; but the inhabitants of Crissa, we know not with what jus- tice, are accused of having committed outrages upon the Delphian pilgrims ^\ Amongst the in- habitants of the Thessalian mountains a warlike disposition similar to that of the Arcadians, entitles the Malians ^" to distinct mention. ^ The iEtolian Eurytaniaos are called by Thucyd. 3. 94. dyvoKTToraroi yXataaav, and itfioiftdyoi. 2* By means of a transposition into the heroic age, Euripides, Phoen. 138. justly gives Tydeus barbarian armour. Comp. Schol. and Ttetz. ad Lycoph. 794. «' Polybius, 1. 49 ; 2. 46. 46 ; 4. 3. 67 ; 17. 4. 6. 'Ayeiv \davoi irXriKTai re Kal aSid- ^poi irpbg iravra i'tvov Kai CijfioTijv. KaTavwTKTrai iravTOQ SiKuiov irpoQ rd dfii(TfiaTovfiepa twv ffwaXKayfiaTtav ov Xoyt^i avviardfievoi, rr)v Si iK • Tov Opdffoi'g Kai tCjv xtipCjv TrpoffdyovTi^ (3iav, k. t. \. * Pingues et valentes, Cicero de Fat. 4 ; comp. Diod. 15. 39. *° Ephor. ap. Steph. Byz. Bonoria. *» The Comic Poets ap. Athen. 10. 418, sqq. ; comp. 4. 148. E, sqq. ; Polyb. 6. 23 ; 20. 4 j 'Addriayia, see Plut. Symp. 8. 515 ; comp. Muller, Orch. 408. 409. *^ Dicasarch. ubi sup. fieyaXo-^pvxoi Kai Oavfiatnoi raig Kara rhv ^iov eviXiriffTiaig (cuTrtffrtaig). *3 They enjoyed the pi«eminence in the art of flute playing. See on the column erected in memory of this, Dion. Chrys. 1. 263. ** ^lian, V. H. 4. 4. there was a law for artists in Thebes : tig rb Kptn- TOV rdg iiKovag fiijiiiffBai, ^ Dicsearch. ubi sup. *• The character of the Boeotians as drawn by themselves in Dicaearch. ubi sup. is however to this effect : r?)v fiiv aiffxpoKkpSeiav KaroiKilv Iv 'QpwTT^, rbv U ipOovov iv lavdypa, rrfv ifuXovftKiav tv Stffirta'ig, rrjv vjipiv iv 6ij- /3atc> Ti)v -KXtovt^iav iv XvOtiSovi, rriv irtpupyiav iv Kopuvei(f, iv UXa- raiaiQ Ttjv dXa^oveiavt rbv irvptrbv iv 'Oyxh^^fi^t t^IV dvaiaOtiaiav iv * A XtdpTip. *7 Botwn'a vg, Pind. 01. 6. 152 ; Boeckh. expl. 152 ; Fragra. 51. p. 584; Boeckh. Botwrciov ovg Diogenian. 3. 46 ; comp. Etym. M. iyKriiveg, a name of the Boeotians, did to KTtjvuidiig dvai Kai xotpw^cig. ^ E. g. Demosth. de Coron. 237 ; dvaXyriaia, ^apvTTig, 240 ; dvalaOriToi Oyjiaioi, c. Lept. 490 ; 9i;/3atot (ftpovovmv iir' w/i6r»;ri Kai -Kovtipiff,. ^ Strab. 10. 447. ^ Dicaearch. ubi sup. 19. LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. §t The Dorians. If we are at any time authorised to reason back from subsequent modifications as to an original germ, it must be from the Spartans to the ancient Dorians. By so doing we recognise a« the primitive characteristics of the Dorians, the properties of a sturdy mountain race, which, rude and brave, staunch and wary, faithful to its here- ditary manners, and jealous of innovation, repre- sented the healthful stem and trunk of the tree ; whilst the ante-Doric Peloponnesians, mth the ex- ception of the Arcadians, can only be (compared to the withered branches. Thus it is explained how the Doric principle, in many of the phenomena of domestic and political life, became predominant, and succeeded in estabhshing itself, beyond the limits of its own tribe, as the genuine Greek prin- ciple '' ; whilst other tribes, long passive?, devoid of character, and without any determinate external marks of difference, were superseded by it. For that very reason it has originally no positive term of opposition ; for the opposition of the Ionic ele- ment, as from the beginning a genuine? and indi- genous product, whose qualities are represented as liable to a similar estimation and designation in the ancient as the modern age, ser\^es to (;ast a very perplexing hght upon the subject; for by this means objects are opposed to each other, which in reality were to a certain extent only coexistent, and this is immediately apphed to both races in a larger extent and universally, at the same time that, in fact, the strictly Doric principle can only be affirmed of Sparta and during a limited space of " Thus Plato, Laches, 148. D. calls the Doric hannony Greek bv nre- eminence. '' ^ *^ ill li ill YOL. I. 1 ii 9a INTRODUCTION, time, whilst the Ionic, of the same period, can only be understood in reference to the Asiatic lonians. The opposition is in nowise suited to the ancient Athenians ; and after the later Attic manners had become Ionic, Sparta could no longer lay claim to the noblest virtues of the Doric character— sim- plicity and truth '\ Now if it should be carried so far as to regard the non-Doric and non-Ionic tribes as appertaining, by virtue of internal affinity, to one of these two masses, herein it is very easy to perceive an abuse of the authority of Thucydides. He beheld the whole of Greece, for the first time, divided into two opposite portions by means of two conflicting hegemonies, one the representative of the Doric, the other of the Ionic name ; and saw, politically ranged under two parties, that which it is true was for the most part descended from a kindred stock, but had long ceased to retain any resemblance or affinity in manners and character— or was wholly distinct in origin and descent, but in consequence of political divisions stood side by side, so that by means of a division into two op- posite parties of this description, the aggregate Grecian mind appeared to be comprised under these two terms of opposition. But if this classifi- cation had been made in conformity to the cha- racteristic qualities of the individual states, the party division would most assuredly have had a very different result. After these Umitations of the inadmissible exten- sion of the Doric and Ionic principles, and without reference to the question how far the individual *» 'AirXouv rt Kai Awpwv Kai dX»|0tv6v. Plut. Lys. 6. LAND AND PEOPLE. § 15. 99 states of Doric and Ionic extraction may have been contemporaneous ; or in what degree they may have respectively possessed the characteristics of their ongin, it must be confessed, some very pointed contrasts may be drawn between them : for in- stance, the Dorians as a mountain race, the lonians as a seafaring people ; the former as strictly closed against access from without, the latter as open to the approach of the stranger ; the former constant and steady, the latter unsettled and prone to inno- vation ; hence the former during a longer period of time unalloyedly Grecian, the latter soon corrupted by foreign admixture ^\ The mon^ decidedly, therefore, and as it were the more pregnantly, the Done character wa^ stamped upon the external object, the more liable it was to be retained after Its degeneration in individual instances. In fact, m spite of the last circumstance, the exterior of things everywhere preserved a certain general Done colour, and the single states of the Doric race, without regard to the good or evil attending their development, have upon the whole more strongly-marked distinguishing features than the rest, which is perhaps to be attributed to the strength and decision of the original impression. This was augmented by the fact that the main tnbes of the Dorians in their native land remained upon the continent ; whereas the lonians, as it were, singled out from the rest, grew independent on foreign ground, and by means of their early development, as concerned nationahty, became a species of mother nation, which was, nevertheless i\\ I) Comp. MUU. Dor. 2, 184. 366. 378. 389. 390. 403. sqq. H 2 i 100 INTRODUCTION, deficient in parental tenderness and solicitude for its oflspring. Lastly, the Doric principle had a firm hold and support in Sparta, the dominant state of the mother country, where it had been de- veloped to the most expressive and permanent forms. The peculiarity of Sparta consisted in carrying the original pecuharities of the Doric character to an extreme; this very extreme distinguished it fi-om such as were of a common origin with itself. The nature of Laconia was signally adapted to ex- aggerate the roughness of its inhabitants ; and the legislation of Lycurgus developed itself, and ope- rated retrospectively as a purely indigenous ele- ment. The spontaneous and natural quahties, which constitute character, were thereby thrown into the shade, and the better impulses made de- pendent upon the laws ^. , Although the Spartans were not altogether insensible to certain moral im- pressions, and the love of music was conspicuous amongst them^, still the susceptibility of that which penetrates to the inmost recesses of the heart, and the moral sentiment, was wholly want- ing. The kindlier feelings still slumbered within them; the intellectual faculties had only unfolded themselves in certain leading directions. This im- parted a nobler character to the feelings; but when they strive to clothe themselves in expressive and exalted words, we still discern a certain callous- ness and contempt for the genuine and unsophisti- cated features of the human character, a suspicious reserve towards the rest of the Greeks, a barbarous ** Sparta, SaiiaaiujipoTOQ. Simonid. ap. Plut. Ages. 1. ^ Tbaletas and lerpander appeased an insurrection by singing. Mus. 10. 699 ; Diod. Frag. 4. 37, Bipont. Plut. de :i^ LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. lot degradation of their inferiors, vulgar scoffing, and malignant joy at the misfortunes of others^. The inconsiderable advances^ they had made in civilisa- tion are proved by their slowness to action, and their antiquated simplicity with its scruples. Their dexterity and skill were little else than bodily agility in athletic exercises. A long-continued ad- herence to prescriptive usages, which, to nearly the same extent, applies to the ancient Athenians, was fitted to produce both good and evil fiiuts, and as it was continued pohtically, it must be judged of pohtically. The Spartan was only bound to life by one description of tie, and this was easily broken : the contempt of death is the most marked feature in his character. The pohtical institutions of Crete were similar to those of Sparta : but the national character is stigmatised ; treachery, mendacity, and sordid cu- pidity were its taints ^^ ; no examples of nobler features can be adduced from the historical age ; the accounts of the civil virtues and public edu- cation of Crete ^, are the wretched varnish of encomiastic declamation in aftertimes. The Messenians Ke without the range of strictly historical criticism ; the land was less wild than Laconia; a milder character in the inhabitants is even implied by their proper names ^^; neverthe- less, poetry commemorates their magnanimous, but ineffectual struggle against their oppressor Sparta, I I'll *« See Herod. 6. 67, the shameful raillery of Leotychides at the expense of Demaratus. ^' Polyb. 6. 46 ; 3. 47 ; Callim. Hymn, ad Jov. 8 ; and Spanheim. KptiTi^Hv, Zenob. 4. 62. ** As Dosiadas ap. Athen. 4. 143, and even Ephor. ap. Strab. 10. 483, *» Comp. Miiller, Dor. 1. 99. 100. 102 INTRODUCTION. the ftnpetuosity of Aristodemus, and the true heroism of Aristomenes. Argolis was not calculated to produce or to maintain a similarity of character in its inhabitants The Argives in particular, originally mixed with lonians^, proclaimed their Doric extraction in their taciturnity and brevity of expression"', their hereditary bravery, and taste for music '. Ihe Phliasians, composed of ancient Acha^ans and Dorians, as well as the inhabitants of Epidaurus, Hermione, Troezen, and Halieis, spmng from lonians and Dorians, are only remarkable for their unshaken adherence to Spartan-Doric aristocracy. In Sicyon, the cradle of the Dionysian festivals ', and the birthplace of painting and sculpture , prevailed a cheerfiil and yielding disposition: a lively character distinguished Tiryns^ which did not become free and independent of Argos till late. iEgina, the colony of Epidaurus, was very early distinguished by maritime enterprise, an indomit- able spirit of liberty, and the love of plastic art . Corinth, among the Doric states of the mother country, presents the greatest contrast to Sparta. Its local character, the intercourse of strangers, and its riches, early contributed to produce cor- II 1 «> Strab. 8.374; comp. $ 13.11. 40. , -. qo«; . anH « ^schvl. Suppl. 203. sqq. 276 ; Sophocl. Acns. ap. Stob. 74. 325, and Odysf ^alvo^i: ap! Schol. Find. Isth. 6. 87 ; ^^00. yAp%yo\.ar. opa. Diogeman. 2. 79. « fierod. 5. 67 ; comp. Boeckh, Pub. Econ. 2. 362, sqq. '^ ^,l\VL%'26i: D. They are stigmatised as drunkards and cowards in Ath. 10. 442. D. ; whether justly or not does not appear. « Miiller, ^i^ginet. 68, sqq. I LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. 103 ruption of manners ^^ ; but here, too, we find com- bined with great sagacity in practical inventions ^, a powerful impulse to navigation and the founding of states, although this was in some measure first called into action under the tyranny of the Cyp- selidae. Megara, lastly, was, in its good old times, like its parent town Corinth, most active in undertak- ing distant voyages and founding colonies ^ ; after- wards it became puffed up with the most ridiculous vanity ^^ After the Persian wars, however, it is only exhibited in the Attic raillery, which was directed against the littleness of mind produced by its habits of trade, and penurious disposition ^\ The aspect which the Grecian national character assumed upon foreign ground presents this singular phenomenon in the history of mankind, that the Greeks bore with them from their mother country to the most remote settlements, a system which was so matured and dependent upon its own roots for strength and sustenance, that its peculiar im- press did not become effaced in the midst of barbarians till after the universal de;struction of Grecian independence; at the same time the language and manners of Greece universally per- vaded the land of the barbarians, and the former became the general language of the east after the ^ strab. 8. 378 ; Athen. 13. 573 ; Plato, de Repub. 3. 404 ; Diodor. Fragm. 4. 14, Bipont. " ^ See on the subject of these Boeckh, explicat. Pind. 215. ''V/3ptc, in Theognis, is in nowise conclusive, but the iraXivroKia, and the afiaKoKv\i(TTai, Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 183. 213, prove it. '» See Theocr. 14. 48, and in the Schol. the enquiry on the part of the Megarians as to their rank, comp. Photius, 'YfiHc d, Meyap. However, ac- cording to Zenob. 1.48, Diogen. 1. 47. and Suidas, Aly ulg, the ^gians received the response, but it seems very questionable. '» Ps. Deraosth. c. Neaer. 1357. 8; comp. Dem. c. Aristocr. 691. 4. MiyapiKa fitfxava, Anstoph. Acharn. 738. I' 104 INTRODUCTION. Greeks themselves had become subject to foreign despots. But the influence of the physical cha- racter of new regions called various new faculties into existence. The Greeks appropriated to them- selves the most fertile tracts of country on the Mediterranean and the Pontus, the territory of Carthage only excepted ; the greatest part of these regions were blest by nature with fertility and abundance, replete with the inducements to phy- sical enjoyment, amply remunerative of industry, and signally calculated to diminish it by superfluity. But the ocean became their favourite element, and the new states, judiciously availing themselves of the local advantages presented to them, all founded on islands or coasts where strips of land facilitated fortification on the inland side, and sheltered bays and havens rendered the sea secure and inviting, raised themselves, almost without exception, to maritime trade, and in some instances to maritime supremacy. This diminished the necessity of ob- taining provisions firom the immediately adjacent districts ; their course lay over the waves, the eye was averted from the interior of countries and the barbarians who dwelt there. Against these they were chiefly secured by the separation which had long prevailed among them, and which afterwards generally led to the rise of powerful states, when the Greeks had long attained maturity, and in many instances had outlived it. Where force was unavaiUng, the art of rendering themselves beloved and respected by their neighbours enabled them to obtain admittance amongst them. The contact with barbarian manners and its influence could not indeed be avoided. The Grecian settlements were. 1/ ( LAND AND PEOPLE, § 15. lOS it is true, exceedingly numerous; but the con- tinuity of the land territory was almost everywhere kept up by narrow strips of sea-coast alone, or was altogether wanting; that alone served to render the natural bond amongst these states without the mother country an extremely loose one; add to this, that the long continuance of peaceable inter- course with their neighbours, and the absence of aggression from active and warlike enemies did not allow a firm and faithful observance of native manners and customs, or a marked contrast to those of foreign countries to operate in their fiiU force. In the interior of the new transmarine states, national life grew in very few from a simple germ, as the population of the greater part of them was a mixed one from their earUest foundation, or, at all events, became so through the emigrants who arrived afterwards. Now although these manifold ingredients were all of Grecian blood, still the peculiarity of a particular tribe could not maintain itself in its former purity and exclusion. On that account, under a general Grecian surface, we behold deviations both from the characteristics of those members of a tribe who had remained in the mother country, and even more or less an ap- proximation to the barbarian character, which, for the most part, occurred more rapidly than changes of a similar description in the parent country. Here, hkewise, we are only enabled to glance at the chief phenomena. The inhabitants of the Cyclades, in their aspiring and youthful nature, displayed no less cheerfulness and vivacity than energy of character. Surrounded by the most seductive attractions of nature, they I« 106 INTRODUCTION. advanced for a long time upon the right path, fos- tering and augmenting strength with a wise mea- sure of enjoyment, but cautiously avoiding the per- nicious effects of excess ^^. The lonians at first display considerable activity and enterprise; the rough inhabitants of Colophon were bold horse- men ^^; the Milesians intrepid and manly ^*, and, as has been already remarked, they exhibited great alacrity in traflSc, navigation, and the establishment of colonies; the Chians powerful by sea^^ as well as the Samians, who were bold sailors, and ex- tended their voyages to the pillars of Hercules'^. However, the lonians, at their very first establish- ment, had been debased, by foreign alloy, fi-om their union with the wives of the former inhabitants of the country " ; both dress ^^ and language under- went a change ; the latter probably originally possessed the fundamental forms correspondent to its subsequent softness, and they can hardly at any time have been so thin as the Attic. Nature exer- cised her siren power upon them : herein she was aided by the voluptuous neighbours of the Greeks, especially the Lydians^^, and the lonians might then, as afterwards, be justly described as distinguish- ed by enervating luxury^, the softest beds®^ and the '* 2i0via^c(v, Phot. The vices ascribed to Leros (Strab. 10. 487,) etc. must probably be referred to a later age. 73 ^KXtjpoi, Phylarch. ap. Atb. 12. 526. A. See on this point Mimnermus ap. Stob. 7. 87, Orl. ed. '* HoXat iroT ijffav dXKifioi MiKt'iffioi, a proverb in Ath. 12. 525 ; Zenob. 6. 80. ''' Strab. 14. 645 ; Herod. 6. 15; 16. 26, sqq. w Herod. 4. 162. '' Herod. 1. 146. '• 'Idovec (\Ktx^Tbtv€Q, Homer, Hymn. ApoU. 147. On the flowing robes of the Samians, see Asius ap. Ath. 12. 525. F. 73 Athen. 12. 525. 626. ^ 'IdJviKov rpvep6v' liri rovrtfi yap Uv\a, Kara 16. 59; comp. Tittmann, gr. pi^te^r '^' '^"'"*^''' ^" "^ ^^' ^' ^^' ^-252. whether the unknown is a I 2 i » M 116 THE HEROIC AGE. personal security was so far recognised and esta- blished within the territories of states, that every foreigner who presented himself in a peaceful manner was regarded as entitled to the hospitahty of bed and board '^ and the protection by which it was accompanied '^ This was secured upon the pubUc faith "^ as both the royal citadel afforded the guarantee of the state to the stranger who found a reception in it, besides which shelter '* and accommodation '" were provided publicly; and these were most probably claimed by the following persons in addition to the heroes, viz., foreign workmen ^*, soothsayers expressly summoned, priests, artists, and physicians-^ and lastly heralds ^^ who, as such, were already regarded as within the pale of protection. Merchants^ and beggars^ traversed the country alike exempt from danger. Hospitality was finally exhibited in its greatest force in the treatment of those who, strictly speak- ing, were a kind of outlaws, fugitives from their country, and the victims of persecution, when they became suppUants for help^. They were sup- posed to be under the especial care of Zeus during their flights '^ as well as when imploring protec- '» Od. 4. 26, sqq. r t^^ » II. 9. 636 ; 21. 76 ; Od. 8. 208 ; compare on iiXig and rpcnn^ai, ue- mosth. de. fals. Legat. 400. 6 ; and ^schin. in Ctesiph. 616. R. ed. Con- cerning the impiety of Hercules, who slew his guest Iphitus, and his atone- ment, see Od. 21. 27, sqq. ; Diod. 4. 31 ; Plut. Thes. 6. « Od. 1.119; 3.34; 19. 197. « In the Xkaxri, Od. 18. 328, or iv xaXjci/iy dofm>, 327. » Od. 19. 197 ; driixoOiv dX^ira SiJKa Kai aWoira olvov aytipag, « e^rcc, Od. 4. 644 ; 18. 356 ; H. 21. 444. M Od. 17. 383—385. » Od. 19. 135. 27 Od. 15. 414. M Od. 6. 207 ; 14. 58. *» Z^c^'ktoc, Apollod. 1. 9. I ; Xa^vffrtoc, amongst the Boeotian Orcho- menians, Pa^Is. i. 24. 2; Schol. ApoUoq. Rh. 2. 655; 4. 699; Tzetz. Lycophr. 288; comp. Miiller,Orch. 164. RISE OF THE GRECIAN STATES, § 16. 117 tion'^; extradition was never thought of'^; re- gular sanctuaries, however, appear to belong to a later age. The members of the aristocracy were either designated the old^% or the pre-eminent =^, the best ^. In considering the various significations of the word Heros ^, our attention must be directed to the two extremes of the scale. In its most exalted meaning, the hero derives his origin from Olympus, or is received into it upon the comple- tion of his earthly career ; in the ea.rthly sense, every one is a hero who, in any respect whatever, rises above the multitude, for instance, the herald^. From this less exalted notion, which bore no re- ference to political law, flowed the still more com- prehensive one of Hesiod ^, which comprises the whole human race of the olden time,. The first and nobler signification is associated with the poli- tical conception of an aristocratic bod> . Like the hero thus described, that order was totally sepa- rated from the lower class of people ; the principle of nobility, the exclusive character of the noble famihes was most rigorously developed. However this distinction of ranks, which in its principal features was solely directed to purity of race and external honour, can by no means be regarded as a caste-Hke constitution of the Indian or Egyptian « Ze{,QlKeTiiiTiog, Od. 13. 213; comp. 7. 165. 181 ; 9. 270. Concerning the Heracleids in Athens, see Pherecyd. ap. Anton. Lib. 33 • Sturz. 184. new ed. ; Apoll. 2. 8. 1. ^ ' » ripovng II. 9. 570; 18. 503; Af,,ioyspovTsg, 3. 149; but 2. 789- ^ II. 2. 188, 'ovTiva fikv fiamXija Kai i^oxov dvSpa jccvfin. ** ApiffTTjeg, Od. 6. 34. r a i * n!f ^';®/«'JJFehensive investigation in Creurer's Symb. 3. 1, sqq. passi™f>T!^,;rpVo;;"^P- ''' '""' ''^^^^"^ ^^^"'-^ Mp^.ri4. 3. et ^ Op. et Dies. 155, sqq. u n I ) u 118 THE HEROIC AGE. kind, which does not turn upon mere nobility or baseness of blood, but involves a separation in the other circumstances of life. This is in nowise applicable to the ancient Grecian orders. The names of the older Attic Phylae, it is true, seem to indicate a separation in the priesthood, the military body, and the trades: still careM investigation would doubtless prove that the Attic political order of rank did not resemble that of castes '». But Plato's remark, that priests and warriors had once been separate*", cannot be understood in reference to the heroic states. In these the high-priesthood was associated with the princely office", which had a warlike character. The seers Tiresias and Calchas are separated from the warriors it is true ; but this is chiefly to be attributed to the notion the ancients entertained of the prophetic faculty, which distinguished the person in whom it resided from the rest of the people, and was, therefore, transmitted by regular succession in his family «; that this led to no separation of classes is proved in the instance of the soothsayer Melampus, who became king, and of Amphiaraus, who went to the war as a hero mounted on his chariot". Thus the assumption that sacerdotal families, in which certain worships were hereditary ", were not heroic, falls to the ground ; and finally, if the pnests at- tached to the direction of certain worships had a pecuUar rank in the state, and especial sanctity 89 See i 43 and 44. 4, » • * * t>^i q o 7 « Tiro! 24. A. ; Critias, 110. C. "' Anstot. Pol. 3. 9. 7. 42 The chief Dassage is Od. 15. 224, sqq. ■ „ . « The earliest testimony extant is Odyss. ubi sup. Comp. the important passage, Strab. 16. 762. ^ ^ - « c 1 1 ** evaiai hpariKai, Arist. p. 3. 9. 7 , 0. a. 1 1. RISE OF THE GRECIAN STATES, § 16. U9 and inviolability pertained to them *^, this must be explained from the dignity of the office, and the fact that it was generally administered by such as were too old for the service of arms. Moreover, warriors and husbandmen were not separated ; the warriors at Troy were landholders in their own country*^; the particular kind of service they performed, was the only distinction between the nobility and the commonalty. Finally, ingenuity and art, like the divinatory faculty, the personal en- dowments of individuals, and frequently found transmitted from generation to generation in their families, even in the historical age, were by no means the possession of a particular caste in the state. At that time artists and workmen went into foreign countries in pursuit of gain, and were on that account generally distinguished among the inhabitants of the state, in which they took up their temporary residence by the homeless cha- racter assigned to them *^. II. THE PRINCELY OFFICE. § 17. The fundamental distinction between nobles and princes was that of plurality and unity ; there could be but one prince, but several nobles in the state. In the political camp before the walls of Troy, the heroes, for the most part sovereign princes at home, stood towards Agamem- non in the relation of an aristocracy \ Although in the Odyssey ^ we find princely birth ascribed to ** The iEtolian nobility send the best priests as ambassadors to Meleager. *« 11.24.398. « Seen. 25. ' 'Apyeitov fiaviKritg, otrot ictcX^aro SovXrjv, II. 10. 195. ' Od. 6. 34. 120 THE HEROIC AGE. several noble families in the state of the Phaea- cians, it was, nevertheless, the most prevalent notion of antiquity, that the nature and unity of the state exclusively depended upon the authority of one prince ; therefore there were as many states as there were princes. Hence the monarchical ap- pears as the prevailing principle, in investigating which, we shall first direct our attention to the princely dignity, without regard to the extent of the powers of government. The unity of the monarchy had naturally de- veloped itself as a recognised principle from the condition of families ; the authority and the power of the head of the family were continued in those unions which were gradually matured for political society \ But it is manifest that the principle of affinity, as the original fountain from which the head of the family derived his authority, whilst the distance from the root was constantly increasing, could not remain its sole support ; nor could any thing like a presidency in the person of the patriarch of the tribe continue to be the estabUshed form of government. This presidency and princely dignity, influenced by various external circumstances, pro- ceeded from the feeling of necessity for a supreme fountain of order and security \ and the wilhngness to confide in the direction of a guide. Now of whatever description may have been those quali- ties, which in ancient Greece originally conferred princely authority, the wisdom of age, which was so efficacious in pacifying and uniting the turbulent 8 Aristot.Pol. 1. 1.7. , , , * Plut. Pelop. 24 ; 6 yap irpwrog, wc ioiKt, Kai KvpuaraTog vojios rtp au^ivOai ^fofitvy, rbv trw^itv Svvanevov dpxovra kqtcl » Odyss. 1. 190. «> Operrrpa, II. 4. 477 ; dpttrTripia, Hesiod. Op. et Di. 185. " Paus. 4. 1.2; IXoXurawv Si vtwTepog r/v nXiKiq, Kai Si avrb iSidtTtiQ, Comp. Herod. 7. 2, concerning the universality of the right of primogeniture. THE PRINCELY OFFICE, § 17. 125 frequent examples of partition % or alternate go- vernment, as in the case of Eteocles and Polynices, but never of joint government. The crown like- wise descended in the female Kne, as in the case of Helen, but none but children born in wedlock were accounted legitimate, and monogamy alone was customary. Orestes followed Menelaus to Sparta, because the latter had no other children than such as were born of slaves ^\ In the ac- quisition of a lordship by marriage **, or the attain- ment of the same, as a reward for some great service rendered to the state, through presentation by the ruler of the district ^^ or, with a species of regeneration of the original principle, through the invitation of a pubhc benefactor to a vacant throne -^ it was a tacit condition that none but those of princely birth were eligible, as, for instance, when martial games were appointed for aspirants to the hand of a prince's daughter ^. By reason of their descent and their personal bravery, the princes were revered like beings of a superior order ^, and in token of this feeling they received honorary gifts ^, especially such as con- sisted of the spoils of war ^, and were offered for their decisions in judicial matters ^\ and these sub- ^ Apollod. 3. 9. 1 ; 15. 1, etc. Compare on the partition of propertv. Odyss. 14. 208. sqq. '^ r i^ jt *» Pausan. 2. 18. 5. »♦ e. g. Menelaus, Pelops. *^ Neleus, Meianthus. *» (Edipus, Atreus. Thucydides, in his democratic mode of viewing things, states that the Argives made Atreus king, rb irXriBcQ rteepawivKora, p. 1 . !?• f This b perceptible in the case of the suitors for the hand of Agariste Clisthenes, the Sicydonian's daughter, Herod. 6. 126. " eebg d' Cjq tUto drifUft, II. 5. 78 ; comp. 9. 302. 599, etc. Tipara, SotTivai, Swpa, etc. Od. 7. 150; II. 9. 155; I. 230, comprised under the more extensive notion, rifiai. See Ruhnk. ad Hymn, in Cerer. 328, and the quotation there. » II. 1. 118. 120; 135. 138, etc. " Hence Hesiod. Op. et Di. 262, dwpoipdyoi. tl If 126 THE HEROIC AGE. sequently assumed the character of fixed tributes '% whilst the choice morsels in their public feasts were looked upon as their peculiar portion, as of the heroes in general ^\ Their quahfication as to property consisted in the possession of a demesne ^. The yet moderate necessities of the state were pro- vided for according to circumstances. Thus Hec- tor received from the Trojans a contribution for the payment of the aUies, as a supply engendered by pressing danger and emergency ^\ III. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. § 18. The notion of a family implies the confor- mity of its members to the existing regulations emanating from its head. This dependence became relaxed when a social and gregarious mode of life was the only eflfiectual means of guarding against various kinds of danger ; it was seldom dissolved by the exercise of arbitrary authority arising from the consciousness of superior strength, which oc- curred amongst individuals only. A cavilling demand for standards of law, a watchful jealousy lest the rights of the citizens or those of a class might be infringed by the power of the rulers, as long as their authority was only subjected to the control of moral feeling, and not defined by express legisla- tive enactments, as well as the anxiety displayed in calculating how far the good of the people at ^ This is probably implied by the priroXg yipam, Thucyd. 1. 13. » II. 8. 162 ; Od. 4. 66 ; 8. 475 ; 14. 437. It was the same case with the gods ; compare the speech of Zeus, II. 4. 49, Xotj3^c rt Kviffaijg rv to yap Xdxofitv ytpag vf^tiQ, On the subject of this custom which was still retained in Si^aita, consult Herod. 6. 56 ; Miiller, Dor. 2. 105. »» Tkfitvoc, U. 6. 194, sqq.; 9. 674, sqq.; 12. 310, sqq.j Cic. de Repub. p. 129 ; comp. Kreuser Hellenen Priesterstaat, 140. 141, » II. 17. 226. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES, ^ 18. 127 large might be consulted by limiting the freedom of individuals, without any violation of the natural rights of the latter, cannot be attributed to a poli- tical society existing in a state of nature. The natural feeling, far from developing or asserting the abstract principles of right, led to the elevation and recognition of eminent personal endowments ; even the predilection for the monarchical character, which, according to the above, was an essential quahty of the supreme political authority ^ amongst the ancient Greeks, is opposed to the assumption of poUtical contracts between prince and people. Examples of formal stipulations, at the election of a prince, do not occur till the decline of the heroic constitution. The oath of the princes, recorded by Aristotle ^ only refers to the custom which pre- vailed when a tribunal was held. Such an oath was less an obligation towards the people than a vow to the gods. The prince, the natural head of the body politic, contained within himself the law of his authority ; his mode of gove^rnment was only dependent upon his own will ; in its adminis- tration he had a purely discretionary }}ower, and it could not, consequently, be looked upon as limited by agreements. However, the absence of the conventional cha- racter by no means prevented the rise of a fixed standard of right in itself: this was looked upon as self-existent, and even when people were unable to counteract that line of conduct in their princes, which deviated from this standard, it still served for a test by which it was tried. * OifK ayaBbv iroXvKoipavirj, etc Koipavog toTut, II. 2. 204, rather bears the character of a maxim than of the opinion of an individual. ' PoL 3. 9. 7. \ M! H^ isfi* J'll! -?— — »- 128 THE HEROIC AGE. !l For on the one side, the princes were, by means of their descent, and even by their authority, brought nearer to the gods, and such a line of de- marcation was drawn between them and the peo- ple, that it appeared impossible for one of their body ever to become a partaker of similar personal rights with the princes ; the earthly right by no means depended on an equality of human preten- sions, but on the measure of personal importance, and this, in its turn, on the class to which, in the general order of things, the individual appertain- ed; the legal standard of the lower order could not be apphed to the higher; whatever was not interdicted by a higher power, was looked upon as legally allowed, and the right consisted in unre- stricted action. The aggregate right then did not appear as a principle developing itself upwards, by virtue of the decrees of an earthly legislature, but as descending from above, and regulated by a class of beings ^ legally entitled to occupy a more ele- vated station, as furnished with more favourable personal endowments. The fountain-head of right, the Olympian Gods, exalted above the test of vir^- tue and moral perfection, in a state of happiness beyond the criterion of human law, distributed to mankind, with despotic humour, good or evil ; the rude Cyclops, for the sole reason that they were connected with the divine race, were blessed with profusion of all kinds, but human right availed nothing with them ^ ; and in Hesiod ^ the second « Hence the original signification of v^pig, a presumptuous aspiring after that which was the exclusive right of a more highly-privileged class. Oa the other hand, Iffti, in Homer's time, already signified that which every one might lay claim to according to his legally-recognised rank. Od. 9. 42. 649 ; comp. 11. 12. 423. -• Od. 9. 106, sqq. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES, § 18. 129 and third of the three ante-heroic races, in spite of all their depravity, were, in physical condition and bodily stature, assimilated much more closely to the gods, than virtuous men were in a later age. On the other side, there was a chasm interposed between princes and gods in the descending scale ; and although the princes, in earthly affairs, enjoyed unlimited power, and could not be judged by the legal standard of the lower orders, still in the con- cerns between themselves and the gods, they were equally bound by those ordinances which the latter had been pleased to deliver to the human race as duty and law ; and as the lower orders were not en- titled to depart from the law, whilst the princes might act in the most arbitrary manner, so it was unlawful for the princes to disturb the unconcern of the bliss- ful race of the gods, as to any possible apphcation to themselves of those decrees they had made to bind mankind, and although, when the latter committed acts of injustice, the enquiry into the right, by virtue of which they had acted, was suppressed by the paramount influence of the princes, and, con- sequently, could never lead to any definite ordi- nance for the settlement of princely right ; never- theless, as accustomed as they might be to bear patiently with the unlimited exercise of power in the princes, they were far from being destitute of a clear notion as to their duties ^ and passed the judgment of outraged feelings on flagrant tyranny ^ • nor did they omit to commend paternal sentiments « giving'et't^gc^^fcrn^^^^^ Onthedutyof downright wT^O;.^Ti:3^^^^^ 4. ^2. Hes,od is a ua. 2. 234, iruTi^p - -J I I M THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES, § 18. 133 cannot be regarded as an evidence of aristocracy. It is as erroneous to suppose that any express ordinance excluded the lower order from a share in public proceedings, as that it conferred such a right upon the nobles; nevertheless the former had by no means assumed the character of a poli- tical body ; its public attitude was passive ; it per- formed its pohtical functions in quiet and obedi- dience ; and the expression of its acquiescence was conveyed by acclamations, not by voting ^' ; the presumption of an individual met with a reception similar to that of Thersites '\ Homer is decidedly opposed to the mode of proceeding adopted by the plebeian; the whole narrative" expresses disap- probation. But the mere presence of the people during public deUberation and decrees, must neces- sarily have acted as a check on arbitary proceed- ings. This joint deliberation, in which the prince was surrounded by the nobles, and both by the people, appears to have been the natural charac- teristic of the heroic state, and frora the recip- rocity of its action to have been the security for its existence. Now in the same manner as it was decided by the nature of the order, whether the share of that order in public concerns should be an active or a passive one, it depended upon cir- cumstances whether the princes engaged in the conduct of some affair of state should be attended by a part of the people only, or by the whole body. The narrow extent of the heroic dominions, how- rLJ}'o^'^fi?' P who belongs to the demus is not allowed to speak. tvapiBiiioQ ovT Ivi jiovXy, w/^^y ^ Arifiaybjyov rij/of, Dion. Chrys. I. 80. " n.2.2U, sqq. 184 THE HEROIC AGE. ever, and that desire to participate in public affairs^ which was rooted in the nature of the Grecian race, afford strong presumption, that as often as the pubHc service required it, the people were Wilhng to assemble in sufficient numbers. Still there is equal probability in the conjecture, that circumstances might ordain a previous consultation between the prince and the nobles ^ whilst the people were afterwards convened to hear the reso- lution. The relation of the aristocratic council to the general assembly was not yet accurately de- fined ; circumstances, likewise, in this respect, decided whether their agency should be joint or separate, and the marked line of distinction after- wards drawn between assemblies of the council and those of the people did not yet exist -^ There is no vestige of an obhgation in the prince to con- voke either assembly within a given time: an assembly might however be convened by a member of the council of nobles ^, or it might be held without the presence of the prince^; but the notion of a representation of the supreme power was not yet developed; during the absence of Ulysses the people were not once convoked^. The maxim of a formal opposition between prince and assembly, and a question as to the legitimate position of the latter with regard to the former, were equally unknown. The first instance that is recorded of the responsibility of the political fiinc- a* Comp. Herod. 1. 153. ox' » 11.2.53.86; 10. 195; 6.113, ycpovrfcpovXevrac. ,, o arq. « 'Ayopai ^ov\n6po.. Od. 9, 112. 'Ayopd of the nobles, II. 8. 489, ^* i^ This, it must be confessed, only happened in the camp at Troy. 11. 1 . 54 ; ^^^s^Cappears to be the case. 11. 18. 497. « Od. 2. 15. mmm THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES, § 18. 135 tionaries (evOvvrf), which afterwards so generally obtained, is probably when the Athenian nobility limited the power of the Codrid Mcidon ; but this is, at the same time, a termination of the heroic monarchical system ^, which was only hable to cen- sure or commendation through the medium of public opinion ; thus Polydamas, in Troy, appears as the candid judge of Hector's conduct, and the latter is fearful of his reprehension ^^ ; in the Odyssey frequent allusion is made to the animad- versions of the people ^-. An application for legal redress against the prince at the bar of the assem- bly, could therefore scarcely have been attended with success when heroes like Peleus, Hercules, or Orestes, fled their country on account of a murder. This seldom happened, it is true, with- out a design to evade the penalty of retribution ; but the chief impression by which they were ac- tuated was, that divine punishment would surely overtake that man who should omit to effect his purification, and expiate his crime by flight. But after the traditional account had been adorned with numerous democratic accessions, there was every disposition to add the fiction of a public vindication of justice, which was partly done to enhance the authority of an actual tribunal ; thus Orestes, and even the god Mars, were said to have been arraigned at the bar of the Areopagus, and other heroes before various Attic courts ^^. Lastly, tumults of the populace are totally unconnected with the question of public law; proceedings of » Pans. 4. 5. 4. •» II. 13. 735 ; 22. 100. ^ XaXEvrj Srinov ^^/itc, 14. 239 ; comp. 19. 527 ; 16. 95. 114. ^ Paus. 1. 28. 10. sqq. ; coQip. Tittmann, griech. Staatsv. 66. fl^q. T ' I i i«wi*i 136 THE HEROIC AGE. this character resulted from the contention of the princes in the last military council before the walls of Troy ^ ; insurrection is implied by occa- sional allusions to the punishment of stoning ^ ; but from other passages it may be inferred, that executions were likewise employed by the princes ^^. Finally, through the whole Odyssey we behold marked indications of a struggle of the nobles against the power of the prince. The Odyssey does not express that profoimd reverence for the princely dignity, which is so uniformly the charac- teristic of the Iliad, and we especially miss the respect for the transmission of the same by here- ditary succession in the family of the reigning sovereign^; Telemachus says, that the princely power may be transferred from the house of Ulysses to one of the other chiefs, and he thenceforward be lord of a family. Amongst the Phaeacians there are thirteen princely lines *. However, the funda- mental idea of the Odyssey is clearly a picture of the attempted, but vindicated usurpation on the part of the nobiUty of the rights and privileges of that prince, who, it is true, experienced the severest trials, but was still an object so cherished by the gods as to be singled out for the love of Circe and Calypso. The revenge of Ulysses throws the proper hght on all that had preceded, and even on ** Od. 3. 130, sqq. On the other hand compare on the despotic power of the princes in war, $ 19. n. 24. » II. 3. 57 ; Eurip. Orest. 59. 436 ; Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 178. For examples from the historical age, consult Paus. 3. 5. 8 ; comp. Thuc. 5. 60 ; Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 447. » As that of Palamedes, SchoJ. Eurip. Orest. 432; comp. the commentary on Soph. Antig. 762. ^ Od. 1. 394. ** Od. 8. 390. Comp. 7. 49. EXTERNAL RELATIONS, § 19. 137 the sentiment uttered by Telemachus during his degradation. As from this it might be proved that the subjoined narrative recording the warlike pre- parations of the Ithacans against Ulysses is spuri- ous, an important light is thrown upon the ques- tion touching the unity of the Odyssey. It may at least be safely asserted that in the Odyssey are shadowed the incipient efforts of the nobility against the declining monarchy. IV. THE EXTERNAL RELATIONS AMONGST THE STATES. § 19. The answer to the question, what unions were recognised as states by the Greeks of the heroic age amongst themselves, is contained in the preceding: the distinctive feature of an heroic state was the government of a prince, and every community over which a prince presided was con- sidered as a state, as far as the views entertained in those early stages of civil polity admitted a definite notion of its nature. But the unity which the state possessed in the princely head was by no means an instrument to connect its individual parts into one body, in such a manner that one member should in every respect shanj the response ibilities of the other. Thus it constantly hap- pened that the Uberty and security of individuals were endangered by the depredations of hordes that roamed about by land and sea\., at the same time that the states to which they respectively belonged, took no steps to repulse the danger as one directed against themselves. On the other * Thucyd. 1.5.: — ovk ixoPTo^ ttm ahjf^vviiv rovtov rov Ipyov, tbipopTo^ C6 rt Kai do^rig fiaXKov. Comp. ou the pomt, Arist. Pol 5. 2. 3. t nl il It '< I*) 138 THE HEROIC AGE. side, as has been already remarked, legal protection was secured to strangers, and guaranteed upon the common faith, even when the latter were not strictly under the protection of treaties of hospi- taUty or of any other kind, but herein too the pohtical notion was lost sight of, and the indivi- dual alone was regarded. It is impossible to de- termine whether those cases in which the whole state was considered to be concerned, are to be limited to such as regarded the prince personally ; it is however certain that the danger of an indivi- dual was sometimes considered the affair of the whole community ; but princes occasionally sepa- rated themselves voluntarily from the general body, when they went out on adventures with their heroic compeers, as was the case with the Argonauts; princely treaties of hospitahty can only in a hmited number of instances be looked upon as the infancy of the subsequent political hospitality ; however, in general the state-system was not yet sufficiently matured, accurately to distinguish between the affair of the prince as such, and in his capacity of representative of the nation. But the recognition of the collective body is more decidedly pronounced in the proceedings adopted in any danger that was considered gene- ral; these were not only in the natm-e of an irrup- tion into the hostile territory, with a demand of reparation ^ but also of an amicable appHcation to the people at large for satisfaction \ in which the -mediation of a neutral state was without doubt a A remarkable instance occurs, Od. 21. 17. iraq Sfjfioe o^iXXc 3 'Pvffi' iXavveaOai, 11. U. 673. , v n j- u„«,n * II. 5. 804; 10. 286 J U. 140 j Aovvai Kai hxioOai Siktiv, Hymn. Mercur. 312. EXTERNAL RELATIONS, % 19. 139 sometimes employed. A leading test of mutual recognition as states, is the sanctity of heralds or ambassadors ^ Moreover the state was virtually represented, when a dispute was decided by single combat upon the public guarantee ^. In real war- fare the object of an expedition was not unfre- quently looked upon as accomphshed upon the ac- quisition of spoil, the receipt of a ransom for the captives ^ and occasionally of a tribute by way of indemnity ^ ; however the struggle v^^as sometimes directed against the very existence of the hostile state ; a people was expelled as in the wars amongst the Thessalian tribes, towns and villages were de- stroyed, the population put to death, or reduced to bondage ^ the gods carried away^^ and the ground declared accursed ". That political impulse in the members of every single commimity arising from the natural separa- tion amongst the Grecian provinces, to defend their freedom and independence against their neigh- bours, was accompanied by the no less innate ten- dency to friendly association, and the early de- veloped ambition to make other states dependent upon themselves. Amongst the chi(jf fruits of the first were the sacrificial and festal (communions ^*. Religion had at a very early period been combined with the ties of blood; amongst the members of a tribe the sacrificial and festal communion propa- * II. 1. 334 ; 7. 274; 11. 344. In the Mythus indeed, Hercules violated this right in the same manner as he did those of hospitality. See Apollod. 2. 4. 11; Pans. 9. 25. 4. " II. 3. 276, sqq. Comp. my Jus gentium, etc. p. 47. n. 8. "^ 'Airoiva, 11. 6. 46 ; 11. 131. Ztttdypia is merely a reward given by t person whose life has been spared without actual reference to a ransom. « Ti^^, II. 3. 283. » 11. 9. 589 ; 22. 64. •" Paus. 6. 48. 2. » Strab. 13. 601. «» navriyvpiie. 1 t w 140 THE HEROIC AGE. gated itself by the multiplication of those unions sprung from the same tribe, like a gradually-extend- ing fire from the parent hearth, and was an emblem of the fervour which characterised the original re- lationship. Ties of this nature were Ukewise con- tracted between such as were not descended from a common stock", and peace and friendship pre- served for the purposes of general mtercourse, particularly during the festivals" However, not- withstanding some of these primeval umons, such as that of Onchestus ", Calauria '«, and the Pane- gyris on the isthmus", maintained their ground till the historical times, those ties were seldom of such a nature as to generate a comprehensive political union, or a confederacy of states pledged to a reciprocity of representation. The mih- tary alliances belonged in part to the heroic ex- pedition in quest of adventures already described. The spirit of conquest, by which one state endea- voured to make others dependent upon itself, seems to have asserted itself at a very early period ; thus Crete under Minos encroached upon the temtones of its neighbours », and Thebes was compelled to pay tribute to Erginus of Orchomenus '». None of the ancient festal associations, and no league of any other description, united the whole of the Greeks before the expedition against Troy, .> •A,.*«rio«c, «p«riov£C generally, both probably originally the d«*ller. ,«und7cLmon sanctuary (Strab ". 650^ « rirXy .ravr.f). See the •Tu. 2!To6. Hymn. ApoU. 230 • Strab. 9. 284 ; Mulier, Orchom. 271. »6 See 6 24 " MuUer, Dor. 1. 2ti». >8 Thucyd.'l. 48 ; Aristot. Pol. 2. 7. 2 ; Diodor. 4. 63. » Apollod. 2. 3. 11 J Paus. 9. 37. 2. EXTERNAL RELATIONS, § 19. 14t and certainly not the pretended diffusion of the princely family from Hellen's line. In the uni- formity of the heroic government and manners thereby implied, the predominance? of martial courage and strength, lay a principle which was eminently calculated to disunite. It cannot, indeed, be a matter of doubt, whether the Greeks of the heroic age could so far raise themselves above that which separated them politically as to regard themselves in the hght of a single nation ; Homer's appellations, Argives, Danaans, Achaeans, in them- selves, indeed, designate but individual parts of one, but are employed in reference to the whole body^; Homer Ukewise gives them a common language, the same gods, and a similar govern- ment and character. But political unity by no means follows ; uniformity of language never pre- vented national races from being pohtically strange, and even hostile to each other. The supreme deity Zeus was an object of adoration to every single tribe of the nation, as such, but was not on that account a principle which established peace and concord amongst the partakers of a common wor- ship; every union appropriated him directly and immediately to itself, and not through the medium of the nation, in conjunction with which it only addressed itself to him in particular cases. Thus, united agency was only occasioned by particular circumstances, such as the expedition against Troy. The tradition that Helen's suitors had bound them- selves by an oath to Tindarus as the future secu- rity of their marriage, to pursue in common every ^ Strab. 8. 340 ; xoiiyruc^ dk rtvi irx^ftan avyKaraXkyuv rb iiipog r^ oXy ^aai TOP "Ofitipov, ■', J42 THE HEROIC AGE. danger which should menace her ", converts the expedition into a chivalric enterprise : but it seems more probable that the hegemony of the Atndae", was the means to assemble the whole nation upon their warlike summons ^\ Agamemnon, as com- mander-in-chief-, appears to have exercised the same right over the allies, as the prince m the field asserted over the nobility of his own country . However, the absence of all the warriors from Greece, in the poem, is apparently without any influence on its political relations. A political distinction between the Greeks col- lectively and foreign nations as a body was yet but vaguely apprehended. In general there was no opposition based upon that which the Greeks re- cooTiised as their common property ^ ; the Trojans, it must be confessed, descended from a common stock with themselves, appear in the character ot enemies to them only from an accidental cause, and not on account of a difference of nationality ; the Greeks recognised his own gods every where, heroic institutions were ascribed to the states with- out the limits of Greece, and, perhaps, with the exception of the Laestrygonians, the Sintians, and a few inhospitable princes like Echetus, Busins , « Stesichor. ap. Schol. Horn IK 2 239 ; Thue. ^ 9 ; co™P. Sophoc Ajax 1102, and Schol. 1182; ApoUod. 3. 10. 9, fans. i. a. o, ^^S'nl 1. 9 ; compare II. 1. 281 ; dXV »re ^Jprepic J»r.v. imi ''rC istnoe'clktuh-tbe z'ic !.^yip^,, P-. 7. 24 ; 1. 2. » 'c::^t^tfL remarkable .ap ,dp i^ol flavnroc See Schneid. ad. * »'comp ■ Tho^i 1. 3. «hose opioion that there had been origmally a h.;i?aW U^.Vy'^lite!.-u;.,^U.^cfslab. 17. 802. calU .he .e.,W« peculiar to the barbarians. EXTERNAL RELATIONS, ^ 19. 143 etc., the remaining population of the earth was col- lected within an heroic circle; nay, even fabulous nations, the Abii or Macrobii, Hippomolgi, Ethi- opians, and Hyperboreans^, raised above the Greeks themselves. The difference in language was indeed observed ^, but not in such a manner that the idea of the barbarian quality was definitely expressed. Finally, there was no word to desig- nate the barbarian nations or regions collectively^. THE EXTERNAL RELATIONS AMONGST THE STATES FROM THE DORIC MIGRATION TILL THE BEGINNING OF THE PERSIAN WARS. 1. WHAT DIVIDED THE GRECIAN STATES. a. Political Character of the Migrations. § 20. From the poetical colouring which is dif- fused over the state-system of the heroic age, it would be fruitless to attempt individually to trace the inner germs of its dissolution. According to the general law of change in human, as well as in political hfe, when once the maturity of its vigour was past, it was incapable of withstanding any violent shock from without. The first impulse to a de- parture from the ancient course proceeded from the disastrous lot of the heroes at Trov, or on their * See in general Mannert, 4. 85, sqq. new edit. *• Sivriag aypio^wvovc, Od. 8. 294 ; KapHv /3ap/3ap<»/3a»vwv, II. 2. 867 ; &KK6BpooQ, Od. 1. 183 ; 3. 302 ; 4. 43 ; 'AXXj^ ^ aXXwv yXioaaa ueuiyuevn , 19. 175. » Thuc. I. 3 j Strab. 8. 369, 370. I I 144 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. return ' ; the next from the migration of the Thes- salians and Boeotians ; and its final consumma- tion was brought about by the migration of the Heraclid princes with the Dorians, which was entitled heroic only upon the ground of supposed hereditary claims ^ The new and all-prevaihng element now supplanted ancient manners and customs— existing forms were dissolved— a spirit of sedition diffused through the Grecian provinces— the oldest and most intimate ties were severed— the princely authority extirpated from its original seat, the hereditary citadel, by means of settlements and emigrations—the consciousness of vmrestricted poh- tica? agency aroused in the multitude— attempts made to regulate the new pohtical masses in their relations to each other, and in those amongst their members respectively— and a spirit of activity called into operation in various directions, which un- ceasingly agitated, and unable to arrive at stability, at length consumed itself. This was exhibited in the unceasing and feverish desire of emigration which lasted for several cen- turies ^ The feeling excited by the Thessahan irruption must, in the nature of things, have sug- gested to them that the condition of the governing was preferable to that of the governed ; the view of those who had obtained the ascendency, acted » Hesiod. Op. et Di. 161, sqq. ; Plato de Legg. 3. 682. D. E., where, how- ever, Achaans and Dorians are strangely confounded together. •^ » Muller Dor. 1. 49. 50, considers Hercules to have been a god of purely Doric origin, and looks upon the tradition of his derivation from Argos as the fiction of a later age emanating from the Doric Argos. Comp. his Frolegora. 427 Hovirever, even those who do not assent to this view of the subject can only suppose that the hereditary claim in question was pretended. 3 See an enumeration of the causes in Sainte-Croix, sur 1 6tat, etc. ; Heyne. Opusc. 1.290, sqq.; Raoul-Rochette,;Hist. de I'^abliss. etc. c. 3 ; Mannert, Italien, 2. 205, etc. llie subject is compendiously treated in Seneca ad Helvid. 6. FROM THE DORIC MIGRATION. § 20. 145 upon the consciousness of fearlessness and strength in such as had themselves once governed and were now obliged to obey, or had been deprived of their hereditary rulers ; their native home, now a prey to the foreign invaders, lost its most ende;aring associa- tions ; they became strangers as it were in the land of their fathers ; and perhaps influenced by the wonders that poetry ascribed to other regions, cherished the hope of finding a new ])olitical home upon some foreign shore, where, if they could not govern others, they might at least assert their own independence ; perils and hardships were willingly encountered to secure excjmption from the oppression of the victor, and they migrated the more easily as there existed no force to compel them to wear chains at home. But neither could the conquerors habituate themselves to tranquillity and order, straitened as they were for space in the midst of a youthful and prolific population ; as a necessary consequence of this disproportion, a deficiency in the conveniences and necessaries of life was soon experienced, and their struggles to enlarge the bounds within which their civil rights and privileges were confined in their over-peopled and now joyless country, operated in a series of volimtary emigrations * and expeditions for drafting off the surplus population^, not to mention colonial cities founded for the systematic extension of the state. This constant effort to escape from a state * As at a late date Dorieus from Sparta, Herod. 5. 42. ' e. g. The Minyans and Parthenians from Laconia. A peculiar custom, similar to the old Italian " ver sacrum," was the sending forth consecrated bands, av9pu}Trti)v aTrapxai, such as the migrations of the Magnesians, the ^nianes. the Chalcidians (to Rhegium), etc. See Miilhjr, Dor. 1. 257. 258. 260.265. VOL. I, 1. 146 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. of things that was irksome, was closely allied to the love of enterprise so deeply rooted in the buoyant and enterprising soul of the Greeks, but which did not, like the chivalric spirit of ad- venture, evaporate in restless and aimless wander- ing, but was invariably accompanied by the desire to form a political union. The Greeks bore with them as it were a political seed ; those who went forth were not lost to the mother country, as m the eventual decline of the states of Greece when Grecian mercenaries wandered over Asia like home- less outcasts, but they almost universally made the institutions of their own country spring up, as it were, from new roots on foreign ground, and under different physical circumstances ; this was continued by the colonies which were, with few exceptions, es- tablished on the sea-coast or on islands. The posses- sions obtained by conquest or treaty extended but little beyond the municipal pale of the respective cities; their pohtical position with regard to their inland neighbours was for the most part without any firm guarantee, and an extension of their territory in that direction would have been pre- carious. Hence, upon the extraordinary increase in the population, the local advantages of the coasts furnished a clue to the course of colonisa- tion; it will at once be perceived that it was in vain' to attempt preserving a continuity of terri- tory, and more advisable to possess themselves of a distant but commodious situation, than, through fear of placing themselves beyond the reach of a Grecian city, or one of Grecian origin, to fix on some unfavourable spot in its vicinity. It must be confessed that it was the more natural that politi- FROM THE DORIC MIGRATION. § 20. 14^ cal separation should arise amongst states thus isolated by nature. b. The Grecian Communities in a state of separation, § 21. Through the migrations, and that desire of independence which produced and attended, or was itself a consequence of them, the original fraternal relation between the tribes necessarily be- came dissolved ; whilst the more recent tie that connected mother and daughter states grew exceed- ingly relaxed. The former, from its nature, even in the provinces of the mother country little calculated to maintain permanent political unity, was shaken to its centre in the migrations themselves, by the mixed cha- racter of the multitude that accompanied the ex- pedition of the Dorians to Peloponnesus S the voyage of the lonians ^ and iEolians ^ towards Asia, and at a later period by the heterogeneous ingi'e- dients which were added to them in their new habitations. It must be particularly borne in mind that the spirit of alliance amongst the mem- bers of a tribe was most effectually promoted by dwelling together in the rural districts, but that it was weakened by a residence in cities. Hence there arose amongst the Greeks within, as well as without the mother country, the most unbounded desire of separation. As in civil and social life gene- rally the imlimited freedom of individuals is opposed to the well-being of the whole, inasmuch as it tends to loosen the junctures of the political fabric, so the Grecian provinces were disunited by the II l! III ' Paus. 5. 4. 1 ; comp. Manso, Spi » Herod. 1. 146. » Mullcr, larta. 1. 53. n. ; RaouMloch. 3. 5. Orehom. 398. L 2 ! i 148 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. endeavours of every, and even the smallest associa- tion to assume a separate and independent character. The notions of state and territory again became narrowed, and that feeling which did not scruple to sacrifice the independence ot a smaller body to the object of forming a larger and more compre- hensive confederacy, ceased to exist ; every com- munity that was able to subsist individually, dis- regarded all obligations which involved the neces- sity of dependence. The endeavour to attain this object at the commencement of this period pro- duced those numerous cities of which f^w had existed in the heroic age*, and some of which were erected below the Acropoles of the ancient princes as lower towns, and others built from their foundations together with a citadeP. The city with its jurisdiction henceforward became the mark of unity and independence; a state was a community surrounded and held together by walls, and city and state became equivalent terms ^ Ac- cordingly those cities, which the local features of a district had naturally marked out for political union, endeavoured to render themselves distinct and independent communities ; such as were . Doubtless Thebes and Athens were of the number. See H»-^ Od. ". Ofii. ^„mi> Pans 9 5. 1.3. on Thebes; concerning Athens, see Thucyd. 2. ?f conip «43 On the vanity of the Athenians, «ho pretended to have i^n7h7Bltoerect cities, see'steph Byz. a,™. Was C^ydon a to»n m the heroic aee 1 II. 9- 526. sqq. And Lebadea 1 raus. 9. da. i. i snoum rather regard the Homeric desJ^ption of Calydon as the product of the poet ^ Sind The Homeric poems clearly evince the prevalence of thefeel.ng m f«„A,.r of new towns e. e. the town of the Pha;acians, Od. 6. 9. '*rs.°b 8 336 337.^86 ; Herod. 1. 142. 149; Pans. 7. 18. 3 ; comp. "^tee* ApU"d:'viirw\'e'"rrt::". is likewise explained. . A remarUble i^,an?e olX recognition of the principle that ^ll^^ll^'^^:^:^^:^, is narrated of a later age by Xenoph. Hell. 3. 2. 31 , the bparians woum uu* S^prWe tt ^K- P-^i<*«-y ^' theO yn,p,e gajes because roS avrcTTOioi^^voi^c (viz. the Pisatans, who at that time had no town,) Xwpirag iivai icai ovx ^KavovQ irpotffTavm. H FROM THE DORIC MIGRATION. ^ 21. 149 younger and more inconsiderable withdrawing from those which were older and more povirerful '^. The bond amongst the members of the same race or tribe was most endangered in those pro- vinces where rural life was earliest modified by the erection of towns; but even where this did not happen, that bond at least failed to exhibit any politically uniting efficacy. Let us direct our attention to Arcadia. The Arcadians, whose principal towns were not built till a later period % present the spectacle of races which if not hostile to each other, were at least disunited ; the Lycaean games '^ were scarcely upon a single occasion a Pane- gyris attended by all the Arcadians ;; the states of Mantinea and Tegea '^ and a third, of less impor- tance, that of Orchomenus, afterwards maintained themselves beside each other with an equal ba- lance of power. The rest of Arcadia, part of which had at one time been dependent on the prince of Orchomenus 'S subsequently consisted of several confederacies ^^ of which some were independent, and others subject to Mantinea. In a still less degree, therefore, was the bond among the tribes of the Peloponesian Dorians ^^ of a nature to con- duce to political association ; it neither perverted ' To this must be referred Thuc. 4. 102. npog ri yap rovg dffTvytiTovac traai to avnVoXov koi l\tv9epov KaOiararai. * Tegea, composed of nine townships, Paus. 8. 45. 1, afterwards Mantinea, of five. See the Comment, on. Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 7. ' Pind. Ol. 7. 153 ; Paus. 8. 2. 1 ; 38. 4 ; Dion. Hal. 1. 25 ; Mann. Oxon. ep. 18. ^ . '» The'E(rria 'ApKoSutv Koivrj at Tegea (Paus. 8. S3. 3.) never elFected political unity. '» Heracl. Pont. ap. Diog. L. 1. 94. Trapezus belonged to it, and was for some time a royal residence ; Paus. 8. 5. 3 ; 4. 17. 2. Strab. 8. 362. makes Aristocrates of Orchomenus chief of the Arcadian confederate army. But that Tegea must not be included is evident from Aristot. ap. Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 172. " Comn. Kortiim, hellen. Verfass. 158, sqq. ; Miiller, Dor. 2. 450—452. *^ See Append, ix. 1 150 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. the early wars between Sparta and Argos, nor the subjugation of Messenia. Lastly, the real cha- racter of the coalition between the members ot Doric and Ionic tribes in the Peloponessian war has already » been explained. It is natural to suppose that the alliance between mother states and colonies, would have displayed more bmd- ins efficacy than that amongst the descendants of a common tribe, the root of whose relationship was lost in the remoteness of antiquity, as the oricin of the former could be accurately traced, and from the twofold claims of the mother city, to a community of origin and the character of a political home, the affinity was less liable to be forgotten. But if we attentively consider the ope- ration of purely natural ties, we shall find that the obligations of fihal duty were not acknowledged by those cities whose founders were smgled out from the mother city during the agitation caused by the migrations, or had been expelled from it", or by colonial towns founded for a political object, and held in strict dependence by force. Finally, to revert to the pretensions of Thebes, the same holds good of those towns of a district which had originally stood on a sisterly footing with its capital, but over which the latter after- wards arrogated to itself maternal authority. Thus limited, the integrity of the tie of consanguinity could only be preserved amongst those children ot the state who went forth in peace, and with the customary ceremonies of conventional separation. n ^J. Id Virgil. *n. 1. 12 : hs> autem colonic sunt, v^ « consilio publico, non ex secessione conditsE sunt. FROM THE DORIC MIGRATION. ^ 21. 151 This mode of departure may be coitipared to that of a son who, arrived at manhood, quits his father's house in search of independence, and whose sub- sequent condition must not be judged by the standard of paternal authority among the Romans, but by that of the natural and spontaneous attach- ment to the family from which he is sprung. The regard of the colonies for the mother cities was, it must be owned, kept up by various obser- vances ; the emigrants carried wdth them the sacred fire of political life from the native pryta- neum ^^, as well as their hereditary gods ^^ ; more- over, they generally obtained priests from thle parent city ^^, to which they sent Theorias, Cho- ruses, ect. ^^ to participate in the celebration of a festival; they also paid it testimonies of re- spect upon the occasion of festive assemblies on a larger scale; leaders were selected from it for the founding of new colonies "^ various customs and regulations were retained % and even local associations kept up by corresponding denomina- tions in the new home'^^ Now if these services, which have so frequently been enumerated both in ancient and modern times •*, remained neverthe- •« Herod. 1. 146; Thuc. 1.26. " e. g. Stral). 5. 179 ; Paus. 3. 23. 4 ; comp. Miillei, Dor. I. 225. '8 Thucyd. 1.25. " Paus. 5. 21. 1 ; comp. Schol. Arisloph. Nub. 385. on the subject of the oxen which the colonies of Athens sent lo the Panatliena;a, and the Ionian primit(t sent to Athens, Isocrat. Paneg. § 7. On the obligations of the Magnetes on the M«ander to the Delphic oracle, which, though similar, rested on essentially dift'erent grounds, see Aristoph. ap. Ath. 4. 173. E. =» Thuc. 1. 25 ; 6. 3. =" litrab. 6. 264. ^ Sofiifia, Thuc. 6. 4. '' Thus there was a Crathis in Achaia, and another near Sybaris. On the Megarian names of places in the vicinity of Byzantium, see Miiller, Dor. 1.121. , '* The contest between America and the mother country called forth numer- ous and partial writings on the subject of colonies, l^eyne, Opusc. 1.290, sqq. lays too much stiess on the arrogant language of ttie Corinthians. Sainte- I 152 EXTERNAL RELATIONS, less for the most part unperformed '^ what has been observed of the relation amongst the mem- bers of a tribe, must be repeated in reference to the estrangement of the colonies, namely, that from the mixture of the original colonists, whether it arose at the commencement of the migration or through after-comers '^ it is unnecessary to en- quire, the feeling of affinity could not be ex- clusively directed to one parent^ whilst the system of separation in the other towns had equal force in the colonies. Add to this the boldness and love of independence so conspicuous in the Greeks, and their pecuhar faculty, on quitting the political home of their fathers to transplant their native manners and customs, so that every fresh com- munity struck root like a scion from the parent stem, and flourished as a new tree. Besides this, a further estrangement between the original mother and a colony could not fail to arise, when the latter founded fresh colonies. This was moreover aug- mented by the general remoteness of the kindred towns from one another, the benefits flowing from the physical character of the new settlements— those who at home had struggled with privation and penury obtaining extensive and commodious habitations— and the circumstance that scarcely a single colony was deficient in those productions of nature which were essential to its physical well- Croix, in his pamphlet in favour of America, advocates the severing the rnlnnial ties to the Utmost possible extent. t'^rhuri 38 ; comp. Dion. Hal. 3. 7 : '6v dTToiewv, and Polyb. 12. 10.— wg yovivai Tvpbg riKva. TiK.mnm ^ See Raoul-Roch. on the subject of Heraclea Pontica, Amisus, Rhegium, Locri, Croton, Sybaris, Messana, Leontini. etc. ^ 'EiroiKoi. Compare below § 33. n. 17. FROM THE DORIC MIGRATION. ^ 21. 153 being, and, consequently, was not induced to look back to the home it had left with fondness and regret, whilst a great number of them attained prosperity, riches, and power, earli(;r and more easily than their respective mother towns. In the same manner new customs were engi'afted on the new settlement with every fresh generation ; its attachment to the past diminished, and with every nearer approach to the manners of its neighbours, the remembrance of the land of its ancestors grew fainter. It even frequently happened that the luxurious descendants looked upon the inmates of the old paternal house, who had remained far behind them in the march of social improvement, vath that com- placent pity which deigns to cast a faint reflection from its own greatness on the home of its fathers. The highest point at which this feeling arrived, is beheld in the attempt of Sybaris to institute within its own territory national games in lieu of the Olympic^. Thus such colonies as were able to assert their independence, maintained in fact but a slight political connection with the mother- states ; Miletus sent to Paros, not to Athens ^ for arbitrators in the Persian war ; Crotona ^ was the only town belonging to the Italiots that assisted the mother country, and what is still more remark- able, at a time when its progenitors the Achaeans remained inactive ; but Corcyra" and Megara ^ became refractory, and acted with violence to * Heracl. Pont. ap. Ath. 12. 622. A. » Herod. 5. 28, sqq. » Herod. 8. 47. «» Thucyd. 1.13; Herod. 3. 49, sqq. * Paus. 6. 20. 9. Compare on the proverb Ztvg KopivBiog, Schol. Piad, N«m. 7. 155 ; Schol. Plat. Euthyd. 96 ; Ruhnk. Zenob. 3. 21. 154 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. the mother-town, as did Corinth and ^gina to Epidaurus '\ But the most complete picture of divi- sion in general, without any connecting link what- ever, is presented by a great number of second- rate Dorian and ^Eolian colonies in Asia, the set- tlements of Miletus on the Pontus, and the towns of the Thracian coast. The prospect of danger occasionally led to a renovation of those ties which were either relaxed or entirely dissolved ; thus the Achaean Italiots, after the dismemberment of the Pythagorean league, appHed to the mother country Achaia'*, whilst on the other hand the parent cities never failed to assert the principle of natural alliance, when they wished to establish claims upon it, or to give a colour of justice to their proceed- ings ; thus Pisistratus reduced Naxos to subjection by virtue of the metropolitan rights of Athens \ II. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. a. Festal Communions, (iravTjyvpeis,) § 22. The desire of intercourse, a feeling which sooner or later awakes in the wildest minds \ no less than intelligent and systematic pohcy, directed to the estabhshment and maintenance of friendly re- lations with other states, pervaded the whole body of the Greek nation — divided as it was in certain directions by the spirit of separation — with the nu- merous subtile and dehcate ties of social culture and refinement, which associated the severed mem- 33 Herod. 5. 84. " poiyi,. 2. 39. 35 Herod. 1.64; Thucyd. 3. 104. ' Sainte-Croix judiciously observes : le besoin rapproche les hommcs, le plaisir les rassemble, la craiDte les unit. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 22. 155 bers, still existing in endless diversities c»f combina- tion, into smaller or larger wholes, and even into a well-constituted general union. The operation of the tendency to festive meet- ings in the panegyres and Amphictyoiiies of the heroic time, is beheld in the succeeding age in the full maturity of its vigour. The Greeks in general possessed that fertile talent, which may with truth be called an endowment from heaven, to enliven existence with the song and the dance, and as this rendered the Grecian symposia so brilliant and intellectual, it was owing to the same cause that their popular festivals on a more extended scale presented so many features of attraction. To this must be added their innate admiration of the beau- tiful, and a disposition to recognise its peculiar and pre-eminent manifestation in whatever belonged to the Greek nation. These two features are united in their worship ; the religious feeUng was displayed in cheerfiil ^ and attractive spectacles, and this in its turn led to the formation of festal circles for the purposes of enjoyment and show. Hence nu- merous festive meetings, both such as had already existed in the heroic, and still continued in the subsequent ages, but more or less modified by the migrations, and such as were newly-instituted, at- tained their object in their celebration, viz. the enjoyment of festal pleasure ; this was the chief end of their institution % whilst the suspension of hostilities was not so much the result of a par- ticular policy, as a natural incident to the festival, and understood of course, that it might not be ili 1 « Slrab. 10. 467. 'j^KixmVui. 156 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. contaminated by impiety ; and for the same reason those who were polluted by the crime of murder, were forbidden to take part in if*. Hereto at a very early period were annexed various kinds of public intercourse, such as intermarriage, commu- nity of citizenship, etc., whereby it was afterwards designed to contract and to maintain political ties ^. But it is not consistent with the infancy of pohtical intercourse, as described by Dionysius of Halicar- nassus^ to suppose, as the preconceived intention and object of their formation, pohtical union in the higher and more comprehensive sense of the term, which several festal associations of a later date, dis- tinctly and deliberately recognised as the end and scope of their coalition. On the other hand, it will be perceived, that the intentionally more binding and purely political links that connect- ed several later associations were broken by the selfish desire of enjoyment, and that they were held together by the frail bands of pleasure alone, without regard to austerer political considera- tions. Thus many celebrated panegyres are not to be viewed in the light of assemblies of the wise men of the nation, but should rather be compared to a meeting of jovial boon-companions, whose real object in coming together, was to partake of the good cheer set before them. This was the more detrimental to truly political objects as the pane- * Demosth. c. Aristocr. 632 ; Antiph. de Choreut. 761. ^ Comp. $ 18. n. 13. and Etym. M. ayopd and Bekker. Anecdot. 1. 204.: 66opiia ri avvodoQ rj irpbg toXq koivoIq opoig yivofxkvri rSiv dffrvyeiTovmv, ov ol ofiopoi avviovTiQ irtpi rStv KoivStv k^ovXtvovro, which must not be limited to strictly confederate states, ^ Archsolog. 4. 45. a passage which has frequently been misinterpreted. No less erroneous is the view of the subject taken by Velleius, 1 . 8. Iphitus.-^ eos ludos (Olymp.) mercatumque instituit. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 22. 157 gyres became divested of that private character, which is pecuhar to the more frequented fairs of Germany, and became the affair of the states, which now sent Theori to them. The panegyres, therefore, to be enumerated here, are either Amphictyonies wherein neighbours as- sembled Uke a private society, which, from its very nature, could not be extended beyond the circle of its own particular members, and in which these alone were recognised ; or, those wherein a state was as it were invited by the host, and had the option of attending the festival or not; these under particular circumstances might lead to na- tional festivals. To the former kind belonged the Amarynthia ^ in Euboea, in which the Dryopian Carystus « like- wise participated, but Chalcis and Eretria the prin- cipal members had no bond of union strong enough to prevent intestine war K The Deha for the in- habitants of the Cyclades ^^ ; besides which there was another panegyris dedicated to Neptune and Amphitrite". The Apaturia of the lonians in Asia; Colophon and Ephesus did not take any part in them ^^ ; but exclusions of this nature rested no more on strictly political grounds, than did the right to partake in them, and the cehjbration of ! l^"^^- 10- 448 ; Liv. 35. 38 ; Paus. 1. 31. 3. Thucyd 7. 57; Diod. 4. 37 ; Herodot. (8. 45.) calls the Styreis Dryo- pians though according to Thucyd. ub. sup. they were lonians : Carystus appears singly, Thucyd. 1. 98 : however, accordingto Liv. 35. 38. it took part in the panegyris. * Jr*^^'""^' \^': '^"<^y* Paus. 4. 4. 2. »» Strab. 8. 337. 343 ; Paus. 5. 6. 1 ; Miiller, Orchom. 360, sqq. » Athen. 12. 541. A. ; Liv. 24. 3. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 22. 159 in Euboea, the Geraestia ^\ near Geraestus ; in Bceo- tia, the lolaea or Heracleia at Thebes ; the Ero- tidia at Thespiae ; the Amphiaraia at Oropos ; the Trophonia or Basilea at Lebadea ; the Delia near Delium ; at Megara the Dioclea, Pythia, and Ne- mea ; at Corinth the Hellotia ; at Argos the Heraea or Hecatombaea; at Sicyon the Pythia; in the Achaean Pellene the Theoxenia or Hermaea; in Arcadia the Lycaea amongst the Parrhasians ; the Aleaea at Tegea ; the Coreia at Cleiton ; the Her- maea amongst the Pheneates; the iEacea*", Del- phinia and Heraea in iEgina ; the Isthmia in Syra- cuse Amongst the principal festal assembUes, which appear to have been common to the whole Greek nation, were The Olympic Games. The Panegyris at Olympia, originally, probably, a feast without athletic games, seems to have existed before the Doric migration to the Pelo- ponnesus. It was at first superintended by the Laconian Achaeans "*, and remodelled by Iphitus ^\ At its renovation a cessation of hostilities was un- doubtedly proclaimed-^ for the sharers in the feast, and continued in force for the period of its dura- '» According to the Schol. Pind. O. 13. 159. for all the Gersestians; Boeckh proposes Euboeans instead, but that was the character of the Amarynthia • the Geraestii, on the other hand, might be visited by the inhabitants of other districts. ^ See MuUer, ^Eginet. 140, n. y, and p. 18, sqq., on the reputed Panhel- lenion in ^Egina. » Seethe lists in Pind. 01. 7. 151—159; 9. 129—151 ; 13. 151—160 ; Nem 10. 74. 90, with the Scholia and Boeckh's explicat., especially on 01. 7. p. 175* 176. Compare a similar enumeration of Simonides, Anthol. 13. 19 and' Hygin. 273 ; compare at large Meurs. Graec. fer. under the heads of the'sevp ral feasts. «< Strab. 8. 357. 2* Paus. 5. 8. 2, . M See Muller, Dor. 1. 138, sqq. ii 1 160 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. tion. The discus ^ of Iphitus was exhibited as a sort of security for its observance. Whether this was proclaimed by Elis alone to the nations around, or whether these associated themselves with Elis for this object by treaty, as though assembling for an Amphictyony, is doubtful. At the time of its more perfect development, the festival seems to have been in the hands of the Eleans alone ; they promulgated laws, regulating the order of the feast ^, proclaimed the armistice^, and appointed the umpires ^, who were instructed in their duty by the Elean Nomophylaces ^^, and whose decisions might be set aside by the council in Elis ^^ ; whereas, in a real Amphictyony, a general council would have been required. An original convention, as to festi- val and armistice, is, however, impUed by the tra- dition concerning the conference between Lycurgus and Iphitus ^^ which recounted that the feast itself, without being restricted to any particular place, or accompanied by athletic games, was, upon one occasion, when the partakers in it were prevented from going to Olympia, celebrated by the Spartans at home by means of a sacrifice ^. However this may be, it is certain that although the Eleans were afterwards the sole givers of the festival, such as were of Doric descent originally predominated ; none but the Peloponnesian Dorians, with the Arcadians, were the immediate participators in it; and it is possible that the Achaeans were excluded. Hence « Paus. 5. 20. 1. « Paus. 5. 9. 1. ^ By means of the 6poi 'HXeIoi, see Thucyd. 5. 50 ; Boeckh. and Dissen ad Pind. Isthm. 2. p. 494. 496. * 'EXKavodUcu, Paus. 5. 9. 4. 5; comp. Tittmann, griech. Staatsv. 386, p. 71. 3> Paus. 6. 24. 3. w Paus. 6. 3. 3. * Paus. 5. 4. 4. Compare the accounts in the Fragm. Phlegon Trail, in the Thes. Gron. 9. 1294. « QTcot iBvov, Thucyd. 5. 49. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 22. 161 arose the tradition that Hercules, the genealogical hero of the Dorians, had instituted it;^; and on that account the Laconian Dioscuri were accounted the heroes of the games ^. However, it is mani- fest that the national name which here occurred in Zeus Hellanios-, and Hellanodic;3e, did not comprise the whole nation, but that it was prin- cipally from this point that it becamtj so widely diffused ^ ; besides which, there can be no doubt, that upon the revival of the games afteT the lapse of two centuries, all the Greeks were looked upon as members of the festival, whilst barbarians were expressly forbidden to attend it^. Its authority was at length greatly augmented by the active participation and hegemony of Sparta, the mistress in the gymnastic art. The Eleans were, however, not satisfied with the actual importance the Panegyris afterwards attained, and with the accompanying armistice for its members. According to a tradition which bears indubitable marks of having emanated from them, the whole land of Elis was asserted to have been secured against hostihties by a convention between Oxylus and the Heraclidae '\ But the name and lustre of the Olympic sanctuary do not begin his- torically till Iphitus. From the time of the disso- lution of the political system of the ancient Achaeans, it seems to have existed solely for the benefit of the Pisatans : it is certain that before Iphitus, the games were suspended, according to the tradition, ^ Pind. Ol. 2. 5; 10. 72, sqq. =* Pind. Ol. 3. 63, sqq. ^ Herod. 9. 7. 1. » Compare above. $ 13. " Herod. 5. 22. « Strab. 8. 357. 358 ; Polyb. 4. 73 ; Diod. Frag. v. 4. IB, Bipont. VOL. I. ■.'J #^^ 162 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. from the time of Oxylus*^; but it is a question whether Oxylus at that time ruled over Pisatis ; nevertheless, the account of a consecration is not altogether unfounded. This consecration must be especially referred to the locality of the feast *% and in its most definite sense, to the grove Altis*\ Moreover, if troops marched through Ehs, they were afterwards ** compelled to pay a fine, but only during the celebration of the feast ; if the territory of the Eleans, however, really continued almost in- violate till the time of Epaminondas, this must be ascribed to the favour of circumstances, the vicinity of the peaceful Achaeans, and the Arcadians, who were either powerless or disinchned to conquest, and perhaps also to a declaration of Sparta at the time of her hegemony, that by means of the pro- tection of Elis, Messenia was secured towards the north. But it was almost a shameless assertion on the part of the Eleans, that they had not borne arms before the time of Philip*'; they, in fact, fought with advantage to themselves for the sove- reignty of Pisatis and Triphylia*^ and for their common country against the Persians *^ The Nemea and Isthmia were like the Olympia ante-Doric ; it was asserted that the former had been instituted by the seven princes against Thebes, ^' Pftus 3 4 4 ** The Platseans were likewise declared aavXoi and if poi r

np6(iov\oi, Herod. 6.7. of the lonians; 7. 172. of the Greeks on the Isthmus in the Persian war. Comp. Aristot. Pol. 4. U. 9 ; 4. 12. 8 ; 6. 5. 10. On the word koivov, see Append, viii. On the subject of the confederacies, consult Sainte-Croix sur les gouvernem. federatifs, and Tittmann, gr. Staatev. lib. 8. ' Strab. 8. 383. » § 13. n. 42. 168 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. amongst the Etruscans, and in the east amongst the Egyptians, etc. The lonians also appear to have estabUshed this subdivision in Attica *, which very soon assumed the character of a closely-connected state. It was adopted by the Achaeans, when they occupied the Peloponnesian territory of the lonians; the lonians revived it in Asia, and it was likewise introduced amongst the adjacent iEolians. The twelve towns of the Ionic confederation in Asia were Miletus, My us, Priene, Ephesus, Colo- phon, Lebedos, Teos, Erythra?, Clazomense, Pho- caea, Chios, and Samos ^ The adjacent Magnesia, on the Maeander, erected by Thessalians, con- tinued to stand alone, and therefore incurred the enmity of Ephesus ^ ; but Smyrna, situate within the Ionian boundaries, became an object of con- tention to the iEolians and lonians, and Colophon at one time obtained possession of it ^ ; but it was soon afterwards destroyed by Alyattes the Lydian ^. At the origin of the confederation, the validity of the heroic kingly principle is still per- ceptible when Phocsea is not allowed to join the league until it had received a prince of the line of Codrus^. The royal capital was originally * See below, § 43. * Herod. 1. 142. « Diog. L. 1. 117. 118; .5:iian. V. H. 13. 26. On the Lydian conquest, see Suidas Mayv^f. Vatic, append, iv. xi. 7 From Strab. 14. 633. 634. compared with Herod. 1. 149. it would ap- pear that the lonians removed from a place near Ephesus, called Smyrna, to the city which was afterwards so denominated, and that this did not become iEolian till later, and again by means of Colophon, Ionian. In the confused account of Vitruv. 4. 1. stating that Melite, the thirteenth Ionian town, was destroyed by the other twelve ; and that in its stead Smyrna afterwards became an Ionian confederate town through Attalus, Melite appears as the more ancient name. « Herod. I. 16 ; Strab. 14. 646. ' Paus. 7. 3. 5. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 23. 169 Ephesus *^ The general council was annexed to the panegyris near the Panionium in Mycale^^, celebrated in honour of the Ionian Poseidon of Helice^^. No vestige has been preserved of any legal provision touching a majority in voting, or for the casting vote in case of equally divided num- bers, except in the proverb of Colophon, the inter- pretation of which is very doubtful ^\ Resolutions of the general council will hardly be found before the rebellion against Darius ^* ; mutual representa- tion was not amongst the objects of the league ; the Lydians conquered one town after another, and the confederacy took no steps to oppose them'^ Upon the expedition of Cyrus, Thales proposed to insti- tute a federal council, as though such a body had never existed till that period ^^ ; when his advice was rejected, Miletus made a separate treaty with Cyrus *^. Intestine dissension broke out several times in the course of the war, for instance, between Chios, Miletus, and Erythiae^% Priene, Miletus, and Samos ^^. After their second sub- jugation by the Persians, Artaphernes, the satrap, compelled the lonians to enter into treaties, to adjust their differences amicably, and not to *" BamXtTov, Strab. 14. 633. >' Herod. 1. 143. '» Strab. 8. 384. '^ Tbv Ko\o(f>CJva iiriOig in Suidas, and in Vatic, append, iv. xi. is inter- preted with reference to the double vote of Colophon on account of the Smyrnaeans resident there ; but there is no authentic statement of their having been transplanted thither; according to Strab. 14. 646. the Smyrnaians, after the destruction of their town, dwelt KojfijiSov. The other interpretation of the phrase, as relating to the decision of a battle by cavalry, is well known. '* On the degree of credit to be attached to the account o( Dionys. Halicar. comp. above, $ 22. n. 5. The passage in Vitruv. before alluded to, has " Melite — communi conbilio est sublata," with no less confusion in form than in substance. «^ Herod. 1. 14—18 ; Thuc. 1. 15. '« Herod. 1. 170. " Ibid. 1. 169. '8 Herod. 1.18; Folysen. 8. 36. '» Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 185. 170 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. invade each other's territories "^^ From Ionia let us turn to the two neighbouring districts. The iEolian confederate towns of the mainland were Cuma, Larissa, Neon-Teichos, Temnos, Cilia, Notium, iEgiroessa, Pitane, JEgseae, Myrina, Gry- neia, and for some time Smyrna ^^ An original compact may be inferred from their number. The expedition against the Colophonians, who had occupied Smyrna, and the distribution of the expelled Smyrnaeans amongst the other eleven towns, appear to have been joint transactions^^; but there is no mention of a confederate sanc- tuary or panegyris ; it is true something of the kind was attached to the temple of Apollo, at Gryneia*^; but that silence may be regarded as a proof of the absence of periodical consulta- tion, and, in fact, the iEolians were no less destitute of strength than incapable of delibe- ration. In Lesbos there were originally six iEolian cities, Mitylene, Methimna, Pyrrha, Cressos, Antissa, and Arisba^^. Whether any treaty of confederation was ever entered into is questionable. Arisba was soon reduced to subjection by Methimna ^^ ; at a later period Mitylene and Methimna asserted a pre-eminence. Amongst the towns of the Doric Hexapolis, one panegyris only is recorded, viz., the above-named Triopia. None but the Rhodian towns Lindus, * Herod. 6. 42; ortance of the position, and the fortifications constructed there by the Phocians, proves the real object con- templated to have been a political one ^\ The ulterior development of this confederacy, which was probably at first but imperfectly consti- tuted, must apparently be ascribed to the following facts. Tradition narrated, that Acrisius of Argos new- modelled the league '*. In the first place, it can scarcely be doubted that, in this instance, an event was removed, from the time that followed the Doric migration, back into the mythical age. Is it assuming too great a license to conjecture, that at the time of the struggle between Argos and Sparta for the supremacy of the Peloponnesus, the former allied itself to the northern states, and that the restoration of the Olympic games by Lycurgus, and the friendly relations into which he entered with the Arcadians and Eleans, who had no share in the Amphictyonic league, were intended as a counterpoise ? The inactivity of the Spartans in the Crissaean war, leads us to suppose that their connection with the Delphic oracle was not so in- timate as it soon afterwards became. An important influence upon the form the con- federacy afterwards assumed, must, however, have been exercised by the Crissaean war, which is re- presented in the traditions extant as solely caused pIUT^^V^^ conjecture of Miill. Dor. 1. 26. that a combination of the r^^trbrth^Xm^h^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^•^ ^'^ 'y^'-^ --^^-^^ ^^ ^»- "^^'-e:f wt: .i^^^n'^' ^" •' ^®.' ^? "■'* """' •* referred the statement, thaf Stroohius the "■^Strabtg m ' ""''*'"^"'-'»«'Acad.desIaLrip.47.72.74. I 1' I t ■ " I - * ■- w m m 176 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. by it. It is a remarkable fact, that whilst Sparta remained supine and inactive, Thessaly and Athens were the principal enemies of Crissa, and Clisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, and the opponent of Argos ^^ took the lead ^^. This is indeed an inducement for us to assume an attack upon the Doric principle : but it is insufficient to explain the share the oracle had in the war, which became a holy one in con- sequence, and the truth may be approached by a surer road. The whole war against Crissa is, apparently, ascribed to the Amphictyonic league, with that attachment to proper names which cha- racterised the Greeks upon all occasions, whilst, in all probability, it really pertained to some of the dwellers around Crissa, Amphictyons in the original sense of the word. In the traditions relating to this war, Crissa is described as obnoxious to the charge of arrogance and impiety ^^. But it was at one time entitled to respect ^^. Suppose we were to assume that it had carried on the war with par- ticular energy against the Thessalians, who were already upon an amicable footing with the more southern districts, Athens, for instance, or that it had grown dangerous to the tyrant of Sicyon by its naval power, and finally, had, through its supre- macy, alarmed the jealousy of the oracle and the rest of the Phocians, who were, apparently, parties to the war against it. There exist but partial and disfigured fragments on the subject of the war^^; it is impossible to clear up all the obscurity in which the subject is involved, but it may be asserted with »* Herod. 5. 67. '« Plut. Sol. 11. " Plut. ubi sup. Callisthenes, ap. Ath. 13. 560. C. " Horn. 11. 2. 520. Kpiffffav re l^aOktjv. 1' Plut. and Paus. ubi sup. iEschin. 498, sqq. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 24. 177 great probability, that the energetic Clisthenes was the soul of the enterprise ; that the share taken by Athens was brought about by Cleisthenes' son-in- law, Megacles^ son of the Athenian commander Alcmaeon " ; and that, on the other side, the Thes- salians were ever ready to assail their hereditary enemies, whilst the oracle provided for its own independence by causing a donation of the con- quered country to be made to itself; and finally, that the Thessalians were, from motiv.;s of grati- tude, received into the Amphictyonic league, per- haps m the place of the Crissaeans, whilst the league Itself, after the disappearance of Crissa, possessed m Delphi a more strongly marked and salient point of union. The number of the confederate states after that time may, according to the successfol attempt of Tittmann- to reconcile the conflicting statements of the ancients ", be safely fixed at twelve • viz Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians, lonians, Perrh«- bians, Magnesians, Locrians, ^tjeans or ^nians Phthiotan Achaeans, Malians, Phocians, and Del- phians. That the two annual meetings, in spring and autumn '*, were not mere panegyres, but assemblies ot the council, is provfed by the sending of repre- sentatives from the confederate states, called Pyla- gorae and Hieromnemons »», the latter of whom by virtue of the religious tendency of the confedera- ■4^ P-ges3„^.B. "J-Uu^P^ 285 .^P.us. 10.8... „.p„e. «A^/ . ^?°' ®^' %^^''* *^**™P- ^eraosth. de Falsa. Lecrat ^ftft lo " VOL. I. 178 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. tion presided "^ : formal regulations for voting were likewise made ^. Sometimes a sort of great comi- cil, or popular assembly, was convened, consisting of the people collected there for religious objects, the use of the oracle, and celebration of the festi- val "". Now on the strength of this assembly other Greeks, besides those belonging to the races repre- sented, obtained admission it is true ; but this was never extended into a general assembly of all the Greeks, and the expressions of the ancients ^^, from which it has been attempted to represent the Am- phictyonic confederation as such in the light of a Greek national assembly, will not bear the test of historical scrutiny. In the primitive age the poli- tical importance of the confederacy was consider- able in consequence of the principle laid down at its formation, viz., that of tribes; this must of necessity have declined upon the rise of the new states; therefore for centuries there was at most but doubtful or suspicious mention of the Amphic- tyons, who during that period can hardly be said to have foimed a Jeague : it is not till after the Crissean war that they are beheld in a clearer light. But at all times their agency was impressed with a religious character ^ ; some of their inter- national ordinances alone bear a political impress, and in reference to these the celebrated old formula « Titim. 86. ^ il^Lsch. 286 ; comp. Tittm. 73—75. ** ^sch. in Ctesiph. 515 : tovq avvOvovTag xal xP^^f^^^^Q """V ^*V — (TTpaTog 'AfnriKTv6vu)v has probably the same signification. Pind. p. 10. 12. '^ Koirov Tu>v 'EWrjvcJv (Tvv'f^pwv. Demosth. de Coron. 279 ; ^sch. in Ctesiph. 549; Commune Graeciai concilium Cic. de Divinat. 1. 23; comp. the erroneous opinion of Dionys. Ilalic. 4. 25. ^ Freret, ubi sup. 47. 71. considers them to have been exclusively destined for religious objects. Comp. Tittmann, 99 — 101 ; Miiller, Dor. 1. 261. This character was first annexed to the oracle and the Pythian panegyris, it is true ; but it afterwards extended still farther; e. g. see Ath. 4. 173. the regulation that the Eleodytae at Delos should present water. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 24. 179 of oath is still extant ^*. Lastly, in the accounts of the ancients concerning the intervention of the Amphictyons, the antiquity of the word has served to exhibit the confederacy in a false light, inasmuch as we are not to understand the league, but the dwellers around a country {a^K^LKTioves) which was interested in an affair ; this moreover coincided with the general practice of the Greeks, to connect various objects with a common point for the conve- nience of reference, and this in a certain degi'ee is perceptible in the accounts of the Crissean war ; but totally unconnected with the confederation are the judgment of Amphictyons in the battle of Thyrna^-, the institution of the asylum on Samos^^ and the Amphictyonic Phyle in Thurii^*, which must be understood of the inhabitants of such countries as were concerned in the affairs. Still less can a connection be estabhshed between the confederation and a general council of the Greeks, like that in the case of Themistocles^^. But where its operation is established beyond all doubt, it is confined to questions of international law, with the exception of a few instances, in which the authority of Athens and Sparta are already perceptible, and they are the real agents, such as the banishment of Ephialtes, the betrayer of his country, and the erection of the monument at Therm o])ylaj ^. To this class belonged the sentence pronounced against the piratical Dolopes on the island of Scyros ^^, which was carried into effect by Athens ; " ^schin. de Fals. Legat. 284. '2 Ps. Plut. Parall. 7. 218. R. " Tacit. Ann. 11. 14. ^ Diod. 12. 11. 35 i^iod. 11.55. '^ Herod. 7. 196 ; 8. 288. ^7 piut. Cim. 8. n2 \ Mi 180 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. and even in this case it could only lay claim to the shadow, whilst the substance was engrossed by the Athenians. In the meridian of Grecian prosperity, the confederacy neither evinced any desire to ob- tain greater influence, nor was any disposition manifested by the most eminent of the Grecian races, to invest it with greater authority : it neither proved a common tribunal, nor a collective council against external enemies ; the greater part of its members fought for Xerxes, whilst his adversaries held a Synedrion on the Isthmus. d. Mutual Hospitality and the Interchange of Civil Rights. § 25. This relation formed an intermediate grade between the lax ties of festive pleasure and of the council, which have hitherto foimed the subject of our consideration, and the actual union by means of military aUiance and hegemony, to which we shall afterwards direct our attention. When the pubhc hospitahty annexed to the per- son of the prince terminated with the heroic mo- narchy, it became the affair of the community which thenceforward constituted the state \ to as- sume the same as a pohtical inheritance. It is true, that through the narrower and more deter- minate signification attached to citizenship, and the pride it inspired, the position of foreigners in the scale of importance, necessarily became lower rHerS%^^??r h'??K ^^^rtaiply had a right to choose Proxenoi for the state iaJpH ihL^^i ^f n^ hospitality which they themselves exercised, only re- garded Uiem individually. See Paus. 3. 8. 2 : Sfvi'ae U &vr,p 'HX.roc'Wi « .^.(f K^voQ Kai AaKeSatiMoviutv rov koivov ,rp6^.voc. By the same nrinci ^Sie'r^rrsut::"'^^' hospitality with the PisLatidI did 'nit ex^nd ^ X WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 25. 181 than it had been in the earher ages, when they possessed more powerful support in the divine law ; and where this principle was most rigorously de- veloped, as in Sparta, it led to inhospitality *. | But in a great number of states there was not only every moral disposition on the part of the com- munity at large, and of individuals to exercise the duties of hospitality towards strangers % but they were more firmly established in general, by means of political order and security, a step was put to depredations, intercourse with strangers promoted by increased facilities for travelUng, and the insti- tution of asylums^and a substitute provided for the declining patriarchal piety. JAt the same time) in lieu of the royal hospitality,^the notion of a large civil family comprising every member of the state, generated a comprehensive scheme of public hos- pitality, exercised by individuals hi the name of all, and called Proxenia. Its origin is derived from the time when a citizen, either from inch- nation or interest, treated the members of an- other state * with hospitahty, and took upon him- self the charge of giving them a friendly reception in his own country, and officiating as their political representative^ ; a speedy consequence of this was, that states for the purpose of facilitating the inter- course of their own citizens with other countries, ' StvifXatTia, Herod. 1. 65; Plut. Lye. 27; Xenoph. Repub. Lac. 14. 4; Photius. ^evrfXarflv. ^ The Andreia of Crete were renowned, Dosiad. ap. Ath. 4. 143. C. ; the Pontic Phasis, Heracl. Pont. 18 ; Corinth, Athens, Byzantium, etc. are like< wise called hospitable. * ' E9(\o7rp6k(vog. As at a late period Pithias in Corcyra for Athens. Thucyd. 3. 70; Gellius in Agrigentum, Diod. 13. 83; comp. Ulrich de Proxenia, Berl. 1822. p. 7. * Comp. Poll. 3. 59 : o ftlv Trpo^evog, orav iroKiwq ^Tifiotrig, irpo^evy tiq tv aXXy TroXet tUi/, iig oiroSoxfiQ Tt rStv iKiXOtv (ppovTiU^v Kai irpoffodov irpoQ Tov Siifiov, Kai (^pag tv ti^ Otdrpi^. i Mi 182 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. undertook the Proxenia for the citizens of other states, with which they thus indirectly estabhshed relations of friendship ; and at length it became the care of the state, publicly to appoint citizens to perform the duties of ProxeniaTy These Proxenoi might be compared to the consuls of the present day, if these instead of belonging to the state they represent, appertained to that in which they are the representatives of the other. The Proxenos naturally entered into the closest connection with the state, which confided in him, and this was looked upon as his Second country^. This was the true nature of the relation, and in its main points the Proxenoi appear almost universally to have belonged to that state in which they repre- sented another^; nevertheless citizens were sent to other parties than the Proxenoi, and this rela- tion in Athens was subsequently associated with legal rights which ranked next to those of real citizenship^, and individuals and collective states were at length presented with the Proxenia, as a privilege but little inferior to the civic right itself*^. Therefore when the subject of Xenia between states, as that between Miletus and Athens, Miletus and Sybaris ^^ is treated of, no other relation is to be understood than that which provided the recipro- cal observance of the Proxenia ; however Xenia « Schol. Aristoph. Therm. 583; Schol. Thucyd. 3.70; comp. Valcken. ad Amnion. Trpo^evog ; Ulrich, p. 45. and 48. n. 46. 7 Plato, Leg, 1. 642. B. * e. g. Callias' family in Athens Proxenoi for Sparta, Xenoph. Hell. 5. 4. 22 ; 6. 3. 4 ; comp. Plato, Leg. 1. 642. B. C. on Megillus; Diod. 13. 27. on ^'icias ; ^schin. in Ctesiph. 647. on Arthmius of Zelia. 9 Boeckh. Pub. Econ. 1. 55. 155; 2. 78 ; Meier und Schom. Att. Proc. 55. 56. >o Dem. in Lept. 475. 10 ; 497. 3. sqq. ; Gruter, loschrift. 400. 401. '» Herod. 6.21. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 25. 183 seems to be a more general notion than Proxenia, which was as it were a channel for it. Neither of them was however directed to the express deter- mination of mutual concessions, but to the main- tenance of friendly intercourse in general, and consequently to the tacit acquiescence in amicable . adjustment in case of disputes. Express trea- ties converted the last into relations'*, which through the influence of a pre-eminent state like Athens ^'\ might become a means to oppress the less powerful members of a confederacy. The conferring of single rights was determined by trea- ties to that express effect, even though mere ver- bal agreements, and by a specific enumeration of the rights in question ; the assumption that the enjoyment of them was even in the earliest ages regarded as the growth of circumstances is wholly untenable; however upon the whole, clear and determinate principles for their regulation do not seem to have been laid down till afterwards, when the subject of right in general became more thoroughly understood. Moreover, it was natural that in conferring a single right, which is to a certain extent implied by the very acquisition of its object, a representation in general, like that provided by the Proxenia, must have been less needed, where- fore these single concessions are not comprised under that relation. They consist of: — Intermarriage, eTnyafila. When one state granted » Svii^oXa, Ps. Demosth. de Halonn. 78. 25; 79. 13. 17 ; in IMid. 570. 18 ; comp. Harpocr. aiJ/ifS. The subject is treated at length by Heftter, Athen. Uerichtsverf. 90-93 ; Meier u. Schiimb. Att Proc. 773-780. ^ '3 Hesych. ci^ro avn^Xu>v hKal^aQat' UiKaKov oi A0i|J'atoi airo (rvfi- fioXiov, roic virtjKooii:, Kai rovro »> x"^'"^'^*"' 184 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. this to another, the right in question did not con- sist in the permission granted by the state to one of its citizens to choose a wife from the former, but from an opinion that it was expedient to keep the intrinsic quaUties of the citizenship ^% as once those of famiUes, exclusive, in rendering it a law- ftil proceeding to marry one of the daughters of the state into that community, which was con- cerned in the treaty. For that reason Epigamia might often have been granted by a more powerful state as a mark of favour ; but reciprocity followed of course ^^. The possession of houses and land, eyKrrjai?^^. An important advance towards the essential princi- ple of citizenship, the right of permanent resi- dence ^^. Exemption from taxation, ariXeta, generally from every kind of impost *% from duties ^^, and par- ticularly from the tax imposed on resident aliens, areXem fieTOLxlov^^, The former was possessed by the Deceleans in Sparta, the kings Leucon, Sitalces, Evagoras in Athens ^^ ; the latter must be regarded as a privilege confined to individuals ; in the same manner the footing upon which the Isoteles ^^ stood in Athens, was totally unconnected with the ques- tion of a political relation between Athens and their country. '^ But express prohibitions of Epigamia, as between the Attic Demes, the Pallenaeans, and Agnusians, (Plut. Thes. 13.) as between Andros and Paros, (Plut. Qu. Gr.92 ; 7. 193.) were generally occasioned by particular circumstances. '* Thus Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 19. linyafiiaLQ Kai iyKTr) Boeckh, Pub. Econ. 1 . 354. a> Herod. 9. 73 ; Wolf, Lept. LXXIV. n. 51. » Comp. $ 46. n. 28. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. ^ 25. 185 All this was comprised under the right of citizen- ship in general, iroXirela, laoTroXtreia, which was of course only brought into fiiU operation when a citizen of that state, to which such a right had been t^ranted, took up his residence in the state with which amicable relations had been contract- ed "^ This was not always reciprocal; but there is no dearth of examples to prove that it frequently was so "S and it may easily be supposed that the state thus favoured by a more powcjrful one very readily gave its own citizenship in return. An appendage to the citizenship, or even to one of the inferior rights, such as the A.teleia^^ was the rank termed Proedria^^, and the privilege of being called public benefactor, evepyeala ^. There are few examples of one of the rights here enumerated having been confen*ed singly, and even the Politeia does not appear so much to have comprised all the rest, as to have been used for a single right, for one or more of those included under it are frequently particularised "\ That this mode of classing them together was customary, is proved by the indefinite manner in which the terms " Comp. the account in Xenoph. Hell. 1.2. 10. of the Ephesians giving the Svracusians artXtiav SeXtvovffJotc ^^, Iml v iroXig diroXwXn, kuI iroXi- Tuav tvoceav. , _ " Timseus ap. Polyb. 12. 10. says there existed decrees between the Lo- crians in Italy and in Greece, raO* d rroXirtiav virdpxnv eKartpoig trap tra- TipoiQ. Calydon had citizenship in Achaia, Xen Hell, 4. 6. 1 ; the Boeotian Harma in Argos, Strab. 9. 404 ; Lebadeia in Arcadia, Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 11^9 ; Syracuse in Antandros, Xen. Hell. 1. 1. 26 but without reciprocity. 2* As in the case of the Deceleans, n. 21. , , « ,• » Demosth. de Coron. 256. 7 ; comp. § 22. n. 63 ; Hemsterh. ad Poll. 8.133. . , , " Xenoph. Hell. I. 1. 26: thtpytnia ri Kai iroXirfta '£vpaKov(Tioig iv 'AvTavlpn* IffTi. Comp. Wolf ad Dem. Lept. p. 282. '8 They are enumerated in detail in the decree of the Byzant. Dem. de Coron. 256. 6, sqq. : — 'AdrivaioiQ U^ifv tTriyafiiav, TroXtrnav, tyKTaaiv yaq xai oUidv, TtpotSpiav iv rolg dyAffi, voBodov ttoti rdv fitaXdv Kai rbv Cajtov, TTparoig /ifra rd upd, Kai rcHg KaroiKuv WkXovai rdv iroXiv dXtirovpyriToig yilitv iratrdv TrpograKrav Xiirovpyidv (therefore dHXuav) k. r. X. t V- • - - 186 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. are employed, one frequently being used for tlie other ^^, and some individually specified appearing to include others^. e. Associations for the purposes of united agency, § 26. No less characteristic of the Greeks hi general, than the tendency to festive pleasure, were the love of war and a grasping spirit of con- quest. As this on the one hand, by the multiplica- tion of feuds, deprived Greece of the blessings of internal peace, it on the other led to the formation of more or less extended unions. Most of these unions were not like those already enumerated, mere assembUes for the celebration of festivals, or for deliberation and friendly intercourse, but asso- ciations for the purpose of common and united agency. The seeds of their origin may have ex- isted in custom, treaty, or the ascendency of a powerfiil state ; and one or more of these causes may have consolidated them ; a strict line of dis- tinction cannot be drawn in all cases. The custom of united agency seems to have obtained in various provinces of Greece ; the insu- lated character of such districts may undoubtedly have had a considerable share in producing this result; however, it is possible that we only want express accounts of positive conventions, and we may ahnost always assume the influence of some » Thus Demosth. in Aristocr. 6H7. 4. mentions Politeia ; in the spurious speech irtpi avvrat,, 173. 6. 7. 'ArtXtta occurs in the sense of the privilege bestowed by Athens on the Pharsalian Menon and the Macedonian Ferdiccus. Comp. WolfLept. LXXIV. 51. where however the subject is not quite dis- embarrassed of the difficulties involved in it. » Demosth. de Coron. 291. 4. 5. in speaking of the alliance between Athens and Thebes, only names avfifiaxiav and iiriyafiiav : but there can be no doubt that it comprised more than this. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 26. 187 pre-eminent race or city. Of this nature were the Opuntian Locris, from which the Epicnemidian was not separated till some time afterwards ' ; the Ozolian Locris, in which Amphissa exercised the right of presidency, but was not entitled to em- ploy coercive measures-; iEtolia, whose stricter union by formal compact, however, must be re- ferred to a much later age ; the abodes of the moun- tain races around Thessaly, namely, the Mahans, whose three tribes^ lived in uninterrupted har- mony ; Doris, amongst whose four cities Cytinium, Boeon, Erineus, and Pindus, or AcyphasS no in- stance of dissension is recorded ; and lastly, Phocis. The close alliance amongst the Phocians is proved by the powerful stand they made against the at- tacks of the Thessalians ' ; but this internal union was at length dissolved by the encroachments of Crissa, and subsequently of the Delphians, who afterwards appear as decidedly opposed to their neighbours ^ The most considerable amongst the twenty-two towns of the district that still continued to hold together were Elatea, Abie, Daulis, Pano- peus, Hyampolis, Ambryssus, Drymaea, Lilaea, Pa- rapotamioi, and Anticin'ha ^ The house of congi'ess called Phocicum « most probably belongs to a very Armed confederacies, not limited to inhabitants I • ?ee§ 13. n. 27. » Ihucyd. 3. lOl. : 'Aji^piffffyg — Tovg aWovg truaav, ' luab.'g.^in.'and 427; comp. Poppo. Thucyd. 2. 299. 300; Mailer. ^%^erod 7 I7G ; 8. 27. 28 ; Strab. 9. 422 : I'aus. 10. 1. 2, sqq. 13. 3 ; .Eschin. 1; Fdsa iJga;. 308 ; Ps. Plut. de Mulier. Virtut. 7. 7. U. ed. ; comp. 10. 524. • Ihucvd. I. 112 ; Plut. Pericl. 21. i « ,/v c o ' p'r 10. 3. i ; comp. 10. 4. 1 . and 5. 10. 32, «iq. ' Paus. 10. 5, 2. 188 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. of the same district, nor perpetuated by permanent ties, or such as were renewed by each successive generation, but associated by the emergencies of the time for enterprise and action, and conse- quently unattended by fixed periodical meetings of any dehberative body, repeatedly occur in the course of Grecian history. The exact nature of these alhances, and of the force by which they were cemented cannot in all cases be determined ; their extension, responsibility, and duration, de- pended upon circumstances; and no very clear notions of the nature of alhances either offensive or defensive ^ seem to have been entertained. A complete enumeration of them is not compatible with our object. The character of the warlike confederacies amongst the heroes that went in quest of adventures, is continued in the migrations of the allied Dorians, iEtohans, and others to the Peloponnesus; afterwards in the maritime expe- ditions for the foundation of new states, as well as in the foreign service of the Cretan and other mer- cenaries ^^ In these the state was seldom con- cerned. Thucydides mentions as the most exten- sive amongst the political alhances, properly so called, the armed league, formed by the inhabitants of the coast-districts, in the war between Chalcis and Eretria, in Eubcea " ; in the interior the Mes- senian wars caused a widely disseminated division amongst the Peloponnesians who took part in them ^^ The relation between Tegea and Sparta 9 Svfi^axta, alliance offensive and defensive, Thucyd. 6. 11. ; ^7ri/tax*«, de- fensive only, 1. 44 ; 3. 70 ; 6. 48. »• Paus. 4. 8. 1 ; 4. 10. 1 ; 4. 19. 3. " Thucyd. 1. 15 ; comp. Herod. 5. 99. " Paus. 4. 10. 1 ; 4. n. 1 ; 4. 15. 4 ; 4. 19. 1. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 26. 189 assumed the character of a permanent alliance in war ". The league formed by Thebcjs and Chalcis against Athens ** is worthy of remark, as present- ing the earliest indications of the constitutional spirit. The league against Athens bears an oligar- chical character, Athens' victory brought about the overthrow of the Chalcidian Hippobotae, and after the alliance between iEgina and the Thebans, the insurrection of the demagogue Nicodromus in iEgina^^ Miletus received assistance from Ere- tria in return for that which it had afforded '^ Finally, to adduce a remote example, the same is observable when the Spartans recommended the Locrians in Italy to admit the Dioscuri into their confederacy ^^ without marching out themselves. Allied to these voluntary associations, so far as the principle of common agency v^as concerned, but distinct from them, inasmuch as commands were issued on the one side, and obedience was yielded on the other, was the union by means of Hegemony, a relation developed amongst the Gre- cian states before the Persian war ; but which often bore the appearance of a confederacy, in the manner of a Roman ''foedus iniquum" with which it in fact corresponded ; when one of the members raised it- self above and directed the rest^% *' de facto;* without any actual violation of what was estjibhshed by pre- scription or treaty. But it was a different case, when '3 Herod. 9. 26. However the Tegeatans do not ap^-ear to have been parties to the war against Messenia. See Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 172. R. '« Herod. 5. 75, 8qq. » Ibid. 6. R8, sqq. '« Ibid. 5. 99. " Justin. 20. 2. , • , »8 TeXeiv €i'c BoitoTovg, k. r. X. (Herod. 6. 108.) do.js not precisely express an equality of righte in the confederates ; but the sUte of dependence is clearly conveyed by nvvTiXiiv. Thucyd. 2. 16; 7. 76; Isocrat. Plat 516; Strab. 8. 364 ; Diod. 12. 41. On the word rtXCiv compare Append, xiv. 190 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. such a state only asserted a sort of honorary pre-emi- nence, or when a powerful state did not exactly force others to a participation in its measures, but in- fringed one of their rights by asserting a dominion over the sea; for instance, like Chios *^ and ^gina"^ not to mention Castor's pretended empire of the sea in earlier times ; or like the Rhodians^^ by the blockade of a commercial channel, the taxation of emigrants, etc. The claims of hegemony were almost universally directed to military alliance, though they were often coupled with relations of a still more oppressive nature. The gradations from the most relaxed to the strictest species of depend- ence, and even to the total dissolution of the sepa- rate existence of a state, may be described as 1. The taxation of the dependent state. 2. The demand of subsidies and supphes, and the command of the contingents. 3. Paramount jurisdiction, the regu- lation of the magistracy, and general interference with internal matters ; as, for example, when the Mitylenaeans forbade such of their confederates as had fallen off from the league, to allow their children to learn writing and music"-, but which is entirely distinct from the intervention of a state as arbitrator between two others, upon an invitation to that effect. This is then the boundary beyond which it was impossible for a dependent state to assert a separate existence, and its citizens, either by adoption into the citizenship"^ or subjection to '» Strab. 14. 645. *> Herod. 5. 83, sqq.; Strab. 8. 375. »» Euseb. Canon. 1099. ** JE\. v. H. 7. 15. This probably refers to the towns on the coast opposite to Lesbos, aKToiai, concerning which see Thucyd. 4. 52, and n. » ^vvoiKifffioc, Thuc. 3. 23. The remark of the Schol. on 3. 2. 1. 5. p. 376. Bipont. : r6 ^vptpKurtv ovk ivriv liri rov ofiov ^vvoiKifrOijvai iiro'iiiatv, aX\* WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 26. 191 the State of Perioeci, became constitutive portions of the commanding state. Hegemony was naturally connected with unions amongst the towns of a district, vicinity, community of race, and the rank of mother state, several of which characteristics might be found united. That city which was illustrated by the glory of the heroic princes, or which had become the seat of the new dynasty, continued to exercise a supre- macy over the inhabitants of the surrounding district, even after the rise of republican institu- tions. Boeotia and Thessaly are particularly to be considered here. In Boeotia there was a confederacy of towns ; all the towns in that country were not immediately connected with it, but many of them were subject to one of the confederate towns, like kindred places : thus Leuctra, Thisbe, Siphae, and Creusis, were under Thespiae ; DeKum for some time under Ta- nagra^-* ; but Thebes, which was desirous of being regarded as a mother-state ^^ possessed such a de- cided and oppressive preponderance in the league, that it degenerated into the nature of a Hegemony; and on that account Plataea, a short time before the Persian wars, in order to hberate itself from the usurped authority of Thebes, entered into an alliance with Athens^^ The remaining cities of the confederation can be pointed out with certainty in part only, as, for instance, Thespiae, Orchomenus, Tanagra, Hahartus, Coronea, and Lebadea; to jTri Tov iiiav noXiv, tovts(tti ftriTpoTroXiv t^ttv avrf]v, more especially re- lates to the act of dwelling together in the country. r "" u^^® in general Miiller, Orchom. 402, sqq., and his arti.-le Boeotia in l-^rsch. und Grub. Encyclop. vol. 11. p. 270. 271. ^Thucyd. 3. 61. ^ ^ Herod. 6. 108 ; Thucyd. 3. 55. 61, sqq. '! I ! «i ifei I 192 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. these conjecture adds Copse, Antheden, Chalia, Onchestus, and Chaeronea^, but not as all apper- taining to it at the same time, or each continuously. The league appears in the character of an armed confederation, the federal cities sent contingents of troops commanded by Bceotarchs^: the nature and functions of the four deliberative bodies ^^ men- tioned by Thucydides are not thoroughly under- stood, and it is doubtful whether they existed before the Persian wars. The Pambceotia^, solemnised in honour of the Itonic Athene by Coronea, were perhaps originally accompanied by deliberations of the federal council ; but after the Hegemony of Thebes was firmly established, they were divested of political influence. The Daedala^^ Uke the Pa- negyris of Onchestus ^^ seem to have been exclu- sively devoted to festive objects. The Thessalians were likevrise associated by a military alliance, under a commander called Tagos^^; this was in all probability accompanied by a con- federate council; but like Thebes in Bceotia, La- rissa, the seat of the ancient regal hue of the Aleuadae, asserted an ascendency till the Persian wars; however, the Tagos seems to have been likewise chosen from other towns, such as Gonnoi'^^ Besides Larissa, in the course of time Pharsalus and Pherae rose into importance : in a less degree " Muller, ubi sup. ; Comp. Kliitz. de feed. Boeot. 16, 17. » Muller, in the Encyclop. 271. » Thucyd. 5. 38. * Strab. 9. 411 ; comp. Meurs. Grace, fer. in Gronov. Thes. 7. 833. " Paus. 9. 3. 4 ; comp. Muller, Orchom. 221, sqq. » Comp. $ 19. n. 14. . » Tayoc, Thucyd. 4. 78 ; Xen. Hell. 6. 1. 6, 3* In Herod. 5. 63. The Thessalians sent sonae knights and rbv ^affikija Tov a^repov Kivkrjv, dvSpa Koviaiov, to the assistance of the Pisistratids. To understand in this place with Sch weigh aeuser a Phrygian term, instead of reading Tovvdiog, will appear to others beside myself a very questionable pro- ceeding. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 26. 193 Crannon, Gomphi, and Gyrton^; but at the same time the unity of Thessaly was dissolved. The division of the country into Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, and Hestiaeotis, is, it is true, anterior to the Mace- donian times ^, but unconnected with the question of pohtical dissolution. Amongst the inhabitants of the mountains around Thessaly several races, such as the Perrhaebians, Magnetes, and the Phthio- tan Achaeans, were tributary to the Thessalians^. In the island of Crete, whose local character promoted pohtical disunion, the states of Gnossus and Gortys, as the heads of the island, were at variance, and opposed to each other with an equal balance of power ; Cydonia usually determined between them ^. Lyctus, which was no less Doric than they were, seldom appears to have taken any part in their disputes. The Spartans and Eleans not only raised them- selves to hegemony over the older inhabitants of their districts, but degraded them to the condition of Perioeci. Argos struggled for the hcjgemony in its own province without complete or permanent success; and its endeavours to establish an Am- phictyony under the presidency of Apollo Pythaeus^ were also abortive ; it was the power of Phidon alone which united the whole of Argolis ; but after Sparta obtained the ascendant, those states ceased ^ Thucyd. 2. 22. * Aristot ap. Phot, rerpapxia (comp. Etym. M. Ttrp.) states that Aleuas the son of Pyrrhus made the division. ^ Thucyd. 2. 101 ; 4. 78 ; 8. 3 ; Xen. Hell. 6. 1.7. According to Theophr. ap. Ath. 6. 265. C. part of the Perrhaebians and Magnesians were reduced to bondage ; but that these as Penestae were not identical with those tributary na- tions is proved by Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 3. ^ Strab. 10. 478. It would probably be difficult to prove a hegemony of the Lyctians, (Gottling. Aristotel. Pol. 475.) » Miiller, Dor. 1.85. 153. VOL. I. o 194 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. to be dependent. Sicyon, Phlius, and the towns of the Acte, Epidaurus, Troezen, Hermione, and Halieis, undoubtedly asserted their independence before the time of the Persian wars ^ ; and even that old stronghold of the Atridae, Mycenee, once more arose, and struggled for the presidency at the panegyris of Nemea *\ The subjugation of adjacent states was partly confined to the descendants of a common race, as the authority of Naxos over the Cyclades *^ ; that of Eretria over Andros, Tenos, Ceos *\ and the maritime supremacy of Poly crates **, which was intended to find a prop and support in the sanc- tuary of Delos ^. But in Sicily the tyrants Hip- pocrates of Gela, and Gelon of Syracuse ^, asserted their strength with all the marks of undisguised aggression ; and at the beginning of the Persian wars, Syracuse under Gelon, and Agrigentum under Theron, possessed the hegemony over the whole of Grecian Sicily. The earliest example *^ of a struggle for hegemony over the descendants of a common race in a wider extent was offered by Phidon of Argos ; what he retained for a short time only, afterwards dissolved to Sparta, which, since the reduction of Messenia, had assumed a very com- manding attitude, and supported her position both by force of arms and mythical claims, such as the as- sertion that the sons of the Messenian king iEpy- *» After the invasion of Cleomenes, Argos imposed a mulct upon the ^gi- netans who did not pay ; Sicyon was to pay 100 talents— were they discharged or not 1 Herod. 6. 92. ^ ^ « Diod. 11.65. « Diod.5. 50. « Strab. 10. 448. « Herod. 3. 39, sqq. ; Thuc. 3. 104. ** Thuc. 1. 13 ; comp. Phot. nv0ia. *• Herod. 7. 153, sqq. ♦7 Strab. 8. 358 ; Paus. 6. 22. 2. Concerning his attempt on Corinth, see Flat. Amator. 9. 93—95. Compare at large Miiller, iEginet. 61—63. WHAT UNITED THE GRECIAN STATES. § 26. 195 tus had made over Messenia to Sparta, where they had taken refuge*^. She appears as the chief in war, issuing military proclamations, and as the supreme arbitress of the judicial concerns of the Peloponnesus, and was occasionally chosen beyond its limits to act in the capacity of umpire, as in the dispute between Athens and Megara about Sala- mis*^ and was invested with the chief command in the Persian war^. However, she did not at this stage, as afterwards, introduce into the de- pendent states a constitution suited to her own purposes ; her marked opposition to democracy was not yet fully developed. Claims on the part of the mother states to hege- mony were, as before observed ^\ sometimes asserted without any reasonable foundation whatever ; as, for instance, when a mother state in other respects evinced no marks of maternal care or interest for the colony, or the founders of the latter had seceded from the parent state in a spirit of hos- tility, they were better founded when a colony was established with a view to obtain habitations for the surplus citizens, or to form a staple for the mother city ; in both cases it was necessary that they should have since continued dovot'ed and obedient to the parent state. No certain prin- ciple had as yet been laid down for the settlement of the individual services incident to this condi- tion ^" ; a parent state bent upon asserting a hege- *® Isocrat. Archid. 180. 184. Comp. on the abstraction of the Palladium from Argos, Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 206. « Plut. Sol. 10. ^ Herod. 8. 2 ; compare on the subject of Sparta's hegemony generally, Miiller, Dor. 1. 178, sqq. ^i See $ 21, adfinem. *' What is cited in Harpocr. a'/roiKia, must, without doubt, be referred to the time when Athens had the sovereignty of the seas. I ■i o 2 im 190 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. mony endeavoured, as much as possible, to render its pretensions paramount to the above described honorary dependence of fiUal piety, and when its claims were disregarded, appealed to the general law of hegemony ^^; Corinth in particular ex- erted herself to raise this claim to a sort of uni- versal political law^. They were occasionally asserted with effect ; Sinope kept its colonies Tra- pezus, Cerasus, Cotyora^^ in a tributary condition; interference with the internal concerns of her set- tlements, and even oppression, were exercised by Corinth ; she sent Epidemiurgi as magistrates to Potidaea^, and demanded a share in the booty and conquests of the colonies^^; Megara w'as compelled to send envoys in mourning to the obsequies of a Bacchiad ^^ ; JEgina, finally, had in former times sent all causes to be tried in the courts of its parent city Epidaurus^. However, all this de- pended upon circumstances ; that which was called poHtical law alone afforded no security, unless ac- companied by energetic despotism, by which means alone, for example, Periander for a time held the refractory Corcyra in check ^. The colonies were very willing to conciliate the kindness and friend- ship of the parent city, and testified their grateful obedience by various acts of pious duty. In those cases where the succour of the mother city was *> Thuc. 1. 38.: tTTi Tip T/ye/xovtc ts iivai koi tcl iiKOTa Oav^d^fffffai \ as well as 1. 25, d'lKaiov, 3. 61. Kara rd Trarpia. " Thuc. 1. 25 ai dWai diroiKiai, must, from 1. 38. at yovv aXXai aTToiKiai rifitiffiv I'lfidQ, be limited to Corinthian colonies. Compare on the Corinth. Raoul-Roch. 3. 384. « Xenoph. Anab. 5. 5. 10. »« Thuc. 1. 56. *7 Pans 5. 22. 3. " Schol. Find. Nem. 7. 58 ; Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 439 (447) ; Bekker. A need. 281. Mcyaptwv ddxpna. Comp. Zenob. 6. 8. » Herod. 5. 83. » Herod. 3. 62. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 27. 197 permanently necessary to them, they connected themselves with it closely, and were perfectly will- ing to perform military service in its ranks ; thus, from the fear of Corcyra, Leucas, Ambracia, and Anactorium attached themselves to Corinth ^\ and chose her for umpire in their disputes ^^; but again, when the increase of their own power inspired them with confidence, they became jcjalous of the imperious pretensions of the parent city ^% and did not hesitate to sever the tie that connected them, and to offer resistance to its encroachments. III. THE STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION, AND OF THE PROCEEDINGS CO^iNECTED WITH IT. a. Character of the Individual Grecian States in their political intercourse with each other. § 27. No fixed principle had been estabUshed to determine the validity of a union as a state, and mutual recognition, or the guarantee of inde- pendence. According to the spirit of the Grecian citizenship, the distinctive feature c>f the inde- pendence of a state was the right of ordering its own affairs, and this probably determined the esti- mation in which the states mutuallv held each other. At the same time, since the decline of the heroic-princely authority, it was almost a matter of indifference in their mutual intercourse, what species of supreme power regulated the internal «' Thuc. 1.27.30; 2.80. *^ Corinth and Corcyra effected an adjustment between Syracuse and the Rhodian Gela. Herod. 7. 154. •*^ The words of the Corcyraeans in Thucyd. I. 34, are : 7rdffa aTroiria tu/xti/ Trd(T)(^oviTa rifi^ ti)v /ii/rpoTroXiv, dSiKovutvrj Si dXXorptowrai* ov yap liri Tiji SovXoi, d\\' tTTi Tip ofioioi Tolg \eiirofi(voiQ arm *icirt,ti7roi/rau 1 s> 198 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. concerns of another state ; Sparta alone, it is said, would not acknowledge the tyranny in the Pelo- ponnesus, a statement which will be examined more minutely below. Therefore when the ma- nagement of public affairs was vested in its own authorities, and was not subject to the interference of any other state, federal or colonial relations were not considered as affecting its character of independence. The above-described disposition in the states thus situated, to make use of such rela- tions for their advantage, and not for their re- straint, accorded with the poHtical intercourse carried on with the member of a confederacy or with a colony ; of a tendency in several confederate or parent states in conjunction to strive for a recogni- tion of their joint capacity or authority in every individual state belonging to them> there is not the slightest -vestige, any more than of a disposition based upon the principles of international law, to take such into consideration in their intercourse with single states. But as soon as a more rigorous hegemony had been added to those relations, this independence was in many respects cast into the shade. However, it was not considered as en- dangered by all kinds of external dependence ; the Grecian states did not hesitate to become tributary to their more powerful, and even to barbarian neighbours, if by this means they might enjoy unlimited authority over their domestic concerns — as the lonians did to the Lydians ^ A most strik- ing exemplification of this relation is the full re- cognition of the Perrhaebians, Magnesians, and • Herod. 1.27. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 27. 199 Phthiotan Achaeans as members of the Amphictyonic Council, although they were tributary to the Thes- salians ^ The political proceedings of the? independent states, in their relations with each other, were principally directed to the preservation of mutual peace, the depredations of individuals excepted; and upon any violation of the same it was stipulated that amicable negociations should be first resorted to (hUa9 Sovvac koI Bixea-Oac), instead of immediate- ly having recourse to arms. Hence the universally recognised mission ^ and inviolability of heralds, the disposition under particular circumstances to give satisfaction by the extradition of criminals ; as, for example, when Sparta offered to surrender king Leoty chides to iEgina * ; and lastly, instead of a general conflict, to regard the combat of two or more representatives of the contending states as de- cisive ^. The disposition, however, in time of war to acknowledge in the individual enemy the ally of a state, is attested by the practice of restoring prisoners of war in consideration of a ransom ^ Peace was effected by the arbitration of a third state ^; but no notion seems to have been enter- tained of a guarantee for its observance. Not- withstanding the principles of international law thus began to regulate their intercourse, it is ap- parent, from the already described nature of the hegemony, that the mutual recognition of inde- » See § 24. n. 23 ; and § 26. n. 37. -^mnm^-,- -sf — 3» ' For an example of a iroXtfiog clkt^ovktoq of the iEginetaos against Athens, consult Herod. 5. 81. * Herod. 6. 86. * Concerning the battle of the six hundred for Thjo^a, see^Herod. 1. 182; comp. Thucyd. 5. 41. « Herod. 5. 77, ^t/iv«wc. ^ SparU between Athens and Megara, Plut. Sol. 10. Periander .between Mitylene and Athens, Herod. 5. 95. — I III m t« m f 200 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. pendence was by no means so firmly guaranteed as not to be occasionally endangered by lawless vio- lence ; no common interest of the Grecian states collectively afforded a security to one of them individually ; no alliance ensured effectual assist- ance and protection. No obstacle being therefore opposed to it by any general bond of union, force was accordingly employed, as soon as a state de- sirous of acquiring power was in a condition to assert it ; the Messenians were reduced to slavery by Sparta, and Crissa and Sybaris razed to the ground by their conquerors. The oath of the Amphictyons, which rigorously prohibited the de- struction of a confederate city, and their practice, were wholly at variance with each other ^ In considering the Grecian states singly, Sparta appears, during the age before the Persian war, to have exercised the greatest sway over her neigh- bours, and indirectly upon Greece in general. Her cupidity knew no bounds, and whilst she was de- sirous of engrossing every thing, she imparted nothing in return ; although tenacious of granting a reciprocity of intercourse, she did not scruple to interfere in the proceedings of other states in the most despotic manner. Her inhospitahty to strangers, and prohibition of the residence of her citizens in foreign countries 9, are evidences of a desire to prevent the native virtue from becoming impaired, but, at the same time, to deprive others of the advantages which might result from it. With all her simplicity of faith and life, she seldom evinced towards other countries an open and inge- e _ fitfStfiiav TToXtv riov ' AfKpiKTvovidav avaaraTov iroiijauv. ^Esch. de falsa Legal. 284. » Plut. Lye 27. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 27. 201 nuous disposition ; mystery ^^ and the perversion of truth are not unfrequently allied ". Thus the rest of the Greeks were only acquainted with her rough and repulsive character; the adjacent inhabitants very soon felt the effects of her contentious spirit, with which the first Proclid Sous very early com- bined stratagem ^^ Messenia, which is represented to us as repulsing aggression and displaying the noblest patriotism, experienced, on tVie subjugation of the Achaeans of Amyclae, Helos, etc., the effects of her practised and pampered thirst of power and conquest '\ which is embodied in the tradition of the oath, not to return home before the reduction of Messenia ^*. The zenith of Spartan ambition is exhibited in the reckless disposition of Cleomenes, which found fertile materials in the political cha- racter of his people, and in his attack on Argos and iEgina ^^ ; his march to Athens, his favour towards Isagoras^^ and the preparations set on foot by Sparta, after the retirement of Cleomenes, to bring Athens, which had shaken off the yoke of the Pisistratidae, once more under their tyranny ^^, are materials enough to explain the reputed enmity that Sparta bore to tyrants, which appears to have been grounded on indiscriminating panegyric ^% as '» Thucyd. 5. 74. " HenceHerod. 9. 54. ra AaKt^aifiovioiv (ppovrifiara (i»c aWa id the injunction to the Plataeans to ally themselves with the Athenians proceed from a mischiev- ous policy 1 See Herod. 6. 108 ; Thucyd. 3. 68, and on the other side of the question, Plut. de Herod. :Malignitate, 9. 419. »* Plut. Lye. 2. " Polyb. 6. 48, calls the Spartans TaToi, and 49, vtrith reference to Messenia, irXtovcicrcKwraroi. '* Paus. 4. 5. 3. '^ Herod. 6. 76, sqq. ; 6. 49, sqq. '« Ibid. 5. 70, sqq. " Ibid. 5. 91. 93. " Thucyd. 1 18 ; 6. 63 ; Plut. de Herod. Malign. 9. 411. The testimony of Thucydides is less valuable, in consequence of his disposition to generalize. Little reliance can be placed upon Plutarch's list of tyrants, said to have been expelled by Sparta, comp. $ 52, init. 202 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. well as to make us suspect the influence of particular motives in those undertakings, which have been adduced as examples of a political opposition to tyrants, as in the expedition against Polycrates, for instance, gratitude for the assistance of the Samians in the Messenian wars ^^. Argos was, in her thirst of power, but little in- ferior to Sparta^; she is the transcript of Aga- memnon, full of arrogant pretension, and yet her citizens were neither the best nor the bravest of Greece. She had inherited the Hegemony of Aga- memnon, and during several centuries, exhibited great activity in asserting her pretensions in Argo- lis ^S and especially against Sparta, whose growing power bid fair to outstrip her own; Phidon ex- tended the pre-eminence of Argos over the whole of Argolis, JEgina, and even over the Pe- loponnesus ^^. But he had overshot the mark ; his ascendency yielded to that of Sparta and Elis; in the LVIII. Olympiad, two hundred years after he had celebrated the Olympic festival as Hegemon (01. VIII.), Argos was deprived of the frontier-land, Cynuria, by Sparta ^% and soon afterwards was en- tirely reduced by Cleomenes ^* ; from that time the above-named towns in the vicinity of Argos re- mained faithful to Sparta. In Sicyon, the tyrant Clisthenes had carried to an extreme the principle of opposition to Argos ^; amicable relations be- '9 Herod. 3. 47. » Herod. 3. 148 ; 7. 148. 149. a» Corap. $ 26, n. 39, sqq. » § 26, n. 47. « According to Herod. 1. 82, the whole of the eastern coast of Laconia, as far as Malea and Cythera, once belonged to Argos. It appears to me that this should be referred to the heroic age, when Laconia was dependent upon Mycenae ; from the very commencement of the age after the Doric migration, Cynuria seems to have been the con6ne of Argos. ^ Herod. 6. 78, sqq. « Herod. 5. 67. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 27. 203 tween the two states were not re;-established till the latter ages of Grecian history.. JEgina, since the destruction of Phidon's power, had exhibited equal hostility to the parent city, ICpidaurus ^^ and to the Hegemony of Argos ^, and a fearless reliance on its own powers against Sparta and Athens ; on friendly terms with Thebes, it canied on a nicely- balanced contest with Athens, till the naval power of that state was called into existence by Themis- tocles '^ In Arcadia, the Tegeans, during centu- ries, supported heroic conflicts with Sparta '^^ till the latter offered them her friendship, and as- signed them the post of honour in the left wing of the confederate army^. The Orchomenians were attached to the Messenians, but the king, Aristocrates, acted treacherously towards the con- federates^^; Mantinea adhered to Argos, but all the Arcadians unanimously responded to the war- like summons of Sparta ^^ ; Elis was, in consequence of its contests with the Pisatans and Triphy- lians, in want of a point of support, and found it in Sparta. The Achseans did not maintain a very intimate connection with the Peloponnesians ; against Sparta they harboured her<;ditary hatred ^, but their inactivity in the Persian war is no evi- dence of friendship towards Agos, whose character corresponded with their own. Corinth, as a com- mercial state, preferred conciliating all parties, and limited all active interference to her own colonies ; however, her tyrants, Cypselus and Periander, » Ibid. 5. 83. ^ Ibid. 6. 92. «« Plut. Them. 5. » Herod. 1. 66 ; 6. 61 ; Pans. 3. 3. 5 j 3. 7. 3 ; 8. 5. 6 ; 47. 2 ; 48. 3 } 54. 3 ; Polyaen. 1.8. » Compare $ 26, n. 13. 3' Paus. 4. 17. 2. 3' Herod. 6. 74. ^ Paus. 7. 6. 3. Pellene alone was afterwards in favour of Sparta. 204 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. evinced a more enlarged and comprehensive policy. During the succeeding period, Corinth adhered to Sparta, but the Corinthian Sosicles rose against the efforts of that state to restore the tyranny in Athens ^^ and the Corinthians, collectively consider- ed, were in favour of the Athenians. With short- sighted mercantile calculation, she, in consideration of a sum of money, sent them ships to be employed against ^Egina ^\ Her colonies, Megara and Cor- cyra, behaved with as much insolence in their intercourse with every other state, as they exhi- bited towards their mother city. The Boeotians remained entirely insulated, till the pre-eminence of Thebes became firmly established. At this time Pisistratus received succours from Thebes, for the purpose of effecting his return to Athens ^, When the latter had become free, there arose in Thebes considerable jealousy, and a desire to enter the hsts with her; the retirement of Plataea from her Hegemony increased that hostility, which could never afterwards be entirely extinguish- ed. The Phocians only exhibit the most inveterate hatred against the ThessaUans '^ ; the sentiments of the Locriaps of Amphissa towards them^ were similar, and the ^Etolians and Acarnanians were, by a like border-hatred, kept in a state of separa- tion^. The Thessalians are distinguished by an imbounded spirit of conquest, by hostility to Pho- cis *^ and impetuous opposition to Crissa *' in parti- cular; they were, moreover, confederates of the Athenian tyrants *^ and, in general, most desirous ^ Herod. 5.92. *» Herod. 1. 61. 3« Thucyd. 3. 101. *' Compare § 24. ^ Herod. 6. 89; Thucyd. 1. 41. ^ Ibid. 8. 30. » Strab. 10. 458. *2 Herod. 5. 63, *° Herod. 7. 176 ; 8. 27. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 27. 205 to obtrude themselves within the boundaries of purely Grecian life« The Athenians, for nearly five centuries confined within their own limits, were, for the first time, seen to pass them in the Crissaean war; the almost simultaneous at- tempt of Cylon on the tyranny, which was sup- ported by his father-in-law, Theagenes of Megara **, excited a feeling against the lattei* place, and Sa- lamis, which had probably, till that time, been Magarian, was conquered*^. The views of Pisis- tratus were more extensive ; he himself conquered Naxos and Sigeum *^ ; and Miltiades subdued the Chersonese *^ Nevertheless, after the expulsion of the tyrants, Athens was obliged to be roused, almost by force and opprobrious attacks, to make head against her hostile neighbours, Thebes, iEgina, and Chalcis ^. The victory she obtained over them is like a fountain from which she derived the inspiring consciousness of her own strength. Jealousy of the rich fund of traditional lore pos- sessed by Thebes, embellished the fni/thi relating to Theseus as the illustrious hero who had achieved the pacification of Greece. Towards Sparta and Corinth, Athens entertained respect and friendship, but the pride of Autochthony ^^ began to display it- n *\J^y^c°^^^l '" ^"^®^ ^^ ^^® ^"'^* ^^ Chalcis, Plut. Amator. Narr. 9. 48. un the defeat they suffered near Ceressusin Boeotia, see Paus. 9. 14. 1 : Plut. tamill. 19 ; de Herod. Malign. 9. 439. ** Thucyd. 1. 126. ih c ?°™ 1 ^°"^"^^^ accounts on the subject, w€ may, however, gather tnat bolon and Pisistratus were the instigators of the war, see Plut. Sol. 3. 9 : tomp. Sol. et Poplic. p. 434 ; ^1. V. H. 7. 19 ; Polya?n. 1.20 ; Am. Poliorc. 4 ; Justin. 2. 8 ; Diog. Laert. 1. 46 ; Strab. 9. 394; I»aus. 1. 40. 4 ; Frontin Stratag. 4. 44. *6 Herod. 5. 70. 94. *^ Ibid. 6. 34. sqq. , i*^6§ 26, n, 14. Totally unfounded is the assertion of Diodor. 4. 61, that from the time Theseus effected the union of the Attic boroughs, 'A0»;ratot <5ta TO (idpog rrjg TroXeatg (ppovrjfiarog kvnrlnTrXavTo cai r^e Tuiv 'EWrfvatv Vyfuoviag tjpkxOrjffav. « Eurip. Fragm. ap. Lycurg. adv. Leocr. 204 ; Lysias Orat. Fun. 76 ; Isocrat. Panegyr. § 4, etc. WMiwiNwiipiiii « m mif 206 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. self,and that arrogance, which enriched the common- places of the orators concerning the primeval Athe- nian hospitality, was afterwards directed against the inhospitality of Sparta. In Euboea, Eretria was upon as intimate a footing with the Athenians as Chalcis was with the Thebans ; both of them in- terfered in the disputes of the adjacent states; their connection with the lonians in Asia was of various kinds ^ ; antiquity is silent on the subject of their sentiments towards their Thracian colo- nies. Amongst the Cyclades, Naxos for a short pe- riod struggled for precedence ^\ After its subjugation to Athenian supremacy, and the subsequent reduc- tion of Paros, this beautiful cluster of islands sunk for ever into a state devoid of all political strength and character. The lonians in Asia kept up a very active intercourse ; this was, however, com- bined with the proneness to feuds, selfishness, and a disposition to contract ties with the barbarians, even at the price of the common welfare of Greece ; the lonians and Carians for a long time carried on piracy in conjunction ^^ The Dorians there ap- pear peaceful ; Crete, occupied with internal feuds ^% sent out mercenaries to Greece, although there was no strictly political intercourse between the coun- tries. The iEohan Cuma was regardless of the quarrels of its neighbours **. On the other hand, the chief cities of Lesbos were not afraid of carry- ing on a war with Pisistratus ^^ The colonial bonds between the states situate on the northern » Herod. 5. 99 ; Thucyd. 1. 15. *' Diodor. 5. 50. " Herod. 2. 152. " Polyb. 6. 46. Concerning the pacificator, Charmides, see Paus. 3. 2. 7. The well-known livyKpriTiafiog, in time of danger, must probably be referred to the Roman times, see Etym. M. trvyKpririffai. ** Ephor. ap. Strab. 13. 623. « Herod. 5. 94. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 27. 207 seas and the mother cities, was a very slight one • nothing is known on the subject of their sentiments towards each other; and the Thracian cities are involved m no less obscurity. On the other hand in the west, Sybaris proves itself to have been so overbearing, as to treat the towns of the vicinity with indignity, and assert a haughty authority over the maternal continent «. Crotona, to which nobler sentiments are ascribed, resisted its encroachments. This city was opposed by Locri and Rhegium*' which were not partakers of the corruption of Sybans ; Tarentum, the most powerful of those states, does not display a vestige of the domineer- ing spmt and arrogance which characterized its parent city, Sparta. It seems, however, for a long penod, to have made a stand singly against the neighbouring barbarians. In Sicily, political inter- course was almost exclusively confined to the ty- rants individually ; it is not till after the Persian wars that the mass of the people in the states as- sumes a bolder and a more decided character. Massiha, entirely unconnected with Greece, exhi- bited neither attachment nor aversion to its kindred race and those sprung from it, except, perhaps, in sending presents to Delphi »«. How the poUtical cha- racter of the states in the management of their exter- nal relations adapted itself to their particular form of government, will be more advantageously stated in succeeding portions of the present work ; in general It may be regarded as certain, that the tyrants show- ed the greatest solicitude to contract external ties « and were most vigorous in asserting Hegemony. 208 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. b. Political Relation of the Greeks to the Barbaiians. § 28. The character which was common to the Greeks in general, and the physical features of the habitations of the people, were but little adapted to produce a radical difference between them and the barbarians, or to cause a broad political line of distinction to be drawn between them. First of all, the half-Greek neighbours of the continent, in Ma- cedonia and Epirus, prevented the Greeks in their own country from arriving at the distinct conscious- ness of their own nationality ; the same observation applies to those nations on the west coast of Asia, the Carians, Leleges, Pelasgi, and Troades; and perhaps it is not to these inhabitants of Asia alone that we must apply the assertion of Thucydides, that the old Grecian institutions had many points of resemblance with those of barbarians \ Homer gives no clue to discover how far self-knowledge advanced with the progress of Grecian life in Ionia ; but the various migrations and settlements amongst barbarians of all descriptions, who had nothing in common with the Greeks, such as Scythians, Sauromatians, Paphlagonians, Thracians, Illyrians, Japygians, Sicilians, and Opicans, must necessarily have given a gradual but decided impulse to self- knowledge, and to a distinction between themselves and those nations in the first instance, and in pro- cess of time, even such as were less strongly marked with the barbarian impress, which, even before the Persian wars, doubtless led to a definite notion upon the subject amongst the nation generally. How- » Thucyd. 1. 6. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNH ION, § 28. 209 ever, this can hardly have turned upon a difference of race ; the word barbarian was at first only em- ployed to designate as un-Grecian harshness of language - ; but together with more exact informa- tion respecting the intrinsic pecuUarities of foreign nations, which might have led them to observe the difference of extraction, commenced the genealogi- cal tissue of Grecian fable, which represented all other nations as proceeding from the Greeks, and whatever came to their knowledge they stamped with the mythic-genealogical impress. This, then, is the foundation for a criticism of the history of the Grecian colonies of the heroic age. Similarity of name and aflSnity of sound were perverted in the most wanton manner; the Medes were derived from Medea, the Persians from Perseus \ nay, even Pontic cannibals, the Achaeans*, traced to the Greeks of the same name. But they testified sin- cere respect for those who were at an early period, in many particulars, more civihsed than themselves, viz., the Phcenicians, Lydians, and Egyptians ^ It is certain that before Pherecydes there existed a tra- dition, that strangers had come from those countries into Greece, and great care was taken to expatiate on, and set forth the services they had rendered her ; at the same time, the marvellous tales related by emigrants and mariners, stimulated curiosity to behold the birthplaces of those reputed fathers of Grecian culture ; Greek sages and others traversed Egypt and Asia, and gazed with astonishment on ' Strab. 14. 662 ; comp. Roth uber das. Wort. Barbar. ji. 3, n. 'Herod. 7. 61. 62; Hygin. 26; Buttmann iiber die niythische Verbind. p. 232. < Appian. Mithrid. 102. ^ * To this applies Paus. 9. 36. 3 : "EWtiviq ck apa fhi etivoi tu vTripopia tv OavfiaTi TiOenBai fifi^ovi fj ra oi«Ta. VOL. I. _ I fl .^~r 210 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. the venerable monuments of hoar antiquity, and the solid and imperishable forms in which the poli- tical institutions of those regions were cast. This led to the mythical exaltation of the unknown north ; Homer's mention of the Hippomolgi ^ etc., was added to the legends of Abaris \ and Zamol- xis ^ and even Magi ^ and Assyrians '" were drawn into the mystic circle of the barbaric philosophy. In a consideration of the political intercourse, properly so called, the separate barbarian tribes, which the Greeks met with in their external settle- ments, must be distinguished from those already named, and in general from such as made head against the Greeks with the unity and power of states already arrived at pohtical maturity. Against these, such as the Carians in Miletus 'S force was occasionally employed; but the Greeks for the most part seem, in the manner of the modem Eu- ropeans, to have obtained, by means of an alluring bait, a spot of sufficient extent for their settlements. When therefore the Locrians are said to have sworn friendship to the Sicilians'^ as long as they should stand upon that ground and bear heads upon their shoulders, at the same time having mould concealed in their shoes and garlic-tops on their shoulders; this does not precisely imply that it was unnecessary to keep faith with barbarians; for the Greeks themselves made use of similar artifices towards each other *\ The Grecian co- • Comp. § 10. n. 46. ' Herod. 4. 36 ; Suidas 'AjSop, etc. ' Herod. 4. 94. • Suid. Ilv9dyopag. '» Suid. Aa/*ic. " Herod. 1. 147. " Polyb. 12. 6 ; Poly»n. 6. 22 ; Zenob. 5. 4 j 4. 97 ; comp. Polyaen. 6. 53. on Agnon. of Strymon. »» Strab. 6. 266. STANDARD OF MUTUAL RECOGNITION. § 28. 211 lonies sought by every means in their power to preserve peace with the conterminous barbarians, even though it required to be purchased by a tri- bute, as was the case on the Cimmerian Bosphorus^*; but in their commercial intercourse they took mea- sures to prevent their admission : hence the frontier markets Epidamnus^^and Halicarnassus*^ Amongst the nations of more importance in a political point of view, the Phoenicians appear intentionally to have made way for the Greeks, till the command of Persia forced them into a war with them. On the other hand, we read of no attempts on the part of the Greeks to throw obstacles in the way of the maritime expeditions or settlements of the Phoeni- cians ; but the enterprising character of the former, and the active nature of their sea-trade, must ne- cessarily have led to a repugnance to admit Phoeni- cians into the Grecian seas. The Greeks were at an early period on friendly terms with the Egyp- tians. Although the accounts of the intercourse between the continent and Psammetichus and Psammes*^ may seem entitled to Kttle credit, this is counterbalanced by the decidedly historical au- thority for the traffic carried on between the JEgi- netans, the Asiatic Dorians, lonians, and iEolians, and Egypt. This attained maturity by means of settlements made by the Greeks in I^gypt^^ singly and in bodies. The connection between Amasis and Cyprus, which he had subdued ^^, did not pre- vent Delphi from acknowledging him as a friend^^. '* Strab. 7.310, 311. '^ Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 191. " Herod. 2. 160 ; Diodor. 1. 67. '« Herod. 2. 152. 178; Strab. 17. 801. »* Herod. 2. 182. » lb. 2. 180. >« Vitruv. 2. 8. p2 212 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. The relations of hospitality between Polycrates and that place '^^ were of a personal character. The Lydians did not emerge from obscurity till the time of Gyges ; the Ionian and ^Eolian towns^^ which were attacked by their kings, at first resisted, but with the growing ascendant of the Lydians they neither continued to place any confidence in their strength individually, nor entered into an armed alliance. Miletus established friendly relations with Alyattes by means of a treaty of hospitality ^\ All seem to have paid tribute to Crcesus^*. *^ The benignant excellence of Crcesus^V' his predilection for the manners and arts of Greece, his hospitable court, and his magnificent donations, assembled around him the most illustrious of the Greeks^^ ; the tributary towns yielded him ready obedience ; Delphi conferred upon him citizenship and ho- nourable rank*^ ; and Sparta entered into an alli- ance with him"". Courage and military feeling were at first aroused against the Persians; but upon that occasion too the Grecian policy lacked steadfastness and solidity, and prudent counsel was unheeded ; the proposal of Bias to sail to Cyrnos, and that of Thales to estabhsh a general council'^ were rejected: Harpagus reduced the towns singly : Miletus, according to ancient custom, had in good time concluded a separate treaty with the ap- proaching conqueror^ ; the rest, although falling under the power of tyrants, strove to obtain a pro- mise that no barbarians should come within their «' llerod. 3. 39, sqq. M lb. 1. 15—26. M lb. 1. 22. 24 lb. 1. 16. 27. ^ Kpoiaov Paus. 2. 4. 4; Diod. Fragm. v. 4. 13, Bipout.; Etym. M. 'AXnrnc. Comp. Bockh. Pind. expl. 213. »» Paus. 2. 6. 4. w Comp.MuUer, Dor. 1. 421. » Ibid. 2. 108. 2< Diod. 4. 58 ; Horn. II. 2. 653, sqq. M II. 2. 678 ; Diod. 5. 54. « Paus. 2. 6. 3. ^ See Bockh. Pind. expl. 332 ; comp. Buttmann on the Aleuads in Berlin Abh. Hist. Philol. CI. 1822. 1823. » Thuc. 2. 99; Diod. 17.4. » Herod. 4. 147 ; Miiller, Orchom. 353, sqq. PRINCELY OFFICE IN ITS DECLINE. § 29. 221 menus reigned in Achaia"*^, that of Penthilus in Mitylene^' in Lesbos, and very probably in the i^olic Cuma ^^ Ionic princes, most of whom were Attic Codridae, and some of the half-blood only, were found in various places : Neleus'^ in Miletus, Androcles'* in Ephesus, Cnopos^ in Erythr^, iEpy tus ^ in Priene, Cydrelus '^ in Myus, Periclus and Abartes ^ in Phocaea, Andraemon ^ in Lebedus, Apoikos*^ in Teos, Damasichthon and Promethus*' in Colophon, Ion of Eubcea '"^ in Chios, and afterwards Egertius*', and the Epidaurian Procles ** in Samos. Add to these, besides those places where tyrants are expressly enumerated, the vague mention made of a king called Polhs in Syracuse *^, a descendant of the Heraclid Archias*^ who laid the founda- tion of that city, as well as of Aristophilides in Tarentum*^ Damagetus in Ialysus*^ on the island of Rhodes, and of Lesbian Basileis in the » Paus. 7. 6. 2. According to Euseb. Chron. 709. Panllieus and Coinetes reigned in Mycenae after Tisamenus. *' Aristot. Pol. 5. 8. 13. " Plut. Qu. Gr. n. 2. Pollax. 9. 83, has a king Agamemnon. M Paus 7.2. 1 ; Polyaen. 16. 12. His son Phrygius, Plut. de Mulier. Vertutib. 7. 37; Polyan. 8. 35; Parthen. 14; comp. Zenob. 5. 17; comp. Spanheim. ad Callim. Hymn. Dian. 226. , t^ u • «* Strab. 14. 632 ; Paus. 7. 2. 5. Etym. M. has Ranriv as the Ephesian word for king. _ „ , « »r^ n ^ Strab. 14. 633 ; Hippias ap. Ath. 6. 258. F. sqq. •, Steph. Byz. EpvOpa. Cleopus is a corrupt reading, Paus. 7. 3.4. » Strab. 14. 633. iEgvptus is corrupt, Paus. 7. 2. 7. 37 Strab. 14. 635. Cyaretus. Paus. 7. 2. 7. =» Paus. 7. 3. 5. Afterwards Phobus and Blepsus arc there, Piut. de Mulier. Virtutib. 7. 4 I. sqq. ^ Paus. 7. 3. 2. Androcopus, Strab. 14. 633. *o Paus. 7. 3. 3; Strab. ubi sup. Damasles and Neoclus were aiterwards there. ^ , -... *' Paus. 7. 3. 1. Strab. 14. 633, has Andraemon of Mimoermus. 4a Paus 7 4 6 « Strab. ubi sup. ; Plut. de Mulier. Virtut. mentions a Hippocles. ** Strab. ubi sup. an at n lo ii « Pollux, 6. 16. from Aristot. Ath. 1.3. B. ; Al. V. 11. i^. «Ji M. Bi^XivoQ olvoQ. *^ Bockh. Pind. Expl. 1.53. <7 Herod. 3. 13. ** Paus. 4. 24. 1. 1 Etym. 222 TERMINATION OF THE HEROIC AGE. legislation of Pittacus ^. Here we are, in all pro- bability, to understand nothing more than a supe- rior magistrate, who is thus vaguely designated in conformity to the predilection for the use of the word Basileus, before alluded to, but under which seems to have been concealed a more definite title, such as perhaps Prytanis in Syracuse, lalysus, and on the island of Lesbos. We find it as the peculiar designation of an office of state, divested of royal authority indeed, but still associated with distinguished honour, and generally with the ad- ministration of a priesthood in Delphi ^ and Siph- nus^^ ; and it was retained till a late age in Megara^^ Chalcedon ^^ Cyzicus ^, and Samothrace ^, as the appellation of a functionary below the prince of the country, a sort of governor in Laconia^, and this, in the true spirit of antiquity, was derived from that age when Basileus was the only designa- tion for a head or chief. Though these particulars concerning the kingly office during its existence are incomplete, and in part uncertain, the accounts of its decUne in single states are still more unsatisfactory. Those which are extant relate, for the most part, to such states as had retained the old heroic monarchy. In Crete the kingly office and unity of state disappear together, immediately after the death of Idome- neus*'^ ; Etearchus of Axos^, recorded as a king in Crete, when Cyrene was founded, was apparently « Stob. 42. 280, Orl. ed. «> Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 177. *• Isocrat. adv. Callira. 685 ; comp. Miiller, ^ginet. 155, *" Chandler, Marm. Ox. 2. 82. «=» Count Caylus recueil, 2. 55. ^* Ibid. 2.71. 72. Compare, on the last-mentioned towns, Tittmana, gr. Staatsv. " Liv. 45. 5. *« Ephor. ap Strab. 8. 364. " Schol. Horn. Od. 19. 186. *• Herod. 4. 164. PRINCELY OFFICE IN ITS DECLINE. § 29. 223 nothing but a public officer ; besides, this state can scarcely -be considered as purely Grecian. In Boeotia, whither Opheltas of Thessaly had con- ducted the Boeotians^, the last king on record^ is Xanthus, who fell in single combat against Melan- thus; in Achaia the regal office ended with Ogyges^^ ; in Arcadia Aristocrates appears to have been the last king of the united state of Orcho- menus and Trapezus ^ ; however, the word Basi- leus occurs as late as the Peloponnesian war, in reference to Orchomenus, it is true upon very un- certain testimony ^\ In Argos the dignity con- tinued to subsist, but latterly deprived of all power till after the great Persian war^. In Cyrene it still maintained itself after the constitution^* of Demonax, (between 550—530, B. C. ^ ;) the atrocities of Pheretima exhibit it under the aspect of oriental degeneracy ^\ and she herscilf may be compared to an Amastris or Parysatis. The sub- ject of Athens vnll be more fully treated below ^. II. THE DOMINANT CLASS. a. The Hereditary/ NohiUty. § 30. Before the nature of the political autho- rities in the various constitutions which arose after the kingly office had ceased can be discussed, we must ascertain the legal relation in which the aggregate inhabitants of the state stood towards the supreme political power, and the basis on «> Plut.Cim. 1. «• Paus. 9. 5. 8. « Strab. 8. 384 ; Polyb. 2. 41. « Paus. 8. 5. 8. «3 Ps. Plut. Parall. 7. 243. «* MUller, Dor. 2. 108. 109. « Thrig. h. Cyren. 167, sqq. « Herod. 4. 161. « Herod. 4. 102, sqq. ' ^ See $ 45. 1 i 224 TERMINATION OF THE HEROIC AGE. which the claims to participation in the govern- ment were established. If we direct our attention to the progressive stages of development, what we first of all observe is not a general citizenship, but a division of the collective members of the state into a higher and a lower class, without any com- munity of civil rights. We shall, therefore, first treat of these two classes, and afterwards of that which they possessed in common, and whereby both, in conjunction as citizens, were contradis- tinguished from non-citizens. Amongst the former the hereditary nobility came forward with the most prominent characteristics. How soon in the earliest stages of civil polity, after such as were distinguished by eminent qualities had established themselves as chiefs, every species of distinction which proceeded from personal merit began to be looked upon as descendible, has been already adverted to ^ ; but even after the heroic age it was a popular notion amongst the Greeks who were not yet capable of abstract speculation, that the transmission of a right by descent was valid ; thus the Athenian populace, proud of the right of citizenship they posessed by virtue of their extraction, asserted a pre-eminence over those who were destitute of such claims. This respect for the perpetuation of a right by birth and descent, the relation in which a son, as the possessor of certain rights, stands towards his father as the sovirce whence he derives them, has been expressed by more than one Greek phrase*. Hence the con- tinuance or the speedy re\ival of the hereditary nobility in the new-founded states was inevitable. » See $ 17. See Append, x. THE DOMINANT CLASS. § 30. 225 Our attention must first be directed to the princely nobility transmitted from the heroic age, which continued to subsist in the states that had sustained no change through the migrations, but which appertained to numerous leaders of the mi- gratory hordes, and derived new force and sanction from the alliances they contracted with the chiefs of the country. After the abolition of the princely government this assumed the nature of a superior nobility invested with oligarchical authority, or when the range of the sharers in the govern- ment became more extended, that of a particular order in the class of the governing, distinguished by especial honours. Houses of this description were the Codridae or Medontiadse in Athens, to which the Alcmaeonidae^ became allied by marriage ; the Neleidae ' in Miletus ; the BasiUdae in Erythr® from Cnopus^; the Basileis^ in Ephesus from Androcles, all three races descendants oi* Codrus ; the PenthiUdae^ in Mitylene from Penthelus, the son of Orestes. Sprung from princely nobility of genuine or reputed HeracUd origin were the Bac- chiadae in Corinth« ; the Ctesippidae in Epidaurus^, and most probably in Cleonae ^« ; the Eralidae ", to which belonged the noble Diagoras, in Rhodes; the Hippotadae ^^ in Cnidos and on the island of Cos ; the Aleuadae '' at Larissa in Thessaly ; the ^ Anstot. Pol. 5. 5. 4 ; comp. § 29. n. 35. ' aSL! PoK 5. B%^: ""''^^^"^ '^^ ^"'^'^'^«'- Co-P- ^ 29. o. 34. wesych. BuKx. Were they relate^ to the others > ' ""*"'*"'*' 10^?"?; ^* l^' ^ ' S^*»<>^- Sop>. Trach. 55. « Muller, Dor. 1. 81 ; 2. 109. Bockh. Pind. expl. 165 ; Miiller. Dor. 2. 147. VOL. I. 226 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. Thespiadae ^*, seven houses in Thespiae, descended from Hercules and the daughters of the mythical prince Thespius ; the Phalanthiadae in Tarentum ^^, from the leader of the expedition to that place. The Emmenidae, in Gela and Agrigentum^^ de- rived themselves from the race of Polynices, not to mention the possible descendants of Theras in Thera, concerning v^hom no exact particulars are known ; from Minyas, the Psoloeis and CEonolai in Orchomenus ^^ ; from Opheltas, the leader of the Boeotians from Thessaly, the Opheltiadae in Thebes '^ w^here the Cleonymidae were considered as related to the royal house of Labdacus ^^. The loxidae "^ in Caria pretended to trace themselves to loxus, the grandson of Theseus, the Ciny- radae ^^ in Cyprus to the renowned Cinyras ; and lastly, the Deucalionidae ^^ in Delphi carried their pedigree to a most incredible height. The Theban Sparti^^ were, it is true, not pre- cisely sprung from the heroic princely blood, but were descended from the most ancient military no- bihty, and the confidants of the Cadmean princes. Their name reminds us of Autochthones, and was interpreted accordingly, being proverbially used to designate ancient or native nobility'^* ; their genuine- '* Diod. 4.29.41 ; 5. 15. •* Schol. Horat. Od. 2. 5. 12 ; comp. Steph. Byz. 'A9f}vai, where, however, Tarentines in general are meant. »^ MUller, Orchoro. 329 ; Bbckh. Find. expl. 115. " Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 198. »8 Plut. de Sera. Num. Vindict. 8. 208. 209. '» See Dissen ad Find. Isthm. 3. p. 499, sqq. «> Plut. Thes. 8. 2> Find. Pylh. 2. 27, sqq. ; and Schol. ApoUod. 3. 14. 3. » Plut. Qu. Gr. n. 9. ^ 27rdpra>v ykvog, ^Eschyl. Eum. 400. ^waprovg dvaxTag, Eurip. Phoen. 1022; comp. 954. 1015; Schol. on 674. 941. 944; Find. Fyth. 9. 145; Schol. Isthm. 7. 13; 1. 41 ; comp. Dissen. ad Find. p. 635; Schol. Apoll. Rh. 3. 1178. 1185; Hygin. 67. : Draconteum genus; comp. 178. »♦ Plalon. Sophist. 247. C. THE DOMINANT CLASS. § 30. 227 ness was said to be discoverable by ^mark on their body^^; Epaminondas descende^om one line of them ^ ; and some of them were yet in existence at the time of Plutarch^. The Gephyraei, the race from which the tyrannicides Harmodius and Aristogiton^ were descended, asserted that they were sprung from companions of Cadmus. Very slight indeed was the connection between the heroic age and nine famiUes in Trcezen, which boasted that their ancestors had once purified Orestes from the guilt of murder "^ ; amongst the hundred noble families in the Italian Locri^ which derived their origin from some of those noble virgins who, according to the tradition, it had been once necessary to send annually to Ilium ^^ to atone for the impiety of Ajax, the son of Oileus ; in Ithaca, the CoHdae and Bucolii called them- selves descendants of the Homeric shepherds Eumaeus and Philoitius'S and the heralds in Sparta descendants of Talthybius ^\ The sacerdotal nobility which, as was observed above, was incorporated with the general nobility of the land, so as to enhance the estimation in which this was held, in consequence of the pecuhar quahfications requisite for the priesthood, and the sacred art of the soothsayers and physicians per- petuated in exclusive bodies, required a rigorous family-scrutiny ; and this, to a certain extent, con- .^ Dion. Chrys. 1. 149: ffrineXov Xeyirat dvtu rov yivovc, Xdyvn tic olnai. iTTl rov (TiilffiaTog. Comp. Hygin. 72. ^^^ ^* * Pans. 8. 11. 5. . ^.Plut. de Sera. Numin. Vindict. 8. 228. Consult, on this extensive sub- ject m general, lonsius, de Spartis in Gra^v. Synt. dissert. 210 *" Herodot. 5. 55. 57. » Paus. 2. 31 ; 7. 1 1 ; 1. 22. 2 ; comp. Miiller, Dor. 1. 333. » Anstot. ap. Polyb. 12. 5. 6, sqq. Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 180. » Herodot. 7. 134. Q 2 '~ "t-r-aii^ 228 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. tinued to be exercised till a very late age ; the be- ginning of the Une was naturally sought in the heroic time, and gods and princes were gorgeously announced as its founders ; the prophetic race of the lamidse^^ from Olympia, disseminated through a number of Grecian states, Laconia, Arcadia, Sy- racuse, etc., derived its origin from lamus, a son of Apollo and Evadne ; the Branchidae at Miletus from Apollo's son Branchus^; the Asclepiadae in Epidaurus, Cos^^, etc., the Eumolpidae in Athens and Eleusis '^^, the Ceryces ^\ were said to be de- scended from the sons of gods in those places ; and the Clytiadae^ in Elis, from the celebrated prophet and prince Melampus. Certain houses, like that of the Attic Eteobutad^^ Peripoltas, who accompanied Opheltas to Bceotia in the capacity of seer, occu- pied a lower position in the genealogical scale; but this was still in existence at Cheronea**^ at the time of Plutarch ; that of the Lycomedae in Athens, from which came Themistocles *^, and of Telines, from whom Gelon's ancestors in Gela had inherited a priesthood *^ As next in importance to the princely nobility transmitted from the heroic age, must be added the houses of those founders of states, who, it is true, had not inherited heroic nobility, but who, from their exalted rank in the new states, and through the honour of the heroic worship which generally fell to their share, conferred upon their M See at large, Boeckh, Find. expl. 152. 153. « Conon, 33. ^ Sprengel, Gesch. d. Med. 1. 340, sqq. * Creuzer, Symb. 4. 355 ; comp. Miiller, Prolegom. 250, sqq. ^ See Zeibich de Cerycib. mystic. Creuzer, Symb. 4. 356. 357. 38 Boeckh, Find. expl. 315. ^ See their pedigree m Miiller, Minerv. Foliad. Sacra, p. 8. *« Flut. Cim. 8. *• Paus. 9. 27. 2 ; Plut. Them. 1 ; comp. Miiller, ubi sup. 44, sqq. « Herod. 7. 154 ; Schol. Find. p. 2. 27. THE DOMINANT CLASS. § 30. 229 posterity a certain splendour of illustrious birth. Such were the Protiadae in Massilia, dejscended from the Phocaean mariner Protis and th(3 daughter of a GalHc king *\ whom he espoused before the set- tlement on the site of MassiUa. Least furnished with the stamp of ancient birth, and purely derived from a more recent age, was the nobility confeiTed by participation in an expedition and the foimda- tion of a state. Houses of this des(Tiption, from the increase of which the nobility before described may have forfeited various privileges, formed the aristocracy in Apollonia and Thera**; it is proba- ble that the numerous illustrious races in ^Egina** extolled by Pindar, were of a similar description, such as the Myletidae in Syracuse *^, etc. Lastly, it is worthy of remark, that in those districts which like Attica preserved the population of the heroic age in its greatest purity, Autochthony was a sub- ject of pride and a mark of nobility *^ ; whilst in such as had been colonised, the name of the an- cient and aboriginal inhabitants was regarded with contempt, as of the Ignetes in Rhodes ^ and the Thebageneis *^. Of what description therefore were the quali- fications which permanently determined the rank and rights of the nobihty as the governing order of the country ? In this enquiry it is necessary to postpone the consideration of the hereditary distinctions of birth and family, and first of all to « Athen. 13. 576. A. B. Hesycbius somewhat singularly has, 'OxbaXidai <** apXny^rai rwv Atru)\Civ. ** Aristot. Fol. 4. 5. 8 : iv toXq riftalg riaav oi Siatpkpovreg kut evykveiav Kai TrputTov KararrxovTeg rag diroiKiag. Concerning the duty of the nobility in Apollonia to guard the sacred sheep of the sun, see Herod. 9. 93. ** See Append, vii. *^ Thuc. 6. 5. « See Append, xi. 8 Hesych. 'lyvtiTtg. Comp. Steph. Byz. rvijg. on the Eteocrates, see Hockh Creta, 1. 140, sqq. «9 $ 34. n. 25. : "I*. ■ ■=:y-'_-*- ! 230 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK, examine the external qualifications, wliich, in the more ancient as well as in the modem states, were looked upon as the basis of rights and pretensions. This consisted in the possession of land, which, as already stated, was probably pro- mised to those who accompanied an expedition ^, and to which were annexed obhgations towards the state, especially that of bearing arms for it, whilst this was again associated with military honour and the use of a nobler sort of weapons. This endow- ment, a reward for services performed and to be performed, is exhibited to us in the infancy of the new-founded states, in the hght of a nobihty of merit ; this relation must, however, soon have been superseded by one of another description. For the adequate estimation of personal merit, which in the nature of things must continually be recur- ring, as constantly requires a return to general principles ; by which it must be determined what position in the state individuals are entitled to oc- cupy as men and as citizens. But to prevent the confusion hable to arise from such a wavering state of things, it is requisite that there should exist a supreme authority, firmly established, endowed with political intelligence, and possessed of the necessary power to carry into operation those measures which it shall deem conducive to the welfare of the com- munity. The nearest approach to this standard of perfection, with which we are acquainted, is the regal office ; but how deficient in these attributes was the monarchy of the age that followed the great migrations — a narrowly limited authority, which bore within itself the seeds of its own de- w Thus the Cyrenaeans invited people to dwell, \i:\ yfiQ avdSafffn^, Herod. 4. 159 ; comp. 4. 163. After the development of the democratic principle, on the other hand, the expression was ^Trt ry Irry kuI ofioiq, Thuc. 1. 27. THE DOMINANT CLASS. § 30. 231 struction ! Hence, w^e soon behold revived in the Grecian states of more recent origin, that prin- ciple which had prevailed in those of the heroic age, and is rooted in the nature of all earthly poli- ties, viz. the hereditary transmission of distinctions, which were in the first instance granted to merit alone ; the external endowments with property, the obligation to services for its possession, and the rank associated with it, were continued by descent in particular families ; the nobility maintained the purity of their race by refusing to intermarry with the inferior classes, as was the case with the Bac- chiada? ^' ; in some instances, as in Leucas ^\ even the alienation of property was prohibited, and their power consequently the more firmly estabhshed. It results therefore that the hc;reditary nobility who at the decline of the kingly power constituted the governing order, were distinguished by these three characteristics: the possession of property, military honour, and the hereditary transmission of these privileges, together with which the sacer- dotal character may occasionally be discerned, but, as has been several times obser\ ed, not so as to mark a distinct class. As landed proprietors, the nobility were called Gamori^^; this appellation was however peculiar to the Doric states, and to Syracuse in parti- cular^^. Here the Gamori were the possessors of the land, who themselves dwelt in the city, the seat of government, and kept husbandmen *• Herod. 5. 92. 2. l^iSoaav dt Kai r/yov IK aXXnXwv. " Aristot. Pol. 2. 4. 4. " See Valcken. ad Herod. 6. 77 ; 66. 22 ; Ruhnk. ad Tim. 67 ; Hesych. Fafiopof oi dirb rdv tyytiwv Tifjiijfidrtov rd Koivd SuTrovreg. This alludes to liturgies, wherefore Ruhnken's alteration into KTtifidrujv is unnecessary. ** Herod. 7. 155 ; Diod. Frag. V. 4. 26. Bipoat, where see Vales, and Wessel. Concerning Argos, see iEschyl. Supplic. 678. 282 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. on their estates; nevertheless upon the occu- pation of the country the ancient inhabitants in some instances retained their landed possessions, as in Phlius ^^ etc., but they can hardly have had an equal right to form part of the governing order ; again, the noblest and bravest of the new settlers received larger shares, to which were attached more valuable privileges. The same practice pre- vailed in Attica ^ ; the husbandmen paid a rent to the noble landlords ; but the denominations were not synonymous, for the word Geomori in Attica was employed for the agricultural labourers in the service of the nobility termed Eupatridae ; it is probable, that the word Cleruchi, afterwards used in Attic politics, was of more ancient use ^^ ; and this may have been the real name of the Samian nobility, who are called Geomori^ by an autho- rity in whom no great faith is to be reposed. The military title of the nobility was Hippeis ^, knights. In several states, in accordance with the nature of the country, cavalry formed the nucleus of the armed force, and was, therefore, the noblest kind of service ; with this was coupled the posses- sion of landed property, large tracts of land being bestowed upon them for the keep of their horses, or, as was effected by Phidon in Cuma^^ their own possessions were laid under contribution for that object. In these countries, therefore, nobility and cavalry were virtually identical terms ^^ as, for « See $ 33. n. 10, sqq. «« See § 44. n. 15. *' Near Cyzicus there was a district called KXripog, Polyaen, 1. 40. 9; comp. Timaeus, ynofwpot ' icXi/povxo** 58 Plut. QuiESt. Graec. 7. 211. 212. *» Aristot. Pol. 4. 10; 10. 11; in Chalcis i7r7ro/3orai, Herod. 5.77: in Lebadea iTnrorai ; in Argum 5. Pind. Nem. arparuoTiKov ykvog. «> Heracl. Pont. 11. *• Aristot. Pol. 4. 3. 2, otraig TroXcmv iv roig twwoic V Svvafiit; ^v, oXiyapxiai irapa tovtoiq tftrav, comp. 6. 4. 3. N THE DOMINANT CLASS. § 30. 233 instance, in Thebes ^\ Thespiae ^\ Lebadea ^, Or- chomenus^, in Chalcis and Eretrian Euboea^, in Magnesia on the Maeander ^\ and most probably in Colophon^, Crete ^, and in Cyrene, where the no- bihty were called Capetii^^ Amongst the Do- rians, heavy-armed infantry constituted the national forceps whereas the cavalry was very imperfectly organized; nevertheless, the word Hoplitae will hardly be found in any state as an appellation for military nobility ^^ In Sparta, where there was no cavalry whatever till the time of the Peloponnesian war^^ the noble youth of the army were called Hippeis ^*. The foregoing observations prove that the important passage in Aristotle ^^ which states that the monarchy was immediately succeeded by the aristocracy of knights of noble birth, and this again by a democracy of the collective Hoplitae, will, upon an attentive examination of the subject, be found inapplicable to the majority of the Doric states. Under each of the two names mentioned above, which designate the external endowments of the nobility with property and military rank, are natu- rally included such famihes as were distinguished by more ancient and superior nobihty; and, by virtue of their right to inherit these distinctions, •' e^/3ai cmn-Trot. Eurip. Phoen. 17; rroXvdp fiaroi, So^h. Antig. 149 ; ivdpfiaToi, 845 ; TrXrjKtTrirot, Pind. 01. 6. 145. ^ At least there were Eilarcheons there, see Muller, Orch. 4. 1 . " Inscript. Wheeler, 374. ^ Diod. 15. 79. ^ Strab. 10. 448; Valcken. ad. Herod. 6. 22 : Tittmann, gr. Staatsv. 648. <" Aristot. Pol. 4. 3. 2. ^ Heindorf ad Plat. Theaet. § 27 ; compare above, S 23. n. 13. ^ Ephor. ap. Strab. 10. 481. 'J Hesych. Ka7ri7rioi ot Trepuftavtig Trjg Kvpfivrjg; compare apfieOeig. ' Muller, Dor. 1. 77. Hence the words yvfivfjTei:, yvfivriaioi, were ap- plied to the lower orders, and the bondmen in Argos (Pohl. 3. 82) : compare Muller, Dor. 2. 55. '» On the Attic "07r\i,r€.;, see 6 43. '=» Thucyd. 4. 55; compare Strab. 10. 481. '♦ Miiller, Dor. 2. 241. ^s p^i. 4. 10 j 10. 11. 234 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. the landed proprietors and knights of the country were, hke the older nobility by right of birth, de- nominated Eupatridae, Eugeneis"^ b. The Rich. § 31. However easily the personal authority of such as were possessed of landed property and mihtary distinction might have assumed an here- ditary character, it nevertheless seems to have been necessary for the further continuance of hereditary power in the nobility, at a time when youthful feel- ings and aspirations characterised the Greeks, that the nobles should maintain their footing as the nucleus of the armed force, and as landed proprie- tors in the state. On the other hand, the ahena- tion of landed possessions, and retirement from the career of arms, exposed them to a danger against which illustrious birth alone was not a sufficient security. For the source from which nobility had emanated did not cease to flow; the warlike exploits of the lower orders, and the prosperity which arose without the circle of the nobility, laid the foundation for claims in that class of the people, which, though less entitled to assert them, was numerically superior; and although these claims were not directed to the object of raising themselves to noble rank, by virtue of the same conditions which had once called the nobility into existence, they were, nevertheless, impatient of the rank the nobility asserted as an aristocracy ; and the estimation in which the worth and merit of a citizen, upon whom particular privileges were to be W Aristot. Pol. 4. 6, 5 ; Evytvaa lariv apx<^''^oQ irXovroq rat apiTt]. The denominations of the nobility by birth will be fully illustrated in the second volume. THE DOMINANT CLASS. ^ 31. 235 conferred, were held by the lower orders, in spite of all their national reverence for heroic descent, now became associated with the possession of emi- nent personal qualities, or with wealth and pro- perty, and the civil benefits which might thence result to the state. To keep this aspiring disposi- tion within due bounds, and to pres(?rve the balance between its growing pretensions and those of the hereditary proprietors of the soil, was a task accom- plished in but few of the Grecian states ; and in those it was effected by the wisdorQ of the legisla- tors and the force of immemorial usage, when the merit of the warrior had, from the? earhest times, asserted a pre-eminence, as amongst the Malians and Arcadians, and still more, when it was sup- ported by an equality of possessions, as in Sparta. On the other hand, in most of the remaining states the class of the rich trenched more and more upon the nobility by descent. Riches became the cry of the people \ and even diminished the respect for that manly virtue which was not yet wholly ex- tinguished, and still evinced itself in enterprise and action. The love of wealth was in every age pecu- liar to the Grecian character; the estimation of the person according to the standard of property, was essentially grounded in the tendency to navi- gation and commerce. When maritime trade be- gan to flourish, and wealth became more easy of acquirement, movables and the precious metals were more highly valued than thcj substantial pro- perty of land ; the multitudes that embraced a sea- faring life, at the same time altered the estimation in which the mihtary profession was held ; notwith- standing knights or Hoplitae still continued to be > XprinaTa xpn/*or' avrjp, Find. Isthm. 2. 17 ; Dissen. Expl. 492. 236 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. the most distinguished portion of the mihtary force, yet from the necessity that existed for seamen, there arose a dangerous^ counterpoise to the autho- [ rity of the nobiHty, whose calHng and honour cen- tered in the land service ; hence the pretensions of the lower orders unfolded themselves in their full force after the naval battles with the Persians. However, in states which were enriched by navi- gation and trade, the wealth which was thus ac- quired might very easily be added to the possessions of the noble landholders, who had been concerned in fitting out vessels, and they themselves thus preserve their ancient pre-eminence in point of I property; when the Grecian historians and poli- ticians, therefore, afterwards characterised the aris- tocracy as the class of the rich -, and declared a share in the government to be based upon the principle of valuation ^ in allusion to the political affairs of the age before the Persian war, as in the aristocracy of the Hippobotae in Chalcis*, the Rhe- gians^ Agrigentans ^ etc., this is by no means to be understood of property and rights, constantly vary- ing, and only attached to the person of the holders for the time being ; hereditary nobility possessed of property, or, at least, a class in which the hereditary robihty had the ascendant, is a far more natural in- terpretation, and is supported by historical authority; for example, amongst the Rhegians none but those who originally belonged to the Messenian tribe could obtain a share in the government ^ * nXovffioi, 7rax«C. Herod. Thucyd. etc. * 'Airb rifiTifxcLTuiv, Plat, de Repub. 8. 550. C. sqq. ; ik ratv rifiutv Aristot. Pol. 5. 8. 4. * Aristot. ap. Strab. 10. 447, airb rifirifiaTCJv apiffroKpariKtUg apxovTeg ; Plut. Pericl. 23, 7r\ovT(f} Kal So^y Sia Herod. 6. 58 ; 9. 11. " Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 1 ; Sosicrat. ap. Ath. 6. 263. F. " Aristot. Pol. 6. 2. 8; Plut. de Mulier. Virtut. 7. 11. from which the word SovXoi, improperly used by Herod. 6. 83. must be emended. Corap. Herodotus himself, 8. 73. »' Thuc. 2. 25 ; Xenonh. Hell. 3. 2. 23. ** Concerning the word, see Append, xii. on the subject itself below, § 44. " Tov Sk Srifiov TO irXeiffTov iv aypt^ Surpi^tv, Plut. Quaest. Gr. 1. ■* nivrc Se jcat UKoai TroXng virrjKoovg lo'x*» Strab. 6. 263. " See n. 8. " It was stipulated in the first treaty that Sparta's Periceci should be — hovofiovg — ftercxovraf iroXiTtiaQ Kui dpxii*»fv, Ephor. ap. Strab. 8. 364. THE COMMON FREEMEN. J .if. 241 In the first place, it is necessary to draw an ac- curate line of distinction between Periceci and bondsmen generally. The vague manner in which these appellations were employed, no less than their resemblance in political condition, has caused the Periceci to be so frequently confounded with those whose station was in reality much lower, namely, the Penestae and Helots : the former were nowhere utterly divested of the character of citi- zens, and bondsmen or slaves, in the strict sense of the term, although the nobihty, as in Sicyon and Epidaurus, in order to distinguish them from the rest of the population, compelled them to wear the rustic dress of the sheepskin, and degraded them by nicknames ^ a proceeding for the most part ascribed to the tyrants ; their relation may be dis- tinctly recognised as that of an intermediate class between the nobles and slaves in Laconia, where the Helots stood below the Periceci, and constituted the class of slaves, properly so called, like the Aphamiotae in Crete, and the Calhcryrians in Sy- racuse ^^ The subordinate relation in which the Periceci stood towards the capital of the country, occasioned their townships and districts to be dis- tinguished by a dependent character ; hence, Xe- nophon^* calls Thespiae, etc. towns of the Periceci belonging to Thebes ; the Triphylians, he, as well CoriE«n \' '^ \ ^ ' ^'' *• ^° ^^^ ^^"^« c^ass probably belonged the skin ; whtchXv ' "^" fPPS"' \^'l' ^^"^^ *^^- na,.e\>on. tie dig counuPeannot with^Tutfer L" 9^0 '^'' '^ "J'^ ^^'^^' «« ^^^^^ ^-- comp.$ 51 n n ^ ' '"' ' '"*" ""^ "'^''^ ' "" See concerning all. $ 34. .. Hell, 5. 4. 46. VOL. I. - , _ nr i I 242 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. as Pausanias^^ denominates the Perioeci of Elis: but it is necessary to observe, that notwithstand- ing their subordinate position with respect to legal rights, they still constituted integi^al parts of that state, from the centre of whose capital they were governed, but were in themselves devoid of the character of a community ; which was a very different relation from that of confederate towns, although they might be dependent upon a power- ful ally, as well as merely tributary or kindred places, such as the Triphylian Lepreum '^^, and the Thessalian mountain tribes ^*, as long as they were not internally incorporated with the governing state. Nevertheless the relation of several places inhabited by Periceci, was assimilated to that of towns dependent upon Hegemony, as for instance that of the Orneatians in Argolis "^ In the mari- time states, which did not possess an extensive landed territory adapted to the objects of agricul- ture, or which did not make agriculture the basis of their public economy, a considerable portion of the lower class generally resided in the town ; as in those of Sicily ^^ the Cheiromacha in Miletus ^, etc. These were, according to circumstances, either seamen or handicraftsmen ; thus they were fishermen in Tarentum and Byzantium ^, and arti- sans in Corinth^. Demus is in this case the com- mon denomination, and with this appellation is connected the increase in the political importance « Hell. 3. 2. 23. 30 ; Paus. 3. 8. 2. M Thuc. 5. 31 ; comp. $ 13. n. 38. « See $ 26, n, 37. » Herod. 8. 73 ; comp. Mull. Dor. 1. 83 ; 2. 57. » Herod. 7. 155. 156. *^ § 31. n. 8. 38 Aristot. Pol. 4. 4. 1. 7. » Strab. 8. 382. CITIZENSHIP IN GENERAL. ^ 83. 243 of the lower class ^. A prescriptive difference of ranks was more easily effaced where the classes re- sided together, from the part taken by the nobiHty in maritime affairs, and the share the lower order received of the profits ; henceforward wealth be- came the general standard, and aspiring preten- sions in the democracy were much more likely to arise from such a state of things than from the rustic simplicity of the Periceci. In Athens at a later period, the harbour of Pir^us was marked by a more democratic character than the adjacent capital ^\ •' IV. CITIZENSHIP IN GENERAL. § 33 We have seen, that except in those states where legislation very soon regulated the relations subsisting amongst their members, the personal essence of pure citizenship is not to be ascribed to the lower order, any more than its distinctive feature ,s to be defined as a share in the supreme power ; this was not possessed by that order whose condition was alike devoid of systematic form and legal rights, nor was it deprived of the same by any temporary usurpation or encroachments on the part of the nobility, but its eariiest state was politically passive, whence it had gradually to work Its way to the acquisition of a share in free and influential agency. The true nature of that citi- zenship which was common to both orders, will herefore be best understood by comparing it with that which was opposed to it. Opposed to the per- ^ See Append, viii. r2 244 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. sonally free were the personally non-free, and to permanent residents and persons considered as na- tives, foreigners, or aliens. To guard against any misconception as to the true nature of the former, it must be repeated, that although the lower class was destitute of all share in the government, and in some states was, in fact, scarcely distinguished from the slaves pro- perly so called, it was, nevertheless, not so wholly devoid of the character of citizenship, that the aristocracy could be entitled to look upon this as their exclusive attribute, and regard themselves as alone capable of complying with its requisites ; the rank asserted by the nobles as citizens invested with higher privileges, by no means served wholly to shut out the lower class from civil and political freedom. Even Gelon, who acted according to the right of conquest, did not reduce the Demus of the conquered Sicilian states Megara and Euboea to the state of bondsmen in their own country, but sold them into captivity out of Sicily \ Excep- tions arising out of the provisions of private law, as when, in Thebes, foundlings became the bonds- men of him who educated them % or, in Athens, redeemed prisoners of war were the property of him who had ransomed them in case they neglected to repay the ransom ', and in general, that the strict law of debt could reduce to slavery *, concern indi- viduals only, not a whole class ; moreover, in the two last cases the body was only supposed to be temporarily impawned till the debt should be dis- charged. > Herod. 7. 156. ' Demosth. c. Nicos. 1250. » iElian. v. H. 2. 7. * Photius trewaxBia, CITIZENSHIP IN GENERAL. J 33. 245 But what mainly served to remo^^e the barrier which had separated the lower order from the aristocracy, in such a manner that the former could be regarded in the false light of a servile class, was that the common freemen, like the nobihty, had a class of this nature assigned to them as a political substratum, by which means they became exempted from the necessity of providing for the common exigencies of life, and enabled to qualify them- selves for political agency. If this does not ne- cessarily imply any immediate relation to political power, it is at least one of the most important modifications of general citizenship in Greece. A servile class of this nature arose in the interval between the first great migrations and the wars with the Persians, in the Grecian states generally, with the exception of Phocis^ and the Italian Locri^ and was composed either of the former occupants of the country reduced to a state of bondage, or of purchased slaves ; sometimes the two were combined, as was the case in Crete with the Aphamiotae and Chrysoneti^ But the ne- cessity that one or the other should form a basis for the citizenship, at length became so settled and general an opinion amongst all ranks of the nation, that even the most humane and high-minded poli- ticians of antiquity, Plato and Aristotle, retained it m their theories as a universally acknowledged principle. This servile class was, therefore, like an instrument for the welfare and perfectibility of the free citizen of the state ; its legitimate mission was * Athen. 6. 264. C. ' xSiT^^R^^^n ^^' ^' ? ^TP^^ ^'^' ^' 264 C. ; 272 A. Aihen. 6. 263. Concerning the Aphamiot®, see the next section. 246 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. accomplished in serving without claims or obliga- tions to superior functions either civil or domestic ; but the civil class being thereby raised one step above its natural condition, and standing as it were upon artificial ground, was exonerated from a care for the common necessities of life, and furnished with greater capacities for satisfying the political claims upon it; what it lost through the instru- mentahty of the servile class physically, was made up by its increased poHtical efficiency ^ In the rudiments of the new-founded states there could exist no fixed principle of distinction between the resident, or person regarded as a native, and the alien. The wandering hordes were more or less composed of dissimilar elements ; mere participa- tion in an expedition by no means constituted the exclusive character of any privileged class arising out of it. For in many of the new states a portion of the former inhabitants of the district were first of all received as citizens, on the faith of treaties to that effect, as in Elis^, Phlius ^ Laconia ^^ Tree- zen*% Sicyon'^ Colophon'*, Samos'^ and Ephesus'^ Till masses like these amalgamated, and the dis- tinctive marks of exclusiveness could again arise, unquestionably the affair of a longer period than • See the admirable disquisition of Tittmann, gr. Staatsv. 622. where he considers the subject in the spirit of a cosmopolite. /-. t> «; » Ephor. ap Strab. 8. 364. Kard avyykveiav TvaXaidv. Comp. Faus. o. 4. 1. This is certainly not consistent with the statement in Strab. 8. .JO/. that the Epeans had been expelled. ^« Paus.2. 13. 1. " §32.n. 17. . ^ -„ >2 Pans. 2. 30. 9. — iSkKavT0 — oi TpoiKfivioi (tvvoikovq Aaiptswv rtov >3 xXrancient Sicyonians probably formed the fourth Phyle, AiytaXtif. Herod. 5. 68. " Paus. 7. 3. I. •* Etym. M. ' AarviraXaia. ,^ v k«>=;Qn •« Paus. 7. 2. 5. This refers to those who belonged to the fc-pnfs'an sanctuary. Compare, concerning the arrangements m the colonies, Muu. Dor. 2. 61. CITIZENSHIP IN GENERAL. § 33. 247 a single generation, the circle \^'as not closed against new comers '', and the necejssity for assist- ance in cases of emergency perhaps frequently facilitated their admission. It is trvie that, for the most part, the after-comers were only considered as partakers of the rights of the lower order ; but these were, nevertheless, the basis upon which general citizenship was afterwards raised up; when they were occasionally expelled again, like the Trcezenians from Sybaris '\ this may undoubtedly be considered an indication of fastidiousness in the ancient citizens, but it might also be regarded as a sign of arrogance in the new comers. However, a relation of so lax a nature as this could not long subsist ; for the citizenship, like the privileges of the nobility in the new states, soon became hereditary, and was henc^eforward sur- rounded with barriers which were closed against aliens. Within these it was transmitted, with all those rights which had adhered to it in the course of political development, and which were regarded as inseparable from it, to the following generations ; the best title to it was descent '^^ to which head may be referred the Athenian custom of naming the grandson after the grandfather, and deducing a legal title to the franchise from the third lineal an^ cestor 2^ With regard to the mothers, these rules !I J^-^^'fi* ^®®' °° this word, Schol. 3 ; Thuc. 2. 27. '" Diod. 12. 9. exS; ''fl ^''^^F ■^\*'^''*'^ f"^ «XWa:r6». ^,^^ Mov."^ (Thus wlmay cl^irneteUxl^er^^ " ^^^''' "^ ^^^^*- ^^^^- "^^'^ '' ^-5 •E^nf^" ''P^ro'^^^C' P«»«J«- 85 ; strab. 4. 179. The statement in Hesych. Ev^ouy.vai (accord, to Kuster) ol dxo lyrrd Trarepu^u kuI unTep Harpocr. and thence Suid. etXwreuctv E'iXujTtg yap oi fjirj yovy SovXoi AaKedainoyitov, AXK' oi irpGtToi x^ipfoOevrig, Athen. 6. 264. A. ; Trtviffrag Toi>g fxi) yovtit SovXovg, hd iroXffiov d' yXutKOTag. To the same effect are more or less fully, Hesych. Jlevhrai, Etym. M. E'iXtoTeg, fiXbtTtmiv, Ammon. weXaarrjg, Heracl. Pont. 2. A corresponding derivation of the word E'tXtoreg is from flXov ; conf. Miill. Dor. 2. 34 ; and against Gbttling's notes to Aristot. Pol. 465 ; Miill. Proleg. 428 ; and the interpretation of irtvkarrig by Adrpig, see n. 15. « See the preceding note. 3 Aristot. Pol. 1. 2. 18. 19. * Poll. 3. 83 ; fiera^v de iXtvOkpwv xal SovXttiv ol AaKtSaifiov'uav EtXwrec Kal QtTTaXdv Tltvkffrai. « Thucyd. 5. 23. the Helots are called r/ SovXda. Photius, Uevkcrai oi Twv QiTTaXutv SovXoi. * Poll. 3. 83 ; Harpocr. Utviffrai ; Phot. UevkffTai and KXaputrai ; Etym. Cud. EtXwrtc; Eustath. 11. 16. 1090. 48, sqq. R.; comp. Athen. 6. 263, D. sqq. ' De Legg. 6. 776. D. « Archemachus, His. Eub. ap. Ath. 6. 264. B. 'Qs. 254 CHANGES EFFECTED IN PERSONAL RANK. the stock of the Boeotians, were reduced to bond- age, as well as the Perrhebians and Magnetes, according to Theopompus ^ who, in all probability, alludes to single communities amongst them^^, whilst the main tribes maintained themselves as the tributary nations described above ". The for- mer surrendered to the Thessalians, and engaged to till their lands, but without acknowledging a right in their masters to kill or sell them out of the country ^^ As men reduced in war they were called Latreis ^^ ; as belonging to the state, and not the domestic slaves of individuals, Thettaloi- ketae ^* ; from their remaining in the country, Me- nestae ; from the indigence of servitude, Penestae ^\ Their frequent insurrections may have from time to time aggravated the oppression under which they suffered : after the Persian war Scopas regu- lated their tribute '^. It is not improbable that a species of bondsmen allied to them were the Cyli- cranes, in the vicinity of Heraclea in Trachis, said to have come originally from Lydia, and to have derived their name from the mark of a drinking cup, branded on one of their shoulders '^ A simi- lar treaty was concluded with the Heracleots on the Pontus by the Bithynian Maryandinians, and from the tribute which they paid afterwards named gift-bearers, (^8(opo(t>6poi) ^^ «> § 26. n. 37. » Athen. 6. 265. C. >o Strab. 9. 440. " Archemach. ubi sup. and thence Suid. Ufvltrrat. " Eurip. ap. Ath. 6. 264.: Adrpig UeviffTtic; Hesych. TltveffTat — rivk SiAaTpetg ») ipyarai irtvnTig fj virr}Kooi. Comp. Ammon. e^e — Aarpif OKcira TToXefiiKrlv Trepitrracnv aXovg jcat iirl SovXeiav npoffaxOiig. Thus Pindar Nem. 4. 88. says Xarpiav 'IuwXkov, sul>dued by force of arms. J* Pherecrat. His. Thess. ap. Ath. 6. 264. A. ; Eustath. ubi sup. (see n. 6.) Archemach. and Eustath. ubi sup. Suid. UevkfTTai. The absurd deriva- tion from a certain Penestus was allucled to above. See $ 12. n. 20. I! ^^PPP'^- "ell. 6. 1 . 19. 17 Polemon, apud Ath. 11. 426. A. »« Calhstiat. ap. Ath. 6. 263. E; Strab. 12. 542; Poll. 3. 83; Hesych. Cbipo Eustath. II. 15. 1024. 35, S;i PoltT'^T^ ^V \'Tr r^'o '° 6. 267. C; Hesyoh. f^voia, av^a\ Arfs^ot Po dT-^f U^ f'u'^- ^^^ ^"'^^^ «ru,,o^oc. (comp.'^Gottl.Vad Anstot. Pol. 473) ; Steph. Byr. X.'oc. ub. ^;ia,Vra, ; Hesych. dd>auJrai sltnrTrf\"t^'*'"7''"^'.<'^"^^^''" reference^o lrj'f,iac, s^ays that aCS in use. ^^ "''*'^' ^'- ^^- ^^^- ^«- '^^ ^«^d eepa^ovreg was al^, " Ath. 6. 263^ E. : KaXovm H oi Kpnrtg — 'A ^""^^^'i by the tyranny of Clean- vIL'ft f'/ "^''^^"^^"*""^' '" the fortieth >eur after its foundation (Olymp. 53. 4.), in conse- ,. S« Apgnd v„.; conf MUner, ^gine.. ,'33. 'sq,. ^ee below, 5 41 ti 24 i? a • . '• Herod. 7. l&T'conM 49. n. 60. ^"^^^" ^^'^ '■ ''' '• ;^ Aristot. Pol. 3. 4. 1 : 5.1.6; 5.3.4, •2 See above, $ 32, n. 19. 262 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY, quence of timocracy ^ fell under the tyranny of Phalaris. In Cnidus, sixty nobles formed a council, of which they were members for life, and were irre- sponsible for their decrees. In Crete *^ after the termination of the heroic age, Cosmi, descended from noble families "S had replaced the princes; the noble council, the Ge- ronia, was composed of the Cosmi who had quitted office '' ; but it frequently happened that when these last were unwilling to resign their powers, fac- tions ensued, and led to the notorious Acosmia "\ Noble houses of Messenian origin "^* governed in Rhegium, till the tyranny of Anaxilas. The subject of Sparta will be treated in the chap- ter concerning the codes of the various legislators. The iEtolian-Doric Ehs was governed by ninety nobles, who were elected in the manner of the Spartan Gerontes, and for life, but dynastically '^ consequently according to the privileges of a domi- nant class. At a later period, a Bule of six hun- dred persons'^ was added to it from a more extensive circle of nobiUty. It was unlawful to mortgage landed property '^ This ancient aristo- cratic institute was ascribed to Oxylus. A no less close system of aristocratic government prevailed in the iEolic states. In Thebes, according to an ancient law, no one '» Aristot. Pol. 5. 8. 4 ; conf. $ 49, n. 51. *> riut. Qu. Gr. 7. 171 ; conf. Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 11. 2t Aristot. Pol. 2. 7. 5. 2-j Ibid, and Strab. 10. 484. M Aristot. Pol. 2. 7. 7 ; conf. Gbttling ad Aristot. p. 476. »» Ibid. 5. 10. 4 ; Strab. 6. 257. . «« Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. S.SvvaffTivriKnv is the correct word, as it serves to ex- press the precise difference between their mode of election and that in Sparta, to which it in other respects bore resemblance. ^ Thucyd. 5. 47. ^ Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 5. THE GOVERNING CLASS. § 35. 2(J3 was allowed to participate in the government who had not ceased to carry on trade in tlie market for ten years ^. This in itself does not, indeed, breathe the spirit of a narrowly-circumscribed order ; but towards the time of the Persian war, Thebes groaned under dynasts '^ In Thespise the supreme power ^« resided in Demuchi, belonging to the house of the Thespiadae ; in Orchomenus, in the knights ^^ who retained their power till the age of Epaminondas. Mitylene, the capital of Lesbos, was governed by the Penthilidae ; but upon their parading the streets armed with clubs, and committing unbridled out- rages, they perished through the efforts of Me- gacles^% But dynasts once more stirred up the fury of civil contests, and order and tranquillity were not restored before the freely elected sove- reignty (iEsymnety) of Pittacus '\ Ancient nobility governed in Cuma ; the Basileus was compelled to stand at the bar of their tribu- nal "^ ; Phidon introduced the census, but at what time does not appear ; whoever could keep a horse was entitled to take part in the government^. Likewise in Magnesia, on the Maeander, the knights possessed the chief power ^. It was the same case with Minyan-Doric nobility in Thera '' ; in Cyrene it led to monarchy, with which, after violent commotions, Demonax, the ^ Aristot. Pol. 3. 3. 4. « Thucyd 3. 62 ; Paus. 9. 6. 1. The Thebans. in the passage of Thucv- dides referred to above, call this ov iraToiov. => g^ "i i nucy » Diod. 4 29 ; conf. § 30, n. 14. a. Diod. 15. 79. ^ Anstot. Pol. 5. 8. 13. « Ibid. 3. 9. 5; strab. 13. 617 ; Diog. Laert. 1. 74. =" Plat. Qu. Gr. n. 4. 7. 172. R. ^ Ibirl* sT' ^^ ' ''''"^* $ 31. n, 10. » ArisUd. Pol. 4. 3. 2. I ^ 264 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. Mantinean, attempted to unite democratic institu- tions ^, but his work was never consolidated. Cyprus, a state which can hardly be considered Grecian, was always governed by dynasts of the oriental character. Amongst the Ionic states, nobility chiefly pre- dominated in Athens, the subject of which will afterwards be treated in detail. In Ephesus, affairs were managed by a noble council, with civic depu- ties^. There seems to have been no popular assembly whatever. The government of the Basi- lidae in Erythrae was apparently of a similar nature. The former was precipitated by the tyrant Pytha- goras *°, and the Demus rose against the latter ". The wealthy class governed in Colophon ; but their number was greater than that of the rest of the citizens: from the moment that Gyges took the town, the constitution was destroyed*^. In Samos, after the murder of the autocrat Damoteles, the Geomori composed the dominant class ; but dissen- sion raged between them and the people ; the com- manders of an auxiliary fleet, sent to aid the Perinthians led the ships* crews and the captive Megarians *^ against them ; but liberty once more succumbed to the tyranny of Polycrates. A go- verning nobility maintained their footing longer in Chios**. The aristocratic government of Phooaea can only be recalled by the re-appearance of Mas- silia in history; in the latter, the circle of the nobility was, for a considerable time, rigorously «8 See below, §41, n. 35. * Strab. 14. 640 ; conf. § 37, n. 16. <<> See § 49, n. 34. *• Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 4. *^ Ibid. 4. 3. 8 ; conf. Herod. 1. 14, and Xenophanes ap. Ath. 12. 526. ^^ Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 211. 212 ; compare below $ 49, u. 38. ** Aristot. Tol. 5. 5. 11. THE GOVERNING CLASS. ^ 35. 2^5 closed, and even after the other i)ortion of the wealthy class had gained admission to their ranks they maintained themselves >vith calmness and dig- nity *^. ^ Nobility governed in Naxos, till the daughters of a nch countryman were violated by two hbertines whereupon Lygdamis incited the people to tumult' and from a demagogue made himself tyrant *^. In Euboea, Chalcis was under th(3 authority of lordly Hippobotae, till these yielded to the youthful Demus of Athens*^; in Eretria, the Hippobot^ re- tained their power till Diagoras led the people against them*« after the Persian war. The Chal- cidian colonies, the Italian Cuma^ and Sicilian Leontini^ were originally subject to the power of nobihty ; m the former place it was subverted by the demagogue Aristodemus ; in the latter, it led to the tyranny of Panaetius, and afterwards to pro- tracted civil feuds. No exact particulars have been transmitted concerning the remainder of the Chal- cidian towns in the vicinity of Leontini, and Chal- cidice in Thrace ; the laws of Charondas in the former ^^ and those of Andromadas in the latter*^ can hardly have regulated the orders. Amongst the Achaean colonies, Sybaris had a numerous monied aristocracy, which was, however, so far exclusive in its character, that the Demagogy' of Telys could be asserted against it^'. Crotona's magistrates were not held responsible ^*, and, there- ^ Ibid. 5. 5.2; Strab. 4. 179. ^' Herod'/?7 .^;fJ' \"^ Aristot ap. Ath. 8. 348 ; comp. Herod. 5. 30. « SLn H 74' ? P- ^PP*°^- ^>»-. *' Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 10. 51 tkTo o c^' ^^I'l- ^"sto»- Pol. 5. 10. 4. Ibid. 2. 9. 5. i3 Ibid. 2. 9. 9. sioD, Steth B*vz' sSl^""' ""^ ^^^ sH^'^lr^ u ^.^ '^^ ***"''» '*»~"&^ oiepn. nyz. ^v^apif;. 54 Jambiich. m Vit. Pythag. 257. /-. f I ^1 ' ' 'If' I *i 266 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. fore, probably proceeded from an aristocracy. Here, and in several of the neighbouring towns, the ideal theory of an aristocracy of the virtuous, who ruled the state by force of the moral law inhe- rent in them, was for a short time realised ^^ by Pythagoras. The massacre of the Pythagoreans was succeeded by anarchy, till Achaean ambassa- dors regulated the orders upon the same system as those of the mother-state ^. In Thessaly, not only the Penestae, but likewise the Demus groaned under oppression. Commo- tions^^ becoming frequent, the Aleuadae united themselves to Xerxes, the Thessalians were de- sirous of joining the Greeks ^^ ; but even after the Persian wars popular liberty could not flourish. In Delphi, as a separate state, and distinct from Phocis, there reigned a nobility of remote anti- quity, called the Deucalionidae ^ ; at their head were five persons denominated the Cofisecf^ated^'^, who superintended the service of the oracle ^\ and apparently presided over the criminal tribunal ^'^. Less rigorously connected with the family prin- ciple, and at the same time endangered by the am- bitious efforts of the Demus, was the aristocracy in several states of the Doric race. In Argos there was a council of eighty men, over which Artynae presided ; in addition to this a Bule ^^ which is an evidence of the growth of the ** Diog. Laert. 8. 3. — irtpl rovg rpii/KO(Tt'o?'c ovreg {oi HvOayop.) (pKovo- uovv dpKTTa TO. TToXiriKa {otrrt (T\tSbv dpiffTOKoariav ilvai ti)v TroXiTiiav. ^ Polyb. 2. 39. 1. «7 Herod. 7. 6. and 172. " Diod. 11. 2 ; corap. Herod. 7. 172—174. •'® 'ApioTilg, Eurip. Ion. 428 ; comp. $ 30. n. 22. «» "Offtot, Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 174. 6' Eurip. ubi sup. ^^ Ibid. 1236. 63 Thucyd. 5. 47. THE GOVERNING CLASS. § 35. 267 Demus ; the power of the latter was consummated by the naturalisation of the Perioeci, after the loss of four thousand ancient citizens through Cleo- menes^\ Sicyon's reputed purely Doric aristo- cracy ^^ must not be looked upon as a constitution of the early age ; it was not framed by Sparta till the Peloponnesian war. The original constitution, of which nothing determinate is known, soon yielded to the tyranny of the Orthagoridae ^, about 01. 27. After this the people rose in the scale of things, so that Sparta was subsequently compelled to limit their power. Megara, at first probabl) governed by Bacchiadae, sent thither by Corinth, grew rich, and verned by threw off the allegiance to the mother- state ; the wealthy inhabitants were overthrown by Theagenes the tyrant^*; after him Megara was disgraced by the most reckless ochlocracy, which, amidst ostracism, palintocia, and a flagitious viola- tion of the law of nations, bore itself with the most ridiculous arrogance^. Its colonies Byzantium and Chalcedon, destitute of families of ancient and noble descent, soon allowed riches and trade to thrive, when the lower class of people also rose higher. The oligarchy in Byzantium, which Thra- sybulus overthrew^, had been estabhshed there but a short time before by Sparta. Corcyra, founded by the Heraclid Chersicrates ^^ may, in the first instance, like the mother-city and its re- maining colonies, have been subject to an aristo- cracy ; but that this did not consist of Bacchiadae; ** Aristot. Pol. 5. 2. 8 ; Herod. 6. 78. sqq. ; comp. $ 32. n. 12. ** 'AKparoQ Kai AiopiKrj dpiffTOKpaTia. Plut. A rat. 2. ^ See § 49. n. 1. ^ Arist. Pol. 5. 4. 5 ; conap. § 49. n. 16. ^« See § 15. n. 68. «> Xenoph. Hell. 4. 8. 27 ; Diod. 14. 12. '0 Strab. 6. 269. )i i . II 268 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. may be inferred from the sea-fight with the Corin- thians ^', a short time before the tyranny of Cyp- selus (01. 28.) But Corcyra undoubtedly fell under the tyranny of the Cypselidae ' % This loosened all the ancient bonds, and it was suc- ceeded by the predominance of a turbulent demus opposed to the wealthy class. Tarentum must, from the attention it devoted to maritime trade, have had an aspiring demus at a very early period ; but this was kept in check by the rich men and the nobles, so that Aristotle^* calls the constitution a Politeia ; it was in vain that the Pythagoreans attempted to remove its defects ^*. Amongst the Ionian states, Miletus presents the spectacle of impetuous efforts on the part of the demus to make head against the aristocracy, which, after the kings ^^ Thoas and Damasenor, took possession of the government ; protracted collisions between the former, called the Cheiro- macha, and the latter the Plontis or the Aeinautae^^ alternated with tyranny. Abydos and Cyzicus, the colonies of Miletus, perhaps like that city, gradually assumed a democratic character. It is not till after the Persian war that historical light falls upon the Pontic states. It is, however, recorded of Heraclea on the Pontus, that the demus prevailed at its foundation, but that a vicious demagogy very soon brought on oligarchy". Achaia, held up by Polybius as a model of the democratic constitution ^% seems likewise, at the time when the princely power terminated, to have '» Thuc. 1. 13. " Herod. 3. 49. sqq. '» Pol. 6. 2. 8. '* Diog. Laert. 8. 40. ■^5 This is ihe construction which I put upon rvpavvtav. Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 193, as in the case of the Argive Phidon. Comp. § 49. n. 30. 7« $ 31. n. 8. " Aristot. Pol. 5. 4. 3. " Ibid. 2. 38. 6. THE GOVERNING CLASS. § 35. 269 had no government of nobility ; with steady pace the Achaeans advanced on their ancient path, till, in the Peloponnesian war, Sparta's influence' sue' ceeded in disengaging Pellene from their con- nection. The demus probably stood much higher in Arcadia. Tegea's attachment to Sparta, in the age before the Persian wars, does not prove the predominance of an aristocracy ; it is probable that the bravest warrior enjoyed the highest considera- tion, but without any invidious reaction on a servile class ; even Perioeci cannot be traced with certainty. The mention made of a feraale dynast, called Perimede or Choira, at the time of the wars with Sparta '^ bears a somewhat enigmatical appearance. The legislators enumerated by Pau- sanias ^ probably belonged to a later age. Man- tinea's democratic confederacy with the inhabitants of the surrounding district, which strengthened itself by their union into one capital «^ was copied in the Cyrenaean institutions of Demonax. It is a re- markable fact, that the mass of the people had a share in the council, but the magistracy were chosen by select citizens «^ A similar spectacle, with still greater simplicity of the rural character, IS presented in the other states of Arcadia. To these must be added the following races, governed by veterans as well as able-bodied war' nors, selected from amongst them respcjctively :— the Malians ^\ the Acarnanians, the Locrians, and ^tolians ; and lastly, in all probability, the Do- rians and Phocians. ..0 ^» See $ 49 n. 25. « Paus. 8. 48. 1. "$21.08 ^^ Anstot. Pol. 6. 2. 2, «3 See $ 37. n. 2. ^ :m % 270 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. II. THE ANCIENT ARISTOCRACY GENERALLY IN ITS RELATION TO THE DEMUS AND THE SUBSEQUENT OLIGARCHY. § 36. It has been more than once remarked, that the words aristocracy, oligarchy, and demo- cracy, as the signs of various constitutions, have a dubious and fluctuating import which will not bear the test of close examination. This may be very true as regards the philosophical method of con- sidering these terms ; but if we confine our atten- tion to the aristocracy of the earlier ages of Greece, we are naturally led to enquire whether that mode of government ought not to be accounted something more than an unnatural and temporary state of things, and rather be looked upon as the natural product of the age, and whether it was not considered in the same light by the Greeks them- selves. In this enquiry it is not necessary to recur to the ultimate grounds of natural law ; we must examine the Grecian political system itself, as exhibited in history, and upon this the following arguments are founded. If, then, aristocracy is to be considered a mere de- parture from an original democracy, it would be possible to trace the existence of the latter in the heroic age: but this is disproved by the fore- going exposition. Or a constitution must, in the earliest stages of pohtical development, have es- tablished popular government: but custom was, with few exceptions, characteristic of the age. In the migrations, indeed, there arose various kinds of treaty between the leaders and the hordes, and between the original inhabitants of a district and THE ANCIENT ARISTOCRACY. ^ 36. 271 the new-comers : but, again, the founders of the new states sometimes continued the prescription of the mother-country ' ; the aristocracy in the greater portion of them assumed the form of an hereditary nobility ; the demus rather retrograded than advanced, and was far from occupying a legally-recognised position, from which it might as a legitunate order, have concluded treaties with the nobility as to its rank and rights ; its de- pendence was during centuries divested of the conventional character, or where this had origi- nally existed, prescription soon began to operate, by which means it was cast into the shade ; but the regulation of the public-system might, through deliberations and decrees in single instances, have been modified in the more or less ext(mded circle that happened to predominate. Nevertheless, should it be asked whether pubUc opinion was not entirely hostile to the existing state ot things, and whether demands on the part of the people to participate in that, which the aristocracy ^ exclusivelypossessed,may not be universally adduced ■ h-om the earliest times as the reclamation of a pro- perty unjustly withheld from them-I answer, no. I It may be said that in no instance can such at-/ tachment be proved on the part of the people tJ their anstocracy, as could be compared with their ormer devotion to the heroic princes ; but tranquil- ity and contentment might be preserved amongst them for centuries by the beneficent indulgence of the governing body, while by means of individual ■ the V^^instLT'iylt'^fT'- *'ri'\^'^-P"-M9,.l,ror,; where vi >U A.i I n ,1 272 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY, concessions, which involved no particular danger to the nobles as a class, the aspiring, though not the rebellious demands of the people might be satisfied. For although a stirring and active spirit may have characterised the Grecian demus in the youthful vigour of its existence, there can be no doubt that its first efforts were directed to the object of providing for its physical well-being^ and the security of its personal rights, whilst seditious commotions were for the most part the conse- quences of despotic oppression, of wanton attacks on personal security, and on chastity in particular, as in Naxos ' ; but claims to a share in the govern- ment were slowly and gradually developed. Now whilst the course of history proves that where a constitution has been assented to by all ranks and conditions of society, it may be still followed by repeated general revolutions, it is peculiar to the political development of those communities m which prescriptive usage prevails, to make the nghts and grievances of individuals the subjects of litigation and contention \ Of this character were the claims of the Grecian demus ; first, murmurs and struggles against the oppressive exactions of the aristocratic class, and then positive demands ; for, like the Roman plebs, it grew bolder with the acquisitions it made. But that it never enquired after the ultimate grounds of the actual order of things, the distance between the nobles as the governing, and itself as the governed, and that it possessed within itself no political impulse, which in its earliest stages clearly conceived and conse- » Aristot. Pol. 6. 2. I. 2. >«'-«" nob tv to the *^X;J. in r I ' ®'* 4- 3- 8, he ascrib<;s wealth and Ari«*!.*i ' '^' ^- jTnese passages throw liaht unon a. i-i (.^u^ Anstotle appears to allnrlp tn tkl „j • . ' " . "o"^ "P®** *• ^o. 14, where supreme power. *"* ^^^ administration-not to the legal title to ■ '¥ t2 I :r 276 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. viz.: 1. The oligarchical — unequal rights without regard to qualities, 2. The ochlocratical — equal rights with unequal qualities, 3. That which lies midway between the two, and though considered in a different point of view, a joint property of aristocracy and democracy — equal rights with equal qualities, we answer the third, whilst the first and second must be declared almost equally foreign to its spirit. Our attention must therefore be solely directed to aristocracy, and a healthful demo- cracy ^* in its earliest stages. All their varieties of intermixture and combina- tion could scarcely be exhausted by the most de- tailed investigation, many cannot be ranged under any standard of pohtical law ; which chiefly apphes to the degree of lenity or rigour with which power was exercised in arbitrary hands; although the people do not look with speculative refinement to the abstract principles of right, but for the most part judge according to the temper with which power is employed; whilst no fixed principle can be laid down as to the degree of personal merit which had raised and afterwards supported the aristocracy generally, but which must have varied in individual cases. Another most important combination resulted from the exclusiveness which was secured to the aristocratic class, from the limitation to its own circle of intermarriage, the right of possessing *• It will immediately be perceived in what respects that which has been here advanced differs from the fundamental opinions in Tittmann's excellent work. See in particular, p. 364—366. 382. 496. 521. 524. 528. 533. of that work. It must be equally evident that the difference of opinion be- tween him and myself upon general questions, exclusively applies to the earlier age, and turns upon particular facts only in reference to the constitutions after the Persian war. COUNCIL AND POPULAR ASSEMBLY. | 37 277 landed property and military distinction. By rfc^or- ously closing access to an order to withhold from the people the means of attaining a share in th^ supreme power, was more oppressive than to re! move that power beyond their reach ; on the oth; hand. It was makmg a greater concession to place every thing as a right, than it would have been to sa isfy the claims of individuals as it were through favour Now, however variously the nature of a constitution may be modified by the regulation of .s orders this being the fountaL, whiSeTxe:.' cise of tlie supreme power is the stream flow- tofol ; ''"'"°'' '^' '''^'' '"^y «°^ble us EvenThe '''T'/ ' P^^^'^"^^-- --stitution. Even the subject under examination, participation n the exercise of the supreme power, based upon old T f ? '^ *^^ "^^^"' P-«-t« -^h mam" old ramifications of aristocracy and democracy tha completeness of investigation would only lead tltrf'^'-J "^ ^'^^^'°^^ Hniitourset t the task of considering the three chief bodies by which the chief power in the Grecian states was represented, namely, the council, the popular^ sembly, and the public functionaries. ^ HI. THE COUNCIL AND THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY bylf 'J", """'' "^ *^" ^'■^"^° «t^t^«' governed oriJL ^^''"'''^'7' particularly in those of Doric entitled Gerusia, Geronia >. Experience is the " ^/'/"o'le"' observatiohs, Pol. 4. 5. I, son ■ 4 in • i « , r.po«»,„, ^,p„^i„. Compare Muller, D0T2.' 91. ^ ' ®- *• * i i » Miiller, Dor. 2. 141. THE OFFICERS OF STATE. § ,18. 289 aries, as the misinterpretation of a word in Aris- totle *^ might lead us to suppose ; they were proba- bly mere adjuncts of the superior officers in the measures they took for the good of the people ^\ The Epidemiurgi sent by Corinth to Potidaea, were inspectors and superintending officers ^\ A survey of the individual magistrates with re- ference to the share of the highest power pos- sessed by them respectively, can only include those who immediately emanated from the ruling body, and exercised a supervision over it in their turn. Aristotle calls the Basileis, Prytanes, and Archons'^ magistrates who went forth from the common and sacred hearth of the state with a mission to watch over all matters connected with the public worship. The nature of the subsequent Basileia has been already discussed ; it was a mere shadow of the ancient princely splendour ; but most closely and intimately allied with its real character was the dignity of the Prytanes. The Prytaneum, a main ingredient in the poli- tical life of every Grecian state, which made any pretensions to independence'*, like the Prytanes, proceeded from the ancient monarchy. In the heroic age the high-priesthood was associated with m >( Pol. 5. 8. 3 : rb yap apxaiov oi Sfjfioi KaBivraaav iroXvxpoviovq r&c CTifnoypyiac Kal tolq Ocwptaf. These two words do not here «xpress particular dignities, but are eeneral designations for those offices of the democracy which related to oma and Upd. Comp. Aristot. Pol. 4. 3. 14 ; Schaeid. ad loc. ' Etym. M. Ariiuovpyoc. Amongst the Argives and Thessalians, oi irtpi rd TiXri. Comp. Thuc. 5. 47. "^ ^ Thuc. 1. 56. The Scolion compares them lo Phylaichs, strictly aristo- cratic magistrates. » Polit. 6. 5. 11 : cLTTo rrjg KoivTJg effTiag ixovtri- rriv riufiv KoXovn S' 01 fiiv apxovrag rovrovg, oi Si (iaffiXiig, oi St Trpvrdveig. "* See Casaub. ad Ath. 15. 700 D. ; Spanheim de Vesta, et Prytanib. in Oraev. thes. n. 14 ; Blanchard sur les Prytanes in M6m. de TAcad. d. Inscnpt. V. 7, as well as in Naucratis, Athen. 4. 150. D. On Peparethos, 1 nuc. o. o9. ■•1 VOL. I. |i t , i f) 290 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. it, and the sacred hearth of the state "^ was then in the princely castle, where the council used to assem- ble around it '^ With the commencement of the aristocracies the sacred hearth of the state ceased to be the object of royal care ; the Prytaneum indeed continued to be the sanctuary of the state, where that fire ^ was kept up which was an emblem of its life, and of the divine protection it enjoyed, and the chief magistrate was appointed to tend it in lieu of the prince : but it remained the central point of government for a very short time ; the Buleuterion or the Archeum was selected for the transaction of the strictly political affairs that daily presented themselves, but a sacred hearth of the council was removed to the former of these '\ From that time the Prytaneum, like the council- house *^ appears to have been a central point, where functionaries officially engaged resided, but where, at the same time, the religious character continued to predominate ; on that account it was thenceforward fixed upon for the place of honour and the public meals, because there the person on whom distinction was conferred became most closely bound, and as it were consecrated, to the state. ** 'Ecrta Koivrj, the same as trpvravAov, Poll. 9. 40 ; Ath. 5. 187. D. ; and Casaub. Focus urbis, Cic. de legib. 2. 12. Compare, in particular, Creuzer Symbol. 2. 627. . ,. „, . r. • » Comp. Hullman. Anf. d. er. Gesch. 2. 23. According to Plut. Conviv. 8. 651, Celeus was the first who formed a union of brave men, and dvofiaffai upvraviiov. Herein we chiefly perceive the operation of the hospitable pnn- ciple, and this coincides with his reception of Demeter in Eleusis, ApoUod. 3.14.7. Comp. Hymn, in Cerer. 184, sqq. fAffBiffTog Xvxvoc Trvp dv^sffTov, Paus. 8. 9. I; 8. 37.8; Strab. 9. 396 ; Poll. 1.7; Schol. Thuc. 2. 16; Proverb, to Xvxvov iv irpvTavtUi>, Theocr. 21. 36. , . :. r , t * oot » 'EffWa (iovXaia, Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 62 ; JEschin. de falsa Legat. 227 ; Harpocr. ^ovXaia ; Suid. dk^iog. » J£n. Poliorc. 10 : rf tv Trpi-ravcty v Iv (3ov\^. Dio Chrys. 2. 254, rrjv Sk* dyopdv Kai rb xpvraviiov Kal to ^vXtvTijpiov. Comp. on Syracuse Cic. c. Verr. 4. 68. MMiii THE OFFICERS OF STATE. § 38. 89r Prytanes are recorded as chief magistrates in Corinth*-, Corcyra", Miletus ^ Eressus in Les- bos", Tenedos", Pergamus", Cos™', Rhodes ^ etc. They were rehgious-political presidents like the kings, whose substitutes they had become, in many of those cities, guardians of the sacred fire of the state in the Prytaneum, and still filled with the quickening and warming power of the Basileia, in which the ethical predominated over the colder legal-political principle. On that ac- count the word bears a close afiinity to Basileus. and is not unfrequently used in its place », or as a significant designation for the sovereiga dignity « ; it was probably first of all employed in Athens ai a magistracy of the second class ; afterwards it became here, as well as in other states, a denomi- nation for the presidents of the community or council, changing periodically, according to the democratic system*". The archonship does not seem to have been so deeply imbued with the antique religious es- sence, as the word itself expresses presidency with- out any subordinate notion ; it cannot be traced with any degree of certainty as having been em- » Diod. Fragm. v. 4. 13 ; Bipont. Paus. 2. 4. 4. '' Inscription Bdckh. Pub. Econ. 2. 403. "^ Anstot. Pol. 8. 4. 5. iultX; LblL^itieY'^'" "' °'" '"'" f™™ '"•' "■" »»«'' -" *« «»« ao^ufufhelf ,h '• '^/'^^''• '^ *•-->• O"^ «plW Two. chosen annually held the presidency for SIX months each. « ilch^lTro^^^^^^^ ^- ^»^« -^---^ - Sparta. lessalll^i^fiPp^'*^^"'- ^\^- 2' ^»»ere, however, wpvTaMevovTog may be 1^8 general ; m Crotona, see Tiraaeus ap. Ath. 12. 522 C.; in Cyzicus CavluV Tones V/ "^P^'"^"^' '^'"™^"°' ^^'' '' "^' «"P-^ comp. van'^SX'duSlu.' u 2 It 9 292 ARISTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. ployed at an early period to designate a particular office *\ not even in Athens, as will be shewn be- low, though it became general in the later age as an appellation for a permanent dignity. Most of the other numerous titles of superior magistrates express the pecuhar nature of the official duties annexed to them; as the Cretic Cosmi*% the Cosmopolis in the Italian Locri*^ the .Esymnete in Cuma** and Chalcedon*^ the Artynae in Argos*^ and Epidaurus*% the Hierom- namon in Megara, Byzantium *«, Chalcedon *^ the Aphester in Cnidos^, the Tagos in Thessaly^ a word very frequently employed by the poets for ruler in general *^ the Polemarch in several Boeo- tian cities ^^ and, after the institution of the new Archons in Athens, the same with Tamias, in the poets frequently transferred from matters of finance to political government in general ^. It is proba- ble that the appellations of Strategos, which ex- isted in every democracy, and Proedros, for exam- ple in Mitylene ^^ were less ancient. <» The cic dpYwv in Epidamnus, (Aristot. Pol. 5. 1. 6; comp. 3. 11. 1.) probably had another special appellation as a magistrate, and moreover belongs to a later age. Concerning Boeotian archons, in Plataes, Charonea, 1 hebes. etc., see MiiUer, Boeolia in Ersch, Encyclop. p. 272. It appears to me very doubtful whether these belonged to the earlier time. « § 35. n. 20. *' Polyb. 12. 16. « Aristot. ap. Schol. Eurip. Med. 19. ^ • ^ T-»*«^,nr. « Was there one here so early 1 There were three m Cuma, see Tittmann Gr. Staatsv. 463. , ^ ^ , ^ Thucyd. 5. 47. "' Plut. Qu. Gr. 1. <8 Polyb. 4. 52. « Miill. Dor. 2. 169. «» Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 172. " § 26. n. 33.^ M ^schyl. Prom. 95. Comp. rayng. Agam. 110. Tayovxoc Eumen. 28». Comp. Sophoc. Antig. 1045. M ()n Thebes, see Xenoph. 5. 2. 30 ; Thespise Plut. Demetr. 39. »* Pind. Pyth. 5. 82; Nem. 10. 97 ; Sophoc. Antig. 1133 ; compare Sto- b»us Serm. 12. p. 115. " Thucyd. 3. 25. laji^ ^ i^ THE RELATION OF LAW TO CUSTOM. § 39. 293 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. I. THE RELATION OF LAW TO CUSTOM. § 39. When custom and law are conceived in their widest difference, the system which is go- verned by the former may be described as devoid of volition, and unconscious of an aim, existing in a form coeval with itself, and confirmed by tacit prescription; whilst the distinctive feature of the latter is the self-conscious conception of a rational standard attached to a political body, with a posi- tive declaration as to its future vaHdity. But in the materials which history presents, we cannot draw such a distinction as this. In none of the Grecian states founded after the migrations are we authorised to assume such force of ])rescription, that a state of total quiescence, a pohti(;al life with- out any reflection as to its true destination, and a blind conformity to the natural result of circum- stances, were enabled to subsist for any considera- ble length of time ; sooner or later reflection un- folded itself Now, although the fori^e of habit and a certain slothfulness in rising to free resolu- tions, may have operated to a considerable extent, and many innovations which were produced in the course of circumstances may have been confirmed without any express declarations and decrees to that effect; still it is far more probable that the first introduction of an institution was preceded by a formal motion, and by deUberation. But acts of this nature were performed in the midst of the governing people, appear consequently as having I 294 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. grown out of the very heart of nationality, and are deficient in that peculiar mark by which laws are distinguished ; namely, that as it were from a posi- tion without the mass something is introduced mto it ; it must, however, be attributed to the defect- iveness of our sources, that so many institutions are recorded only as actually existing, whilst the causes of their origin and their authors are un- known. This is the proper place to estimate the pohtical agency of those men, who, without being strictly entitled to the appellation of legislators, hved and wrought in the midst of the people, and by their counsel and conduct exercised practical influence on the decrees of the state. Nor must we omit to mention poetry, which acted in various ways, indirectly, but powerfully, upon the national mind. Such was the effect of the songs of Callinus, Tyr- tseus, Mimnermus and Alcaeus; Solon's elegy on Salamis bore a similar character, and until his laws appeared in their own austere simphcity, a poetical garb in a greater or less degree adorned every poli- tical doctrine and exhortation. But of a direct and personal character was the pohtical agency of the men, whom antiquity emphatically denominated sages ; political knowledge was the chief element of their wisdom \ History has preserved a num- ber of pithy apothegms ^ which are said to embody then- respective ethical and political opinions ; but from these vague and anecdotical attributes, no judgment can be formed as to the pohtical exer- ' Dicaarch. ap. Diog. L. 1. 40. calls them « Even Socrates' assertion, that he was not an Athenian nor a Oreek, but Koouioc, does not strictly imply that he was a Cosmopolite. Cicero Tuscul. 5 37 • de Legg. 1. 23 ; Plut. de Amor. Frater. 8. 371. Compare with what is advanced above, Zachariae Betr. lib. Cicero de Repub. 241, sqq. AUTHORITY OF THE LAW. § 40. 309 the ethics of Grecian legislation must only be con- sidered in a political point of view. But we fully agree with those who are of opinion, that the total subjection of all the channels of ethical life to a legal standard, endangers the noblest attributes of man, viz., freedom, and the impulse to develop liis natural character ^^ Moreover, in harmony with the ethical tenour of the law was the antique mode of promulgating and inculcating it. For, as it once flowed from the lips of the paternal prince, as from a living fountain, into the hearts of his subjects, so now, when it had long ceased to be annexed to the person of the sovereign, it was conveyed to the feelings and im- pressed upon the minds of the auditory in forms of poetry and music. This was the case in Crete ^« and Sparta '^, and the laws of Charondas appear to have been sung as Scolia at the Athenian ban- quets ^\ Thus the beautiful combination of ideas in the word mode or measure, as applied to music and morals, was expressed by the words ?iomos"'^ and nomodos"\ and the intimate connection subsist- ing between music and the means taken to cultivate lawfulness of Kfe, were amongst the principal causes which subsequently obtained for music so elevated " Schiller Solon's Verfass. The Grecian legislators w.jre wrong in stiinu- atmg the moral duties by the compulsion of the laws. The primary requisite to moral beauty m the action, is the freedom of the will, and this is sacrificed as soon as It IS proposed to extort moral virtue by means of legal penalties. 1 he noblest privilege of human nature is that of judging for itself, and doin? good for the sake of good. - o o & '» .El. V. H. 2. 39. Clem. Alex. 1. 308, rove AaKedaifioviu)v vouovg taiXoiroinaf. TtoTrav- Cpog o AvTi(T(TaXog. ^ ^ Hermipp. ap. Ath. 14. 619; conf. Heyne, Opusc. 2. 166. n. ^ ^ Aristot. Probl. 19. 28, did rt vofioi KoKovprai ovg ^i'iovaiv ; ^ 'on npiv iTriaTai liairoTriQ vofioQ, sqq. ; No/xoi iroXtiog /3afftX^cc, Plato Sympos. 196. C. ; Pittocus ap. Diog. L. dpxn lityio According to Ephor. ap. Strab. 8. 365, all the Lacooiaa Achieans were at first called Helots, and the war against them was named the Helot war. But in this instance the word has a retrospective force ; it signifies subjection by force of arms (conf. § 34. n. 1), and does not apply to the Achaeans as long as they were Iffovofioi. ^^« ^ot u * »' Ephor. ubi sup. In the account of Isocrates, Pansith. 460. 461, the true facts cannot be recognised. " Manso, Sparta, 1. 1. 109, sqq. " Herod. 7. 234 ; Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 12. ^ • ,. ^ »♦ Compare § 33. n. 22. According to Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 12, the rights of citizenship were frequently conferred under the first kings. This, probably, refers to those bestowed upon the Achaeans, .Egidae, and Minyans. y2 324 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. was preserved in the utmost purity in the royal line*^ and in certain families alHed to the royal house ^^. The Homoioi ^^, who, when the constitu- tion began to degenerate, were contradistinguished as ancient citizens from the Neodamodes, etc., were, in the earlier age, mere citizens, who were deficient in none of the honour of citizenship, in opposition to the dishonourable and the infamous ^% and per- haps to the Epeunactae, a class of new citizens, composed of the Helots ^^ emancipated in the Messenian war. The noble band of the three hun- dred knights, selected from the ranks of the young men, composed a body destined to attend the king; and from this were again annually singled out five Agathoergoi, as the ever-ripening fruit of civil vir- tue ^°. In general, rights and authority increased with age^\ At thirty, a person was entitled to attend the popular assembly ^^ and at sixty, eligible to the council ^^. Gradations of other descriptions, as occurring in a later age, will be mentioned in a subsequent por- tion of the present work. The Lacedaemonians or Perioeci^*, to whom, like the Spartans, had been apportioned thirty thousand lots of land^^ which corresponded with their number, were endowed with rights in their 1^ Ephors guarded the queen at the time of her delivery, Herod. 5. 41 ; Plat. Alcib. 1. 121. B. It was unlawful for a king to marry a foreign woman, Plut. Agis. 11. '« llerod. 6. 57 ; Plut. Lysaod.2. ^7 Xenoph. Hell. 3. 3. 4 — 11, and Schneid. ad eund. $ 5; 5. 3. 9 j de He- pub. Laced. 10. 7 ; Demosth. in Lept. 489. *^ 'AdoKifioi, uTifioi, Xenoph. de Repub. Lac. 3. 3. '° Theopomp. ap. Ath, 6. 271. D. and comp. above, § 33. n. 32. «> Herod. 1. 67 ; 8. 124 ; Thuc. 5. 72 ; Xen. de Repub. Lac. 4. 3. conf. Ruhnken ad Tim. dyaOoipyoi, The Kareffreiores of Thermopylae can hardly have been identical with ttie knights. 21 Plut. an Seni Respub., etc. 9. 177 — kv AaKtSaifwvi jcaXXterra yripuxn. » Plut. Lye. 25. « Plut. Lyg. 21. «* Herod. 6. 58 ; Ephor. ap. Strab. 8. 364. ^ Plut. Lye. 8. CONSTITUTION OF LYCURGUS. § 42. S25 private capacity, and unrestricted in trade, and in this respect were more highly privileged than the Spartans themselves; but as a body they were subordinate to them "\ and excluded from a parti- cipation in the full rights of citizenship^; they paid a tribute to the state ^\ and wercj liable to be summoned with the Spartans to the defence of their country ^. Political duties of a superior na- ture were not confided to them till some time afterwards. The Helots were serfs, and as many as were not immediately required by the state ^, belonged, together with the single estates, to individual Spar- tans ^\ but under such limitations, that they might at any time be claimed as public property. Lycur- gus, probably, did not deem their condition worthy of much attention. We know of no institution for their protection. The notorious Helot chase, the Crypteia ^% seems to have been continued from the time of the earlier wars against the Achaeans, as a military exercise with sharp weapons, wherein it is highly probable that the unhappj- Helots fre- quently fell victims to the outrages committed by « ^vvreXeig, Eph. ubi sup. They followed the corp&e of a king, vwpiV STrapriijrcwv (Herod. 6. 58; comp. the Comment, on 7, 234; 9. 11.) that IS, m a separate procession ? Compare on the obligation of the Meearians to appear at the obsequies of a Bacchiad. § 26. n. 58. Were they admitted to the popular assembly 1 The passage cited by Titt- roann, griech. Staatsv. p. 89, viz. Plut. Lye. 6. and 25, do not expressly say so ; the contrary, however, cannot be demonstrated from Thucyd. 1. 80, dffrvyti- ^°^^r^^^ ^^ ™*y ^® gathered from it indirectly, conf. Miilll. Dor. 2. 24. rhis may be inferred from the tributes of the Messenians. who were pl^ed upon the footing of Periceci after the first war. Paus. 4. 14. 3. Five thousand Spartan and the same number of Lacedaemonian Hoplitae fought at Plataeae. *^ » Ephor. ap. Strab. ubi sup. ; Paus. 3. 20. 6 ; Plut. Lye. 2. '* Mull. Dor. 2. 34, sqq. ^ ^ Aristot. ap. Plut. Lye. 28 ; Heracl. Pont. 3 ; Isocrat. Panath. 462. The lenient description of Plat, de Legg. 1. 633. B. may be estimated at its real worth from a similar one in Protag. 342. C— "the Xenelasia-an institution mrmed to enable persons to philosophise without being disturbed," conf. Plut. 326 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. the young warriors, which doubtless often went unpunished. On this subject, as in the remaining accounts of the mal-treatment of the Helots '^ the acts of individuals which were wholly uncon- nected with political objects, are ascribed to the state, and with the most unwarrantable distortion of truth, sometimes represented as the express aim of legislation^. In war they accompanied their masters^ as pages. Part of them had been brought up with them from their infancy ; these were de- nominated Mothones or Mothaces^, and ceased to belong to the servile order ; they were likewise occasionally enfranchised for their fidelity in war'^ The regulation of the supreme power must, ac- cording to the relation subsisting between the three classes of inhabitants, as already described, be regarded only as the private statute of the full citizens ; and when the legislation of Lycurgus is said to have been occasioned by lawless dissen- sion ^, this must not be understood as referring to the position of the Spartans in relation to the Perioeci and Helots, but to discord amongst the first alone, especially between the two royal houses ^ and their adherents. The stability of the legal ordinances, the disposition of the people, who, steadfastly adhering to their immutable moral principle of action, ceased to be conscious of the power inherent in their own body to make what- « Theopomp. ap. Ath. 6. 272. A. ; Myron, ap. Ath. 14. 657 ; concerning his Acrisia, conf. Pans. 4* 6. 2 ; Plut. Lye. 28. 3^ Aristot. ap. Plut. Lye. 28. doubts whether the Crypteia was Lycurgan. 35 Herod. 9. 28 ; 7. 229. , . ^ ^ o^, r- » Plut. Cleom. 8 ; M\. V. H. 12. 43 ; Phylarch. ap. Ath. 6. 271. h.; Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. 37 The name 'EpvKrripeQ more especially refers to the preservation and care of wounded men and the charge of the corpses. M Herod. 1. 65 ; Isocrat. Panath. 459. ed. Lange; Plut, Lye. 2. 3» Thuc. \. 18. CONSTITUTION OF LYCURGUS. § 42. 327 ever changes in the laws they thought proper, and their cheerful acquiescence in their dependence upon the magistrates^, who were accounted the best in the state, and the Uving fountain of legal order, caused the legislative power of the people to be so completely eclipsed by the executive of the officers*^; so that what in reality appertained to the one is so frequently ascribed to the other. According to the strictly aristocratic principle, the Geronia took precedence of the popular as- sembly. The Geronia was composed of the two kings, who were its presidents, and twenty-eight men*% chosen by the people from amongst the most virtuous*^ members of the state**, of at least sixty years of age*^ who were elected for life*^, and irresponsible in office *^ Besides the most im- portant part of their official duty, which was to prepare state matters for the popular assembly*®, and to direct the administration in general, they had, in conjunction with the Ephors, to watch over the public morals *^, and with the officers of state constituted the highest court of judicature^. The kings voted in the same manner as every other geron ^\ and in the absence of a king, his nearest relation ^^. ^ It is very justly observed by Nicol. Damasc. (522 Vales, exc, 156 Orell) : (TtfivvvovTai dk Trdvrtf ^Trt r^ raireivovg avrovg Trapkxnv Kai KarrfKoovg raig ap\aig. *• Td rkXri. See examp. Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 93. n. 20. 106. « Plut. Lye. 5. *' Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 15 : a9\ov 17 apx») ct^Tti Trjg apeTiJQ. ** The peculiar designation ot irptff^vyivfiQ, occurs in Plut. Lye. 6. et Ibid, an Seni respub. etc. 9. 155. ** Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 15 ; Plut. Lye. 26. ^ Polyb. 6. 45. *' Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 17. " Plut. Lye. 6 ; Agis, 8. 9. 11. « Gell. Noct. Att. 18. 3. ^ Plut. Lye. 26 ; Xenoph. de Repub. Lac. 10. 2. ^' Herod. 6. 57. On the question whether each king had one vote or two (Thucyd. 1. 20.), see Tittmann, Gr. SUatsv. 117. 121. n. 88 .: Miill. Dor. 2. 102. M Herod, ubi sup. 328 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. The popular assembly ^^ met in pursuance of a Lycurgan rhetra at stated periods ^% between the brook Cnacion and the bridge Babyca ^^ ; it deter- mined by an acclamation of assent or dissent^, consequently without debating ^^, on what the Geronia submitted to it, that is, on peace and war, new laws, and the appointment of public officers. The administration of justice was not amongst its duties. It continued to be refractory after the time of Lycurgus, but was entirely brought under control by the law of Polydorus or Theopompus, which invested the king and the Geronia with power to dissolve it in case it should be bent on passing mischievous resolutions^. The small as- sembly^, as it was termed, was apparently un- known to the earlier age, and afterwards denoted a meeting of all the public officers and a species of civic deputies^. The kings, sprung from the two Heraclid lines of Eurysthenes and Procles, succeeded to the government by right of primogeniture ^^ ; their chief marks of distinction were their place of re- sidence ^% demesnes ^% tributes of sacrificial vic- tims^, hides ^, and spoil ^, particular honour at ** 'O SafioQ, Plut. Lye. 6 ; Ibid. Stj/xorai dvSptg, from Tyrtaeus. ** "Qpag II iopag, Plut. Lye. 6, is obseure. " Plut. ubi sup. *• Thuc. 1. 87. " The passage in Plut. Praecept. leipub. gerend. 9. 196, where Spfiriyo- povvToq must be read instead of rivof ^T]p.oa9kvovQ, from iEsebin. in Tim. 173, to the effect that a citizen had spoken in the assembly, probably refers to an irregularity of later times. *' Plut. Lye. 6. *9 Xenoph. Hell. 3. 3. 8 : ri)v fiiKpdv KaXovfisvTjv cKrXijffi'av. «» 'RkkXtitoi, Xenoph. Hell. 2. 4. 38 ; 5. 2. 33 ; 6. 3. 3. " Herod. 5. 42 ; Pans. 3. 3. 8 ; Comp. MuU. Dor. 2. 101. «« Plut. Agesil. 10; Xenoph. Ages. 8. » Xenoph. Respub. Lac. 15. 3. Thence the (3a6poi, Plato, Alcib. 1. 123 A. ** Herod. 6. 56 ; Xenoph. ubi sup. 15. 5. ** Herod, ubi sup. » Herod. 9. 81 j Polyb. 2. 62. 1. Like the A^4/«c, Plat, ubi sup. CONSTITUTION OF LYCURGUS. § 42. 329 the public banquet ^^ and the solemnities attend- ing their obsequies^. In the range of their duties^ they were transcripts of the heroic princes, high- priests of the worship of the Lacedaemonian and celestial Zeus^^ and, in conjunction with the Pythii, directors of the concerns of the oracle '^ commanders ^^ in war, and judges in those matters most closely connected with the physical existence of the state, namely, the maintenance of families and the law of inheritance, therefore supreme guardians'^. But their prerogative was narrowly limited ; every month they took an oath to govern according to the laws '* ; they were liable to be called to account after a campaign '' ; the Ephors took cognizance of their acts in minor matters '^ and in affairs of magnitude the high court of the Gerontes and Ephors ''. The Ephors, five men chosen frora the ranks of the people '% were, according to one statement, appointed by Lycurgus'^, and accordiing to another by Theopompus ^ ; but it is probable that they were created neither by the one nor the other, as has been stated, for the purpose of limiting the ^ Herod. 6. 57. «« Herod. 6. 58. ^ The distinction between the jiamXeveiv of the kind's, and the apxciv of the officers, is evident from Herod. 6. 67. On the ot iv rtXti see Append, xiv. w Herod. 6. 55 ; Xenoph. Hell. 3. 3. 4. " Herod, ubi sup. ; Cic. de divinat. 1. 43. ^' Herod, ubi sup. Hence 'Apxayerat, Plut. Lye. 6, and Bdyot, Hesych. With that were connected the care of the roads and the proxenia, Herod, ubi sop. '' Herod, ubi sup. ; Poll. 3. 33. T« Xenoph. Respub. Lac. 13. 7; Nie.Damasc. 158 Onill. ; Stobaeus 42. 305. '' Herod. 6. 85. They proposed to deliver up king- Leotychides to ap- pease the >£ginetans. '« Plut. Ages. 2. 5. "" Herod. 6. 85 ; Xen. Hell. 3. 5. 25. '* Arist. Pol. 2. 6. 14. Without doubt from the ofioioig, therefore afterwards oligarchical. I cannot concur in the opinion of Cottling, ad Aristol. Pol. 466, that there were originally ten ephors. ^* Herod. 1. 65 ; Xenoph. Resp. Lac. 8. 3. «> Arist. Pol. 5. 9. 1 ; Plut. Lye. 7 ; Cleom. 10 ; Cic. de Repub. 2. 33 ; de Legg. 3. 1, etc. ; comp. Manso, Sp. 1. 1. 243. 330 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. royal authority, and thereby rendering it more durable; nor were they abolished by a royal law, but appear to have been magistrates charged with the administration of civil justice in the earliest ages, and confirmed in these duties by Lycurgus ^^ ; but about the time of the first Messenian war ^^, in consequence of the absence of the kings and the majority of the citizens, they stepped forward vrith greater boldness as the judicial substitutes of the former ^^: soon afterwards, and perhaps in pur- suance of express convention, upon the allayment of the tumult by Terpander^, they became the representatives of the people, and like the Roman tribunes, imparted an offensive character to official power, which in the first instance had been merely defensive, by exercising an inquisitorial control over the actions of magistrates and citizens collectively. This augmentation of their power is partly to be explained from the peculiar ten- dency of the Spartan magistrates to raise them- selves above the people, and the means they pos- sessed to extend their encroachments over so wide a field, whilst, from the absence of positive enact- ments, the rule of law frequently resided within their own body as an emanation from the legis- lative power, to the exercise of which the people daily grew more indifferent. Their character, as representatives of the people, is strikingly ex- emphfied by the fact, that the kings swore the constitutional oath to them, they giving them a popular guarantee for the security of their govern- !! 5f ® ^""^"^^P^^^'^S 0P''°'0°s in Tittmann, 104; Miiller, 2. 112. 84 n?%P^ ^?'^'^' ^f ^ "l"- ""' ^' P- ^- '' PJ"t- Cleom. 10. OI. 33. 4; Diodor. Fragm. v. 4-.37j Bipont. Zenob. 5. 9, where sec t ; P*'9^,« in the M6m. de I'Acad. d. Inscrip. 15. of Thyma '"'' "' ''"" ^ * "^™«^* «^ '^^ t«"i**>^ il THE FOUR PHYL^. § 43. 333 there is an account of a division of the inhabitants of Attica into four Phylae, called Geleontes or Te- leontes, Hopletes, Aigicoreis, and Argadeis, or Er- gadeis^ and contemporaneously with this into three orders called Eupatridae, Geomori, and Demiurgi^ ; and lastly, of a threefold sub-division of the Phyl«^ viz., as will afterwards be shown, into the three classes above mentioned, Eupatrid^, etc., Phratrias and families, and Trittyes and Naucrarias \ There is no doubt that researches on this subject must go back to the infancy of the Athenian state,and that this relation of the inhabitants of Attica to each other was of very remote antiquity. In late years an opinion has become prevalent, that the relation of the Phylae to each other was one of castes \ A peculiar way of life in each of them, the characteristic mark of a caste-Uke gra- dation of orders, and seldom found without exten- sively contributing to produce inequiihty amongst the inhabitants of a country, is unquestionably ex- pressed by the names of the Phylae ; and there can be no doubt, that the difference in personal im- portance amongst the earliest inhabitants of Attica, very soon led to the assertion of the rights of classes. But no gradation of classes of any de- lux ft'Tno' \f^i Eurip. Ion. 1566, sqq ; Plut. Sol. 23 ; Str. 8. 388 ; Pol- lux 8. 109 ; Steph. Byz. Aiyiicdpeiog (AlyiKopeic). » Diodor.1.28; Plut. Ihes. 25 ; Poll. 8. 111. ^n '"• ^®f' ^9^—^11' 3- 52; Harpocr. yewfjrai ; Phot, and Etyro. M. Kr% iog^Vurn!'""' ^"'^''' '^^^""^''' ^^"''^*'"' r^-v^ra.j Schol. ♦:/n ^'f^"1^o^• ^' "• ^' ^^^' Boeckh's observations prefixed to the Berl. Lcc- tionscat. 1812 ; comp. Pub. Econ. 2. 28; Schomann comit. 341, sq^- W IsTft i^r.o ^- ^^' Buttmann iiber Phratria. etc. ; in Abh. d. Berl.ZV. hLk- o , ^'L.^^'.^'i'l-' M»"er, Orchom. 307. n. 4. (However, com- pare nis Proleg. 249, where the existence of priestly castes is contested. ) See fX TJuW^'"''''^ '"^ ^^S"" (S*"*^"") Untergang d. Naturstaaten, 143, sqq • Schubarth Ideen. ub. Homer, 62, sqq. ; Tittmann, Gr. Stajitsv. 567, sqq. g??! saq. ; Weisse de rer. publicar. form. 90. n. "^^ >» n I I? 334 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. scription whatever could have been estabUshed before a unity of state existed, and certainly not as long as several sorts of inhabitants, distinguished by various modes of life, continued to dwell to- gether in Attica in local communion, and as neigh- bours only, but without being associated by any political bond. But that the inhabitants of Attica were not originally united as citizens of one state, may, not to mention the authentic account, that before the time of Theseus there was no com- mon Prytaneum^ be gathered from the many traditions whose purport is obviously opposed to such an assumption. The laborious explorers of Attic legends have, with some difficulty, managed to draw up a series of kings ; when the ge- nealogical thread fails, the line is continued by means of an Autochthon, like Cranaus, or the son of a god like Erechtheus, and as this proves the want of continuity in the kingly line, so the mention of internal wars and partitions ^ is an evi- dence of the absence of political unity. But the tradition was embellished in two ways, first, by ascribing a number of separate institutions existing in various parts of Attica, to the citadel of Athens, as though that had been a common centre in the earliest ages, as it was afterwards, and secondly, by extending to the country generally, those mythi which related solely to this citadel, and to the limited territory originally belonging to it. The absence of a political bond of union amongst the oldest inhabitants of Attica, is one of the strongest evidences of the unfounded character of those * Thuc. 2. 15 ; Str. 9. 397 ; Diod. 4. 61 ; Plut. Sol. 28. ' Apollod. 3. 14. 15; conf. Meurs. rega. Athenar. THE FOUR PHYLiE. § 43. . 335 traditions which recount the institution of the four Phylae by Cecrops, the change in their appellations effected by Cranaus and Ericthonius \ and the po litical regulations of Ion". If an Ionic settlement really took place before that which is generally connected with the name of ^geus or Theseus it effected no change in the general condition of the country, and perhaps was limited to what was called the Tetrapolis ^ ; therefore there can be no grounds for attributing the institution of the four Phyte, as a regulation of classes for the whole of Attica as one state to Ion, or for deducing their denominations from the names of his sons ">. Nei- ther was this a general tradition, for the names of Teleon and Hoples occur singly, and without any reference to Ion », and the appellations of the Phylas were derived from a mere aUusion to their mode of life '^ ; moreover, the derivation of the names of the Phylae from the sons of Ion does not as Strabo represents '^ appear originally to have rested upon a corresponding territorial division, or distribution of classes, but must probably be re- ferred to the general inchnation of the Greeks to create mythical personages. This is perceptible in the account of Herodotus '*. The political union of Attica and the institu- tions that resulted from it, must be considered benefits of the age and government to which the ' Poll. 8. 109. » sl[" a' ?B? ' ~ ^'^Pf*av oftrv r,)r 7ro\,riiav -Ae^raro., r. r. X. u A ^n J , ,> , , ■ ^^ "■« passages referred 10 in n. I. "pKVo^^-'^'.'-.'^-^i Apollon.Rh.1.72.73. via/. ;. X '' "" "'"' *''^' "'"'" " ^'''"-"C oU M riv -Ia,voc " Str. 8. 383. " Herod. 5. 66; 7.94. 95; 8. 44. I i H '■■\ 336 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. name of Theseus is commonly attached. The ac- counts of Theseus as a legislator and statesman, are still more uncertain than those respecting Ly- curgus; however, there can be no doubt that he is the representative of a new order of things, which united all the inhabitants of Attica by means of common and legal bands, and, as a mythical per- sonage, justly merits the legislative celebrity he has acquired, which is even implied by his significant name ^^. It matters little whether he himself and alone — for there are no grounds to dispute the reality of his existence — or whether circumstances produced innovations. In his time Ionic institu- tions began to prevail; we may also gather from the tradition, that they did not grow up in Attica from a purely indigenous root, but were preceded by an influence which emanated from the Ionic states established in the Peloponnesus. Even Theseus' father ^Egeus, whose name refers to the Achaean JEgdd, the sanctuary of Poseidon ^^ was not accounted the real son of Pandion ", the king who reigned before him ; moreover, he went from Megara to the conquest of Athens ^^, which also bears a foreign appearance. But Theseus, accord- ing to the tradition, derived his origin from the Ionic Trcezen ^^ the city of Poseidon ; he, like his reputed father iEgeus, was accounted Poseidon's son ^° ; his course led over the Isthmus, he opened '* See the excellent note in Creuzer's Symb. 4. 119. >« Od. 4. 506. " Apollod. 3. 15. 5 ; Plut. Thes. 13. '8 Ap. 3. 15. 6. " § 13. n. 43 ; and concerning Theseus as a Poseidonian hero, Miiller, Pro- leg. 271. 272. 360. » Diod. 4. 59; Plut. Thes. 6; Schol. Horn. 11. 3. 144; Schol. Eurip. Hippol. 887. Conf. Odyss. 11. 630. and on the spuriousness of this vei'se, Plut. Sol. 20. , THE FOUR PHYLvE. § 43. 337 a way over the Megarian mountains, founded the Isthmm- an Ionian Panegyris, which, we are tempted to beheve, was formed for the purpose of urn mg the Atfc and Peloponnesian lonians ; even in the mythical relation of his age to Minos ves- tiges of an Ionic aggregate-interest are discernible- that IS to say when Onchestus, allied to the lonians by the worship of Poseidon, rendered assistance to Megara which was besieged by Minos - • it is not very improbable that the rise of the Amphic- tyony of Calauria took place in that age In Attica, Theseus raised the Prytaneum of Athen into a common poUtical sanctuary, established the Sunoikia or Metoikia- made the Panathen^a I genera, festival ^ to commemorate the assod^n around one centre, and, what was a natural con- sequence, placed the various tribes of Attica upon a common footing with regard to the same, and imparted to them one uniform political impress Whatever neighbourly relation might have orig I have r T. '"'*""'•'" "^ '^' ^^y^-'^ ^-» "Either have founded nor confirmed a fourfold caste-hke division into warriors, husbandmen, etc. ; on the contrary, it is much easier to show that it placed elation /.?;" ""'" ' ''''' '" ^^'^'^ -»-«ve relation to the state. To prove this, it is only necessary to mention that they possessed in com- mon the above-named subdivision, consequently that eacli of them comprised Eupatrid*, Geomori Demmrgi, besides Phratri. and Trittye , but tS ^ Thuc 2. 15 ; Plut. Sol. 28. »ee the testimonies in Meurs. Panath. ca- 3. VOL. I. ^' Apol!o(]L 3. 1.5. 8. I 'I 1! ! 838 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. not one contained the lower class of people pro- perly so called. A full elucidation of the nature of this division, which involved the ch.ef points of relation between citizenship and rank and duties in the state, is reserved for the following chapter. However, it does not appear difficult to explain the difference which originally existed amongst the four classes of inhabitants in Attica indicated by the names of the Phyte, and how it came to pLs, that whilst they retained those narnes which Lm to turn upon a difference of PO^^ti^^l rank, they were ranged upon a level as co-ordmate Phylae. The LdameLl principle of the Attic Phyl., as of all others, was that of tribes ; however it can- not be proved that the oldest inhabitants of Athca were subjugated entirely, and in every part of the Tountry, by tribes which migrated thither at a later periodVon the contrary, it is far more conform- able to the general analogy of Grecian history to suppose that several tribes, original inhabitants as well as settlers, dwelt beside each other as neigh- bours in the country, and this is corroborated by the connection between the Phyte and certain parts of Attica «. In the mythical account, this was asserted as early as the kingly age, upon the occasion of pretended partitions of land . w Solon's time the character of the pohtical parti depended upon their respective localities" , there was an oligarchical party of the level country, the . Con^p. Schumann. Cocnit, 360 sqq; ~^f f^ Rechls. 45, sqq. ; Butttnann. u. Phratr. 27. Consult, in p Attica in Ersch. Encyc. 6. 217, sqq. „ ^ ApoUod. i See the Fragm. from Sophocl. ^geus ap. Str. 9. 392. Com. p" ^ Herod. 1. 59 i Plut. Sol. 13. THE FOUR PHYLiE. § 43. 339 Pediaei ; a democratic one of the mountains, the Hyperacrieis ; and a more moderate one of the southern portion of Attica, Paraha, the Parahi. A connection between the Phylae and certain dis- tricts, which partially coincides with this, is ex- pressed in the ante-Ionic designations of the former, asserted to have proceeded from Cecrops and Cranaus, namely, Cecropis, Autochthon, Actaea, Paralia and Cranais, Atthis, Mesogaea, and Dia- cris^. Nevertheless it cannot be assumed, that the local principle imiformly and exclusively de- termined the four classes of inhabitants, expressed by the names of the Phylae. The Argadeis ^, the tillers of the plain, and the iEgicoreis, the goat- herds of the mountains ^, derived their names from their local position ; but this was not the case with the Teleontes or Geleontes and the Hopletes : their appellations bear exclusive reference to personal qualities and occupations. Besides, even if we were to adopt the hypothesis of a division into mountain and plain, we want corrcjsponding third and fourth portions. Now it is true that the Paralia was afterwards counted as a third part of Attica ; but not one of the four Phylae is exactly suited to it. Perhaps the following view of the subject may not be considered unsatisfactory. Argadeis and iEgicoreis are designations of those tribes which were indigenous in Attica as natives of the soil, and were engaged in husbandry and cattle- breeding ; Hopletes, the warlike Ionic settlers. It » Poll. 8. 109. * From apyoQ, plain, which is analogous to the Argive 'kpytidSat in Steph. Byz '\pyoq. Comp. $ 9. n. 24. * Plut. Sol. 23. : — TovQ irrl vofialg Kai irpo^areiao'; diarpifiovTag. Even at the present day herds of goats are very numerous in Attica. Miiller, Attica ubi sup. 219. z 2 340 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. is possible that the two forms of the fourth appel- is possioie 11 a T„ipnntps" had the same iation, Geleontes and Teleontes , na • signification-the consecrated pnests of Eleusis 3 the affinity of meaning may serve to explam the f^^lnt confusion of the same letters m other nstancls- Though it cannot be demed that the Suwo appear as a sort of nobility compared wxth lasi x-wij ayjY' aesumine as certain, the first, that is no reason for ^^^^ ^ or even probable, a total absence of nobility m the t;idt^^a"rr ^^:^~ Bu that ^ekher priests nor warriors subdued the fe^ iihe thabLnts, and that no distinction o rinks could thence ensue, is apparent from what has been already stated as to the original separa. has been aire^u;. . j^^ tion amongst the native trbes. Ihe lo y 1 *„iro Athens for their centre; /t.geus con ^ : Sient thTs wa. the seat of the Hopletes ; Ei^; td noS yet, liT^e the Eupatridae, after- ward extend their authority over the whole Tn ry even the history of Theseus only apper- STo Athens in its earlier portion as the Ionian S dtadel ; the Pallantides and other famihes • ♦>,. MS Herod. Eurip. Poll. Steph. Byz. (see n. 1.) ; M Both forms occur in the MS. Heroa.j:.uF i ^^^ appearance of ye^eovra,, in the Frankfort edmon of f lu^' ^ol^^^. , ,ecueiU 2. 60-62. L attempt at interpretation ; the Cy^^ei^ Insc y ^^^,^^ .^ ^^ ^,y^,, 69. have rA4avr. ; on i\^ «^*^^^ J^l^irobS be read instead of HreXeovrc ; ofButes,3.15 l.butTAsovrt mu^^^^^^^^^ Conf. also Hygin. 14. in Apollon. Rh. 1. 72. 73. ^^«^^?^\^;f ^^^Her^ 5- 66. iUustres, splenduii, 3» TiXkovreg, according to ^ essel. ^^ Her ^^ ^^^ Conf. Creuzer. Symb. 3. 53. «;^t*a of ra3to J Anto^^^^^^^ ^^' *• TopYOv, and « Steph. B. has Ta^ioi instead of Tapioi, au Strab. 7. 325, ToXyov instead o^ ropy oi;^ ^^ ^^^^^^,,,^ (accor^ng to 34 Concerning this n^^^?^]'^^ 'JS. Minerv. Poliad. sacra p. 12. Bbckh, cultivators who paid rent,) see muii. THE FOUR PHYL^. § 43. 341 had independent lordships in Attica '**. The union at length effected by Theseus, and the raising of Athens into the general citadel of the country, seem to have been accomplished without violence; at least there is not a vestige of a tradition to show that these measures were accompanied by the op- pression of any portion of the population. There- fore the association of the four chief masses of the inhabitants into one whole, consisting of four Phylae, as the chief constitutive portions of the united state, could have been nothing but a means to unite them as partakers of ec(ual rights as classes ; the Ionic Hopletes, the Eleusinian Tele- ontes, and the autochthonic Argadeis and ^Egi- coreis, stood upon an equal footing in their relation to the state, and each Phyle contained gradations within itself. Lastly, it is evident that four Phylae naturally proceeded from a corresponding number of chief ingredients in the population ; and here it is un- necessary, with Suidas'^ to take the four seasons for a basis. But it is asserted that before Theseus there existed twelve small states^; this number corresponds with that of the subsequent Phra- trias®. In these, too, it has been attempted to discover a political regulation ; and in spite of the Ionic Tetrapolis, which is mentioned with them, to ascribe them to the ante-Ionic Cecrops: the same inclination to refer numbers and forms com- 3* Plut. Thes. 13. * Under parpia. Conf. Buttmann ubi sup. p. 25. '^ See n. 5. The names are given, Str. 9. 397, from Phibchor. : KtKpoiria, TirpaTToXig, 'EiraKpia, AcKeXcia, 'EXtvalg, 'AipiSva, SopiKog, Bpavpuv, Kv0^iooc, S^iyrrof, K»/0i(Tia, ^akripog. ^ This is hkewise the opinion of Ignarra (de Phratiiis, p. 19.) and Butt- mann (ubi sup. 25.), but from another point of view. :•) 342 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. paratively modern to the early times may be dis- cerned here ; but it is easy to perceive the in- troduction of the Ionic principle in the number twelve, which was peculiar to the political system of that people^ ; in the earlier age the number of towns, which might have amounted to twelve or thereabouts, was merely accidental. II. THE SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYL^. § 44. The statements of the grammarians, that the Phyl« were divided into races (eOvrj), Phratrias, and famihes, Trittyes and Naucrarias \ we do not interpret as though these designations in reality appUed to one and the same object, and the dis- tinction between them were merely verbal ; but we shall endeavour to prove that the citizens con- tained in every Phyle, by means of the threefold division in question, and considered with reference to the manner, intention, and period of the institution, occupied three distinct grades of political rank. The first, viz., into national tribes, or, according to a more appropriate denomination, into classes, was a natural result of that inequality of rank and station which existed in the earliest ages, but re- quired to be legally regulated as soon as the individual unions of Attica, wherein a correspond- ing inequality of rank had arisen, formed them- selves into one state, in which it became necessary to provide a security for their common rank and collective rights. The stamp of antiquity is strongly impressed on the associations for worship called Phratrias, and probably none of the separate com- » See § 23. inil. i § 43. n. 3. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYL^. J 44. Z4S munities of Attica were without them : again, after the state became united they exhibit striking evi- dences of legislation in the determination of a fixed number and a uniform subdivision. But positive and systematic legislation regulate^d the Trittyes alone, an institution comparatively recent, which was connected with more advanced and compli- cated political relations, being designed to regulate the public revenue and the contributions of the citizens to the same. The accounts of the grammarians, though partly taken from Aristotle's Polity of Athens, are written without proper attention to the subject, and at the same time incomplete and misplaced. In attempt- ing to explain the nature of the three divisions in question, they constantly confound one with the other ; but still the real fact, namely, that they were essentially and not merely nominally dif- ferent from each other, may be gathered from their pages ^ The truth of what is here advanced cannot be fully and satisfactorily demonstrated without explaining the real nature of these three institutions. The word edvos, by which the Eupatridae, Geo- mori, and Demiurgi, as orders of a Phyle, are designated % most commonly signifies nation, race ; but according to the etymology, as well as the most ancient use of the word, community of race was by no means its peculiar characteristic. In the language of Homer, who throws the most im- portant light * on the names of ancient Attic insti- * See Append, xv. ' Poll. 8. Ill ; Etym. M. EvirarpiSai ; Hesych. SijfUovpyoL * CodC Buttmann, uber d. W. Phratria, p. 36. .344 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. tutions, the word, in accordance with its original etymology ^ means a horde associated and bound together by a similarity of manners and pursuits, and most frequently soldiers ^ whose bond could .only be an external one, namely, that of the march and the camp. This signification was never wholly superseded by that of nation \ That this only,^ and not that of nation or race, is applicable to the Eupatridse, Geomori, and Demiurgi, will be most satisfactorily illustrated by an examination of the nature of the Demiurgi, likewise upon the authority of Homer's language. Homer never employs the word Demiurgi in the sense of a tribe, the distinguishing character of which is the internal union proceeding from a community of extraction; nor does he describe them as a race of slaves annexed to the district, or, as is even pretended, to the soil ; but the most prominent notion which the name expresses, is that of working— occupation; they are work-people in the public service, mechanics and artists, heralds, soothsayers, singers, physicians, and architects ^ * Etyra. Gud. 161. 16. Woq—IK ov Kal i9vog' Uaffrnt ydp IQvti ISiov Woq ""^^'EQvoQ Iraipuiv, U. 3. 32 ; 7. 115 ; 11 . 585. 595 ; tOvea Trc^oiv, 11. 724 ; Xauiv Wvoc, 13. 495 ; conf. Wvta iroWct, II. 2. 91 ; AvKiiov ntyaidvog, 17. 552; 'Axaidv lOvoc, etc., and opviOwv Wvta, 11. 2.459; nvtau)v tBvea, 2 469. *7 Xenoph. Symp. 3. 6.: ri Wvog ^XiOiwrtpov ri pai|/v^wv ; Plato, Repub. 1. 351 C. :— ^ XijffTdg, rj KXtirrag, h dWo ti Wvog oaa Kotvy km rt cpxerai StSiKutg. Conf. Criiias, 110 Cv Demosth. c. Aristocr. 668.: tl rig vfiag iooiTO ri TTOvTipoTarov vofiiKtre rdv iv ry troXti irdvTwv iOvwv, ovti rovg yeiopyovvrag, ovti rovg ifnropovg, ovn Tovg U rwv dpyvpeiutv ovti rutv ToiovTiov ovdkv dviinoire, dXXd roijg iiri /ii(T0(|> Xcyciv icat ypd^jiv ^l^^^l^^' The same signification may apparently be discerned c. Mid. 557. 28.: tbvXtiv, 3ov\riv, Wvog—ykvog is employed in the same manner, e. g. Plat. Tiro. 24 A. ; Aristot. Pol. 5. 8. 5. 6 ; 6. 2. 7. Hence Hesych. AypoiioTui— dypolKoi' y'svog 'A9rivyaiv, o? dvTiSuffTtXXovTo irpbg TOvg EviraTptdag. Lastly, Cic. pro Sexto 44; in Pis. 23; de Natura Deor. 2. 29, etc., uses the word " natio" in the same sense. 8 Od. 19. 135; 17. 383, sciq. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYLiE. § 44. 345 etc., without the badges of the vile and the despic- able; partly wandering, and sumn^oned by the state ^ ; amongst whom, according to ancient usage, dexterity and skill were supposed to be perpetu- ated in certain families, and transmitted as a patri- mony to their descendants ^^ If, thus examined, the Attic Demiurgi cease to appear in the light of a caste-like lower order of the people, which cha- racter has been imparted to them and the Geomori by Diodorus, who wrote in an Egyptian spirit", or rather repeated the statements of Egyptian priests, who arrogantly pretended that the institutions of Attica were derived from those of Egypt, then it is very natural to conjecture that they did not form integral portions of the native population, but a class opposed to it, non-resident, and upon a level with the subsequent Metoeci. This coincides with their being named Epigeomori, a species of after- comers ^-, and their not being enumerated with the others ^^. Accordingly there remain two orders of citizens properly so called, Eupatridae and Oeomori. But the signification of the word eOvos, derived from their manners and mode of life, as explained above, is only adapted to the Geomori, whereas the ap- pellation Eupatridae expresses mere nobility of family. But here it is necessary to revert to the preceding conjecture respecting the coalition of ° Od. 17. 386. ; ovtoi ydp kXtitoI yt ^poTutv itt' dviipova yalav, '° See Append, x. " Diodor. I. 28 ; conf. Hiillmann, Anf. d. gr. Gescli. 238, sqq. '^ Bekker Anecd. 257, and Etym. M. EinraTpidcu — iTriytbt}iopoi Sk to TtxviKov eQvog. " In Dionys. Halicarn. 2. 8, where Eupatridae and Geomori only are men- tioned. On the other hand, the Eupatridae are erroneously omitted in the perplexed account of Moerisin v. ytvvrjTai • — ij rroXig tmv 'AOttvutv to waXaibv cuKiKofffitiTo ^ix^gt fete ''fe Tovg yttitpyovg Kai rovg drifiiiovpyovg, k. t. X. i 846 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. the four chief masses of the population of Attica into one state. For the denominations Teleontes, etc., transferred from them to the Phylae, express various modes of hfe and a diversity of pursuits. But this equally apphes to the nobility of each of the four Phylae, and was even partially borrowed from it. For amongst the Argadeis and ^gico- reis there was a rural nobiUty composed of the richest proprietors of land and herds; but the names Teleontes and Hopletes were peculiar to the nobles ; the lower class of people annexed to them must be understood as tacitly included. Hence a common name for the nobihty, pervading ^11 the four Phylae, could not be taken from their way of life and occupation, for those were not uniform ; but the essential quality of the nobility, illustriousness of birth, which was common to all the four species, furnished an obvious and suitable denomination, and in this manner the name Eu- patridse might be co-ordinated with the two others, which referred to the course of life and trade or calling. Now whatever reference it may appear to bear to family or race, the foregoing shows that the Eupatridse are not to be regarded as a tribe sprung from one root and progressively extended, but as an order united by equal rank of extraction, which then maintained itself in its collective capa- city by means of the exclusive nature of its nobi- lity. Lastly, what had been produced in the natural course of things in the separate commu- nities of Attica, was confirmed by legal regulations, inasmuch as the nobility of the four Phylae re- ceived a corresponding political impress, and— once more to revert to the difference between our SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYLiE. § 44. 347 opinion and that which perceives castes in the Phylae — the institution of the four Phylee is not to be looked upon as a subordination of one order to the others, but, since the citizenship of the early ages was most adequately represented by the nobility, as a regulation which placed the fourfold nobility upon an fequal footing with regard to legal rights. The order of the Geomori was regulated at the same time with that of the nobility. Neither were these a race or tribe, or the most ancient inhabitants of Attica, who had been subjugated by settlers, and in coijsequence of the original dif- ference of extraction separated from them in the manner of castes ; but in the individual commu- nities of the native inhabitants, the rise of the nobility was necessarily followed by the decline of the commonalty, whilst amongst the lonians, even at the time of the migration, an ecjuestrian order might have been singled out from the inferior war- riors. The commons began to appear in a joint character after the nobility were united; by that means they likewise constituted an order, and their common characteristic, which is expressed by the name Geomori, was, that they were^ charged with the cultivation of the estates of the nobility as masters and proprietors, whilst the separation ef- fected between nobility and commoners by means of the family principle, gave rise to an opinion that one order was descended frora a noble, and the other from a base stock. It results, therefore, that the Eupatridae were the collective nobility of Attica, who, after the union of the four circles, formed one order, pos- sessed the citadel of Athens in conjunction with t 7 S48 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. the king, performed the functions of the high- priesthood, administered justice ^*, and in war fought as knights in the foremost ranks of the army. The Geomori, the husbandmen who occupied the estates of the nobihty, were denominated, from the rent which they paid, Hectemorii ^^ and from the nature of their labour, which was performed for hire upon the property of others, Thetes or Pelatae ^\ We have still to enquire whether these orders, as well as the Demiurgi, had subdivisions or not. The perplexed statement of Pollux, that they had each thirty families, consequently the same subdivision as the Phratrias, is disproved by the testimonies of other grammarians ^^ The foregoing has shown that the Demiurgi were not included in the Phylae, but probably distributed amongst them in the same manner as foreigners or the occupants of hired lodgings are over various quarters of cities at the present day; moreover, the number of their families as such, and the same remark applies to the Geomori, bore no reference to their character as an order, this being the exclu- sive attribute of the Eupatridae. But amongst these last there could be no hmitation in the number of families intended to comprise the whole •* Plut. Thes. 25. : yivwtrKtiv tol Qtia Kai irapkxnv dpxovTag Kai vofiiav ^i^aoKoKovQ ilvai kuI ba'nav Kai upwv k^riytiTag. Conf. Bekker. A need. 267. and Etym. M. EviraTpiSaf IkoKovvto oi avrb to darv oikovvtiq Kai fiirsxovreg tou ^amXiKov ykvovg, rifv t^v itpiov kTrifikXtiav iroiovfitvoi. '* Did they deliver a sixth, or retain that proportion for themselves 1 In sup- port of the former opinion, see Plut. Sol. 13; Pollux 4. 168; Hesych. iKTTjuop, and tTrifiopr.; and Hemsterh. ibid.; Schol. Plut. Euthyphron. et Ruhnk. ap. Bekker comment, ad Plat. 2. 327 ; for the latter, Eustath. ad Horn. Odyss. 19. 28. Conf. Schomann, Comit. 362. n. 68. »« Dionys. Halicar. 2. 9 ; Pollux 3. 82. Conf. Ruhnk. ad Tim. 2U. 213; Casaub. ad Ath. 10. 12. p. 738. *' Se« Append, xv. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYLJE. § 44. 349 body of the nobility ; nobility of race, as such, being the natural offspring of circumstances, had been continued by custom, and its recognition did not depend upon conformity to an arbitrary nume- rical standard. So far, therefore, tbe families of the Eupatridae were not regulated by positive laws. But, if the number of the families in the Phratrias was really the result of lec^slation, then, in the case of the Eupatridae, the natural and poli- tical family coincided; but still the regulation of the Phratrias did not react upon the character of the families as members of the same order. However, it is a totally different question whether the famiUes of the Eupatridae were regulated nu- merically in relation to a share in the administra- tion, which is a subject that cannot be discussed till afterwards. If, in the arrangement of the classics, that differ- ence of origin which had arisen naturally and had been continued politically, kept the nobility and the lower order separate, on the other hand, the institution of the Phratrias and families appears to have been destined to gather the general body of the citizens within one great political circle. In describing the increasing circles of relationship, Dicaearchus calls the Phratria the union of several single families, effected by means of intermar- riages '\ Those of ancient Athens were of a dif- ferent nature ; they were twelve in number, there- fore, three in every Phylae, each consisting of thirty families, and every family containing thirty mem- " See Append, vii. 350 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. bers *^. It cannot be denied that their appellation, and that of the persons contained in them, Gen- netae and Homogalactes ^, express natural affinity ; but that the members were not necessarily united by natural ties, is evident from the licence exhibited in determining their number ; and express testimo- nies prove, that the most prominent feature of this institution was a communion of worship ordained by the state ^^ in reference to which the Gennetae, as sacrificial confederates, were denominated Or- geones^^. However, the natural ties of kindred were neither foreign to, nor severed by, this confra- ternity of worship : it not only happened that natu- ral and religious affinity were generally united in a family ^% but the whole institution was based upon natural relationship, and directed to its mainte- nance, whilst the two principles were intended mutually to act upon each other. Thus united, '• Pollux, 3. 52. ^parpiai S' ijaav SvoKaidcKa jcai Iv eKdary yevij rpid- Kovra, 'iicaffTov Ik rpiaKovTa dv^puiv ; conf. Ilarpocr. Etym.M. and Suid. in V. yevvrjrai. Amongst the moderns, Salmasius ad Jus Att. et Rom. 89 — 166-; Van Dale Dissert. 728, sqq. ; Corsini Fasti Att. Diss. 5 ; Ignarra de Phratriis; Plainer Beitr. 72. 101, sqq. ; Tittmann, 282, sqq. ** Poll. 3. 62 ; Harpocr. ycvv^rai; ' AydXaKTtg had the same signification. Poll, ut sup. ; Suidas, dyaXuKr. *' Harpocr. ycvv^rac — oi/x oi avyy (vhq fikvToi aTrXCjQ cat ol k^ a'ifiarog ytvviJTai, dXX ol l^ dpxijc ^C Ta KoKovftiva ykvti KaTavtfiriOkvTfQ ; Poll. 8. 111. — Kai 01 fierkxovTeg rov yevovg yivvrJTai Kai ofioydXaKng, yci/ci fxkv ov -irpoaiiKovTiQ, cc ^k rijc avvoSov ovTut Trpoffayopevofiivoi ; Etym. M. yBvvrjrai — oifSk dirb tov avrov aifiaTog, dWd vofiiov Koivutviav Tivd iXovTtg avyytviKbiv bpymv ^ QiCitv, d' uv dpyidveg utvofidffOriaav ; compare the valuable passage in Bekker Anecd. 227 : Hesych. ytvv^rat, Schol. Plat. Criton, p. 7 ; Phileb. 41 ; Tim. 202. ap. Ruhnk. ** See, besides the passages cited in the preceding note. Poll. 3. 62. and Schol. Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 115. ed. R. But the word Orgeones was neither the peculiar nor the chief designation of the Gennetae ; it was likewise applied to any other freely-associated religious connection, and equivalent to BiaabtTTig, Bekker Anecd. 264. It is thus explained by Harpocr. Phot. Suid. 6pyfaiv£c, Bekker Anecd. 191. 286, and this may be callea its predominant signification. *3 Hence it was the more natural that avyyiviig should be used for yei'Ki/rat, e. g. Isseus de ApoUod. Ileredit. 160. 178 j conf. Harpocr. y^wnraki Xenoph. Nell. 1.7. 8. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYL.E. 5 44 3., they were to penetrate political society with the feehngs of affinity, friendship, and fetal commu! n.on, and regenerate that principle upon S the state had been originally constructed, in the more enlarged political circle, where it could no longer possess genealogical efficacy Hence the most important occurrences of private hfe were extended beyond the sphere of indSual famdies, and amidst political kinsmen acq^ted greater weight and sanction. The festive meS onginally held by single families, and beari^ refef ence to domestic events, were raised into a^ut^ festival, which lasted three days, and was celebrated n the month Pyanepsion, called ApaturiaT S^ sacnhces were offered to Zeus Phratrios and Athene; and on the thirds the children b;rn-f the preceding year were presented and recdved wi h sacrifices - Amongst the Phratores ard Ge„ net., sacrifices were performed- when a b" atta ned the age of puberty ; and when a virrin quit ed the house of her father and ontereT S" famny of her husband, she was received ^th a similar ceremony - Finally, the Phratores were bound to prosecute the murderer of one of their '* Xenoph. Hell 17 8 ' 7 " IJl^ivvua. ^^tVev'a^oTf.'Vhe analo'^^T' ^^ ^P^^m^) -ai ol Kvy. »M-r-r>, Arisioph. Ra":?98:a„T;h:Tchoi "''y^"' °--4P- i conf. i 352 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. members in the same manner as kinsmen by birth *^ This truly exalted institution, which exhibits antiquity under its most imposing aspect must be viewed n the light of an attempt to unite the nobi- L and commonalty by means of family festival and divine worship, and thus to produce a genera 1 citizenship. It results from the foregoing ha ' there were three hundred and sixty families, every family contained thirty Gennetae, givmg ten thousand eight hundred Gennet* m all. fhis systematic regulation of numbers must be regarded as the first attempt to ascertain the total numencal amount of the fathers of families, and as having inspired Lycurgus, and even the political theonsts Plato and Aristotle, with the inchnation to adopt round numbers for the population », in which the wish to take the divisions of the year for the stand- ard of political institutions probably had some Share. It may safely be assumed, that the actual number of citizens exceeded that of the Gennetae : a statement is likewise extant, that the super- numeraries were denominated Atriacasti . These were entitled to succeed to the rights relinqmshed or forfeited by members of families ; and as the Gennetae were very numerous, vacancies constantly occurred; however, none but fathers of famihes and independent householders were entitled to be- come Gennet^ ; in other respects, the difference between Gennetae and Atriacasti cannot have been » Demosth c. Macart. 1069.2. » Conf. Biickh. Pub. Econ. I. 36. Tipsvch. is referring fl iyx^arili: Kkiipov, rtKivTTiijavTOQ tkvoq. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE PHYL^. J 44. 353 considerable ; thus the Phratrias and famihes were an institution which regarded the citizens in their collective capacity, and as the growth of the age of Theseus, it is perhaps the most solid monument of that renown which he has obtained as the reputed author of the Athenian democracy. But it can by no means be asserted that the nobility were deprived of any of their positive privileges by this institution, which connected them with the lower people. An examination of the spirit of the age will immediately show that there are no gi'ounds for such a supposi- tion, although the real character of the distinction enjoyed by the nobihty in the Phratrias and famihes cannot be ascertained. According to the testimony of Philochorus, however, the members of the first family amongst the thirty families of a Phyle^^ were called Gennetae, and at one time; Homoga- lactes. This appears to imply that the Athenian Eupatridae appropriated to themselves pre-eminently the appellation of Gennetae, and the honour of family or race. Of a similar character were the exclusive pretensions of the Roman patricians to illustriousness of race ^\ Assuming this to be cor. rect, there must have been in each Phratria thirty, and in all three hundred and sixty noble Gennetae, a number which again reminds us of tlie days of the solar year ^ ; but in this case, as in the attempt to fix the relation in which the Phratrias and fami* lies stood to the public administration, it is impos- sible to arrive at certainty. ** Suid. yivvriTai—Kai yfvvnrai 01 Ik tov ahroi Kai ttoiLtov yevovc rCiv Tp^iaKovrayip&v' ovg Kai Trporepov ,pr, Liv. 10. 8. The plebeian Decius says -Semper ista audita sunt eadem. pen£s vos (patricios) auspicia esse, vos solos gentem habere. n„ii <^ commentary on Harpocr. yevvtiTai, Suid. g wpSfiaoTai (jj vavKpapia). ' ^seh. in Ctesiph. 425 ; Demosth. de Symmor. 134. 15 :, Plato de Re- pub. 5. 475. A. ; conf. Schbraann com. 361 ; Tittmann, 271. ' Eurip. Suppl. 353. 405, sqq. 440, sqq. , Ps. Demosth. in Neaer. 1370. '6; Plut. Thes. 32, etc. On the arod (3a(TiXfiog, Pausanias found the in- wripUoQ Qnnei,g, BtnioKparia, S^fiog, 1. 3. 2. A a2 S56 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. at least to have reposed upon this basis of truth, that in an age represented as his, something in favour of the lower orders was effected; and this, as was before conjectured, may possibly have been the institution of the Phratrias and families, whilst the democratic spirit of his government is most accurately described in the words of Dio- dorus, "he reigned over the multitude legally" (not arbitrarily, and with a capricious disregard of justice) \ Isocrates ' vainly endeavours to re- present Theseus' departure from Athens as a voluntary abdication, to make way for demo- cracy : but the tradition that he had been driven from Athens in an insurrection *, and that Menes- theus^ or Lycus^ had been the leader of the party opposed to him, indicates that the new in- stitutions had considerable obstacles to surmount before they couldbe consolidated, and we may plainly discern the continuance of party divisions in the inconsiderable authority of the recently united kingdom, whose founder was resisted as illegiti- mate by the Pallantides and other noble houses ^ Menestheus, the successor of Theseus, is said to have been the person who effected his expulsion ; the succeeding Theseidse appear in the light of powerless rulers ; the Neleidae, who had been driven from Messenia by the Dorians, were unable to impart firmness to the throne ; after the death of Codrus the power was usurped by the nobility^ a 'Hoy* rov TrXnOovc vouiuutf, 4. 61. ^ Panath. 439. * Dic3. 4. 62. * Plut. Thes. 32. « Schol. A-ristoph. Plut. 627 : Mkoq tiq ' Kiaeiivai Tbv rfputa. On the subject of ostracism, see also Euseb. Can. HW, and Syncell. ad eund. eijv Koivdv ovSevbg rtaav Kvpiof xa£. Diod. 14. 3 : — - rqv rraXaidv Karafframv, Kaff i)v TravrtXiHtQ bXiyoi rutv oXaiv TrpoeiffrTjKiaav, JE\. V. H. 5. 13 : dpiaroKparuf. bk ixpn<'<^vro fikxpi rHv TtrpaKoaiuv, (i. e. Solon's council of the four hundred). 358 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. still exist, in such a manner that the old political edifice may at least be recognized. We must, in the first place, direct our atten- tion to the firequent limitation of the archonship. The distinction between the archonship and the kingly office, as before observed ^*, consisted in the formal responsibihty annexed to the former. The dignity was at first retained for life, and descended in the line of the Codridae and that of their near relations, the Alcmaeonidae ^^ Medon, the son of Codrus, was the first of the series ^^ ; Alcmaeon was the last Archon for life ^^ ; the duration of the office was fi-om that time (Ol. 7. 1.) limited to ten years; and after Hippomenes, the fourth of the list, had caused his fallen daughter to die an ignominious death ^^, other Eupatridae, besides the two families above mentioned, were admitted to a share of power ^^. However, Hippomenes was succeeded by three more decennial Archons only. From 01. 24. 2., there were elected nine annual Archons, an Epony- mus, (who was for a long period denominated, by way of pre-eminence, the Archon,) a Basileus, a Pole- march, and six Thesmothetae, but all taken from the Eupatridae ^^ It is manifest that the autho- rity and importance of the archonship were gra- dually diminished, by hmiting the duration of the office, and increasing the number of the persons who administered it : in its general features it re- X See n. 8. »* § 30. n. 3. »« See the whole list in Euseb. Conf. Meurs. Archont. Ath. in Gronov. Thes. t. 4. " Euseb. et \ ellej. Pat. 1. 8. »» ^schin. in Tim. 175. et Schol. 746 ; Heracl. Pont. 1 ; Diod. Fragra. ▼. 4. 34 ; Bipont. Nic. Daroasc. p. 42. Orell. j Fhot. Trap' 'ixttov ; SuiJ. -irap* 'imrov, and '\xiroixkvr\q, Diogenian. 3. 1. '* Thus may apparently be explained 'iTnrofitifrjg — rtXevToiog ijiaaiXivae in Suid. irap' 'iinrov, and Diogenian. ubi sup. «> Euseb., and from him Syncell., 169. C; dpxovreQ Iviavfftoi ivpiOtjaav I? einraTpiStov. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES § 45. 359 sembled the Roman consulate ; the Archons were the organs of the Eupatridae, and in their relation to them their power was narrowly limited. More unrestricted was their authority over the lower class ; and there was no appeal from their verdict in judicial matters "^ That passage in their oath, wherein they promise " to observe the laws, be in- corruptible, or give a golden statue as a fine -%" is strictly antique. No doubt can be entertained that a popular assem- bly existed, but it was hmited by the degree of au- thority exercised by the nobiUty. According to the above, it would appear by no means improbable, that a council of the Eupatridae was selected from the Phratrias and famiUes, and that this again led to the formation of a particular body, appointed to assist the Archon in the duties of the administra- tion, and hmited in number. In the attempt to throw light upon the nature of this body, it must not be forgotten that the pubhc administration of antiquity, according to the development of the state, was chiefly distinguished by a judicial cha- racter, and most of the officers derived their titles from legal fiinctions. Many of the public offices of Athens, which had maintained their ground from the earliest ages till a very late period, retained the judicial character alone, whilst it may be clearly discerned that their sphere of action had at one time been more extended. Let us examine the courts of justice before Solon's time. These, ac- 2' This was the case with the new Archons till Solon's time, Bekker Anecd. 449. et Suid. dpX'—Kr'pioi re JJffav uKTTt rag SiKag aiiTOTtXtlg TroulaOai. ^ =» Poll. 8. Q5.—ffvfi 'OXvfiwiq, and in Plat. Phaed. 5:36. E. Xpvanv UKOva laofUTpnTov, must be regarded with suspicion. J>LJM 360 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. cording to an unquestioned testimony, borrowed from one of Solon's tables of the law, were the courts of the Ephetae, the Areopagus, and the Pry- taneum^\ Here, neither the Prytaneum nor the Areopagus is counted amongst the courts of the Ephetae ; but the Prytaneum is, indeed, afterwards added as a fourth to those held at the Palladium, Delphinium, and Phreattys "* ; but the whole num- ber, inclusive of the Prytaneum *^ is stated to have been five, although they are not enumerated by name^^. The truth may apparently be gathered from the valuable account preserved in one of the grammarians, concerning a court at the harbour Zea, of which the others make no mention, and which he includes amongst those at the Palladium, Delphinium, and Phreattys, etc.'^ These four courts, then, we suppose to have been the places originally appointed for the meals of the Ephetae ; and the statement that there were eighty Ephetae ^, twenty from every Phyle, applies to them. But the Phylobasileis ^^ sat in the Prytaneum. Draco estabhshed an appeal from their decision to the Ephetae \ Solon suffered both the Prytaneum and 23 0( Plut. Sol. 19. 6 Sk TpiffKai^kKaTog dKtov — txti—aTiniuv oaoi djifi ijaav irplv >/ SoXwva apKai liriTifiovg tlvai, ttXtjv offoi l^^'Aptiov irayov, Ti offoi (K Twv 'E0«rwv, ri Ik UpvTuveiov KaraSiKacrdkvTtg — t^vyoy, k. t. \. ^* See a collection of all the passages bearing upon this subject in Matthias de Judic. Alhen. in Dess. Miscell. Phil. 149, sqq. '^ Demosth. c. Arist. 645 ; Harpocr. i6vti> v, airiav Si tx^^v lirl iKovtrit^ <}>6vtf). In the court at the Phreattys were tried such as Itt' dKov 06vy tpivyovTtg, iir dXX<^ Sk Tivi Kpivofitvoi, oV IttI 7r\oi tarwTeg aTroXoyovvTai ; the dif- ference is inconsiderable, and it is easy to explain his silence as to the first court. ^ Schol. Demosth. c. Aristocr. 98 ; Suid. Itti IlaXXa^. » Poll. 8. 120 ; Plut. Sol. 19. *' Poll. 8. 126, conf. Meier und Schomb. Att. Proc. 15. 16. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. ^ 45. 361 courts of the Ephetae to exist, but raised the Areo- pagus above them both ^\ Hence the five courts and fifty Ephetae, five from each of the ten Phylae, must be brought down to the time of Clisthenes. He abohshed the old Phylae; the Phylobasileis were continued ^% but the Prytaneum in which they had sat became a fifth court, and fifty Ephetae, besides the president, five from every Phyle, were now chosen ^\ But even the separation of the Prytaneum from the courts of the Ephetae fails to exhibit its real character, and it is necessary to revert to the time when there was but one Archon. As the latter then possessed singly the power and functions which were subsequently divided, it was indispens- able that he should also have a chief seat of government. This was not, however, the place occupied by the subsequent Eponymus, but the ancient sanctuary of the state and centre of public life, the Prytaneum. The public repasts which had been held there from the remotest antiquity ^, the duties of the Parasiti ^, who were in Athens, as well as in many other states, at one time important officers ^, to whom must, apparently, be added the Colagretae ^^ who collected the sacrificial victims, and finally, the purchaser of the oxen, Boones^, 3* Plut. ubi sup. ** Conf. Meier u. Schbm. ibi sup. 116. » To this may be referred Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 277, which may be ex- plained from Poll. 8. 124. 3* 2irn Consult on the subject of these, Bekker Anecd. 449. <• Bockh Pub. Econ. 1. 369, sqq. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. ^ 45. 363 objects *^ but, as is evident from the law of Solon cited above *% had jurisdiction over a more exten- sive range of offenders. Phylobasileis are recorded as judges in the Prytaneum**, but after Clisthenes they were only presidents*^ of the ICphetae, who also sat there : but this does not apply to the early age. The persons about the Archon appear to have been the presidents of the Phylae and Phra- trias ; we may judge of the nature of their avoca- tions from those of the archonship. When the duties of the latter were divided, thc^ir sphere of action was no longer so extensive as before; on account of their connection with the pubhc worship, the presidents of the Phylae were associated with the king-archon in the Basileum, in the charge of what bore reference to that object*^. It is possible that the name Phylobasileis first arose at this pe- riod, in lieu of Prytanes*^, which was probably more ancient. Now, it is reasonable to suppose that as the Phylobasileis formed the council of the Basi- leus in rehgious affairs, a council was also assigned to the Eponymus and the Polemarch singly, and the remaining Archons collectively. If we consider that the division of the authorities must have been followed by a corresponding division in the subjects of administration, the subsequent institution of the Trittyes and Naucrarias, which was above con- jectured to have arisen with the division of the archonship, will probably be viewed in its true " Poll. 8. 120; Demosth. in Aristocr. 645; Paus. 1. 38. 11; Harpocr. Etym. M. ctti Ilpviav. etc. " See n. 23 ; conf. Andocid. de Myst. 37. « See n. 29. *^ UpoHtTTTiKtffav, Poll. 8. 120. However, they appear to have spoken for themselves also, Andoc. ubi sup.; conf. Meier u. Schbm. 20. n. <« Poll. 8. 111. *' Plut. Sol. 19. jSafftXtlg are mentioDcd in one place — vpvTavH^ in another. 364 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. light, viz., as created to provide a sphere of action for the Eponymus in his capacity of chief officer and guardian of the physical strength of the state. It moreover serves to explain the account of the poli- tical importance of the Prytanes of the Naucrarias in Cylon's time ^. They may, without hesitation, be looked upon as the Trittyarchs, who succeeded each other in monthly attendance on the Epony- mus, and hence Thucydides ^ might, in narrating the affair of Cylon, name the Archons themselves instead of them. Lastly, Uttle can be said with certainty of the Areopagus, notwithstanding the considerable power it is asserted to have possessed in the mythical age. There is no doubt that the hill of slaughter ^^ as it was called, was the seat of a criminal tribunal. All the legends and traditions of the age before Solon, relate to judgments against murderers ^^ But the subject of the judges themselves is involved in great obscurity, and it is doubtful whether they possessed any share of the administrative power in other departments. It is, perhaps, not assuming too great a license to reason back as to its former political rank, from the form imparted to it by Solon. Solon was, in all probabihty, only entitled its creator, because he raised its authority. Hence we may conjecture that there formerly sat in the Areopagus a council of the eldest of the nobi- <8 Herod. 5. 71. *^ Thucyd. 1. 126. w Charax ap. Schol. Aristid. Panath. 107 ; Reisk. Manuscr. of the royal libraiy in Copenhagen explains irdyog as signifying every sort of elevated EldiCe,' ApHog Sia tov t^ovov ' Apr\Q 6 06voc, fvapoi oi ir t Plut. Sol. 24 :— 7rav£(Triotg 'AOhvaKt /itroiKt^o/itvoif firt rexvy. « Harpocr. TrpaTrdr, Conf. Petit, Leg. Att. 248. ed. Wessel. Heffler Ath. Gerichtshof. 88. 89. Meier u. Schom. Att. Proc 56l- 23 XKa. Conf. Vatic. App. 3. 82. * Meier de Bon. Damnat. 37, sqq. PERSONAL RANK. § 46. 371 punishment of those who contaminated the civil blood by secret maiTiages with female citizens ^. However, the distinction of such Metoeci as had deserved well of the state, by placing them, with regard to fiscal contributions -«, upon a level with the citizens, as Isoteles % was a proceeiding natu- rally to be expected from the patron of trade and intercourse. The transition from this position to citizenship was, it may be supposed, easy and natural. The servile order, exclusively consisting of pur- chased aliens and their descendants ^, did not, as a body, stand in direct relation with the state ; individual slaves became the property of individual citizens, but a certain number were employed by the state as clerks, etc., and were abandoned to the arbitrary pleasure of their oppressive task- masters ; it was even lawful to put them to the rack, and they were debarred from all hberal in- struction ^^ Still the illustrious Solon was not altogether regardless of the rights of humanity : he allowed the slaves to prefer a formal complaint against any one who treated them with wanton outrage (fJ^^ty) '^ ; they might also apply for an order to be sold to another master ^'; an immediate refuge from misusage was found in asylums ; the Theseum, which was afterwards erected, belonged ^ Ps. Demosth. in Neaer. 1350. 20, ^ Bekker Anecd. 267. ^ Harp. Phot. Moeris, Amnion. iffOTkX. Poll. 3. 56. Conf. Wolf. Prat. M JJern. Lept. 70. Bbckh Pub. Econ. 2. 77, sqq. Suidas must be emended T/om Harpocratton. Bekker Anecd. 298, the order of succession is : irpoUvog, iiJOTt\T,g, furoiKOQ, Conf. Dem. Lept. 466. 6 : noXirCiv, hoTiXdv, Uvotv (1. e. HiTOlKiOv). " OUoTpifitg, Hesych. Phot. Ammon. Bekker Anecd, 28t». 'i Plut. Sol. 1 ; ^sch. in Tim. 147. ^ ^sch. in Tim. 42. 43. •• Poll. 7. 13 i Plut. de Superstit. 6. 635. s b2 \ ,,#' 372 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. to this class ^*. Both the slaves of the state and those of private individuals were sometimes manu- mitted as a reward for signal services, such as denouncing state criminals ^, etc. ; these received their liberty as a gift, others purchased it. Those who were manumitted ^ stood upon the footing of Metoeci ^ ; the citizens who enfranchised them becoming their Prostatae ^. With reference to a share in the supreme power, the citizenship must be first considered in its largest extent, as a common possession of which the lowest persons were not deprived, and which varied in degree according to age ; and secondly, in connection with those rights which proceeded from a difference of valuation. Every citizen had a right to speak in the popular assembly, and to judge upon oath in the courts "^ ; but the former of these rights might be exercised at an earher age than the latter. Upon attaining the age of puberty, the sons of citizens entered pubUc hfe under the name of Ephebi. The state gave them two years for the full development of their youthful strength and the practice of those exercises which might ensure its efficient dedica- tion to the most important duty of a citizen, viz., the service of arms. Upon the expiration of the second *«, and, according to the most authentic »« Poll. 7. 13. from Aristoph. Etym. M. Gijfftlov from Philochor. » Mnvvriic, see Taylor lection. Lys. 714. u ui ■ c j * •A^6\.?e.pot, lxl\iv9.po.. Poll. 3. 83. The latter probably signified those who had been released from imprisonment for debt ; Axnmon aireXtvB. ^ sTpiatner Appen. 127. On the xa,pic.o.'«oi)vr.c, Bockh Pub. Econ. , «gl 38 Plainer ubi sup. ; Meier de Bon. 35, sqq. » Plut. Sol. 18: ffvviKKXnmdKttv Kai hK&liiv'. imperfectly in Aristot. Pol 2. 9. 4 : apxa-Q atpnoBai rai ivBvvnv. , , . . j o ii i* Th^ is signified by the i^i Surk W«rac Harpocr. Ifi ^. r;. and Poll, ft lOV Bekker Anecd. 255; Demosth. in Stephan. test. 1 35. 1136. et "issim.' But to this must apparently be referred rbv SjvTtpov ^v,avrov,m a ■ragm Aristot. ap. Harpocr. and Phot. Tr.pcTroXos. and Schol. ^schm. 764. R PERSONAL RANK. § 46. 373 accounts, in their eighteenth year«, they re- ceived the shield and spear *^ in the popular as- sembly, complete armour being given to the sons of those who had fallen in battle *\ and in the temple of Agraulos took the oath of young citi- zens ^ the chief obligations of which concerned the defence of their country*^, and then for the space of one or two years performed military ser- vice in the Attic border fortresses under the name of Peripoli ^. The ceremony of arming them was followed by enrolment in the book which" contained the names of those who had attained majority ^^ . this empowered the young citizen to manage his own fortune «, preside over a household, enter the tweotlTh %X^ cLitT^soo'^'/^l'i; "'i f P" ^^'^ ™-^- '^- Plainer Beitriige 72""qq ' '^'^''' ^''""^^ ^"^- ^''' ^^'^^' 1819-20; 1 ^J.* ^^.^ ^*.^* *^^«e passages cited in n. 40. *» Aschm, m Ctesiph. 542. ** Demosth. de fals. Letrat 4'lft 17 . » 1 ^ . , ii'Vu.y ■ip.ov. See the olth i Jf Poll 8 Toe rZ If /w-^ov rdv and Lycurg. c. Leocrat. 189. ®' ^''"'- ^*°*"^'" *'■ P- •<'• ^^-Z i^'tirp'ail'^,r''^"^ 'g^nz^^TL ^^n " See thp l»!.^k "^ ""' y^'^e^ '" P'"'- Alcib. 15. ad fin. Alc.h69 Rih'k On ^""f" """' '"."■ *": Po"- 8- '06; s'hol. Plat. -'^noZ'^X: a? a w^rVoXr '" T^ "-e expreuion of Pollux of their service Hence i^li!; ^ young citizen, during the earlier part oath of Ep"S The s^;,ice of ,hf P?'^ r ^''"".^'■"'■- "' ""^^ ""^o "»''"'« "'« h roic uL«. ^»^ol. if ^'"P°.'' "*^ '■'""'* denominated aroa- fron. Plal de lC'6^ 7^^ " ^ •« "pfa.ned with Vales, ad Harpocr. 1^28, ^%^'-/p^!\ phoTv^.ray'ejc'""''"'^' ^"'"- «■* '"^- ^^«- «3o ; Harp. PKri^screS" 4Q "-/T^- "!;' '»P-; B«"" Anecd. 272; Cont. Tittmana 2M n. 4 ' ^''^^'" "'"' """"' ''•"" ^«'f. patrimony: " -Isch.c. Tim. 122. <4K«> 374 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. popular assembly, and speak ^. When he asserted the last right, viz., the Isegoria, Parrhesia^, he was denominated Rhetor ^^ and this appellation denoted the diiFerence between him and the silent member of the assembly, the Idiotes *^ ; but the speakers were not singled out from the rest of the members in the manner of a corporation or parti- cular order, or in the character of regular func- tionaries ". What was called the Dokimasia of the Rhetors^*, was not a scrutiny of office, but a measure which was adopted in case a citizen who had forfeited the right of speaking in conse- quence of Atimia, presumed to exercise it ^^, and it required to be preceded by a special motion to that effect ^^ That this Dokimasia is, in the ancient authors, so frequently classed with that of the Archons and Strategi^^ must be explained from the growing pohtical importance of oratory, which imparted a sort of official character, like that of the legally-elected military commanders and civil functionaries to the self-constituted demagogues of the day^. Moreover, after oratory began to be *' Asyuv iv T^ ^i]mi), ^sch. in Tim. 54 ; dr)fir)yopiiv, ibid. Conf. Valckenaet diatrib. in Eurip. rel. 254 A— C. It was usual to class together \'iyiiv Kai Ypd(ptiv (viz., \prjifffia), as Demosth. de Coron. 286. 4 j 2b8. 8 ; in Androt. 602. 23 ; Theop. ap. Ath. 12. 532, C. *" Uappriffia, Bekker Anecd. 198. *' Phot, and Suid..'P/)r4i>p rb TcaXaibv UaXiiTO 6 ^^/x^> ffvfi^ovXtviitv Kai 6 iv Sii^4 C. *" As in Demosth. de Coron. 285. 8. « ^sch. in Tim. 49. 51. 383. 386. Conf. Tittmann gr ech. Staatsv. 188. «' Demosth. in Tim. 747. 9 ; Poll. 8. 122. The Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 330. confounding the ages of the Diaetetae and Heliasts, has K iviavrQv. ^ Poll. 8. 122 ; ihe name was supposed to be derived from a hero who vmp onovoiag wpKuxjiv, the people torn by dissensions, therefore without any irnmediate reference to a tribunal. Conf. Harp. Dtym. M. 'ApdriTT. According to Bekker A. 44, the oath was no longer taken than in the lime of i neophrastus. ^ " See Ibid, how it was changed after Clisthenes. Demosth. in Tim. 746. ^' Beginning at the words ovSi Sdpa ^t^ouai ttjc yXideaog. Its chief contents were, to decide according to the laws, and in case these should be defective, to the best of their judgment; Dem.c. Boeot 1006. 26.— 'To'T"*' ^^ **''^* vofxoi, yviiiiiy ry diKaiOTdry SiKUfftiv o^nofioKare. Poll. 8. U2, erroneously adduces this as the general oath of the Heliasts, and yet he there calls the Ardettus a court of justice, and mentions the Amphiorkia ! 376 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. of which he is capable, just as the rights of younger citizens are implied by the act of public speaking. The judges of the courts of the Diaetetae and Ephetee, which existed without the circle of the ordinary tribunals, were required to be still older men than the Heliasts, viz., fifty or sixty years of age ^. Solon appointed gradations in the rights of citi- zenship, according to the conditions of a census in reference to offices of state, which, although not in themselves modifications of the highest legislative and judicial power, nevertheless ex- ercised a most important influence upon it as advising and directing authorities. Upon the prin- ciple of a conditional equality of rights, which assigns to every one as much as he deserves ^% and which is highly characteristic of Solon's policy in general ^, he instituted four classes according to a valuation; these were the Pentacosiomedimni, the Hippeis, the Zeugitae, and the Thetes ^. The valuation, however, only affected that portion of capital from which contributions to the state- burthens were required, consequently, according to Bockh, a taxable capital. This counteracts the unworthy notion that this regulation was intended to raise wealth itself in the scale of importance, and serves to exhibit its real object, which was to impose that burthen, which unpaid offices of state » Poll. 8. 126 ; Schol. Dem. in Mid. 89; Bekker A. 235; ScboU Demostb. c. Arist. 98, etc. ^ See on this species of iaoTrig, and that which was absolute and unquali- fied (the liberty and equality of the revolution), Plat, de Legg. 6. 757 B. C Isocr. Areop. 222; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 2. 6. 9 ; 3. 7. 1 ; 5. 1. 2 ; 5. 7. 20» sqq. ; 6. 1 . 6 ; 6. 2. 4 ; 7. 1 . 2. w Conf. n. 4. w Plut. Sol. 18; Poll. 7. 129; Schol. Demoslh. de Symmor. 55 ; where the end is wholly useless. Ste the comprehensive exposition in Bbckh Pub. £con 2. 29, sqq. PERSONAL RANK. § 46. 877 might prove to needy persons, on such as could administer them without prejudice to their do- mestic relations, so that a person who was de- clared eligible could only be dispensed from it by means of an oath ^^ and thus to guard the state against the effect of that pernicious cupidity which is so frequently combined with indigcmce ; it was at the same time a means to reward the citizen, who was obliged to satisfy the higher (claims of the state, by the enjoyment of corresponding rights. The Thetes, the last of these class(;s, were not regularly summoned to perform military service, but only exercised the civic right as members of the assembly and the law-courts ; the second and third, from which the infantry and cavalry were chosen, likewise acted as functionaries, and when irreproachable in other respects, and, according to the conditions of the census, sat in the council of the four hundred; whilst the highest class ex- clusively supphed the superior offices, such as the archonship ^^ and through this the council of the Areopagus. This arrangement left the four Phylee in full vigour, but attacked the very roots of those pri- vileges by which the Eupatridae had been dis- tinguished from the rest of the citizens. The existing regulations were not abolished, it is true, for the Eupatridae continued to hold the richest possessions, and consequently retained their posi- tion in the highest order ; but how speedily must the fluctuations of wealth have been succeeded 70 'i de r,,^^7<'*^i«- ,P«°l?f »»»• <1« fals. Legat. 328 ; in Timoth. 1204; .F.schin. ^*schi;.l^[;s?ph;46l''"''"''" """'^ '^^""^ '" " '""P"""^ impediment, . " Plut. Arist. 1 J .El! V. H. 8. 10. 378 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. by the rise of other families ! Sacerdotal privi- leges remained longest proof against revolutionary changes; hence, not to mention the priesthoods which were annexed to various noble families, the Phylobasileis long continued to be selected from the Eupatridae ^^. II. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. § 47. It has been said that Solon organized two councils, viz., of the four hundred, and the Areo- pagus, in order that two anchors might secure the state against the waves of seditious violence \ His real merit consisted in remodelUng previously-ex- isting pohtical bodies, so as to render them ade- quate to the object for which they were designed. The line of procedure in public matters enjoins us first to speak of the council of the four hundred ; the council of the Areopagus, which may be called the key-stone of the arch, must be considered last. In lieu of the former council of administration, of which no memorial has been preserved % Solon instituted a council of four hundred citizens taken from the first three classes, one hundred from every Phyle^ of which no person under thirty years of age could be a member*. The appoint- ments were renewed annually ; the candidates underwent an examination^, and such as were deemed eligible drew lots ^ There is not a vestige from which it can be inferred that Solon originally appointed election of the members ; those who in- w Poll. 8. 111. » See Plut. Sol. 19. » Conf. § 45. ad fin. 3 Plut. Sol. 19. * Xenoph. Memorabil. Socr. 1. 2. 35. * Demosth. in Mid. 551. 1 ; Lysias, c. Phil. Dok. • BovXtvrai dirb Kvafiov* See the authorities in Tittmann, 240. n. 58. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. § 47. 379 curred dishonour might be expelled by the majo- rity ^ The internal organization, the change of the Prytanes, etc., cannot be ascertained in conse- quence of the alterations introduced by Clisthenes. It appears probable however, that as the twelve Trittyes corresponded with the twelve months of the year, each of the Phyle held the Prytany for three months, whilst the Naucrarias succeeded to the Proedria in each Prytany by rotation, and the Epistates changed daily. The principal political duties of this council were to receive propositions on state-matters from the Prytanes, who assem- bled daily for that purpose, to deliberate on the course to be pursued, and in case of need to pre- pare the affair for the popular assembly. It seldom acted independently of, or before the popular as- sembly, and never when the affair in question was of a legal nature ^ ; it was only destined to act through the medium of that body to which it was to give the aid of its intelligence and advice. However, various departments of the pubhc ad- ministration were confided to its management ^ ; to these referred its decrees ('»/r?;/7 Sxoivoc /if/iiXrw/itvot, Poll. 8. 104 ; Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 22. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. J 47. 381 gelia, etc., which were obliged to be first brought forward in the assembly, though even then not without previous notice to the Prytanies, every subject was first examined by the four hundred and then submitted to the people in the form of a Probuleuma '«. If this was not immediately adopted by Procheirotonia '^ it was modified by debate, and a different motion might be made by an orator, after which the Proedri proceeded to collect the votes '^ The question was decided by a show of hands ^' ; the order of precedence amongst the classes, as beheld in the " comitia centuriata" of Rome, was not observed here. Decrees as to measures which concerned private individuals, such as naturalization, etc. required to be carried by six thousand votes ^% which were given secretly by pebbles '^ etc. The order observed in the general conduct of business was determined by the Nomo- phylaces^*, with whom were associated the Proe- dri ^^ The foUov^ng subjects were almost inva- riably brought forward in the popular assembly: legislation, the election and scrutiny of the con- duct of magistrates, certain public law proceed- '• Plut. Sol. 19; Aristoph. Thesm. 372; Dem. in Lept. 541 ; de Coron. 296. in Anstocr. 651 ; Arg. Dem. in Androt. 587. 691 ; conf. Schbm. com. 96, sqq. ^ Dem. in Timocr. 703. 17 ; Harpocr. Phot, irpoxnp. This is essential to the nature of public proceedings, in which debating takes place. Comp. Schom. com. 98 j Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 184. " XupoTovia. » Andoc. de Myst. 42, from which a second idv /it) mu>t be inserted in iJemosth. m Timocr. 719. 5. However, we cannot help enquiring whether by the bOOO we are not to understand the whole number of the Hehasts. With reference to a court in the case of a ypari irapavonutv, e. g. Andoc. do Wyst. 9, has iv eKaKi Hence, A ristoph. Plut. 916: ovkovv diKaffrtiQ t^ciririi^tc »/ ^roXic Ap- \(iv Ka9i(TTri(Tiv. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. § 47. 383 of a maturer age, and bound by a stricter oath, and to cause that which, if discussed intemperately and decided upon prematurely, might prove detri- mental to the interests of the state, to be weighed over by an assembly accustomed to proceed upon legal principles, is clearly exhibited in the regula- tion which made the introduction of new laws at the annual revision ^^ dependent upon the deci- sion of the Fleliastic Nomothetae; wherefore no decree of the popular assembly could be superior to ^', or even have the force of law, till that con- sent had imparted political sanction to it. More- over, the election of the magistrates in the popular assembly was only a preliminary step, as those who were chosen had first to be examined by the council of four hundred, and a court of the HeHaja^\ There was no ordinance (jmpowering the Heliasts to investigate all the other matters discussed in the popular assembly, it is true ; but none were exempt from their scrutiny, and it only required an application to be made for any subject to be discussed according to the regular forms of the Heliaea^, when the assembly immediately ranged itself under that superior court. This ren- dered the popular tribunals of such importance to " See the law, with additions from later times indeed, Demosth. in Timocr. 705—707 ; conf. JEsc\i. in Ctesiph. 429. 430 ; Andoc. de Myst. 40 ; Poll. 8. 101 : new laws, idoKifiai^ev r/ (3ov\ri Kai 6 Sfjfiog Kai to. liKaariipia. Ilar- pocr. BiniioQkTai. Petit (186. 187.) erroneously considers the revision by the 1 hesmothetaB, alluded to by .Eschines. a different proceeding ; Wolf, Prajf. Lept. CL, opposes this opinion with sufficient distinctness, and Tittmann in very decided terms, Gr. Staatsv. 146. n. 22 ; I am of opinion tha: the last takes the correct view of the subject. *• Andoc. de Myst. 42 : Dem. in Aristocr. 649 ; Wolf, Upt. 310. 311. ooA ^^^^^' ^" Ctesiph. 399. sqq. ; Poll. 8. 92 ; conf. Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 320; Heffier Ath. Gerichtsvf. 268 ; Meier u. Schbm. Att. Pr. 201, sqq. K^ffftc dTTo 5i\nov iirl diKaariipiov, Poll. 8. 62. Conf. Tittm. Griech. Staatsv. 144. 384 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. the constitution in general '^, and on this account the Heliasts were so frequently addressed as the popular assembly itself*^; and hence finally re- sulted the order of succession of the political authorities, Bule, Ecclesia, Heliaea '^ in the last of which only we behold the supreme power exempt from every species of Euthyne *. Lastly, we shall be enabled to form an adequate notion of the profound poHtical wisdom of Solon, in making the supreme authorities of the state act as a check upon, and consequently strengthen each other, by observing that, as the Ecclesia possessed a preparatory board in the Bule, so the proceed- ings of the Hehaea were preceded and faciUtated by the introductory labours of the 'Hyefiovla hUacrrTjplmv, whereby the sphere of action of the magistrates, who were in other respects exceed- ingly Umited, became enlarged, and another secu- rity was provided against dehnquency ; and this circumstance must therefore be particularly borne in mind in estimating the character of the magis- trates. But it is first necessary to speak of Solon's measures with respect to these oflScers generally. Those priesthoods and other offices which had hitherto been administered by particular families « Andoc. de MysU 5 : ^//ij^iStffOat nara rovg opKovQ evvix^i ^ovov Ti)v •KoKiv. Lye. c. Leocr. 138 : democracy is maintained by three things, »'/ tu>v vSynav raliQ, rj r&v hKaardv ^v^oq, r; tovtoiq rdSiKrifiaTa vapadovffa KoiffiQ, Nevertheless the unqualified assertion of the ancients, to. hKa(jTi]pia SrinoTiKbv (Arist. Pol. 2. 9. 2. 3), is only applicable to the institution of Solon in a general point of view, inasmuch as the people, and not magistrates judged ; but It was very far from his design to establish absolute democracy by , means of the Helisa. » See examples in Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 217. ^ Demoslh. in Aristocr. 653. 7. Hence in Lycurg. c. Leocr. 191, the mere Ecclesiast is, as an iSitorriQ, opposed to the magistrates and judges.^ M Aristoph. Vesp. 587, Philocleon says: rai ravr dwirtvOvvoi cput^nv' tS>v S" dXKuv ovhui' dpxri. See the sound observations on the judicial power as a continuation of the legislative and as the practice of the laws, Platner Att. Process, p. 25. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. } 47. 385 or corporations, were by no means made solely dependent upon the state. Solon did not interfere with such institutions as were confined to the na- tural circles in which they had originated, so long as they did not operate prejudicially to the public interests, cautiously abstaining from disturbing the foundations of the political edifice whilst embellish- ing the superstructure. One of his laws directed that persons should be appointed by election ^, and not by lot, to those offices which were conferred by the body of the people and for which a double scrutiny was required, viz. the Dokimasia before office, and the Euthyne during and after its administration; the former was intended to ensure the greatest possible ex- cellence in the functionaries, the latter to give a pledge for their fidelity to the state. The Doki- masia conducted in the Bule, and in a Hehastic court of judicature ^, consisted in an Anacrisis as to whether the candidate was a citizen *\ possessed a competent fortune *% was free from bodily de- fects ", and fulfilled his duties towards the house- hold and gentile gods, Zeus Herceius, and Apollo Patrons ** ; moreover, whether he acted v^dth filial piety towards his parents «, had performed military service*^, and lastly, whether he p^aid his taxes. BLi:"plA3l.'4Vo: ^"^" '''' '•'•'' ^''''' ^^"p "^>- ^' ^^p^- 2' « S*"' ®- ^^ ' "®^" ^^^°- Gerichtsvf. 23, sqq. Comp. n. 33. Ek Tpiyoviag, Poll, 8. 85. I«^nfi°T*'•„*^•.^'^^°!• ®^ ' ^*'"- ®- ®^ ' ^««^- $ 46. n. 70, and a hint in isaeus de Apollod. Hered. 182. 324 ^^*^^^' ^*y"- ^'- ^^^^i^c; Lysias wepi dSvpdrov; Polit. 170, sqq. BeUr.^sTr^'* *"* ^'*^"^' ^^^^* ^^' ^"^''^ ^°"' ^' ^^' ^*'°*' '^P"' ' ^'^**"^'' ^ Dmarch. c. Arislog. 86; Demosth. adv. Eubul. 1320. IB. whJ^K "^^* "^^^ *"P- '^^^^ likewise furnishes us with a clew to the age, wnich most assuredly could not be under that of a Heliast. VOL. ,. 886 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. The conduct of such as were of blemished charac- ter was legally investigated. The Euthyne during office, which regularly occurred at the commence- ment of a new Prytany, consisted of an enquiry in the popular assembly, whether the magistrates ap- peared to perform their duty or not ^"^ ; the Euthyne, after office *^, was conducted by a body constituted for that express object, consisting of the Euthyni and Logistse *'^, and the results of their investiga- tion transferred to a court of Heliasts to be judi- cially decided^. In the extraordinary case, that 3,n Archon appeared in pubUc intoxicated, it was lawful for any citizen who met him to kill him ^\ The archonship, collectively considered, still con- tinued to be the highest and most honourable amongst the offices of state ; the Strategi did not become influential till afterwards, and only through circumstances, whilst the sacerdotal dignitaries and finance-officers never advanced beyond the limited sphere of their own peculiar duties. The prohibi- tion to hold a pubUc office more than once ^% espe- cially apphed to the archonship. The essential change, however, which Solon effected in that dig- nity, was, that he wholly abolished the absolute power the Archons once possessed of pronouncing legal verdicts, and assigned to them the duty of examining and bringing the most important cases before the popular tribunals in which they pre- ^ Lysias in Nicom. 842 ; Poll. 8. 95. *" iEschin. in Ctesiph. 405, sqq. « Petit, 308; Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 1. 203, sqq.; Tittmann, 323, sqq.; Heffter. 374, sqq. ; Meier u. Schbm. 215, sqq. «> Phot. tvOvv. ; Poll, 8. 45, the Logistae tried questions concerning money ; the judges, aSiKif^ara. 4' Diog. L. 1.67. ** Demosth. in Timocr. 747. 5. THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. J 47. 887 sided by virtue of their office. The 'Hyefj^pla BUaiy. 22, and, in general, Tittmann gr. Staatsvf. 261, sqq. c r 2 388 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. most important to Solon's constitution, such as the prosecution of the authors of illegal measures {ypa^ 7rapav6fjL(ov)''. The first Archon, from the time of CUsthenes, resided near the statues of the heroes, from whom the Phylae derived their names ; the Basileus at the Bucoleum in the regal Stoa ; the Polemarch at the Lyceum ; and the Thesmothetae at the Thesmothesium ^. Joint agency was con- fined to a limited class of subjects ; but the state- ment that Solon enacted that they should pro- nounce sentence collectively instead of individu- ally^, as before, is founded upon a misapprehension. Solon conferred an eminent distinction upon the archonship, when he enacted that the council of the Areopagus should be composed of those Archons who had discharged the duties of their office with zeal and fidehty ^. It is erroneous to ascribe to him the first institution of that body ^' ; but there is no doubt that to him it owed that pohtical eminence which, in process of time, rendered its name so illustrious. In this respect it must be considered as an assembly of citizens, pre-eminent in fortune and station —whose character, both before and after the administration of the highest offices in the state, had been pronounced irreproachable. This council, composed of the brightest ornaments of the com- munity, was destined for a focus of moral and poli- tical worth, whose ennobling influence was to be diffused through all the channels of public hfe. This, however, was not to be accomplished by the « Ps. Demosth. in Neaer. 1372. 7 ; Poll. 8. 86. 87. w Bekker Anecd. 449 ; Suid. 'Apx^^'^'f C« , , , . *' Diog. L. 1. 58 ; ri)v Plut. ubi sup. ; Cic. de Off. 1. 22, THE POLITICAL AUTHORITIES. J 47. 389 personal interference of those chosen citizens in the turmoil of daily business ; undisturbed by the ordi- nary duties of government, they were the venerable and parental guardians of the pubUc system, who were only called upon to act themselves in cases of peculiar emergency <^^— where danger was to be averted, or the effects of popular precipitancy to be remedied ^\ By virtue of their mission to watch over the morals of the state, they were charged with the chief direction of whatever con- cerned public education; hence they nominated the Sophronistae^^ for the superintendence of public decorum ^^ honest industry and gain amongst the citizens ^, the maintenance of public worship ^^ etc. A peculiar part of their jurisdiction was to conduct public prosecutions, although at the instance of the people, and in this capacity they took cognizance of false testimony, bribery ^, etc. ; they moreover had the sole right to pronounce judgment on murder and offences against religion ^, a spheres of action in which their moral agency was eminently conspicu- ous, the state being supposed to have incurred pollu- tion (ayosf) through impiety towards the gods. It was only upon extraordinary occasions, as subsequently at the trial of the incendiary Antiphon 7°, that by " ^or later examples of the rejection of a magistrate chosen by the people. consult Demosth. de Coron. 271. 272 ; Ps. Plut. Vit. ^sch. 9: 344.^^ 1 hocion, 11. ' ^''/l?"™- pern, in Androt. 588. 20; conf. Arist. Poll. 5.3. 5.—lv role ^riCiKoiQ tdoU (TvvToviOTkpav TToinvai rr/v TroXirdav, Plut. Them. 10 • Suid. ApHoTT. See examples from a later age, Lysias c. Eratosth. 428 Ps. iEsch. Axioch. 8. f* EvKofffiia, Isocrat. Areopag. 227. ^ Ibid. 231 ; Athen. 4. 168. A. B. Harpocr. Etym. M. Suid. kinekTovc hprdc. ^ Dmarch. in Demosth. 5. 37. 43. 46; conf. Poll. 8.88. n;« r o \".j^"stocr. 627; Ps. Dem. in Near. 1372; Plut. Pericl. 32: 7?Vr* V^ ' MeMTs. Areopag. c. 9 ; Meier u. Schom. 142. 305. '" Demosth. de Coron. 271. I I 390 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. virtue of their title to enquire into whatever miglit be beneficial or hurtfiil to the state, they set aside the decision of a court of law. In every respect they asserted a pre-eminence over the courts of the Ephetae^^ and the Prytaneum, which was at that time still separate from them. The assertion that they were responsible^^ is only meant in reference to their judicial character, and this was not the case till afterwards ; their moral agency was wholly exempt from control. Their authority was based upon the dignity of moral excellence, and was supreme in its sphere ; no law defined where it became incumbent upon them to intervene, or how far that right ex- tended; the strength of virtue ensured the ever- ready will, and wisdom determined the degree ^\ c. c. The Co7istitution of Clisthenes, § 48. In order to form a just notion of the variations which the constitution of Solon underwent a short time after its introduction, in consequence of the tyranny of the Pisistratidae and subsequently through Clisthenes, it is first necessary to regard those mea- sures which Solon adopted to consolidate his insti- tutions, and at the same time to leave room for further development. How fully he estimated the influence of good morals and the importance of pre- scription, may be gathered from the preceding ac- count of the Areopagus, and the appointment of functionaries allied to it in moral character, for the education of youth and the maintenance of decorum, as well as from the fact, that he retained many of ^» Plut. Sol. 19; Poll. 8. 125: ltTu>v hKaarripiov KaTiyt\aa9ri.\ " iEschin. in Ctesiph. 468 ; conf. Meier u. Schbm. 216. '3 Most characteristic are the words to. troKtrixd, Sh^kh g, Bekker Anecd. 444, and Suid. 'Apudw^ CONSTITUTION OF CLISTHENES. } 48. 391 the institutions of the earlier age. But it was not his intention that the main support of his work should be derived from bUnd habit ; his political edu- cation did not begin with unconscious infancy, but with the ripening youth of the Ephebi ; neither did he, in all probabihty, as one of his observations at first sight appears to imply, suppose that permanent respect for the laws could be maintained by rewards and punishments alone ^ ; this was intended to result from examination and conviction ^ To stimulate the patriotic sentiments of the citizens, and their interest in the stability of the laws, and to preclude attacks upon them, Solon gave every citizen a right to bring actions in cases affecting the interest of the state \ One of the main pillars of the constitution was the law empowering any citizen publicly to accuse the author of illegal measures {ypav irapa- vo^cov) *. That he had a presentiment of the perni- cious consequences which might result from the abuse of this right, whenever the pubhc mind should become contaminated, is evident from the ordinance which declares, that the accuser should pay a fine* in case he failed to substantiate his charge. But he was chiefly actuated by a confidence in the existence of good feeling, and an exalted notion of the expe- diency of a general interest in the security of the laws^, and could not possibly foresee what rank ' See Cic. ad M. Brut. 15. As a general principle this is more accurately expressed in Plut. de lib. Educand, 6. 41 ; ^vo yap ravra iictrtpti aroixiia TTIQ apiTrjg ihiv, IXirig re Ti^fJQ Kat piag, ^ ' Solon's answer to Anacharsis, Plut. Sol. 5; tovq vo^ovg avrbq ovtwq ap/xo^erac toXq TToXiraig, (itoTt iraai tov trapavofiiiv (iikriov inidtiKai t6 ciKaioTTpaytiv, ' Plut. Sol. 18 ; Dem. in Mid. 528 ; Poll. 8. 40. * Dem. in Timocr. 748. 765. 766; iEsch. in Ctesiph. 3861. 393. * Bockh, Pub. Econ. 1. 406, sqq. See his words in Plut. Sept. Sap. Conviv. 6. 586; SoKu—iroXig^ dpitrra "TpaTTHv — iv ^ Tbv dSiKTiffavTa tov ddiKrtOevroQ ovSkv rJTTOv oi /ii) ddi' KnQiVTiQ 7rpo(id\\ovrai xal KoXdKovffi. I 392 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. weeds would once spring from this hotbed of sycophancy. His design to imbue the actions of the citizens with the principles of equity, and to accustom them to the application of legal measures, is nearly allied with his policy in giving them the choice of several modes of procedure in conducting suits '^, Hence of a corresponding character were the measures taken to ensure the preservation of the laws in general ; such as committing them to writing, and the pubUc exhibition of the legal tables® at the Acropolis^, in order that the citizens might become familiarized with their precepts. To this must be added the use of writing in pub- lic proceedings, the estabhshment of archives^**, and the nomination of clerks and keepers of the same". Solon, moreover, decreed that whenever legal order should be endangered by civil feuds, no citizen was to remain neuter ^^ ; thus making an interest in the affairs of the state a paramount duty under all circumstances, and erecting a defence against egotism, which is ever on the watch to reap its own advantage from the dissensions of others. As his intention was to call forth and exercise the activity of the reason, and not to cement prescrip- tive usages, he not only permitted but enjoined that such changes should be made in the laws as should be adapted to the exigencies of the age ". 7 Dem. in Androt. 601. * 'A^oveg, Kvp(itig, Plut. Sol. 25 ; Harpocr. Ammon. Phot. Etym. M. Suid. under both words. Poll. 8. 128 ; Bekker A need. 274. 413 ; Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1447 ; Av. 1360 ; Plat. Repub. 38 ; ApoU. Rh. 4. 280 ; conf. Ruhnk. ad Tim. 170 ; Meurs. Sol. C. 24. * Harpocr. 6 KarwOev vofiog. " In the Metroon, Demosth.de Fals. Legal. 381. 2 ; in Aristog. 799. 25. " 'AvTtypa(j>iig, ypafifiartig, Bockh, Pub. Econ. 1. 200 — 203. •a Cic. ad Att. 10. 1 ; Plut. de Sera Num. Vindict. 8. 145. . '» See $ 47. n. 56. CONSTITUTION OF CLISTHENES. ^ 48. 398 The Prytanes and Proedri, for the time being, were ordered annually to revise them, and were liable to punishment in case they omitted to do so ^\ It was the province of the HeHastic Nomothetjge to decide upon what proposals it was lawful for citizens to make upon this occasion '^ This is perfectly re- concilable with the statement that Solon, m order to consolidate his ordinances at their first introduc- tion, caused the citizens to take an oath to obey them for several years '^, as well as with the enco- miums passed by Demosthenes '^ on the ancient constancy, as contrasted with the mania for pse- phisms which prevailed in his time. As a measure of security, it was enacted that a new law should have effect immediately after the abolition of that which it was intended to replace ^\ but not before. But the results were very different from those which Solon contemplated; evil passions could not be subdued by ideas '^ ; ambition and egotism kept up the ancient differences between the Pedisei, Paralii, and Hypercracrii. The lower order, far from being satisfied with the legal rights it had obtained, and disposed to yield ready obedience to the munificent dispenser of largesses and donations, took part in the contest, and thereby, three years after Solon's archonship, 01. 54. 4, brought on the tyranny of Pisistratus, who, although several times expelled, at length permanently estabhshed his domination. The institutions of Solon continued to " Ibid. 707. 7. 8. '* Demosth. in Tim. 706. 25, sqq. JM40.n.39. Koivovg S- ovK iTiOetrav. f* ^ xr^ > [J Ibid, in Timocr. 710. 19 ; 711.5. Conf. in Lept. 486. 13. 14. Heyne, Opusc. 4. 396 : Atheniensium respublica— hoc ipso — vitio labo- '^^^^'. ^^^ ^ ratione et judicio homiuum exspectabantur plura, quam a cupiditatibus metuebantur. Conf. Mull. Dor. 2. 51. I ■i 394 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. exist indeed, but without that vitahty which popu- lar hberty could alone impart to them. Upon the expulsion of Hippias, forty-one years after the commencement of the tyranny, the ancient spirit of faction once more returned, and at length oc- casioned the legislation of CHsthenes the Alc- maeonid. The fame of Solon has cast the work of his imitator CHsthenes into the shade. This was a natural consequence of the endeavours of the latter to incorporate his work with that of Solon, so that in later ages the subsequent accessions were fre- quently confounded with the original. That tend- ency in the Greeks, in equal violation of chrono- logy and the nature of the subject they were con- sidering, to accumulate upon one individual, as a convenient point of reference, the events of dif- ferent ages, is eminently displayed in their use of Solon's name. It is not unfrequently employed by them, and especially by the orators, in treating of various laws and institutions of CUsthenes"^ and other legislators of the following age, till the archon- ship of Euclid ; and we should regard every law to which the name of Solon is attached with the sus- picion that it may contain subsequent interpola- tions ^^ or even be entirely the production of a later age. Most important consequences have resulted from thus confounding together the peculiarities of ** A remarkable example of the subordination of CHsthenes to Solon occurs Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 37 : Srjfidpxovg oi Trepi ^6\ " e. g. Andocid. de Myst. 49, the mention of Harmodius and Aristogiton ; the '* eleven" Demosth. in Timocr. 733. 12; the council of five hundred drawing lots for the archonship, and other things of a similar character in the oath of the Heliasts, such as ovSk tovq ^v9epovv, 5. 62. Herodotus by no means understood why the Phylae were changed ; he conjectures that it was done in order that the Athenians might not have the same sort of Phylae as the lonians. \ f 1 I 896 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. dionis, Leontis^ Acamantis, ^Eneis, Cecropis, Hip- pothoontis, iEantis, and Antiochis'^^ This Aristotle describes as democratic ^^ ; and the reason he after- wards assigns is, that the dissolution of ancient connections, and the greatest possible mixture of the citizens, are calculated to promote the intro- duction of democracy^. Therefore it is not so much to the increase in the number of the Phylae, as to the abolition of institutions which were connected with the ancient Phylae, but which im- peded the progress of democracy, that we should direct our attention as the most prominent feature in the changes of Clisthenes. Here the eye naturally reverts to the conduct of his opponent Isagoras. He, with his friends Cleomenes of Sparta ^ and Ti- masitheus of Delphi -^, resolutely strugghng against the restoration of Solon's constitution, had aimed at the establishment of an aristocracy ; the Phylse, Phratrias, etc., forms of the ancient aristocracy into which the new one might easily be fitted, were still in existence. By destroying these, a powerful obstacle was opposed to any attempts at restoring the old anti-democratic system. Hence the new founder of popular power cast down these few remaining pillars of aristocratic authority ; the four Phylobasileis, as connected with the divine worship, were continued indeed ^^ but without ^ See Corsini f. Att. diss. 3. n. 6 ; 4. n. 2, sqq. » Aristot. Pol. 6. 4. 11, probably alluding to Clisthenes, names, as a means to advance democracy, 0vXat re yap sTtpai Trotjjrtat TrX«tot;c> f • ''• ^* ^ Td Twv iSiuiv upwv ffvvaKTtov tig oXiya xai KOivd, Kai iravra fforical link ; and doubtless natural relationship now again supplanted political form as a means to bind them together. * Cleidemus ap. Phot. Nawfcpap. '* ii^sch. in Ctes. 425 : ai (ftvXai Kui at rpiTTVtg Kai oi Sijfioi. Conf. Poll. 8. 108. These Trittyes are evidently divisions produced by subsequent cir- cumstances. Conf. Demosth. de Symmor. 184 ; Bockh, Pub. Econ. 2. 107. n i 398 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. Demus was a community, township ^^ village, ham- let, or borough, the residence of individual or several united families, whence the numerous pa- tronymic denominations^^ were derived ; Clisthenes ranged the whole of them under the ten Phylae ^, but not in round numbers adopted for the sake of uniformity, and placed them in close relation with every department of the public administration. A sphere of operation was assigned to the presi- dents of the communities, the Demarchs ^, similar to that which the Naucrari had formerly possessed. The citizen was, in all his public dealings, e. g. in lawsuits, in the muster-roll, in the tax-book, etc., described according to his Demus, for which pur- pose lists were kept, in which natural-born citizens and naturalized aliens were enrolled in common ^. Clisthenes likewise permitted naturalization^, which is analogous to his endeavours in other respects to promote general citizenship at the expense of that which was obtained by birth ; this, however, must only be understood with reference to his own time, but not as a measure intended to facilitate access to the citizenship in future. On the other hand, he is said to have originated the extraordinary proceeding for the ex- 35 See Herod. 1. 60. 62 ; conf. Append, viii. 5* Conf. Buttmann iib. d. W. ^paTpia, 22. »» The assumption of a hundred Demi, ten for every Phyle, has arisen from a misinterpretation of the passage in Herodot. 5. 69 : SeKa Sk xai rovg dijftoyg KaTivtKi ilg Tdg v\dg. See Schweighauser ibid., and the enumeration of the Demi which are known, (174 in number, see Strab. 9. 396, from Polemon,) in Meurs. de Popuj. Att. in Gronov. Thes. 4. 673, sqq. Conf. the more critical attempt of Corsmi, f. Att. 1. 5, and Miiller, Attica in Ersch Encycl. 6. 222, sqq. 3« Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 37; Poll. 8. 108; Harpocr. Stjiiapx- (from Aristotle) and vavKpapiKu. Conf. Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 276. *• Arjtiapxii^ov ypafi^aTtiov. See § 46. n. 46. *» Aristot. Poll. 3. 1. 10: KXeiff0«v//c— ttoXXovc— t^vXertvac Ktvovg cat SovXovQ Kai fiiToiKovg ; Wolf, without reason, wishes to expunge the second Kat. CONSTITUTION OF CLISTHENES. § 48. 899 pulsion of a citizen, termed Ostracism *\ This abuse of Solon's measure for passing a decree*" against an individual, by collecting the votes of six thousand citizens, was destined by Clisthenes to prevent the rise of a new tyranny. This mon- strous excrescence of democratic surveillance was the ever-ready tool of envy *^ and party-spirit, and became a means to expel citizens, who, however excellent their character in other respects, ap- peared to enjoy a dangerous pre-eminence over the mass of the people. The limitation of the banishment to a certain number of years, generally ten, does not render the principle less odious. Clisthenes does not seem to have altered the arrangement of the classes instituted by Solon ; Aristides was the first to deprive the Pentacosioi- medimni of the exclusive privilege of eligibility to the archonship. The pohtical authorities, in their most essential features, remained unchanged, as did their position with respect to each other ; but the organization of the ten Phylae effected a most extensive alter- ation in forms. The council now consisted of five hundred members, fifty from every Phyle ; the charge of official business and the presidency ♦' JE\. V. H. 13. 24. Aristot. Pol. 3. 8. 3, says, as if in jest, that Hercules was osiracised by the Argonauts; Photius Myriob. Cod. 190. p. 152. Bekk. A\i\Xtvg 6 Avffiovog 6 tov oaTpaKicTfibv iTrivorj ft 400 CONSTITUTIONS ESTABLISHED BY LAW. were annexed to successive Prytanies, of which there were ten in the year ; each of these consisted of fifty Buleutae, and lasted thirty-five or thirty-six days ; every Prytany was divided into Proedrias of ten Buleutae each, and lasted seven or eight days, whilst a fresh Epistates was chosen daily ^. Nine Proedri were appointed assessors for every meet- ing of the council or people, as antagonist officers of the Proedri; they were taken from the nine Phylae which did not hold the Prytany at the time. This apparently had no further influence upon the popular assembly, than that the number of the sittings in each Prytany was increased ^, and that a change of presidency took place. Neither did the Heliaea undergo any further change than was produced by the alteration in the Phylae ; the six thousand Heliasts, according to Solon's regulation about five hundred from each of the twelve Trit- tyes, were appointed by lot from the Phylae, six hundred from each*^; the number of the places where the courts were held corresponded with that of the Phylae, although there was no intimate connec- tion between them*'^. The plan for remodelling the courts of the Ephetae and the Prytaneum has been already adverted to ^. Amongst the superior magistrates, the Archons, who had hitherto been elective, were, like most of the others, hencefor- ward appointed by lot *^ ; but the number of the ** Argum. Dem. in Androt. 589, sqq., and Schol. 95. Sch. Dem. in Timocr. 104; conf. 133. (from Aristotle); Sch. iEsch. in Ctesiph. 765. Suidas, rrpvTavEia; Harpocr. -rrpoedpoi. Corsini f. Att. 1. diss. 6. 268. Liizac de Epistat. et Proedr. ; Schom. Com. 85, sqq. ; Tittmann, Gr. Staatsvf. 240—243. « Conf. $ 47. n. 14. « See § 47. n. 29. *' Meier u. Schom. Att. Pr. 127, sqq. <8 See § 45. n. 33. ** See the Clisthenic intercalation in the oath of the Heliasts, Dem. in SURVEY OF THE TYRANTS. § 49. 401 Archons continued the same, and the Dokimasia of the magistrates in general remained unchanged. The remaining functionaries, like the Phylae, be- came more numerous ; the number ten from this time prevailed in every department of the ad- ministration. There were afterwards ten Strategi, Taxiarchs, and Phylarchs ; ten Tamiae:, Apodectae (in the place of the ancient Colagretas), Poletae ; ten Logistae ^, etc., whereby a larger field was opened to ambition. How many of these new magistrates were appointed by Clisthenes himself is doubtful, but it is less probable that he himself instituted the many magistracies which necessarily resulted from the division of the Phyla?, than that he laid the foundation of that system which after- wards furnished a convenient pretext for cupidity and ambition to create as many magistrates as suited their designs. THE TYRANNY. I. SURVEY OF THE TYRANTS TILL ABOUT THE TIME OF THE PERSIAN WARS. § 49. From the middle of the seventeenth century before the Christian era till towards the middle of the fifth, a remarkable phenomenon is prese^nted in the history of the Grecian states. Many of those con- i imocr. 747. 3 : oaai fitrd twv tvvta ap\6vTu>v Kvafitvovrai. The earliest mention of sortition occurs in Herod. 6. 109, in the case of the Polemarch at Marathon, 6 r

Herod. 5. 46. » Herod. 7. 153 ; Aristot. Poll. 5. 10. 4. «• Herod. 6. 23. 24. 6= Herod. 7. 155. 156. 83 Diod. 11. 38. 67; Aristot. Poll. 5. 8. 19. «* Arist. Poll. 5. 10. 4 ; Herod. 6. 23. 24 j Justin. 4. 2. " Herod. 7. 170 ; Diod.U. 66. « Diod. 11. 76. ^ Dionys. Hal. FragiD. v. 19. 4, he is classed with Anaxilas. ^ Herod. 6. 44 ; Heracl. Pont. ap. Ath. 521 F. ^ Clem. Alex. Strom. 4. 496 D. ed. Morell. ; Plut. de Stoicor. Repugn. 10. 345. He is named Diomedon by Diog. L. 9. 26. He caused the philoso- pher Zeno of Elea to be tortured and put to death, Plut. de Garrul. 8. 13; Diog. L. 9. 25, and Menage ad eund. He was afterwards expelled by the people, 9. 27. '" Dionys. Hal. 7. 4, sqq,; Diod. Fragm. v. 4. 16. Bipont. WITH THE LOWER ORDERS. ^ 50. 409 II. THE TYRANNY IN ALLIANCE WITH THE LOWER ORDERS. § 50. It IS necessary to distinguish the tyranny of the age before the Persian wars, from that which subsequently arose, in the same manner as the aristocracy of the earlier time, from th(? oligarchy of the later ; most of the Greek writers direct their attention exclusively to the last of these as partly contemporaneous with, and directly familiar to them; wherefore we are unable to derive from their accounts either a true notion of the nature of the ancient tyranny in itself, or of the place it held in the estimation of the people of the age in which it flourished. The tyranny must be regarded as one of the chief links in the chain of gradually expand- ing political phenomena, as a system grounded on the preceding order of things, and as a manifest- ation of one widely-diffused spirit of the age. As such, it was a means to substitute unhmited au- tocracy ^ for responsible magistracies, and it is necessary to guard against the error of supposing it to have been an immediate continuation or a degeneration of the princely power of the early age, as republican institutions in fact formed the link by which it was connected with the ancient monarchy. Hence kings, like Phidon of Argos, and Charilaus of Sparta, could only be denomi- nated tyrants improperly, and in consequence of their authority having been less hmited than that * The avvirtvBvvov is very minutely explained by Str. 6. 158 : avroKparrjc ^amXda Kal dvvirevOvvog l^ovffia avTOTi\r]q. — Herodotuis employs Mouv- ^PXOQi novvapxiot in speaking of kings and tyrants : 5. 46. 59. 61 ; 6. 23. 24; 7. 154, 165; but he likewise applies avSpdffi fiovvdpxouri to the Bac- chiads in an oracle, 5. 92. 2. Herewith compare 3. 80. tva — iiovvapxov — fiOVVOV. ( I' I 10 THE TYRANNY IN ALLIANCE of their predecessors ^ ; moreover, the republican constitutions which were supplanted by the tyranny, were not, as several of the ancients represent"*, fully developed and confirmed democracies, nor on the other hand firmly-rooted aristocracies, reposing on the apathetic indifference or servile endurance of the lower orders ; in many instances they were the disjointed forms of an aristocracy brought to dissolution no less by internal dissension than by the hostility of the aspiring demus ; therefore, in opposition to iEsymnety *, which is exhibited in the light of an amicable compromise, and as originating with the governing order ^, the estabUshment of a ty- ranny is generally described as having been attended by stratagem or force, the appointment of body- guards, the maintenance of mercenaries, the cap- ture of the citadel ^ etc. ; and lastly, even where, as in Athens after Solon's time, a legal rank and determinate rights were secured to the bulk of the people, the main-spring of such undertakings nevertheless for the most part existed in the character of the lower orders, wherein the ty- ranny possessed a kindred element, and was con- sequently seldom or never estabUshed in opposi- « Arist. Poll. 5. 10. 3. ^ e. g. Corn. Nep. Milt. 8 : Omnes autem habentur et dicuntur tyranni, qui potestate sunt perpetua in ea civitate, qua libertate usa est. * Conf. § 39. n. 16—18. * This is the essential mark of distinction. Aristotle, indeed, says (Arg. Soph. (Edip. Tyr.) that the tyrants were at first called vEsymnetae ; but this cannot strictly apply to the change in the denomination, but must rather be understood of the essential nature of the two stages of monarchical govern- ment which succeeded that of the kings generally, without regard to the source of power. To this, therefore, should probably be referred the general observation, Pol. 5. 8. 3, that tyrants arose, Ic rwv dXiyapxidv aipovfievutv fva rivd Kvpiov kirl ra^ fityiarag dpxdg. There can be no doubt that Aris- totle's remark referred, amongst others, to the first magistrate in the i^olian Cuma (§ 38. n. 44), for the fragment is taken from the Cumsan Politeia. Conf. Polit. 4. 8. 2. * Herod. 1. 59 ; Dionys. Hal. 7. 4; Thuc. 1, 126. WITH THE LOWER ORDERS. § 50. 411 tion to their wishes. Gelon, indeed, marched at the head of the noble Gamori of Syracuse, against the demus by which they had been expelled, and subdued it ^ ; but that was not a tyranny springing from the very heart of the political system of Syra- cuse, but a coalition between foreign ambition and the designs of a domestic faction, and it is impossi- ble to put any other construction on his continued treatment of the demus of Megara and Eubcea^ in the spirit of Syracusan party. In consequence of being extended over several cities, his tyranny was of an unusual character ; he did not support himself by means of the demus as such^, but as the population of his capital was mixed, and collected together from various cities, he mainly relied upon military force. But the tyranny did not derive its sole support from the hatred of the lower orders to the govern- ing class by which they had been expelled, and on which account they wiUingly lent themselves to the factious purposes of the demagogues ^^ ; this ardent desire to throw off the detested yoke of the nobles, was combined with a feeling which centuries had not been able to extinguish, viz. a natural preference for the unity of the sovereign power, the mcontestable advantage of monarchy over the many-headed domination of haughty and exclusive nobles. This attachment to the former hereditary sovereignty which Uved in the remem- brance of the people as a mild and i)atemal ad- ministration, and to which was ascribed as its pecu- ' Herod. 7. 155. 9 ...„„. 8 Herod. 7. 156. Herod, ubi sup. : vofiitrag iiifiov tlvai avvoiKtifia axa^itrwrarov. Anst. Poll. 5. 4. 5 : ti Sk iricrig rfv 17 aTrcvOtta npbi rovg irXovaiovt:. tonf. 5. 8. 2. 3. 1 / 412 THE TYRANNY IN ALLIANCE liar characteristic that it dispensed benefits, and did not suffer injustice in the land", was supported by the legendary lore of the heroic age, and acquired new force when demagogues added to the popularity they gained by their munificence and distinguished personal qualities the advantage of being de- scended from the line of the ancient kings, as was the case with Pisistratus ^*. Hence, in the divi- sions amongst the orders, the demus did not so much aim at securing for itself independence and participation in the government, as at placing a monarch upon the throne ; and far from cavilling about the ultimate grounds of abstract right, only looked to the prosperity of the community, and desired to be governed by him to whom it attri- uted the greatest strength, wisdom, and modera- ion. For this reason the Athenian demus asked olon to be tyrant ^\ and the Agrigentans expressed jja similar wish with regard to Empedocles ^*. There- ^re the gathering of large bodies of the people around the demagogues, was not solely occasioned by the distractions of faction, nor was the tyranny which resulted from the struggle, a mere advan- tage reaped by the watchfulness of egotism, or a failure of democratic policy, which, after ridding itself of the aristocracy, had to deplore the sub- stitution of a greater evil in the tyranny of the demagogue ; on the contrary, the political calcula- tions of the demus had their final end and aim in the undivided power of an able sovereign. »• Arist. Poll. 3. 9. 4; 5. 8. 6. »« Herod. 5. 65. » Plut. Sol. 14. »♦ Aristot. ap. Diog. L. 8. 63. The account of the expression of a similar wish on the part of the Athenian populace, with regard to Alcibiades, would appear to be one of the numerous Uansposilions, Plut. Alcib. 34. WITH THE LOWER ORDERS. ^ r»0. 413 Hence the successful tyrant could not be regarded by the people in the light of a natural enemy. In forming their estimate of a tyranny, as far as a consideration of the principles of political law can be ascribed to the simplicity of the multitude, they did not search after the roots of that authority, or take into consideration the usurpation and suppres- sion of the just claims of the people at large to a share in the supreme power, but looked to the cha- racter o£the government itself, its administration of justice, respect for the rights of property, wisdom, and incorruptibility. This estimation of the tyranny, accordmg to the use it made of powe;r, was not only exhibited in the unconscious and undefined feelings of the mass, but even in the intercourse of sages with good and able tyrants. Solon, regard- less of the legal grounds on which the title of Philocyprus rested, took delight in his society, and extolled him in his poetry ^^ because he; was a just man. Illustrious poets, Pindar and iEschylus, Simonides and Anacreon, Bacchylides, Ibycus, and Arion also, resided with tyrants ^^. This explains the praise so unanimously expressed of Pisistratus ^% whose authority, estabHshed almost immediately after the body of the people acquired a share in the highest power, rendered itself so grateftil to the demus by the dispensation of jus- tice, and by royal solicitude for the welfare of the 4 " See § 49. n. 49. " See my Progr. de Pindaro Reip. Constit. Praeceptore Disp. 2. p. 17, sqq. It IS absurd to construe the selfish tirade of Alcaeus against Pittacus into a patriotic hostility to tyrants. This character might more j'lstly be ascribed to nis poem on the death of Myrsilus, Athen. 10. 430. C. " See in particular Thucyd. 6. 54. The silly ScoUon indeed says, that Thucydides perhaps extolled the Pisistratids because he himself belonged to 414 TYRANNY subject in every department of political life ; hence the encomiums passed on Gelon ^^, who was by no means favourably disposed towards the demus ; thus paternal indulgence and affability were the support of these potentates generally, so that many of them could mingle in the ranks of the people unattended by guards ^^. Lastly, this serves to ex- plain how the word tyi^annus was only used origi- nally to designate a ruler ^^ without any invidious secondary meaning ; while tyr annus, as applied to the kings of the early age^^ and basileus for a tyrant ^^ were still employed promiscuously after the full development of democracy. The distinc- tion between tyrannus as something odious, and basileus as an object worthy of love and affection ^\ was an immediate result of the departure of the tyranny from the paternal system of kingly govern- ment. This being blended with the opinions of subsequent politicians on the subject of popular rights, the character it assumed acquired greater ** Diod. 11. 38, "iroWrlv tifvofiiav, k. r. \. *• Concerning Cypselus, see Arist. Pol. 5. 7. 22. sqq.; on Gelon, see Diod. 11. 26: iElian, V. H. 6. 11 ; 13. 36; on Theron, see Diod. F. v. 4. 66. Bipont. * The word first occurs in Archilochus, Plut. de Tranquill. Anim. 7. 839; Argum. Soph. (Ed. Tyr. Schol. iEschyl. Prometh. 224. Archilochus appears to have applied it to the Lydian prince Gyges, (a usurper, it is true, Herod. 1. 11.) see Herod. 1. 12, and Valcken. " See the Tragedians ; also Herod. 1. 7. on the Lydian Candaules; 8. 137. on the ancient kingship in general, and on the Macedonian in particular. * For examples, see more especially Herod. 3. 52 ; it is applied to Peri- ander, 6. 27; Msandrius, 5. 44; Telys, 5. 109. 110; the Cyprian Tyrants, 6. 23 ; Scythes, 5. 35, Aristagoras. Cypselus is also saluted by the title of j3a(Ti\€^C Kkeivdio KopivQov, in an oracular response, 5. 92. 5 ; BaaiXivg, and immediately afterwards rvpavvoQ, 5. 113; jSaertXcvc, rvpavvoq, and fiovvapxoi, 6. 23 ; Thucydides, 1 . 13, distinguishes between TvpavviSig and irarpiKai ^affiXtXai ; conf. Schol. ; Eupolis called Pisistratus j^aaiKivg, see Ammon. rvpavvoQ. On the promiscuous use of the words, see Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 61. ** This is perceptible even in the Etym. M. : BaaiXcvg /3aP' IN THE LIGHT OF DESPOTISM. ^ 51. 417 good and desirable, and revelled in prin(»ely luxury themselves, whilst the state derived no benefits whatever from their authority. It was, moreover, peculiar to that mode of government to estabhsh the will and pleasure of the sovereign as the supreme law. But this was not attended by the abolition of all legal institutes ; the constitution of Solon continued to exist, in form, under the Pisis- tratidae; their attacks were not so much directed against law and prescription, as against the power and influence of rank, which had till then prevailed. This chiefly affected the nobility ; hence it became a universal characteristic of the tyrann}' to abolish or remodel ^ those forms which supported their au- thority, to^Tiumble them ^, to reduce them as nearly as possible to the level of the other citizens, and to make all honour and importance in the state solely dependent upon the will and pleasure of the tyrant. This last proceeding degenerated into the most reckless violation of personal rights in the conduct of Poly crates, who despoiled his citizens of their property, in order to restore it to them under the name of donations^, thus making every thing a concession of royal favour. But the marked oppo- sition of the tyranny to the nobility, proves that measures for oppressing or enfeebling the lower orders are, partly, not attributable to the ancient tyranny at all, as they were, in reality, not adopted till after the full development of democracy, and must partly be regarded in a light very different ' This was in some measure the aim of the institution^ of Clisthenes in Sicyon, Herod. 5. 68. * See Thrasybulus the Milesian's advice to Perlander, to mow down those who towered above the rest, Herod. 5. 92. 6 ; Arist. Pol. 5. B. 7. ' Herod. 3. 39. 123. VOL. I. F e h It It 418 TYRANNY from that of mere oppression. Such were the re- moval of the lower class from the city, as the centre of government, and compelling them to assume the rustic garb of the sheepskin ^". When these measures were intended for the degradation of the demus, they appear to be more justly attri- butable to some of the aristocratic governments '' ; whenever they were employed by tyrants, they bear indisputable marks of a solicitude for the improve- ment of agriculture '% the usual attendants of which are prosperity and tranquilhty. Another accusation is, that the tyrants disarmed the people and sur- rounded themselves with bands of mercenaries. This, which we may certainly assume to have been a general practice, was not, however, done for the mere purpose of having a body-guard, or, as the remark of a later age would lead us to suppose '\ because the tyrants considered themselves victims marked out for slaughter, but was effected with a view to the greater extension of their authority, as will afterwards be shown. This, again, was not con- sistent with the policy of entirely disarming their sub- jects. The Sicilian tyrants, in their contests with the Carthaginians, undoubtedly employed armies composed of their own citizens. The systematic »o Moeris, KaTutvcucri. This is ascribed to the Orthagoridae, and to Pisistra- tus by Poll. 7. 68; concerning Pisistratus, Aristoph. Lysistr. 1151, sqq.; conf. Suid. icarwvaicai. The KarwviKrj, Aristoph. Eccles. 724, and kovi- irodeQ, 848, do not refer to the ancient time. The history of the word fioifitv is similar, Hesych. u60. , ^ _ >' See § 32. n. 19 ; conf. Arist. Pol. 5. 4. 5 ; 5. 8. 7 ; Meier de Bon. Damn. 185. n. 81. ^ ^ X. ■ h. " Dion. Chrys. 1. 521. At the command of Pisistratus the Athenians De- came vfwpyoi Kai rt)v 'Attiktiv Trponpov «|/iX?)r Kai dhvSpov ovaav iXaiaiq KartihvTivaav. Gelon incited the people to agriculture as he led them to war,- Plut. Apophih. 6. 668. Periander went still further ; he forbade the use of slaves (1) and compelled the citizens to carry on trade themselves, JNicoi. Damasc. 42. Orell. ; and 450. ed. Vales. '3 ^1. V. H. 10. 5. IN THE LIGHT OF DESPOTISM. § 51. 419 enervation of the people, ascribed to Polycrates **, and, in order to complete the picture, by Dionysius of HaUcarnassus ^^ to Aristodemus, may have been practised in a few instances, and in those only with the military nobility. For such a Une of conduct would be no less inconsistent with th(i stimulus given to agriculture, than with the oppression by means of taxation, so frequently alluded to. Hence the means taken to dishearten the people, by im- posts and exactions, which Aristotle ascribes to Polycrates '^ cannot be apphed to the tyrants ge- nerally. The taxes were sometimes Ught'^ and they must have been sensible that the oppression which aimed at destroying courage was no less calculated to produce despair. There can be httle doubt that their position led them to inflict severe punishment on disobedience, and made it their policy to endeavour to rid themselves of dangerous opponents ; but in the narratives of Phalaris alone *« this is exaggerated into inhuman delight at the tor- ments of unhappy victims. Periander, to whom is pre-eminently ascribed the pursuance of a tyrannical and inhuman system '^ originally showed kindly dispositions -^ ; but unpremeditated incest with his mother is said to have inspired him with misan- '^ Alh. 12. 540; conf. Wyttenb. ad Plut. Apophth. 1044, where the real origin of that imputation is shown to be Cyrus' treatment of the Lydians (Herod. 1. 157). '^ Dionys. 7. 9. " Pol. 5. 9. 4. " Pisistratus subjected arable land to the payment of tithe. Meurs. Pis. 6. 7. 9. The nobility had taken the sixth ; Hippias and Hipparehus took a twentieth only, Thucyd. 6. 54 ; Bockh. Pub. Econ. 1. 351. (ielon conscien- tiously repaid a loan, Plut. Apophih. 6.668. ^ AO-1 A '* Heracl.Pont. 36. Concerning his bull, see Callimach. fragm. 1. 487. ed. Em.; Diod. 13.90; Cic. in Verr. 4.33; Ath. 9. 396; Schol. Pind. p. 1. 185. But the bull which Scipio sent back from Carthage to the Agrigentans was an effigy of the river-god Gelas ; see the Scholion already referred to. '' Arist. Poll. 5. 9. 2 ; conf. Heracl. Pont. 5 ; Diog. L. 1. 98. *' HcTod. 5. 92 ; 6. 7. Ee2 420 THE TYRANNY. i thropic cruelty ^\ The employment of spies as a means of security -% naturally attended that of mer- cenaries, but was not reduced to a definite system till some time afterwards in Syracuse. Finally, we may safely vindicate the tyranny from the charge of having placed its interdict upon mental cultiva- tion ^^ ; this accusation, too, may probably be traced to the conduct pursued by some of the aristocrats towards their dependents, as those of Mitylene, for example ^*. For how could the courts of the tyrants have been the seats of art and science, had these blossoms of mental culture been prohibited ? On the contrary, the care they took to foster and en- courage them, the hospitahty which the tyrants uniformly showed to artists and poets ~^ the collec- tion of libraries by Polycrates ^^ and the Pisistra- tidae'^, the erection of public edifices, and the adornment of the temples and palace with the pro- ductions of art ^, bespeak an earnest endeavour to impart external greatness and lustre to the tyranny, and to assimilate it in its outward characteristics to the venerated monarchy of the olden time. Of a corresponding character were the external opera- tions of the state, which required the maintenance ^ Parthen. 17; Diog. L. 1. 96. On the other hand, Herodotus' account that the advice of Thrasybulus wrought an entire change in his disposition, appears almost puerile. The anti-tyrannic tendency of the speech of the Corinthian Sosicles, ap. Herod. 5.92j 2. 3, has likewise cast upon Cypselus. a false light ^ The Bosohoran Leucon said to a slanderer, airkKTtiva av — (xk—ii fit) vovriputv avopiov ri rvoavvig idtiro, Athen. 6. 257. D. This is a truth which is applicable to all ages. » Aristot. Pol. 5. 9. 2. 7. a* ^lian, v. n. 7. 15 ; conf. § 26. n. 24. «* § 50. n. 16. » Athen. 1. 3. A. ^ Gell. Noct. Att. 6. 17. ** See in general Aristot. Pol. 5. 9- 4 ; concerning Polycrates, Herod. 3. 21. 41 ; 60. 125 ; conf. Athen. 12. 540. D. E. ; Clisthenes, Pans. 2. 9. 6 ; Cypse- lus, Pans. 5. 2. 4 ; 5. 17, sqq. On the embellishment of Athens by Hippar- chns, consult Ps. Plat. Hipparchus, etc. DOWNFAL OF THE TYRANNY. ^ 52. 421 of a large military force; but this must not be regarded as merely destined for the opi)ression of the citizens. The general position of the tyrants rendered military exploits necessary, in order to inspire respect for them as martial princes; Hip- pocrates, Gelon, Theron, Polycrates, Periander, Clisthenes, and Pisistratus, were not deficient in energy and courage ; but they were coml^ined with that circumspection which was requisite to the ac- quisition of external supports to their domination. Every fresh conquest became an additional bul- wark to their domestic power *^, whilst the peaceful foundation of colonies, as was effected by Cypselus in Ambracia, Anactorium and Leucas ^, and alli- ances with other states, more especially with ty- rants, as between Periander and Thrasybulus^*, Periander and Procles ^^, and Gelon and Theron ^^, were intended to impart firmness to their still wavering authority at home. IV. DOWNFAL OF THE TYRANNY. § 52. Thucydides* extols Sparta as the deliverer of the Grecian continent from tyrants ; Plutarch * has collected a number of examples in support of his assertion. These are, however, nothing but a mass of doubtful statements injudiciously * Montesq. Espr. d. L. 8. 16 ; Quand un prince d*une ville est chass6 de sa ville, le proces est fini ; s'il a plusieurs villes, le proces n'est que com- mence. This is overlooked by Thucydides, 1. 17 ; against which see his own testimony, 6. 54. *" Str. 10. 452. 31 See. n. 8. ''§49. a. 15. ^ Diod. 11.26. Analogous cases are when Procles obtained in marriage the daughter of Aristocrates, the Arcadian king, Diog. L. 1.94, and Clisthenes of Sicyon showed especial favour to Hippoclides amongst the suitors for his daughter's hand, because he was related to the CypselidaB, Herod. 6. 128. * Thucyd. 1. 18 ; conf. Miill. Dor. 1. 160, sqq., and his Prclegom. 405.. ' PluL de Herod, Malig. 9. 411 ; conf. § 27. n. 17. I «n -- 1 n : I i 422 THE TYRANNY, compiled in a spirit of opposition to Herodotus ; the testimony of Thucydides is only strictly ad- missible so far as it relates to Athens, but it is of sufficient importance to warrant us in applying it more extensively. In Sparta the tyranny had to encounter serious obstacles, not only in being opposed as a spurious species of government to the legitimate monarchy which still existed there, but also in the alarm caused by the danger to which the ancient Doric institutions in other states became exposed from the innovations of the tyrants, such as the amelioration of the condition of the Perioeci, and the introduction of unconstitutional forms in general. Now, although Sparta's efforts to acquire the hegemony in the Peloponnesus, were naturally accompanied by the selfish desire to rid herself of the enemies of Doric prescription, of which she herself was the nucleus; still the extinction of various tyrannies, for instance, that of Corinth ^ oc- curred before the policy of Sparta had spread over the whole Peloponnesus, and moreover she was by no means the natural enemy of tyranny in gene- ral ; the Pisistratidae were on friendly terms with her*, and although she afterwards expelled them in obedience to the injunctions of the Delphic god, she was nevertheless subsequently inchned to force Athens once more to submit to their domination^ ; so that we may with Dion Chrysostomus ^ look upon the Corinthian Sosicles, who, by his speech ^ dissolved the confederate army assembled to assist the Pisistratidae, as the eventual liberator of Athens. 3 According to Euseb. Chron. 01. 48. * Herod. 5. 91, sqq. « Dio Chrysostom, 2. 108. ed. Reisk. < Herod. 5. 63. ^ Herod. 5. 92. DOWNFAL OF THE TYRANNY. § 52. 423 But even assuming that this merit might be attri- buted to the Spartans, absolutely and without Umit- ation, still the peculiar circumstances by which the subversion of tyranny in the other states was attended, would remain unexplained : wherefore the destruction of that power, like its rise, must be traced to the operation of causes connected with its intrinsic nature, and a corresponding tendency in the spirit of the age. As the tyranny on the one hand appears as a revival of the kingly office and the conclusion of the ancient time, so it must on the other be regarded as pregnant with the principle of novelty. Inno- vation and a departure from prescription are im- plied in the extraordinary intelligence and energy with which the tyrants must have been endowed to attain their station, and the restless ever-active vigilance it required to assert their elevation ; they well knew that the age, which continued to ad- vance with them, had higher claims upon them than such as a mere restoration of ancient forms would satisfy, and that although this might serve to give them the sanction of appearances, the ef- fectual supports of their rank and station required to be created anew. Notwithstanding their emi- nent endowments, and the disposition of the lower orders to honour them like kings of the olden time, their government could not possibly be so firmly rooted as the legitimate monarchy had been^ This was eminently displayed in the hereditary transmission of the tyranny. The family principle * On that account Solon refused the tyranny, unrirep oyic apiry rov Xa- jiovTOQ tvBv^ av (ia(Ti\tiav yti'Ofifvtiv, Plut. Sol. 14. i'i 424 THE TYRANNY. H I could not have acquired sufficient firmness and consistence in the course of a few generations to support itself hy its own inherent strength, where- fore it became indispensable that new and original excellence should characterize the successor of an able tyrant ; the want of energy and sagacity was fatal ; moral virtue alone could not atone for their absence ; although the ancient institutions had been abolished, the decided opponents to their power, the once governing nobles, were by no means extir- pated ; whilst the demus, formerly destitute of all legal and recognized rights, had already gained by the degradation of that once privileged order to a state of equal subjection with itself. At the same time the active and stimulating government of the tyrants had excited fermentation in all the chan- nels of political life ; by straining the sinews of the state they had not relaxed, but invigorated them ; consciousness and reflection on political systems were roused into activity, one innovation produced another, and even the sight of that success which had crowned the efforts of so many aspirants to the tyranny, was calculated to call up an inclina- tion to emulate their example^, or to inspire self- confidence and the consciousness of a capacity to rise in the scale of importance. Hence, in various parts of the Grecian continent, to which the power of Sparta did not extend, the tyranny, which had in some instances been inherited with- out the sanction of energy and intelligence, a short time before the Persian wars sunk beneath the efforts of numerous assailants ; these were exhi- «^ Periander says, Herod. 3. 53: Tvpavvit; xpnfia fftpaXnpoV ttoXXo* cf ai'Tijg tpaarai tiVt. DOWNFAL OF THE TYRANNY. § 52. 425 bited in various modes '^ but seldom in the simul- taneous rise of the people as against Phalaris^^ whilst the impulse which was caused by the strug- gle with the Persians at length spread to Sicily, and eventually effected the deliverance of that country. The despotic government which afterwards arose served to cast an unfavourable light upon the ancient tyranny, but the demus which had achieved its freedom and possessed numerous memorials of the greatness of those rulers, long continued to recal their merits with affection and ^^ratitude ** ; heroic honours were awarded to Gelon and The- ron '\ and their names, with those of a Cypselus, a Clisthenes, and a Pisistratus, have be^en handed down to posterity with the glory they deserve. But the pupilage of the demus was now ended, and upon the liberation of Athens, where its career was most triumphant, it was soon destined to show what its emancipated strength could accomplish against the insolence of Persian barbarians and the vengeance of the expelled tyi^ant Hippias. ^ Aristot, Poll. 5. 8. 9—11. Concerning the personal Motives which in- fluenced the murderers of Hipparchus, see Thucyd. 6. 53, sqq. ; iElian. V. H. 2. 8. " Cic. de Offic. 2. 7. " It was not customary " Acta rescindere ;" the assertior of GelHus 9. 2, IS not consistent with the fact. Corinth, indeed, caused the Delphic treasure of Cypselus 4o be transferred to the name of the state, Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 7. 576; but the epitaph of Periander was preserved inviolate, Diog. L. 1. 97 ; and the undertakings commenced by him against other states were partly con- tmued by the commonwealth. But popular hatred is unequivocally expressed in the conduct of the Agrigentans, who forbade their citizens to wear that colour which had once been worn by the body-guards of Phalaris. " Diodor. 11. 38. 53. i 1 t I APPENDIX, n \( II r' I. On the Etesian Winds, § 3. 11. 20. The following collection of the principal statements in the ancient writers concerning the Etesian winds, has been made with the view of imparting some degree of definiteness to this subject, to which such frequent allusion is made ; and therefore cannot, from its nature, become the medium of new or original opinions. Northerly winds prevail during the greater part of the year in the Grecian seas ; they begin to blow in the morning, whilst the evenings are generally calm. Clarke, Travels, 2, 3. 380. According to Kinsbergen, p. 80, northerly winds prevail at Tenedos for nine months. Hence, the entrance to the Hellespont is rendered so difficult, and the corn-vessels which used to convey sup- plies from Egypt to the imperial city of C'onstantinople were frequently obliged to lie so long at anchor ; on which account Justinian established magazines on the island of Tenedos, to preserve the corn from the damage to which it became liable on board. Procopius de CEdific. 5, 2. The north wind in general (not the Etesife), frequently denominated from Thrace (Hesiod. Op. et Di. 507, sqq. BprjdaaL TTvoal, Soph. Antig. 585. STpv/jLovlrjs, Herod. 8. 118.) was disliked by the Greeks; it is characterized as rough (Bvottvool irvoal, Soph, ubi sup.) The Etesiae form one variety of this class. The word eTrjalac, according to its etymological signification, denotes winds which return annually with a certain regularity. Bopiac iTTJcrioi, Aristot. Probl. 26. 2, In Alexandria the h'naiai eV twv fiopeicov, Strab. 17. 793, began every year 428 APPENDIX I. I with the summer. Aquilones Etesiae, Plin. Hist. Nat. 2. § 42. Etesia flabra aquilonum, Lucret. 5. 741. Comp. 6. 730. So far the word Etesiae is not used in reference to northerly winds alone. By Posidonius, the evpot, were designated irrjaiat, of the sea extending from Iberia to Sardinia, Str. 3. 144; also the Indian rainy winds by Eratosthenes, Str. 15. GOO— 692. Compare Arrhian. Anab. 6. 21 ; Indica 2\ ; Seneca Qu. Nat. 5. 18; Etesiae — totam Indiam et ^Ethiopiam continuis aquis irrigant. This serves to explain the statement, Liv. 37. 23, that the fleet of Antiochus had had a slow passage towards the west, along the south coast of Lesser Asia: adverso tempore Etesiarum, quod velut statum Favoniis esset. Therefore the word is used without any allusion whatever to a particular point of the compass, Phavorinus ap. Gell. Noct. Att. ; Etesiae et prodromi — certo tempore anni, cum canis oritur, ex alia atque alia cceli parte spirant. Compare Apuleius de Mund. 2. 261 : Sunt Etesiae et prodromi spi- rantes ex omni parte eo tempore aestatis, quo canis oritur. The word is, in its most limited acceptation, applied to the north-west winds which blew every year about the time of the dog-days in the Grecian seas. To these refers Theophrast. de Vent. etc. (Hanau, 1605. fol.) p. 58; only the north winds are eTrjaiai, not the south winds. These Etesiae began to blow at the rise of the dog- star, and refreshed Greece during the continuance of the oppressive heats, Pollux, Onom. 1. 61, Oepos irepl ra ^Ertja-ia irvevfiara. Seneca, Quaest. Natur. 8. 10 : Ete- siarum flatus aestatem frangit. Concerning the heat of this season, see the passages in Kruse, Hellas 249. 250. 262. The power which the Etesiae exerted over it is at- tested by the expressive " mythus" of Aristeas, to which we can merely direct the attention of the reader. The Etesiae, like northerly winds in general, usually ceased during the night. Theophrast. de Vent. p. ^S, Plin. Hist. Nat. 2. 47. Sen. Qu. N. 5. 11 : Atqui Ete- siae ob hoc somniculosi a nautis et delicati vocantur, quod — mane nesciunt surgere. They are accurately described as north-west winds by APPENDIX I. 429 Aristotle, de' Mund. 4 : 01 irrtaiat Xeyofievoi fiL^iv (^'X^0VT€9 tS)V T€ aWO TTJS dpKTOV €pOfl€V(OV Kol ^€VpQ)V. Comp. Aristot. Meteorol. 2. 6, where several winds from the same point of the compass are spoken of. Diodor. 1. 39: Ov fiopeac yap ovB' airapKriaL fiovoc aXKa koX oi TTveomes airo OepLvrjs hvaetos apykGrai KOLVUivovai rrjs T(ov eTTja-lcov Trpoayyopias. Therefore in Hesych. 'Jp- yiarac — ol injaioc. Comp. Suid. ^Errjalai, According to Theophrast. de Vent. p. 62, there blew in several regions, during the Etesiae, a sort of counter- winds; as, for instance, the TlaXifi^opeas of the Euripus. Their strength was not everywhere equal. In Thessaly they were moderate, Theoph. ub. sup. p. 63; on the islands violent, still more so by Carystus ; Ibid. p. 70: fiaXKov la-xyova-c Koi avvrovoTipcos rols popeioa. On the north coast of Egypt their strength was very great; hence the assertion, that the inundations of the Nile arose in consequence of their impeding the course of the river; Herod. 2. 20. Comp. Diod. ubi sup.; Ammian. Marc. 22. S5, Therefore Caesar was compelled by the Etesiae to remain in Egypt, qui Alexandria, navigantibus sunt adversissimi venti. They rendered the passage from Rhodes to Athens almost impracticable during the dog-days. Cicero ad Att. 6. 7. (The brother of Sir Sydney Smith spent nearly a month on the passage from Rhodes to Cos. Clarke's Trav. 2. 2. 380.) The following examples may serve to prove the influ- ence they exercised on navigation and political warfare. The oldest on record is probably the mention of a drifting from Cape Malea towards Crete, in three different parts of the Odyssey, viz., 3. 289, sqq. ; 4. 514, sqq. ; 9. 80, sqq.— Miltiades sailed with the Etesiae from Eleus to Lemnos, Herod. 6. 140.— After the battle of Salamis, the Corcyreans who had remained behind to reconnoitre, alleged as a pretext that they had been prevented by the Etesian winds from doubling Cape Malea, Herod. 7. 168. This is not to be interpreted of the easterly course, but of the northerly direction, in which it was afterwards necessary to steer. On the subject of the passage from I ( ]■: ' ' I 430 APPENDIX II. the Pontus into the Hellespont with the assistance of the Etesiae, see Polyb. 4. 44; 6. 10. Most important was their influence on the naval operations of Philip of Mace- don and the Athenians. They impeded the progress of the Athenians towards the north (Demosth. Philipp. 1. 48. 93. ed. Reisk.) ; but Philip availed himself of them for the objects of his expedition (Argum. Demosth. Phil. 1. 39). They were no less influential in the Ionian sea. When they blew, the passage from Cephallenia to Mes- senia could be performed in one day ; Polyb. 5. 5. They facilitated the voyage from Italy to Greece (Cicer. ad Famil. \2, 22), and to the east (Tacit. Hist. 2. 98). On the other hand, they greatly protracted Dion's passage from Zacynthus to Sicily* Plut. Dion 24. II. T/ie Passes of the Cithceron, § 6. n. 37. Towards the south, Boeotia is so shut in by the Cithaeron and Parnes, that eastward and westward of these mountains it is only close to the sea that there is space enough left for roads ; in the former direction there was a convenient one from Attica to Oropus, in the latter a very arduous one, {opeivrj, Xen. Hell. 6. 4. 3 ; x^^^'^Vf Ibid. 6. 4. 25. Conf. 5. 4. 16 — 18, and the statements in Mull. Orch. 492. 493.), along the brink of the Alcyonian sea from the Megarian Pagae towards Creusis. But the great thoroughfare between Boeotia and the Peloponnesus led over the Cithaeron. Allusions to them in ancient authors are sufficiently numerous ; nevertheless it is still a matter of doubt whether there was one military road (\€a)epovaav ohov ' Kal afia ecopayv roifs IleXoTrovprfa-lovs ttjv Trpbs Kci^aipcova Kal Apvos K€a\a9, TTJV eir ^AO'qvayv (f>€povaap puera Aap,- wdheov BccoKovras ' Kal iirl pLev ef rj kina araSlovs ol TTKaTaifis tt)v iirl rayv Qrjj^ibv ix^opV^CLv,' fireuB* vTroa- Tpeyjravres yeaav rrjp irpos to opos epovcrap oBoPy ey EpvOpas Kau TaiaSy Kal Xafiopuepoc tcjp opcou BiaSevyoV' (Tiv h Tas^AOrjpas, Comp. Pausan. 9. 1.3; NcokXtjs — Bo(,(i)Tapx(op — {tovs Qrjpaiovs) ov ttjp evOeiap dwo tS)V Sr)ff(i>p TrjP T€ iirl ttjp ireBidBa, tt)p Be iirl ^Taiwp ^ye irpos 'EXevOepcop re Kal ttjs ^Attlktjs, Two ways up the south side are described by Xenoph. Hell. 5. 4. 14: Kal rrju plIp Be ^EXevOepwp oBop Xafipias, e^fop ^AOrjpalayp irekiaa-TCLS iv\aTT€P ' 6 Be KXeopufipoTOs dpi^acpe Kara TTjv is nXaTacds epovaap ' irpoiopTes Be ol TreXTaaral (viz., of Cleombrotus) TrepiTvyxcivova-LP i^rl toJ dKp(p (pvXaTTOva-t, tocs e/c tov dpayKaiou XeXvpfipois (i. e. STjffaloLs) — Kal TOVTOVs puep diraPTas — direKTeipap ' axrros 3e KaTe^aipe irpos rds UXaTaids. From this it appears, especially from the passage of Xenophon, 5. 4. 14, and of Thuc. 3. 24, that there were two passes on the heights of the Cithaeron, the one from Eleutherae to Hysiae and Erythrae, the other from Megaris to Plata?aB. To the latter, however, appertains the name Apvos KedXds, Comp. the above-quoted passage of Thucydides. This pass not only seems to have been the more convenient one, but likewise the more agreeable to the Peloponnesians, a« i % )n' I I t \ 432 APPENDIX III. they could reach it from Megaris, without touching on the territory of the Athenians ; and this is understood in those passages which do not contain a more special local description — for instance, in those of Xenophon cited above. In after-times its superior practicability became so generally acknowledged, that the other pass was scarcely ever traversed, and passengers generally took the road from Eleutherae to Plataeae. Thus Pausanias, 9. 2. 2: XeoH^opo^ aw' 'EXevOepcop is HXaTaiav ar/ei; and Strab. 9. 41 1 :— t^i/ 6B6p ttjv ety *A0i]va9 kul Meyapa eirl T^v opcov tcov ttjs 'AmKrjs koX rrjs MeyaplSos. This road, finally, is the one in use at the present day. III. Geraneia and Onewn. § 6. n. 42. 44. The mountain Geraneia {rj Tepaveui', in Diodor, 19. 54, re/MM/ur,)— there can be no doubt — lay to the north- east of the isthmus in Megaris. Thuc. 1. 105. Compare 1. 108; 4. 70. Pausan. 1. 40. 1. Steph. Byy.an. Fepapeia. That side of it which declined towards the Saronic gulf was exceedingly steep; there were the Scironian rocks (comp. an epigram attributed to Simonides in Brunck's Analect 1. p. 143); to the west it stretched as far as the gulf of Corinth, wherefore Pagae situate there was of importance as a place of thoroughfare. There was likewise a rarely-trodden road at the back of tlie moun- tain— Suo-oaoj—i} Fepdveia, Thucyd. 1. 107. Conf. 108, and Diodorus 11. 80. Entirely distinct from this is the range of mountains called Oneion (ro^'Ouecov, Xenoph. Hell. 6. 5. 51. "Ovea oprf, Polyb. 2. 52. "Oveia ^piy, Strab. 8. 380.) This is almost universally described by the moderns as a part of the Geraneia, or as very nearly connected with it, and placed northward of the isthmus. This does not appear to me to be correct. Strabo seems to be the authority adduced in support of the statement; he says, 8. 380: t« APPENDIX III. 433 KaXovfieva yveca Sprj, Biarelvovra fiixpi BoLeorlas Kal KieaLpwposairo rwv S/ceipavlScov irerpeov, dwo rrjs irapct Tavras oBov 7rpo9 rrjv 'Attlktjv. Comp. 9. 393, and the passage in Vatic. Append. 3. 71, which is nearly to the same effect. But this— supposing these local appellations to have undergone no change in Strabo's time— appears to involve a confusion with the Geraneia, and it results from the testimony of older writers, that the Oneion lay to the south of the isthmus. In corrobora tion of this, we might especially refer to Thucydides' description of the battle between the Athenians and Corinthians near the hill Solygius, 4. 4^—44. This lay along a creek twenty stadia south of the isthmus, between the two Cenchreae. During the battle a detachment of Corin- thians was unemployed in Cenchreae— to vroty ov Kara- BrjXos VJ^XV V^ ^o rod opovs Tov'Oveiov. Hence it would appear that the Oneion was situated between Cenchreae and the Solygius. But this must not be con- ceived as a single mountain, but as a series of heights, which rendered the entrance to the Peloponnesus ex- tremely difficult, and across which there were several pas- sages— Xenoph. Hell. 7. 1. }5,—€vXaTTovdXXosdXXoe€v rov 'Oveiov, AaKcBai/iopcoc Be koX IleXXrjveh fcard to emfiax(OTaTov. The most practicable was by Cenchrese, Xen. Hell. 6. 5. 51 : rrjv KaXXiarrjv irapd Keyvpias irdpoBov. Comp. 7. 1. 41 :— to i/ virep Keyxp^cjv X6(j>ov, On the subject of Epaminondas' passage across it, compare Polyaen. 2. 3. 3 ; 2. 3. 9. Between the Oneion and the Geraneia lay the valley of the isthmus (see Gell. ap. Popp. Thucyd. 2. 232. note). Here Chabrias threw up a trench, Olymp. 102. 4, from Cenchreae to Lechaeum, in order to prevent Epaminondas from entering the Pe- loponnesus, Diodor. 15. 68. Again, upon the approach of Antigonus, Cleomenes fortified the space between Acro- corinthus and the Oneion to guard the Peloponnesus, Polyb. 2. 52, but thereupon fell back upon the Oneion himself, Plut. Cleom. 20. VOL. I. It 1 . f 434 APPENDIX IV. IV. • ^ r •Hi I 'J The Sources from which our Knowledge of the Heroic Age is derived, § 9. n. 1. The Grecian historian possessed no older or richer store of materials for the primitive ages of his own nation, than was contained in the Jtlomeric poems ; and althoucxh it might occasionally have been asked whether certain historical and geographical notices might with safety be borrowed from them, still criticism was very far removed from the annihilating attitude it has assumed at the pre- sent day, which compels every one, who wishes to adduce Homer as an historical authority, to support a contest for him and for the validity of his testimony, without which quotations from the Homeric poems run the risk of being considered wholly inadmissible. Whether these poems had one composer or several is by no means an indispensable preliminary enquiry ; it is sufficient that they reveal a pecuhar and exclusive spirit, which, if it does not belong to a single individual, at least is the property of a moral person, a particular age, and as such constitutes admissible evidence for a political state of things, to which, and not to events, our expositions are more especially directed ; considered in this point of view, their testimony is perhaps more valuable than that of a single individual. For the sake of brevity, however, we shall still continue to employ the ancient name of Homer. In this consideration it is necessary to adopt one of two hypotheses: 1, Homer either adapted his poetry to some- thing which existed before and with him, consequently either gave a faithful transmission of the legend, or repre- sented his own time; or, 2, Homer created original poetry, without any archetype in reality whatever. The scepticism of antiquity was almost exclusively directed to the events commemorated by Homer and his geographical state- ments. The ancients are tacitly agreed as to the credibility ^nd historical accuracy of his delineations of the moral and APPENDIX IV. 435 political phenomena of his time : on this head there existed no doubt. The principal sceptics of the former kind were Herodotus i, most characteristically called by Fr. v. Schlegel the first Chorizon, whose incredulity, with regard to Helen's abode in Troy, had been caused by Egyptian legends ; Eratosthenes and Apollodorus on the subject of geographical data, the former even to raillery 2 ; Dion Chrysostomus on the destruction of Troy. Thucydides, in the consciousness of that greatness which was the attribute of the Athenian age, beheld in the early times nothing but the humble infancy of things, but he does not question the accuracy of the political picture or the heroic way of thinking; Ephorus, by beginning his his- tories with the Heraclid-Doric migration, seems to have pronounced all that lay beyond it fabulous matter, but it was very far from his intention to supply grounds for the conclusion that the matter in question was wholly desti- tute of an historical character, from the circumstance of its being unfitted for the range of his historical investiga- tions ; on the contrary, he is not unfrequently more en- tangled in the legendary cycle of the heroic age, than historical criticism is disposed to allow. P0I3 bins, where judgment was wholly free from the influence of Grecian prejudices, expresses himself, with particular reference to the geographical statements, to the effect ihat Homer, notwithstanding he made use of the hcense of a poet, still took facts for a basis \ The ancients attempt for the most part to meet the enquiry whether Homer represents what existed in his age, by an examination of insulated statements; for in- stance, when Ephorus in Strabo *, in no very critical ' Herod. 2. 120. ~^»?v dvefiu)v cktkov. Strab. 1 . 24 : and con- cerning Apollodorus, ibid. 7. 298. —in fiTiSfvbg d\ri9ovQ dvairTsiv koivi^v TiparoKoyiav ovx OfitiptKov ' Tpo(T7rt7rr« yap, (og iUbg, wg TriOavwrepov, av ovt(o rig ^evSoiTo, il Kara- Sr^ p.".f "^ °^'^^v rSiv d\Ti9ivwv. Strab. 1. 20. Compare liis Judgment, 1. 0: Fa 6£ riva ftri avfiipiavei, fitrafioMg airidaBai hi, ff ayvoiav, f/ rai «[otjnc»/v IKovaiav, rj (rvvkarriKtv iK laropiag, koI ciaOeffewi:, Kai nv9ov.^ Ct TtavTa irXdrruv, ov wi9avbv, oW 'OutfpiKov, and see, on this subject, 'r. V. Schlegel, Gesch. d. ep. Poes. Schr. 3. 90. * Strab. 10. 479. 1 f 2 436 APPENDIX IV. spirit observes, that Homer places a hundred cities in Crete, whereas there were only ninety in the heroic age; more pertinently Velleius Paterculus remarks^, that Homer mentions Corinth, which did not yet exist under that name. But on the other hand it is most justly affirmed by the pseudo-Herodotus, in the life of Horner^, that the latter was compelled, by esthetical necessity, to embody in his poetry either that which was most beauti- ful in itself, or what was peculiar to his own country. Let us for a moment suppose that the political descrip- tions and opinions of Homer had been borrowed from foreign models : nothing but an equal violation of reason and nature could have represented what was actually ex- isting in other countries, as the native institutions of by- gone ages ; jest, satire, and allegory were equally foreign from his intention. It is even doubtful whether Homer was so accurately acquainted with the political system of any other country, as to be capable of calling up a distinct poetical image of it. It must have been as remote from his design, as it would have been absurd in itself, to de- scribe, in a popular poem, which was destined to per- petuate the life and actions of the fathers in the remem- brance of the sons, ideal constitutions and purely fictitious manners and customs, works of art, etc., in lieu of the usages and objects of their own country. He must have been devoid of all inclination to such a course ; for the national poet, who arises during the youth of a nation, is generally identified with, and held in subjection by the present ; he cannot disengage himself from it, and in him natural feeling is the apprehension of a poetical truth, which appears as such to his people in the same manner as to himself. This may be asserted of the ancient Greek poet with more especial truth, as it was ever a prominent feature in the disposition of his nation to adapt the ethical side of life in all its bearings to its own peculiar character, ' Veil. Paterc. 1. 3, ex persona poetae. • Ep. 37 : — avSpa iroirjTTjv tijXikovtov tucoQ Itrri rwv vofi'ifiutv rdv xapa ToXg av9p(!>woig rroiovvra tig r^v iroitiaiv, rjroi rd KaWtara t^fvpovra TTOuctv, r/ rd tiAivTov iraTpia kovra. APPENDIX IV. 437 and to reconcile and bring it into harmony with it. Thus the gods were in the heroic age drawn after the models of the illustrious Greeks 7; hence Homer is acquainted with the wonders and monsters of other regions, but not with foreign political institutions and manners.. It is in the physical world only that poetry sports uncontrolled with all sorts of airy images; the moral picture has only grada- tions, not essentially different ot foreign colours. This is, at the same time, a pledge to us of the willingness of Homer to reproduce in a faithful transcript, those manners, cus- toms, and feelings with which he was acquainted, but at the same time, according to the poet's right, in hues more bright and vivid. Finally, it is by no means difficult to strip of its poetical garb the description of moral and pohtical life. The attachment to the real world there involuntarily discovers itself in the feeling, which does not disdain to exhibit, in the same picture, the splendour of silver and gold and the farm-yard of Ulysses. In this respect Thucydides^, even in his time, judge* Of wpdniv re Kai x^k, ib. Analogous to this is 8. 137, laav yhp ronaXai jcai ai rvpavviStg tCjv avQpwiziov dffOevUg xprjfiaffi, ov fiovov 6 SrinoQ' r) Sk yovri rov (3aai\i)og avrr) ra aiTia atpi iiriaat. " "Q SoXwi/, ^6\u}v,"E\\riviqai\ TralStg tan, ykputv Sk'EXXnvovK tffnv. Platon. Tim. 22 B. i r i " I have only had access to Weber's translation of the Principi di Scienza Nuova, p. 358. Jupiter is the idea of religion ; Juno and Diana signify mar- riage; Apollo the god of civil splendour, of nobility; Venus, civil beauty; Minerva and Mercury signify the lex agraria ; p. 441. 458. Plebeians are re- presented by Tantalus and Mars, the latter of whom is wounded by 3Iinerva (the armed aristocratic orders); Vulcan, who is hurled down from heaven. Comp. p. 269. The heroes are beautiful, whereas ^sop and Thersites, as plebeians, are ugly. Irus, in the Odyssey, is the type of an agrarian contest. The views of his successor, Pagano, are, it must be confessed, developed in a very different manner. of the subject 19 attempts to establish a connection between the Homeric and the heroic ages indeed, but separates both from the succeeding one. Moreover, it regards the subsequent age as entirely new, and as a consequence of the migration of the Heraclidae, and the events by which it was followed, thus severing the lineal tie which connects it with the time of the heroes. Now if this should be imagined as an earlier order of things within the limits of Hellenic nationality, such a view of the subject might be compared to the ancient Grecian opinion, which represented the rise of political society as occurring after a destruction through inundation, or some other cala- mity 20. But that opinion rather makes Homer and the heroic age co-existent with, than anterior to the com- mencement of the historical age of the Greeks; ; that is to say, places him in Troas at the court of the still remaining Dardanidae in Gergis. But, on the other hand, it as- cribes works of remote antiquity in the heart of Greece, the Cyclopean walls, etc., to the age after the migration of the Heraclidae. The first hypothesis assumes that the Homeric dialect arose from the mixture of language during the ten years war, but was afterwards adopted by the lonians, together with the poetry, by vfhich means Homer became naturalized. But how, I again ask, are we to fill up that void which is created beyond tlie migration of the Heraclidae by the total annihilation of Grecian feel- ings and actions? Nay, still more, whence are we to derive compensation for the original poetical excellence of which we strip the Greeks immediately after the mi- gration? From Gergis? The path is not inviting; we dare not contemplate the void, which is asserted to have existed during this period in Greece, and rise up in de- fence of her rightful claims. Now, although it is not very difficult to prove that various institutions of subsequent polity were promulgated '> Schubarth, Ideas on Homer and his Ape, 1821, and tbe announcement of the book in the Jena. L. Z. 1823, September. » Aristot. Poll. 2. 5. 12 ; Plat. Tim. 22, C. D. ; Politic. 270, C. ; deLegg. 3.677, A. ! 442 APPENDIX IV. with the stamp of heroic antiquity, as, for example, under the kingship of Sparta, still the space between the fall of Troy and the Homeric poesy is too considerable, for the commemoration of many of the forms of the heroic aae not to have been entirely left to tradition. But the pro- vince of tradition is not so much the commemoration of a state of things and manners, as a recital of events and actions ; it can only seize and reproduce the spirit of the primitive time in the antique character of its style. Therefore, descriptions of objects of this kind, which were no longer in actual being, might be looked upon as the subjective creations of the poet's mind ; but this could only be imagined in the closest communion and interaction with the general spirit of the contemporary age, and its fund of legendary lore. It remains to be asked, whether Homer is to be looked upon as the only source of our information concerning the heroic age? There can be no doubt, that manifold legends were propagated at the same time with the Homeric poems, and that the remembrance of the ancient times was conducted through various channels to younger generations. To these must be referred those traditions, of which no traces are to be discovered in Homer. Even the ancients declared, that his silence ought not to be adduced without hmitation, as an evidence of the non- existence of a thing "1. Does it follow that Cyclopean walls were not constructed till after Homer's time, from the fact of his not having mentioned them? It would require many pages to enumerate all the instances in which, and all the reasons why, he was silent, and to exhibit the argumentum a siUniio in its real insigni- ficance 22. In the poems of Hesiod, whose name, like that of Homer, must be regarded as the representative of an age, „ *^ —".trXSiq U TO firj Xsytiv ov tov firj eldevai ffrfuiiov iffr'iv. Strab. 1. 36 ; comp. 1. 32 ; 8. 341 ; 12. 553. » Mille preuves de ce genre ne peuvent en former une positive ; on ne sauroit, trop le repeter.— L'abus des preuves negatives a enfanie tous ces systemes, dont nous sommes depuis si longtems inondes, etc. Sainte-Croix Des Anc. Gouvern. Federatifs, p. 320. APPENDIX IV. 443 and in those of the Cychc poets, we likewise behold ancient tradition and modern fiction flowing side by side; the latter is eminently conspicuous in the Hoiai, of Hesiod; but the more marked the difference between the institu- tions of the past and present became, the purer was the gratification derived from the poetical description of the ancient greatness. But henceforward there were two sources of adulteration : first, the infancy of modern in- stitutions was removed back into the historical times, in order thereby to render them more venerable, as the patricians in Rome afterwards sought to derive lustre from the glory of their ancestors in the regal age, and in Sparta various institutions obtained greater saaction from being denominated Lycurgan ; and secondly, it became necessary to assimilate the discipline of that which had existed in the heroic age to subsequent phenomena, whose origin was falsely referred to that age : this is perceptible in the monarchy of the Attic tragedy, and the asserted foundation of the Athenian democracy by Theseus ^s. Even Aristotle himself ^^\ although probably only merely in order to exemphfy an analogy, pretends to discover the infancy of ostracism amongst the Argonauts, who leave Hercules behind. Hence, in availing ourselves of all the sources pre- sented to us, we must be especially careful to discriminate between those opinions which were foreign to the heroic times, and the facts they accompany. Now as Homer will be our principal authority, and his age expresses itself in him, the peculiar opinion of the poet and the pohtical maxim— the expression of the national mind, cannot be so entirely separated, as in the case of the writer or individual statesman, and the collective nation of succeeding ages ; nevertheless, even in Homer, it is by no means difficult to distinguish between what was considered as a gnome in itself, and the original and dramatic portraiture of cha- racter, for instance, that of an heroic Agamemnon and a quarrelsome Thersites. 23 =» Hence, no importance can be attached to testimonies from .Eschylus and Euripides, and the appeals of the orators to the constitution of Theseus. " Polit.3.9. It I I 444 APPENDIX V. V. The Tyrrhenian Pelasgians. §9. n.2\. A few additional observations respecting the confusion between the Pelasgic Tyrrhenians and the Etruscans or Italian Tyrrhenians may not be out of place here. The Tyrrhenians belonging to the Grecian mother-country were the builders of the Pelasgic citadel in Athens alone, who, when driven from thence, passed over into Lemnos, Imbrus, and (Miill. Orchom. Append. 4. 438.) Scyros, and afterwards into Thrace. Herod. 1. 57; Thuc. 4. 109. When Herodotus separates the Pelasgians from the Tyr- rhenians — UeXaa-ySv, rwv inrep Tvparjvdov Kprjardopa TToXiv olKeovTcoVt 1. 57. — he betrays an imperfect acquaint- ance with the subject. Thucydides ubi sup. very explicitly calls the Tyrrhenians a Pelasgic tribe, and, on the con- trary, mentions the Crestoniats as a distinct race residing near them (Herodotus, Pelasgians) (to Se TrXecarov Tle- Xaa-yiKov, t(ov koI Atj/jlvov irore koX ^Adrfvas Tvparjvcov olKTjadvrcov, koI Bia-aXriKov, Kal Kpi^crrcoviKov, k. t. \.) ; he undoubtedly knew that country better than Herodotus. The etymologist may very well consider Tvppi9, a tower, fortress, {rvpaos, to iv vyjrec (pKoho^rj^evov, Suidas ; com- pare Or ph. Argon. 151. rvpaiv ipv^vrjs MCkriToio, Pind. Ol. 2, 127, Kpovov TvpaLv) to be the root of the name Tyrrhenian, (Dionys. Hal. Arch. 1. 2Q: — rrjv eirayvvfiiav — TavTr)v CLTTO Tcjv ipv/JLarcov, a irpSyroi — Kareo-Kevdaavro — TvpaeLs yap kol irapd Tvpprjvols al ivT€l')(^coc koI are- yaval olKrjaeis, k. t. \. He adduces the Mosynaeci by way of analogy), then immediately traces the etymology ofrvpavvos, the lord of the tower or citadel, and connects this with the Etruscan Lar, Lord, and Larissa, Pliilo- chorus and others, with less attention to the simple root, considered Tvpprjvos the primitive of Tvpavvos. Thus the former, Schol. Luc. Catap. (Siebel. p. 13): Tvpavvos etpTjTac aTTo twi' Tvpprjvcov twi/ ficaloyv Kal \T)aTOt)V ef APPENDIX V. 445 apxn^f /c. T. \. Hence it is easy to explain the frequent confusion of those two words, as well as of their derivatives jvpavviKos and TVpprjvtK09 in the lexicographers; as in Phot. ireKapyLKov to vtto t($}v Tvpdvvcov KaTaaKevaaOev rrj9 cLKpoTToXecos Tclxos ; Etym. M. XiVTrjLhay of Lemnos, the XivTLesy Wvos TVpavviKov Kal Xrja-TpcKov, there, etc. Comp. above § 50. n. 24. Sophocles in Inachus 'Ivaxi yivvarop — , fikya irpeff^eviov Kai Tupp»;voipa7pla, v\rjv, 'E/cXrjOrj Se iraTpa fiev ' els rrjp hevrepav fierdfiaaLv iXOoprcov r) Kard p,ovas eKa(TT(a irporepov ovaa a-vyyeveiay diro rov irpea- ^VTUTOV re kol fidXia-ra l<7)(y(TavTos iv rw yevei rrjv iTravvfilav exovaa, ov av rpoirov AlaKihas t; HeXoirihas eiTTOi TLs dv, ^arpiav (instead of iraTpiav) he avve^T) XeyeaOac kuI ^parplavy eirecBrj rcves els erepav irdrpav (instead of ^pdrpav) ehLhoaav Ovyarepas eavrcov, Ov yap en twv iraTpccoTLKcov lepcov el')(€ KOivcoviav rj hoOelaa^ aXV els Tr]v rov XaffovTos avrrjv avveTeket Trdrpav, ^'ila2s avv dBeXcfxo, krepa ris lepwv ereOrj KOCvravtKTj arvvohos, rjv hr^ paTpiav (instead of TrarpLav) utvojjLa^ov' Kal irdXcv wfrre irdrpa fiev ovTrep eXirofxev eic rrjs a-vyyevelas rpoirov eyevero fidXiara rrjs (instead of rocs) yovewv avv reKVOLs icaX reKvcov (instead of reKva) avv yovevai, (fyparpla Be €k rrjs rtDV dheX(f}wv. ^vXrj he Kol vXov eXeyero elvai. The chief fact to be borne in mind here is, that Dicasarchus did not conceive or wish to explain the various actually-existing social unions historically, but proposed to ascertain philosophically the fundamental principles of human society with the internal pledges and sureties for its subsistence, and to exhibit the root of the Koiveovla in three successive gradations, from the union of a family to that of a state, in connection with which the subsequent modifications of human associations, con- sidered from particular points of view, constitute the materials of history. Dicaearchus sets out with an original simple relation, a separate existence — 17 Kara fjuovas, etc. This tacitly im- VOL. 1. o g \H f 450 APPENDIX VII. plies marriage, Aristot. Pol. 1. 1. 4: ^AvdyKr] Brj wpwrov avvBvd^€a-OaL Toif9 dvev dWrjXcov fit) Bvi/afievovs elvai, olov drjXv fjuev Kol dppev rrjs yeviaeays %v€Kev, Comp. § 6 : 'H ^ev ovv els irdaav rffiipav OT€pocpdT7]pf brother, (Hesych. aTpla, etc., Buttmann ubi sup. p. 32. 31.) does not serve to trace Hneal relationship to its original source, but implies the reduction of that affinity which existed between collaterals of the same degree to the simplest possible relation of such a nature, namely, that between brother and sister as co-ordinate relatives. Dicaearchus now lays down the political tie as the third principle of human society, the first having been consan- guinity between parents and children, brother and sister, and the second fraternity between members of various Patrae. This is the association of tribes into a state. He here appears to have omitted one stage, namely, the principle of the tribe itself, as composed of Phratrias {v\ov); but for this, according to his scale, he could only have laid down the propagation of the religious principle by means of the extending Phratrias, and during the still imperfect infancy of the political, but not such a one as was independent of, and essentially different from, those two; he therefore passes over the ulterior develop- ment of the Phratria, in which, however, we must not omit to notice the remark at the conclusion — eKaarov jap TGJV (TVveXOovToyv (pvXov iXeyero elvac; and only particu- larizes the moment when a new principle, viz., the poli- tical, is introduced, as the confederation of the <^i)\a to a state, whose constituent parts are afterwards represented by the v\al, ^parplac, etc., (Horn. II. 2. 362: Kara v\a Koi (f>priTpa^\ 2, 840: ^v\a UeTuiaycap ; 17. 220: APPENDIX VIII. 453 ^iTTLKovpwv, etc. Comp. § 44. on the Attic constitution), the point where the development attained maturity, and beyond which the scale of Dicaearchus does not extend. VIII. The Words hrjfios, aarv, TroXty, aKpoirdXis, kolvov, Xaol, aaroLj iroXcTai,. §16. n. 7; §21.n. 5. 6; § 23. n. 1; § 32. n. 3. 5. 30 ; § 48. n. 35. The above words having occurred so frequently in scattered portions of the text, I have thought it advisable to collect them here, and make their relation to one another the subject of a separate discussion; but in so doing, it is very far from my intention to enter into a philological investigation of those expressions in their full extent, or even to make a complete collection of examples for that purpose, which might without difficulty be ad- duced in almost any number. The word S^/xoy originally expressed the ground and soil of the province or canton, (the derivation from Beco ligo—hominum multitudo, societatis vinculo colhgata et in civitatis formam redacta, in Damm and Lennep, although apparently consistent as regards the literal meaning of the word, is by no means consonant to the course of ideas connected with it ; it seems more natural to derive it from the Doric ha than from 7a, or still more so from 8e/ia)) ; hence Trlayv is the epithet applied to it in Hom. II. 5. 710; Od. 3. 201, and in many other passages; Hesiod. Theog. 477, etc. But the notion of the dwellers in the district is frequently added, and country and people are understood together ; thus e/c BrifMov eXaaev, II. 6. 158, iv Br/fiq) ixivei, 9. 630 ; Oeos 8' ws riero Br/fitp, II. 5. 78. etc. ; to which evBrjfios, Hesiod. Op. et Di. 223, and so far land and people are represented as separate, as Odyss. 8. 558: Eiire he fioL yaldv t€ nTjv, Brjfiov t€, TToXti; re; conf. 13. 233 : rUyrj; rls B^fios', where Bfjfj^osf can scarcely be referred to a part of the country, or in 454 II'' APPENDIX VIII. fine to the people alone. Here we will first examine the word in the signification of locality. An essential ingredient of an heroic district was the citadel {do-TV, iroXcSj TrroXUdpov), but, like the heroes who towered above the mass of the people, it is rather described as something added to, than as included in the district, as ir6\r)t re iravri re hr)fi(p, II. 3. 50 ; hrjfiov re ttoXlv t€, Odyss. 6. 3. Hesiod. Op. et Di. 527. In the same manner the eKrifievov indKUOpov and Brj/nov 'Epe- X^vos, II. 2. 54G. 547, whether Homeric or Solonic is immaterial. In expressing the opposition between town and country, other words are generally employed ; e. g. Kara tttoXci^, rje Kar aypom, Odyss. 17. 18: yrjv re Koi da-TV, Theog. 8G6 : xaTa 7r)v ttoXlv koI Tr]v %a)pai/, Lycurg. adv. Leocr. 136. R. ed. It is impossible to determine which of the two appella- tions, dcTTV and iroXi^, is the more ancient. With the subsequent progress of society, however, darv retained its signification of place only, the town as opposed to the country {darvhe iivav, II. 18. 255.), whilst iroXis also had a political notion attached to it. As in reality the reputed cities or towns of the heroic age were only citadels, whilst towns were subsequently erected below them, (Strabo, 8. 336. 337. 3S6; conf. above, § 32.), so the oricrinal signification of do-rv was — citadel. Thus, in the passage of the Etymol. Mag., EvircLTpihaL IkoXovvto ol avTo TO dT7}9, II. 24. 701, and the fieyd in daTV fieya npidfiov, II. 2. 332. 803; 16. 448. eveirpridov ^leya daTV, (Calydon) 9. 585, become significant, and at the same time ttoXlv kol da-Tv, 17. 144, which, at all events, contains more than the pretended pleonasm, might rather be interpreted in reference to upper and APPENDIX VIII. 455 lower town, than town and state. To the same effect is in Simonides Frag. 20. 3. Gaisf. itoXlv TXavKoio Kopiv- Slov dcTTV. However, da-TV was not the only appellation for the citadel ; iroXts also had this signification, and it was not till more recent times that the word aKpoiroXtif was formed from the Homeric iroXis dxprj (U. 6. 88. 257, etc.), to- gether with which, however, in the antique and diplo- matic style, ttoXls continued to be employed in reference tocitadel. Thus, on the subject of that of Athens, Thucyd. 5. 18. 23. 47, Aristoph. Lysistrata, 754. 758. 912. Comp. Pausan. 1. 26. 7. Mceris, ttoXlv ttjv aKpoiroXiv kol iroXidBa "Attlkcos, Pollux, 9. 40 ; Ammonius, oUl^eTac ; moreover, of the Cadmea in Thebes; Plutarch, Pelop. 18: the Upos Xoxos was called 6 eV ttjs TroXeoys X6xo9, then Tas aKpoiroXeis iirceLKws ol totc iroXevs oyvofia^ov. However, Plutarch likewise says dxpa for it., thus Timol. 11. 18. The word ttoXls became the general designation of the subsequent lower towns, and Athens claimed for itself, by way of distinction, the denomination of ao-ru. UoXts alone became extended into a political designa- tion for the state. In Homer there are few or no pas- sages in which this signification is clearly perceptible ; in the poems of Hesiod there are more, as Op, et Di. 238, the whole state {^vfiiraaa ttoXis) suffers for the injustice of one; again, 225, on the flourishing condition of the state under a just prince, TedrfXe iroXis. Conf. 220, et Scut. Here. 380. 474. It is unnecessary to bring forward examples from later times ; nevertheless see Herod. 3. 39. concerning the island of Samos, 8. QQ. of five other island states, and Thucyd. I. 122:— Acal KaTa eOvij kol 'Uaa-Tov da-TV — and afterwards TroXeis ToadaZe xnro p^ias KaKO- iraOelv, where, in the first passage, dcrTv seems to signify the individual place, in the second iroXcs the state. The word kolvov conveys a purely abstract notion, and therefore was not introduced till comparatively late. A prelude to its subsequent use is found in Hesiod. Op. et Di. 721. a repast ix kolvov. Herodotus uses it in speaking of states and state leagues : to kolvov ^irapTuriTewv, 6. f 456 APPENDIX VIII. 50; ^A6r)vai(DVy 7. 144; 'Icoveov, 5. 109; Demosthenes de Coron. iilS, 279. of the Amphictyons, etc. See Titt- mann, Griechische Staatsverfass. 400, sqq. We now come to those cases in which it was employed to express people. Ari^os, as already remarked, conveys the notion of the district with its inhahitants, as well as of the latter alone, thus avhpes ay pofievoL, iras Bfjfjuos, II. 20. 166. It is true that many passages either express or imply the same opposition as existed between the Roman plebs, in its claims to the riglits of the collective community, and the patricians, for BrjfjLos is almost universally used as a designation for the above-mentioned mass of the rural population dependent upon the prince or nobles, and in accordance with the progress of society in the interior of the Grecian states, the ttoX^s", as possessed of superior rights (examples of the former kind are : ra B' dWa is Brjfiov eBcoKe hauTpeveiVy II. 11. 703; ov h' av hrjfiov dvBpa iBot, 2. 198. Comp. 188. and 12. 273; Bfjfiov cfyrjfiis, Od. 14. 239, etc.; thus BtJ/llm K€ve6povL, Theogn. 845; hrjfiov LKoheo-'TroToVf 847 ; Btj/jlos in the celebrated verses of Solon : Ai]/j>(p fiev yap eBcoKa roaov Kpdros, oaov iirapKely k, t. \. (see Plut. Sol. 18) ; hither must be referred 6 hdfios as an appellation of the Spartan community, so far as it was subject to the influence of the kings andgerontes (Plut. Lye. 6). Of the latter description are those given above of theconjunctionof 7ro\tyand3^/Aos,comp. Theogn. 924), But it cannot be denied, that as early as in the Homeric poems Btj/jlos seems in many passages to signify the whole people, including the noble proprietors of the citadels, thus in the obscure passage: %/oeoy, o ol irds Brjfios o6pos oBos, (the road of the army, II. 15. 682,) etc; perhaps even in '-^xtWeu.?, and allied to it is the favourite designation o-Tpdros for people, in Pindar (Ol. 5. 28; 9. 143, etc. Comp. iEsch. Pers. 423, Sophocl. Philoct. 384.) However, the word was like- wise directed to other operations of the people in their public capacity, as in the heroic age they always went armed. Hence arose the expression in religious cere- monies, alya was eaT(o Xecoy, Eurip. Hec. 536 ; ol irdvres Xew, Aristoph. Av. 1225, in which the reraarkable use oF the plural seems to convey the notion of single groups. Moreover, the \aoL in the popular assembly in Hesiod, Theogon. 84. 430, etc. The Thessalian Xrilrov (ap. Herodot. 7. 197.) for irpirravelov, Xijiros for the later Brj/juoaios, the compounds XeLTOvpyia, etc. The words dcnos and TroXlrrjs became general at a 458 APPENDIX IX. later period. The former, however, is found in Homer, II. 11. 242; Od. 13. 192; afterwards more frequently than iroKiTTjs, in Archilochus, Theognis, and the other poets of the age preceding the Persian war, in Pindar, the Attic, etc. ^Aaro^ not only designated the townsman, but likewise the citizen of the state, as in contradistinc- tion to ^evos in Pindar, Olymp. 13. 2. 3; 7. 166; Pyth. 5. 75; Isthm. 1. 75; 6. 102. IIoXIttjs, on the other hand, only denoted the citizen of the state, or, in a larger circuit, the native of the country, but not more particularly than aa-Tos, the townsman, as the Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 894. wishes to represent : TloXlTai oi iroXiv oUovvres dirXm Kot iv 7ro\€L rrjv avaaTpor)v iroiovfievoL' aaToX he ol Wayevels irdXlrai (this, as far as relates to the more ancient use, is not untrue,) tav rots fiev avTiKeivrau ol iv Tols dypoLs T7)v oiKTjaLv e'XpvT€5 {Uere is the error), rols he doTols ol ^evoL (where it may have been occasioned by the opposition in Pindar already alluded to). IX. The confederacy of the Doric Tribes in the Peloponnesus, § 29. n. 5. The confederacy of the Dorians in the Peloponnesus is mentioned in a remarkable passage, Plato, de Legg. 3. 684 : 3aai\elai rpel^ ^aaiXevofjuevaLs iroXea-t Tpirrals wfioaav aXkrfkais etcaTepai Kara vofiovs, ovs eOemo, rovre dpx€i>p teal apx^aSat kolvovs, ol fiev, ^rj ^caiorepav ttjv dp')(r}v iroirjaeadaty irpolovros rod ')(p6vov koX tov yevovs' ot oe, ravra ifXTreBovvrcop tcjp dp')(ovTa)v, fJL'qre avroX Ta9 fiaaiXeias irore KaraXvaeLV, ^irjT eTrirpiy^eiv eTrc^ec- povciv irepoLSf fior)6rja-€Lv Be fiaarCXels re ficunXevaiv dScKOVfJuevocs koI hrj^ois, koI Srjfioc hrjfiois Koi fiaat- Xeva-Lv dSiKovfiipois. The mythico-philosophical tenor of this apparently historical statement may be gathered from Plat. Critias, 120, D. E., where a similar league is attributed to the Atlantic princes. But it may be APPENDIX IX. 459 safely assumed, that at the beginning of the march the leaders and the hordes swore to remain faithful allies to one another, (comp. concerning the oath of the Spartan kings, § 42. n. 74), and that they afterwards gave each other a guarantee for the undisturbed enjoy- ment of their conquests. It is likewise necessary to examine the tradition preserved in Strabo, 8. 333, and Pausanias, 4. 3. 3, respecting the casting of lots for the possession of the Peloponnesus. The assertion that this circumstance took place before the conquest, is untenable; and there are strong reasons against ascrib- ing it to the period immediately after its achievement, for this no sooner happened than dissension broke out. The accession of Arcadia to the Doric league had an influence upon the fact, as well as upon the tradition, Pans. 5. 4. 1 ; 8. 29. 4; Polyaen. 1. 7. Without this the whole conquest might have been defeated ; but in this manner the Dorians, after the victory over Tisa- menus, were led to the three tracts of country which had been united under the Pelopidae, and to this period must probably be referred both the drawing of lots and the above-mentioned alliance, in which the Arcadians must be included (see below, the account in Pausanias), unless it should be assumed that the partition of the army, and the actual occupation by which it was succeeded, were dilated into the tradition concerning the drawing of lots, whilst the success of Cresphontes, in reducing the fruitful Messenia to subjection, was construed into a proof of foul play in drawing (Polyaen. 1. 6; Schol. Soph. Ajax, 1271). The subsequent efficiency of the offensive and defensive alliance against external aggression and internal revolu- tion may be faintly discerned in the tradition preserved to us in Pausanias, 4. 3. 5, which recounts that the fugitive iEpytus was brought back ta Messenia by the Arcadians, Spartans, and Argives. According to Pau- sanias, 3. 5. 8, Argos was said to have called in the as- sistance of that league upon being attacked by Agesipolis; but it is evident, from Xenoph. Hell. 4. 7. 2, that this does not mean a general convention amongst the tribes, *a._ra. 460 APPENDIX X. APPENDIX XI. 461 "1 I ; I 'ui but only a festival during which hostilities were suspended (according to Dodwell the Isthmia, see Schneider ad Xenoph. ubi supra). X. The expressions irarpodev and irals rivos. §30. n. 21. and § 44. n. 10. One of those expressions which denote the value set upon birth and descent, is irarpoOev, The honourable distinction which it implied may be perceived as early as in Homer, II. 10. G8, in Agamemnon's exhortation to Menelaus, to address the heroes : Tlarpodiv Ik yivirJQ hvojiaXtav dvSpa eKaffrov ircLVTUQ Kv^aivtav. Afterwards Herod. 6. 14. relates that the Samian state had granted to the brave men who had fought in the engagement off Lade, iv arrfK/ri apaypa(f)T]vat irarpodev. In Thucydides, 7. 69, Nicias calls upon each of the Trierarchs, irarpoOev eTrovofjid^eov, Compare Plutarch, Pelop. 28, It would almost appear like an exception to the custom generally observed at funerals, when Pausa- nias remarks, that the Sicyonians had not called upon the defunct irarpoOev (p. 2, 7. 5). Hither, moreover, must be referred the expression in Eurip. Rhes. 298: rU 6 (Trparnyyos Ka\ rivos KeKKrjfievost Hence it so fre- quently happens that the name of the son is not mentioned at all, that of his father being employed to distinguish him, as 'AxCSXeays iral, Soph. Philoct. 50. Comp. 57. 92, 96. 304. 384. 452, etc. This serves to explain iEsch. Pers. 144, where Xerxes is called Japeioyevrjs, rb TrarpayvvfjLov yevos dfierepov. Another expression of the same thought is iralBes, vies, with the genitive of a word signifying a class. This involves an extension of the custom of mentioning the name of the father in honour of the son, to an aggregate body, the honour, authority, and rights of which are regarded as the lineal heritage of an individual belonging to it. For example, in Homer passim, vies ^A^aioiv ; in the same manner, rralhes ^EXev- (TLvlcov, Hom. Hymn, in Cerer. 266 \ TralBus 'EWdveov, iEschyl. Persae, 408; iralBes AvSo)v, Herod. 1. 27; 'I(ovo)Vf 5. 49 ; ^Adr)vaL(ov, 5. 77 ; Grj^aicov iralBes, Plut. Alcib. 2 ; MtjBcov iraial, Plut. Cim. 7 ; ^AvBpicov, Plut. Qu. Gr. 7. 192, R. ed. And even walBes dvopwv dyaOcjv, Plat. Menex. 246, B. Hence finally arose the use of iralBes, with a genitive of artists, physicians, orators, etc., as iralBes prjropfov, Dionys. Hahc. Syntax, p. 313. larpwvy etc. See the examples in Blomfield ad iEsch. Pers. 409, which originally referred to the ancient custom of propagating science and art within the circle of particular families, iralBes iarpa>v being nearly equivalent to the Asclepiadac. XI. Autochthones in Attica. § 30. n. 45. Autochthony, the best legal title to the possession of a country, served to reflect lustre upon such Grecian tribes as laid claim to the character, in two ways. First, it added the embellishments of fable to their origin as natives of a district; this, by means of an extreme inter- pretation, being represented as a growing out of the very ground and soil of the country. This is visible in the legendary poetry of Asius concerning Pelasgus, Pausan. 8. 1.2: *AvTi9iov Sk TleXaffybv iv vypiKOfioiffiv opivai raXa /iiXatv' dvkdwKev, 'iva 9vt}tCjv ykvoc ««»? » next in the traditions of the Theban Sparti (see above, § 30. n. 23), the iEginetan Myrmidons (see § 13. n, 3), which three tribes Hellanicus enumerated together with the Athenians as Autochthonic (Harpocr. avroxOovest), But this is not the point of view from which we have to consider the Attic Autochthones. The word Autoch- I ■ i(*1l:i a ¥ I'' 462 APPENDIX XII. thones was employed in the sense of Eupatridse; Moeris: EvrraTplSac ^Attckcjs ' avroxOoves 'EWrjvLKa)9 ; Schol. Soph. Electr. 25 : EirrrarplSai Se irap 'AttikoIs oi au- ToxOoves Kai irapa tovto irepiifiaveh. The pride of Autochthony must, it is true, have been chiefly cherished amongst the A^tic Eupatridae ; nevertheless it afterwards passed over to the whole of the ancient citizens of Athens. Now this Autochthonic nobility, the much-renowned political heritage of the Athenians, to the enjoyment of which the body of the people forced their way, arrogating to themselves by virtue of this title the honourable appel- lation of Eupatridae, did not, like the mythical Autoch- thony already mentioned, rest upon the assertion that their forefathers had grown out of the earth, but was chiefly considered with reference to its negative qualities, namely, that the Athenians had never departed from their original seats, whereas other tribes had only become the occupants of theirs after repeated migrations ♦, and that in consequence of its greater antiquity the nationality of Attica was entitled to greater respect. Hence Aristoph. Vesp. 1076 : "AttlkoX fjuovoc hiKaLws evyevels avroxOoves, Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 424. 28: the Arcadians, like the Athenians, were said to have a high feeling of liberty, fiovoc yap twv dirdprmv vfieh avjoxOoves eVre Kaxeivoi, XII. TleXdrai, Otjtcs. § 32. n. 14. The words ireXdrac and erjres do not signify bond- slaves, like the Penestse, Helots, etc. Aristotle apud Phot, explains IleXdrat — ol aLa-^M ^JniAc//.,^-^.. J»..) ^x eirei to jxplams lUXdrat — ol fiiaO^ BovXevovre^ 7r€\a9 iyy{,s' olov ^^yyiara hid ireviav irpoaiovres. rn„n»,T»K^ ^'r ^'' '^^l' ^^^ generalization of Herodotus ( 1 . 56), in his ac ??rrL!S^i ^'"'l^^'.^*^ '"*^ Arcadian) Pelasgians and the migratory iPnrir^u" ?^'' " ^"^"^ ?P^." *^« A"^^ Autochthony, though without any express claims to supenor authority. ^'6 J APPENDIX XII. 463 Comp. Phot. 6t)T€s ol evexa Tporjs hovXevovres', OrjTevecp — fjLia0

Sv V7rr)p€Ta>v koX TrpoaireXd^cov, and Ruhnken ad loc. p. 211. The Orjre^, as early as in Homer's time, appear in the character of wandering labourers for hire, (see above, § 16. n. 24 ; Odyss. 4. 644. OTjTes T€ Bfia)€9 T€, whcrc dfjres must not be regarded as classed amongst the house-slaves, Bfiwesi)', OijTeveiv is a voluntary service for wages (see Damm Lex. Homer, et Find. OrjTevw), It must be confessed that the relation of the Attic Orp-es, viz., that of resident agricultural labourers, was of a diflerent nature ; still it was by no means one of bondage. UeXdrrj^ passed into the signi- fication of a person recommended to protection, client, Trpocrc^tff , see Amnion. 7r€7\Mo-TrJ9 ; comp. Etymol. Gud. ireXaarqs ; and Valck. ad Amm. ubi sup. The comparison of servants of this description with Helots, etc., was cer- tainly supported by analogy. Theopompus ap. Athen. 10. 443. B., mentions TrpooTreXdrac of the Ariseans (comp. 6. 271. D., where 'ApKaBlovs is incorrectly used), and compares them with the Helots ; perhaps correctly, for here the word must not be taken in its strict accepta- tion. But it is a mere error in writing, when in Suidas, •n-eviarac, the Penestae, are compared with the Attic Thetes, (here TreXarat must be understood as was corrected above in Pollux) ; the same remark applies to the Etymol. Mag. EtX^rey — ol fii^aOm BovXevovres iXevdepoL. 464 if * APPENDIX XIII. XIII. APPENDIX XIV. 465 r The Attic CleruchicB in the Territory of Chalets in Eubcea, § 35, n. 47. Soon after the Athenians had shaken off the tyranny, and overcome the allied Chalcidians and Thebans, they sent four thousand citizens as Cleruchi to take possession of those lands which had before belonged to the Chal- cidian Hippobotae. Herod. 5. 77. This number of Cleruchi is very large, but it does not exceed the bounds of credibihty. On the other hand, the number forty in JE\, V. H. 6. 1, as well as that contained in the other reading, viz., two thousand, are manifestly inaccurate; the latter number refers to the Cleruchiae, which were apportioned by Pericles after the reduction of Histiaea, (Strabo, 10. 445. from Theopompus: — Bis in, the signifi- cation of produced, riXeios arrived at maturity, (to which must be referred rekos, marriage, first t(\os 'ydfj.oio^ Odyss. 20. 74^/^Hpa reXeia), T€X€a6pos ivcavros, bearing fruit, bringing to maturity, then reXos, fruit itself, enjoy- ment, Odyss. 9. 5 : ov yap cywye n tffii TkXoQ xapikartpov elvai fi OT av ivtppoavvfj fuv ixV "^^.tu Siifiov iiiravra. VOL. 1. « li* *il 1 1 III 466 APPENDIX XIV. In this sense, Simonid. Fragm. 98. 2, Gaisford, ^^St/j T€Xo9, matured youth ; similarly Mimnerm. 2, 6, reXos yqpaos] 2, 9, likos aprj9 {Oavdrov rekos is analogous), the periphrasis betokening the arrival of a state of com- pletion, as the terminating point of the preceding period, which may be denominated " a coming into existence," but not as the conclusion of a departing state. Comp. Odyss. 23. 286: el fiev 8r) yrjpds ye Oeol reXeovacv dpeiov. Therefore Zevs irdi/Tcov €ff>opa reXos, implies that Jupiter sees to what consummation, what result any thing will ripen. Comp. the singular use of reXelv, Hesiod. Op. et Di. 273, after the complaint that injustice prevailed, aXXa Tdy ovTTO) eoXira reXelv Ala repiriKepavvov, This leads us to consider its remarkable use in lekos aKpov as the summit, Theog. 594. The same sense may be traced in the is Te\o9 of Hesiod. Op. et Di. 216. 292. 476. 662. Hence epyov leXeaas, Hesiod. Op. et Di. 552, does not so much express the cessation of trouble and labour, as the bringing to bear, the producing. Thus Srmonid. Fragm. 65, 3. Gaisf. applies the word to the making of a flute. In the poems of Homer the words reXos and reXelv are very frequently used as the performance, the action, the work, in reference to a preceding word, promise, fore- boding, expectation, wish, exertion. As II. 1. 108 effkov S' ov8e tL ttco eiTras eiros ovK iTeXeaaas; 7. 69 opKia fiev KpodBrjs irsfrl^vyos ovk iriXeaaep; 19. 242 avTLK eireiO a/ia fivOos erjv, TereXearo Be epyov ; Odyss. 4. 776: reXecofjiev fMvOov, etc. Comp. Theog. 640: — ^ovXals 8 OVK eireyevTO reXos; 164: — reXos B^ epyfiaaip ovx eireraL. Hence proceeded the idea of strength to accomplish, and the power furnished with authority to do so. It occurs in the former sense in Homer, II. 16. 630: iv yap %€/)<7-l riXos TToXefiov, iirioyv B\ ivl fiovXy; in Hesiod. Op. et Di. 667, in speaking of Poseidon and Zeus, ^Ev Tols yap reXos ecnlv ofjucos dyadcov re KaKwv re. From this arose the Pindaric iv 6ew ye fidv reXos, Olymp. 13. 148 ; Zeifs reXeios, ibid. 164. The latter gave rise to the APPENDIX XIV. 46 1 remarkable designation of the magistrates reXr), oi iv TeXet, whereby we are led to consider the interchange of signification between tcXos and dpxv> which the Greeks followed up in various directions, and which maintained itself in the Latin term initia for TeXerr} ; the illus- tration of this point is, however, foreign to the present design. The first example of the former use of the words reXoSf ol iv reXei,, rd reXr}, I select from the treaty for a suspension of hostilities between Athens and Sparta. Thucyd. 4. 118: el Be tl vfilv — BiKaioTepov tovtcov BokcI dvai lovres is AaKeBalfiova BcBdaiceTe' — ol Be lovres, TeXos exovres lovreov. Here reXos is equivalent to Kvpos, full power, authority, therefore the ambassadors were, according to the Scholiast, supposed to be Kvpiot avfi- PfjvaL dvev Twv iroXecov, Comp. Schol. 1. 58: reXij — Bvd TO avTovs rd TeXrj (to riXos) rocs wpdy/jLaa-t riOevai, To adduce a few of the numerous examples: — first, reXos is the office; reXos BvoBeKdfjbrjvov, Pind. Nem. 11. 10, is the office of the Prytanis in Tenedos. Next, with gram- matical consistency, the officers, oi iv reXei ; Soph. Antig. 67: Tols iv reXec fieficoaL ireiarofiac, Herodot. 3. 18. of the Ethiopians : roifs iv reXei eKoo-rovs iovras rayv dcTav; 9. 106: IleXoTrovvrja-lcov fiev Tolat iv reXei iovat, ehoKee, Thuc. 7. 73. of Syracuse : tols iv TeXei ovaiv ; 8. 50 : Tovs iv reXet ovTas, of Samos ; 5. 47 : ol rd TeXrj exovTeSf of EHs. Comp. Budaei, Comment. 227. Sturz, Lexic. Xenoph. reXos, n. 4. and 5. Duker ad Thucyd. I. 58. (01 iv TeXeif are generally superior, not always the highest magistrates. Therefore, Thucyd. 1. 10: — Ta>v paa-LXecov Kal twv fidXiaTa iv reXei ; 2. 10. Archidamus convenes tovs orTpaTrjyovs T(ov TroXecov iraowv Kal tovs fidXiaTa iv TeXec Kal d^toXoycoTaTOVs irapelvai ; 5. 60. Agis' council of war, t(ov iv TeXet ^varpaTevofievtov ; 6. 88: — tS)v re i^6p(t)v Kal Tmv iv TeXeL ovrwv,) — From signifying the office, the word was at length applied to the officer. iEsch. Sept. con. Theb. 1003 : raOr dfi^l tovB' eSofe KaBfjuelayv TeXec. Td reXtf, often occurs in the same sense, Thuc. 4. 15. 86. 88. The development of the signification of TeXelv is II h 2 468 APPENDIX XIV. naturally connected with that of reXoy; for as reXos hn- plies the power of accomplishing, together with the ac- complishment itself, so reXeiv expresses the notion of act- ing together with that of completing, e. g. Theogn. 690: ovh' epBeip otl m Xcolov rjv reKecrai. Herewith is asso- ciated the notion of a struggling with difficulties during action, which is not, as in the instance alluded to above, supposed to result in the production of a work, but, more in accordance with our ideas, in the attainment of rest and refection. Tliis is already perceptible in Tekos iroXifioLo, II. 3. 291. In the same manner Theogii. 1168: €vt av oBov reXiys' rip/JLardT ifiTroplrjs. (Compare the notion of arriving at, or reaching, in the passage of Thiicyd. quoted by Henry Steph. 4. 1379. : Kal Tavry fih rr; Vf^epa fj €K TTJs MeKLTias d(f>Q>p/JL7)(T€v, is ^dpaaXov re ereXeo-e, etc.) Hesiod. Theogn. 951 : reKeaas arovoevras diOXovs, comp. 994. 996, and Od. 3. 262 \ avrdp iirrjv vovaov TeXiarj, 799. To this must be referred II. 12. 222, of the eagle which was carrying a serpent ouS* ireXeaGe (jyipcov. Analogous to the signification of accomplishing in re- ference to a word or promise in riXos is that of yielding, presenting, in pursuance of an obhgation, etc., in reXelv. For example, II. 9. 594: t&J B' ovKkru Bwp ireXeaaav AItcoXoL Odyss. 1 1 . 351 : eiaoKe irdaav B(otlvt]v TeXiao). Comp. II. 21. 457; 23. 20. 180. This is likewise con- veyed by the periphrasis fiiaOoio TeXos wpai efec^epoi/, II. 21. 450. and Kal ol vtto aKrJTrrpa Xiirapas reXeova-i Oifiia-TaSf whether we here understand gifts {yiparajt as in the Homeric hymn to Demeter 369. ivalac/jua Baypa reXovvTes, or the active fulfilment of the princely com- mands. The former sense became attached to the word in the progress of the public economy which arose after the heroic age. (I have assigned the reasons why I am unable to assent to Bockh's explanation of the word Te- leontes, as signifying persons who paid tribute in refer- ence to the Attic Phylae.) But now a question arises as to whether tcl reX?;, the military hordes (II. 7. 380; 11. 729; 18. 298; Herod. 1. 103; 7. 87. 211; 9, 20. 23, etc.) APPENDIX XIV. 469 of the earlier age, are not to be understood in the same manner? Notwithstanding the plausibihty of the inter- pretation "elite," flower of the army, a passage in the Ijiad would almost lead us to conclude that it signified troops furnished by allies in the manner of our modern con- tingents ; the passage in question is II. 24. 399. 400, where the disguised Argeiphont relates, that upon drawing lots it had devolved to him, as the youngest of seven sons, to go with the army to Troy {twv /jbeTairaXXofievos kXyjpv\a)V ovaav eh rpla eKd(Trr)v hielXov fieprj ; ac- cording to this TpLTTvs must have been a mere epithet of paTpla. Nearly to the same effect are his observations under ^arpia ' — 17 v\rj BiT^prfraL els h' — eKda-rt) Be Bialpeais el9 y , ws yiveaOai i^ — KaXeiaOat. Be TpcTTvas Kai paTpla9. Lastly, the passage in Stephan. Byzant. under the word (fyparpla is likewise grossly corrupt : ef rjs oi (^pdropes Xeyovrat ol e/c rrjs paTplas rrjs amrjs ovres icTTt TpiTTjs (fyvXrjs (i. e. TpCrov fjuepos ttjs (pvXrjs) tji/ rives rpiTTov {rpLTrvv) Xeyovavv, But Mceris under yevvrjTul' ai Be u (rocovro. ?) rpcrri^s Kal W,os Kal d>parpia Almost to the same effect are the words of Pdlux' J lll:-OTe ^e^oc reaaapes ^aa. at 0.W els rpia ,.kp. eKaar^ Bie.pr^ro Kal r6 ^ipos rovro eKaXelro r perries Kal eOvosKa. ^parpla. In both passages the employ J„t: the singular has given rise to misapprehension ; the grammarians, who were very imperfectly acquainted with the matter in question, thought that the four Phyl^ con- sisted of twelve homogeneous portions; and not being aware that each ingredient of the division was dis in guished by a particular quality, they merel, assigned three different names to each of the twelve supposed par^s, without making any further distinction between This is at variance with a passage in Phoiius, under rp^rrv,, in.hich Aristotle's account has been prlservei to us, TO rpirovf^epos rrjs vXfjs' a^rrj ydp Bi^prjrac els rp^aMp,rp.rrvsKal W., .al 4>parplas, /s ^AlZoreXy tac Trtpiouceovrtav laav rd TToXkftia dfiiivovi, diraWaxBkvreQ di Tvpdwkiv fxaKpiP irpCJTOi lykvovro • ^ijXoI wv ravTU, on Kartxonivoi fihv WeXoKUKtov atg iiviroTy epya^ofifvot, iXtvOepoOkvToiv di avrbg eKatrrog iiovrul irpovOvfiuro. Comp. 6. 91, the reflections of the Lacedaemonians : dog iXtvOepov fikv tbv to ysvog to 'Attikov iaoppoirov ry kbiVTiiv yivoiTo, Karixo^itvov li vTrb TvpavviSog do See vol. i. § 35. n. 46. " See vol. i. p. 404-5. " 'Avdpeg ribv 7rax«wi', Herod. 5. 30. •3 Herod. 5. 31— 35. INTRODUCTION. § 53. 9 By giving the people in Miletus and the neigh- bouring states their reward beforehand'*, viz. by liberating them from the tyrants, they ensured their concurrence in their measures ; in the coun- cil of Aristagoras, Hecataeus the Logographer '^ duly weighing the overweening power of the Per- jsians, opposed the project, but, upon being outvoted, he became the most ardent, and, at the same time, the most circumspect of its advocates ; his plan of operations was, however, unfortunately disre- garded. Isonomia was proclaimed in Miletus, which example was followed by the other Ionian cities, and by Cuma and Lesbos ; Strategi, purely demo- cratic magistrates, were everywhere appointed ^^ and ostracism was perhaps at the same time in- troduced in Miletus *^ The insurrection spread northward as far as the Thracian Bosphorus *% and southward through Caria and to Cyprus, where, however, the authority of the tyrants was not over- thrown '9. These measures were taken without' the participation of the mother-country ; the tie between the lonians and their common Athens, the original seat of their tribe, had become so relaxed, and the feeling of poHtical aflSnity grown so lukewarm, that Aristagoras first applied to Sparta for assistance. Upon meeting with a refusal in that quarter he repaired to Athens; but his representations that the Milesians were descendants of the Athenians ^^ and that it was incumbent upon the latter to aid »* Herod. 5. 37 : (o 'Apiaray optic) iaovofiiriv inoUt -y MiXrjrut, wc av tKovreg avrip o'l MiXtjaioi (rvvairKTraiaTo. " Herod. 5. 36. »« Herod. 5. 38. 99. *' On the subject of Milesian ostracism, see Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 851. Phavorin. dffTpaKivSa, •8 Herod. 5. 103. >» Tvpavvoi, Herod. 5. 109 ; (iaffiXnis, 5r liO. ^ Herod. 5. 97. # # 'fe M 's i ,^ 10 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. them in their undertaking, would probably have been attended with no better success, had not Athens reflected that by maintaining the youthful liberties of Ionia, she most effectually secured her own, and moreover felt a desire to humble the insolence of the Sardian satrap, who had com- manded her to receive back the expelled tyrant Hippias^\ But the freedom of Athens was still exposed to too much danger at home, and too little familiarized with its peculiar element, the sea, cordially to espouse the cause of those who were descended from a common stock with herself, and to carry on the struggle against the exiled tyrants and their supporters with energy and determina- tion. But the lonians and their Greek neighbours were too debased by sensual pleasures*^ to prefer free- dom at the price of toil and privation to servitude, which ensured them the indulgence of luxury, and the treacherv of the chiefs to the common cause determined the event. The lonians made a few desultory expeditions against the barbarians who had not yet completed their preparations, but upon the approach of a Persian land and sea force, they were seized with terror and contrition ; they only looked to the numbers of their adver- saries, but did not weigh their courage and skill ; the numerical superiority of the barbarians dis- heartened them, and Aristagoras was the first to seek safety in flight ^^ ; Histia^us, who arrived a ^^ Herod. 5. 96 j comp. vol. i. p. 213. *" This was most imprudently displaved in the conduct of Aristagoras in Sparta itself, on which account an Ephor said to him : Okot ra "yiiXrjtrta, Zenob. 5. 57. « Herod. 5. 124. I INTRODUCTION. § 53. n short time afterwards, was bitterly reproached for having prevailed upon Aristagoras to revolt, and for having brought such calamities upon the lonians'*. Miletus and the Grecian fleet assem- bled near the island of Lade now became the ob- jects of attack ; that which the Panionium '^ had failed to produce, namel)^ an energetic resistance, was attempted by the hero Dionysius of Phocsea, who endeavoured to effect his object by exercising them in naval tactics ; but the effeminate lonians were insensible to the greatness of the cause for which they were contending, and only thought of the labour of the present ; they could not sup- port the exertions by which Dionysius proposed to train them to victory for more than seven days ^. In the battle, the commanders of somci Samian and Lesbian vessels, whom the expelled tyrants had gained over to their cause, deserted to the enemy ; Dionysius and the Chians alone fought bravely. The vanquished having nothing to expect from the vengeance of the Persians but a cruel and ignominious punishment, a few noble Samians re- solved upon emigrating, and thus avoiding the dis- honour which awaited them ; the bravest amongst them abandoned their island before the return of the tyrant iEaces, the Byzantines and Chalcedo- nians fled to the Pontus, where they built Mesam- i ** Herod. 6. 3. as Herod. 6. 7. «• The sentiments ascribed to them by Herodotus are iiighly characteristic, 6.12: Ttva Saifiovoiv irapaftavrtQ rdSt avaTriinrXantv; oVrtvfc Trapathpo'- vi](JavTiQ Kai UirXuiaavTtQ U tov voov avSpl «i>u>jca«I aXa^ovi, Trapixoukvqt veag rpCiQ, lirirpkyPavreg rifiiag iu,vToiQ Ixofiiv ; 6 ik irapaXafidtv miac AvfiaiyiTat Xifftym dvr]Ke(TToi(n' Kai ^i) woXXoi fikv ijfiiwi/ ig vovtrovg iriiTTbtKam, iroXXoi Sk IttiSo^oi ruvrb rovro Trei(Tt\ The patriotic enthusiasm which had been excited amongst the people *" was soon extinguished by the efforts of the dynasts. The Thessalians, who possessed less stability of character than the Thebans, like them were subject to the tyranny of the dynasts ; at first, indeed, in consequence of their enmity to the Aleuadae *^ who were in the Persian interest, they displayed con- siderable inclination to fight for the great cause; but either the dynasts obtained the upper hand **, I *^ If it be true that Themistocles would not admit Hiero to the Olympic games, (Plut. Themist. 25. from Theophrastus ; uElian, V. H. 95.) appear- ances and public opinion may at least have been against the Siceliots, How- ever, from the account of Diodorus (14. 109), that Lysias had opposed the acceptance of Dionysius' Theoria, we are led to suspect that a circumstance relating to the one was transferred to the other. Diodorus speaks in favour of Gelon, 11. 26. Hiero afterwards caused the Persae of iEiichylus to be repre- sented, Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 1056. y Herod. 9. 86 ; comp. 15 ; Pausan. 9. 6. 1 : iv raXc Qrifiaie dXiyapxia Kai oi»x' V Tarpioc voXiTtia rriviKavra Iffxvev. " See on this point Bbckh, Explicat. Pind. 340. ' . *» Concerning their message to Xerxes, see Herod. 7. 6. On the subject of their pretended kindred attachment, Bbckh, Explicat. Pind. 331. Amongst the numerous accounts of the Milesian courtesan, Thargelia, who was said to have exercised such an ascendant over the Greeks who visited her, as to gain them over to the interests of the Persian king (Plut. Pericl. 24), there is a very remarkable statement in the Anonym, de mulierib., qua bello claruere, (Biblioth. d. alt. Lit. und Kunst. Stiick. 2. p. 22. ined.) that she became the wife of the Thessalian king, Antiochus, and entertained Xerxes at her house. Compare Philoslrat. Letters, 13. p. 920, quoted by Buttmannon the Aleuads, Abh. der Hist. Philol. CI. d. Berl. Ac. d. W. 1822. 1823. p. 203, and the light which the latter throws on the subject of Antiochus and his successors. Photius only has QapyiiXeia' 'Aytfaayopov Ovydrrip, ^laiXtvaaoa Ofrra- X&v X' trri ' MiXrjffia to ykvoc, k. t. X. According to Athenaeus, 13. 609. A. she had fourteen husbands. Were there perhaps two of the name, an elder and a younger one 1 ** This appears to result from Diodor. 11. 2. a. o 16 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, or the mass of the people complained, because the Greeks had omitted to occupy the passes of Olym- pus, and by their retreat to Thermopylae had left Thessaly entirely unprotected *\ Passion and inveterate enmity to overbearing neighbours, were motives which actuated those who fought for, as well as those who were opposed to the common cause. Argos, through the san- guinary conduct of Cleomenes*^, deprived of its best citizens and rendered wholly powerless, never- theless abated nothing of its former pretensions to the Peloponnesian supremacy, and chose rather to become the vassal of Persia, than obey the com- mands of Sparta *^ However, it merely gave a promise to Mardonius to intercept the passage of the Peloponnesians across the Isthmus, and even this was not attempted. The Argives were satis- fied with sending Mardonius intelligence that the Peloponnesians were on their march «. On the other part, the patriotism of Mycense, Tiryns, the towns of the Acti, Epidaurus, Hermione, etc., as well as Plataese, Thespiae, and Haliartus *^ in Boeotia, was strengthened and augmented by their hostihty to the capital ; but we are assured by Herodotus ^ that the Phocians sided with the Greeks, because their neighbours and hereditary enemies, the Thes- salians, joined the Medes ; had the case been re- <» This is the opinion of Herodotus, 7. 172—174 j conf. 7. 131. <» Herod. 7. 76—80. , . c e *^.^ *t Herod 7. 149. However unfavourable a notion we may form of the Hellenism of ihe Pythia, it is scarcely possible to believe in the genumeness ot the oracle, which they alleged, Herod. 7. 148. ^ 'Ex^p^ TrepiKTiovtffffi, 0iX' dQavdroKTi deoim, Eiau) rbv Trpo^oXaiov tx^v, irKpvXaynkvog Tiv\aKo • Kapri U rb e£t}ia aawffii, " Herod. 9. 14. n oo ^ «9 On the subject of Haliartus, consult Pausan. 9. oZ. 4. 50 Herod. 8. 30. INTRQDUCTION. { 5S. 17 versed they would have pursued a dh-ectly opposite course. The Thessalian mountain tribes, the Dolopians, iEnianes, Perrhaebians, Magnetes, Malians, Phthio- tan Achaeans^S as well as the eastern Locrians^ and the Dorians % were compelled by the invading foe to march against their fellow-countrymen ; at least there is no positive testimony that they were willing traitors to their country. The Phocians, in spite of their aversion to the barbarians, were like- wise constrained to join the Persian standard^. Even amongst the friends of their country the martial ardour was not everywhere equal; the women of Corinth prayed to Aphrodite to inspire their husbands with strength and courage ^^ It was with difficulty that Themistocles succeeded in uniting the states and inducing them to adopt judi- cious measures for the conduct of the war; and we read with pain that it was in some cases necessary to resort to bribery to awaken a proper interest in the good cause, as in drawing up the fleet at Arte- misium, for example^. The generous patriotism of the Athenians, and the military sagacity of Themistocles, were in imminent danger of being baffled by the short-sighted politico-military sys- tem of defence of the Peloponnesians, by which it was most unscientifically proposed to stay at *' Herod. 7. 132. 185. 196, !! S^'**^* ?• ^* ' *'°"'P- ^- 203 ; Diodor. 11. 3. 4. *» Herod. 8. 31; Diod. 11.4. ** Herod. 9. 17. 18 ; comp. 8. 30. 32. Maligntl/rst-e^^r* ''* ''" ^^"^^^ '^ ^^'e"^"^' ^^ ^'^'^ ^^ ^^^od. ri!^Jl?''^A u" ^^.<^««»P- Pl"t. Theraist. 8. According to the spurious autho my adduced by P utarch. indeed, Themistocles employed bribery upon other waX pS Th;mis?',o^%^ ^t^^" ^^""^ ''^ --^-^-'^ oTth^^Arhentn' any th^g to^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^"^ ''^^' '- P-- too much, seldom prove VOL, II. !l: 18 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. home and guard the avenues to the Pelopon- "^The stratagems, threats, and undaunted resolu- tion of Themistocles were chiefly instrumental m hringinc about the memorable day of Salamis. His prudence had prevailed on the Athenians to wave their claim to the command =' ; the prize of vic- tory was adjudged to the ^ginetans, though ^his was probably occasioned by jealousy of Athens . The most illustrious manifestation of Grecian patriotism was the magnanimous declaration of the Athenians, in answer to the lavish prormses of Mardonius, and the anxious fears of Sparta^ in the winter before the battle of Platae^e. It was drawn up by Aristides ^. If to this we add the stoning of Lycidas and his family «S because he had advised the Athenians to accept the conditions of Mar- donius, as well as the banishment of Arthmius of Zelea, who had been hired by Xerxes to distribute bribes amongst the Greeks^ in order to induce them to enter into an alhance with him, we shall be at a loss to comprehend how a plot could have been foi-med in the Athenian camp before the battle ot Platffi««', the object of the conspirators being to subvert the democracy, and in case of failure, to fall back upon the Persians. Upon the flight ot two of its abandoned projectors, this scheme ot ST Pl.ii Thtniist. 7. M Diodor. 11.27. 55. . . „ . •. ^ HerM 8 U3 U4. Th. Athenians briefly and chatacterisfca y descnbe the cJi^Vn featurU of Grecian nationality: rb •EXX,v«6j, iiv »M,'»/«»' « » Vint Arist 10. Plutarch very justly entiUes it eaviiaaTtiv a^ofptnv. .. Her!;d 9. 5 ; Lye adv. L.ocr.^W-2. In Demosth. fe Coron. he .s caUed ^^.nT^*l'"/jh*?r Wrd.'pfnlTh. 2. 218. (ed. Jebb) and the Schol not to Sion the Athenian orators, who conUm such numerous aUusronf to the decree against Arthmius. «3 Plut. Arist. U. INTRODUCTION. § 53. 19 treachery and folly was entirely defeated by the prudence and lenity of Aristides. But how little do the pohtical and military opera- tions of the Spartans appear when compared with those of the Athenians ! how narrow-minded their patriotism ! how closely bordering on perfidy to the common cause is the indifference which, upon the completion of the Isthmian wall, they testified for the fate of the Athenians ^ to whom, in their pre- vious terror, they had addressed such urgent en- treaties! The selfish and contracted policy of Sparta had rendered her alike insensible to reason and to honour; still the emphatic exhortation^^ of the Tegean Chileus induced her to march out and win laurels at Plataeae. Our object bijing to deli- neate the political sentiments of the Greeks, and not to describe the effect upon their feelings pro- duced by the sight of the adverse host, we shall not dwell upon the pusillanimity with which the smaller Grecian states hesitated to march out of their encampments, or even the apprehensions of Sparta to come to an engagement with the Per- sians, whilst Athens everywhere made head against the enemy with enduring self-denial and unflinching fortitude. After the victory, all those states which had not deserted the cause of their country, claimed a share in the glory of the day ; hence the ^Egine- tans and others afterwards erected cenotaphs beside the monuments of the Athenians, Sf»artans, Te- geans, Megarians, Phliasians, Plataeans, Thespians, etc., who had fallen in the fight ^. I* Kal iSoKH 'AGtjvaiuv ovkbti UtaBai ovUv, Herod. 9. 8. ^ Herod. 9. 9. « Herod. 9. 85. Doutts are expressed of the authertticity of his account of those who took part m the engagement, and of ihe intement. in Plut de c 2 M 1 1 20 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. The allied fleet carried the war into Asia« ; the battle of Mycale achieved the deUverance ot the islands and most of the towns on the Ionian coast. Attention was now turned in the interior to the punishment to be inflicted upon the allies of the Persian monarch ; the enmity, which the faithful adherents to the cause of their country testified against those who had so shamefully betrayed it, must, in this instance, be looked upon as originating in a feehng of unanimity, and not, as upon other occasions, as the result of dissension. The infamous chiefs of Thebes were punished ; after which that state sank into utter insignifi- cance, from which it did not again recover for many years. Leutychidas, king of Sparta, marched to Thessaly, whence the Aleuad Thorax had accom- panied Xerxes on his flight*, but the object of the expedition was defeated'" by the sordid cupidity ot the commander, who accepted bribes from the Aleuada. The proposition of the Spartans to ex- clude from the council of the Amphictyons all those nations who had borne arms for the great kmg, is said to have been opposed by Athens (Themistocles) . Athens directed its chief attention to the prose- Herod. Malign. 9. 460 sc,,-. «>. B^ ^tl^ft^Xn'^'i'y^M: «ys somewhat mote. An.l.d '9- ^O- A«ord.ng _5^ ^ ^^ R., LacedsraoBians, TegMns, ^'hen-ans- "n i,jj„^,th ihe Athenians Biodorns. 11- 3^ *» I^''f.1"!Tll a„«a« ir^ d"ri contradicted by against tl,e Theb.ns ^^l^^'^f^Zf^my^V^. which was erected by the the inscription on the ?'""«. °''^r.„'_ ,d Lacedemonians and Athenians, ~TnXh1 nlmrof htc' r^tMrs.'sicyoM:^. ^ginetans. Epidaurians. rrniltE.rretc •. "--^S wanrDeir 'X-ltus says that they " In the spring the G'«*'^.?"''T/latttey thought Samoswas as dis- did not dare u; ^^vance any furthe;. ^ *^^^^^^^ ^ ,«,, i, is im- ;rsib,etrCrst S" itie':o":,«if Herodotus of the charge of e.ag- 'Tli^b.^^• «. .her: "3; a^ai^- -- »' '"« x^*-- '- Plut. de Herod. Malign. DEMOCRACY IN GENERAL. § 54. 21 cution of the war against the barbarians, and this common object of foreign policy served for a num- ber of years to keep up the unanimity of the Greeks 7^ The relative position of the single states, for instance, tliat of Athens with regard to Sparta, was determined by the remembrance of their common prosperity and adversity, and the benefits which they had received at each other's hands. The self-esteem of the Greeks and the convic- tion of their superiority over the barbarians, derived additional force from the victory, which, simul- taneously with the defeat of the Persians, the Sy- racusan Gelon and the Agrigentan Theron (480. B. C.) obtained over the Carthaginians, and that which Hiero the successor of Gelon (474. B. C.) gained in a sea-fight with the Etrviscans near Cuma. The eastern and western boundaries of the barbarians were henceforward more accurately defined ; the non-Hellenes were either despised on account of the servile character of their pohtical institutions, or hated and treated as enemies in consequence of their want of civilisation. How- ever, language still continued to be a chief point m estimating the national difference between Greeks and barbarians ". i II. DEMOCRACY IN GENERAL. • § 54. The nobihty being deprived of their here- ditary distinctions of property, military honour^ ■^ According to Pausan. 9. 35. 2. it was decreed that the teronle whSr^h *\.l ^ophocI.Trach. 1061. *^"'''"b "' ^^oy, comp. (fy\a;(T(ro£, f2 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, and exclusiveness of family, their strength as an order became broken, the acquisition of property and warUke exploits imparted elevation to the character of the common freeman, the tyranny had reduced both orders to like subjection, and the Persian war had crowned them with the same laurels That class which, once raised above the mass, and separated from it by a wide gulf, had engrossed all power and advantage m the state, was now looked upon as one of the ingredients of that mass ; according to the democratic spirit ot the age, all honours and privileges necessanly pro- ceeded from, and reverted to the great body of the people. None of the ancient aristocracies, with the exception of that of Sparta, as far as this can be called an aristocracy, were henceforward recog- nised as legitimate dispensations of government j, they had lost the moral sanction of opmion\ Nevertheless aristocracy was not everywhere subverted, nor was democracy uniformly exempt from the machinations of the ambitious and the interested, who sought to raise themselves above the bulk of the people ; but pubhc opimon, even where the people were subject to the despotism of a dominant order, was decidedly opposed to this species of authority, to which it apphed the odious name of oligarchy ; tyranny had m some instances found means to array itself m the garb of the olden monarchy ; but ohgarchy had been unable to assimilate itself to the ancient aristo- cracy. ^ , • 4.1, 4- It became a generally acknowledged maxim that t Concerning the opinion of Thucydides on the 6\tyapxm .ViJvo^oc, see btlow, § 60, on the subject of the ohgarchy. DEMOCRACY IN GENERAL. § 54. 23 the demus constituted the aggregate people % and a citizen could only belong to the state by becoming incorporated with the mass ; still this had not yet degenerated into fanatical hostility to c^very species of hereditary possessions yet annexed to the rem- nants of the ancient aristocracy ; the^y were suf- fered to retain various honours and privileges, especially in matters connected with religion, as the inalienable right of certain families. It would seem as though the selfishness of individuals who would willingly have taken those distinctions from their possessors, had been compelled to yield to the prevailing feeling of the majority, who were of opinion that the demus which had subjected those pre-eminent citizens to its laws, derived lustre from their excellence ; they beheld with pL^asure those scattered amongst their own ranks, whom they had regarded with envy as an exclusive; order, they respected those whom they had been unwiUing to revere, and testified confidence and esteem where they had refused homage. This fusion of nobles and commons necessarily imparted increased soli- dity and worth to the people, and greater security and splendour to the state ; moreover, as the pub- lic mind was not yet contaminated, those who were most conspicuous for moral worth were en- trusted with political power, so that it became customary to speak of an aristocracy within a de- mocracy ^ But on the other hand the populace began to be excited, foul matter was stirred up. On the appellations of the mass of the people, see Appendix, 6 60. n. 4. ^^ Hence, the constitution of Clisthenes is called aristocracy by Plut. Cim. la. Hesych.: ApiffTOKparovfievoi' virb dpiffTwv Kparovfuvoi rj Stjuov »/ irepbtv TO}v KaXXiffTiov. Compare concerning the better aristocracy below in § oO, on tbe oligarchy. / 24 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. and polluted the channels of public feeling. This was in some degree effected by the intrigues of the nobihty, who now formed part of the civic body ; equality was irksome to them; oligarchical machi- mtions spread disaffection amongst the multitude, whose mind became so inflamed with party-ani- mosity, that respect for true merit began to abate But a dissolute mob-government did not succeed to a calm and moderate democracy in the Grecian states in the same manner as iu Rome, where by force of the manumission "per vindictam," without the concurrence of the people, virtuous as well as ^icicms foreigners might obtain admittance mto the citizenship ; the degeneracy in question must be traced to those curses of the Greek nation, selfish- ness and discord ; the popular feehng and the laws alike excluded all barbarian admixture ; none but Greeks could be citizens, barbarians bemg at the most only tolerated as Metceci^ But it must be confessed, that intercourse with the wealthy barba- rians and the prosperity which crowned the Gre- cian arms, though they ennobled and exalted the national feeling, had in many respects pernicious consequences. Finally, as the proclamation of Marius commanding the - capite censi" to per- form military service, instead of adding strength to the Roman citizenship, only became a means to increase the influence of rude manners, so by arming the indigent portion of their popular tion, the Greek states were more injured than be- nefited. Correspondent to the original solid and sut)-^ 4 Such were probably the uxXoc /3ap/3apa,v ^tyX• Herod. 8. 92. 1. " Moeris: hijyopia, 'ATriKtog' — iaoXoyia, 'E\\r}vucan, The exercise of this right, liberty of speech, is the irappijaia of the Attic oritors. " Pindar, Pyth, 2. 160: 6 \d3pog ffrparog, i. e. democracy. Eurip. Phoen. 401.402: r r J v ri (pvydffiv rb dvffxipiG ', ev fiiv fieyiffrov, ovk tx^v Trapprjffiav. Comp. Soph. CEd. Col. 66. ^ '* Pint, de Virtut. Eth. 7. 759 : Sib tovq priropag Iv raiq dpiv Hy^ay^yS^v. He employs irjaayZy^Ul 27, m the sense of men opposed to the oligarchy. r}fAayu»yoi, ^, o. I 4 32 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. Besides the term demagogue, the name nrpoardrris Tov ^fjLov was frequently employed to designate the person who exercised a similar species of authority. As the regular officers of state could not perform their duties without mingUng with the people in the manner of demagogues, so it is not impossible that the appellation Trpoardrrjs TOV ^fjLov may have been applied to a regular functionary ; but it is a matter of doubt whether it was so employed or not '9. Indeed we observe in the writers of the demo- cratic period generally, from Herodotus down- wards, a disposition to give general designations of poHtical objects without definiteness or precision of expression ; as, for instance, ra irpdy/MaTa for state, Ta T€\r) or oi iv reXet for magistrates, etc "^ I III. THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. «. The Character of the People. § 55. The history of the predominance of the democratical principle begins with the battle of Marathon and the administration of Miltiades. Miltiades was the first to quicken and energize the political system established by Clisthenes, to foster and direct the powers of the Athenians, and to teach them to think and act greatly. "In my opinion," says Isocrates', "a god who respected the virtues of the Athenians brought about that war, in order that they who possessed such dis- tinguished qualities, might not pass their lives unhonoured and unknown," etc. In truth there was something miraculous in the rapid rise of <> See Appendix i. • Panegyr. 23. sub fin. ^ See Appendix i. 33 ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. (, 55. the Athenians ; it was not by advancing on "a" path to which they had been long accustomed, or by pursumg the bent of manners and feelings con- farmed by habit and sanctioned by experience, that they attamed the summit of political greatness. In every department of public life things presented themselves to these brave republicans under new and unwonted aspects ; in whatever they under- took, they were obliged to quit the poUtical path of their forefathers, and to explore new fields of enterprise, whilst they availed themselves of the extraordinary conjunctures that presented them- selves- with surprising skill and effect. The war with .Egina first made them familiar with the sea« No sooner had they launched their fleets, than they appear in the character of heroes skilled in naval tactics and exhibit familiar acquaintance with the penis and caprices of an element which it requires the highest degree of human industry and courage to encounter. Hence the beautiful obser- vation of Plato, who considered the civil virtues of the Athenians ^ as a gift of the gods, and the de- served encomium of Thucydides on the Athenian bravery, which, in his opinion, had proceeded from the intellect and the will, and not from habit « whilst their very enemies were forced to acknow- ledge that the fecundity of the Athenian mind had " IJp T.oorrr 1 fiAn T\ . t < . /. ** VOL. U. ' * 34 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, developed new excellence in new channels of en- terprise ^. The masterly hand of Thucydides has sketched the chief virtues of the Athenian character in the speech of the Corinthians to Sparta, and in the funeral oration of Pericles. In the former, real admiration forces its way through hostility, envy, and fear; in the latter, we hear the accents of the great leader of the people, who was incapable of adulation. But listen to the words of the great historian himself. " They are, say the Corinthians^ fond of inno- vation, equally quick in conceiving and in execut- ing their projects. — Bold beyond their strength, daring beyond the dictates of prudence, in extre- mities full of hope.— Never inactive— ever roaming from place to place— they think to make fresh ac- quisitions by going abroad — victorious over the enemy, they push forward as far as possible ; van- quished, they fall back but little. They use their bodies for the state as though they were not their own, whilst their mental capacities are ever in their power, and ready to be dedicated to the service of the commonwealth. When they fail to accomphsh their schemes, they think they have lost a portion of their property ^ But when they are successful, they value the acquisition but shghtly in com- parison with what they expect from the future. Ml » The Corinthians in Thucyd. 1. 71 •.—r] Most appropriate are the words of Thucyd. 2. 40 : tpiXoKoXovfitv re yap fiET tlriXdag Kai ^tXoffo^ov/xev dviv ^aXaKiag. •> Arist. Acharn. 181. Mapa9u}V0^axai, Nub. 986. >» Plutarch. Dion 58. , ^, ,. ,n i -. »» Thuc. 2. 43 : rb (vSaifiov rb k\(v9tpov, rh h kXivBipov rb tvy\,vxov KpivavTfQ, 55. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. J oo 37 rnTcsr ' '"^™^ ''-' '''-' «'■ -^-^- the^tl!""'* ""\^t'S™^tize, as the peculiar failing of Lu me wnole Grecian race- thi^ \^i. - justly entitled to extol the' davs of T"' ^''" Marathon and the time of PerS s but' "" 1 .uity., their cw tiirr;^;r fit^- heX; :' '""^-f ^ ^-lingf whicTdr el f hom mixing with the barbarians, and there fore rendered them their enemies". As long Is the" expoits of the Athenians corresponded Sid of its r;r^" ''"^ ^"" powers, U,ere was „o tk 1 h ITIT! -g'-™ity '« and love of honou' Which sought to derive lustre from acting noblv " ^yt r:;/f f^--' "--ted asTe were tThlp? .r "*' res<^mbled a pure and spotless ranL b^ :""''" "" ^^^" ^«^' he exclus'o Tf fndT r, ^'^"*"^ ^'^'^"^ unrestricted access and the liberty of viewing whatever they desired " are»el known; thus LycuS-Leoer^si''': '-'"'' "f'"-.' Amazons, eJc.. where sel Zelt" ' ^'' ' descnpt.on of .hera, Aristc. Kth. Nic.„ 4 7 ^'"-l" '.'■ "" "'">"" ■• y" ""re is some "eric. ap. Thuc 2 39- 7-' ' ' H » 38 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, and in this virtuous age, irascibility- and the arro- gance which was just beginning to evince itselP,were equally balanced with pity", and the endeavour to gain love and affection. But it cannot be denied that the multitude, as well as the majority of the leaders, were tainted with envy and the lust of gain. b. Rank of Persons. § 56 No sooner did the Athenians become the objects of their own admiration, than they began to set a higher value upon their citizenship, and to dispense it with a more sparing hand. But attempts to obtain it by surreptitious means became propor- tionally more numerous, and notwithstanding the laws rendered admittance to it a matter of diffi- culty S the authorities were, for a length of time, too heedless to oppose successful resistance to the de- vices employed to evade their regulations. Hence the unprecedented number of spurious citizens, when Pericles at length thinned their ranks ; four thousand seven hundred and twenty were sold into captivity \ as the law directed \ It was a natural consequence of the infrequency of naturalization, that birth still continued to be the chief quahfica- :» The Athenians are called ipyi\o,, Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 605. n "co^rp- voU Ji5%'-10: "^hisU likewise extolled b, Demc.th.c. Timoc. Gerend 9 243. R. ; also the unique decree as to the indefatigable mule, Plut. "'^'Accorfbz rPs'.%Vn,osth. con,. Ne=er. 1375. six thousand votes were necetsa.^ to^decide for the naturali^tion of a person. Ih.s law, doubtless, S^s from the age before Euclid, and probably from Solon h.mself. I IZtVji^'ll: PMloch. ap. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 716; (^ebelis Philoch. 51) TBoclch. Pub. Econ. 1. 98 ; Meier de Bon. Damnat. p. 80. 11 ll'l 1)5 ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 39 tion for the citizenship; still, before the time of Pericles, little importance was attached to the origin of the mothers of citizens, and marriages with foreign women were looked upon as of so httle disparagement, that the first men in the state, like Miltiades, made no scruple to contract them, while no disabilities attached to thear children in consequence. The wife of Miltiades, Hegesypile, was, it is true, a Thracian king's daughter*. It is related of Themistocles, that in consequence of his mother's not having been a native of Athens, he was compelled to perform his youthful exercises in the Cynosarges ^ being forbidden to associate with the legitimate children of Athenian citizens. But if any credit is to be attached to this statement ^ which does not appear to be the case, as Themis- tocles was already Archon ^ before the memorable day of Salamis (probably 481. B. C), and conse- quently had undergone the necessary family scru- tiny «, it is probable that the low origin of his mother, who appears to have been an enfranchised slaved was the cause of the enactment. Pericles was the first rigorously to enforce the law, which directed that both the parents of any one to whom the franchise descended by hereditary succession, • Ilerod. 6. 39. » Plut. Themis. 1 ; Athen. 13. 576. C; .Elian. V. H. 12. 43; comp. vol. i. p. 369. n. 16. > ^" F • Photius Lex.: Kvvoaapyeg—UiX o\ v69oi ItiXovvto, oi firjre irpbc TrarpoQ firjre irpbQ firiTpbg TroXtrai — but Themistocles was descended from the ancient race of the Lycomeda; ! However, v69og might probably be em- ployed afterwards to signify one who was only narpo^ivog, e. g. Pollux 3. 21. "f Thucyd. 1.93: iTretcrc rov Heipaidg to. \onrd 6 eefiickh, Staatsh. 1. 37. 98. i ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 41 The legal regulation of the classes, as far as we are enabled to judge, still continued to be based upon the scale of valuation as established by Solon ; but from the increasing wealth of the state and of individuals, the assessments of Solon's time, so far as they had been altered by Clisthenes, must have been considerably too low for the fortunes of this period; it is not only probable that there were more pentacosiomedimni than before, but that the surplus property of individuals over aad above the maximum assessment was very consideTable ; more- over, the second and third classes might possibly approach each other very closely and exceed the rate fixed in the valuation of Solon, by which means Aristides was enabled so much the sooner to abolish the exclusive eligibility of the first class to the archonship ^^ ; and lastly, the Thetes like- wise ascended in the scale, and the state was rich enough to furnish them with arms to enable them to serve as Hoplitae ^\ The classes were upon the whole divided into the very rich, those in good circumstances, and the poor; there were no beggars in Athens ; but the Athenians at all times attached great importance to wealth. The hereditary nobility had long ceased to form a caste fiirnished with exclusive family privileges. But in Athens, as probably in all countries and all ages, public opinion looked with reverence upon ancient and illustrious ancestry ; this feeUng more- over derived strength from the implicit recognition of the heroic root, from which various families pre- ^ •* Plut. Arist. 22 : ypaiftei xl/fi^puTfia, koivt/v elvat rriv iroXirtiav rat roig apxovrag il ' kQriva'nov iravrutv aipeiaOai, where, however, we must sup- pose the Thetes to have been tacitly excluded. •' This was the case in the Peloponnesian war, Thuc. 6 43. i. i r- 'r 42 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, tended to be sprung, as for instance, not to mention the Alcmaeonidae, when Miltiades, Alci- biades, and Themistocles the historian, derived themselves from Ajax '^, Andocides, from the race of the Ceryces from Hermes '^, Lycurgus, the ora- tor, an Eteobutad from Erechtheus '^ In various houses, particularly in those to which an here- ditary priesthood was annexed, the pedigree was most carefully continued. The importance which was thus manifested for this species of distinction was not, it must be owned, founded in political law, but derived its sanction from public opinion alone ^\ Wealth was in the nature of things, the most effectual prop of the hereditary nobihty, as in the case of the often-mentioned family of the Hip- ponici and Callias "' : but Athens was called upon to make great and unwonted exertions, and to go through severe ordeals, in which nobility and riches were of little avail ; the period of political and civil virtue had commenced; counsel and action, mili- tary courage, bodily strength and address, the courageous and cheerful sacrifice of property and life, and even the production of works of excel- lence in the domain of the fine arts— all this, by the aid and support of pubhc favour, opened the avenues to superior rights, to offices and digni- ties *^ and even by virtue of express and positive »8 Didymus ap. Schol. Find. Nem. 2. 19. >9 Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orator. 9. 316. R. *> Ibid. p. 345. 355. Comp. in general, vol. i. $ 30. 2' Aristoph. Vesp. 627 : oi ir\ovTovvT€Q cat vavy aifivoi. The last word conveys the notion of a noble and lofty personal bearing. « 'InirovtKOQ KaXXtov k^5 'liriroviKov KaWiag. Aristoph. Av. 283. See Heindorf ad Plat. Protagor. p. 465 j Clavier sur la famille de Callias, mem. de I'institut, classe d'hist. vol. iii. Concerning the riches of this family, see in particular Athen. 12. 536. F. sqq. Comp. below, $ 65. n. 53. » Thus Sophocles was appointed one of the Strategi against Samos in re- ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 43 enactments, was rewarded with determinate privi- leges. External distinctions of this description emanat- ing from the state, gradually led to the formation of a class of honorary citizens whose position and rank in society may in some measure be compared with those of the chivalric orders of merit in modem days, when these correspond with their title and the object and intention of their foundation "\ The list begins with Harmodius and Aristogiton, to whom almost heroic honours were paid ~^ The most ancient distinction on record is that of being entertained at the public expence in the Pryta- neum^^ which was said to have existed as early as in Codrus' time^ ; it was either granted for once, or for life, and was occasionally conferred upon the descendants of a public benefacto r ; in the case of prytanes and ambassadors '\ it was an honour which was assigned to the office, not to the person. Intemperance was unknown at these repasts'^. Still greater advantages were associated with the Ateleia, the exemption from all contributions to n turn for the gratification which his Antigone had afforded to the people. Argum. Soph. Antig. r=wpic. n J!r^°J\' ' • ^J?u ^^^' ^^^T** '^"^^'^^ ^**'" P"^''<^ ser/ices, similar to the 1818 vol r *° '° ^'™^' • ^°^P*sche-Beitr. 1813, vol. ii. and ^\ Demosth.de Falsa Legat. 431. 16. sqq.: _ o^g v6^^ ^ta rdg eiepy.^riag, lolgToV ''''**'''*'''''^ ^^^oir,(T9e Kal 46eT€ cat ri^arc ittaov rolg iipaxrt Kai ^ :ZiTTiaig Iv irpvTaviUf. Cic. de Oral. 1. 54. *7 Lycurg. con. Leocr. 196. R. mentions a Cleomantis : — ,) noXig ahrtA Ti Kai iKyovoig iv UpvTavi'uf} dthov airrimv tdoaav. 28 Pollux, 9. 40: — laria Trig v6\ewg, Trap' ^ imTovpro o'iri Kard ^ri^iomav TrptfT^tav rfKovrfg, Kai 01 Sid npdKiv riva mTrjffKog dKiioQevTic Kai tiTig tK Tifxrig dtiffiTog r/v. 29 Plut. Sol. 24 ; Athen. 5. 186. It is remarkable that Solon only allowed a citizen to be entertained once at the public expense, but punished him v.ho refused to obey the summons ; for he looked upon such conduct as viripoybiav Tiov Koii'utv, Plut. ubi sup. ^ ^ ill 44 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. the state, which were not connected with the de- fence of the country, consequently neither from the trierarchy nor the property-tax ^. Regular donations and pensions were sometimes granted. Solon appointed five hundred drachmas as the reward for an Olympic victor, and a hundred for an Isthmian ^' ; the state acted with great liberality towards the son and daughters of Aristides ^\ The debts of the renowned general Phormio were paid^\ On the other hand presentation with a crown, conferred nothing but honour, as long as crowns were made of boughs, and not of gold^^. They were granted to Buleutae as a reward for the faith- ful discharge of official duties, or for having built ships ^^ ; it was not till after the time of Aristides, Themistocles and Cimon, that tliat honour was conferred upon private individuals; Pericles was the first who obtained it ^ ; afterwards it became very frequent, and numerous legal provisions were made on the subject ^^. A statue**^ was first erected to Solon, but probably more as a purely historical memorial, than as a mark of personal distinction, in which intention statues were erected to Harmo- dius and Aristogiton *^ ; no example again occurs till the time of Conon *' ; however, in the interval. » Bockh, Pub. Econ. 2. 5. 82. ^i piut. Sol. 23. « See Btickh, Pub. Econ. 1. 267. ^3 Pausan. 1. 23. 12. ^ Thrasybulus received a crown of boughs, (^BaXKov trrsipavoQ.) .Esch. in Ctesiph. 577. R. * Argum. Demosth. in Androt. 587. On such occasions the Buleutae, accoiding to the words of the law used, aiTiiv Tcapd. tov ^iifiov dioptdv. " Plut. Cim. 8. 38 val. Max. 2. 6. 5. » ^sch. in Ctesiph. 434 ; conf. 427. 431. 437 ; Demosth. de Coron. 265; Isocrat. in Callim. 669. <» EiKWV. *' Demosth. in Lept. 478 ; comp. Pausan. 1. 8. 5. *^ Demosth. ubi sup. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 45 an honour closely allied with it, namely, the Uberty of erecting Hermae with inscriptions upon them *% was granted to Cimon. Lastly, amongst these must be counted the Proedria. The Atimia, which will be treated of afterwards in the exposition of public law, must be looked upon as the reverse of the above-named distinc^ tions of merit, viz. as an instrument to deprive pubhc defaulters or dilatory debtors to the state of civil rights and civil honours ** ; the infliction of positive infamy, as in Sparta in the case of bachelors '', was unknown to Athenian legislation. Especial consideration must next be devoted to the relation of the Cleruchi ; this system com- menced before the Persian war, and notwithstand- ing it sustained several forcible interruptions, it was continued till the battle of Ch^eronea ; it was however brought to maturity in the time of Peri- cles *^ The general characteristic of this relation was that the Athenians settled in foreign coun- tries ; so far it comes within the notion of a colony. In order to understand the true nature of this system, which was a source of advantage to the Athenians for a short period of time, but which rendered them the objects of more hatred and hos- tility than their other political crimes and infirmi- ties, it is necessary to take a survey of the foreign settlements of the Athenians. The Thracian Chersonesus. The Dolonci by whom it was inhabited, being in need of assistance against the neighbouring Apsinthians, became ac- « Plut. Cim. 7, et ^sch. in Ctesiph. 572, sqn. ** Comp. vol. i. p. 369. 45 pi^ l 15 t*"\k%' u ^^"^'^^ ^^""^"^"^'^^"^ ^**^^»s^- des co*l. Grecq! vol. iii. iv • Bockh, Pub. Econ. 1. 455, sqq, ^ ' t' ; i \ I t W 46 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. quainted with the elder Miltiades, the son of Cyp- selus, and invited him to settle amongst them. This took place 01. 56. 1 ; 556. B. C. ; he came with a number of voluntary companions, who ac- knowledged him as their chief, and built a wall of defence against the Apsinthians, extending from Cardia to Pactye *^ The dominion of the country situate within the wall *^, after him devolved to his brother s son Stesagoras ; after his death the Pisis- tratidse sent his brother Miltiades there with one trireme, Olymp. 65. 3, or 66. 2, 518. or 515. B.C. ; the latter joined Darius in his march against the Scythians *^ and took to flight, upon the approach of a Phoenician fleet after the subjection of Ionia ^; upon the expulsion of the Persians the Chersonese became public property. The chief places were Sestos, which Xanthippus wrested from the Per- sians, Olymp. 75. 2 ; 478. B. C.^^ Cardia, Pactye, Crithote^^ Alopeconnesus ^^ Elaeus^; to these were afterwards added Doriscus ^^ and Serrhium ^ in the vicinity westward of the Hebrus ; Sigeum, which was occupied by Pisistratus^^ must be looked upon as belonging to the tyrants, not to the state ; frirther southward on the iEolian coast Adramyttium was accounted an Athenian colony ^. Lemnos and Imbrus were in the undisturbed possession of the Pelasgians, who had once migrated « Herod. 6. 33—41 : comp. Corsini, Fast. Attic. 3. 103, sqq. *^ A current phrase of later times was rd tiri twv Ttix^^v, Dem. de Falsa Legat. 390. 3. *» Herod. 4. 137. ^ Herod. 6. 41 ; comp. above, § 53. n. 28. *» Diodor. 11. 37. ^* Harpocr. Stephan. Byzant. « Demosth. in Arist. 675. 20, sqq. ; Etym. M. 'A\o)TrrjK. see 75, Sylb. w Demosth. in Arist. 672. 20. *' Here it was where, as far as Herodotus knew, the Persian Mascames defended himself, Herod. 7. 106. ^ Demosth. adv. Phil. 133 ; de Falsa Legat. 390. *' Herod. 5. 94. '^ Strab. 13. 606, 'AOrivaiwv cnrotKOQ irokic. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 47 there from Attica^, till in Olymp. 67. 3 ; 510. B. C the Persian Otanes subjected them to the Persian rule^. In the course of the following years, pro- bably during the insurrection of the (Greeks of Asia Minor, Miltiades effected the conquest of Lemnos from the Chersonese, drove out the Pelasgians and peopled the island with Athenians, or at all events with natives of the Chersonese of Athenian extraction. The destiny of Imbrus appears even at that time to have been similar to that of Lem- nos ; on his flight from the Phoenicians Miltiades went there ^^ before he sailed to Athens. In Euboea, Olymp. 68. 3 ; 506. B. C. the do- mams of the Chalcidian Hippobotse were confis- cated, and some Athenians were sent there to take possession of them ; but the Hippobot^ appear to have recovered their lands during the Persian war °'. Scyros was inhabited by piratical Dolopians"^ tiU the time of the Persian wars ; Cimon (Ol. 76. 1 ; 476. B. C.) reduced them to slavery and founded an Athenian settlement on the island «=. Halon- nesus was also reckoned amongst the most ancient possessions of Athens in the time of the orators'^ Amphipolis, Eion, and the mining towns oppo- site Thasus. The tract of country at the mouth ot the Strymon, where Histi^us, the founder of the city of Myrcinus, Aristagoras^ and afterwards « Herod. 6. 41 ^^fn^' ^^^ \ ^^^JP' T»»"^yd. 7. 57. <^ Thuc 1 Qft • n;«^«. ^^ c;r^ ^. l^?™?- vol. 1. Appendix xiii. 65 ThnP* i; n\li . • "• ^^' ^^' Pelasgians and Dolcpians Ihuc. et Diodor. ubi sup. Plut. Cim. 8 «itpians. « Argum. Demosth. de Halonn. p. 75. R. ^ Herod. 5. 11. 23 124- Thn/- a ino a • . B. C. (Clinton.) ' "''* ^' ^^- ^nstagoras was slain there, 497. I * I 48 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. the Macedonian Alexander ^ (fc\€X\^v) had in vain endeavoured to obtain a permanent footing^, v^as opened to the Athenians by Cimon, the conqueror of Eion"^**. Soon after the first attack v^hich the Athenians made on Thasus, Olymp. 78. 4; 465. . B. C, thirty-two years after the death of Aristago- ras^S ten thousand men, consisting of Athenians and their allies, were sent into the provinces on the Strymon^-; but were soon afterwards cut off by the Thracians near Drabescus ^^ An army sent to take possession of those mining towns which had hitherto been Thasian, viz. Baton, (Esyme, Scapte Hyle ^*, etc. was soon afterwards destroyed by the Edones near Daton 'K Agnon, Olymp. 85. 4 ; 437. B. C, first made the settlement of the Athenians on the Strymon permanent; the town Ennea Hodoi was now called Amphipolis^^: it is possible that the right to make use of the mines was asserted with greater energy after the capture of Thasus. Pericles increased and extended the Athenian settlements, and provided for their security. Ol. 82. 1 ; 452. B. C. he sent five hundred citizens to Naxos^^ two hundred and fifty to Andros, and probably a body of them to Euboea, a thousand to the country of the Bisaltae^% a thousand to the M Demosth. de Phil. Epist. 164. 19. *® On the subject of nine unsuccessful expeditions which the Athenians made thither, see Schol. yEsch. de Falsa Legat. 755. R. w Herod. 7. 107 ; Thuc. 1. 98. '« Thuc. 4. 102. " Thuc. 1. 100; Died. 11. 70; Corn. Nep. Cim. 2. ^3 Thuc. 1. 100. ^* Comp. Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 1. 334. 335. " Herod. 9. 74 ; Schol. JEsch. ubi sup. ; Pausan. 1. 29. 4. who is not free from error. 7« Thuc. 4. 102 ; 5. 11 ; Schol. iEsch. ubi sup. " Plut. Per. 11 ; Diod. II. 88, has a thousand, but some of these probably remained in Euboea and Andros. Comp. Pausan. 1. 27. 6, where it is said that Tolmidas led Cleruchi to Euboea and Naxos. '* Pint, ubi sup. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. ^ 56. 49 Chersonesus'^ Ol. 83. 4 ; 445. B. C, two thou- sand to occupy the possessions of the expelled Histiaeans in Euboea™; Athenians went to join the settlers in Sinope«', Amisus«^ and Thurii«\ (Olymp. 84. 2 ; 443. B. C.) In the first year of the Pelo- ponnesian war the ^ginetans were expelled, and Cleruchiae in their island were allotted to Athenian citizens ®*. With the further progress of the Peloponnesian war, to these were added Mytilene'^ and its dis- tricts'*, Potidaea'', Scione««, Colophon <« and Me- losiw. Delos, whither, Olymp. 89. 2, upon the expulsion of its inhabitants, Athenian Cleruchi migrated, was soon afterwards restored to the Delians"'. The settlements in Samos^^ belong to the age of Philip. There is a remarkable difference between the whole of these settlements and the transmarine colonies of the earlier age. Those citizens who had voluntarily separated or been expelled from a community could not, as in ancient times, found states, without the participation of the parent- towns ; the sea no longer divided them as it once did, when the waves seemed to exercise a sort of ob- livious power over the mother-towns and their colo- nial offspring ; and finally, those favourable circum- » Plut. ubi sup. ; Diodor. 1 1. 88. * Pkt^'p;,"* io^'"'*"'''' '"'"• '^ ' Tl-'opon-p. ap. 5tr.b. 10. 445. « Strab. 12. 547 ; Appian Bell. Civ. 8. 83. t ?{. "i 'o; '"a?".'* ^'«''- ' "'y™ oP""- 2- 138, sq. Milylew. """'^'''''y ^ '•"« -<'"' »s«"ained to be better authenticated than " Thuc. i. 52 ; Diod. 12. 76; Isocr. Paneg. 31. « Si"'- ?• ?*•,„ •" ■'■'""• 5. cap. ult. Thuc. 5. 1. 32. M Strab. 14. &. VOL. II. \l I I'M I' \ 111 { . . 50 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. Stances, which had once enabled detached hordes to obtain secure and commodious habitations, had long ceased to prevail. The expedition of the elder Miltiades alone appears in the light of a pri- vate enterprise ; and this probably was not entirely effected without the concurrence of Pisistratus ; but the most prominent characteristic of all the settlements which were henceforward made was, that a close connection was to be kept up between them and the mother-town ; amongst their imme- diate objects was that of providing for poor citizens, and securing the authority of the state in con- quered countries, by sending citizens there, who, upon receiving grants of land, took upon them- selves the duty of defending the settlement, and constituted a kind of garrison 9% and finally to ob- tain hifluence over a foreign and independent state, by sending a number of citizens to defend it, who contracted relations with their new country, with- out entirely severing the ties which bound them to the parent-town. The word Cleruchia^, which now became usual in Ueu of the former Apoikia, is very expressive, inasmuch as, instead of the negative idea implied by the latter, it chiefly con- veys the positive notion of property to be expected and formally appropriated ^^. We shall be enabled to form an accurate concep- •' Plut. Pericl. 11, says of Pericles: airoKov^t^wv fiiv apyov Kal Sid ffxokrj'^ TToXvirpdynovog ox^^^ "^^^ troKiv, kiravopOovfisvog Sk Tag dwopiag Tov dijfiovt 6pov re Kai ippovpdv rov fii) veatTepi^eiv rt irapaicaToiKiKntv toXq (Tv^fidxoiQ. ■* See Harpocr. and the other Lexicographers. The antiquity of the word cX^poc and of the notion of distiibution, the devolution of a district by lot, is evident from the mythus concerning the partition of the earth by the ^ods into places set apart for their respective worships. There is another expression, however, besides KXripovxoi in Thucydides .; he calls those who go to Melos drroiKovg, and to i£gina iiroiKovg, 2. 77. »* Agripeta, the Cleruchus, Cic. de Natur. Deor. 1. 26. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 51 tion of the Cleruchia, and of the points wherein it differed from the Apoikia in general, by observing the relation in which the individual partaker of a Cleruchia stood to the parent-town ; for the Cleruchi did not wander forth in quest of adven- tures, or for the purpose of colonising a district in which cultivation had been hitherto unattempted and pohtical society was yet to b(j commenced, but received allotments of property already laid out and improved, which immediately maintained their proprietors, and in most cases even took possession of Grecian, not of barbarian lands, bj virtue of the right of conquest, which had been asserted in the earlier ages in the Greek territories by Thessahans, Boeotians, and Dorians. But on the other part, the more certain the competence to be derived from a Cleruchia, the less it involved the necessity of re- nouncing the ties which bound the Cleruchus to his own country; the Cleruchia was rather an appendage to the citizenship in the mother-town ;; the personal rights of the Cleruchus there remained unaltered ; they were not even temporarily suspended ; he never entirely withdrew from the state, and always con- tinued to be numbered amongst its members ^ ; his colonial property was assessed in the public valua- tion like his possessions in the mother-country, and he was subject to the jurisdiction of the Athenian courts ; the term of his residence in the Cleruchia was optional, like that of a townsman upon his estate in the country ^ during which he was cer- » A temporary absence is alluded to by ^.sch. c. Tim. 78 : dyretrrcv iv dXU!! S^mmt^TsTie. '"'^^ '' '''-'-^ ^"P"^ ^" ^'^ ^^^^^ in'vfrr^^a rirv'v^'^'''^'""^?'''^^ (comp. the Roman arare. Cic. ro^c^'x/J'JJ' ^ '^'ypy'^tt''^ ^^ :V N«^v. Plat. Euthyphr. 4. B. : rovi tv Xef»povr}(Tv yiiopyovvrag, Isocr. ad Philip. 1 18. ed. Lang. £2 i , ',,> »<» Thuc. 3. 6 ; 4. 28 ; 6. 8 ; 7. 57 : A0iji/aioi— icat avroig ry avry ^vy cat voniuoig tri xpw/'fvoi Aq/ivioi Kai 'Ifi^pioi. »« Thuc. 4. 102, sqq. •»• See vol. i. p. 370, 371. 11. l,'i ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 56. 55 probably added. The Metoeci, whose number in- creased '^ with the power and commerce of Athens, and through the encouragement of intelligent states- men, like Themistocles ''% were required to perform every species of service, even that of Hoplitae '". By thus taking upon themselves civil burthens, they approached so closely to the citizenship, that they were enabled surreptitiously to appropriate to themselves its rights in the extraordinary degree already stated ; but the legal barrier between citi- zens and slaves "^ was by no means removed. The slaves were very numerous, amounting to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand "' ; they were likewise required to perform certain public services, which, strictly speaking, were the exclusive right of citizens ; thus slaves fought at Marathon ; in other respects their condition was destitute of legal rights. The law forbidding any slave to bear the name of Harmodius or Aristo- giton "*, one of the most striking expressions of the democratic spirit, appears to belong to the age of Clisthenes. It is not quite certain whether there were Perioeci in the Cleruchias ; it is proba- ble that the Thracian husbandmen in the Cherso- nese, etc., as afterwards the Mytileneans, stood upon a footing of this description. I' »« Diodor. 11 . 43, who, however, must not be believt-d when he states that 1 hemistoces dispensed the Metoeci from the payment of all taxes. Did Ihemistocles perhaps institute the iffortXtigl „.!'" ^ii**, ^^^'^ families, ihey amounted to about forty-five thousand souls. Bockh, Pub. Econ. 1. 38, sqq. »n Thucyd. 2. 31. "' S"°l?"t.*^ **'"S® Ste.-Croix, in the M6m. de 1* Acad, des Inscrip.t. 47. "3 Bockh, Pub. Econ. 1. 38, sqq. "^ »< Cell. NocU AU. 9. 2. '1 56 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. c. The Political Authorities, § 57. Though the constitution which Solon had begun to render democratic had been di- vested of various still remaining and not unim- portant aristocratic ingredients, it was not yet entitled to the appellation of pure and unmixed democracy \ It is an essential feature in the two constitutions, that though aristocracy and oligarchy place themselves in absolute and direct opposition to democracy, democracy can never become so entirely developed as to eradicate every approach to aristocracy, wherefore absolute and unqualified equality of the citizens, as to a share in the supreme power, can never maintain itself for any length of time ; claims and requisitions, either hereditary or newly acquired, will always raise a certain number of citizens above the multitude. But the democratic form may be secured and main- tained in tolerable integrity, by means of the parti- cular provisions of the constitution for regulating a share in the chief power ; and wherever these continue to be purely democratical, we are not only at liberty, but are bound to apply to such a constitution the name of democracy ^. Still it is of paramount importance to ascertain the true nature of the substance and matter contained within the external form we have described, and this, if we may be allowed the expression, can only be gathered from the general tone of the constitution. So far, then, without reference to the formal dis- * Plut. Cim. 15, says, Cimon wished riiv iirl KXiKrOfvovg lydpeiv aptO' TOKparlav. See how this must be interpreted, $ 54. n. 3. * Here we may apply the excellent description of Tittmann, Griechische Staatsver. 520, sqq., in its full force. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. ^ 57 57 body and the democratic authorities, we may speak of an opposition, and even of a protracted struggle between aristocracy and democracy within he djstmctly defined democratic forms of [he con- st.tut,on, m which the object of the contending part.es was not to subvert these forms ', but to engross the greatest possible siiare of that power which could be obtained through them The tendency of the Athenians to navigation and mant.me warfare was regarded by the aLent pohbcians as calculated to arouse democratic feel- Zt- ' \ ' f '" *^^ ""^^^ «f t''« three dra- matic umties-that which had previously been ^he a t,3l fact i„ Athens, became' the basis upon sTn .^ A ^T"^^ ^""'^'P'^ ^^^ afterwards con- structed. But m Athens the feeling of the demus became emboldened by the conscfousness of 1 exploits against the barbarians, and of the a cendant it had gained over those formidable ivas of Athens at sea, ^gi„a and Corinth. NeverXe less the recognition of the mob and the insolence ot a seditious populace were alike foreign to the character of the Athenian state, which, VtS hi begmmng of the Peloponnesian war, when the pkgue swept away a number of its best citizens! and Pericles amongst the number, may be com pared to a body directed by its noblest' membe"' to whose guidance the remainder yielded ready obe^ ' Concerninsr the recklp rCivriS,Trv. Comp. i. 3. r^^J'''?™''' « ri^ Uupam oUovvr.s I ^1 t I I. It i 'I 4 I . ; I > f h hi 58 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. dience \ High and low vied with each other in en- deavouring to promote the aggrandizement of their country, and to render the commonwealth great and illustrious, whilst the leaders and their followers cheerfully encountered toils and dangers, and sacri- ficed whatever they held most dear with an en- thusiasm which scarcely admitted of contentions amongst the orders, and even when they did arise, the danger which threatened their common country mduced them to lay aside their differences^. Hence, from the noble and lofty sentiments which pervaded the public mind, there can be no doubt that the true Kalokagathoi were very numerous. These were found in abundance amongst ancient and illustrious famiUes, and in the ranks of those sturdy warriors whose glory perhaps only dated from the battles of Marathon or those of Salamis and Plataeae. To attempt exclusively to confine the Kalokagathoi to a particular class, is an aspersion upon the dignity of the Athenian citizens of that age^ The best amongst them were chosen for the discharge of the most influential functions, and thus, as was ob- served above, notwithstanding the sovereignty which resided in the demus, we are authorized to assume the existence of a kind of aristocracy^ in * See the expressive aphorism of Simonides, rroXtg avSpa hSaoKii, ap. Plut. an Seui Respub. etc. 9. 134, R. . l r • The Atimoi were adopted amongst the citizens upon the approach of Xerxes, Plut. Themist. 11. Andocid. de Myster. 36. (when the battle of Marathon was fought,) more correctly 53, (when the kmg approached). 7 Thucydides indeed, 8. 48, opposes them to the demus : Tovg ri KoXoisQ KayaBovQ ovoaaloatvovQ ovk tXdaffoj avTOVQ vo/iiopa irdai rb iffov, Kard U ri)v d^iweriv, i!,g Uaarog iv rJ Comp. the Schol. 5. p. 387, Bipont. r ,> r r^ , I \ » .-J 60 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. proceedings ; but even at this stage we must not omit to mention the great moral and political power which the popular orators acquired in the Ecclesia ; and, on the other hand, the increase in the importance of the Bule, caused by the great extension of their duties, especially in matters re- lating to navigation and sea trade. The Areopagus continued to exercise its digni- fied and important functions till Pericles dimi- nished its authority. As it was composed of such Archons as had vacated office, and as these had in the first instance been chosen from amongst the most powerful of the citizens, it was natural that aristocratic feeling should prevail in it. But its vocation was less to create than to preserve, and it was, moreover, so exclusively concerned with the interior, that during that agitated period when the destinies of Athens were so powerfully affected by external events, its paternal duties were thrown considerably into the background by the youthful and enterprising vigour of the other authorities 9. Amongst the offices of state the archonship re- mained unchanged, but by the law of Aristides other citizens besides Pentacosiomedimni were declared eligible to it ^^ Still regard was almost always had to the property of the candidates, and various other features of the ancient dokiraasia were retained ^\ But even this office was not the stage on which a mind occupied in directing the complicated external relations of Athens could dis- '' The account in Plut. Themist. 10, that the Areopagus, in the year 480, gave every warrior eight drachmas, cannot be understood of a grant of public money, for it took place ovk ovtwv drjftoffiiov xp»?ftara>v roig 'AOrjvaioig ; does it not rather refer to an extraordinary liturgy defrayed by the rich men in the Areopagus ? •0 See § 56. n. 17. «i Comp. vol. i. § 47. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. «, 57. ei play itself; it was rather a preparation for the thi Z • f ^^'^^y concerned in the duties of he administration ; but from this time the Stra- P re whi^h '''"' P'"'" ^^ ^^^ ^-i^i-- em. TuVed to r^^^ consequence of the Persian war, ence of fW "^''^ increased the influ- were 1st cL^ '"^"^ "^^^^ ^--^-- were most closely connected with it. Such were the Strategi, as instituted by Clisthenes, and such must have been their character, wherever exte^^^^ Tt^eT ""' r'r " ^^^ -^^^^^1 achievem n?s Poin te^^^^^^^^ ^'''''^' ^'-- -ere ap- pomted by Aristagoras in Ionia - ; in a later age the democracies had Strategi for their chief magisfrates At Marathon we behold all the ten StraT^ eo- responding to the ten Phyl^, and the chief com It was a laie occurrence that all were sent out as ZTjf'V''''' only were fixed on for that pu^I pose , one usually having the chief commL, col'netj^^^^^^^ and consequently peoDle had any cause for regret ^ ^'^ ''^'^^'^' ^' "^^ the AtheniaJ JJ See vol. i. p. 401. legislative functions." *"' ^stance, were entrusted with peculiar ** Herod. 5. 38. " Herod. 6. 103. 1 m ii-t ^^! .f 6t MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. and the others officiating as joint commanders ^^ ; but the powers of the last were more hmited. Strategi extraordinary were Ukewise occasionally appointed ^^. The responsibility of these officers was asserted in all its rigour, and in doing so the people frequently acted in the most arbitrary manner. The commander was only entitled Au- tocrator, because, in the measures which he adopted, he was not dependent on a council of war, or on the decrees of a municipal assembly. The discre- tionary power of renowned heroes and statesmen was less limited in this sphere, than that of a fiinc- tionary whose duties were confined to the manage- ment of internal affairs. But the official position which Themistocles occupied during the contest with the Persians must have been of a very extra- ordinary character "^ ; after having been Archon he became an Areopagite, and once more resumed the conduct of the war, the greatness of the danger, and the distinguished qualities of the man inducing the state to repose unusual confidence in him. Aristides had Strategi associated with him in the command at the battle of Plataeae ^\ The spirit of the constitution, as evinced in its progressive development, necessarily exercised con- siderable influence upon the mode in which ap- pointments to office took place. Democratic " To this refers the NtKiaf — rpiroc avrog, Thuc. 4. 42. ^aia^ — rpirog avTOQ, Thuc. 5. 4, ubi sup. '* Concerning the time when the regular Strategi entered upon their office (spring), see Seidler on the date of the representation of the Antigone, Allg. Lit. Zeit. 1825, n. 26. p. 209, sqq. ^ Pericles, when Strategus, likewise had more extensive powers than ordi- nary generals^ Thuc. 2. 65 : — (rrparriybv e'iXovro Kai irdvra rd irpdyfiara lirtTpeyLav. «' Plut. Arist. 20. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 57. 63 equality requires that the principle oi' appointment by lot should be apphed to the greatest possible extent. This was the invariable practice with the archonship from the time of Clisthenes ; but the Athenian demus was wise enough to follow that course, to which even the consideration of its own advantage must have prompted it, and retained the custom of electing all those officers whose duties required superior intelligence and experience, or mvolved unusual responsibility, such as the Stra- tegi and commanders— Taxiarchs, Phylarchs, Hip- parchs. Ambassadors, the President of Finance, the Tamias ^2, etc. It results from the foregoing that the archonship is of no importance in the history of the develop- ment of the constitution ; the Eponymus receives his due share of attention elsewhere. Our object requires a careful examination of the Strategia, which is closely connected with the most important operations of the state. Nevertheless, the power which was exercised by the legitimate officers began, even at this early period, to be opposed by that authority which, without office or title, after- wards became so formidable in the hands of the orators in the popular assembly ^^ and which is frequently classed by subsequent writers with that of the Strategic*; but the mischief which re- sulted from it was still inconsiderable, and no sepa- ration yet existed between Strategia and Dema- gogy. The great leaders of the Athenian people of that age fulfilled their poUtical destination in the ^ See vol. i. p. 400. PliTt Thir ?' 'P'V^ '^' demagogue Epicydes, the riv.l of Themistocles, I ' I i 64 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. senate and the field with their valour and their eloquence, and directed their efforts towards secur- ing the welfare of the state, and did not disdain the aid of the muses ^^ in the prosecution of their object ; they needed not the degrading arts of the subsequent demagogues, they directed the views of the people, and to all that was noble and great, swayed their minds by the power of superior intel- ligence and strength, and in all respects differed as widely from the selfish demagogues of after-times, as the kings did from the tyrants in the opinion of the Greeks in general. The brilliant series of political heroes who have rendered the glory of Athens imperishable is described by one of the ancients as a school of practical politicians, beginning with Solon, and numbering Themistocles amongst its chief ornaments"^; our list commences with Miltiades. We have already spoken of the purity of his sentiments at the time of the battle of Mara- thon ; and the little we know of his political life, both before and after that event, contains nothing calculated to excite any doubts as to his patriotism. It cannot be denied, that whilst engaged in the performance of his public duties he also consulted his own advantage ; which object is fully con- sistent with a due regard for the public good ; and it would indeed be to pollute the pure streams of history, if it should be affirmed that the benefits ) , I ** The maxim of Archilochus is beautifully introduced by Plut. in treating of this subject, Phoc. 7 : — 'AfitpoTepov, OepuTTutv fjUv 'EvvaXioio Oeoto Kai ^lovy ^aved from the Ba- *» Concerning the family of Miltiades see Stu.7 Ph. j on the alliance of Xanthippus with the house of .HaT^'^"'' P' ^^' ^^^'J pedigree may be seen in Bbckh, Explic Pindar 303 ^''^°**°°id*' ^hose i, VOL. II. ;ii .!■ ^ / i N I h 66 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. to have been the hereditary badge of particular families, there is every reason to suppose that Miltiades, the father of Cimon, was less closely allied with the demus than Xanthippus, the father of Pericles ^\ THEMISTOCLES AND ARISTIDES. It is erroneous to oppose these two contem- poraries and colleagues to each other, as repre- sentatives of the opinions of different parties, Themistocles of the democrats, Aristides of the aristocrats ; Aristides had been favourably disposed towards Clisthenes^, who placed the archonship upon a more democratic basis ; he and Themis- tocles were equally devoted to the demus. The real opposition between them arose from the dif- ference of their views concerning the welfare of Athens, and this produced a rivalry between them for the chief place in the administration ^. Aris- tides either does not appear to have reflected on the project of an Athenian maritime supre- macy at all, or to have regarded it as perilous and pernicious ; he perhaps foresaw danger in the determination of the Athenians to depart from the simplicity and rustic virtues of their forefathers, and to trust their unpractised powers to a faithless element in pursuit of uncertain and precarious ad- vantages ; civil virtue and integrity in the perform- "3 I am not inclined to put faith in so very doubtful an authority as Stesim- brotus of Thasus (Plut. Themis. 4.), who states that Themistocles was op- po>ed by INliltiades od the building of the fleet, etc.; otherwise the narrative contains evidences of party differences. ^ Plut. Arist. 30. ^ Antiquity likewise had its chronique scandaleuse ; the philosopher Ariston pretended that their enmity arose in consequence of their both being attached to tlie beautiful Stesileus of Teos, Plut. Them. 3 ; Arist. 2. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY, f, 57. 67 ance of public duties at home, were more in accord- ance with his feelings. Themistocles. on the other hand, according to Plutarch '«, looked upon Mara- thon rather as a means than an end ; he wished Athens to develope her powers, and boldly track her course along that element to which the hand of nature visibly directed her. The opinion of Aristides had greater moral weight ; that of The- mistocles resulted from more enlarged views, Irom a just estimation of passing occurrences, the dangers to be apprehended from Asia, and the restless jealousy of the neighbouring nations. The execution of these projects was retarded by Aristides, whose adherents were probably suffi- ciently numerous both from the moral dignity of his character, and the natural indolence and su- pineness of men, which make them averse to incur perils abroad when they may enjoy ease and secu- nty at home. This led to a contention in which 1 hemistocles was the assailant, when Aristides was unable to ward off the ostracism in which it re- sulted ^. But how little this political hostility was tinctured with personal animosity, may be gathered trom the manner in which these illustrious men acted towards each other in the sequel. In the eventful night before the battle of Salamis, Aris- tides apprized Themistocles of a circumstance on which his very preservation depended ; this cor- responds with the greatness of mind with which Themistocles received the bearer of the intelli- gence ^. Aristides had no share in the banishment of Themistocles, which took place afterwards 's • " Plut. Them. 3. " Herod. 8 79, sqq. " Plut. Arist. 5. * Plut. Arist. 25. r2 |i n 68 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. *)! .f i ^1 ' for notwithstanding he had at first opposed upon principle the project of maritime aggrandizement, immediately after the first glorious essays of the Athenians in naval warfare, he desisted from all further opposition to the creator of the Athenian glory ; indeed we behold him cheerfully and ho- nourably dedicating his virtues to the service of the state in that field which had been opened to the Athenians by the courage and enterprise of Themistocles ^. Their political projects and exertions corre- sponded with their respective qualities, and though they doubtless formed a sufficiently accurate esti- mate of their own powers, the sequel proves that Aristides entertained too mean an opinion of his own military talents. The character of Themis- tocles has been drawn by Thucydides *\ and we cannot do better than give his own words. " The- mistocles strikingly displayed the power of nature, and was in this respect so distinguished above others as to deserve the highest admiration. For by innate intelligence alone, unaided by study either in youth or after-life, he determined upon the pro- per course to be pursued in critical conjunctures after short reflection, and was a sagacious calcu- lator of what the future was likely to produce. Whatever he undertook, he was capable of ex- plaining, and even in matters wherein he was in- experienced, the judgment he expressed was not *° According to Theophrastus (Plut. Arist. 35.). in the foreign relations of his country he was even capable of a line of policy which was not exactly consistent with the maxims of justice. — tov dvdpa tovtov, rrepi ra oiKtia Kal Tovg TToXtrag aKptstg ovra i'lKaiov, iv roig koivoiq -ttoWcL wpa^ai Trpbg ri)v viroQiaiv riiq irarpiSog utg avYvtiQ dStKiag Seoukvtjv. «• Thuc. 1. 138 ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY, f^ 57. ^9 far wrong. He foresaw the good or evil in that which the future still concealed, and upon the '^H.'u.u? ^' ^^'''''^' '^^' he was signally fitted both by the vigour of his genius and his promptness in deliberation, to take the proper steps m sudden emergencies." .1. ^«^ 'r^' ""^ Themistocles commenced during the firs Persian war; it is probable that he wa! amongst the combatants at Marathon*^ The sub sequent excitement of the Athenian people acted very favourably upon the expansion of his powers his entrance into the political world, his auihority; and introduction to office ; the spirit of innovation was aroused, and he fostered and encouraged it. There IS no doubt that Themistocles soon obtained great importance in the popular assembly by his eloquence ; it is recorded that when a youth he exercised himself in pronouncing judicial ha- rangues- and though he may have been a mere speaker, and not an accomplished orator^ his speeches carried great weight with them ; \hey convinced by their perspicuity and the patriotism of their sentiments. For example, he prevailed upon the Athenians no longer to distribute the silver from the mines of Laurion amongst them- 7':^' i?u'PP^^ '' '" '^'' P^^P^^^ -f building a fleet The first occasion upon which he en- joyed the confidence of the people in an office of high trust was as Strategus and mediator in the I 4 11 L' 'I y ]• .1 70 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, war between Corinth and Corcyra^ ; when archon, 481. B. C, he began to build the walls of the Piraeus *'^. The Strategia in the memorable year 480. is said to have been contested with him by the demagogue Epicydes^^; having secured his election he swayed the will of the Athenians by his varied intellectual powers : by stirring appeals to their patriotism, and even by stratagem when necessary, he succeeded in collecting the people on board their vessels*^, recalled the exiles ^^ banished the Persian agent Arthmius ^S and even- tually crushed the barbarians. He completed his patriotic labours by restoring the fortifications of Athens, and finishing the works at the Piraeus, at the same time eluding the jealous vigilance of Sparta ^^. It is with pain that we must lay to his charge the same failing with his modern transcript, Marlborough, the desire of amassing wealth ^^. But this was not the cause of his downfal ; his vast power had rendered him irksome to the Athenians and hated and dreaded by the Spartans ; the first opposition he had to encounter appears to have been from the coalition between aristocratic party- feelings and foreign intrigue ; Cimon the aristocrat and Philolacon was amongst his adversaries^*. He was first expelled by ostracism, Olymp. 77. 2; 471. B. C^% whereupon he repaired to Argos, t' J ¥ 1*1 ^ The accounts of these disputes are contradictory ; Thuc. 1. 136, he is called tvepytTjit of the Corcyrteans ; Corn. Nep. 2. has Corcyraeos fregit ; the most probable account is that of Plut. Them. 24, that he had brought about a reconciliation between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans, and made the Corinthians pay twenty talents to the Corcyraeans, etc. " Thuc. 1. 93. *' Plut. Them. 6. " Herod. 7. 143. »° Plut. Them. 11. " Plut. Them. 6. " 1 hue. 1. 90—92. " Plut. Them. 21 . His fortune increased from three talents to eighty or a hundred. See Theopompus and Theophrastus ap. Plut. Them. 25. " Plut. Arist. -25. " i hue. 1. 135. < ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. | 57, 71 but the enmity of Sparta did not cc^ase to pursue him even in exile ; it charged him with liaving been pnvy to the designs of Pausanias, Olymp. 18. 'i ; 4hb. B. C. An Alcmffionid, Leobates, likewise accused him of high treason^; but Cimon un- generously pursued Epicrates, and caused him to be put to death for having conducted the wife and children of the fugitive to him ^'. The thirst of vengeance in the soul of Themistocles seems to have yielded to attachment to his native city ; he would not bear arms against his country. The evening of his life was illustrated by a remarkable proof of the extraordinary capacities he possessed ; withm a year he acquired such proficiency in the Persian language «• as to be able to speak it with fluency, which must have been by no means an easy task to a Greek. Aristides is commonly distinguished by the epi- thet of "the Just«;" he might, with greater pro- priety, be called the " Disinterested," as he presided over the public economy with blameless integiity was inaccessible to corruption, and wholly exempt from the wish to obtain the property of others. Ihis must be taken into consideration in weighing over the accounts of his poverty «»; he probably was not indigent, but testified no desire to add to his fortune"', which was inconsiderable compared with that of others; a circumstance the more calculated to excite surprise, in an age when the love of gain was i i I' riut. I hem. 24. &« Thii/» i 110 *» Plut. Arist. 6. Ihuc. 1.138. 7i f!^ P';»^arch. Arist. 1. the discrepancies in the accounts Seeastohisrej3ct.onoftheofferso^fhisrichcousinCaE;Plut. Arist. 25. I' I > il! i'lt ] i tr i 72 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. SO universal, and the opportunities of amassing riches were so abundant. Evidences of the same feeling may be discovered in his pohtical conduct ; his uncompromising integrity rendered abortive all attempts at peculation on the part of Themistocles and others ^^; his resistance of the plans for pro- moting the maritime aggrandizement of Athens, flowed from a conviction that it was unlawful for that state to appropriate to itself the rights of others; the manner in which he determined the respective quotas of the maritime states to the expenses of the Persian war, is eulogised as a model of integrity and justice ; and it may with great safety be as- serted, that few would have failed to avail them- selves of so excellent an opportunity of enriching themselves, or to determine the proportion of each state to the burthens of the war, according to the presents by which they might have been propitiated. CIMON. Cimon, who was for a considerable period the leader of the Optimates, and not wholly uncon- nected with Aristides^^ overcame Themistocles, and was himself supplanted by Pericles. The splen- dour of Cimon's victories has, in some degree, dimmed the lustre of his political character. It cannot be denied that his conduct to Epicrates, the friend of Themistocles, was marked by re- volting inhumanity. But upon the whole, his native generosity of mind was not debased by the rancour of party feeling; he was the never- failing advocate of the free citizen, and his pro- fuse hberality caused him to be suspected of •« Plut. Arist. 4. •3 Plul. Cini. 5. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 57. 73 aiming at demagogy ^ His title to glory was not denved from his victories in foreign LLTLZ zens irh ^ ' gratification of his fellow-citi- zens at home, and to the construction of works of duct as a party leader must be viewed in connection with the opmions he entertained as to the principles llXlt t '""f r '^"^ f-%" P<.lioy of 2„ ance of f ^1 ^^\ "' '^'^""''''^ ^^e mainten- Snarta .^ -^ ''^''^'"^ '^^^"^^^ Athens and Sparta ; the aristocratic party beheld one of its Z17T: 1 '""^ '''''' ^' '^^ Spartan con itu- ^on , m fact, that state had conduced to raise up Cimon agamst Themistocles ^ whilst the formed was the personal element by which the union be tween the two states was cemented. Stm hL n^ilitary genms, and a wish to avail himself of the support of Sparta in the vigorous prosecu ion of the war agamst the great king, may have part^v Th?n f ?°''';t ^"'*"''"' '» ae sX' Ihis IS the origin of the pernicious custom of regu- eve^ 'Z^lllni^{.:Ls^^^^^^^^^ ^P' ^^^'J^' ^33. A. B. How- praise on the score of liberal tyXhrei^r"""'"?^ T'^S'' ^is titles to zen ; for instance, the enter aiomTnt.f if- J^ ™°'^ *?^° **'^ ^"^'^s as a citi- Iiturgies of the ^U^yr^.^l^Z^'fia^^^^^^^ '''' '^'''^-' -^ of the fine of^f^tl^^fsrrsr^/;^^^^^^^^^^^^^ .^« inabiHtv of Ci.on to pay a on the Ch'ersonesus were in t£ han^^^^^^^^ tCell '" ^^ ''^'^^^'^^T^ Po^eJsiLs sonesus, after the victory on the Eu yldon S r ' ''T/s'^ofihe Cher- the means of restorine some of hU ?,T » 5 ["** ^""* ^'*>' ^^^ probably had al.eady been dischigerbf th^wSr^rlir^''"; \^^ ^^*^* «^ ^« ^-^^er sister Elpinice in marriaL, Plut Cim 5 H. ^^' '"^ "'^:'Z ^'""on gave his corruption, if we may judU from S^ "^ ™ not wholly inaccessible to respect to Alexander ^fffidoTtowhfoh'"''*'^,?^^*^* ^°^'°^» »»™ with «* Such were the southern wall 'of thii ^^^^all afterwards return, walls, the Academy. X Cim ,f r "''P^'*^'^^ ^**""*^^^'^^ ^f the long had amassed treasu';^esrc^;S^^^ ^^^^ wva, on rrjv irdrpiov fiertKivtiat iroXireiav itf kavrov (this must have rather been a ground of accusation than the words of the in- ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. 5, 57. 75 in Olymp. 79. 1 ; 464. B. C, to procure a decree for affording assistance to the S])artans in ths war with the rebellious Helots ; it was in vain that the proposal met with violent opposition from the Antilacon Ephialtes^^ Cimon himself took the command of the auxiliary army against Ithome '\ During his absence ^S Pericles laid the foundation of a new political system, by which he proposed to establish an Athenian supremacy, instead of main- taining a balance of power between Athens and Sparta, as heretofore. He was as confident that the Athenians possessed the requisite courage and energy to obtain the hegemony of (Greece, as that he himself was the man destined to direct them in the attempt. But this object was only to be real- ized by caUing up all the latent powers of the state, by eradicating from the minds of the people their prejudices and scruples, and by inspiring them with courage and inclination for extraordinary ef- forts, whilst it was equally necessary to counteract the influence of aristocratic impressions ; hence a contest with the remains of Cimon's party became unavoidable. Amongst those who co-operated with Pericles at this period was Ephialtes, the son of Sophonides "^ whom many of the ancient and modern writers contemptuously denominate a vile and worthless de- rrjKovra de raXavra uatrrpaKav, " Plut. Cim. 16. '• ^^^^'}; ^^' ^^"^""ch speaks of two expeditioas of the Athenians agamst the Messenians. Cim. 16. 17 ; but this mustonly be underst^ of ?he discharge of the crew. '* Plut. Cim. 15. says when Cimon, upon the termination of the law-nro- ceed.ngs against him TraXcv JTri <7rparuav mTrXevae. It is here unnecessary to understand any other expedition than that against Ithome. '* ^han, V. H. 2. 23. 1i 4 i u I I I 76 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. magogue, but whom an attentive examination of the accounts of the ancients will enable us to pro- nounce an upright statesman and citizen. Though poor^^ he is said to have been hberal", just, and disinterested ^^ ; he is described as an honourable man ^^ by Plutarch ^, and placed in the same rank with Aristides and Cimon. At the suggestion of Pericles he appears to have made an attack upon the power of the Areopagus ^\ This resolution did not proceed from any desire to detract from the dignity which characterized that noblest ornament of Athens as such ; but from a conviction, that as long as the archonship continued to be filled by the upper orders, the Areopagus, which was sup- plied from it, must, by means of its moral dignity, its reputation for justice, and the spotless purity of its proceedings, necessarily keep up aristocratic feeling ®% and generate a spirit in the mass of the citizens at variance with the projects of Pericles. But it cannot be satisfactorily ascertained in what respects the authority of the Areopagus was re- stricted; its jurisdiction is asserted to have been '* ^1. ubi sup. "^ Heracl. Pont. 1 : 'Ecupi9Tivai rag irXiiarac ko'ktiic Cim U • ra>v ^-a.r,p^.. Kvplovg iavroi, .o.nf.his relation to his sister Elpinice. is no^hinrbut the prattle of the grammanans. which probably originaVed with Didymus See ^^^'^;?.'*°*'- f **"• ^'^'»'- 129; Schol. Aristid. Plu? 2. 128 ^'^y"^"^' ^«« "* Thucyd. 1. 107 ; comp. Plut. Cim. 17. 'IT P 78 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. dicus of Tanagra ^ ; in all probability not without the concurrence, and perhaps even at the instiga- tion of the conspirators ; the demus became ap- prehensive of attempts to subvert the constitu- tion ^\ and all who were capable of bearing arms marched towards Tanagra. Cimon's innocence became apparent ; he himself as an exile was not allowed to take part in the engagement, but a hundred of his friends, cheered and encouraged by his presence, laid down their lives for their country on that memorable day ^^ Pericles performed pro- digies of valour ^^" The gloomy picture presented by the animosi- ties of contending factions, is somewhat reheved by the exploits of those brave warriors, Myronides, Tolmidas, and Leocrates ; though remote from de- magogy themselves, they were by no means the decided opponents of Pericles and the demus, and their whole career was marked by the endeavour to vie with one another in noble actions. Myro- nides the son of Callias^*, who had at Plataeae been joint-commander with Aristides9^ was extolled as a brave soldier both by his contemporaries and by succeeding generations^ ; he was a faithful supporter of the existing democracy, and justified the con- fidence of his fellow-citizens by endeavouring to promote its interests by expeditions into Boeotia, Phocis, and Thessaly. Leocrates had also been 90 Diodor. 11. 77 ; Aristot. ap. Plut, Pericl. 10. At the time of Antiphon the murderers were not yet known, de Herod. Mai. 737. 9' Thucyd. 1. 107 : — Kai ri Kai rov lr\fiov KaraXixreatg viroyj/ia ^v. 93 Plut. Cimon. 17. ^3 pim. Pericl. 10. »« Diodor. 11 81. »' Plut. Arist. 20. 96 Diod. 11. 89, avTip iir' aptry OavnaZofievoc- To this probably refers the significant fisKafiirvyog, Aristoph. Lysis. 802, analogous to the daavirpuiKTog and the emblem of noble manhood (was it perhaps the origin of an equally bold and expressive designation in modern times 1) ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 57. 79 one of the colleagues of Aristides at Platae^!" • in the war against zEgina, Olymp. 80. | ; 457. B.C., he was entrusted with the chief command ^ Tol- midas, a general of fnore boldness than prudence, dunng the banishment of Cimon, brought to a suc- cessful conclusion several of the enterprises which had been commenced by Pericles ; afl;er the death of Cimon, Olymp. 83. 2 ; 447. B. C. in spite of the remonstrances of Pericles «», he marched with a body of volunteers against the Thebans and allied aristocrats of Boeotia, and perished with the flower of the Athenian Hoplitae at Coronea ""'. After the battle of Tanagra '-, the position of the enemies of Athens becoming critical, Pericles drew up a decree for the recall of Cimon '»=, that through his mediation a peace might the more readily be brought about between Athens and Sparta. The return of Cimon was far from lead- ing to the fall of Pericles and the democracy, and the generosity with which Pericles consulted the welfare of the state has been justly extolled '<» No change was effected in the interior of the state after the return of Cimon, who soon after marched out to gather fresh laurels in the war against the barbarians, the chief theatre of his valour, when death closed his career in the moment of victory Olymp. 82. 4 ; 449. B. C. Thucydides the son of Melesias'"*, a relation of " Pint. Arist. 20. w ihucyd I 105 Z Sif * review of his campaigns in Pausanias, 1. 27. 6. "• Plut. Cim. 17. im pjm pj^id 17 '°! P'-'r*"' Cim. 17 : oiiro. tot, xoXT«ai /Uv }^^av ai ha6,aai, nirpwi ^avT^ ImKpaTovaa tUv ,ra&S,v rote tH, naTpilocHx^A «a./«k! '^ f i i 1 1 80 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. I'T I' Cimon, replaced him as leader of the aristocratic party ; though he appears to have been a brave man ^^^ he was in all respects inferior to Pericles, and is loud in the commendation of his great quali- ties ^^. His party attempting to expel Cimon by ostracism, the latter retaliated ; and, Olymp. 84. 1 ; 444. B. C, Thucydides was compelled to quit the city**^^. His return seems to have taken place shortly afterwards ^^, but his party was almost dis- solved, and individually he possessed but little political influence ^^. After the expulsion of Thu- cydides, Pericles continued to guide the helm of the state till his death, and though during this period he was not without enemies, he had upon the whole no formidable competitors to contend mth. As his political character attained maturity in the course of these fifteen years, this is the proper place to describe its most prominent fea- tures. Pericles had all the virtues which an Athenian could possess, and only shared the faults of his fellow-citizens from motives of policy. The annals of Greece present not his equal for intelUgence, fortitude, and the qualities that enable men to rule others. Exhibiting the characteristics of his nation in unequalled perfection, he towers above the mul- I »w plut. Pericl. 11 : ici^^cerr^v Kt^wvo?. Schol. Aristid. Plut. 2. 118: yafijSpbv ovTa OovKvSi^Tjv tov Mikrjffiov rov Kifnovog. '®^ The last mentioned ScoUon adds, in all probability unjustly, ffKv\aKU)^ti ovTa Kal dXiyapxiKov. See the praises expressed of him in Menexenus 94, D., and by Aristotle ap. Plut. Nicias, 2. '"<» See the appropriate observations of Plut. Pericl. 8 : "Orav, cIttcv, eyu) jcara/SaXw TraXaitov, kKilvoQ dvriXiyojv, wg ov TrsirrioKe, viKt^ Kai (itTa- trflBn TovQ opCovTag. There is a story of his suddenly becoming silent in the court, Arisloph. Vesp. 536. w Plut. Pericl. 14. '08 He was probably th^ Strategus in the war against Samos. Thuc. 1. 117. '<® In Aristoph. Acharnl'^OS, he is called Kixpog, bowed down with age. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. ^ 57. 81 titude, which he governed like a being of a higher order ; his grave and majestic countenance, the in- dex of a mind too proud to flatter and to cringe to the people, presents a marked contrast to the truckling complaisance of the time-serving dema- gogue"". His character was trained under the mstructions of Damon, the greatest political theo- rist of that age'", Zeno the Eleatic, and Anaxagoras the Clazomenian "^ the influence of the last more especially served to dispel the mists of popular pre- judice from his mind, to impart to it moral strength and dignity, and to inspire him with the desire of political distinction "'. From the very commence- ment of his career, his sohcitude for the public welfare knew no pause, either from pleasure or from the desire of repose "*. In warlike exploits, Pericles was not inferior to the bravest soldiers of his time "' ; as a commander, he united consum- mate prudence to undaunted courage;, and never failed to respect the free citizen, the Greek, and the Athenian, who fought under his command "«. His eloquence, which was the first that deserved the name "', swayed the passions and the will of «vr«^Hr. Sine ulla liberalitate, Cicero de Offic. 1.4. On the su^r ^f '" Plut. Pericl. 4 ; Plat. Alcib. 1. 118. B. He was ostracised i,c uiyaXo- rhet.rLr:d„r„ 'of ^::i z^^i^n^^'ri^tt tz Ale,!trZ'4 ■'s'i'i"^.''.". P-P-'-- Sohol. Aristoph. AcharM2f a^^. VOL. II. i I ' 1'; i (' t' p it If! IM 82 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. the fickle multitude ^^^ with irresistible force; he was conscious of the power of his words, but did not trust to the impulse of the moment ; he never spoke unprepared "^, always assumed a dignified and imposing demeanour ^^^ and uniformly rejected the rhetorical artifices of the demagogues ^^K But the choicest flower in the wreath of his virtues, was a total exemption from the sordid wish to amass riches in the pubhc service ^"'; an exemplary ma- nager of his own fortune, he administered the pub- hc finances with a probity no less scrupulous than that of Aristides. Thus conscious of his own in- tegrity and gi-eatness, when the welfare of the state was at stake, he fearlessly braved the clamour of the assembled multitude, and discoursed on the posture of pubUc affairs with the convincing elo- quence of truth. But his austere perfection knew no sympathy with the vulgar multitude ; he seldom transacted state-matters in person ^^^ and then only when he feared that others might not dehver his commands with energy and effect ^^*. But what did this eminently-endowed and all- *" Thucyd. 2. 65 ; otrors yovv aiaOoiTo ri avrovg irapd, Kaipbv v(3pei 9ap ^'^^''^y "•»« of history as the Ihllt^T&^lfX:., ^'° "" "'"■"»«' "f such polluter. a criminal intercour ^wUMhe S"of'hT, ^'"""^i I'"'' '''™''^ <•""«' <>■• meneus, who laid to hirchar»e rhi miS ""?,*"?•, Alhen. 13. 589. D. ; Ido- P-utatch exclaims agaLtsgsil^TuTt lYeT.'Sa^i:'-. ^l '?• ""• av0po)7rovc aaTvpiKovc role Rin.n ^«; - > « luuignauc n . Kat ri av tiq « Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 1 . 189, sqq! ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 58. 91 and fleet of Xerxes, was, during the war^^ generally assembled on the Isthmus, and does not appear to have been convened again. But the union formed by the Athenians by no means supplied its place, in the sense of an association of the collective Greeks, as it was never proposed to transfer or con- cede to them a hegemony of this description. We must not be misled by the use of vague and inde- finite expressions so frequent amongst the writers of antiquity, as, for instance, when they speak of an Athenian hegemony generally, without any quahfication ^^ The league was virtually formed for the purpose of enforcing the determination expressed by Athens, to protect the lonians in the seats they then occupied; their apprehensions of further attacks from the Persians w(jre soon dis- pelled; the inland states of the mother-country took no further part in the war, and the remaining states of the Peloponnesus, together with iEgina, in the train of Sparta, disappear from our view. With the exception of Euboea, no state of the mother- country seems to have paid a war-tax, nor to have sent ships to the allied fleet. Thus the armed con- federacy of Sparta, with its ancient federal coun- cil ^7, subsisted together with that of Athens ; whilst all the claims of the former to take the lead in the politics of the mother-country remained in full force. The assertion of Herodotus, that in the spring after the battle of Salamis the Greek fleet under the command of Leutychidas king of Sparta, had anchored at Delos, fearing to continue the voyage •* Herod. 7. 175 ; 8. 123. . " «•.&• Demosth Phil. 3. 116. 20. R. ; ^potrrdrai fuv v^tXg i^SoMKovra " This was the koivov avvidpiov. See below, $ 61. n. 3. ^li Il I 'r 92 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. towards the east, because Samos appeared as dis- tant as the Pillars of Hercules ^^ rather seems to contain a satirical allusion to the irresolute con- duct of Leutychidas, than seriously to imply that they dreaded a passage with which both the La- cedaemonians and Athenians must long have been familiar ; still we cannot but be astonished at the celerity and confidence with which the Athenians traversed the Mgean sea, and the boldness and skill with which they united so vast a number of scattered islands and maritime places into one great confederacy. This was not promoted by continued attachment to the league on the part of those who had at first voluntarily entered it, and the Athe- nians were obliged to maintain it by different means from those by which it had been formed. The proneness of the Greeks to split themselves into distinct and independent communities would probably have severed the bands of this confede- racy, as it had done those of so many preceding ones, as soon as the danger which had called them into existence was past, had not the Athenians employed coercion to keep up that connection which had at first been voluntary. Their powerful fleets and vic- torious seamen crushed every effort for the recovery of independence, and those states which, imdaunted by the celerity of their movements and their for- midable squadrons, endeavoured to throw off* their allegiance, soon yielded to the force of their arms. But unfortunately the Athenians were not satisfied with exercising that power which was necessary to prevent defection from the league ; that which had ^ »8 Herod. 8. 132 :— r^v Sk 2tJ/iov i)7rtd by severe struggles. When Pericles took upon himself the direction of affairs, Athens had not yet extended her authority over the surrounding states ; iEgina could ill conceal its chagrin at the loss of its domi- nion over the Saronic gulf; Corinth, which had formerly been upon terms of friendship with Athens, looked back with fruitless regret to the time when It had lent ships to the Athenians, and being dis- qmeted and endangered by their attempt to navi- gate the Corinthian gulf, took umbrage at the forcible march of an Athenian army through the Corinthian territory, and began to display its rancour and animosity. The Athenians were long accustomed to prefer force to every other mode of settling their differences. The insolence of iEgina required to be chastised, and at the close of a naval war with iEgina, Corinth, etc., Olymp. 80. 4 ; 456. B. C, the first was reduced, disarmed, and compelled to join the Athenian confederacy ^i From the time of the rupture between Athens and Sparta, in the war against the Messenian Helots, the rebels continued to receive assistance from' Athens, and when, in the tenth year of the war Olymp. 81. 2 ; 455. B. C, Ithome was obliged to surrender, such of the Messenian combatants as escaped unhurt were conveyed on board an Athe- nian fleet to Naupactus, a fortress of which the Athenians had taken possession a short time before, on the coast of the Ozolian Locrians ^, whilst this ** Thuc. 1. 98 : — iroKiQ ^vfifiaxiQ 'rrapct to KaBiffrriKog IdovXutOri. ** The year is uncertain ; was it perhaps Olymp. 79. 4 1 According to Diod. 12. 38, Pericles was the superintendent of the treasury; according to Plut. Pers. 12, it was at his instigation that the treasure was removed; but Plutarch, Arist. 75, says the Samians were the occasion of it. ^ Plut. Cim. 17. ^ Thuc. 1. 108 : — itfioXSyntrav Sk Kal oi Ai'ycv^rac — rote 'A^nvatW ^ov! "^^"^''''"^ -^"^ '^"^^ TrapaSorrec ^6poi re raKi^^.o^AlT^Zr. TUXV Xpovov ^ Thuc. 1. 103 96 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. town, whose new inhabitants were faithful alHes of the Athenians, became one of their chief bulwarks in the western seas. Pericles, as before stated, soon af- terwards sent cleruchi toNaxos, Andros,and Thrace, as well as to the Thracian Chersonesus and to Si- nope. In consequence of the revolt of Eubcea, Olymp. 83. 3 ; 446. B. C, Chalcis ^« was reduced to still more galling servitude, and Histiaea was de- stroyed. The passage over to Asia was rendered secure by the cleruchi on Naxos, the entrance to the inner channel of Eubcea by those in Oreos (Hesti^ea), the voyage to the northern seas by those of the Chersonesus, and the settlements of Athenian cle- ruchi in Sinope, was designed to protect the navi- gation along the coasts of the Pontus, of which the Athenians had deprived the enfeebled Miletus. The active part taken by Athens in the founda- tion of Thurii, resulted from the design of extend- ing her naval power over the west. Pericles had still to sustain one hard and sanguinary conflict before the authority of Athens over islands and coasts could rest upon a secure basis ; in Olymp. 84. 4; 441. B. C, Samos raised the standard of liberty, and its example was followed by Byzan- tium ; under the direction of the philosopher Me- lissus "^ Samos defended itself with desperate valour against the superior force of Athens and the mili- tary skill of Pericles, but being subdued in the following year, its chains were still more firmly ^* Thuc. 6. 76. the Athenians are accused of XaXKiSsag — rove h Ev/3oi9 — Sov\u}(Tafitvovc fx*t*'« This is alluded to in the jests of Strep- siades on the subject of Eubcea, Aristoph. Nub. 213: oW' virb ydp i)uaiv irapErdOj] Kai UepiKXkovQ. » In Suidas, MtXirog, there is a tradition to the effect, that Melissus con- quered the tragedian Sophocles in a sea-fight, Olymp. 84. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 58. 97 rivetted than before- Hereupon Byzantium re- turned to Its allegiance. It Js impossible, even with the aid of conjee- ture , to determine with any degree of probability how many and what townships were comprised under the maritime empire of Athens, which flou- nsned m its greatest extension after the reduction ot ^amos, as even the names of many of the places included under it are doubtless forgotten. Aristo- phanes- in making their amount the basis of a sportive proposition in pohtical economy, fixes them m round numbers at a thousand. The chief of them were ^gina, Eubcea, the Cyclades, with the ex- cephon of Melos and Thera -, the islands and cities of the southern coast of Thrace, the towns on the Hellespont, on the Propontis, the Thracian Bos- phorus - part of those on the Pontus, the islands and nearly all the towns of the western coast of Asia Minor «, and probably some of the towns of l^ycia; m the Crissaean gulf Naupactus, in the Ionian sea Cephallenia and Zacynthus ^ ; on the gulf of Tarentum Thurii was, if not dependent upon, at least in alliance with Athens. But strictly speaking, it is necessary to distinguish between those places to which cleruchi had beer, sent, and political allusions in the ancient trLedv R^VII, ?„ .i. « .■^* histoncal and (both lectures in the Berl Tk d™ wul 1824) an^ siT''""'"' f "P''""*' remarks (Allg. Lit. Zeit. 1825. Jan ) ''' ' ""'" ^''PP'ementa^ nis:h^r°sZu,^?as;u':,genfr82i VH^T' ''""" "' ^"^''"'■"' "*"- VOL, II. ' I m^i 98 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. I ! ( H such states as were held in dependence by means of the confederacy and by force. The degree of dependence varied in the single states ^^. Athens enjoyed a general pre-eminence ; Pericles laid down the principle, that she was not bound to give an account of the monies contributed to the expenses of the war^. This principle he asserted, and the aggregate amount of the con- tributions was probably, by means of a despotic decree, raised to six hundred talents ^^. The Athe- nians did not scruple to declare that the stronger were entitled to command the weaker '*^, and fol- lowed up their declaration by a corresponding line of conduct. Pericles was ftilly conscious that the fear of punishment alone restrained the alhes from defection, and that the authority which, like a tyranny, had been unjustly acquired, could not be rehnquished without danger '^^ Hence, the most conspicuous feature in his policy was distrust of the allies *^. Sixty Athenian triremes cruised about the Grecian seas the whole year round, and the citizens did duty on board by rotation ^^ ; the Athenian squadrons covered the seas, and the dis- mayed allies regarded the rapidity of their move- ments with a terror almost amounting to supersti- " Comp Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 1. 430, sqq., and Kortiim ubi sup. ; the princi- pal paR>age is in Thucyd. 6. 85; — tovq — Kvfipidx,t>vg, utg eicaoTot xpifai- fioi, i^rjyovfitOa, Xiovg fikv Kai MT}9vfivaiovg (Mytilene had already been reduced to servitude), vtiHv irapoKy avrofofjovg, tovq H ttoWovq xP^f^^Tutv (iiaioTepov (f>op^, dWovg H Kai iravv iXfvOfpojg KvfifjaxoviTug, k, t. \. « Plut Pers 12. ^9 pim. Arist. 24 ; comp. Thnc. 2. 13. *° Thuc. 1. 76 : — a£i Ka9teivai Si kiriKivSwov. *« Aid x"P^f «%"»'. Thuc. 2. 13. ubi sup. *3 Plut. Pers. 1 1. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. § 58. 99 tion ; this feeling was increased by the proceedings of the magistrates called Inspectors ^*, and Secret Officers *^ Meanwhile the Athenians, elated with the consciousness of their superiority, daily became more overbearing, and abandoned them- selves without reserve to that tone of insolence in which they had so early become proficient ^^. In the political phraseology of the time it became customary to make distinct mention of allies and subjects *7; although the former naaie, like the Roman word socii, sometimes occurs as a common denomination for free and dependent states '% the latter expresses the true nature of most of them, and the semblance of the federal character was only retained in a few outward forms of etiquette. It is scarcely necessary to mention that the foregoing remarks do not apply to those independent allies of Athens, to whom equal rights with that state were secured by the terms of their confederacy, as Argos, Megara, Platseae, etc. At the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, the three states Chios, Mytilene, and Me- thymna^ had retained nothing more than the shadow of their former Autonomia, together with the exercise of a few of the rights included under It. As they had never ceased to equip and maintain fleets of their own, they did not pay ZTno'r^l' Hellenotami. rag .oX.a'aTa/Xvff "^.'l.t tZ^..^ ** KpviTToL Bekker, Anecd. 273. « Diodor. 11. 70 : i3iaiiog Kai vTriprj^dviog ^pxov, 48 Th^^'Tl^ v^rjicooi, Thuc. 6. 22, et passim. •tlo^'i"*'' ^' ?• w ^ f/'^^"" townships, Antissa, Pyrrha, and Eressus were at that time subject to Mytilene. Thuc. 3. 18. xi-ressus, were H 2 i II ;! Ill 100 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. contributions in money ^ ; Chios in particular was distinguished for the cheerfulness and punctuahty with which it furnished its supplies of men and ships ^\ Hence the name of the Chians was mentioned in the public prayer at Athens ^S as well as was that of the Plataeans. These states doubtless ordered their own affairs without the fear of any restraint or interference on the part of the Athenians. On the other hand, Athens appears to have laid claim to a right which the chief powers of former federal unions had never possessed, viz., that of judicially deciding upon the mutual dis- putes of two or more states, and forbidding them to take up arms for the settlement of their dif- ferences ^\ The payment of tribute alone, as vTroTeXels 6pov, did not necessarily involve the idea of subjection, nor could it have done so according to the princi- ples of international law which prevailed in ancient Greece. During the Peloponnesian war we still find that Autonomia was by no means incompat- ible with the obligation to pay tribute ^ ; but as so many towns and states were subject to the latter, in consequence of having ceased to occupy themselves with military affairs — the three states before mentioned forming the sole exceptions — an idea of degradation gradually became associated with it. A far more essential feature of subjection »» Thuc. 7. 57. *• Eupolis ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 880. *' Theopomp. ap. Schol. Aristoph. A v. 880. " Plut. Pericl. 25, it is stated that the Athenians had made war upon the Samians, because in the war against Miletus they travtraffOai — Kal diKag \a(3iiv Kal Sovpai irap' avroiQ ovk iirdBovro. "In the peace of Nicias, Thuc. 5. 18, it was stipulated that Olynthus, Stagirus, etc., should retain their autonomia, but dtrohSovTiov rbv iftopov. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. $ !.8. 101 was the obligation to plead before the tribunals of Athens and the administration of criminal justice by that state ", a relation which had already sub- sisted between Epidaurus and its colony iEgina^^ But after a community has lost the right of punish- ing one of its citizens with death, and it becomes absolutely necessary to transfer other important judicial matters to the courts of another state, it is almost needless to enquire whether it still possesses freedom or not, and in Gre^cian repub- lics in particular this mode of wounding the pub- lic mind in its most sensitive part could not fail to dispel any illusions as to the real nature of their dependence. Hence, it would be a vain and futile enquiry to ask if states of this description had retained the privilege of regulating their con- stitution, electing the magistrates, and determining the manner in which the administration was to be conducted. But the Athenians took peculiar de- light in exercising this sort of jurisdiction ; and their passion for the business of the law-courts was unfortunately combined with the sordid wish of obtaining the salary which Pericles had appointed for the judges. The confederates who, like all the Greeks, were extremely jealous of any interference in their judicature, were the more keenly ahve to this infraction of their rights, as, notwithstanding the assiduity of the Athenians in attending the courts of justice, the number of suits accumulated to an inordinate degree, and the indignation of the litigants at being forbidden to plead before their own ** See below djrb trvfi^oXutv SiKaKeaOai. Bekker. Anecd. 436; Hesych Herod 727'"°*°^ ^^^ exercise of the criminal jurisdiction, sen Antiph. de Cied* *« Herod. 5. 85. See vol. i. p. 196. ii 102 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY, tribunals, was increased by the difficulties they encountered in obtaining a hearing in Athens^^ and the expenses they were obliged to incur by a pro- tracted residence in that city. Hence this emi- nently conduced to increase the general exaspera- tion against Athens ^. Finally, the Athenians were not satisfied with the war-tax which had been sub- stituted for personal service, but when circum- stances required it, exacted levies of men besides^^. Still more degraded was the position of those unfortunate people whose land had been parcelled out into cleruchias ; for example, the inhabitants of Naxos and Euboea, and at a later period the Mytilenaeans ; they must, as before observed, be regarded in the light of Perioeci or Penestae^. It still remains to be asked, what description of constitutions subsisted in the states which were dependent upon Athens ^\ and how far they were modified by the influence of that state. The Ionian insurrection had paved the way for the revival of democracy in the cities of Asia Minor, and democratic foims were in all probability uni- versally re-established upon their deliverance from the Persian yoke ^^ It may, however, be affirmed that where Athens felt no uneasiness about the *' See the almost sarcastic description in Xenoph. (?) Repub. Ath. 2. 16-18. *" Isocrates himself confesses that, Panath. 411. Hesych. dirb 8 Paus. 7. 25. 3 : Diod. ubi sup. " Strabo, 8. 375. *^ WITHOUT THE EMPIRE OF ATHENS. J 59. 109 thereby excite disaflPection in the new-comers, equality of rights and democracy necessarily made rapid progress. It is probable that the democratic germ existed at a very early period in Argos ; it was nurtured and developed by hatred to Sparta, the prevalence of naturalization, and the alliance with Athens ; and democratic institutions are be- held in full vigour and maturity at the commence- ment of the Peloponnesian war "^ We are but imperfectly acquainted with the forms of the constitution, and whether it was purely democratic or not; the latter point can only be deduced from the relative position of the council and the popular assembly. Upon the approach of Xerxes Spartan ambassadors sub- mitted a proposal to the council, to the effect that Athens should join the confederacj^ against the Persians, and that body returned them an answer, without having previously consulted the popular assembly 'K But it is evident, from the nature of that answer, that the council had been prepared for the arrival of the ambassadors, and that the people had invested it with plenary powers before- hand. In the Peloponnesian war Corinthian am- bassadors treated with the magistrates and the people 22 concerning an alliance. The same con- stitution, however, somewhat anomalously con- tained an institution peculiar to pure democracy, viz., ostracism ^' ; and another by which the go- vernment of the many might easily succumb to t J * Thuc. 5. 29 et 44 : xoXiv SrjuoKparovutvnv, " Herod. 7. 148. r r 1 » Thucyd 5. 28; comp. 6. 41, where the Lacedaemonians direct th*» question of the alhance to be submitted ry 7rXn0« ^^^ » Anstot. Pol. 6. 2. 5 ; Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 865. 110 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. ! the efforts of oligarchy, viz., the maintenance of a thousand native warriors, chosen for their strength and riches (\0ydBe9), and destined to fight in the advanced ranks of the army ^^. The kingly office subsisted in name till the time of the Persian war^, long after its substantial attributes had passed away. Associated with the council in the duties of the administration were the Eighty and the Artynae, of whom cursory mention occurred above ^^ The important record preserved to us in Thucydides^, relating to the league between Athens, Argos, Mantinea, and Elis, names the magistrates from the four states who swore to the league, and were appointed to administer the oath to the plenipotentiaries of the other states. The similarity of these duties would lead us to conclude that there was a correspondent affinity in the offices themselves. A synoptical view of them will obviate the necessity of entering into separate details below. Those appointed to take the oath — in Athens : the Bule and the evh'qfiot apxal ; in Argos: the Bule, the Eighty, and the Artynae ; in Mantinea : the Demiurgi, the Bule, and the other Magistrates ; in Elis : the Demiurgi, the ra riXij exovres, and the Six Hundred. Those who administered the oath — in Athens : the Prytanes ; in Argos : the Eighty ; in Mantinea : the Theori and the Polemarchs ; in Elis : the Demiurgi and Thesmophylaces. •* — o\q -q TTokiQ U iroWov affKriffiv twv kg tov iroXefiov Si]fioffi<} vapii' X«v. Thuc. 5. 67 ; comp. Diod. 12. 75. a» Herod. 7. 149 ; comp. vol. i. 223. «» Vol. i. 226. " Thuc. 5. 47. WITHOUT THE EMPIRE OF ATHENS. § 59. Ill The Eighty are here mentioned as distinct from the Bule, and therefore can hardly have corres- ponded to the Athenian Prytanes. We are almost tempted to conjecture that there was another council similar to the Athenian Areopagus ; or may we here apply the statement of the great etymologist^^, that Demiurgi had previously ex- isted (pre-eminently or earhest ?) in Argos and Thessaly ? And did not the name arise till after- wards ? Assuming this to be correct, they must have been a description of civic deputies, a sort of controlling board or commission. The Strategi, who were five in number, are mentioned as special magistrates "^. It may easily be supposed that their dependence upon the people at large, and their responsibility, were consider- able. They were not allowed to enter the city, upon their return from a campaign, until they had undergone a scrutiny ^^ at a place called Chara- dron. It cannot be determined whether the chiefs of the demus, with whom Alcibiades treated in the Peloponnesian war ^\ as well as the leaders of the people mentioned by i^neas the Tactician ^^ are to be considered as regular officers, or as dema- gogues. 1 ^ • n 2. MANTINEA AND TEGEA. After the downfal of the monarchy in these two leading states of Arcadia, democracy had con- tinued to subsist as the natural form of govern- ment. Still both exhibited evidences of develop- * In V. Aij/iiovpyoi. » Thuc. 5. 59. " Plut. Ale. 14. *» Thuc. 5. 60. " Cap, 11 ; comp. Append, i. 112 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. ment, though they were neither simultaneous nor uniform. This partially resulted from the posi- tion in which they severally stood toward tlie ad- jacent provinces. The relation of Mantinea to Argos was no less intimate than that of Tegea to Sparta; this alone is sufficient to explain why Mantinea outstripped its sister-town, and pro- duced a wise and judicious legislators^ in Demonax. Before the time of Epaminondas nothing is known on the subject of organic changes in Tegea; yet we are led to conjecture that its defection, soon after the Persian war ^, from the armed confede- racy headed by Sparta, had been accompanied by intestine commotions, as was the case at a later date. The political condition of Mantinea was modified soon after the Persian, or at all events before the Peloponnesian war, by the Synoikismus of the four rural townships with the capitaP^ This measure was effected with the co-operation of Argos s^. Henceforward Mantinea assumed a more commanding attitude with relation to the neighbouring districts, and reduced the Parrha- sians to the condition of Periceci ^^ The union of the rural communities, though it did not accelerate the march of democracy, could not fail to impel the state-machine with greater violence, and to divert it from its ancient course. Hence resulted the necessity for new legal ordinances. Nicodro- » See vol. i. p. 318. ^ See § 61. n. 7. » Strabo, 8. 337 : U irivri diipiuv vir' 'Apyiiiav (rvvfttKiaOtj. Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 7 : SupKiaOT} TiTpa\y KaOdirfp rb apxaiov <^kovv. The apparent contradiction may indeed be reconciled by assuming, that Xenophon tacitly considered the original town as the fifth part. » See vol. i. p. 269. ' Thuc. 6. 33, (below § 62. n. 95.) Comp. 5. 29, concerning a district of Arcadia, which Mantinea had reduced to subjection. ^■. WITHOUT THE EMPIRE OF ATHENS. § 59. 113 mus, the favourite of the Melian Diagoras, is recorded as the legislator of the Mantineans, and to the latter is ascribed the chief share in those enactments^. Nothing definite has been trans- mitted respecting the substance of his laws ; their provisions, upon the whole, w^ere looked upon as unusually perfect ^9. Their date cannot be deter- mined with accuracy, but if Diagoras was obliged to fly from Athens*^ in Olympiad 91. 2 ; 415. B.C., the year after the subjugation of Melos, in consequence of his atheism, but more probably because he was a Melian, and afterwards perished by shipwreck '^S the legislation in question would fall about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. With regard to the election of the magistrates, allusion has already been made to the remarkable institution of a board of electors *l I "' 3. ELIS. The union of the rural townships with the city *\ to which Oxylus had paved the way several centuries before**, was at length consummated in the second year of the 77th Olympiad, 471. B. C. The downfal of the oligarchy was accelerated by the above-mentioned effects of the Synoikismus. The original aristocracy had made way for the oppressive oligarchy of the Ninety*^ ; but it was necessary for the overstrained bands of govern- » ^1. V. H. 2. 23. ^ Evvo^wraroi (oe Mavr.) ^lian. 2. 22. ■«« j^j^^j 13 g *> This Diagoras can hardly have been the person who was said to have overthrown the government of the Eretrian knights. See vol. i. p. 268. and Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. under Diagoras. i' , auu « Aristot. Pol. G. 2. 2. Comp. vol. i. p. 269. « Diodor. 11. 54. << Pans. 5. 4. 1. ** Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 8 ^ comp. vol. i. p. 262. VOL. II. V.' \ 114 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. ment to be relaxed. But the new council, the before named Six Hundred, and the Demiurgi, were of a democratic character ; it is not impossible that the superior magistrates (ot ra reXr} exovies) and the Thesmophylaces *^ may have somewhat partaken of the ancient aristocratic character. The progress of democracy is moreover attested by the increasing coolness of Elis towards Sparta. Here, too, as in Argos, there was a band of three hundred Logades*^ who were especially devoted to the career of arms. It might naturally be supposed that the continued attachment of the inhabitants to a rural life, and the excellent practice of sending itinerant judges about the country*®, by preventing the mass of the popula- tion from flocking to the city, would have guarded Ehs against the dangers of ochlocracy : neverthe- less it was afterwards convulsed by the wildest excesses of faction. The Olympic council and the Hellanodicse were extraordinary magistrates, whose powers were delegated to them for a short period only ; no particulars have been transmitted concerning their influence upon the interior ^. 4. MEGARA50. Democracy here had degenerated into the most dissolute mob-government before the beginning of the Persian war. We have already*^ adverted to the reckless depravity which prevailed in this ob- scure state, and caused its name to be linked wdth <• Thuc. 5. 47. *T Thuc. 2. 25. Comp. below, $ 73. n. 46. *8 Polyb. 4. 73. 8. « See Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 367. ^^ I have examined Keioganum's work on ancient Megaris, 1825, in search of exact particulars respecting the constitution, but to no purpose. The princi- pal merit of the book consists in chorography and topography. »' Vol. i. p. 204. r WITHOUT THE EMPIRE OF ATHENS. §59. 115 that of Abdera, though its excesses were still more reprehensible. The ridiculous presumption of the Megarians was aptly characterized in the sarcastic answer of the oracle '\ the native poet Theognis deplores their corruption 5^ and Aristotle stigma- tizes their system as devoid of order and just sub- ordination ^. The removal of the rural population into the city powerfully contributed to establish the government of the many^^ and this was no sooner effected than, probably in imitation of Athens, ostracism was introduced^. The con- tinued outrages of this prematurely-corrupted peo- ple and their leaders, stimulated the wealthier orders to overthrow the dominion of the rabble. An oligarchical party had assumed the reins of power before the Peloponnesian war, and this occasioned the defection of Megara from the Athenian con- federacy ^^ 5. AMBRACIA AND LEUCAS. Whilst in the mother-city, Corinth, the mass of the people still continued to occupy the middle or a still lower grade in the political scale, they attained the chief authority in nearly all its colo- nies. The overthrow of the ruthless Periander was immediately followed by the establishment of democracy^; the multitude could not long be kept within bounds, and the qualification for a 5!.^°^;;P-^,^-. , „, " V. 43. 66. 216. 825. etc. Arabia and avapxia. Pol. 5. 2. 6. 57 l^-^u^' ^i , '' S^"°*' Aristoph. Eq. 851 . i?]""^"";.?®'- *'^- *^^' i"«*^y '°fe''S' ^rom Aristot. Pol. 6. 4 3 that the expelled nobihty had already returned, before the Peloponn;si;n war Uth tr/.Vr'" IT'^'' "°^^^'' '^^ *^«^^^^ ^^^ "^"^ ^«-^'^"«». 10. TARENTUM. Democracy owed its existence here to an ex- traordinary circumstance. A great number of the nobles were slain in a battle against the Japygians, Olymp. 76. 3 ; 474. B. C. « by which means the people attamed greater power"". But nowhere did the nobility display so generous and at the same time so prudent a spirit of concession as here ; they suffered the poor, amongst whom the fishermen «» were particularly numerous, to enjoy the proceeds of their estates '»^ The magistrates were chosen partly by election and partly by lot ; no one could be appointed general for a longer time than one year, and then only once '»', Thus contentment and a love of order were fostered in the minds of the people, and prosperity flowed from the judicious distribution of civil and politi- cal rights '"*. n. THURIIioJ. The consequences of civil contentions and their attendant excesses, led to the downfal of ancient Sybaris '»«. The scanty remnants of the former citizens endeavoured some time afterwards Olymp. 81.4; 453. B. C, under the directions of ,„ f n^""- P- »• 2. 8. •»' Anstot. P. 4. 4. 1. Z i"T-I.t^- ^- "" »'«S- Laert. 8. 79. JIJ^' 5"'.''" "Tf- ^P""=- 2- 138, sqq., Kcrtiim and Tittmann Schneider ad. Anstot. Pol. S. 6. 5 ; 6. 5. 10. «"anann, "« Diodor. 12. 9. I H H 124 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. Thessalus, to re-establish the fallen state; but all their efforts were ineffectual. Hereupon the Athe- nians were induced to send a number of their own citizens and members of other communities to re- store it. The departure of the colonists took place under the command of Lampon and Zenocrates, Olymp. 84. 2 ; 444. B. C. (according to Corsini, Ol. 83. 3^^^). Many brave men, amongst whom was Herodotus, shared in the expedition to this city, which was henceforward called Thurii. Ac- cording to a suspicious authority ^^, the high-minded Protagoras drew up the constitution of Thurii ; but it is more probable that here, as in the adjacent Chalcidian states, the institutions of Charondas were adopted, with such modifications as the differ- ence of time and place required ^^. But the young community soon suffered from the baneful effects of civil discord. The arrogant pretensions of the ancient Sybarites produced struggles between them and the new-comers, which ended in the expul- sion of the former "^ The tranquillity consequent upon their departure was not again interrupted till the decay of the Athenian maritime power exposed the naturalized Athenians in Thurii to insult and aggression. The principal authorities of the city were the SymbuH and the Strategi. The province of the former was to ward off danger from the constitu- tion "^, and abuse of power in the latter was guarded ^^ Compare above, § 56. n. 83. •«8 Diog. Laert. 9. 50, from Heracl. Pont. '» Diodor. 12. 11 ; Heyne, Opusc. 2. 161. »«o Aristot. Pol. 5. 2. 10; Strabo, 6. 263 ; Diod. 12. 22. The passages in Arist. Pol. 5. 6. 6. and 5. 6. 8, relate to subsequent disputes. See below $ 75. n. 68. ^ •» Arist. Pol. 5. 6. 8. 125 THE OLIGARCHY. § 60. against by a law forbidding any citizen to hold the otlice more than once in five years ''^ To the list of these democratic states, which attained their full maturity before the Pelopon- nesian war, might be added many others ; but little else IS known of their history than the bare fact that they were democracies. The following? are deserving of special mention : Cyrene, in wWch a popular government was introduced upon the death ot the fourth Arcesilaus, about 450. B C • his death was effected by violent means "^ ; Achaia whose ancient democratic institutions evinced so httle mherent tendency to progress and advance- ment that in Pellene they even began to incline towards aristocracy ; Platae^, which was probably impelled by its growing democratic spirit to shake off the yoke of the Theban tyrants, and was sup- ported by Athens in the maintenance of its demo- cracy; Naupactus, which was peopled with the emancipated Helots of the Messenian race, in whom democratic feeling must have been fostered by the remembrance of former slavery, and by gratitude towards Athens ; and lastly, Crotona, where, after the downfal of the Pythagorean aristocracy and the convulsions by which it was followed, Ach^an in- stitutions were established "*. V. THE OLIGARCHY. § 60. During the interval between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, the character of the ancient aristocracy underwent a radical change. "* Aristot. ub. sup. 126 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. Aristocracy, even in those places where its strength had not been impaired by the inroads of tyranny, could no longer maintain its commanding attitude, and defend itself against the aspiring and grasping spirit of the age ; it was compelled to retreat, and in attempting to repulse its eager assailant, lost part of its characteristic dignity and purity ; the paternal feehngs which it had formerly testified for the mass of the people were supplanted by suspicion and resentment, as soon as the latter attempted to assert their political rights, which during their non- age had been dormant ; this in a short time brought on a rigid despotism. Moreover, the numerical increase of the nobility bore no proportion in most states to that of the demus ; the numbers of an- cient families became gradually reduced, and, as a natural consequence, notwithstanding individuals retained the pride of birth and ancestry, they lost their strength and confidence as an order. Mean- while a new class had arisen in various states, consisting of the members of the ancient nobility, of wealthy, and, in some instances, of meritori- ous individuals, denominated "the pre-eminent" / (yvaypifjLoc)^. This was, however, deficient in the stability which characterized the old aristocracy ; changes in the families which composed it suc- \ ceeded each other more rapidly, and as its former exclusiveness could no longer be maintained, the mass lacked solidity and consistence. Still less was it able to obtain the sanction of public opinion. The upstart whose pretensions ran counter to the interests of the demus, was more liable to incur ' Thucyd. 3. 65 : dvdpig irpwroi Kai xPW^^f*- *«* ykvii. But this is the language of the oligarchical Thebans. THE OLIGARCHY. § 60. 127 envy and odium than a member of the ancient nobility, whose claims to superior rank and privi- leges were deducible from remote antiquity. This was especially aggravated by the selfish character of the new aristocracy ^ At the same time, the democracy were indefatigable in directing the at- tention of the people to this selfishness, and scru- pled not to impute it to others who were exempt from it, so that the breach became widened on both sides; while the sarcasms of the demus and the calumnies of its leaders were unceasingly levelled against those members of the nobihty whose purity of character ought to have shielded them from suspicion, or drove men to form evil designs who had never thought of them before. The mischief was not effected all at once, it is true \ Before the Peioponnessian war its progress had been gradual, but the aristocracy lost the healthful soundness of the good old time, and in their degeneracy did not long retain nobility, wisdom, and majesty. The consuming fever of faction raged without intermis- sion, and fi-ustrated all attempts at reconciliation. The dominant order, whose authority was based upon force, delighted in oppression and outrage, whilst the demus was impatient for rebellion and revenge. Meanwhile new political appellations began to prevail. Nicknames and epithets in general are more frequently derived from external circum- stances and coincidences, than from any intrinsic » Thucyd. 8. 89: icar' iUag ^k <}>i\orifiiag-.iv i^^sp Kal udXttrra dXi- yapxia eic drijiOKpariaQ y«vo/i£vi| dwoXXyrai' Trdvng yap avOnueobv a^iovffiv, ovx oTTWff iffoi, dXKd Kai iroXv trpuiroQ avroQ Uaarog tlvai The latter equally applies to usurpers, parvenus, renegadoes, etc. 3 As e. g. Hermocrates and his friends by Athenagoras in Syracuse, Thucyd. it I, 1^ \k If 128 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. qualities in the objects they designate, and it is during the prevalence of civil feuds and dissensions that men are especially active in applying sobri- quets to themselves and their adversaries. This is the history of names like the Neri and Bianchi, the Gueux, Caps, Roundheads, Cabliaux, etc. The same impress is clearly perceptible in many of the appellations of the oligarchy, and though some appear to have been sincere tributes to the merits of those to whom they were applied, we must not overlook the bitter, and sometimes extravagant political irony which is conveyed by others; the Best, the Illustrious, the Stately will be viewed in their proper light when com- pared with the Fat, the Clumsy, etc. ; and it is owing to the caprice of language alone that the ironical tincture has disappeared. Especially de- serving of remark is the custom of designating orders according to their mass or bulk*, those who towered above the multitude being called the Few (oXcyoi) and their authority oligarchy, whilst the multitude, as such, is described in its plurality and fulness ^ Both these denomina- tions probably originated with the great bulk of the people ; they liked to estimate themselves ac- cording to their weight, and the despots who * Coinp. vol. i. p. 225, sqq. , » Oi noXXoi, rb 7rX^0oe, rb rrXkov. Ot TrXeioveg, Thuc. 8. 73. Generally m contradistinction to the bXiyoi, as in Thucyd. 8. 9. 14: 4. 78; 6. 38 The democratic constitution itself is called Sfifiog (Sijfiog generally rather signifying the form the frame TrXijeog and oxXog the substance) for instance, 1 hue. 6. 89 : T-av d^ to tvavTiov,i,vov ry ^vvaarEiovn ^n^ioQ d^vofiaarat. It IS however likewise termed rrXr,0og ; Thuc. 6. 60: rovg i^c^ovxLvrag ItZ R&i f'a' ^c ®^ '' "^ '^P«*^''«<^^« ^ov TrXriOovg. Comp. Aristoph. li^Tl A^'^t^^ frequently signifies the assembled people, the Eccle^ia, as in Thucyd. 4. 22 ; Anstoph. Acham. 317. In the same manner dvaspuv nf IZV %T^' ^^'^.'J-' ^■'*^' "^'^ *°° ^^f^^ ^'^^"^'^ o<^curs in the sense ot yrXtjdog, Thucyd. 5. 46. mit. THE OLIGARCHY. ^ 60. 129 raised themselves above them, according to the smallness of their numbers. However, the word oligarchy in this stage was far from necessarily supposing a degenerate constitution in the abso- lute sense in which it was afterwards used by the philosophers ; Thucydides admits of an oligarchy with Isonomia, a sort of aristocracy^. But the signification of Dynasteia ', as expressing the illegal and usurped authority of several, was one of un- mitigated odium, and no less imbued with political venom than the analogous word Tyrannis in its later acceptation as applied to the domination of one person. The same may be observed of Hetaireia, as an association detrimental to the public weal, and formed to foment sedition and revolution «. However, like the words liberty, equality, religion, etc. in modern times, contending factions arrayed themselves beneath general consti- tutional names, and under cover of these committed unbridled outrages. 1. SPARTA. Sparta was still the chief amongst the aristo- cratic-oligarchical states ; till the Persian war her constitution had been aristocratical in the noblest sense of the word, within certain democratic limits, which, though destitute of important or active influence, still served to keep up the remembrance ♦I,* o^"^* ^' ^'^' .^i"® T*iebans are speaking of the condition of Thebes in the Persian war: rjfitv fieP yap y noKtg rare Irvyxavep ovre Kar dXcyap- Xiav KTovo^ov TToXiTivovaa, ovre Kara drtfioKpaTiav. I The Thebans continue in the same strain : 'oTrtp U hrri vSuoig ukv kuI Tu> ^iOfppovtaTari^ ^yavTiu^rarov, iyyvrdn^ Zi rvpdvvov, dvvaareiabXiyiov avcpwv tlxi TO TrpayfiaTa. ^ 8 See Append, iii. on the words which were used as denominations of the dynasts, and which were taken from some quality they possessed. VOL. II. ■( ! 130 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. fi I 1 11 \ of popular liberty ; after the Persian war oligarchy arose by a regular process of development. Sparta now became one of the main pillars of oligarchical despotism in other states, and openly declared her resolution to maintain it. The constitution of Sparta was fi'amed upon the principle of a rigid exclusion of foreigners, and upon ignorance of their luxuries and vices. But even before the Peloponnesian war Sparta had been impelled by her lust of conquest to overstep her own narrow boundaries, and afterwards those of the Peloponnesus itself, while the events of that war necessarily brought her into contact with the rest of the Greeks, whose intercourse was marked by a restless spirit of activity and by the utmost diversity of poUtical relations. Her prescriptive usages and the purity of her nationahty could not withstand the combined influence of the nation at large ; the Spartans who were only in their proper element when drawn up in the field, or in the stern discipline of the camp, were not proof against the temptations presented to them by the luxurious lives of their kinsmen and countrymen ; this sowed the seeds of corruption ; new wants and new wishes began to struggle with their former bhnd resig- nation to the laws. But a sudden relaxation of legal rigour was impracticable. No middle course, whereby ancient customs might be reconciled with modern innovation, was attempted ; nothing could prevent the disease from breaking out externally or from preying internally. Both evils ensued. Sparta had attained the zenith of her glory with the martyrdom of Leonidas and his band; the halo which had encircled her brow arose to heaven, whilst the THE OLIGARCHY. § 60. , 131 grave closed upon her heroic sons who had ofTered up their lives for the hberties of their country. Her decline dates from the battle of Plat^se. At the time she was leading the Grecian armies to victory against their hereditary foes, her children had already begun to imbibe that poison which was destined to corrode the sinews of the Lycurgan institutions. The reckless outrages of Pausanias served as a warning to the upper orders, who at length, though too late, resorted to the only expedient that was left them, viz., a restoration of the an- cient system of separation and exclusion at home ^. The two safeguards of the Spartan constitution, the regulation for imparting dignity to the citi- zenship by providing it with an inferior class m the half-citizens and slaves, and that for con- ferring such distinctions upon deserving members of the state as should be proportioned to their civil virtue, became gradually impaired. Unrestricted mtercourse with the rest of the Greeks during the Persian campaigns, acted with the same force upon the Lacedaemonians and Helots, as upon the Spar- tans themselves, and diverted them from the path of custom. The Helots had not wholly forgotten the liberty of their forefathers, and their thirst of vengeance was not assuaged by the paltry privilege of being allowed to participate in the spoils of war. Their disaffection was fomented by the first man in the state, Pausanias, who, as regardless of virtue and justice as he was perfidious towards his peo- ple, offered the Helots freedom and civU rights tilT""'''^? er^. ••**• " Aristot. Pol. 5. 2. 6 : olov Kai kv Qn^aiq fisTd njv Iv Olvotpvroic fiaxTjv KUKatQ 'TToXiTtvonsvijJv fi ^ruiOKparia hetpeaprj. But the joint victory of the Thebans and the Spartans at Tanapra sixty-two days before, is more correctly considered to have been the signal for the subversion of democracy, which was afterwards re-established for a short time in Boeotia, without Thebes, by Myronides, the conqueror of (Enophyta. See the next section. 1S4 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. henceforward became, in conjunction with Sparta, a main pillar of the oligarchical system till the time of Pelopidas and Epaminondas. Towards the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the chief authority was in the hands of Eurymachus^^ the son of Leontiades, who had fought at Ther- mopylae ^^. In faithful alliance with oligarchical Thebes was Orchomenus, which once, under the command of Thersander, had made its submission to the Per- sians ^% and which, when Thebes was humbled and subdued, became the retreat of the oligarchical fugitives of the neighbourhood ^^ The dominant order were called knights, and maintained their authority longer than the oligarchs in Thebes, and there is every reason to suppose without inter- ruption ^9. Thespiae, notwithstanding its hostiHty to the last named city, was likewise governed by an aris- tocracy ^°, which possessed in an eminent degree the solid and substantial characteristics of the ancient nobility. 3. THESSALY21. The whole country bore the yoke of oligarchs, and the struggles of the oppressed demus'^- in some parts led to civil warfare. But nothing was done to ameliorate its condition ; the authority " Thucyd. 2. 2. " Herod. 7. 205, who is however contradicted by the author of the dis- sertation de Malign. Herod. Plut. 9. 440, R. " Herod. 9. 16. «8 Thucyd. 1. 113. " Diod. 15. 79. 20 Comp. vol. i. p. 263. n. 30. '• See, besides Tittmann, Griech. Staatsvf. 388, sqq., 713, sqq., Buttmann, liber die Aleuaden, Berl. Abhand. histor. phil. El. 1822, 1823, p. 203, sqq. THE OLIGARCHY. § 60. 135 remained in the hands of the Aleuadse and their relatives the families of Antiochus ^\ and the Sco- padae, till tyranny from Pherae forged new chains for the people. The principal states were Larissa and Crannon, the former of which continued to be the seat of the Aleuadae ^\ The three brothers. Thorax, Eu- rypilus, and Thrasydaeus were contemporary with Xerxes; the first, who was the guest and friend of Pindar "^ accompanied him on his flight "^ Thargelia and Antiochus were spoken of above ^. Tumults were excited amongst the people by the demagogy of the Politophylaces, who were selected from the oligarchs, whereby the authority of the Aleuadae became insecure ^. The Scopadse ruled in Crannon, the original seat of their hne '^, No particulars are known concerning their forefather Scopas ^. Diactorides the Scopad is mentioned "' as early as 600. B. C, amongst th(i suitors at Sicyon; the second Scopas, renowned for his riches ^\ and the subject of a poem bj^ Simonides, in which is recorded his preservation when the room in which the guests were assembled fell in "', descended from Creon and Echecratia, in Crannon. He regulated the tax of the Periceci '\ His son was Creon, the father of the younger Scopas, a drunkard '^ who lived at the time of the Pelopon- » Theoc. 16. 34. Comp. Bockh, Expl. Find. 332. ^ Comp. vol. i. p. 220. n. 27. » Find. Pyth. 10. 100. * Herod. 9. 1. 68. Comp. the citations in Bockh, Expl. Find. 333 " § 53. n. 43. M Aristot. Pol. 6. 5. 5. » Cicero de Orat. 2. 86 ; Schol. Theocr. 16. 36. Comp. Quintil. 11.2. 15. * He is mentioned Quintil. ubi sup. 3» Herod. 6. 127. '« Critias, Distich Plut. Cim. 10. Comp. Cicero ubi sup. et Cato Ma* 18 ^ Cic. et Quintil. ubi sup. ^ Xenoph. Hellen. 6. 1. 7. « Athen. 10. 438, C. ^lian. V. H. 2. 41 ; 12. 1. 136 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. nesian war ^. The descendants of one of these Creons were called Creondae ^. Pharsalus appears to have been dependent upon Crannon in the time of the second Scopas ^, but was in all probability the residence of the house of Antiochus, which was allied to the Aleuadae and Scopadae. Antiochus is called the son of Echecratidas ^^, the contemporary of Simonides^. He had a son named Echecratidas, and his grand- son Orestes was expelled from Pharsalus a short time after the Persian war. The latter expe- rienced kindness from Athens ^\ whilst the Atheni- ans were afterwards befriended by the Pharsalian Menon ^". There are no means of ascertaining whether the party which rose against Orestes, and was opposed to Menon, was, as in the rest of Thessaly, of a democratic nature ; Menon himself possessed a great number of Perioeci *\ 4. STATES IN ALLIANCE WITH SPARTA IN THE PELOPONNESUS AND ON THE ^GEAN SEA. To those already enumerated must be added Corinth, Epidaurus, Trcezen, Hermione, HaKeis, Sicyon, Phlius, ^Egina, and Melos. Rigid oh'garchy existed in few of these states, and even indications * See below, § 67. Concerning the Scopadae in general, see Perizon. ad iEl. V. H. 12. I ; Van Gbns (Duker) de Simonide Ceo, Utrecht, 1768- Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. add. 4P1, sqq. ; Heindorf ad Plat. Protag. § 72! Bockh, Expl. Pind. 333. 334 j Buitmann oa the Aleuads ubi sup. ISO. soa! 37 Theocr. 16. 39. ^ ^^ '* Xenoph. Hell, ubi sup. 3® In the Scholion on Theocritus, 16. 34, 'ExiKpariSov must be read instead of 'ExeKpcLTiSog. See Bbckh, Expl. Pindar, 334 ; Buttmann on the Aleuad« p. 201. <» Buttmann, ubi sup. 204, sqq. *> Thucyd. 1.111. *^ Thuc. 2. 22. Comp. the followine section. " See ^ 62. n. 54. THE OLIGARCHY. J 60. 137 of a rising democracy are perceptible in Sicyon ** ; the oligarchy « in iEgina soon became subject to the paramount jurisdiction of Athens, and it was in Melos alone that it was rigorously main- tained ^. 5. CRETfi. The dynasty of the Cosmi, in the single states of Gnossus, Gortys, Lyctus, and Cydonia, re- pressed every attempt of the people to assert their hberty ; but their government itself was brought so near to dissolution as to he utterly un- worthy of the name of a constitution *\ whilst the character of the Cretan people was entirely cor- rupted. ri 1 6. HERACLEA ON THE PONTUS. Democracy was the form of government esta- blished at the foundation of the colony, but the reckless proceedings of the demagogues who rose against the principal inhabitants, and drove them out of the city, led to the overthrow of the consti- tution. The exiles effected their return by force of arms, and then founded an oppressive oli- garchy, which continued in existence till the aee of Philip « ^ !«Vr?^' V ?• ^?^- '* Vol. i. p. 261. " Ine Athenian ambassadors r'416 R f ^ la^ i^. -^r, . - x - 6\iyoiQ. Thuc. 5. 84. ^ '' ^' "^ ^'''^ "P>^"'^ ''"* ''°'«^ *'' Vol. i. p. 261. *« Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 5. Comp. vol. i. p. 268. 1 : i ^ I ( 138 MERIDIAN OF DEMOCRACY. 7. THE GREEK STATES ON THE WESTERN SEAS. The nobility governed firmly, and with the dignity of the olden time, in Apollonia ^, in the Epizephyrian Locri ^, and in Massilia ^\ The subject of the nobility of Delphi, and of other places not comprised under the democratic or oligarchical states, will be treated in the follow- ing chapter. « Vol. i. p. 260. *° Vol. i. p. 215. Hence the encomiums which Pindar pronounces on the state of affairs there. Olymp. 10. 11. 17, *' Vol. i. p. 264. THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND OLIGARCHY IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE. FROM THE FLIGHT OF XERXES TILL THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. I. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE TILL THE BEGINNING OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. § 6L Immediately that the youthful and vigor- ous democracy of Athens began to advance, the internal and external policy of states became more closely interwoven, and a change took place in the position of the Grecian communities towards each other, in consequence of the daring encroachments of the democracy, to which they gradually grew hostile. After the preceding outline of the pro- gress which took place within the individual states, m conformity to a native and inherent principle of advancement, I next propose to show how the states of Greece, upon the development of the Athenian democracy, divided themselves into two hostile confederacies, one comprising the democra- tic, and the other the oligarchical party ; and how these henceforward became mainly instrumental in determining the external variations which the pohtical system underwent ; it will, moreover, be seen, that this in its turn importantly modified' the internal organization of the several states, whose independence grew more hmited from day to day. » 140 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. and if not directly controlled by despotic authority, was, at least indirectly, endangered by the reaction of the pressure from without. About the time that democracy entered upon its most flourishing period, Sparta possessed the hege- mony over the whole of Greece, and consequently took the command of her armies against the barba- rians in Asia. After the victory, she punished Thebes and Thessaly ^ (Olymp. 77. 2 ; 470. B. C), framed a general treaty for the pacification and in- dependence of the Grecian states, and at the same time regulated the amount which they were respec- tively required to contribute to the further ex- penses of the war ^ Till Pausanias commenced his career of outrage, the general concerns of the Greeks were discussed in the Synedrion at Sparta ^ where it was also proposed to arraign Themis- tocles^ It cannot be denied that the feelings of Sparta towards Athens, immediately after the vic- tories over the barbarians, became tinctured with jealousy, as the history of the embassy concern- ing the erection of the Athenian walls ' testifies. Still Sparta beheld the progress of the Athenians without inquietude, and in such a spirit resigned into their hands the command in the naval war against the barbarians^, whether in Olymp. 75. 4. * See above, $ 53. n. 66—69. = Thucyd. 3." 68. The festival of Zeus Eleutherius at Platase, is said to have been instituted by Aristides, Plut. Arist. 20. 3 Diodor. 11. 55. For the history of the Grecian Synedrion during the Persian wars, consult O. Miiller's Prolegom. 406, sqq. ^ * Thucyd. 1.90. « The description of the feelings of the two states towards one another at that time IS too highly coloured by Diodor. 11. 27, who states, that owing to Sparta s jealousy, the prize of victory at Salamis was awarded to the JEsi- netans (comp Herod. 8. 122), and that through fear of the displeasure of Athens, a double prize was afterwards given to Themistocles, whereupon the Athenians, indignant at his having accepted it, deprived him of the command. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. § 61. hi or 77. 3. cannot be accurately determined. But after having relinquished the general hegemony it became of vital importance to }ier to maintain her old position in the Peloponnesus, and to retain the command of the land armies. But many of her confederates were no longer disposcid to obey her orders, and through the inactivity of the majonty of them, during the protracted Persian war, it was the more natural that inteirnal dissen- sions should break out amongst them. Tegea, which had once been amongst the most faithful allies of Sparta, now turned its arms against her (Olymp. 77. 4 ; 469. B. C), and entered into a league with Argos, which accordingly rendered it assistance ^ Sparta obtained a victory over her enemies at Tegea, and once more, when all the Arcadians, except Mantinea, sided with Tegea, at Dipaea«, in the land of the Msenahans^. The position of the Arcadians upon this occasion was unnatural ; the hegemony of Sparta went forth unharmed from the contest, and some time af- terwards she succeeded in restoring and consoli- dating the Peloponnesian league. But Sparta was again crippled for several years by the revolt of the Helots '^ and the war against thosc^ in Ithome (Olymp. 78. 4—81. 2; 464—455. B. C.) She had just been upon the point of commencing hos- tilities against Athens, by sending assistance to Thasos, which the latter had reduced to great ex- tremities '\ In spite of the succours which the Philolacon Cimon led from Athens against the ; I li [i ' Herod. 9. 35, and thence Pausan. 3. 11. 6. » i, * .P-»r- "W sup. , con,p. Pausan. 8. 8. 4;" 8. 45. 2. " ^*"'"''"■'• See i 60. n. 9. u Thucyd. 1. 101. .♦) 142 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Ithomatians, the rupture was deferred but for a short time. The siege of Ithome being greatly protracted, the Spartans became jealous of the Athenians, and dismissed them with contumelious language ^^. Thereupon Athens, for the first time, entered into a league with Argos and with some of the states of Thessaly. In Argos, the natural impulse of the democracy towards that of Athens was com- bined with rooted jealousy of Sparta; the rela- tions with Thessaly, as before remarked, are but imperfectly understood, but it seems less probable that the object of Athens was to renew the former hospitable treaties, such as had subsisted between the Pisistratidae and Cineas, than to reap advan- tage from the dissensions which reigned in Thes- saly, and which offered a convenient handle for her designs. Olymp. 80. 3; 457. B. C, Athens" was joined by Megara, which was doubtless impelled to such a course by the violence of democratic feel- ing kept alive by its border feuds with Corinth ; the city of Megara was connected with its harbour, Nisaea, by means of long walls, whereby it became more closely associated with Athens ^*. The sum- mons of Pericles to the Greeks collectively to as- semble for the purpose of deliberating on the subject of the temples, which had been burned down by the barbarians, must probably be referred to this period ^^. Its unfavourable reception might easily have been foreseen. The restriction of the '« Thucyd. 1. 102. '^ Diodor. 11. 79. •* Thucyd. 1. 103. ^ " Plut. PericL 17, indicates the time : 'Apxofiivutv Sk AaKeSaifiovitov ax9f(T9ai ry av^riffti tuiv 'kQriva'nav, k. t. X. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. § 61. 143 Corinthian trade by the naval operations of Athens the coercion which that state began to employ towards Corinthian colonies, such as Potidaea etc and the instigations of Sparta, who, unable to appear upon the scene of action herself on account of the Messenian war, was, nevertheless, desirous of throw- ing obstacles in the way of the Athenians, deter- mined Corinth to arm against Athens; its alHes were ^gina and Epidaurus. But Athens, impa- tient for the commencement of hostilities, did not await their attack. Several battles were fought both by land and sea; Corinth was humbled, ^gina blockaded, and Athens now endeavoured by occupying the Geraneia, to confine the Pelo- ponnesians within their own peninsula "'. Sparta having meanwhile restored tranquillity to the Peloponnesus, and closely invested Ithome was now able to direct the whole power of her armed confederacy against the Athenians. The revival of this league neariy coincides in order of time with the estaWishment of the Athenian Synteleia concerning which a few observations must be pre- mised". The Spartan confederacy differed both m Its ostensible object and intrinsic character from that of Athens ; the latter state assumed to itself the right of interfering with the internal affairs of Its confederates, reducing them to a state of almost servile dependence, whereas the league of Spart:a was purely military '», and did not restrict the inde- >« Thucyd. 1. 105. 106. I ! : I' '1 144 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. pendence of the confederate states, as regarded their domestic constitution and administration ; hence the merit of respecting their Autonomia, Autoteleia, and their claims to be avTohiKoi, is attributed to Sparta ^^. By the terms of the confederacy, each of its mem- bers was bound to arm and do mihtary service in time of war. SuppHes "° were demanded from the single states ^^ as necessity required, but pro- bably according to a fixed scale. There was no joint treasury ^^. Matters which regarded the in- terests of the league were discussed in the federal assembly ^^ at Sparta or Olympia, and decided by vote, the confederates having equal votes ^'*. There was no federal tribunal ; but all violence proceed- ing from intestine dissensions, or otherwise, was repressed by the ascendant of Sparta, the Olympic Hieromenia, and occasionally by an appeal to the Delphic oracle, or to other arbitrators "^. The principle of mutual representation was mostly, though not always, acted upon. The Doric spirit which Sparta found means to keep up among the members of the league, in some measure atoned '• Thucyd. 5. 79 : iroXtiq ral iv TLt\o7rovvd. and Spartan officers^ were ap- pointed to lead the contingents of the allies. But ^11 "!! fu ^T^' '^' ^P^^t^" generalissimo "mvT t ; ''^'' '^^'^^^ «^ *^^ -"f^d--te army to attend a council of war ^. Relying upon the assistance of her allies, Sparta had sent an army from the Peloponnesus towards tt Tho -"'V'^r^ '^^'^^^-^-^ I>--g-ns the Phocans -^ But the expedition was not solely destined to defend the Grecian continent. Sparta was desirous of regaining a position in northern Greece and though she might not avow t her chief object in taking this step appears to have been to march back through Boeotia, battle. This being accomplished, and the Athe- nians having taken the field in favour of the dis- .1 Va j'v. • ' ^I'^reupon a treaty was concluded between Sparta and Thebes -, which confirmed the authority of the latter over the rural districts of Bceotia. Thus Argos and Thebes, the two states which had betrayed their commo^ 417. „.; BKckh,ExVlic Piad:532.'^""''- ^'""- ^- «« ^ ^'^'. Orehora. I I i VOL. II. i t. 146 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. country, were once more restored to dignity and importance, the former by Athens, the latter by Sparta ; but at the same time the chief towns of their respective territories were averse from their authority, those of Boeotia being in favour of the Athenian, and those of Argohs of the Spartan con- nection. Two more battles were fought in Bceotia. The victory which Myronides obtained at Oeno- phyte, sixty-two days after the battle of Tanagra, enabled him to re-estabUsh the influence of Athens in Boeotia, except at Thebes and Orchomenus, whereupon democracy was everywhere introduced under the Athenian banners ^2. Myronides also succeeded in gaining over Phocis, which was dis- tracted by internal quarrels, but probably not with- out guaranteeing to the people the possession of the chief power. The Opuntian Locrians were compelled to give a hundred of their richest citi- zens as hostages for their fidelity^\ The Athenians failed in their attempts to reinstate the expelled Pharsalian Orestes^*. In the meantime ^Egina had been reduced and constrained to join the Athenian Synteleia, Olymp. 86. 4 ; 456. B. C. After the return of Cimon, which took place in the fifth year of his exiled 456. B. C, there appeared prospects of a reconciliation between Sparta and Athens ; the mediation of Cimon had first effected a three years' armistice, and ulti- mately in Olymp. 82. 1 ; 450. B. C, a five years' truce between Sparta and Athens, and a thirty " Thuc. 1. 108. » Thuc. ubi sup. 9* Thuc. 1. HI. '^ Plut. Cim. 17. 18; Corn. Nepos, 3 ; Ephor. ap. Schol. Arist'id. Marx, 324. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. J 61. 147 years' peace between Sparta and Argos ^ It ^as with this intention that Pericles had caused Cimon to be recalled, and Athens retained her longeT'' '"^ ^"^""^^ ^""^ ^^'''''' ^^' '^"^^ ^™^ Cimon next directed the Athenian arms against the here^tary enemy in Asia, when the victory of Cyprus, Olymp. 82. 4 ; 449. B. C, was the means of extorting from the great king, what the Athe- man orators term a glorious peace, usually entitled the peace of Cimon. But even granting the en- comiums which the orators so lavishly bestowed on Athens to have been little more than empty de- clamation ^ one thing at least is certain, that in consequence of the expedition of Cimon, Persia, for a period of thirty years, ceased to be the object ot care and inquietude to the Greeks. The real facts of the case appear to have been that Athens submitted the articles of her much-vaunted peace to the Persian monarch, who was too proud to accede to such terms, and too weak to obtain any that were more favourable, whereupon the Athe- nians construed his silence into assent, and re- garded their actual dominion of the seas and coasts as though it had been stipulated by treaty. That the western coast of Asia was not delivered from the Persian yoke by the battle of Mycale, is de- monstrated by the history of Themistocles who found a secure retreat in Ephesus, and subsequently derived an income from Lampsacus, Myus, and *" Thuc. 1. 112. '^ See the criticism in Meier de Bon. Damnat nil? i->o r» ui Forschungen aufdem Gehipla H noc«k i • ,V .P" **'— 122; Dahlmann Miiller. Dor. 1 186 ' '"*'• '' ' ^'''^^' '" ^eebode Archir. ; I. 2 J* ill ') 148 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Magnesia, which were bestowed upon him by the Persian monarch absolutely, and not merely in partibus^. In the Peloponnesian war there was a royal general in Ephesus, and the barbarians had so far the ascendant there as to place the lives of the Greeks in danger ^. After the death of Cimon the animosities which had slumbered once more awoke. The two lead- ing powers were at first contented with making indirect attacks upon one another, but even these undertakings sufficiently reveal the endeavours of each to obtain the hegemony. Sparta sent troops to Delphi against Phocis**^, apprehensive lest the efforts of the last to foster and promote the demo- cracy established there by the Athenians might endanger the rigid oligarchy of the priests in Del- phi. But even in this instance the views of Sparta were not those which she alleged; her real ob- ject was to secure to herself the Promanteia and Proedria as a counterpoise to the high priesthood of Athens at the Panegyris of Delos. This was the opinion of Pericles, who immediately marched to Delphi, appointed the Phocians presidents of the Delphic sanctuary, and appropriated the Pro- manteia to the Athenians. Meanwhile ohgarchical fugitives from various towns and villages in Boeotia had assembled in Orchomenus, where their ranks were swelled by Locrians, Eubceans, and others of the oligarchical party *\ An army composed 88 Thuc. 1. 138. 40 » Plut. Lysand. 3. Thuc. 1. 112; Plut. Pericl. 21. Concerning the separation of Delphi from the Phocians, see Plut. Cim. 17 ; Strabo, 9. 423 : — airkarrivav tovq AeX^ovc airh rov koivov avarrifiaTog rwv ^(OKkwv AaKeSaifiovtoi icai cTrlrpe- ^v Ka9' avrovg TroXiTivtaOai, *■ Thucyd. 1. 113: — icat haoi rfjg avriic yvutfirjc rjaav. >l>> THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. | 61. 149 Of the flower of the Athenian troops was beaten at Coronea, 01. 83. 2 ; 447. B. C, and together with the Athenian ascendency fell the democracy of Boeotia «. Oligarchy appears to have been established in Phocis about the same time. Me- gara, doubtless at the instigation of an oligarchical party, revolted from Athens, 01. 83. 3. whose ene- mies were now joined by Euboea, where, though the ancient equestrian system was not wholly extin- guished, considerable oppression had prevailed An army marched from the Peloponnesus, Olymp. 83. 3 ; 445. B. C ". Pericles bribed the Peloponne- sians to retire, reduced Euboea, and concluded a thirty years' truce. Athens ceded Megara, Pag«, Achaia (m Megaris ?) -, Trcezen «, and recognised their independence. The provision that any state not ,n alliance with either of the two powers should be at hberty to join whichever of them it should think proper^, proves how inveterate must have been the hostility between combatants, who in the very act of laying down their arms, were still careful to keep up the remembrance of their ani- mosities. Hence the statement of Thucydides that Corcyra had been in alliance neither with Sparta nor Athens ", is especially worthy of re- mark. The subjugation of Samos, a project by which Pericles designed to consummate the maritime « Thucydides says, 1. 113. somewhat singularly: _ ,i,,„^ „.• - " Thuc. 1. lU. " Mull Dor. 1. 193. However, were it not for the position of .h. 1 between the names of two Megarian towns, we might assume Tt to hl^! L the district of Achaia, where Athens had certainly%„dea,ou«. to om" ^'' fooung, and whence it had undertaken an exped.fion" agaTnTsicyon 'Thu™ "Thuc. 1.115. -Thuc. 1.35. "Thuc. 1.31. i^' '1 Ill li: 150 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. supremacy of Athens, was followed by the esta- blishment of a constitution on that island, which was intended to guarantee the Athenian power *^ In the course of the war some of the Peloponne- sian states had prepared to take up arms, but had been prevented from accomplishing their purpose by Corinth*^; and it was probably owing to the advice of the valiant king Archidamus that Me- thymna's application for assistance in its defection from Athens was unsuccessful ^. II. STATE OF PARTIES IN THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. § 62. The colHsions between the two principal powers and their confederates had divided the whole of Greece into two conflicting portions; every state was now compelled to declare for one or the other of these leaders, and this division superseded all former associations, whether for festive or other objects. The armistice had not quenched the fire of discord, and a breath might fan it into a flame. In considering the accounts of the occasion of the war, we must be careful to distinguish between the internal tendency, the external impulse, and the ostensible pretext. The first resulted from the efforts to obtain the ascendency on the one hand, and the fear of oppression on the other, or from the indignation of those on whom the yoke had already been imposed ; and like most inef- fectual crises which only irritate and increase the inflammation, the previous hostihties had rather <• i 58. n. 62. « Thuc. 1. 140. «> Thuc. 3. 2. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 151 Stimulated than allayed the animosity of the com- batants. The external occasion was the inter- ference of Athens with the colonial disputes of Corinth, a state in the highest degree tenacious of its colonial relations. The expelled oligarchs of Epidamnus attacked the demus of their parent- city sword in hand, and the latter being unable to obtain succours from Corcyra was assisted by Corinth, under whose auspices Corcyra had founded the colony of Epidamnus. Hereupon Corcyra, whose democracy was almost dissolved in anarchy, coalesced with the oligarchical fugitives of Epidam- nus. Corinth was supported by Megara, which now faithfully adhered to the mother-town, Epi- daurus, Hermione, Troezen, Phlius, EHs, Thebes, Paleis in Cephallenia, Ambracia, and Leucas ; Corinth was the object of almost univcjrsal hatred. In the further progress of the war Corinth and Corcyra applied to Athens, whose importance in nautical affairs was acknowledged by both; but their object was to obtain her alliance not her arbitration \ Athens could not long hesitate as to the course she should pursue. Permanent friend- ship was not to be looked for from Corinth, whilst a league with Corcyra might promote her design of destroying the Peloponnesian power at sea. Pericles accordingly decided for the league with Corcyra, which proceeding did not, according to the principles of Grecian law, involve any infrac- tion of the thirty years' armistice on the part of Athens. Whilst the Athenians and Peloponne- sians were fighting off' Corcyra \ Corinth and its ^1' li ' Thuc. 1. 24—43. » Thuc. 1. 45—55. 152 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. allies were exasperated to the last degree by the rigour with which Athens treated the Corinthian colony Potidaea in Chalcidice. This city, wavering in its forced obedience to the Athenians, the latter commanded the inhabitants to demolish a wall which guarded their city on the side of Pallene, give hostages for their fidelity, and dismiss the Corinthian Epidemiurgi. A secret correspondence was now carried on between Potidaea and the Peloponnesians, and the former, relying upon the assurances of assistance it had received, revolted from Athens, and was immediately besieged. The Peloponnesians now assembled in Sparta to com- plain of danger individually and collectively, when the Spartans, at the persuasion of the bold Ephor Sthenelaidas, resolved on war^ As the thirty years' truce, however, had not been openly and completely violated by the attack which Athens had made upon a town in Thrace, it was thought proper to save appearances by alleging various grievances against Athens, and these served for the ostensible pretext of the war. The chief accusa- tions were, that Athens* had imposed* commercial restrictions upon Megara ^ ; that she had neglected to punish the Alcmaeonidae, who were poHuted with the blood of Cylon's adherents, and that she tolerated Pericles ^ They then declared that she should be required to consent to the independence of all the Greek states ®. » Thuc. 1. 66—88. * Thuc. 1. 126, sqq. * Thuc. 1. 139: kuI fidXierrd yi TravTotv Kai tvdtjXoTara rrpovXeyov, K. r. X. This coincides with the vehement allusions to the subjects contained in the Attic comedy Aristoph- Pac. 609, sqq. ; Archarn. 509, sqq, • Aristoph. ubi sup. ' Thuc. 1. 126. « Thuc. 1.139. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 153 It was natural that Athens should decline, as soon as she paused in her career of aggrandise- ment. By not advancing she lost ground, and every concession entailed a long train of losses. On the other hand what a boundless })rospect was offered to the stirring and enterprising spirit of the Athenians by that element on which they reigned supreme ; what advantages must th(jy not have hoped to derive from a naval war ! As obviously as this would seem to result from all principles of common policy, as well as from the particular character of the Athenians, still there haveiiot been wanting numerous writers, both in ancient and modern times, who have ascribed the war to per- sonal motives in Pericles, and those not of the most dignified order. Aristophanes ^ attributes it to an insult offered by the Megarians to two women who were upon intimate terms with Aspasia; Diodorus '^ asserts that it originated in the embarrassment of Pericles when called upon to give an account of his administration of the public revenue; and Plutarch" says it was occasioned by the anxiety he felt for the fate of Pheidias, who had been impeached. It is impos- sible wholly to absolve Pericles from the imputa- tion of having been guided by motives of a personal nature in the course he pursued ; and the strenuous endeavours of modern writers to dissolve historical • Pac. 540, sqq. Aristophanes is outdone by the Schol. Thucyd. vol. v. 334. 2nd edit.: oi ik Thucyd. 2. 7. 86. »' Thucyd. 2. 85. ^ See vol. i. 260, sqq. ; comp. 66. 67. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 159 means. Such is the character which Nicias gives of Sparta's zeal for oligarchy "^ and the self-inter- ested motives of Athens were equally apparent. It cannot be denied that zeal for their respective constitutions had a considerable share in determin- ing the various states as to which side they should espouse ; but even this was not so much a result of the constitutions in themselves as of the ulterior advantages which they expected to reap from them. Most of the states were guided by the selfish but natural policy of endeavouring to obtain the right of ordering their own affairs, by joining one or the other of the leading combatants. But the majority of them were distracted by violent party animosi- ties at home. There existed in very few any uni- form or decided feeling for or against a particular constitution ; hence, then, while nominally and os- tensibly they belonged to the two confederacies, the oligarchs were in reality almost universally in favour of Sparta and the demus of Athens. It was upon these grounds that after the recovery of Mytilene, the Athenian Diodotus rejcommended the employment of clemency, lest they should estrange the affections of the popular party °*. For that reason the Athenians were so mortified by their discomfiture in Sicily, because, contrary to custom, the Syracusan demus had fought against them^. Few of the states remained steadfast in their external relations with either confederacy, which, in consequence of domestic feuds, fluctuated according to the ascendant which either party hap- pened to obtain in the interior, whilst through every ^ ^ Thucyd. 6. 11 : ttoXiv Si 6\iyapxiciQ liri^ovXevovvav. ** Thucyd. 3. 47. « Thucyd. 7. 55. |! <; if 160 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. vicissitude the demus remained devoted to the Athenian, and the ohgarchs to the Spartan con- federacy. Hence Thebes and Megara, whose con- stitutions were oligarchical, refused to enter into an alliance with democratic Argos ^^. But whilst all the various moving principles of demagogy and oli- garchism (some of which were of a personal nature) appear to resolve themselves into this opposition of constitutions, and to explain the policy which led particular states to side with the Athenians or Peloponnesians, other political interests, of almost infinite diversity, affected the position of the single states in the respective leagues. These, for the most part, dated from an earUer age, on which account their activity was most apparent at the beginning of the war. Hence, before we proceed, it will be necessary to take a brief survey of the collective members of the two leagues, according to their tribes, constitutions, and other motives of action, as well as according to the variations in the state of parties during the war. In considering this last point, it will be necessary to divide the war into three periods, viz., from its commence- ment 2. till the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily, and, 3. till its conclusion. I. TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS. . A. ATHENIAN CONFEDERACY. a. The Syntekia (including the Lesbians and Chians.) The states included under the Athenian Synte- leia, and the feeling which prevailed in them re- « Thucyd. 5. 31. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. id spectively, have already been described. Although the yoke of Athens pressed most heaWly upon the nobles and the wealthier orders, it is probable that in various communities the struggle for freedom and independence was common to all classes. But during the first period of the war the curse of dis- cord had not yet poisoned the sources of Grecian society, and nobih'ty and commonalty were alike impatient of a foreign yoke, and eager for dehver- ance from the tyranny of the Athenians. This however in most cases proceeded from the pre- ponderance of the upper classes, l^hose states which had been compelled to enter into the Athe- nian league, betrayed a spirit of disaflection from the very beginning of the war. The mission of Methymna to the Peloponnesians has been adverted to above. Potidaea was the first to revolt. The indignant iEgina had already sent clandestinely to Sparta ^, when Athens prevented the proposed defection by expelling the whole population ^. The defection of Mytilene followed in the fourth year of the war, and upon being once more reduced, it ceased to be a political community ^. As early as the year 430. B. C, intestine strife had broken out in Colophon, whereby the Persians obtained possession of the town and blockaded the; citizens in the harbour of Notium ; these dissensions still pre- vailed during the fourth year of the war, the bias of one party beingtowards the barbarians; butthe Athe- nians took the place, and only suffered their own adherents to reside there under Athenian laws \ I t1"*' ^^t^* ^^- A . ^. "" ^'*»"*^- 2- 27 ; Diode. 12. 44. non . t4 iTTiTrKripuiv aTaaidtg ytvofjuvrfg. ^c'^*.* * Thuc. 3. 34, sqq. ; comp. Arist. Pol. 5. 2. 12. VOL. II. I 11 ti I m I ' 162 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Chios having in the seventh year of the war built new walls, the jealousy of the Athenians took the alarm, and they caused them to be demolished ; whereupon Chios gave pledges for its fidelity^'. In the ninth year of the war the Athenians ex- pelled the Delians, whom they suspected of carry- ing on a correspondence with Sparta ^* ; but their island was afterwards restored to them. When Brasidas proclaimed freedom to the Greek settle- ments in Chalcidice, they all with one accord threw oflF their allegiance to Athens ; Acanthus, Stagira, Amphipolis, Torone, Scione, Mende, etc., received the Spartan liberator with open arms ^^ whilst Scione crowned him with a golden wreath, as the deliverer of Greece ^^ Amphipolis paid him the same honours after his death as it had previously done to Agnon, the founder of the city ^\ But the demus soon after succeeded in placing Mende once more in the hands of the Athenians ^. b. The independent confederates of Athens. (airo ^v/jifia'X^la? avrovofioL, Thuc. 7. 57.) Eminently distinguished for its zeal, fidelity, and fortitude in danger and distress was Plataeae, whose aversion to the despotism of Thebes equalled its enthusiasm in the cause of popular liberty. But the oligarchical party which existed there at the beginning of the war entered into relations with Thebes^, and thus brought ruin and desolation »» Thuc. 4. 51. Ott the Gaulioa of the Chians, comp. 8. 24. M Thuc. 5. 1. * Thuc. 4. 85, sqq. w Thuc. 4. 121. *^ Thuc. 5. 11. *5 Thuc. 4. 131. ^ — i^««£ 'ivma dwdfituQ, Thuc. 2, 2. STATE OF PARTIES. ^ 62. lea upon their native town. Such of the Plataeans as had fled before the destruction of their city be- came denizens in Athens, and were afterwards re- moved to Scione ^. The zeal and fidelity of Nau- pactus were not inferior to those of Plataeae ; its citizens, grateful to Athens for having rescued them from their perilous situation in Ithome, and esta- blished them in their new place of abode ^^ nourished the most inveterate hatred against their hereditary enemies, the Spartans, who were descended from the same race with themselves. The conduct of Corcyra was influenced more by aversion to Co- rinth than attachment to Athens. Democratic feeling here degenerated into mob violc;nce. Cor- cyra disclaimed all intention of breaking the ties of affinity which bound it to the Peloponnesians, with whom it wished to keep up relations of friend- ship*^, and declared that it only intended to co- operate with Athens according to the terms of the confederation. Accordingly, when the partisans of the Corinthian oligarchy were butchered with all the cruelty of fanatical hostility, Athens re- ceived but little assistance from Corcyra. The greater part of the Acarnanians had from the second year of the war been in the interest of Athens *^ But they were still so baickward in pohtical culture that their proceedings could not be guided by much calculation or design *^ ; their chief inducement to take part in the war was the hope of spoil, and they joined the Athenians out of hatred to the Corinthian settlement, and possi- bly out of aversion to the Corinthian intercourse. ^ Thuc. 5. 32. 39 Thuc. 1. 103. *o Thuc. 3. 70. *' Thuc. 2. 9; comp. 62. « (^-omp. vol. i. p. 93. M 2 164 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. The half-Greek Argos Amphilochium was espe- cially hostile to the Ambraciots who were spread over the neighbouring coasts ; the Ambraciots took the city, but the fugitives having, with the assistance of Athens, effected their return, drove out the Ambraciots, and from that time continued faithful allies of the Athenians *\ On the contrary, the town of (Eniadae** and the tyrant Euarchus in Astacus*^ were for the Peloponnesians. Mention occurs*^ of a federal council {koivov) of the Acar- nanians towards the end of the war, in Stratos, the largest town in the country *^ ; but it is uncertain whether that body, or individual communities only were in alliance with Athens. Cephallenia and Zacynthus fought in the Athenian ranks rather from compulsion than inclination ^. The Ozolian Locrians who for a short time espoused the cause of the Athenians, displayed the usual qualities of the barbarians, venality, rapacity, and faithless- ness *^. Upon the approach of a Spartan army the Amphissseans declared for the Peloponnesians^. In Thessaly the people were entirely on the side of Athens ^' ; but the tyranny of the Dynasts pre- vented them from following the natural bias of their feelings. But in consequence of the distrac- tions which prevailed there, the ranks of the Athe- nians were swelled by detachments from Larissa, Pharsalus, Crannon, Gyrton, Pherse, etc.^^ and especial mention occurs of Polymedes, Aristonus, and the Pharsalian chief Menon ; the last of these *3 Thuc. 3. 68. *♦ Thuc. 2. 82. « Thuc. 2. 30. 33. ^ Xen. Hell. 4. 6. 4. *^ Thuc. 2. 80. <• Thuc. 7. 57 : avrovofioi fiev, Kara Sk to vrjanauKov fiaWov Kariipyo' utvoi, oTi OaXdffanc iKodrovv 'AOrivaloi. Comp. 2. 7. 66. '^ 49 'iKn^ ^ OS w xhuc. 3. 101. *' Thuc. 4. 78. « Ihuc. 3. 95. *9 Thuc. 2. 22. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 155 sent the Athenians during their attack upon the Mendean settlement, Eion near Amphipolis^^ twelve talents and two or three hundred horsemen of his own ^*. Some of the mountain-tribes around Thes- saly, consisting of iEnianes or GEt^ans^^ Dolo- pians, and Malians, were at enmity with the Do- rian colony Heraclea^^ but took no active steps in favour of the Athenians^'. The subject of the Italiots and Siceliots will be treated in the second chapter. B. THE PELOPONNESTAN CONFEDERACY. a. The Peloponnesian S^mmachia properly so called. The most prominent state of the league after Sparta was at this time Corinth. Though its at- tachment to Sparta had dated from a very remote period, it had never been intemperattj, or wholly incompatible with friendship for Athens and its youthfol democracy^. But now its hatred to Athens reached the highest pitch, in conse- quence of the protection which the latter afforded to Corcyra, its rivalry in maritime trade, and the irreparable injury it had done to the colonial system of Corinth. The Argolic towns, Epidau- rus, Troezen, Hermione, Halieis, and Phlius ad- hered to Sparta through the whole course of the war with their wonted zeal and fidelity, which " Thuc. 4. 7. inlrirt"' V6.I9"'' ^'^"'^ ' ^'' '''"''''^'- ^' ^^"*"- ^73. 4. 5. R ; Dem. ^»Seevol.i.46. n 15 «» See below. l^teans and (!) the JEaianes 7ravSr,^Lei to her assistance in it)e5ieging Plataea^ It IS not very surprising that they did not obey the summons. ^ ^ vol. 1, p. ZOo. I! I 'if It ,1 k 166 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. derived additional force from their incessant, and by no means unfounded apprehensions of Argos. Tegea's neighbourly relation with Sparta had been revived, but Mantinea^, which had for a long time leaned towards Argos, showed considerable lukewarmness in its alliance with Sparta. The remaining states of Arcadia, such as Orchomenus, etc., were for Sparta. However, even at that period the Arcadians evinced the readiness to serve for pay which afterwards became so conspicuous a feature in their character; and even Asiatic barbarians could purchase the services of Arcadian bands ^. Megara, still reckoning itself amongst the Peloponnesian Dorians, as before its separation from Corinth, groaned beneath the yoke of oli- garchs, but even the lower orders were probably exasperated against their insolent neighbours, who, besides preventing them from disposing of their hardly-earned producers devastated their sterile lands twice every year^^ Pellene in Achaia was induced to enter the Symmachia from jealousy and fear of its opposite neighbour Naupactus ^\ b. Other Members of the Confederacy without the Peloponnesus. Amongst these the first place, judged by the standard of public opinion, must be assigned to the Delphic oracle and its Hierarchy. The Pythia openly declared that the Delphic god would em- ploy his whole power in favour of Sparta ^. The 59 Its trodps arc mentioned, Thucyd. 3. 107. Ill, ^ Thuc. 3. 34. ^' Aristoph. Acharn. 519, sqq. 6» See below, § 63. n. 4. *^ Thuc. 2. 9. 6* Thuc. 1. 118: Kui avTog t>»» KvWh^^ioOai Kai irapaKoKovfiivog icai uk\i)toq. Comp. 2. 54. STATE OF PARTIES. ^ 65!. 167 intimate connection which had subsisted from the earliest times between the oracle and its pious be- liever Sparta, and the fear which the oligarchs en- tertained of the Phocians, drew the bands of their union still closer than before. But an oligarchy upheld by Sparta appears to have maintained an opposition between the Phocians and Athenians, which was entirely at variance with the popular feeling^^ Their enmity to the Thessalian Dynasts, the effects of which had usually been, that the Phocians were found amongst th(3 enemies of Thessaly, still existed, it is true ^' ; but it had lost the greater part of its force, as the whole of these were not opposed to Athens. But the first place, in point of strength, must be assigned to Thebes, which, though governed by oligarchs, was the sworn enemy of Athens in consequence of her cruelty to Plataeae. The rest of the Boeotians^ followed the example of the capital ; some of them by compulsion, as was the case mill Thespiae, which, despite of its hereditary aristocracy, was disaffected to the Thebans, wherefore, being ac- cused of an understanding with Athens, it was in the ninth year of the war deprived of its walls by the Thebans^. At the same time there were also partisans of Athens and democracy in other Boeotian towns, and even in Orchomenus^, which had at one time offered a retreat to oligarchical fugitives, and still was the stronghold of equestrian aristocracy. Amongst the Locrians of Opus, who were accustomed to follow the example of Thebes, « Comp. above, §6\. «» Vol. i. § 27. n. 37. ^ Thuc. 4. 93, mentions the Haliarlians, Coronaeans, Copaeans, and others about the lake (rrtpi Tt)v Xifivriv), Thespians, Tanagraeans, and Orchomenians. «8 Thuc. 4. 133. «^ Thuc. 4. Id. rn^ i ll! I 168 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. oligarchy likewise prevailed ^^. The Thessalian Dynasts have already been alluded to, and not- withstanding their oligarchy, they rarely or never crossed their frontier to assist the Spartans. The inhabitants of the little district of Doris, being harassed by the iiTuptions of the CEtaeans, sent to Sparta for assistance. This occasioned the founda- tion of the Peloponnesian colony Heraclea, in Trachin, in the sixth year of the war '^\ which was designed to become a powerful auxiliary in time of war; but the neighbouring mountaineers, the iEnianes (CEtaeans), Dolopians, and Malians, op- posed it from the beginning '% and the narrow- minded Spartan oligarchy never suffered it to at- tain maturity within '^ The ^tolians first fought out of hatred to the Acarnanians ^* and Naupactus, and latterly to defend themselves against the army which invaded their territory under the command of Demosthenes the Athenian ^^. In Acarnania we have seen that CEniadae and Astacus were for the Peloponnesians. Ambracia, Anactorion, and Leu- cas sided with Corinth out of hatred to the arro- gant and importunate Corcyraeans. Even the Epirot Chaones fought for the Peloponnesians^^, doubtless on account of their aversion to Corcyra. On the southern coast of Thrace, Chalcidice, and the barbarian Bottiaeans adhered to the confe- derates. The collection of the inhabitants of the surrounding cities within Olynthus had very im- 70 Thuc. 1. 108. n 1 hue. 3. 92 ; Diodor. 12. 77. 72 Thuc. ubi sup. 5. 61. Afterwards Agis marched out from Decelea against the CEtaeans, icaru ti)v jraXaidv ixBpav. Thuc. 8. 3. On the subsequent oppression of the inhabitants of Heraclea by the (Etaeans, see Xen. Hell. 1.2. 18. " Thuc. 3.93 ; 5. 12. »* Vol. i. p. 137. a. 39. 75 Thuc. 3. 97, sqq. '« Thuc. 2. 80. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 169 portant results. It was first inhabited by Botti- aeans, when the Persian general Artabazus caused some Chalcidians, under Critobulus to be removed thither from Torone " ; hereupon, in the year before the Peloponnesian war, the Macedonian king Perdiccas collected all the inhabitants of the adjacent Athenian colonies within the walls of Olynthus 7^ From that time Olynthus constituted a general capital, much in the same; manner as MegalopoHs, which in a later age formed the focus and centre of the Arcadian townships ; but it had destroyed the several cities whose inha- bitants had been transferred to it^^. When the Chalcidians are afterwards mentioned, the Olyn- thians are frequently meant ^. In examining the character of these Graeco-Thracian towns in ge- neral, we must especially bear in mind the mixed nature of their respective populations, v/hich chiefly consisted of barbarians. We have seen that, according to custom, the Achaeans, with the exception of Pellene, did not take any active part in the contest. Patrae laid no restrictions upon the traffic of Athens, but at the same time allowed a Corinthian fleet the use of its harbour ^\ To the neutral states we may more- over add Melos and Thera, Crete, Cyrene, the Pontic states, Apollonia on the Ionian sea, the greater part of the Italiots, and Massilia. Unfortunately both parties must be reproached with having drawn barbarians into their quarrel. The Macedonian Perdiccas, whose imbecile and 77 Herod. 8. 127. '^ Thuc. ubi sup. *• Thuc. 2. 83. 84. ^8 Thuc. 1.58; Diod. 12.34. «> e. g. Thuc. 2. 58. 79. 101. 4. 7. 79. 170 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. wavering conduct places him on a par with Tis- saphernes, fully deserves the name. Thrace was, with few exceptions, in favour of Athens ; parti- cular mention must be made of Sitalces, prince of the Odrysae ^-, whose son Sadocus had become an Athenian citizen ^^; both mercenaries and slaves went regularly to Athens. But Sparta incurred universal obloquy by sending a deputation to the Persian monarch ^, a measure which had been de- cided upon at the very beginning of the war^ ; but this, though it commenced its journey, never reached its destination. Several succeeding em- bassies were equally unsuccessful^, and a similar destiny attended one which set out from Athens, but retraced its steps upon being informed of the death of Artaxerxes^^ How distinctly may we here perceive the prelude to the peace of An- talcidas ! 2. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS TILL THE DIS- COMFITURE OF THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY. The revival of a friendly feeUng between Sparta and Athens had been at last prevented by Brasidas and Cleon alone, the former remarkable for his military genius, the latter notorious for riot and debauchery^. Their death was followed by the peace of Nicias, a crude and ineffective expedient, which only served to remove the temporary griev- ea Thuc. 2. 29. t- r i. w Thuc. 2. 67 ; Aristoph. Acharn. 145. Compare, on the subject of the kinf^Jora of the Odrysae, Kortum z. Gesch. hell. Straatsverf. 169, sqq. "Thuc. 2. 7. w Thuc. 2. 67. 6fi One of the king's answers, intercepted by the Athenians, contained the following words, which would almost appear to have been written in jest, Thuc. 4. 60: ov yiyvuffKuv (riv ^aaiXka) o, rt /SouXovraf ttoXXwv yap IKOvvTuty TTpiafikutv ovdkva ravra Xeyctj/. 87 Thuc. ubi sup. *^ Ihuc. 5. 16. ill STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. ITl ances which had borne most recently upon the contending parties, but brought with it no radical and lasting cure for the evils which existed, incapable of reconciling the combatants, and of inspiring them with any confidence in its duration. It stipulated, amongst other points, that all should have unim- peded access to the national sanctuary in Delphi, and that the Autonomia of that institution should be respected ; that the Thracian towns Argilos, Sta- gira. Acanthus, Scolos, Olynthus, and Spartolus should be permitted to remain neutral, with the reservation of a right in Athens to persuade them to join her confederacy if she should think proper. Amphipolis, Scione, Torone, and Sermylus became dependent upon Athens"^, etc. Corinth, Megara, Thebes, and Ehs violently opposed the ratification of the peace, but the majority of voices at the Peloponnesian congress decided in favour of it^, Sparta entered into another treaty with Athens ^\ Hereupon violent distractions arose amongst the Peloponnesians, which may be compared to the political bhndman's buff at the time of the league of Cambray, the holy alliance, and the quad- ruple treaty of Herrenhausen and Wusterhau- sen. The league which Sparta concluded with Athens without the concurrence of the Peloponne- sians was foreign to the spirit, and incompatible with the provisions of the Peloponnesian confe- deracy ; but the dissatisfaction which it excited was converted into consternation and rage when the final clause of that treaty became known. This declared that if Athens or Sparta thought II " Thuc. 5. 18. 9' Thuc. 5. 23. •0 Thuc. 5. 17. tn STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. proper to take from or add to it, they should be at liberty to do so without any infraction of its provisions on either side. Sparta, who thus abandoned her alhes, and even coalesced with their enemies in oppressing them, was assailed by a whole host of angry passions ; suspicion, jealousy, terror, and indignation took possession of the minds of the allies. The frail bond which had united the Peloponnesian confederacy could not withstand this shock. Corinth invited Argos to enter into a coalition against Sparta ^^ ; Argos, still indignant at the loss of Cynuria ^^ was by no means averse to the proposal. Mantinea, whose differences with Tegea had, in the ninth year of the war, broken out into actual hostilities ^^ and which, during the war against Athens, had conquered the land of the Arcadian Parrhasians, was particularly apprehen- sive of the resentment of Sparta ^^ ; democracy became a means to promote an alUance between them. In a like predicament was Elis, which had reduced the Lepreatians, whereupon Sparta had despatched a body of Hoplitae to their aid, and re- stored the independence of Lepreum^. Lastly, the Thracian towns^ were fearful lest they might again fall under the yoke of Athens. Corinth prosecuted the affair with the greatest ardour and alacrity, whilst Thebes and Megara limited their interference to words, out of repugnance to an alliance with the democratic Argos ^. Tegea, where, however, a hostile faction was not idle'-^, as well as Orcho- »» Thuc. 5. 27. »* Thuc. 4. 134. 9« Thuc. 5. 31.49. ^^ Thuc. ubi sup. 93 Thuc. 5. 14.41. 9^ Thuc. 5. 29. ^ Thuc. 5. 31. 99 Thuc. 5. 62. 63. mi-^ STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 173 menus ^^, Epidaurus, etc., still adhered to Sparta. Corinth finding itself unable to effect a general league against Sparta, became greatly alarmed, and strange plots and counterplots now ensued. Corinth failed in its efforts to bring about an alliance between Thebes, Megara, and the Thra- cian towns, and afterwards with Argos, in order by that means to gain access to Sparta '^'^ But the mutual suspicion of Athens and Sparta once more awoke. The restitution of those places which had been occupied during the war was de- ferred, and Athens retained possession of Pylos. The Spartans required Thebes to cede Panacton to the Athenians, with the hope of obtaining Pylos for themselves ^«^. But the Thebans razed Panac- ton to the ground, and excited fresh disturbances. Argos, fearing that Athens might become a party to Sparta's negociations with Thebes, endeavom-ed to become reconciled with Sparta ^^ ; but Athens feehng indignant at the demohtion of Panacton, Alcibiades complained of the intrigues of Sparta, and sent clandestinely to Argos ^^. Argos here- upon again joined its ancient ally Athens, and relying upon its support, concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with Elis and Mantinea, in the twelfth year of the war, Olymp. 90. 1 ; 420. B. C. ; each state being precluded from entering into a separate league with Sparta *°^ Thus Corinth once more declared for Sparta ^^. The Eleans forbade the Spartans to attend the I). •00 Thuc. 5. 61. '«» Thuc. 5. 36. '9* Thuc. 5. 42, sqq. '« J'huc. 6. 48. '<» Thuc. 5. 37. 38. »»» Thuc. 5. 40. 41. •«5 Thuc. 5. 44. sqi|. 174 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Olympic festivaP^^; Alcibiades conquered Patrse for Athens, and erected long walls there ^* ; and the Argives ravaged the territory of Epidaurus, Meanwhile a breach once more ensued between Sparta and Thebes, because the latter had thrown a garrison into Heraclea in Trachin, upon pretence of defending it against its hostile neighbours, but Sparta hesitated to commence hostilities ^^. This wild disorder lasted for several years, until the battle of Mantinea, in the fourteenth year of the war, at length put an end to this shadow of a confederacy. The Eleans had retired before the engagement, because the allied army had refused to march against the Lepreatians at their request "^ Sparta now restored peace in the Peloponnesus, and endeavoured to provide for its continuance by introducing oligarchy into some of the cities least to be depended upon, such as Argos "', Sicyon "% Achaia '", Pellene "*, etc. In the meantime, through the victory of the demus over the oli- garchs in Argos, the Athenians had soon recovered that city, and now advised the Argives to build long walls, the bulwark of democracy and the Athenian confederacy ''^ This, however, did not disturb the tranquillity of the Peloponnesus, for, notwithstanding the Argives fought amongst the w Th«c. 6. 49. ^ ., , ^ »08 Thuc. 6. 53. A Patraean said, the Athenians will devour us ; Alcibiades replied : 'Iffwg — Kard. ftiKpbv cat Karot roifg TToSaQ, AarcSaifAovtoi Sk KaTtk TTjv KtipaXrjv Kai dOpotag, Plut. Alcib. 15. >w Thuc. 5. 52. ""^ Thuc. 5. 62. "» Thuc. 5. 76. 79. »'» Thuc. 5. 82. '*' Thuc. ubi sup. "* It is evident, from Xenoph. Hell. 7. 4. 17, compared with Diod. 15. 68, that Pellene alone is to be understood whenever Achaia is mentioned in Xenophon. Comp. my Disput. de Veterum Scriptorum Graecorum Levitate, etc. p. 8. 9. Lips. 1825. «»* Thuc. 5. 82. STATE OF PARTIES. §62. 175 Athenians in Sicily and in Asia"^ and served against the oligarchists in Athens "^ Sparta did not make any direct attack ui)on them. More- over, although Athenians had fought at Mantinea, the peace continued to subsist between Athens and Sparta, in form at least, for some time after- wards, till Alcibiades at length set the conscience of the Spartans at rest, and provoked them to fortify Decelea. Meanwhile Athens committed an act of unparalleled outrage upon Melos, which, with a Dorian population, had preserved a strict neu- trahty. The Athenians commanded the inhabi- tants to join their maritime confederacy against the Spartans, and upon their refusal, they tocJt the place, slaughtered the men, and reduced the women and children to slavery ^^. The tide of war rolled towards Sicily. That confusion and absence of all steadfastness and con- sistency in alliance and counter-alliance which characterized the mother-country had, from the beginning of the war, prevailed here. The policy of the Italiots seemed to be chiefly directed to the object of maintaining tranquillity and consulting their own safety : none of the states of that island evincing any disposition to take part in the war which distracted the mother-country. Such was the preponderance of Syracuse, that every other calculation appeared to be absorbed in the appre- hensions to which the grasping disposition of that state gave rise. But during the first stages of the war, the principle of relationship operated as an additional bond of alliance amongst the enemies of 'i !a "« Thuc. 7. 37 J 8. 28. "« Thuc. 5. 84, sqq. •" Thuc. 8. 86. * 176 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Syracuse. Leontini, suffering from the oppression of Syracuse, had, in the fifth year of the war, sent the orators, Gorgias and Tisias, to ask assistance of the Athenians ''^ ; the Chalcidian settlements in alHance with it had made a similar application, upon the ground of their Ionic origin ^^". But the Doric Camarina was also in league with them, whilst the majority of the inhabitants of Messana, though that city was not exempt from dissensions, were attached to the Athenian party till the seventh year of the war ^^\ Syracuse was supported by all the other Sicehots, except Agrigentum, which kept aloof from both parties, as well as by the island of Lipara '^^ and Locri ^^\ On the other hand Rhe- gium, impelled by hatred to Locri, sided with Leontini and Athens '"*. In the eighth year of the war, the noble Syracusan, Hermocrates, adjusted the differences of the contending parties ^^K Dis- sensions having arisen in Leontini, the demus was expelled, after which the oligarchists being com- pelled to quit the town, united with Syracuse ^^^. The recommencement of hostilities and the ex- pedition of the great Athenian army to Sicily, were occasioned by the assault of the Selinuntians on Egesta, a city not of purely Grecian origin. Seli- nus was in relations of friendship with Syracuse, and Egesta sent to Athens for assistance, its am- bassadors being accompanied by some of the ex- pelled democrats of Leontini ^^. In the seventeenth year of the war^^ Olymp. 91. i; 415. B. C, the "» Thucyd. 3. 86; Diodor. 12. 53; comp. Plato Hipp. Maj. 232. A.; Paus. 6. 17. 4. »*> Thucyd. 3. 86. »« Thucyd. 4. 2. 24. 25 ; 5. 4. '» Thucyd. 3. 88. »» Thucyd. 4. 2. 24. 25. '»* Thucyd. 3. 86 ; 4. 2. 24. 25. •25 Thucyd. 4. 59, sqq. »* Thucyd. 5. 4. »« Thucyd. 6. 6. 19. "« Thucyd. 7. 28. STATE OF PARTIES, § 62. 177 Argives and Megarian fugitives, besides the Nesiotse, joined the expedition of the Athenians against Syra- cuse, for it was against that city that their prepara- tions were chiefly directed, whilst the Mantineans and Cretans served for pay ''K The t owns of the Italiots, and even Rhegium amongst the number ^^, now almost unanimously sought to remain neuter. Tarentum and Locri refused to allow the Athenians to land '^\ and Crotona afterwards forbade them to march through its territory ^3". It was not till the expulsion of the Peloponnesian party had been effected in the following year, that Thurii and Rhegium assisted the Athenians ^". Amongst the Siceliots, Naxos voluntarily espoused the cause of Athens; but Catana'^*, which was surprised by Pericles, did so partly by compulsion. At first Gela alone declared for Syracuse, Camarina re- maining neuter ^^^ But the ranks of both par- ties received gradual reinforcements. Troops jfrom those states which respectively belonged to the Athe- nian and Peloponnesian leagues, arrived in the heat of the engagement before Syracuse. The muster-roll of Thucydides ^^^ is an extraordinary document, for in enumerating the combatants on both sides, he is reluctantly compelled to record several facts totally at variance with the division which he attempts to estabhsh, viz., into Dorians and lonians. The Athenians, among whom were counted the Lemnians, Imbrians, and the cleruchi of iEgina and Histiaea, were supported by war- riors from Chalcis, Eretria, Styra and Carystus in »» Thucyd. 6. 43. '=" Thucyd. ubi sup. '33 Thucyd. 7. 35. '« Thucyd. 6. 67. 87. »» Thucyd. 6. 44. '» Thucyd. 7. 36. '»♦ Thucyd. 6. 51} '» Thucyd. 7. 57. 58. I f VOL. II. i! Ml 178 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Euboea ; lonians from the Cyclades Ceos, Andros, Tenos, and from Miletus, Samos, and Chios; i^olians from Methymna, Tenedos, and iEnos; Dorians from Rhodes, Cythera, Corcyra ; Achaeans from Cephallenia and Zacynthus — all islanders or inhabitants of maritime districts, and, with the ex- ception of Corcyra, compelled to perform service. To these must be added Messenian Dorians from Naupactus and Pylos, democratic frigitives from Megara, Argives impelled by hatred to Sparta and the self-interested calculations of individuals ^'^ Mantineans and other Arcadians ^^, iEtolians and Cretans for pay, Acarnanians on account of their friendship for Demosthenes, and perhaps allured by the hope of spoil, and lastly, a party from Thurii and Metapontum, Rhegium ^^^ Naxos, and Catana. The allies of Syracuse were Camarina, Gela, Seli- nus, and Himera ; the only Spartan amongst them was Gylippus. The most ardent of the combatants were the Corinthians, Ambraciots, and Leucadians. The Arcadians, constrained by their oligarchs the Sicyonians, fought for hire, and the efforts of the Thebans were inspired by their inveterate hatred to Athens. Thespiae had, in the first year of the war, endeavoured to cause an insurrection in Sicily ^*^. Lastly, Cyrene had sent two triremes and copimanders ^^\ The Sicilians fought first on the one side, then on the other ^*^. Athens endea- voured to gain over to its cause the Etruscans and Carthaginians 143 '*' 'ApyeXoi fiiv ov rijg ^vfi^axiag tvsKa fiaXXov, 17 ttjq AaKf^aifioviuiV n i\9paQ Kai ti]q irapavTiKa SKUffTot iSiag — i^Ko\oif9ovv. '** cTTt Tov£ afl TToXc/itovg (T^tertv dwodHKVvfisvovg ikvai tmOortg, »3» Comp. Thucyd. 7. 33. 35 »*° Thucyd. 6. 95. »" Thucyd. 6. 58. •« Thucyd. 7. 1. »*3 Thucyd. 6. 88. STATE OF PARTIES. § 62. 179 III. FROM THE DEFEAT OF THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY TILL THE END OF THE WAR. All previous relations were now, with few excep- tions, dissolved. Individuals eagerly sought oppor- tunities to serve as mercenaries, while the commu- nities were suffering from the effects of exhausted treasuries ; this was aggravated by the? dissensions which broke out in the interior of various states, and especially those which dread of the Athenian power had hitherto held in tranquillity and sub- jection. The demus was still generally in favour of Athens '*\ but the oligarchs once more raising their heads, contracted engagements with the Pelo- ponnesians, and prepared to throw off the Athe- nian supremacy. The Athenian party had been driven out from many states which had preserved their independence, and amongst others from Thurii, whereupon the banished Rhodian Dorieus took the command of a Thurian squadron against the Athenians '^. The Peloponnesians now con- ceived the hope of effecting the final destruction of their exhausted adversary, whilst the expecta- tion of sharing in the spoil of their once haughty but now fallen mistress, allured to the war large detachments from the west; Syracuse, Selinus, Tarentum and Locri ^*«, sent ships to the assist- ance of the Peloponnesians. But still more per- nicious than this state of agitation and excitement were the intrigues of Alcibiades, and afterwards of Lysander, and no previous feature in the war •*« Thucyd. 8. 8. 1. T; ^!'5!'i9: '"* '''*' ^^'' ^' ^^^ ' ''°"'p* '^^""y^- ®- ^^- ^^> ^^'^^p^- "^"- »• »*«*Tiiucyd.*8.27.91. n2 Il f: 180 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. had operated so injuriously to the character of the nation at large, as the disgraceful avarice which induced them to flock around the barba- rians, Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, who no longer feared the Greeks after the disasters of the Athenians in Sicily. Alcibiades set the exam- ple, but he was too proficient in political wiles and subtilties to be duped by the clumsy artifices of Tissaphernes, whom he very soon moulded to his own purposes ; Sparta soon followed his example, and incurred just reprehension by her three treaties with Tissaphernes ^*\ in which she abandoned the Greeks of the west coast of Asia, in the same manner as she afterwards did at the peace of Antalcidas. But many of these maritime states gradually withdrew from the Athenian con- federacy. Amongst these were Chios, (though not without violent opposition on the part of the demus, which it required all the severity and determination of the oligarchs to overcome ^'^,) Erythrse, Clazo- menae, Lebedos, Methymna, and Mitylene, which had again raised itself from its ruins. To these must be added Ephesus and Miletus, which dis- played great energy in their opposition to Athens, Rhodes, Abydos, Lampsacus, Byzantium, and Tha- sus, whence, however, the Lacedaemonian party were soon after expelled ^*^, Olymp. 92. 3, and at length, to the inexpressible dismay of the Athenians, Eu- »« Thucyd. 8. 18. 37. 58. "8 Thucyd. 8. 15. 23. 38 ; Diodorus, 13. 65, narrates that the Lacedaemoniaq Cratesippidas brought back Chian exiles, 01. 92. 4, who thereupon expelled six hundred of their adversaries. The Prostatic of the denius appear to have been banished first ; they propitiated the Lacedaemonian by means of bribes. Divisions amongst the oligarchs themselves had resulted in the expulsion of some of them. **' Xen. Hell. 1. 1. 32. Cotnp. respecting the recovery of Thasus, Olymp. 93. 1, by Thrasybulus, 1. 4. 9 ; Diodor. 13. 72. CONDITION OF THE GREEK STATES. § 63. 181 boea'^, which endeavomed, like Athens, to con- nect its dependent towns with the sea by means of long walls, and unite itself to the continent by throwing a bridge over the Euripus. By the sea- sonable establishment of an miqualified democracy, Samos was preserved to Athens '^^ and its main bulwark in the war, Methymna, was reconquered ^^% After Alcibiades returned to the Athenian fleet, treachery and force effected various changes in the constitution of the league, though none of the maritime states were any longer capable of pass- ing independent and unanimous decrees. Samos and Naupactus remained faithful to Athens till the last. For some time Syracuse took part in the naval war against Athens in the west ; but the Carthaginians like the eastern barbarians, em- boldened by the overthrow of the Athenian mari- time power, soon fitted out formidable armaments against the Siceliots, when the arms of Syracuse had ample occupation at home. III. THE CHARACTER OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE INTERNAL CONDITION OF THE GREEK STATES IN GENERAL. § 63. The relentless destiny of the Greeks in this unhallowed war, seemed to reveal itself in the natural phenomena of the time ; earthquakes w^ere felt almost every year during its continuance ; iEtna cast forth fire ; eclipses terrified the people ; drought, famine, and the plague \ swe])t away mul- »«» Thucyd. 8—15. 21. 23, 44. 60. 80. 95. »" Thucyd. 8. 21. 73. See below, § 65. n. 173. '« Thucyd. 8. 23 ; Xenoph. Hell. 1. 6. 13. o ' ^^^J^^^y^- ^' 23i 2. 8; 28. 48, sqq. ; 3. 89. 116 j 4. 52 : 5. SO; 6.95; Diod. 12.59. > , p », I' 182 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. titudes of the best and bravest of the citizens. But the terrors of nature were less dreadful than the passions of men ; covetousness and revenge, hatred and rage, sordid avarice and bloodstained cruelty, vied with each other in the working havoc and destruction ; towns were levelled with the ground, the vanquished and defenceless were remorselessly butchered, and all that the nation had been used to regard with veneration was abandoned to profana- tion and insult. The inviolabihty of heralds and sanctuaries, and the custom of granting quarter to, and exchanging prisoners ", which had hitherto been observed amidst all their pohtical vicissitudes, were now utterly disregarded in the rage and exaspera- tion that prevailed. It cannot be denied that the Peloponnesians commenced this system of outrage and atrocity. The Megarians with a revolting violation of in- ternational law slew the Athenian herald Anthe- mocritus % just before the commencement of the war. The decree which the Athenians passed in consequence breathed the most implacable hos- tiUty; they proclaimed a war of extermination against Megara, and death to every Megarian who should set foot upon Athenian ground; whilst an obligation was appended to the oath of the generals to invade the Megarian territory twice every year*. Allowing that the latter possibly committed this outrage under the influence of blind passion, what can be said in extenuation of the calm and deliberate treachery of the a Vol. i. p. 197. 198. 3 Plut. Peric. 30 ; Ilarpocrat. 'Av0ffioicptroc. ♦ riut. ubi sup. J comp. Thuc. 2. 31 ; 4. 66. CONDITION OF THE GREEK STATES. § 63. 183 Peloponnesians at the beginning of the war, and their profanation of that which religion had sanc- tified. I allude to tlie attempt of the Thebans to possess themselves of Plataeae in spite of its independence, which had long been recognised, and the inviolability secured to it in consequence of its connection with the temple and festival of Zeus Eleutherios^ It is true tliat hereupon Plataeae showed no quarter to the Theban prison- ers ^. In a short time it became the general usage of warfare to kill the prisoners on both sides ; it was a rare occurrence that a free passage was granted to the garrison of a reduced fortress, as in the instance of Potidaea ^ ; the meo were gene- rally put to death, and the women and children reduced to slavery. This was the fate which Pla- taeae^ experienced at the hands of the Spartans, whose conscience afterwards tormented them^. The Athenians imbrued their hands in the blood of the iEginetans who were expelled ^'^ from their island '' at the beginning of the war, and after- wards led away from their habitation in Thyrea and put to death ^" ; a similar fate befel the Scio- naeans'^ and Melians'*. The massacre of the Mytilenaeans, which had been resolved upon at the instigation of the sanguinary Cleon, was confined * Plut. Aristid. 21, on the festival Eleutheria. It is there stated consistently with the accounts in Thucyd. 2. 71, that the Greeks had determined after the battle of Plataea; : nXaraicTg I' davXovg Kai UpovQ cupeiiTOai T(p Qtt^, Ovov- TUQ vTTip Ttjg 'EWdcog. ® Thucyd. 2. 5 ; comp. Ps. Demosth. in Neaer. 1378. ^ 'J hucyd. 2. 70 :— ^yvs/Sijffav, t^eXGuv avrovg Kai TraUag Kal yvvaiKag KOiTovg lirtKovpovg Ki'v ivl ifiar'n^, yvvaucag Si Kvv Ivolv, Kai dpyvpwv Ti pijTov txovTag t^odiov. « Thucyd. 3. 68. » Thucyd. 7. 18. '" Cic. de Offic. 3. U. Is it true that they were deprived of their thumbs, and if so did it take place then, or had it already occurred in 456 ? " Thucyd. 2. 27 ; Diod. 12. 44. '^ Thucyd. 4. 57. " Thucyd. 5. 32. «* Thucyd. 5. 116. I 184 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. to the thousand prisoners in Athens ^*. Amongst the very rare instances of humanity it is recorded of Conon that he pardoned and Uberated ^^ the noble Rhodian Dorieus whom he had taken pri- soner, Olymp. 93. 2. whilst commanding a squa- dron from Thurii, whither he had fled upon being driven from Rhodes by the Athenians. The Syra- cusans condemned the Athenians and their allies whom they took prisoners to die a lingering death in their stone-quarries *^, or reduced them to the condition of slaves. Lysander completed this long series of atrocities, by executing the three thou- sand Athenians who had been made prisoners at JEgos Potamos^^ This act of vengeance against enemies who had borne arms against them is less revolting than the gratuitous cruelty of the Spar- tans, in murdering the traders of neutral towns whom they found on board the vessels they captured ^^. Some ambassadors from the Pelo- ponnesians to the Persian king who were seized in Thrace and delivered up to the Athenians, were by them put to death as spies are at the present day *^ No promises were considered binding ; and men, in other respects brave and honest, did not scruple to employ artifice to get their victims into their power, in corroboration of which may be adduced the conduct of Paches, who used in- insidious and equivocal words in treating with an Arcadian commander ^V h '* Thucyd. 3. 50. »« Xenoph. Hell. 1. 5. 19. " Thucyd. 7. 86; comp. Diodor. 13. 19, sqq. ; Plut. Nic. 28. " Plut. Lysand. 13 ; Xenoph. Hell. 2. 1. 32, who as usual states too few, and Pausan. 9. 31. 6, where the number appears to be somewhat exagge- rated. •9 Thucyd. 2. 67 ; comp. 3. 32. ^ Thucyd. 2. 67. 2' Thucyd. 3. 34 ; comp. Polyaen. 3. 2. I CONDITION OF THE GREEK STATE;S. § 63. 185 The exasperation of the combatants , as it caused them to disregard every motive to mercy and re- conciliation, founded in the remembrance of their common nationality, so it even urged them im- piously to assail that on which religion had conferred sanctity and immunity. As the altar of Jove the Deliverer had been desecrated by the destruc- tion of Plataeae, so the Spartans, impelled by hatred of the Eleans, violated the sanctity of the Olympic territory ^% and the Athenians drove the Delians from their island *\ Those appointed to preside over and to tend the supre^me national sanctuaries, the ministers of the Delphic god and the Olympic Zeus, are chargeable with the grossest partizanship ; the Peloponnesians obtained supplies of money from them^*, and sent th(?m in return spoil taken in war. The Amphictyonic council, which, soon after the Persian war, had displayed its patriotism by offering a reward for the head of the traitor Ephialtes, by the inscription on the heroes of Thermopylae, and the decree for the expulsion of the Dolopian pirates from Scyros ^*, had dwindled into a mere shadow, and through the whole course of the war no example is recorded of its efficiency, either in word or deed. The nationality of the Greeks being thus deprived of its noblest attributes, they became the more liable to fall into the snares of the barbarians, and no longer possessed for- titude enough to withstand the seductions of Per- sian gold. ^ Thucyd. 5. 49 ; where the Eleans appear to enjoy the immunity in their own right. ^ 1 hucyd. 5. 7. On the Delians, see 6. 32. ^ Thucyd. I. 121 j 4. 134 ; Plut. Lysand. 1 ; comp. vol. i. p. 166. n. 77. ^ Vol. 1. p. 179. See some very pertinent remarks on the subject, Plut. de Orac. Pyth. 7. 579, 081. II. 1^ ! 196 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. But this gloomy picture is drawn into full and terrible distinctness by the baneful flames of civil discord, which raged with the most devastating fiiry. The evils caused by these intestine convul- sions were still gi'eater than those which resulted from the attempts of the belligerents to injure one another, though they were aggravated by the com- bination between the internal faction and the enemy without. The civil feuds which sprang up at the beginning of the war, attained strength and matu- rity with its further progress. All were occupied with traitorous designs in endeavouring to se- cure assistance from without, in order to overpower the adverse faction at home '^^, whilst the suspicion and calumny excited by these proceedings, at length sowed the seeds of treason, in minds which had hitherto been uncorrupted ^^. Now, in examining the opposite constitutions Virhich the two leading powers were bent upon establishing and maintaining, we must, as before observed, be especially careful to distinguish be- tween the real and substantive representation of democracy or oligarchy, and the mere employ- ment of their names as a means to advance other objects. Each of the two leading states, in declar- ing its resolution to support certain political prin- ciples, was actuated by the design of strengthen- ing, securing, and extending its own hegemony *^ Moreover, in so doing, they everywhere established their own customs and usages, which were after- wards transplanted to other states, where, frail and 2« As Agesilaus afterwards scattered the seeds of discord, Polyaen. 1. 1. 33. '^^ See the admirable description of Thucydides, 3. 82. ^ See the judgment which Aristotle pronounces on the well-known facts, Tol. 5. 6. 9. CONDITION OF THE GREEK STATES. § 63. 187 insecure in themselves, and deprived of the nurtur- ing and fostering influence of custom and congenial feeling, they could not strike firm roots and bid defi- ance to the shocks by which they were assailed^ Nor was it possible, from the prevalence of party feeling and the consequent necessity of external aid and support, to establish any fixed constitutional forms which should be recognised by all. One party eagerly grasped what foreign power offered, whilst the other indignantly rejected it ; the former re- fused to admit the other to a participation in its newly-acquired power, whilst the latter was un- willing to submit to the authority of its rivals. Selfishness destroyed all public spirit, and political antagonists no longer recognised a higher and purer aim. On the one side stood the demagogues with their fanatical partisans; on the other the dynasts with their armed bands, whilst there was no third element to appease and to reconcile them ^, the ordinance of Solon forbidding any citizen to remain neuter in civil dissensions, now weighed like a curse upon Greece. The law no longer had sanc- tion and efficacy, the dynasts endeavouring to ren- der their own power paramount to its authority; whilst the demagogues and their mob-partisans recognised no other law than that contained in the last of their own crude and unsettled decrees. The two parties not only refused every offer of accommodation, and obstinately adhered to what they considered to be their rights and pre- rogatives, but committed the most wanton and ® Aristot. Pol. 4.9.11: 6 -jrorkpoig av fiaWov crvfi(iy Kparrjaai rStv ivavrmv, ov KaOiffraai Koivflv TroXirtiav ovS" 'tatfv, a\\d r^g viKrn- aOXov Tt)v i'7r€pox»)v TTjQ -TToXiTHaQ Xafi^dvovai. t 1 t 188 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. frightful excesses, and pursued each other with a ferocity which nothing short of actual extermina- tion could assuage. Hence, then, proceeded such decrees as that of the Samian demus, which, with a sort of retributive justice, forbade its members to intermarry with those of the wealthier order ^°, as well as that of the same class in Corey ra, which, like the Florentine citizens of the fourteenth cen- tury after Christ, excluded the dynasts from all honours and dignities ^^ ; the proposal of the demus of Leontini to make a distribution of the lands ^^ ; and, finally, the climax of party-hatred, in the fear- ful oath of the oligarchs of a Grecian state, to work the demus all the mischief in their power ^\ In many instances more citizens had fled or been expelled by their opponents, than had remained at home. If the chief constituents of the state are not its lands and houses, but its moral ele- ments, its living members, where was it, under such circumstances, to be sought ? The mur- derous ferocity of the populace broke out in such fearful excesses on Corey ra^*, as were scarcely paralleled even during the bloody scenes of the French revolution. But the conquerors at length fell out amongst themselves ; party-animosities began to break the ties by which they had once been associated; and we subsequently behold en- rolled amongst the opponents of the demus those who had at first co-operated with it in repressing the aggressions of the oligarchs ^. «> Thucyd. 8. 20. 3> Thucyd. 3. 70. ^ Thucyd. 5. 4. 3^ Arist. Pol. 5. 7. 19 : Kai Tip drifnp KUKovovg taofiai Kai (iovXtvffu) o ri Siv tx<^ KaKov. A sentiment for which the Grecian oligarchy will be held up to everlasting reprobation. 3« Thuc. 3. 81. « See $ 65. n. 173. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. J 64. U9 IV. THE INTERIOR OF THE INDIVIDUAL STATES DURING THE WAR. a. ATHENS. aa. The Athenian Democracy in general, § 64. The plague, which broke out in the second year of the war, and continued to rage with unabated fury during the whole of the third, formed a crisis in the history of the Athenian demus : from that moment it began to decline. Some idea may be formed of the ravages which it committed on human Hfe from the fate of the besiegers before Potidaea, where, out of four thousand heavy-armed, one thousand and fifty perished within fifty days \ But it was not human life alone that it destroyed ; it likewise extin- guished civil virtue. "For," says ThucydidesS " a person now more easily ventured to partake of those pleasures which he had tasted secretly before, as people beheld the rapid changes which occurred, the rich dying suddenly, and those who were for- merly indigent quickly succeeding to their wealth. Therefore they hastened to seize the opportunity of enjoyment, deeming that their properties and their lives were theirs only for the day. No one was inchned to suffer hardships for that which was considered virtuous, as he knew not that he might not perish before he could attain his object ; but whatever a man found grateful to his taste, or conducive to his interest, he judged to be honour- able and profitable. The fear of the; gods and the ' Thucyd. 2. 58. Thucyd. 2. 53. I 4 190 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. laws of man did not restrain them ; they thought it indifferent whether they were devout or not, as they beheld all involved in the same destruction ; none expected to live till they should be brought to justice and punished for their crimes, for a much heavier doom already decreed impended over their heads, and they thought it proper that they should snatch some enjoyment before it should descend upon them." Great, indeed, was the degeneracy of the Athenian citizens from their former dignity and worth. As the plague had committed greater havoc from the circumstance of all the inhabitants of the country having thronged to the town to escape from the Peloponnesian in- vaders, so a boundless corruption of manners ensued after the citizens^ rehnquished rustic pur- suits, and thus ceased to reap the fruits of those la- borious and primitive occupations, whilst the town- populace thereby sustained a most disproportionate increase. It may easily be supposed that these evils extended to the public education of the Athenians, and that its most important branch, the gymnastic art, together with the stricter moral habits it engendered, were henceforward neg- lected*, which ultimately had the most detrimental influence upon the whole temper and tone of public feeling. Meanwhile the citizens had become reduced in number, and their ranks were still further thinned by the continued drafts upon them occasioned by the war. This led to the employ- ment of extraordinary measures to supply the » Thucyd. 2. 14. 16. Comp. Aristoph. Equit. 805, sqq. concerning the benefits which were expected to result from a revival of a rural life. * Aristoph. Eq. 1070, where, however, the desertion of the gymnastic schools is attributed to the XaXta and onofivXia. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 191 deficiency ; but though these replenished the num- bers of the citizens, they were very far from adding to their moral weight and dignity. Pericles, bowed down by the loss of his legiti- mate sons, obtained a decree declaring it lawful for the sons born of a foreign woman (v66oi,), to be inscribed in the Phratrias, Hke those of the full blood ^ Whether the operation of this decree was confined to his own son by Aspasia, cannot be determined. Even though, hke the Athenians ^, we should not judge too harshly of the conduct of that great man, whose heart was broken, it is evident that the ancient order of things could no longer continue. The statement, that after the plague a decree was passed rendering it lawful to have children by several wives, at the same time that monogamy alone was legally recognised, is enigmatic and suspicious. It is possible that con- cubines (TraWaKal) may have been meant here, as they were subsequently protected by the laws, and an adulterer detected in the act might be killed ^ ; nevertheless it is very doubtful whether they were allowed during the hfetime of the real wife. The naturalization of individuals appears to have been attended with less diflSculty than before ; whilst the surreptitious entrance into the citizenship, as may be presumed from the allusions of the comic poets ^, also became more common. An honour- * Plut. Pericl. 37. Comp. Meier de Bon. Damnat. 7. 70. * Plut. ubi sup. : — r) irapovtra SvffTvxia T(^ UepiKKel -jripi rhv oIkov log SiKtiv Tivoi StdijjKOTi rijg vntpoxl/iag Kai Trig fieyaXavxiaz eicetvije lniK\a* Thucyd. 5. 32. Comp. $ 62. n.38. They are described amongst the Athe- nian troops as ^l/iXoi, Thuc. 4. 67. »• Xenoph. Hell. 1.6.24. " Diod. 13.97. " Aristoph. Ran. 33 : ovg i;X£v0«pw Diogen. Prov. 3. 12 : 'Attikoq virkxa rr^v x^tpa Siwo0v{j9ovepovg ovrag Kai Totg dpiaroig ^aa- Kaiviiv Trpoaipovfievovg. *^ See the delineation of the Syracusan Atheganoras in Thucyd. 6. 36, sqq. K. T. X. Comp. 953, .*^T!?"*^" '^' ^^* ~ '^"* " f^^^ xaXeKaiviof, niffTog ad, 6 S' dvTiXiyiov aVTifi, VTTOITTOg. - ^- INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. ^ 64. 199 and they lived in constant dread of the destruction of their power ; the words '* dissolution of the demus" (^KaraXva-ts rod Srj/jLov) struck Consternation into their souls. Those who suffered most from the aspersions of the demagogues and the jealousy of the people, were the legally elected officers of state, and especially the Strategi. The most ex- aggerated expectations were formed of the abihties and success of a person who undertook an office, and when these were not justified by the event of an enterprise, all the blame was laid upon the conductors of it*", who were accordingly perse- cuted with implacable animosity. Thus we behold the demagogues and the demus mutually conducing to each other's depravation. The former no longer confined themselves to their legitimate office, which was to preside over the de- mus according to the spirit of the constitution, but descended from their elevation, and troubled the waters that they might fish in them the more se- curely*^. The more degraded the character of the mass, the more remote from elevation and dignity must they have been who mixed with it, and became voluntary partakers of its excesses. They moreover found a wider field for their pernicious exertions, the more the demus appropriated to its(3lf the direct administrative power, thereby removing the legal barrier between the governing and the governed. On the other hand, in moments of refiection, when goaded by want and remorse, the people could « Thucyd. 3. 43 ; 4. 65 ; 7. 14. 48 ; 8. 1. *^ Aristoph. Eq. 866. 867 : oTov uiv »/ Xifivt] KUTanry, Xafijidvovffiv oi^fv. idv S dvbtTt Kai kcito) t'ov (iop^opov KVKuKni\ aipotxTi. aa :|^ 200 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. not but be sensible that their counsellors were no less destitute of a respect for the laws, of civil virtue, and of fortitude, than themselves, and that they were, in fact, the servile instruments of their own caprice ; but, insensible to the beauty of virtue, and accustomed to have a leader who guided them according to their own turbulent will, they sought the gratification of their caprice in the obsequious society of their flatterers and betrayers ^ ; it was too great a hmniliation for their vanity to behold others who were more estimable than themselves, whilst they were unwilling to be arrested in their riotous career by any dread of the austere reproaches of truth. Hence, the struggle between the Kaloka- gathoi and the demagogues was a very unequal one ; those who plunged deepest into the mire incurred least risk, whereas, those who were too proud to stoop were most exposed to danger. The caustic humour of the people led them to encourage him who had most effrontery, and Impudence became the Patroness of the demagogues ^^ The decrees of the people are monuments of their Dysbulia ^^ though a few of them still evince the better feeling of the ancient times and bespeak remorse and indigna- tion against their evil counsellors ; as, for instance, that which they passed after condemning the com- manders who had conquered at the Arginusae 54 ** Compare the portrait of the Athenians, Plut. Praecept. Reipub. Gerend. 9' J90 : diov 6'A9T]vaiu)v (^rjfioQ) tvKivrjTog tan irpbg opyijv, tiffisTaOtTog irpoQ iXtov, fiaWov o^tutg vTrovoeiv, »/ CiSdoKtaOat KaG' I'/avxiav (iovXo- fuvog. uKXTTsp Tutv oLvSputv toIq aSo^oig Kai raTrtivolg ^orjOtiv irpoOvfio- npog, ovTwg^ rdy Xoyojv rovg Traiyviwdtig Kai ysXoiovg atTTrd^srat jcat Trporifi^' Toig ^itv iiraivovmv avrbv ^dXiora x«'P"> roig U aKtoirTOVffiv ifKiffTa t)i>(Tx;«paiVci. ^' Aristoph. Pac. 607 ; — Tbv avroM^ rpoirov. •" Aristoph. Eq. 323 : — dvalhiav, i'lirep novrj irpoffTarti tCjv puTopiuv. *3 Aristoph. Nub. 588 ; comp. the Schol. on Eupolis. " Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 7. 39. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. ^ 64. 201 THE COURTS OF LAW AND SYCOPHANCY. These, if possible, still more than the popular assembly, tended to complete the corruption of the national character, and the disorganization of the social system in general ; the operation of de- magogy is likewise perceptible here ; Cleon raised the salary of the judges ^^; but a most fruitful source of evil was the union of avarice and the love of litigation with the tendency to calumny and intrigue in the Athenian character^. The immoderate predilection of the Athenians ^'^ for the exercise of judicial functions found constant aliment in the disputes of their citizens and their alUes ^, notwithstanding which their minds still remained im- pervious to the light of truth and lack(?d all stability of legal judgment. The character of the Athenian demus, and the fact of its sitting in judgment daily, sufficiently explain why law was never reduced to a science in Athens. Unbounded credulity, an al- most total incapacity to distinguish between fact, probability, and possibility, and constant vehemence and irascibility ^^ were the most prominent fea- tures of the Athenian character ^. But as the de- sire to sit in judgment was the mere love of go- verning in intense operation, the Ecclesiasts in 35 Bcickh, Pub. Econ. 1. 252. 56 This is glanced at by Aristoph. Ran. 1016 : fii}T dyopaiovg, nrjTt KofidXovg, uKTirep vvi', fitj^k iravovpyovg. Herewith comp. Vesp. 1424. TTpaynaroStiPng, and 1468 the aTpi^llohKO'7^avovpyia. *7 Uepi ovov (TKtdg, Aristoph. Vesp. 191 ; Xenophon (?) de Repub. Ath. 3. 2. 6. 7 ; comp. Suidas, vTrep ovov and ovoi;. M Xenoph. de Repub. Ath. 1. 16. 17. ** Isocrat. de Permutatione 545 : — ry iroXn toXXAkiq ovrug rjdr} UtTffisXijfft ToJv Kpi Antig. 726, sqq. Especially : IloXif yap oi'K ta9' ring avtpog hff Ivog. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 205 Athenians to allow the former to allude to real misfortunes by their infliction of a fine on Phryni- chus, because he had represented the destruction of Miletus by the Persians, and thereby painfully affected the Athenians as though the? calamity in question had happened to themselves''. On the other hand, the old comedy sprung from the wantonness and arrogance of the democracy of Megara, whence it was transferred to its lively neighbour, Athens 7^, the pubhc appointing comic poets, who were not only permitted, but expressly enjoined to level their satire against the wealthier classes ' ^ ; thus comedy became raised into a great political engine— a genial tribunal of public morals — which had grown out of real life, and, mingled with the hues of fancy, was the reflected image of its scenes ; or rather, a mirror, in which reality and its image were beheld in rapid alternation and suc- cession, and which, either borrowed the objects it exhibited from the real world, or direjcted its rays on the world, and so explained the true meaning of what was going forward on the stage. The dim warnings of the mysterious power of Fate in tragedy, were little adapted to produce any deep impression on the popular mind, as none of the spectators found in the crimes or sorrows of the kings and heroes any thing apphcable to his own position ; but the aim of comedy, as explained by Aristophanes, was to make men better in the state '% »» Herod. 6.21. ^' See Meineke, Quaest. Scenic. Spec. Prim. p. 4. Berol. 1826. ■^3 See the Schol. Aristoph. ed. Kiister, p. 12. '< Aristoph. Ran. 1009. 1010 : — '6ti ^iKrlovg re troiovfuv Tovg dvOpuTTOvg kv rctig rroXtaiv, 206 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. to admonish and instruct adults ^^ and, in so doing, it was at liberty to take the boldest flights, not restricted to lampooning individuals ^^ However, the ancient comedy never lost sight of its original destination, which was to ridicule passing occur- rences (ef ajj,d^rj9 afccofifiaia), and this is the real root of the connection between the actors and the spectators. In order duly to estimate the political importance, as well as the aesthetic character of the old comedy, it must especially be borne in mind, that the plot of the piece by no means formed such an entire and connected whole, as completely to withdraw the attention of the spectators from the real world around, and confine it exclusively to the poetical world upon the stage, as the piece made constant allusions to the real transactions of civil life, to actual personages, events, dangers, virtues and vices, and by gathering its motley groups within some poetical frame, even though a mere piece of buf- foonery, it imparted to them dramatic keeping and consistence ; hence disturbing the illusion, by mix- ing up the spectators with the actors, which with us is justly considered a fault, was customary and admired amongst the Athenians. This was effected in three ways : 1. By allusions to, and glosses upon, objects of real life woven into the poetical dialogue. 2. By imitating the personal appearance of living '3 Aristoph. Ran. 1054: — toXq fitv yap iraiSapioiaiv tan StSdffKoXog, berrtg ^pa^et • Totg d' i)(3wv rdiffi ueyiarotc I'ttiyhph. Comp. Vesp. 1030. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 207 characters, and sometimes by introducing them into pieces under their real nanres. 3. And most effectually by the parabasis, an ad- dress from the chorus to the spectators, in which the connection with the drama was only kept up by means of the mask, and the poetical character assigned to the chorus in the piece, whilst the latter discoursed on some object of political life ^\ in reference to which it instructed, admonished, or censured the citizens, and thereby endeavoured to per- form its vocation, viz., to inculcate principles beneficial to the state 7«. The masterpiece amongst all the parabases extant, is that in the Frogs of Aristophanes ^^ and it is, perhaps, partly owing to this that that piece was represented twice successively^'. The preceding characteristics are exhibited in eminent perfection in the old comedy alone, which began before the Peloponnesian war, and continued to flourish some time after it had terminated. The most renowned poets of this period were Cratinus, Eupohs, Plato, Pherecrates, and Aristophanes; Crates, Hermippus, Phrynichus, etc. «^ belonged to the second rank. In consequence of the very scanty fragments of the works of the others which " Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 733: imdre k^ovXero 6 7roitiTv€ SiaXexenvai re c4w Tr]Q viroOtatutQ avtv rutv viroKpiTdv. The parabasis was likewise at- tempted in tragedy ; Euripides made the chorus in the: Danaides speak of himself, and introduced parabases in other pieces, Pollux. 4. 111. On the arrangements of the stage, etc., consult Hermann, Elem. Doctr. Metr. 720, sqq. '8 Xpr]aTd Ty ttoXh ^vfnrapaiviiv, Aristoph. Ran. 6«5 : compare in par- ticular Acharn. 656, sqq. *^ *^ '^ Aristoph. Ran. 686, sqq. fo Ovro* h i9avfid(T9n Cid rriv tv avrtf 7rapd(ia» »» INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. $ 64. 209 lesson, the censure in question not being directed against the omission of a public duty or oMigation. Still these topics were sometimes touched upon mcidentally, as the vices of the persons satirised were seldom found alone. Thus Aristophanes ridi- cules Epicrates, who prided himself upon his comely beard, and was therefore called the shield-bearer {aaKea4,6po,) «> ; Amynias the dicer « ; the dissipated iEschines"' and Proxenides»9; Pisander the coward with the daring aspect s"; Calhas the prodigal"' whose courage was very suspicious, notwithstand- ing the hon's-skin which he wore ^, and who had previously been attacked by Eupolis in the Flat- terers"'; the impoverished spendthrift Megacles the descendant of the proud Coisyra**, and a host of infamous drunkards"' and debauchees besides »«. Still more unsparing is the castigation which he inflicts upon the voluptuous and the unchaste. Such were Cleonymus, who, though of heroic presence ^ had disgraced himself by throw- ing away his shield "», had committed perjury » and cajoled the people •«>; the beardless and inconti- 2 Vesp. 75 ; corap. 1267. 1278. ' * *« Vesp. 338.457. 1220. » Vesp. 338. *> Pac. 395 ; Av. 1559. fea'Uls"f4o^";,lT'^ '"'^ *^*" «^* *°^ *^^^"^»^ '^^ » bi«i does its f Ran. 428. m g-u-i . ««« " Acharn. 614. Comp. Nub. 46. 70. 124. ^^' »' Vesp. 1301. 1302. ^ovjpoff Artemon. the va^^dvnpoe Pauson, and Lvsistratuf yA '^ ova^of, (comp. Vesp. 788.) etc. i-ysistratus XoXapyButv ^ Vesp. 822, xaXeTTbs i$tXv. ^J Ve.p. 19. Conf. Aves, 1481. 1482^ Pac. 446. 673 ; Achara. 88 ; Nub. ''^ Vesp. 592. he is called KoXaKiivvfio^, ' ' ▼OL. II. ill i i t if .■I : ii i' ,102. 210 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. nent Clisthenes^^*; the grossly lustful Ariphrades Hieronymus '^^ Philoxenus '•^, Amynias^^, Sebi- nus'^, and a number of other cinaedi, whose names may be recognised in the Clouds by their feminine terminations ^^^ To these may be added th^ obscene, such as Cinesias ^^ at the mention of whose name the people were probably reminded of the hme-plank which, in consequence of his ex- cessive thinness, he was obhged to wear within his girdle to support himself ^^^ and, lastly, Agyr- rhius"^ who was moreover effeminate"' and mahgnant. If the comic muse animadverts upon enormities such as these, in accents which sometimes appear to be deficient in modesty and dignity, we must reflect that subjects, the bare mention of which shocks every feeUng of dehcacy and shame in our nature, were not conceived by the Athenian seri- ously or in a moral point of view, but merely addressed themselves to his perception of the ridi- culous. The same may be urged in vindicating Aristophanes from the charge of cruelty when he • »<» Eq. 1374 ; Acharn. 122 ; Nub. 354 ; Ran. 48. 423 ; Lysis. 1092. He is introduced in th? Thesmophoriazusae, 573, as ambassador to the women ; m the Birds, 831, he carries a weaver's shuttle. He and Cleonymus are, as it were, the representatives of effeminacy. »<» Equit. 1281, sqq. :— iffTi S' ov fiovov irovtjpoQ, ov yap ovd' av ^(rdofxriv ovSh irafiirovripoi: • dXKd Kai TrpoffeUvptiice ri ' rrjv yap avTOv yXoirrav alffXpc^^Q i'lSovaTg \vnaivtrai sv Kacravpioiai Xci'xwv rijv o.iro'rrTVffTov Spoffov, k. r. X. No less depraved was the character of Smoius, Eccles. 848 :^Td rwv yvvai- kCjv diaKavaipti rpvjSXt'a. »<» Nub. 348. *•* Vesp. 84. *<» Nub. 689, sqq. *°* Ran. 430. m Nub. 685 : AveriXXa, ^I'Xivva, KXccrayopa, Aij/iJ/rpta. »«8 Ran. 367: — icarartX^ tCjv 'Ecaratwv. Comp. the Schol. Ran. 53. 1437 ; Eccles. 330; Lysis. 855. •w Athen. 12. 551, E. "» Plut. 176 :—' Ayvppcof— Trtp^crat. »" Eccles. 102. 184. I INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 211 taunts persons with their bodily infirmities ; as, for instance, when he ridicules Archedemus''^ and Neo- clides ''' for being blear-eyed ; calls Melanthius a leper ^^*; jeers Ctesiphon about his fat belly ^^^ ; laughs at Cleigenes for his diminutive monkey figure "^ ; and introduces a great number of Athe- nians under the names of various birds, in the comedy of that name, classed according to their personal peculiarities and deformities "7. In the same manner Horace reproached Crispinus with being blear-eyed "«. This did not shock the feel- ings of the ancients. Moreover, those whom Ari- stophanes ridiculed on account of their personal in- firmities were, in most instances, likewise conspicu- ous for moral defects— as, for instance, Melanthius, who was notorious for effeminacy, gluttony, and un- natural lust, on which account he was attacked by Eupolis in the Flatterers ^^ — or had rendered themselves obnoxious to censure by pernicious demagogy or spurious citizenship, like Cleigenes ^^^ so that by holding up their personal blemishes to the laughter of the people, he at the same time reminded them of their moral and political taints. Thus, for instance, a certain Teleas is brought forward in the Birds, whose name^ was sufficient to call up an idea of every thing that was de- praved ^21. So perfect was the understanding be- '" Eccles. 254. '" Acharn. 1001. '" Ran. 588. "* Av. 151. "• Ran. 709, sqq. >" Av. 1292, sqq. Chserephon the owl, etc. , "* Sat. i. 1. 120, at which Bentley is so indignant that he changes livm into hppum, and makes Horace call himself blear-eyed, which iodeThe some ifo ^^\ 5"' **"^ '^ '^^ ™°''^1 <"eeling of modern tiroes. ^ Z f ^'^ • ^J"""- ^^' "" Schol. Ran. 709. Schol. Av. 167 :-,rp6e ydp ry Kivadiq, Kai hiXia Kai 6^od>ayia Kal p 2 fl Is ■| I 212 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. tween the poet and the spectators, that a single word frequently sufficed to propose a comic riddle, and at the same time to furnish its solution. His allusions to men who had obtained the franchise surreptitiously, and who demeaned them- selves as though they had been rightful citizens, are still more severe, and bear the character of serious reprehension ; such are his animadver- sions upon Archedemus, who, though he had held the citizenship seven years, was unable to bring forward a single phrator^^^ the parvenu Diitre- phes '^% Execestides the Carian ^^*, Spintharus the Phrygian and Philemon ^^^ but especially Cleo- phon, the son of a Thracian woman, a great talker, who was always prating about war ^"^. Moreover, his allusion to sycophants and men of faithless character, such as the smooth-tongued informer Cephisodemus and the false Euathlos'^, Theorus'^ the forsworn flatterer of the people, the per- jured and rapacious Simon ^^^ Euphemius ^^ and Thrasybulus, who, having been bribed, pretended to have a sore throat upon being called upon to speak at a public negociation with the Laconians^^^ Nor did perfidious soothsayers like Lampon, Dio- pithes, Hierocles, etc. "% escape the poet's censure, >« Ran. 418. >» Av. 798 :— iiQ ^urpt^iiQ ft levrivaXa fiovov e^wv TCTtpd, ypkOri »♦ Av. 765 and Schol. Comp. 11 and 1530. »=» A v. 762. 763. »* Ran. 678, sqq. Opyicia x«^»^«»'»'- According to the Scholion, the subject of a piece named after him by the comic poet Plato. See concerning him the following section. »" Acharn. 705. 710. According to the Schol. Vesp. 692, he had also been attacked by Cratinus and Plato. >» Nub. 399; Vesp. 42. 418; Acharn. 134. >» Nub. 351. 399. »* Vesp. 599. »i Ecclesias. 203. 356. and Schol. 13S Av. 988 ; Pac. 1044. and Schol. Even the answers of Bacis are men- tioned in derision. £q. 1003. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 213 Persons like these were more or less public characters ; but comedy took a bolder range when she assailed the demagogues who guided the helm of state, and sometime held pubHcj offices. The comic poets had already attacked Pericles, and with the greater impunity, as he was too conscious of the proud height upon which he stood to grudge the demus a vent for any ill-will it might occasion- ally bear him. Several satirical allusions to his omnipotence, by Cratinus, one of the eulogists of Cimon ''\ Teleclides, Hermippus, and Eupolis, are extant ; he is apostrophized as Zeus '^, Aspasia as Here, Omphale, or Deianira, but at the same time as a courtesan ^3^; his sons are addressed as sim- pletons ^^, in addition to which the one by Aspasia is called a bastard ^^7. his friends are named Pisis- tratids ^^ ; the slowness with which the construc- tion of the walls and the Odeum proceeded was also the object of their ridicule ^^9. and lastly, the policy of Pericles in avoiding a battle upon the »» Plut. Cim. 10. «f p1 ?';**'°"^ = ^°y. '^ ZcS Khu Kai iioK&pu. Alluding to the large head Plut. Pencl. 3. ibid, o (Txcvo«0aXoc Ze{,g, Plut. 14. The same thouffht once more recurs m Aristoph. Acharn. 530 : -> mpe«XI„c oiXtJux.oc. Iel alS Pericles"!''"^"" 'I ^«- , ^^Pp'-' ^-fessi'ou o?the irre'listibie naTur: ^f Pericles eloquence ; from the A^/iot^ after the death of Pericles. Comn. Meineke, Qua^stionum Scenicarum, p. 48. Teleclides (the contemporary Sf Aristophanes. Schol. Ran 1126; Attien. 6. 267. E. sqq\) enumerated to^t he Athenians m succession the constituents of that power which they had con- ceded to Pericles : ■' TToXewv re iXoK\. : ig rovrovg rovg — Ovxi irpodwffio tov 'AOijvaicjv KoXoavpToUt dWa uaxovuai nepi tov TrXiiOong dei, >« Eccles. 303. »^6 Concerning the former, see Equit. 129. with the Schol. and 254 ; on the latter Equit. 132. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 215 The more conscious this man was of his own baseness, the more impatient he was of censure ; nevertheless, he was obliged to endure the most humiliating flagellation from the comic muse in the Babylonians '*% and afl:erwaxds in the Knights, his dog-like effrontery, his sycophantic snarling and barking '^, and his greediness for a bribe '^, are held up to the laughter of the people, who are at the same time compelled to witness a mortifying picture of their own folly, in resigning themselves to the guidance of so abandoned a wretch. Even after the representation of the Knights Aristophanes repeats his attacks ; in the Clouds he again brings the god-detested tanner ^^ upon the stage ; in the Wasps he is made to play the part of an all-devoiu*- ing sea-monster^^'; after his death his vices are once more chronicled in the Peace ^^" ; and lastly in the Frogs he and his worthy compcier, Hyperbolus, are introduced together in Hades ^^\ Aristophanes well knew the peril he encountered in entering the arena with this malicious, covetous, and san- guinary idol of the populace, and accordingly speaks of his own services with that absence of reserve which was peculiar to the Greeks in enu- merating their own merits '^\ and it must be con- '*7 Schol. Acharn. 386. '" Equit. 1022. Cleon says to the demus : tyw fikv tip.' 6 KViov ' TTpb ffov ydp d'Trvto. Comp. Vesp. 596: o KXeojv 6 KtKpaKiCdpag. '*• Eq. 831, sqq., allusion is made to forty minae which are said to have been received from Mitylene, but this is mere satire ( see Meier, de Bon. Damnat. p. 115); Cleon had received money from the islanders, that he might reduce their tributes. '«> Nub. 557. '*' Vesp. 35 : <})dXaiva vavSoKtitTpia. Conf. 1030, sqq. '^^ Pac. 648, sqq. : Travovpyog, XdXog, fioTVTriK6g, xal aaT)Q, Kai KpovariKog, KaraXtiTTTiKog t dpiara tov 6opvl3rfTueov, '60 See Citat. Fabric. Bib. Gr. ed. Harl. 2. 369. '" Av. 639, fiiWoviKi^v, I ■ INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. $ 64. 217 of Pericles, and yet Aristophanes did not attack him. Alcibiades is rarely mentioned, and in the Frogs the poet appears to speak of him in terms of respect, as a man, a general, and a statesman. We may look upon the words of iEschylus in the Frogs '^ : 'Twere better not to nourish in the state A lion's whelp — yet should one so be nourished His disposition must be yielded to — as proceeding from Aristophanes* inmost soul. At that time he well knew that no one could protect the state against the designs of the crafty Lysander so effectually as Alcibiades ; thoug:h twenty years earlier he had in the Daetaleis '^^ stigmatized with becoming severity his incontinence, pernicious so- phistry, youthful wilfulness and turbulence, aris- tocratic pride, and passion for horses, whilst the same original may be clearly recognized in the prodigal Phidippides in the Clouds '^. Nor was the poet idle during the last years of the war, when the cabals of a party had subverted the democracy for a time, and when even after its re-establishment, the stormy passions of the people forbade all hopes of the return of tranquillity and order ; to this period belong the Lysistrata, Thes- mophoriazusae, and the Frogs. The Thesmopho- riazusae was represented dimng the Oligarchy 165 '« Ran. U31. 1432. '" See the Fragm. in Seidler, Brevis Disputatio de Aristophanis Fragmentis. Hal. 1818 ; comp. Suvern on the Clouds of Aristophines. Berl. 1826, p. 26, s«jq., and ibid, on the allusions to the lasciviousness and sexual vigour of Al- cibiades ubi sup. 63, sqq. •«* See Silvern on the Clouds of Aristophanes, Berl. 1826, p. 33, sqq. Weuher is he spoken of ia creditable terms in the Acharn. 716 : biTiog av y i ••• ••• ••• ••• ''o*C vtoitTi S' ivovirpioKTOQ, Kai \d\oQ, XV KXeti/tov. •*- Under the archon Callias (Argum. Lysistr. et Schol. 173) ; the oli- •rr ,^^ »«Rn -U-» ■ 218 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. and at the very time that the partisans of the de- mocracy were judicially murdered and privately as- sassinated, Aristophanes ceased not to stigmatize the authors of these calamities ; thus he reproaches the Buleutae before the Oligarchy with having suf- fered the last to supplant them '^. In the Frogs allusion is made to the equivocal and time-serving character of Theramenes ^^% and he wishes that the half-citizen Cleophon, alluded to above with his interminable prate about war ^^, was in Hades ^^ ; whilst the admiral Adimantus, who soon afterwards acted a very suspicious part in the disastrous battle of i^gos Potamoi, is described as a man whose death every one was bound to pray for ^'^^. Whilst condemning the destructive proceedings of the demagogues generally, he is especially loud in his complaints of their corruptness and frequent peculations ; that is to say, he either openly and ex- pressly accused the demagogues or corrupt officers, or brought characters upon -the stage in such situations as sufficiently explained to the Athenians what and whom he meant; concerning these the Scholia contain ample information ^^\ In fact, the effrontery with which these men plundered the pub- lic treasure was only equalled by the flagrant vio- lation of all morality and decency exhibited in garchy was overthrown under his successor Theopompus (Ps. Plut. Vit. Decern Orator. Antiph. 9. 313). »«« Thesmoph. 808. The address to Pallas, Thesmoph. 1143, is also evi- dently levelled at the oligarchs : ^ dvTi9' b) Tvpavvovg arvyovff, uairtp tiKog. ><" Ran. 539. 540. '*^ See n. 126. >w Ran. 1504, sqq. . "0 Ran. 1513. We are informed in the Scholia, that Adimantus likewise suffered from the satire of Eupolis and Plato. "» Eccles.205: rd Syfioffia yap /iiffOo^opoDirtg xpityLora iSiq. (TKOireiO 'UaaroQ, o ri rig KipdavtX. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. 5, 64. «19 their lives. To the delinquents already enume- rated, we may add Pisander '^% Pamphilus '^% Neoclides *^* ; the Eicostologus Thorycion, who furnished stores for the enemy's ships ^^^ ; Pry- tanes who accepted bribes for bringing forward pubhc matters ^^^, etc. That the superior officers were not exempt from his censure, is evident from the example of Lamachus, whose love of war when Strategus Aristophanes represents as one of the main ob- stacles to the restoration of peace *^' ; he at the same time directs public attention to the amount of his debts ^^^ However, we must not interpret his sa- tirical attacks upon Lamachus toc» literally, as the poet undoubtedly esteemed him as a brave sol- dier ^^^, He likewise speaks in terms of commen- dation of the valiant admiral Phormio ^. But most remarkable, and, at the same time, most important in their results, were the boldness and freedom with which Aristophanes proclaimed the perverseness and corruption of the omnipotent demus. In this spirit he proposed to purify and strengthen the citizenship, by expelling from it all worthless characters, and supplying their places with the more deserving amongst the new citi- zens ^^\ During the eventful period which imme- diately preceded the disaster of JEgos Potamoi, he complains of the undue preference shown to the after-comers ^°% to the prejudice of the Kalokaga- "2 Lysistr. 490. 'W Plut. 174 ; conf. Schol. "* Plut. 665, with the Schol. »'* Ran. 363 ; conf. Schol. >76 Pac. 907 ; conf. Thesmoph. 937. "7 Acharn. 269. 572, sqq. ; Fac. 472. '7« Acharn. 614. '79 Acharn. 1188: Ran. 1039. *^ Kquit. 562 ; Lysistr. 804. Me is classed with Myronides as a fitXa/i- TTvyog, "' Lysistr. 574, sqq. "'*'» Ran. 718, sqq. k iM^fi 220 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. thoi, and proposes that those persons should be reinstated in their full rights who had been de- prived of them because they had taken part in the Oligarchy *^\ On the other hand, he extols the virtue of the men of Marathon ^®*, who, he says, were no talkers, and at the same time censures the ready volubility of the subsequent demagogues, and the easy credulity of the demus ^^. All this was chiefly confined to the character and sentiments of the multitude ; but now the collective people, the popular assembly, as the depository of the supreme power, became the butt of his satire ; he deprecates the frequency of its meetings ^^, which was a consequence of the measure of Agyrrhius for raising the salary of the ecclesiasts from one to three obols, the foolish manner in which they demeaned themselves ^®^, and their indulgence in invective and abuse ^^. Eupolis had previously ridiculed the Athenian Dysbulia^^, and Aristo- phanes*^ declares that, according to an ancient saying, the assembly was accustomed to see all its foolish decrees turn out well; at the same time, he blames its love of innovation *^*, its subservience to the demagogues ^^^ its avidity for their flattery *^% and the favour it showed to bad men *^*. This is sometimes coupled with the advice, that the peo- 221 »«» Ran. 685. •8« Acharn. 180. 181 ; Equit 665, »qq. ; Vesp. 1071, sqq. >» Vesp. 1094. »M Eccles. 183. w See above, n. 36 ; also, Equit. 651 ; ot S' dvtKpoTTiaav Kai irpbg tji tKixyvioav, "« Eccles. 142 ; Kai XoiSopoUvTai y' iaOTTtp IfiirtirutKortg. >» See above, n. 46. '» Eccles. 473, sqq. «»' Eccles. 456. 680 ; ^ fiKTovai yap, ?/v rd iraXaid iroWaKig OfiUvTai. Conf. 586. 587, and Acharn. 630 — Iv 'AOnvaioig TaxvfiovXoig, «»« See in particular, Equit. 1097, sqq. '^^ Acharn. 635. «w Ran. 1454, sqq. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. pie should choose fresh leaders '^. Athens is re- proached by the Acharnians with having occasioned the Peloponnesian war by her brickerings with Megara '^. Innumerable complaints of the military profession and the plan of operations are contained in the Peace, whilst advice as to the best mode of carrying on the war and administering the public revenue, is given in the Frogs '^, and put in satiri- cal contrast with the measures actually adopted. However, he speaks of the Spartans in by no means favourable terms '^ ; but on the other hand, in one of the wildest flights of comic ridicule, he gives utterance to the exalting thought of a common Grecian nationality ^^. Nor are his strictures less severe on the manner in which the people discharged their judicial duties as Heliasts. This is especially beheld in the Wasps, the object of which was to depict their inordinate love of acting as judges, promoted, as it was, by the covetousness and chicanery of the litigants ^, the angry violence of the judges which is admira' bly represented in the mask of the Wasps "^^ ; while the Clouds displays a picture of the mischiev- ous power of the sycophants and brawlers, which is embodied in the speech of Adicseologus ^% etc. With these evidences of moral and political ^f:::U6tltl «•• Acharn. 509, «iq.,coinp.Pac. 603, sqq. »»» Pac. 623, ai^ 1 ^ 111. I:. I 222 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. earnestness of purpose and fearless sincerity before us, can we for a moment question the vast im- portance of the ancient comedy, as tlie voluntary auxiliary of the state, in the task of watching over the laws and the public morals, and as a candid and rigorous censorship, which dealt out with an even hand their just measure of censure to high and low. But in considering the extensive power of such an engine, we are naturally led to make the following enquiries : 1. When the comic poet attacked an individual, by falsely accusing him of contravening the laws, were not the people and the authorities provoked to bring the offender to justice ? 2. Did not the powerful demagogues endeavour to revenge themselves on the poets ; or did not the parties whom they had accused, and who hoped to be able to vindicate their con- duct, call them to account as calumniators ? 3. Did not the state restrain or abridge the comic license, when it witnessed individuals and the community at large grossly maligned, and even saw that the gods themselves were not exempt from their presumptuous attacks ? or was not the audacious comic poet repri- manded, when the tragedian Phrynichus had been fined for too deeply affecting the feel- ings of the Athenians ? The collection of facts for enabling us to an- swer these questions is very limited, and the state- ments of some of the ancients have given rise to misapprehension on the subject. That the denunciations of the comedy were not without effect, would appear to result from the INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. ^ 64. 223 accounts that the knights compelled Cleon to pay a fine of five talents ^^^ probably shortly after the representation of the Babylonians. But we are not accurately informed what official body instituted proceedings upon the occasion. In forming an estimate of the effects calculated to arise from the accusations of the comic poets, we must reflect, that as there were very few cases in which the Athenian state was entitled to commence legal pro- ceedings against an offender itself, it was necessary to find a citizen who should appear as public pro- secutor, but that no immediate steps could be taken by the tribunals, in consequence of any thing that might have fallen from the poet^^. More^ over, to many of the persons whom he denounced, punishment had already been avyrarded in due course of law, to which the flagellation in the comedy was a sort of supplemental process, whilst a number of the charges enumerated above, such as those connected with demagogy— except that, perhaps, termed " betraying the demus ^," did not fall under those classes of offences for which the laws had made determinate provision, as the pro- secutor was required to ground his accusation on some distinct and substantive fact. Now it may, indeed, be urged, that such was the alarming height »' Aristoph. Acharn. 6. 7, and Schol. This circumstance is also alluded to in the speech of the demus, Equit. 1145; TTipCJ yao iKOKfTor' av- Tovg, ovok doK&v bpav, KKiTTTOvraQ' itrtir avay- Kci^tii TrdXiv t^ffieXv Utt av KtKXo^utffi fiov Ktjfibv Kara/iijXtDv. »* The statement in Plut. Pericl. 32 ; 'Xviraaia Uttiv ti^tvyiv amfitiaQ, EpfiiTTTrov rov Ku}ftfi>doTroiov Simkovtoq, refers to a regular prosecution. *** Ppafri dirarriirnai rov drjfiov, related to the adixia npbg rbv Srjfiov, ii' \ ni 224 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. which sycophancy had reached in the time of Aris- tophanes, that a word was sufficient to supply materials for its rancour and malevolence ; but so far was the comedy from affording any support to this hateful system, that it uniformly pursued it with the most relentless severity. However, the fine imposed upon Cleon, compared with what Callias and others were condemned to pay, would appear to have been inflicted by the people more in jest than in earnest. With regard to the vengeance of those powerfiil demagogues, whom the comic poets ventured to attack, Cleon is asserted to have insinuated that Aristophanes had spoken disparagingly of the de- mus*^; but there is no evidence that he ever formally accused him of the offence ; in the Achar- nians, Aristophanes vindicates himself from the calumnious insinuations of Cleon, by declaring, that he had never failed in the respect he owed the demus ^. The slanderous aspersion or accu- sation in question, must have followed close upon the representation of the Babylonians "^ ; for Cleon seems to have remained quiet after the per- formance of the Knights. It is likewise asserted, that Eupolis was drowned by Alcibiades *°^, whom he had ridiculed in the Baptae. Eratosthenes, *» Aristoph. Acharn. 379. iiffi\KV^'»^'» doubts as to the law in the note o» ! li I i VOL. II, 226 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. existed, it cannot have been very strictly observed. The Areopagus, however, appears to have enjoyed exemption from the comic satire, and upon the same principle the Areopagites were forbidden to write comedies ^^'^. Finally, it is stated that the exhibition of comedies was prohibited as early as the archonship of Merychides, Ol. 85. 1 ; 440. B. C, but this law having been repealed soon after- wards, 01. 85. 4, it was once more forbidden to render individuals the objects of ridicule by name or personal imitation *^^. Antimachus, the rival of Aristophanes, is said to have been the author of this statute, but its date is uncertain. It was remarked above ^^^ that Aristophanes did not desist from his attacks, even during the oligarchy; but under the domination of the Thirty, the comic poets were probably held in check through fear, though perhaps unrestrained by any positive law ; they subsequently resumed their wonted freedom of speech, of which they do not appear to have been deprived by any express enactment, till at length the parabasis, the soul of the old comedy, was suppressed, and the chorus omitted, in conse- quence of the poverty which began to pervade all ranks of the community ^^^. It was not till Athens was occupied by Macedonian garrisons that a final stop was put to the practice of attacking individuals in the dialogue, and exhibiting likenesses of them on the masks ^^\ In conclusion, it may be observed of the free- «»» See note 158. 2" Plut. de Gloria Athen. 348. B. Frankfort. =" Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 67 and 1149. *** See Platon. Praef. Aristoph. ed. Kiister, p. xi. ^' Ibid. See below, append. IV., where all the accounts on the subject are collected. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 227 dom of comedy upon the whole, that it produced no serious impression whatever upon the minds of the spectators, that it had from it s earhest origin en- joyed a sort of privilege and licence to attack indi- viduals under cover of the mask, and that the pre- dilection of the Athenians for this sort of harsh and cutting satire continued undiminished as long as they retained their prosperity and independence ; but, as on the one side no serious evils were sup- posed to result from it, so on the other it could sel- dom become the effective medium of sound advice or salutary reproof- This is the only manner in which It is possible to account for the levity with which the gods are spoken of in the Frogs ^' ; but it was a very different case with tragedy— when Euripides was prosecuted because he had spoken of the oath with seeming irreverence"*. Still the Athenians were unwilling to experience real emo- tion by witnessing the representation of recent cala- mities or the sorrows of Greeks with whom they were upon terms of friendship. bb. The Demagogues, and the changes which the Athenian Democracy underwent during the Pelo- ponnesian War. § 65. To complete the foregoing picture, it is necessary to subjoin a sketch of the character and proceedings of the several popular leaders, who amidst the vicissitudes of peace and war, influ- ,.= .//J"""' concur in the opinion of Kanngie*«r as to the benefits whiph res^tedfro™ the censure of the comic poets. (\om. Buhne,47l sqq See Aristoph. R^het sHs!'^'*"^'' * ** ^'"' ^'"''"'""■ «3 It .l^ 228 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. enced the destinies of Athens. Most of the per- sons who attained distinction a short time before, as well as during and after the war, are known to us from the portraits of them transmitted by the comic poets; some are not of sufficient impor- tance to require special attention, and history is unacquainted with others beyond the particulars respecting them which occur in comedy and its commentators. But before we revert to those who demand a second mention, a few words must be premised concerning those patriotic heroes who, regardless of the machinations of domestic factions, dedicated themselves to the performance of their official duties, as Strategi, and overlooking the un- worthiness of those for whom they fought, exposed their Hves in defence of their country with the devotedness and intrepidity of martyrs. Their deeds recal the conduct of the high-minded My- ronides \ Such were the brave, skilful, and for- tunate naval hero Phormio^ who fully deserves the place assigned to him by Aristophanes ' at the side of Myronides ; Lamachus, who, notwithstand- ing the loud and boisterous words in which his martial feeling expressed itself, and his military pomp of armour and crest ^ was a brave man, and disdained to pervert his office to the object of en- riching himself 5 ; the enterprising Paches ^ who, upon being caught in the snares of sycophants upon his return from Mitylene and the neighbour- ing coast, drew his sword and killed himself in * See § 57. n. 92, sqq. » See Thucyd. 1. 64, sqq., especially 2. 80, sqq. > Anstoph. Pac. 801, sqq. ' 4 Aristoph. Acharn. 566. « He was so poor that his coat and shoes foimed items in the accounts of »»" disbursements. Plut. Praecept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 272. ^^^'^'""^^ ""^ INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 229 the presence of his judges- Demosthenes, capa- ble of vast entei-prisesB, formed to gain the hearts of nations ^ and who, though not formally invested with the command, perfoimed great actions ^« • Hip- pocmtes and Eurymedon, his companions in arms, the former commander of the fleet in the expedi- tion to Boeotia -, which ended in the disaster of Dehum, and the latter admiral upon several occa- sions in the Ionian and Sicihan seas- and at length commander of the auxihary fleet to Sicily and involved in the same destruction with Demos' thenes, through the impolitic operations of Nicias ^^• and, lastly, at the conclusion of the war, Conon' whose fidelity and caution presented an honour-' able contrast to the imbecility or treachery of his fellow-commanders at ^gos Potamoi, whilst his activity after the war was no less conspicuous 111 his efforts to restore the shattered power of his country. The history of the demagogues who arose after the death of Pericles ", exhibits a political division and opposition of parties {d.rc^oXlre.a) indeed, but without the substantial difference which once pre- vailed between aristocrats and democrats ; in lieu of tins we behold arrayed against each other the nends of legality and order on the one side, and the base flatterers of the populace, the brawlers and disturbers of the public peace, on the other. JPlul.Nic.6. 'Thucyd. 3. 91, son 'on",°'"T? '"'* -^'I'arnians see Thucycl. 7. 57. ^'' » 1 hucyd. 4. 2 sqq., the fortification of Pylos. " rhucyd. 7. 42, sqq. 'uucya. ». z. a»d^?bSed intTsi.e"o;a? G;?oT'S'''"hf'',f*i:'* '" '''^ «"'■"- ^upus, l-le information concerning he « rio^ afi' ,7,^f\ ^""'"- ""'^ contains an,- particuiars on the suhject^in tiT.::^t.i:t,^illr.:iZi::[7^tir 41 230 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Again, the wealthy class '^ and the luxurious and inquisitive mob, with its rapacious leaders. To these we may add, a newly-constituted oligarchical faction, which arose towards the end of the war and had nothing in common with the partisans of the ancient aristocracy, opposed to the bulk of the j)eople, who were passionate adherents of the democracy ; — among the last there were many true and upright patriots. CLEON AND NICIAS. After the death of Pericles, Lysicles, the dealer in sheep, who had married Aspasia, and Eucrates the flax-seller ^^ became rival candidates for the popular favour; but their short career was not marked by any event of moment. Hereupon Cleon the leather-seller '^, and the wealthy Nicias, became for several years the most prominent cha- racters on the poHtical stage. Cleon '^ had already exerted himself to stir up the multitude against Pericles in the latter part of that great man's life '^ ; but after his death he em- ployed all his clamour, turbulence, and audacity -^ to inflame the evil passions of the populace, and pursued his rival Nicias and the moderate party with undaunted effrontery ^\ and implacable fero- >* Aristoph. Equit. 224. 225. '* See the preceding section, n. 140. " Bvp^°^^«<^^» -' i -™c lis^ope r.f.i,, .applied by Plut. i 238 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. by its application to Hyperbolus should from that time forth be abolished ^\ Somewhat similar to the relation of Hyperbolus to Cleon, was that of Calhas, the son of Hipponi- cus, to Nicias. Of ample fortune, sprung from a noble family ^^, but wholly destitute of useful ac- complishments, he was notorious for low de- bauchery; surrounded by parasites whom the ex- travagance with which he wasted his patrimony had drawn together, he was regarded with con- tempt by all good men^, without even being re- spected by the multitude. To the wealthy class and the party opposed to Hyperbolus belonged Phaeax ; his birth was noble, and though rather remarkable for loquacity than rhetorical art^^, he nevertheless had address enough to extricate himself from several dangerous con- tests ^. His career was short ^^. But the man who far outstripped all competitors was Alcibiades, the son of Clinias. In him were united two remarkable characteristics of the times, the arts of the sophists, and the doctrines of So- crates. Alcibiades is the representative of that age in which wisdom strove for the last time to obtain the direction of political affairs, but being worsted in the conflict with a generation nurtured in the artifices of the sophists, withdrew from pub- ** Plut. ubi sup. ; Aristid. 7. Conf. Thucyd. 8. 75, where his death during the Samian tumults is related. « Palmer exercitatt. 754 ; Clavier, sur la Famille de Callias, in the M^m. del'Instit. class, d'hist. t. 3; Heindorf, ad Plat. Protag. 409 i Bockb, Pub. £con. 2. 14, sqq., etc. ^ See very copious references in Meineke, Quaest. Seen. 51, sqq. *' XaXcIv dpiVTog, ddwarioraTog \kyiiv. Eupolis ap. Plut. Nic. 13 ; comp. Arist. Eq. 1377, sqq. »» Schol. Aristoph. Equit. 1388. ^* Comp. also on the subject of the relations between Phaeax and Andocides, Ruhnken Hist. Orat. Graec. (ante RuU Lup.) XLVII. seq. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. | 65. 239 lie life, and retired into the halls of the schools Socrates, decidedly hostile to that superficial in- stmction which the sophists communicated to the Athenian youth in lieu of solid knowledge was notwithstanding the repeated victories he had gained over them by means of his superiority in their own arts, unable to counteract that influence which they exercised over the minds of the youthful Athenians, who pursued with avidity those out- ward and specious accomplishments which were cal- culated to secure them an ascendant over the mul- titude. By applying their arts to the objects of political life, they gained vast numbers of adhe- rents, and rendered their opinions and principles shook off the irksome discipline of Socrates, the former proving recreant to his master's lessons and the latter becoming his personal enemy. Deinomache the mother of Alcibiades was de- scended from the house of Clisthenes and Me^a- cles the Alcmaeonids-; his father Clinias had sent a tnreme and two hundred men at his own !x pense to the battle of Salamis - ; he was killed at Coronea, Ol. 83. 2 ; 447. B. C- Alcibiade and del" "lis "7 ^"""^ ^* '^^ «- of h"s death . Alcibiades- first appearance in public life cannot exactly be determined ; he seems to havt g ven indications of luxury and perverseness when still a youth, and a portrait of his charact^ k supposed to be given in the D.taleis of Arf! " H^ro*'^?',?." ^"""' '" ^-"" «.?«- K-J". 302. «,,. ** Plato Protatr qon a v ^^^to, Alcib. 1. 112. B. t 240 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. stophanes ^^ ; still even at that early period he had distinguished himself at the side of Socrates in the battle of Potidaea^; when a young man he is enumerated amongst the evpinrpeoKToc and praters in the Acharnians of Aristophanes, 01. 88. 3 ; 426. B. C ^. ; he fought with distinction in the battle of Delium, 01. 89. 1, and preserved the life of Socrates, who had previously saved his at the battle of Potidaea^^ . ^^^ first occasion upon which he influenced a popular decree was when the tributes of the allies were raised, a short time be- fore Ol. 89. 3 ^ ; but we behold him with the full power and influence of a demagogue, Olymp. 90. 1 ; 420. B. C, in the twelfth year of the war, when he employed all his efforts to bring about an alliance between Athens and Argos, and to annul the peace which Nicias had effected with Sparta ^. The relation in which Alcibiades stood to the people, as well as the formation of his political character, must be referred to his boyhood. Even in infancy he attracted universal attention, as the descendant of one of the oldest and most illus- trious houses, whose ancient aristocratic qualities the demus still regarded with a sort of venera- tion ^^ as the heir to immense wealth ^\ and, what was not his least distinction in the eyes of the Athenians, as a faultless model of beauty ^^ ; Peri- «* Silvern on the Clouds of Aristophanes, 38. ** Plut. Alcibiad. 7 ; Isocrat. de Bigis, 615. «« Anstoph. Acharn. 716. « Plut. Alcib. 7 ; Plat. Sympos. 219. E. sqq. «?hSc5d.'uts^r '•"''■ »Thucyd.5.43,s<,<,. 17'Lf ""■ ^" "• ^- '**' ^'""- *''"»• "; ""P- Bockh.Pub. EcoD. 2. 7» Plut. Alcib. 1. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. ^ 65. 241 cles his guardian", and Socrates, strove in vain to eradicate from his mind the baneful germ of evil passions whose growth was but too vigorously promoted by the Wind love of the demus"; he soon discovered his sensual propensities and his tendency to sophistical subtilty. The latter quality IS attested by the discourse which he held with Pericles on the laws", before he was twenty years of age, and the advice which he is reputed to have given that statesman as to passing his accounts'*. Conscious of possessing distinguislied quahties both of body and mind, immense wealth and unbounded popularity, he felt unlimited confidence in his own powers, and in expressing this feehng without any reserve", he merely acted in conformity to the common practice of the Greeks in general, in enumeratmg their own merits without blushing but he exhibited a haughtiness of bearing and a love of outrage such as Athens had never before beheld. Though he was pliant and cringing to the people at large, he treated individuals of all ranks of society with unheard of insolence '« ; those whom he insulted seldom ventured to seek redress lest they should suffer still more from the effects of his vengeance ; he is a complete personification of the arrogance and love of outrage which characterized '3 Plato, Protag. 320. A. «4'e^^,:„^i*tTh'iiVa'ie^^^^^^^^^^ "*« ^'-^^des, though without 4 from philosopby"pra"! Re;:".?. 49^ """"''*' """ '"'^' "'^ '"'■"- '* Xenoph. Mem. 1. 2. 40, son. 7? ?^'- ^'"^j?- ^ ' ^«"^^- 23 ; Diod. 12. 38. ^ inucyd. 6. 16, sqq. Amongst other things ; oiSk vf iWtrn« W i fisya j^po^^ovvra ^^ i^ov dval Plato, Aldb 1 10^4 A ^iif.' T^ Ps. Andoc. adv. Alcib. 119: SlQooovc idv {,uac icoX««/,..« " x' comp.Th„v6.Y,tand':i:if^TpiirAi;rb'5T"?*.re^^ VOL. II. « li hii 'I I 242 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. his native city, and in falling in with the tastes and feelings of the multitude, his object was to gain the chief power in the state, not with a view to develope and augment its resources, but that he might break the laws with the greater impunity. Pericles feared shame alone, Alcibiades blushed at nothing ; the former endeavoured to render his au- thority an emblem of the wisdom and strength of the law, the conduct of the latter was one tissue of illegal acts ; the aspect of the one expressed the gravity and serenity of the law, the other marked his real profligacy beneath the bland smiles of the de- magogue ; the one displayed the dignity, confidence, and kindness of a king, the other the intrigue, craft, and cruelty of a tyrant ^9. His largesses were designed to impart lustre to his demagogy; the whole of Greece gazed with admiration at the seven chariots which he sent to the Olympic games «^ and loudly applauded the munificence of the victor, who feasted all the spectators at his own expense «\ ,The vigour of his constitution enabled hrni to indulge without restraint the amor- ous propensities of his nature, and in drinking and wresthng he found few competitors ^% The feelings of the people towards him at the commencement of his career, may be collected from their endeavours to catch a quail which had escaped from him — a proceeding that reminds us of the dissolution of the assembly, on account of the ToifQ fitv \6yovQ Srffiaytoyov, rci S' '9 Ps. Andoc. adv. Alcib. 126: - (pyci rvpdvvov irapkxtav, ^ Thucyd.6. 16; Plut.Alcib.il. 8« Athen. 1. 3. E. ; ibid. 12. 534. B. on the extravagance of Alcibiades upon other occasions. 8» Cornel. Nep. Alcib. 11. »3 Plut. Alcib. 10; ibid. Praecept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 191. ^..< INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 243 feast in Cleon's house ; their feelings towards the man are very felicitously expressed by Aristo- phanes". The wanton excesses of Alcibiades were for a long time looked upon as juvenile errors and human weaknesses-" ; but the number of those whom he had msulted, and who longed for vengeance, increasmg daily, the more frequently the people witnessed the injuries it was in his power to commit, the more disposed they became to listen to those who insinuated that he aspired to the tyranny. His authority was solely and exclu- sively founded in the favour ol the people, and the party by which he was supported was by no means equal in numbers to that by which he was opposed ; he was the leader of a Hetaireia, it IS true« but this consisted more of the compa- nions of his pleasures, than of men bound to him by a community of political feeling ; and upon the whole he was more formed to gain friends than to keep them « ; hence, a change in the popular feeling would of necessity leave him deserted and alone. His opponents did not so much consist of those who held opposite political opinions, as of the vast numbers he had mortified and thrown into the background, and whose envy and malignity he had excited ; to these must likewise be added many true fnends to their country. This is evident from the prosecution of the Hermocopidae, in conse- g«" w^.T^'L^s'?" st«a 3; nf ■ f'^ri' ^'"T- "»"="°- Hi^"-""- ' n. f34. ' ° '"' ""^ '^'""'^ "f Anslophanes, 33. See below, retLndt"" *' ^ ' '" "■"=»«»*« amicitiaruna studiis a,eli«r, quam in \ i n2 244 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. quence of which Alcibiades was obhged to quit the country ; but this proceeding, which is almost with- out parallel in the annals of civilization, at the same time exhibits such a tissue of sycophancy, party-spirit, and personal animosity, aggravated by the clamour of political alarmists, and the bhndness and fanaticism of the mob, that we indignantly ex- claim against this abandoned people, and plainly perceive that they could not long escape the pu- nishment due to their crimes. The confusion which took possession of the minds of those engaged in the transaction itself, has extended to the accounts of it, some of which are imperfect and others discordant ^ ; still, it may not be altogether without advantage to examine them more minutely ^. When the Athenian fleet was about to set sail for Sicily, all the Hermae in the public streets were one morning found mutilated ^. The superstitious regarded this circumstance as an omen of evil to the armament then about to sail, whilst the suspicious construed it into an indication of a plot against the democracy ; it was currently reported that it had been devised by the Syracusans or. Corin- thians, with the view of deterring the Athenians from the contemplated expedition ^' ; and the in- fatuation of the multitude whose weak side had thus been assailed, easily brought this circumstance into connection with treason and conspiracy ^\ The council met and the people assembled several w These are. Thucyd. 6. 27 : Andocid. de Myster. p. 6, sqq. ; Pkt. Alcib 18 sqq. ; D.odor. 13. 2 ; Isocrat de Big., etc. See Append v/ Compare Sluiter, Lection. Andocideae, Lugd. Bat. 1804. cap. 3: Scho- mann de Comit. Athen. 190. ^«F' ^, sjcno Z tk"'^^- « ol ' ^*^*- A^"*»- 18- " Pltit. ubi sup. Thucyd. 6. 27 ; kui to wpayna ^uUvio^ i\a,i^avov, k. r. X. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 245 times within a few days^, and a reward was offered to him who would denounce the offender^. The enemies of Alcibiades now began their operations. Without strictly confining themselves to the affair of the Hermae, they resolved to accuse him of two grave crimes— high treason and profanation of the mys- teries ; their hopes of success were chiefly founded in the notorious excitability of the people, and the ease with which one prosecution could in Athens be mixed up with another, and rendered more dan- gerous. They, moreover, proba})ly anticipated that Alcibiades would be deprived of the command, and that upon the departure of the army, his main support, they would find less difficulty in crushing him. Meanwhile, the preparations being com- pleted, an assembly was convened by the three generals, Nicias, Lamachus, and Alcibiades 9^, in which Pythonicus arose and made an Eisangelia against Alcibiades, charging him "with impiety, as he, with his friends and associates, had given mock-celebrations of the mysteries ^, in confirma- tion of which he appealed to the testimony of An- dromachus, the slave of Alcibiades. The dema- gogue Androcles ^\ his most inveterate enemy, was especially active in bringing forward witnesses 9«. But nothing respecting the mutilation of the Hermse was elicited ^. Alcibiades denied the charge, and offered to abide the event of a trial '^. At this ^ Thucyd. ubi sup. »3 Plut. ubi sup. »« Andoc. 6. 6. 28r7l^iffr''^*" '^''''''"'^°- ^^ ""'"'^ Z*'^' ^"P"'*'- Besides this, Thucyd. ^ Concerning him, see Ruhnken, Hist. or. Gr. 43. Plut. Alcib. 19. According to Andocides, Pythonicus was the only ac- cuser upon that occasion ; but besides Plutarch, Thucydides also says, 6. 28. '*''J^^1^"* °^^ ^^° /itrotKwv rk rivwv Kai droXov^wj/. ^ Thucyd. 6, 28. .oo ^ndoc. ubi sup. r 246 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. juncture tumults broke out amongst the soldiers ; the auxiliary troops from Argos and Mantinea refused to leave Alcibiades ; and his enemies per- ceiving that their design of separating him from the army was not practicable at this moment, resolved upon prosecuting the matter no further for the present, and hastened the departure of the arma- ment ^^\ Hereupon the council was authorized to investigate the affair further ^^^ and a series of fresh accusations was soon brought forward. Cimon's son, Thessalus, laid an Eisangelia ^^^ against Alci- biades and his companions before the council, and Androcles produced witnesses. The demagogues now exclaimed more loudly than before ^^*, that the desecration of the mysteries was only a pre- liminary to the overthrow of the democracy. The infuriated multitude were incapable of perceiving the connection between cause and effect ; the ac- cusers were believed before any thing was done to test the credibility of their allegations, and one of the persons accused, Polystratus, was imme- diately put to death, whilst several others, who had effected their escape, were condemned in their absence ^^^ Hereupon a Metcecus, called Teucer, who had taken refuge in Megara, offered to point out the guilty parties ; and upon receiving an as- surance of his personal safety, he gave in the names of eighteen citizens whom he accused of having mutilated the Hermaic statues and profaned the mysteries. Some of them fled, whilst others >o» Thucyd. 6. 29 ; Plut. Ale. 19 »02 Andoc. 8. ^w Plut. Alcib. 19. ^^ Isocrat. de Big. 605: oe ^k (the enemies of Alcibiades) rovg i>i)TopaQ v0' avToig Trouiffafifvoi iraXip ijyeipov to Trpayfia. »«* Andoc. 7. '« Andoc. 7. 8. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 247 were put to death ^^. Pisander and Charicles once more exclaimed that the state was in danger, and demanded that the investigation should be con- tinued ^^ Cleonymus moved that a thousand drachmas should be given to the informers, but Pisander proposed ten thousand for Andromachus and a thousand for Teucer '^. The information now given by a woman called Agariste, and Lydus a slave, seems to have had no immediate conse- quences, but in a short time still more citizens sought safety in flight ^^. The information of DiocHdes was as flagitious in principle as it was pernicious in its results. This man declared that he knew those who had perpetrated the outrage, and that they were three hundred in number; fifty-two of them, whose names he mentioned, were immediately imprisoned. Such was the infatuation of the people, that they did not even perceive the gross delusion which was prac^tised upon them, when one of the accusers asserted that he had seen the conspirators by moonhght, though it was just at the time of new moon "\ The council now as- sembled, and Pisander made the illegal proposal of putting the accused to the rack "^. This was not carried into execution, but the public infatuation now reached the highest pitch. Dioclides was crowned, and drawn in a car to the Prytaneum, where he was hailed as the saviour of the people ''' [ all the citizens were in arms, and the council passed the night in the citadel"*. No one now ventured to the market-place, for such was the fanaticism of I: '<^ Andoc. 18. "°9 Andoc. 8. "» Plut^20; Diodor. 13.2. '" Andoc. 19. •»« Andoc. 14. "** Andoc. 19, sqq. >'» Andoc. 22. »'* Andoc. 23. '"" '\ 248 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. the multitude, that they could no longer distinguish between friends and foes ; they assailed those who belonged to their own body and the noblest in the state ^15 indiscriminately; the dungeons every day received fresh victims, who looked forward to cer- tain death ; the preceding murders had excited a thirst for blood in the populace, and they cared not who fell as long as they had victims in plenty ''^. Amongst the prisoners was Andocides, the son of Leogoras^^ of the family of the Ceryces^^ who was as eminent for his qualities as for his rank, and had once been entrusted with the command of twenty triremes, which had been sent to Corcyra"^. He was strongly suspected '"' of being one of the accomphces of Alcibiades. One of those who had been imprisoned with him, Charmides^^^ or Timaeus^'% advised him, in case he knew the offenders, to denounce them and save the lives of those who were unjustly accused. Hereupon Andocides confessed that Teucer had disclosed the truth, and he completed his information by naming four other persons who had been concerned in the outrage ^"\ Dioclides being summoned to appear, confessed that he had been suborned by the "* Thucyd. 6. 60 ; Plut. 20. »;6 Thucyd. 6 60 : koO; rifikpav imdidoaav fiaWov Iq rb dyptwt^pSv rt Kai TTKeiovg tTi KvWafijidvsiv. ir r II! £oocerning him, see Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 110. "8 Ps, Plut. Vit. Dec. Orator. 9. 316: •'» Ps. Plut. ubi sup. •» Thucydides does not mention him. but says, ilg rdv hdeukvojv, 8>2 Plut. Alcib. 21. PI ♦ ^ A^^'^'o^n' A*""/* ?i"t- Alcib. 21; Thucyd. G. 60. According to Ps. i-iut. Andoc. 317, Andocides denounced, amongst others, his own father Leo- goras; but at the same time declared, that should his life be spared, he could render important service to the state, whereupon Leogoras made all sorts of talse statements But according to the speech of Andoc. de Myster. 33. and 78, tins cannot have been the case. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. J 65. 249 Phegusian Alcibiades and by Amias ^'\ The two last fled ; Dioclides was killed, and those whom he had accused were set at liberty-Andocides, his father, and several of his relations being amongst the number-^; but Andocides was punished with Atimia ''\ and the remainder of his hfe was wan- dering and unsettled ''^. As many of the persons denounced by Andocides as had not sought safety in flight were killed ^^ ; but Alcibiades nvas destined to feel the whole weight of popular indignation, which was increased in consequence of the alarm which the people had experienced. An army of Lacedaemonians hap- pemng to march across the-Isthmus to Boeotia, just when the consternation occasioned by the informa- tions and the general suspicion had reached the highest pitch, the Athenians expected an attack and passed a whole night under arms.. Suspicions were set afloat that the Argives, who were connected by treaties of hospitality with Alcibiades, were pre^ paring the subversion of democracy in Argos, on which account the Athenians surrendered to the demus of that city the hostages of the oligarchical party, who had been delivered over to their cus- tody, and whom they had detained upon the islands, whereupon Argos shared the guilt of Athens by slaughtering them ^^^. The Salaminia now put to sea to fetch back Alcibiades, in order that he might Jo^.n^""^ ■ ®" ^ ' ^''"- *'"*'•• ^^ • *'«''"=• 33 ; compare Andoc. de Redit. '1 ^'"'?"=- ">>' sup. .80 J conf. Meier, de Bon. Damn. 118. 1 hucyd. 6. 61 . Compare the uncritical account in Diodor. 13. 5. ' 1 I w 250 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. be prosecuted for high treason and blasphemy ; but he, having effected his escape, sentence of death was passed against him in his absence'^, whilst the priests and priestesses, according to ancient cus- tom, pronounced the public malediction against him^^^ But it remains to be asked whether he really was guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, or whether he fell a sacrifice to the sycophancy of his enemies ? Plutarch says that the testimony of Andocides was altogether false, and solely occasioned by the ad- vice of his fellow-prisoner, who represented to him that that was the only course by which he could save himself and many others from the destruction by which they were threatened ^^2. Though the real facts of the case might not have been precisely as stated by Andocides, there is no doubt that his disclosures preserved the hves of many innocent persons '^\ Moreover, all the other informations seem to have contained the name of Alcibiades '^. That such a crime was by no means foreign from his character there can be little doubt ; nor is at all improbable that he was in the habit of commit- ting acts of this nature in moments of intoxica- tion '"^ ; but there is every reason to believe that, upon this occasion, the mahce of his enemies '» Thucyd. 6. 62. T. ^^?^* ^^cib. 22. Concerning this custom, Lysias, c. Andoc. 252 : Kpnai rat upCiQ ardvTig KartjpdffavTO trpbq ia-nkpav Kai (poiviKiSaQ dvsaeiffav KarcL TO vofiifiov to TraXaiov Kai dpxaXop. On the part taken in it by the Eumolpids and Ceryces, see Thucyd. 8. 53. •33 Plut. Alcib.21. '33 This is hinted at by Thucydides, 6. 60 : ot fikv iraOovTiq ddr}\ov nv ti aSiKiog iTtTifiMprivTo' ri fikvToi dWij ttoXiq iv Tc civ Kaipbg y, irpo^ovXivaioai, referred the Upo^ovXog, Aristoph. Lysistr. 421 ; conf. 609 : toiq Trpo(3ov\oiQ. J** 1 hucyd. 8. 54 : — tuq tb ^vvutfioaiaQ, a'lirtp tnyxavov irponpov Iv ry voXti ovaai i-Tri SUaig cat apxaig, k. r. X. 'ETolpoi, rb eraipiKov in Thucyd. 8. 48. 65, means nothing more or less than the c{m$pirator$, wad it is not necfssary to seek after allusions to Alcibiades or any other demagogue. Conf. Lysias adv. Eratosth. 412 : vxb rwv KoXovfuvuv haiptov. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 258 attempts to restore confidence and tranquillity, and there is no doubt that whilst he kept up a corre- spondence with his partisans at home, he did every thing in his power to increase the perplexity and distress of his native city from without, in order that he might be recalled to provide for its safety and defence. A favourable opportunity for the execution of his plans presented itself in the fifth year of his exile, Ol. 92. 1; 411. B. C; as he had incurred the suspicion of the Spar- tans, and stood high in the favour of Tissa- phernes, the Athenians thought that his interces- sion might enable them to obtain assistance from the Persian king. The people in Athens were headed by one of his most inveterate enemies, Androcles^*^ ; and he well knew that all attempts to effect his return would be fruitless, until this man and the other demagogues were removed. Hence Alcibiades entered into negociations with the com- manders of the Athenian fleet at Samos, respecting the establishment of an oligarchical constitution, not from any attachment to that form of govern- ment in itself, but solely with thei view of pro- moting his own ends ''K Phrynichus and Pisander were equally insincere in their co-operation with Alcibiades. The characters of both these men are branded in history ; the former, who had once been a shepherd, afterwards became a sycophant ^^ ; the J<« Thucyd. 8. 65 ; compare above, n. 93. ^ Thucyd. 8. 48 : the calculations of Alcibiades were. : '6ra> rpS'Trto, U rov Karuau Tay or s view of the subject is sufficienUy accurate. ( Vha lis Ltl^«:r^^^-^-*^"%"^^'^^*'"^ ^°^«' »d quod postea acciditT ut dxscotd^a mte ordmes civitatis facta, ab altera parte in auxffum vocaretu . ' •« Lysias pro Polystr. 674: _ knoiaacvtv - i.vo,. inucyd. 0. 68. ^^' Schol. Aristoph, Nub. 360. J*^ See in partieular, Thueyd. 8. 89. ^ ^ 1 he picture which Critias draws of him, Xenoph. Hell 2 3 10 qi ;« li .! \{ 256 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. ous want of faith and his versatility ^^% obtained him the sobriquet of Cothurnus^'*, the shoe that may be worn on either foot ; none but the ignorant and undiscerning respected him, and injudicious his- torians alone have mentioned him in terms of commendation ^^. To these may be added as prominent characters Aristocrates *^, the son of Scellias, Phrynichus, who had now joined the conspirators and was accounted one of their chiefs ^^\ Aristarchus ^^^ Callaischrus, and his son Critias ^^^. The proceedings of the conspirators now began to assume a more dangerous complexion ; Andro- cles, the boldest of the demagogues, was re- moved ^^, such orators as ventured to speak frankly and openly were thrust aside, and the whole city being filled with terror and consternation by the murder of all who ventured to oppose their de- signs, the people were compelled to pass a decree empowering ten Syngrapheis or Catalogeis to draw up a new constitution ^^. This was chiefly effected "^ 6 KOfi^oi, Aristoph. Ran. 967. His character is portrayed in the follow- ing verses ; conf. 536, sqq. >*8 Plut. Nic. 2 ; Schol. Aristoph. Nuk 360; Ran. 47. 546; Pollux, 7. 190, etc. ; compare Photius, evfitTa(io\u>Ttpog KoOopvov. **» Conf, Diod. 13. 38 : dvi^p nai rt^ f3i«« Thucyd. 8. 89. »" Lysias adv. Agor. 427 ; Deroosth. adv. Theocrin. 1343. >«« Thucyd. 8. 65. »** Thucyd. 8. 66. *** Thucyd. 8. 67 ; Harpocr. trvyypa^., Photius ffvyyp., from Androtion and Philochorus, Etym. M. and Suidas, Bekker, Anecd. 301, etc. Polys- tratus was one of them. See Lysias pro Polystr. 675. The duty of the 2uy- ypa^ivQ was to frame the laws, that of the KaraXoyevf to draw up a list of those citiwns destined to participate in the supreme power. Both afterwards existed during the domination of the Thirty, on which account Harpocratio has thirty instead of ten. Suidas (in v. KoraXoyevg) has carried the con- fusion still further ; when the Athenians were desirous of giving up the state to seven thousand citizens. Here the four hundred and the three thousand of the assembly, under the constitution of the Thirty, appear to be taken together. f*^, 'H.^' L. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 257 by Antiphon^^. Having first provided for their security by destroying that palladium of the Solonic constitution ^^ the right of bringing actions against the authors of illegal measures {ypa^ irapavSfitov) ; the oligarchists brought forward a proposition to the effect, that the magistrates and paid officers, including the Heliasts, should henceforward be appointed according to a new regulation, and that all salaries should be abolished, the effect of which was, that the poorer citizens were excluded from the administration. The supreme power was vested in Four Hundred citizens, whilst the number of those admitted to a share in the proceedings of government was limited to five thousand, who were compelled to assemble at the discretion of the Four Hundred ^^. This proposal was carried without one dissentient voice ; the Four Hundred, whose election had been effected under the superintend- ence of five Proedri ^^«, repaired to the council- house with a body of armed youths ^'\ and ordered the council of five hundred to dissolve upon receiv- ing their salaries. This, which met with no opposi- tion, took place, Ol. 92. 1 ; 41 1. B. C, in the archon- ship of Callias ; the oligarchy subsistcjd four months in all, the last month falling under the archonship of Theopompus '^\ There is no doubt that the It IS not evident whether Lysias adv. Eratosth. 426. by Probuli means those ten Syngraphei^ or the Probuli appointed in 413. (see n. 133) • tWe annea™ greater probability in the latter a^umption, which wovJd confirm whaTwII coiyectured above viz., that that body had been oligarchical " « Th"'^^' \^' '"^ Thucyd. 8. 67. *'* Thucyd. ubi sup. ^ chr^ThrL morr^;!'*"''' ^ ^"°^''1 ^J'^""**' ^"'^ '^'^ «^ ^« ^"^dred r«^f!L • f • ^^'""^ "^^ consequently, in some measure, like the Samuite custom in forming an army. ' ut vir virum legeret.' Liv. 9. 39. * nf thp IVT^ K /xir ' ^^''^^^ vsaviffKoi ; the first word is wanting in some i's. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 321 and 313 ; Diod. 13. 34. 38. VOL. II. ♦! i Hi li It ma*t 1 1 I 258 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. majority of the former offices were retained, as were those of the Archons and the Strategi; Theramenes was one of the last ^^^ The Four Hundred pro- bably appointed to them secretly. Nor did any of the other citizens know who belonged to the Five Thousand ; the Four Hundred governed without a popular assembly, and even without making known the names of those who were qualified to be mem- bers of the Five Thousand, so that friends and foes being alike undistinguishable, the minds of all might continually fluctuate between hope and fear ^^*. The exiles were not recalled through fear of Alci- biades : the obnoxious and disaffected were punished with death or imprisonment ^^^; emissaries were sent to Agis in Decelea and to Sparta to request peace, in order that the co-operation of the latter might strengthen the oligarchy ^^^ During these proceed- ings of the Four Hundred in Athens, affairs took a very different turn with the fleet and army at Samos. Samos retained in fiill vigour, till the twentieth year of the war, the democracy established by Pericles. But after Athens had been humbled, the powerful Geomori here too appear to have formed the project of asserting their independence, and establishing an ohgarchy. But the demus, with no less ferocity than was displayed by that of Athens during the trial of the Hermacopidae, rose M »w Thucyd. 8. 92. "* Thucyd. 8. 92. ad fin. To this it is necessary to add an observation of Plut. Alcib. 26 : — oi 7r£vraict«Tx«Xiot \ey6utvoi, TtrpaKomoi Se ovreg ; the Four Hundred is their usual designation in tne ancient writers ; Plutarch in using the word Xeyofievoi means nominally the Four Hundred, not the so- called Four Hundred. "* Under this head must apparently be ranged the uTifxia Kara. Trpoara- liiQ, mentioned by Andocides, (de Myst. 36). Compare on this point my dissertation de veteruro Scriptor. Graecor. levitate, etc. p. 12. "« Ihucyd. 8. 70. INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 259 up, killed two hundred of those whom it suspected, drove out four hundred more, and distributed their lands and houses. The Athenians hereupon pro- claimed the Autonomia of the Samian democracy, while the demus attempted to defend itself against the assaults of the Geomori by fortifying the bar- riers which excluded them ; they were accordingly shut out from all participation in the direction of public affairs, and prohibited from intermarrying with the demus '''\ Meanwhile, Pisander had abo*^ lished the democracy of some of the insular con- federates of Athens, and assembled a band of three hundred desperadoes in Samos for the pur- pose of crushing all the rest of the citizens, and amongst them some of the most wealthy descend- ants of the ancient nobihty, upon the plea that they were a demus "«, which proceeding must be regarded as one of the most reckless outrages of party animosity. The vile Hyperbolus was slain upon the occasion ^^^ ; but the attempt against the democracy miscamed. The conspirators were overpowered, and the victory of the Samian de- mocrats inspired the Athenian army and navy with courage and strength. The crew of the ship Pa- ralus, consisting entirely of freemen and citizens, headed by the commanders Thrasybulus, Thra- syllus, Leon, and Diomedon, rising in favour of democracy, the Athenians and Samians together swore to maintain it against every assault. Those Athenians who were at the naval station declaring 'T^ Thucyd. 8. 21 : oiri U^ovvai oi5r6 iyaykff9ai nap' Uiiviov oW ic J nucyd. 8. 73 :—oi ydp tote t&v ^a^iwv Inavaffrivreg roig ^vvaroic Ihucyd. ubi sup. Comp. the citations in Kriigei, ubi sup. 378. n. 70. ,f 260 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. themselves the principal element, and the fleet the chief power of the state '^, recalled Alcibiades, who now put himself at their head. Thus the majority of the Athenian citizens who were capable of bearing arms raised up, beside the oligarchy in Athens, a democracy of unprecedented strength and solidity. The oligarchs had fallen out amongst them- selves ; political egotism ^^^ induced one portion of them to seek a reconciliation with the people, and inspired the other with the wish to surrender them into the power of foreign enemies, who engaged to support the oligarchy. At the head of the former was Theramenes ; the latter despatched Phrynichus on a mission to Sparta, and in the mean time erected a fortress called Entioneia, at the entrance of the Piraeus. This was followed by disturbances in which Phrynichus lost his life, and many suffered from misusage^^*. Hereupon the Four Hundred offered to admit the Five Thousand to a share in the government by rotation ; but it was too late. The oligarchy, which owed its rise to the dread of democratic excesses, was overthrown in conse- quence of the terror which took possession of the demus when intelligence of the defection of Euboea arrived ; the people tumultuously deposed the tyrants ^^^ Pisander, Aristarchus, etc., fled; the latter on his flight betrayed Oenon into the power of the Boeotians. Antiphon and Ancheptolemus were impeached by Theramenes ^^, and executed ^^. '** Thucyd. 8. 76 : — a»g ov del aOvfiiiv, cJri r) ttoXiq avrutv oup'sffTrjKt (!) »8» Thucyd. 8. 89. '" Thucyd. 8. 89—92. »w Thucyd. 8. 96. 97. ^^ Lysias adv. Eratosth. 427. '** See the discordant accounts of Antiphon's death at the end of his biogra< phy in Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. Conf. Ruhnken. o INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 64. 261 THE FIVE THOUSAND. In the interval between these transactions and the establishment of the Thirty, the Athenians with much difficulty managed to keep up a mode- rate democracy, based upon the institutions of CUs- thenes and Solon ; but much is left to conjecture, and no less is involved in impenetrable obscurity. It may, however, safely be asserted, that democracy was not fully restored till after the time of the Thirty, during the archonship of Euchd. Upon the downfal of the Four Hundred the supreme powers of government were vested in five thousand citizens, who bore arms, brought together in haste, partly by chance, and partly by design ^«^; the former council was revived ^«^ but it was forbidden, on pain of malediction *««, to accept of remunera- tion for the discharge of an offitre. Every thing was made immediately dependent upon the decrees of the Five Thousand, who held several meetings for the purpose of appointing legislators and set- thng the constitution ^«9. Theramenes must be regarded as the mainspring of these proceedings. The army seems to have readily acquiesced in all that was done, which must be ascribed to the ex- ertions of Alcibiades, who mainly contributed to restore concord among the citizens. He re-entered \t ^u-^ ^^^ *^^ province of the KaraXoyeie, m "^.'"'y*'' ''• »' ■■—(■irapaTov irotiiaavTo. Cannonus for .he separate trial .f Leral persons ac^cu45^g«her (Xenrph 262 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. his native city amidst the acclamations of the people, and continued to stand at the helm for some time after these events ^^. But the fickle people evinced less temperance and reflection than ever, and the adversaries of Alcibiades soon found means to disturb his short-lived popularity. He was op- posed by personal enemies, such as Thrasybulus ^^^ as well as by traitors, who still meditated the re- storation of oligarchy, like Theramenes; with these conspired the reckless demagogues who re- garded it as their peculiar vocation to attack the most eminent persons in the state, and at the head of whom were Cleophon ^^^ and Philocles. Cleo- phon the lyre-maker, denounced by the comic writers as a spurious citizen and a chatterer ^^\ was a conspicuous character as early as Ol. 92. 1 ^^. He cannot be charged with dishonesty, and it is probable that he became one of the accusers of Alcibiades ^^^ because he suspected him of designs prejudicial to the public welfare ; his hatred to Sparta and all who were in her interest was founded upon the persuasion that they were ene- mies to the Athenian democracy, on which account he strenuously resisted all negociations for a peace with that state ^^. Philocles was the author of the enactment, that after a victory the right hand of the prisoners should be cut off ^^. Among the opponents of the oligarchs must be enumerated »» Plut. Alcib. 32—34. '»' Plut. Alcib. 36. i**^ CoDceroing him, see> besides Ruhnken and others, Meier, de Bod. Damn. 218. n. 211. •»a Aristoph. Ran. 467. See above, § 64. n. 153. '»* Aristoph. Thesraoph. 804. '^^ Hiraerius, 3i8, Wernsd. ed. »8« As early as 410, when the Spartan Endios endeavoured to bring about a peace. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 770 (from PhilochorusJ, '»7 Plut. Lysand. 8. vff INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 268 Cleigenes '^ and Cleomenes '^. Alcibiades appears to have been entirely without friends, and con- scious that his enemies were endeavouring to effect his destruction, he secretly withdrew from the fleet. While the demagogues incited the populace to the commission of the wildest excesses, the oli- garchs carried on their cabals in secret, so that the rage of the deluded multitude, thus stirred up and inflamed from two sides, broke out into the most sanguinary violence against the \ ictorious generals. The trial of those illustrious victims of sycophantic malevolence and popular infatuation presents de- tails no less revolting to humanity than that of the Hermocopidae, and it cannot, as upon that occa- sion, be urged in extenuation of the conduct of the Athenians, that they were actuated by the dread of conspiracies. Crimes like these could not long escape the vengeance of the offended Nemesis, and while we commiserate the sufferings of the people, we are compelled to acknow- ledge the justice of the punishment which over- took the guilty. Now, as during the trial of the Hermocopidae, the better sort of citizens were absent on duty with the fleet, and the enormities in question were committed by the dregs of the populace at home ^'^^ Amongst those who were most active in exciting the blood-thirsty rage of the people was Theramenes '^^ the accuser of his colleagues; and his nefarious efforts were seconded by Archedemus, Timocrates, Callixenus, and Ly- '*^ Aristoph. Ran. and Schol. Z V "*• ^^ w°?,- W , o "^ OUp oUv^ Xenoph. Hell. 1. 7. 1. *" Xenoph. Hell. 1. 7. 8. 9. 264 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. ciscus. The clamorous declaration of the people, " that nothing should deter them from acting as they thought proper '^^Z' involved the height of ochlocratical extravagance, regardless alike of law and of justice. The commission of the crime was very soon followed by remorse, and the fury of the multitude was now turned against those who had urged them to the commission of their guilty ex- cesses. These seem to have been actuated by malevolence and political calculation, rather than by passion. From the time of the oligarchy of the Four Hundred a conspiracy had existed, whose object was to effect the destruction of those stanch friends to their country who steadily opposed the designs of Sparta, and thereby prevented the re-establishment of oligarchy ; these had been once more joined by Theramenes ^^^ and the traitors of iEgos Potamoi, and Adimantus ^^ and Tydeus ^^* belonged to them. But they remained behind the curtain while the demagogues, who found it convenient this time to second their in- trigues, were the prominent actors in the affair. But Cleophon took no part in their proceedings, and tried to persuade the now-penitent people to call to account the sycophants who had imposed upon their credulity ^^. After the destruction of the naval power of Athens at iEgos Potamoi, the oligarchs endeavoured to obtain possession of the government. The Areopagus indeed made an attempt to avert the impending danger, and restored those who had »2 Xenoph. Hell. 1. 7. 12: to Sk Tr\rj9og l(36a, Seivbv elvai, ti fifi rig laffd rhv Srjfiov irpamiv, o cLv /3ouXi^rat. «» Lysias adv. Eratosth. 427. »* Xenoph. Hell. 2. 1. 32. aw Pausan. 10. 9. 5. - ao6 Xenoph. Hell. 1. 7. 40. 1^ 4 INDIVIDUAL STATES. ATHENS. § 65. 265 been deprived of the franchise to their rights ^''^ Cleophon kept up the spirits of the people for a time, denounced instant vengeance against any one who should dare to speak of peace '^, and stigma- tized the members of coimcil as enemies to the people 2^. Archestratus was thrown into a dungeon for having recommended a capitulation ^'° ; but the conspirators, the Hetairoi as they were called, ob- taining possession of the government, they nomi- nated five Ephors"^^ under whose authority the council acted. Cleophon was murdered because he had called this a mere riot, and spoken disparagingly of the council ^^^ ; he left no fortime "'\ Therame- nes and his accompUces in crime^, who now acted in concert with Lysander^**, reduced the Athenians to the greatest extremities. The first being com- missioned to treat with Lysander, purposely re- mained absent, and in order the more effectually to break the spirit of the people, resigned them for a time to all the horrors of famine ^^^ ; after this the bravest of the generals and officers were im- prisoned, and Lysander sailed into the Piraeus, to reduce the town, and establish the oligarchy of the Thirty ^^e. «" Xenoph. Hell. 2. 2. 11. Conf. Lysias adv. Eratosth. 428. ** ^schin. de Falsa Legat. 254. *» Lysias adv. Nicom. 847 : KXto^wv t^v ftovK^v IXoiddpn, 6dffKiav ovveffTavat Kai oh rd ^Xriara [SovXtveiv ry iroXii. 2«o Xenoph. Hell. 2. 2. 15. a" Lysias adv. Eratosth. 412. a'2 Lysias adv. Nicom. 847—849; adv. Agcrat. 452. Conf. Xenoph. Hell. 1. 7. 40. 2J3 Lysias de Aristoph. Bon. 651. *•* Concerning the treachery of Theramenes, sec Lysias adv. Eratosth. 429. '« Xenophon, generally unsatisfactory in Grecian history, instead of his usual brevity and baldness, says too much of the famine. Conf. 2. 2. 11 : ^Trct U iravreXGtg ydT) 6 airoc IviXeXo'iTrei. It was only then that ambas- sadors were deputed to go to Agis, and afterwards to Sellasia ; upon their return Theramenes was sent. He returned after an absence of four months, whereupon ambassadors are once more sent. Many Athenians died of hunger (2. 2. 21) ; but according to the introduc tory sentence of Xenophon, firn Ct, etc., scarcely one could have survived. 2'6 Lysias adv. Agor. 455—466. Conf. Xenopli. Hell. 2. 2. 22, sqq. I 111 I li 266 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. 6. SPARTA. § 66. The operation of the Lycurgan institu- tions, combined with extraordinary natural con- vulsions, and extensive losses in the battles of the Peloponnesian war, had materially reduced the number of the Spartan citizens ; it seemed as though the festering disease which preyed upon the vitals of the population had destroyed its gene- rative vigour. Hence, in the second and third divisions of the war, the Spartans began to spare the blood of the ancient citizens. Helots, who had once followed their masters like squires into the field, were sent out in organized bodies under Spartan generals, Brasidas, Gylippus S etc. ; they were accompanied by new citizens of various deno- minations, and even these were sent out in very small numbers. Gylippus only took with him an insignificant band, not an army, when he went to Syracuse^. Naturalization became more fre- quent than before ; but Sparta did not, like Athens, open its franchise to foreigners of merit, but raised the inferior orders of its own population to the rank of citizens. By this means the several varie- ties of civil and political rights^ in the extended circle of the citizenship assumed a more deter- minate character, and gave rise to denominations unknown to the earlier age. Enfranchised Helots were entitled Neodamodes*; and it may be inferred fi-om a passage in Xenophon, that naturalized Periceci received the name of Hy- :i ' Thucyd. 4.80; 5.34 ; 7.58. « Thucyd. 6. 104; 7. 1. » See $ 60. * Thucyd. 7. 58 : divarai Se to NtoSafiufdfs, IXivOtpov ^dri ilvai. INDIVIDUAL STATES. SPARTA. § 64. 267 pomeiones^. A particular class of enfranchised Helots were those who had accompanied Brasidas into Thrace, and who, in commemoration of his noble qualities, were denominated Brasidaeans^ Besides these, mention is made of the bastards of the Spartans ^ who we are almost led to suppose were identical with the Mothones or Mothaces alluded to above. For, as in the; earlier age, the Epeunactae are said to have been regarded in the light of citizens of the half-blood % so the sons of a Spartan by a female Helot, when well-formed and active, appear to have been brought up with the legitimate children. Now, though we are informed that this favour had been shown to the Mothones, who, upon indisputable authority ^, must be looked upon as the children of Helots, still on account of their humble origin on the mother's side, the so- called bastards might have been ro iElian, V. H. 12. 43 ; Athen. 6. 271. E. " Plut.Lys. 2. '^ Xenoph. Hell. 5. 3. 9 ; ^kvoi rutv rpo^i/xatv KaXovfiivittv. i 268 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. been brought to Sparta at an early age, and edu- cated according to the customs of that country. It is doubtful whether they were brought home from their campaigns by the Spartans, or whether the members of foreign states, connected with Sparta by treaties of hospitality, were allowed to send their sons thither to be educated and to take part in public affairs. The word Homoioi, once the designation of those citizens who fulfilled all the demands of the law, and enjoyed the full rights of citizenship which it conferred ^^ was now applied to the ancient citi- zens, to distinguish them from the new ones men- tioned above; the Isonomia which it expresses, therefore, only related to a portion of the partakers of civil and pohtical freedom. They are described as the first of the Spartans, though it is improb- able that this became their peculiar and permanent appellation ^*. Their importance increasing as their number diminished, they arrogated to themselves the character of a nobihty with relation to the new citizens, and on the strength of their extrac- tion made claim to privileges which constitutionally pertained to meritorious citizens alone ^^ Thus the original aristocracy, which had been raised upon a democratic basis, became converted into oligarchy; the ancient citizens strove by every means in their power to widen the gulf between themselves and the new ones ; but no attempt at »» Vol. i. 324. ^* Thucyd. 6. 15, says of the captives of Sphacteria, fjtrav yikp ot "Sirap- riarat avrwv irpStTo'i re Kai o/iotwj; (r^tVt KvyyivtiQ. Conf. Miill. Dor. 2. 83. " Of an analogous character appear to have been the Atimia imposed upon these citizens, and that pronounced against the prisoners of Sphacteria ; artniav U Toidvde ukttb ftijrt lipxfiv, fijjdk irpiafiivovg ti, fj ird^Xovvrag, Kvpiove tlvai, Thucyd. 5. 34. I INDIVIDUAL STATES. SPARTA. ^ 6G. 269 reconciliation was made, and nothing was done to allay their mutual exasperation '^ The new citi- zens must have been the more keenly alive to the restrictions thus imposed upon them, as neither positive ordinances nor any want of courage or skill prevented them from aspiring to the ancient Spar- tan excellence ; the state was compelled to confide to them interests of the utmost importances^, so that they no longer had reason to esteem the duties of the ancient citizens as superior to their own. Thus the narrow-minded policy of the oligarchs gradually undermined the citizenship, whilst the constitution ceased to be respected by these brave men who had risked their property and lives in its de- fence and had received no reward for their services. Hence, there arose a struggle between those who suffered under civil disabilities and their oppressors, which even extended to the Helotsi, who, after they were allowed to bear arms, seem to have grown bolder. The strength and resolution of the Helots were considered so formidable in the Peloponnesian war, Ol. 89. 1 ; 424. B. C, that Sparta had re- course to the revolting expedient of a crypteia en masse, by which two thousand of the bravest amongst them were despatched ^^ Some time afterwards, in Ol. 93. 3., a body of Helots from Malea fled to arms and^took up their posi- tion on the headland of Coryphasium, whence '• The description of Thuc^dides may be applied generally, 1. 70. 71. " The Perioecus Phrynnis was sent to Chios in order to reconnoitre, Thucyd. 8. 6. The Perioecus Deinedias was entrusted with the command of a fleet, Thucyd. 8. 22. The context forbids us to understand a Chian here, with Gottling, ad. Aristot. Pol. p. 465. '• Thucyd. 4. 80 ; ot dk — i^» Conf. above, § 60. n. 2. '* Thucyd, 5. 38 : uirav to KvpoQ t^ovai. Comp. vol. i. 192. INDEPENDENT STATES. THESSALY. § 67. 277 to use persuasion to induce them to do so ^*. During the progress of the Peloponnesian war Thebes was as remarkable for its lenity and for- bearance towards the towns which adhered to it, as for the cruelty with which, when supported by them, it treated Plataeae and Thespiae ^^ However, it did not remain altogether exempt fi'om demo- cratic commotions and intrigues, for some of the malcontents of the strictly aristocratic town Orcho- menus endeavoured, with the assistance of the Athenians, Demosthenes and Hippocrates, to orga- nize a democracy in Boeotia ; but their attempts were frustrated by the victory of the Thebans and their allies at Delium, Ol. 89. 1 ; 424. B. C. In the eighteenth year of the war no better success attended an insurrection of the Thespian demus, supported by Athens, against the dynasts imposed upon it by Thebes ^\ 3. THESSALY. Though the Thessalian communities were vio- lently agitated by internal distractions ^% these no- where led to the permanent estabHshment of de- mocracy. Critias the Athenian, during his resi- dence in Thessaly, endeavoured to excite sedition amongst the Penestae ^^ but at the same time gave the oligarchs advice as to how they might most effectually consolidate their authority *^ The Aleuadae in Larissa, and the Scopeidae in Crannon and Pharsalus, continued till the conclusion of the '5 Thucyd. 4. 93. •« Thucyd. 4. 76. Conf. Miiller, Orchom. 417. " Thucyd. 6. 95. '8 Comp. $ 62. 1. B. b. '» Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 36, where see Schneider; conf. Memorabil. Socrat. •■" Philostrat. Vit. Soph. p. 502, Olcar. eil. r I ■«*^ Thucyd. 1.46—55. 3" Thucyd. 3. 70, sqq. 33 Diod. 13. 48. *> Thucyd. 4. 46—48. Thucyd. 4. 48: Kai // (Ttcloi^ -jroWrf ytvofxfivri iTikivTrftrtv ig tovto, offa yt Kara rbv iroXffJiov Tovdt. ov yap In i)v vTroXoinov rdv iripuiv o ri Kai a^ioXoyov. ' ^f 280 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. in the expulsion or slaughter of the oligarchs. The rest is told in DiodoiTis' usual vague and insipid manner ; slaves are enfranchised, civil rights conferred upon strangers ; the friends of the exiles once more resort to arms, the former return, they fight till riightfiill, and at length a convention re- stores peace and tranquillity ^^. The rise of an oligarchy was impossible during the Peloponne- sian war, whilst the squadrons of Athens were ^scouring the seas in all directions, and Corcyra almost resembled an Athenian camp; even after the disasters of the Athenians in Sicily, and the downfal of their naval power, Corcyra would not submit to the hegemony of Sparta. Through its total dereliction of moral dignity and decorum, the mob-government of Corcyra passed into a pro- verb ^^\ 5. MEGARA. The spirit of dissension and intrigue was not idle here, but the people no longer present so revolting a subject of contemplation as formerly, and as they still did in Corcyra ; but on the other hand the oligarchs are beheld in all their malig- nity. Oligarchy was not the immediate conse- quence of the defection from the Athenian league before the Peloponnesian war, as at the beginning of the war the oligarchical party were in exile at Pagee and in various parts of the surrounding country ^^. After the reduction of Plataeae the Thebans offered it as a residence to the Megarian fugitives for a year^^ The Megarians were still *' Koivtoc i^KOVv Tt)v Trarpi^a. 56 'EXfvOfjoa KfpKvpa, \f^' ottov 9f\(i^. Metr. Prov. ap. Schott. v. 569. 37 Thucyd. 4. 66. ^ Thucyd. 3. 68. INDEPENDENT STATES. MEGARA. § 67. 281 hostile to the Athenians, on account of the two irruptions which they annually made into the Me- garian territory ; moreover a Peloponnesian garri- son in Nisaea^^, and the numerous partisans of the expelled oligarchs were insuperable obstacles to a reconciliation with Athens. When the exiled oligarchists began to harass the Megarian territory with their depredations *^ some of the people proposed that they should be recalled, a proceed- ing which formed a very honourable exception to the general practice of the Grecian states ; and their friends now began to bestir themselves in their favour. On the other hand, the leaders of the people, who had effected the expulsion of those oligarchs, thinking to prevent their return and to maintain their own authority by the aid of Athens, sought to attain their object by treachery, and in- vited a body of Athenian troops to their aid. But all their efforts to* betray the town into their power were unavailing. At this juncture the Spartan Bra- sidas arrived with an army of Peloponnesians, with which he proposed to garrison Megara, and so secure its fidehty, but the Megarians would not admit him into the town. After the departure of the Athe- nian army and the flight of the popular leaders in thq interest of Athens, the deserted people entered into negociations with the friends of the exiles and allowed them to return. The latter took a solemn oath not to revenge themselves upon their former adversaries, and to consult the good of the state alone. However, upon obtaining possession of the chief offices in the state, they « Thucyd. 4. 66. ** XaXfTToi ijdav XyffTtvovTfQ, Thucyd. ubi sup. V ( \ i 282 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. instituted a regular scrutiny, and singling out their enemies to the number of about a hundred, they constrained the people to pass a vote for putting them to death, which was accordingly carried into effect. They now introduced a regular oligarchy *^ and probably repeated upon this occasion that which had taken place at their former forcible re- turn, viz., they conferred offices upon none but those who had continued to fight against the peo- ple *^ from the first moment of their banishment. 6. THE STATES OF THE EASTERN ISLANDS AND COASTS. The variations which occurred in the constitu- tions of these states were closely connected with the external position of the chief belligerent powers. For instance, with the help of Peloponnesian fleets, oligarchy was estabhshed in Chios ^^ Thasus, etc., but again overthrown in the latter towards the end of the war, when the Athenian democracy once more became triumphant **. Separate mention must be made of Samos, which, as we have before seen in the history of the Four Hundred in Athens *^, con- tinued to be the voluntary and faithful ally of Athens, and remained stanch to its democratic principles, as well as of Rhodes, on account of the great im- portance it afterwards attained. In the twentieth year of the war, when the Athenian Synteleia began to suffer from the continued defection of the alhes, the chief men of the island called to their assist- ♦' Thucyd. 5. 66—74. ♦^ Aristot. Pol. 4. 12. 10 : Ik rutv (TvyKareXBovTUDv. kuI ovfiixaxsffafievojv npoQ Tov Sijfiov. Conf. § 59. n. 54. By this co-operation might possibly be meant the predatory excursions mentioned, n. 39. « § 62. n. 147. ** § 62. n. 148. "^ ^ 55, / I INDEPENDENT STATES. SICELIOTS. § 67. 283 ance the fleet of the Peloponnesians, and then de- serted to them*^ This, however, was effected without the full concurrence of the people. But im- mediately after, 01. 92. 2, the noble Dorieus, a de- scendant of the Diagoridae, who had formerly been expelled at the instigation of Athens, and who had moreover found refuge and been admitted to the rights of citizenship in Thurii*^, arrived with thirteen ships from the fleet of Mindarus and al- layed the tumult ^\ This, in Ol. 93. 1 ; 408. B. C, was followed by the union of the three townships of Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus, which had for- merly constituted distinct communities, by the erection of the common capital Rhodes in a com- modious situation*^. This synoikismus therefore was not of a democratic character ; still, after nu- merous convulsions, and when the more ancient Greek states had sunk into utter insignificance, a democracy unfolded itself here whose moderation and dignity reflected honour upon the people. 7. THE SICELIOTS. The intestine discord in the individual states which we were called upon to consider above ^, and in which the neighbouring communities partici- pated, continued to prevail till the great expedition of the Athenians compelled most of them to unite with Syracuse and take measures for their common defence. But no salutary fruits sprung from the victory over the Athenians ; internal distractions, and conflicts with the barbarian armies of Carthage <« Thucyd. 8. 44. *' Xenoph. 1.5. 19 ; Paus. (S. 7. 2. *^ Diod. 13. 75. «8 Died. 13. 38. 45. ^ $ 69. n. 8. I If' 284 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. resulted in the destruction of numerous towns, and the subjection of others to the yoke of domestic tyrants. Leontini was one of the chief seats of intestine strife before the arrival of the Athenians ; we have already seen how the oligarchs drove the people out of the town which they themselves then quitted, and took up their residence in Syracuse, where they became citizens. A short time afterwards a portion of them returned to their own deserted city, and some of the scattered demus likewise assembled there ^^ Nevertheless these Leontines do not again appear during the war as a distinct commu- nity; by the Leontines as a people, are probably meant those who dwelt in Syracuse ^". When some Agrigentan fugitives, 01. 93, 3 ; 406. B. C, sought refuge in Syracuse, Leontini was assigned to them for a residence ^^ ; but soon afterwards, Olymp. 94. 1, the Leontines who resided in Syracuse threw off the yoke of the tyrant Dionysius and marched back to their own city^, which hereupon became a distinct and independent state, though it did not long retain that character ^^. In Syracuse, a short time before the Athenian expedition, the two great parties were headed by Athenagoras and Hermocrates ; the former a vio- lent demagogue, the latter stigmatized by his rival as the chief of an oligarchical faction^. But Hermocrates, whose intervention had upon a for- mer occasion restored concord amongst the Sice- 5» Thucyd. 5. 4 ; 6. 48 ; cdhf. Diod. 12. 54. ^' e. g. 'I'hucyd. 6. 50 ; aud, as it would seem also, Diod. 13. 18. " Diod. 13. 89. ^4 Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 5. « Diod. 14. 14. «» Thucyd. 6. 38, sqq. INDEPENDENT STATES. SICELIOTS. § G7. 285 liots ^\ once more became the saviour of his country at a time when its total incapacity to take measures for its own security threatened to render it an easy prey to the Athenians. He quelled a conspiracy amongst the slaves ^, and prevailed upon the peo- ple to choose three strategi instead of fifteen as for- merly, and to entrust them with unlimited powers^^. After the discomfiture of the Athenians, the party feuds broke out afresh. Aristotle's remark, alluded to above ^, that democracy now, and not till now, supplanted the mixed constitution, which he deno- minates Politeia, may be explained from the fact, that Hermocrates and his adhercmts had till that time successfully withstood the tumultuous dema- gogy of Athenagoras. But now Hermocrates was opposed by a new antagonist, the talented but impetuous Diodes. Their differences dated from the time of the deliberations as to the course to be pursued with the Athenian captives and their con- federates. In the description of Diodorus^^ which it must be confessed cannot altogether be de- pended upon. Diodes is represented as an im- placable and barbarous enemy to the prisoners. The cause of humanity is plead(?d by Nicolaus, a venerable old man, who had lost two sons during the siege ^-. No great faith can be reposed in a narrative of proceedings which Diodorus has thought proper to set forth with rhetorical decorations ; but there is no doubt that Syracuse tarnished the glory of its victory by barbarity to the (japtives ^\ " « 62. n. 125. «• Polyaen. 1. 43. 1. *9 thucyd. 6. 73 ; comp. Plut. Nic. 16. » Aristot. Pol. 6. 3. 6. «' Diod. 13. 19. •» Diod. 13. 20, sqq. «3 § 63. n. 17. I t i' 1 ■ I 286 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. Whilst Hermocrates led a squadron into the eastern seas against the Athenians ^% Diodes re- mained at home and persuaded the people to pass a decree against him and his partisans ^^. Diodes now became the legislator of Syracuse. His laws remained in 'vigour^ for several centuries, and even down to the time of the Romans, while he himself received heroic honours ^\ Diodoms has attempted to describe the distinctive features of his legislation, and directs notice to his intentional minuteness on the subject, to which he asserts that his predecessor had not devoted sufficient atten- tion ^. But unfortunately his attempts to delineate the peculiarities of this code exhibit the same want of discrimination as his military descriptions, in which he is unable to seize the real points of differ- ence between one battle and another. In narrat- ing a particular fact, he thought it was sufficient to describe what generally took place under similar circumstances, and this was afterwards decked out with rhetorical bombast. This accounts for the marked family hkeness which all his pictures bear, and which must not so much be ascribed to the natural sameness of the subjects he delineates, as to the vague and unmeaning phrases with which he uniformly garnishes his descriptions. He com- mences his history of the legislation of Diodes ^ by narrating that he drew his sword and stabbed himself, because he had broken his own law by ap- " Thucyd. 8. 26. ^ Xenoph. Hell. 1. 1. 27. ^ In the time of Timoleon and Hiero a more intelligible language was substituted for the obsolete idiom in which they were written. Diod. 13. 35. <" Diod. ubi sup. ^ Diod. ubi sup. « Diod. 13. 33. % INDEPENDENT STATES. SICELIOTS. § 67. 287 pearing in the market-place armed, though circum- stances had compelled him to do so. But, in spite of this, he goes on to relate that he was afterwards banished. This story alone savours of a transfer- ence from Charondas^®. Further on he says", that Diodes made a proposition for electing the magistrates by lot, and at the same time for choos- ing legislators, who were to draw up a constitution and laws ; and that he himself was one of the persons chosen. His criminal laws were very severe; but at the same time he appointed re- wards for merit, and specified the fines to be im- posed both in private suits and public actions. Thus far extends the account of Diodorus. Athenajus ^^ subjoins from Phylarchus that Diodes forbade the wives of citizens to indulge in immo- derate luxury in dress, which he only allowed to women of loose character. This is also found amongst the enactments of one of the Italiot legis- lators ^\ The fault of this confusion, however, does not lie with the historians alone, for it is most probable, that in compiling his laws. Diodes took the codes of Zaleucus, Charondas, and even Pytha- goras for his models. The legislation of Diodes did not restore tran- quiUity to Syracuse, and even the attacks of foreign enemies failed to call up a spirit of unanimity. Egesta having, by its solicitations, prevailed upon the Carthaginians to send an armament against its hated rival Selinus^*, Syracuse determined upon assisting the latter, and Diodes was nominated to '0 Diod. 12. 19. Valer. Max. 6. 5. 4. '« Diod. 13. 34. '2 Athen. 12. 521. B. " See Append, vi. '* See below, and § 75. n. 6, sqq. ii I ' 288 STRUGGLE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY, ETC. the command in the war with the Carthaginians '\ In the mean time Hermocrates had returned to Sicily ^^ He had at first borne his exile with noble resignation " ; but the desire of returning to his country soon awoke within him. Nevertheless he remained true to his principles, and far from engaging in any undertaking against his native city, he levied soldiers and led them against the Carthaginians, whereupon the Syracusans, dazzled by the accounts of his victories over their ancient enemies of Carthage, soon experienced a reaction of feeHng in his favour. Hermocrates now sought to overthrow Diodes; but though he succeeded in his attempt, and caused him to be banished, he himself was not recalled, as it was feared that his power might lead to tyranny. His friends, how- ever, still holding out inducements to him, he marched to Syracuse at the head of three thousand men, but upon venturing into the town with too small a retinue was slain. Amongst, his companions was Dionysius, the subsequent tyrant of Syracuse, who upon this occasion was severely wounded, and narrowly escaped being killed ^^ The con- tinuance of the war with Carthage enabled him to obtain the favour of the people, so that before the end of the Peloponnesian war he was in pos- session of the tyranny. During these events Agrigentum, the rival of Syracuse, possessed an abundant population ^9, and 7* Diod. 13. 59. "^ Diod. 13. 63. " Xenoph. Hell. I. 1. 28, sqq. '« Diod. 13. 75. 79 Diod 13. 84. reckons 20,000 citizens, and 200,000 inhabitants mail; in Diog. Laert. 8. 63. the number is stated at 800,000 (if the reudmg is correct) upon the authority of Potamilla. " Ignotissima autem mihi omnium feminarum haec femina." Menag. INDEPENDENT STATES. SICELIOTS. § 67. 289 enjoyed uninterrupted prosperity, and though not entirely exempt from party feuds ^, it was still politic and circumspect enough to remain neuter in the war against Athens ^^ ; but in 01. 93. 3 ; 406. B. C, it was taken by the Carthaginians and razed to the ground ^^. «> Thucyd. 7. 46. •« Diod. 13. 90; Xenoph. Hell. 1. 5. 21. " Thucyd. 7. 33. \\ VOL. II. i^ ! THE PREDOMINANCE AND DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY WITH THE HEGEMONY OF SPARTA; THE NEW DEMOCRACY AND THE TYRANNY. FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TILL THE TIME OF PHILIP OF MACEDON. A. Zenith of the Oligarchical System under the Hegemony of Sparta. I. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE TILL THE LIBERATION OF THEBES FROM THE SPARTAN YOKE. § 68. The variations which occurred in the in- ternal condition of the Grecian states, during the space of time above marked out for consideration, cannot be conveniently treated according to the historical succession of periods, and the changes which took place in the external relations of the states to each other, inasmuch as the principal phenomena presented to our notice, viz., the hege- mony of Sparta and the supremacy of the elder Dionysius in the external, and oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny in the internal pohtical system were rather contemporary than successive. But con- sidered with reference to the gi'eater or less degree of influence which they respectively exercised, they undoubtedly present themselves to our notice in successive stages of development, wherefore, the history of Sparta's hegemony must begin with the oligarchy ; after the rise of Thebes, the democratic .. POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE. § 68. 291 principle predominates; and the tyranny requires separate consideration, and must be accompanied by an account of the Greek states in the west. Though the hegemony of Sparta was more ex- tensive than that of Athens had been, it was far from being universal ; not only the west was never included under it, but several of the provinces of the Grecian continent itself refused to acknowledge the Spartan sway. Moreover, in defining the empire of Sparta, we are called upon to consider two dis- tinct periods. 1. That of the hegemony by sea, which lasted from the victory over Athens till the battle of Naxos. 2. That of the hegemony by land in its greatest extent, which commenced with the peace of Antalcidas, and attained its zenith with the occupation of the Cadmea and the expe- dition to Olynthus. During the former, Sparta commanded all the eastern dependencies of Greece, but in Greece Proper, her authority extended very little beyond the confines of the Peloponnesus. During the latter, her empire by land included Boeotia and reached as far as Thrace, while she scarcely retained any portion of her hegemony in the east and among the maritime states. After their thirst of vengeance was satisfied, few of the Greeks had much cause to congratulate them- selves upon the issue of the conflict with Athens, the professed object of which had been to obtain freedom and independence for the second-rate states; and many amongst them, who had made great sacrifices for Sparta, now began to feel sorrow and repentance. Amongst the ^'oluntary confe- derates of Athens, the powerful Samos had been reduced by Lysander, immediately after the capi- u 2 I f I •«•■ ■•^ 292 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. tulation of Athens ^ The Messenians of Naupac- tus were expelled in Olymp. 94. 4; 401. B. C. ; their city was filled with Achaeans ^ the unhappy Messenians themselves were dispersed, and wan- dered to Sicily, Rhegium, and Cyrene\ Sparta, desirous of entirely restoring the Peloponnesian Symmachia, and of executing her long-deferred scheme of vengeance against Elis for having per- sisted in its neutrahty, commanded it in the same year, viz., 401. B. C, to enfranchise its Perioeci, that in case of a refusal she might have a pretext for reducing it by force. The event corresponded with her calculations ; EHs, unequal to the conflict in which it became involved, was constrained to yield in the third year of the war, emancipated the Periceci^ pulled down its walls, surrendered its ships, and renewed its alliance with Sparta ^ The desire of Sparta to extend her empire over the east and west, as Athens had formerly done, induced her to evince extraordinary activity in her foreign relations. When the proper moment for declaring her despotic intentions was not arrived, she tried the effect of negociation, and did not even disdain to have recourse to treachery when her interest required it. Syracuse, to whose devoted co-opera- tion she had such deep obligations, groaned under the yoke of Dionysius, whilst Sparta sent Aristus there, with instructions to consult appearances as much as possible, but at the same time to do every thing in his power to strengthen the tyranny^; > Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 6. * Diodor. 13. 34; conf. 15. 75, and Xenoph. Hell. 4. 6. 14. 3 Diodor. ubi sup. and Pausan. 4. 26. 2. * On this point see $ 69. n. 3. * Xenoph. Hell. 3. 2. 21. saq. ; Diodor. 14. 17. 34; Pausan. 3. 8. 2. 3. Diodor. 14. 10. says, Sid Sk Trjg vpdXeuig ravTHQ d^xwoviiv tTroi'i^fffv POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE. § 68. 293 and afterwards in Olymp. 96. 1., Pharacidas, the Spartan, was sent with a fleet to assist Dionysius m putting down an insurrection ^ All this was done with a view to secure the alliance of the tyrant. Still more culpable was the policy of Sparta in reference to the Asiatic Greeks and the Persians, for Dionysius was at least a Greek, and made head against the Carthaginians. In the course of the war, immediately that the Spartans set foot again on the shores of Asia Minor, Sparta declared, that if the great king would assist her, she was ready to betray into his hands all the Greeks in that quarter, many of whom had thrown them- selves into her arms with generous confidence «. The personal friendship of Lysander and the younger Cyrus, rendered such contracts unneces- sary, it is true; but would the latter ever have resigned his authority over the coasts of Asia, or would Sparta have taken measures to compel him to do so ? After Sparta, indeed, had succeeded in subdumg Athens, by means of a formidable armada, fitted out with Persian gold, she appropriated to herself all the contributions which the latter had exacted from her dependencies, and enjoyed the fruits of victory in the abundant tribute which flowed into her coffers. Cyrus being occupied with preparations for the expedition against his brother, and above all, standing in need of assist- auXrifr '"' ^^^ '^''^^'^' Di'odiru:]r"^ ^^^ '^ '^ ^ ^^^^^^-^^^ ^ See $ 62. n. 147. That the dissatisfaction of Llcha«s with th^ a * j father or ,tIr!^^^-,'^:':j^X'^'^tZ TV, ^T'lAi "'^ t 5» ■^■» 294 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. ance from the Greeks, offered no opposition to this proceeding. Whilst Sparta was thus endeavouring to extend her sovereignty over two seas, her position in Greece itself daily grew more precarious. Thebes had made reiterated and fruitless applications to her for a share of the spoils taken in the war, and began to harbour feelings of animosity against her 9. These manifested themselves during the go- vernment of the Thirty in Athens. Their protector, Ly Sander, seems to have issued a proclamation to the effect, that every person who neglected to deli- ver up Athenian fugitives, should be fined five talents ^^. But Thebes declared, that if any one of her citizens should fail to afford the fugitives from Athens all the assistance in his power ", he should be fined one talent, and went so far as to allow Athenian troops to march through her territory ^^, whilst Ismenias the Theban furnished Thrasybulus with considerable succours ^*\ The Argives ordered the envoys who demanded the extradition of the Athenian refugees, to quit their town before sun- set ^\ Meanwhile, Athens having shaken off the yoke of the Thirty, Lysander sent the most urgent messages to Sparta for assistance; the Ten, by whom the Thirty were succeeded, having obtained ^ Xenoph. Hell. 3. 5. 5 ; Flut Lys. 27. According to Justin, 5. IQ, also Corinth. '•* Diodor. 14. 6 : k->pr}(piffavro yap ro{)S 'AOrivaiutv ^vydSag l^ cnraffijg ttjq *E\KdSog dyijyifiovg rotg rpioLKOVTa ilvai, k. r. X. Conf. Lysias, c. Eratosth. 444 : iravraxoOtv iKKijpvTTonevoi, " Diodor. 14. 6 j Plut. Lys. 27. " Plut. ubi sup. He says, dv S'e Tig 'AOfivaKi Sid Trjg Boiioriag ^tti To{fg Tvpdvvovg OTrXa KO/ii^y, firjn bpdv riva Qrj^aiiov tiTjrt aKoveiv. Conf. Pelop. 6, and Dinarch. in Demosth. 19, where there is nt) Trepiopdv. '3 Justin, 5. 9. '* Demosth. de Lib. Rhod. 197. 7. 8 : i\l/ii(piQ iravreg irapeykvovro — to learn from Tiri- bazus the terms of the peace. The addition of ra vcwc is bitter « Xenoph. 5. 1. 31. '-'i POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE. § 68. S03 negociations of Tissaphemes with Sparta, and the peace itself must be considered a most disgraceful result, after the briUiant hopes which had been raised by the successes of Agesilaus. They were as follows : 1. The king was to receive the Grecian towns on the continent of Asia Minor, and the islands of Clazomenae^ and Cyprus^; all of which were declared subject to his sove- reign will and pleasure ^. 2. The Autonomia of all the other Grecian states, whether great or small, was to be respected ; Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scyros, alone remain- ing subject to Athens. 3. Persia and the states desirous of ratifying the peace, were to make war upon such as refused their assent to it ^'^. The columns on which the treaty was engraved were placed in the common sanctuaries ^. The policy of Sparta upon this occasion is ma- nifest. By granting Autonomia to the inferior states, she hoped to dissolve the alhance among towns of the same district, and particularly to break the power of Thebes, while she herself would still retain her authority over the Perioeci and Helots of her own territory, which was confirmed •* On its situation, see Thucyd. 8. 14. » Plut. Artax. 21 erroneously has : vriaovQ, '6l^avrei:, X9V Compare above on the term Isonomia, and sec a few additional remarks on the subject in Append, vii. " AioiKiffiQ. Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 1—8 ; Diod. 15. 4 ; Paus. 8. 8. 5. 2 Isocrat. Symmach. 286, where the exact date cf this occurrence is not given. Conf. Diod. 13. 65, and Schneider ad Xenoph. Hell. 3. 2. 1 1. T ^u ""^^ °^^^ """^^ ^^^^ attention to the fact, iihat the words Acha;ans and Pellenians were employed indiscriminately. See Xenoph. 4. 2. 18. 20; 6. 2. 2; 6. 4, 18; 6. 5. 29; 7. 2. 2. 11. 14; 7. 4. 28.30; 7. 5. 1. 18; x2 I 308 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. even Corinth again evinced its ancient zeal in their favour. The principal obligation enjoined by the act of confederation was that of performing miUtary service^*. Sparta demanded levies of troops, by means of the Scytale ^, and these appear to have been collected by Xenagi ^ ; any member of the confederacy that refused to furnish its quota when required incurred a fine^. All contentions be- tween alHed towns during the absence of the con- federate army were strictly forbidden ^. The assemblies of the ambassadors from the various states of the league were held in Sparta ^. There was also a federal tribunal, in which Sparta pre- sided ; its authority was appealed to by some Phliasian fugitives who had been expelled in intes- tine warfare ^. However, the trial of the Theban Ismenias, after the occupation of the Cadmea^^ is not a very creditable example of its agency ; upon this occasion the court consisted of three judges from Sparta, and one from each of the other states of the league indiscriminately; this proceeding reminds us of the treatment of the Platseans in the Peloponnesian war ^\ It is not improbable that the Peloponnesus bore, without repining, a yoke to which it had been so long accustomed ; but the ambition of Sparta de- manded the same degree of obedience from the other provinces of Greece. Her imperious preten- sions were unceasingly stimulated and encouraged M Xenoph. 6. 3. 7. " Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 37. 8« Xenoph. 3. 6. 7. '^ Xenoph. 5. 2. 21. *8 At least this was the case in the single instance adduced by Xenoph. 5. 4. 37. 89 Xenoph. 5. 2. 1 1. 20 ; 5. 4. 60. ^ Xenoph. 5. 3. 10. 9> Xenoph. 5. 2. 35. ^ Comp. at large Miiller, Dor. 1. 178, sqq. " 1 It m POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE. § 68. 309 by Agesilaus, who seems to have been born to accelerate the destruction of his own country and of Greece in general. Such a line of pohcy was, it must be confessed, not unsupported by inducements from without ; remote towns at variance with their neighbours, or dreading their encroachments, re- quested Sparta to protect their Autonomia, and such applications met ready attention. Thus the embassy of the Chalcidian-Thracian towns. Acan- thus and Apollonia, which complained of Olynthus, was favourably received. Olynthus^^ had, a short time after its foundation^*, become powerful enough to shake off its depend- ence upon Macedonia, and soon afterwards, at a time when Athens and Sparta had no leisure to vindicate their claims to Chalcidice, it endeavoured either by force or treaty, to bring all the adjacent places into alliance with itself. These attempts were resisted by the two towns already mentioned. Sparta readily availed herself of a pretext to send an ex- pedition to the Thracian coast, 01. 99. 2 ; 382. B. C., where Brasidas had once performed such brilliant achievements, and where important ad- vantages were still to be obtained. But Olynthus was not reduced till after a destructive war of nearly three years in duration, in which the Spartans lost a vahant king ; nor was it even certain how long that city would continue to feel the effects of the humihation it had sustained 9^ But still more pernicious than this domineering 53 See § 62. n. 77, sqq. »4 xhucyd 1 58 »* Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 11-24. 37, sqq. ; 5. 3. 1-9. 'l8-20. The words tlS Jhp ^rl •. *' f^r*'!' "^■''' ^•^»'V«'«T^^i^a>i'-would lead us to suppose tliat the prosperity of Olynthus increased after the war. ^^ '.it 310 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. disposition in itself was the rooted hatred which Agesilaus bore to Thebes. The origin of this appears to have been the refusal of the Thebans to send troops to Asia, and their interruption of the sacrificial rites at Aulis. The attack upon the Cadmea of Thebes ^ by Phoebidas, though perhaps not made in express obedience to the instructions of Agesilaus 97, was, after it had been sanctioned by success, so far from being ungrateful to that monarch, that he wholly forgot what was due to the good faith and honour of the state ^, and per- suaded the Spartans to appropriate to themselves the fruits of this act of treachery^. He after- wards evinced a similar feehng upon the occasion of Sphodrias' attempt upon the Piraeus '*^. Thus Sparta had attained what had been her real object at the peace of Antalcidas. Her once haughty rival, Thebes, was held in check by a garrison and the despotism of its oligarchs ; Argos and Athens were separated, whilst the latter was not hostile to Sparta, the former impoverished and powerless ; Mantinea and Elis scarcely re- tained the semblance of independent communities ; and lastly, Sparta had entered into an alliance with the king of Persia in the east, and with the tyrant Dionysius in the west. The spirit by which Sparta was guided in her foreign policy is reflected in her actions. Her ^ Xenoph. 5. 2. 25—30. ^ Plut. Ages. 24 : 'Hv fikv ovv evOvg Ik rovrtav vTrorota, ^ot[3iSov ^kv tpyov elvai, ^ovXevfia ^ 'Ayi]\xxu Ages. 25; Xenoph. 5. 4. 25, sqq. Here, too, Xenophon observes, Hell. 5. 4. 24 : koi ttoWoTc t^o^c avrri It) tv AaKidatfxovioig «^icwraTa ^iKTi KptOiivat. POLITICAL SYSTEM OF GREECE. §68. 311 ruling passion was the desire of governing, and her main object ^*^^ the extension of her empire : violence, whenever it could be exercised with im- punity, and treachery, were the means by which she compassed her ends, while the possession of power w^as merely subservient to the gratification of her arrogance, and the still further indulgence of her rapacity ^^^. In Sparta itself it is not altogether impossible that the endeavour to retain the form after the substance had departed, was to a certain degree still successful ; but when the Lacedae- monian quitted his own country, and ceased to occupy himself with military concerns, he was no longer in his congenial element ; and the numerous Spartans who were engaged on foreign service in garrisons, as Harmosts, etc., were detested by the rest of the Greeks on account of their insolence and brutality ^^% and the exactions which they exercised both on their own score and for the state. The outrages of Pausanias were frequently repeated in after times, and it was as common to see his Hke- ness in a Clearchus or a Thimbron, as it was rare to find such men as Callicratidas. Dignity had departed from the austere Lycurgan discipline, but the Spartan character had remained insensible to •<•• Plut. Ages. 37 : AaxtSaifiovioi — ovre fiav9dvov SPARTAN CONSTITUTIONS. § 69. 315 then betrayed and destroyed them\ Though he far outstripped his fellow-citizens in rapacity and violence, he found every disposition on their part to abet his designs, nor were they less ready to appropriate to themselves the fruits of his acts when he himself had become obnoxious to them. But in the states whose constitutions he regulated, his plans were promoted by the restless egotism and vindictive malice of their inhabitants. Under the name of a Decarchia % headed by a Spartan Har- most, he introduced into most of these towns an institution pregnant with all the rancour of party animosity. He began this nefarious system at Ephesus, his head-quarters in the campaign against Alcibiades, whither he summoned the ring- leaders^ of the populace from the surrounding places, and thus stirred up the fury of civil discord. The subversion of the democracies which the he- gemony of Athens had till then maintained, was not effected without the usual horrors, and Ly- sander left neither craft nor force unemployed to augment them. At his mstigation a large body of the oligarchists were cruelly butchered in Miletus * ; a like atrocity was perpetrated in Thasus^; the whole of the demus was driven out of Samos, and the restored oligarchs composed the whole body ' Plut. Lys. 8. ' On this word and the deKadapxia (presidency of a Decuria), occasionally confounded with it (e. g. Harpocr. hKaSapyia ; conf. Vales, ibid.), see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol 2. 146. 147. ^ 3 Plut. Lys. 5 -—odg iu)pa fidXiffra raXg rt roXfiaig Kai roXg ogSt iv IdiwTaig. Conf. Philostr. Vit. Soph. 501, Olear. In Plut. de Superstit. 6. 654, he is coupled with Diagoras as an Atheist. » Athen. 4. 184. D. ^ See specimens of his poetry, Plut. Alcib. 33 ; Cim. 10 ; Athen. 10. 432. SPARTAN CONSTITUTIONS. ATHENS. § 69. 317 and was moreover an author, having written a work on the ordinances of Sparta ^ ; he created a number of new words, many of which maintained themselves in subsequent use ~^. He commenced his political career under the auspices of his father Callaischrus. It is not improbable that he had been one of the associates of Alcibiades, and his flight from Athens seems to have occurred during the trial of the Hermocopidae ^. His talent and predilection for pohtical intrigue are attested by his conduct during his residence in Thessaly, where he sought to in- veigle the Penestae to revolt and to set up a de- mocracy ^S whilst he did every thing in his power to confirm the oligarchical sentiments of the dy- nasts, by systematically inveighing against demo- cratic institutions in the sophistical orations which he delivered there in the manner of Gorgias ^^. He appears to have returned to Athens soon after the fall of the Four Hundred, for he wrote the psephism for the recall of Alcibiades ^\ In the exercise of his power he was the most avaricious, violent, and sanguinary of the Thirty^*, destroying, without distinction or remorse, all who stood in the way of his selfish designs ^^ whether friends, benefactors. D. sqq. I have not yet had an opportunity of availing myself of Bach's Dis- sertation on the Life and Writings of Critias. 28 Athen. 11. 463. F. 483. B. 486. E. Is it, perhips, from thence that the statement in Plut. Cim. 16, is borrowed, that Critias said Cimon had postponed the interests of his own country to those of Sparta 1 » Pollux, 6. 31. 38. 153 ; 7. 177 ; 8. 25 ; 9. 17. «> Xenoph. Hell. 1. 2. 24. ^i Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 36. 32 Philostr. 502. » Plut. Alcib. 33. ^ Xenoph. Mem. 1. 2. 12 : ic\€Trrt Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 52. » Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 13. 320 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. struction. The rich Metoeci were first marked out for slaughter; upon the motion of Pison and Theognis, each of the Thirty selected one for exe- cution ^^ It was not long before the exterminating sword was raised against the citizens themselves ; '' men's lives were held at nought — to amass riches was the chief object ^." The proceedings were no less remarkable for informality^^ than injustice; Batrachus and ^schylides are recorded amongst the wicked and bloodstained accusers of the time ^. Persons were even forbidden to follow the corpses of their murdered relatives ^L The whole number of those who were executed is stated at fourteen hundred, but the amount is probably exag- gerated^; amongst them were numerous persons of distinction, as Niceratus the son of Nicias, doubtless because he was wealthy ; Antiphon, who had kept two triremes ; Leon the Salaminian ^, etc. The more effectually to crush the spirit of the democracy, they resolved to destroy its two prin- cipal levers, navigation and oratory. The dock- yards, which had been constructed at an expense of eleven thousand talents, were sold for three ^, or rather, that was the price agreed upon for their demolition. At the proposal of Critias and Chari- cles, all instruction in oratory was prohibited ^^, not so much on account of Critias' enmity to Socrates, as in compliance with the invariable practice of oligarchy; the orators' pulpit on the Pnyx, which » Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 21.40; Lysias adv. Eratosth. 386; Diodor. 14.5, has sixty. m Lysias adv. Eratosth. 387. »* Lysias adv. Agor. 387. *« Lysias adv. Andoc. 242 ; adv. Eratosth. 415. *' ^schin. in Ctesiph. 628. ss Dj^g^ L^^g^j 7 5 «> Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 38—40. Concerning this Antiphon, the son of Lv- sidonides, not the Rhamnusian, see § 65. n. 143. «> Jsocrat. Areop. 239. «i Xenoph. Memorab. 1. 2. 31. SPARTAN CONSTITUTIONS. ATHENS. % 69. 321 had commanded a view of the sea, was now turned towards the land-side, in order that that inspiring spectacle might no longer call up democratic emotions^. Whilst the number of the fiigitives increased, and they were preparing to effe«:t their return by force of arms, the dynasts fell out amongst them- selves. Theramenes felt that, in Critias, he had to contend with an antagonist who was an overmatch for h,m, and willing to try the effect of a change of character, began, as amongst the Four Hundred to mtngue with the demus. But Critias boldly and steadily advanced upon his path of blood, and found httle difficulty in effecting the destruction of his adversary. The fortitude with which the latter met death ^ cannot reconcile us to the iniquities of his life ; though it is on that account that he was overrated by the ancients, who held that spec.es of fortitude in peculiar honour, and therefore themselves so frequently defied the terrors of death by suicide ; this is perceptible in the re- marks of Aristotle-- and Cicero «, of whom the latter offers a cruel insult to the memory of So- crates, when he couples his name with that of 1 heramenes ^, The history of the manner in which the chief power parsed from the Thirty to the Ten must be reserved for the following chapter*'. " Plut. Themist. 19. « Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 56. « On T ^^ ,"*f ■.«* »"■' of Milesiis. and TheramsnJ. ' "'" ▼OL. II. ■^ II M: iiii III I II I ■'Wl!''^ 322 PREDOMINANCE 4 DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. 2. EL1S«». The defection from the Spartan confederacy during the Peloponnesian war, had put an end to the ancient aristocracy. But upon the rupture with Sparta, 01. 94. 3; 401. B. C, the citizens of distinction, headed by Xenias the guest of the latter state, endeavoured, in the second year of the war, to overthrow the democracy ^ but were overpowered by the demus, under the command of Thrasydaeus. Meanwhile the Lepreatians, who had joined the ranks of Sparta during the Peloponnesian war'", and had some Brasidseans and Neodamodes quar- tered upon them as a garrison or as Epceci", be- sides Macistians, and afterwards other tributaries of the Spartans, had gone over to the enemy. The chief of their perfidious demands was for the emancipation of the towns of the Perioeci, by which we are to understand the tributary places in Triphylia, as well as the dependent townships in Pisatis, consequently without the limits of Elis proper {koCKv)- Elis was constrained to purchase peace by granting freedom to the greater part of those towns it had hitherto held in subjection, such as those of Triphylia, the most considerable of which were Lepreum and Macistus, whilst Lasion was claimed by the Arcadians, Cyllene in Elis, Phrixa, Acrorea, Amphidoli, Marganeis, Epitalium, Leprina, and Epeum in Pisatis". Nevertheless Pisa, which was divided into villages, and Olympia rd xi>W<-ra Jx"""'- Xenia. was very rich according to Xenophon, ubi sup. ^See above, i 62. n. 96. " Tlmcyd. 5. 34. " Xenoph. Hell. 3. 2. 30. SPARTAN CONSTITUTIONS. PHLIUS. § 69 323 remained subject to Elis", after Olymp. 50. 1; 580. B. C. At the same time, as is proved bJ subsequent events, the oligarchical party obtained H TZfj'"''''- "^^ '^' band of the Three probably ,dentieal with the knights- seems to have been added about this time. 3. MANTINEA. The Dioikismus " in Olymp. 98. 3 ; 386 B C was immediately followed by the introduction of oligarchical institutions ; the villages into which the common capital had been resolved, received chief magistrates belonging to the oligarchical and Spartan faction, and. in the words of Xenophon, rejoiced in the new order of things by which the ^l&r '''^'' ^^ ''' ''-' ^" *^^ ^^'^' 4. PHLIUS. The oligarchs were driven out during the Connthian war; on which account Phlius did not fight under the banners of Sparta '» The refiigees applied to Sparta, but she did not as- sist- in effecting their return; even when Phlius dreading the invasion of Iphicrates, opened its gates to the^Spartans, they left the constitution and laws as they found them, and quitted the town prelidtaTS; Oi/m,!' Ves«?ar ''''"*" "■' '''"'""• ^ '^"P'-f- "-"it to "' Se^Te'e."! "b!" "• ''• ''• " See below. J 73. n. 46. '* Xenoph. Hell .«> Q 7 . "s '* Xenoph. HeTl.T4 15 ' 4 Jf J^/*«"Po»'^ n ^^re iSn/WKpaTovvro. ^ v2 324 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. without molesting the inhabitants^. But after the dismemberment of Mantinea the Ephors com- manded the Phhasians to suffer the fugitives to return without obstruction. These not only com- plied with the injunction, but also promised to restore to them their estates, and to indemnify out of the public treasury the persons by whom .they had been purchased, and to refer all disputes to legal adjudication ^\ But these attempts at re- conciliation proved abortive ; the refugees insisted upon having their demands investigated by an impartial tribunal, whilst the demus claimed the right of deciding upon them itself ^^. This led to fresh complaints on the part of the fugitives in Sparta, and to the infliction of further fines ; at length when the Cadmea was in the power of Sparta, Agesilaus led an army of Spartans against Phlius, and had every reason to be satisfied with the results of his expedition ®\ The Phliasians made a desperate resistance : the demagogue, Del- phion, resolutely defended the place amidst the horrors of famine, till it was at length compelled to surrender in Ol. 100. 2; 379. B. C. ; Agesilaus left a garrison there until a hundred men, partly fugitives, and partly such as had remained in the town, and were invested with sovereign powers, should have pronounced sentence of life and death upon the inhabitants, and completed their task of framing new laws®^. As might naturally be ex- pected, oligarchy was now introduced, and was maintained during the Boeotian war. •0 Xenoph. Hell. 4. 4. 15. 16. •» Xenoph. Hell. 5. 3. 10. •* Xenoph. Hell. 5. 3. 21—25. "• Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 8—10. « Xenoph. Hell. 5. 3. 11—17. SPARTAN CONSTITUTIONS. CORINTH. § 69. 335 5. CORINTH. After the peace of Nicias had re-established a friendly feeling between Sparta and Corinth, the latter was governed by the Spartan party ; this was not merely a consequence of its political sys- tem, by which the reciprocal dependence between the more extended commerce of the rich, and the trades and crafts of the inferior members of the state, prevented the usual marked distinctions be- tween the orders and the animosities they engen- dered but also arose, in a great measure, from the hatred it bore to Athens; however, there is no doubt that even here oligarchy greatly preponderated over democracy - After the Peloponnesian war there arose a counter-party, which brought about a de- fection from Sparta. Its leaders were Timolaus and Polyanthes «>. From that time a decided democracy, the chief support of which was Argos" existed in Corinth. After the victory of AgesLus] and h.s arrival in the Peloponnesus, the Laco- nistae held occasional meetings, and aroused the suspicion of the adverse party, who formed the hor- rible project of murdering them. On the last day of the festival Eucleia, they were surprised and slaughtered, no quarter was granted; not even those who had taken refuge in the sanc- KopirBov rH. ^arpiirair^J^iZ^Za. rT',!;: ■' '" >r»C ".W 326 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. tuary being spared ; a hundred and twenty perished in this butchery ^, five hundred escaped, and with the assistance of the Spartans made war upon their native city^^ which was defended by a garrison composed of Argives and other aUies, and by the mercenary soldiers of Iphicrates; Lechaeum was surprised and betrayed into the hands of the enemy ^^, who also temporarily occupied the Co- rinthian towns Crommyon, Epieicia, and Sidus, so that the territory of Corinth was now almost con- fined to the city itself. But the peace of Antal- cidas does not seem to have secured Autonomia to these places, and it is probable that, through the aid of Sparta, the oligarchs again placed them- selves at the helm, whilst the Argive garrison of Acro-Corinth was sent back to its own country. 6. THEBES. Party feuds arose here immediately after the Peloponnesian war. The democrats were headed by Ismenias, the friend of Thrasybulus ^^ and by Androclides, who were afterwards joined by Pelo- pidas^^ The hostility of the Thebans to Athens subsided, and hatred to Sparta supplied its place. At the beginning of the Corinthian war, which had been promoted by the efforts of the above-men- tioned chiefs^, the ascendant of the democrats •• With Xenoph. ubi sup., conf. Diod. 14. 86, whose account, though shorter, is more satisfactory. ^ Xenoph. Hell. 4. 4. 5, sqq. ; 4. 5. 19. •* Xenoph. Hell. 4. 4. 7. Still more explicitly Diod. 14. 86. To this refers Iv Acx«'V '^podoffia. Plat. Menex. 245, E., Andoc. de Pac. cum Spar. 98. ®* See § 68. n. 15. Compare Schleiermacher, Plat. 2. 1. 537, and Socher (lib Platon's Schr.) on the Menon. *' Plut. Pelop. 5. Plutarch says eTatptiav — (piKiXtvOepov iifia Kai ^q/io- TiKt)v flvai SoKovnav. ^* Xenoph. Hell. 3. 5. 1 i Pans. 3. 9. 5 ; Plut. Lys. 27, SPARTAN CONSTITUTIONS. THEBES. ^ 69. 327 becarne firmly established. The constitution itself and which the dynasts alone had prevented from Chan" V^H "'^ ^"' ^'»"^"^' ™^--"t - ZT- / ^"^''' ^"""'^ ^ ^"•t^We instrument capture of the Cadmea was followed by the downfal ot the democracy ; Ismenias was executed « and Archias Leontiades, PhUip, and Hypates^ now became the heads of the oligarchical government. thX^^ I f "^ proceedings were hke those of the Tbr ty m Athens-despotic, lawless, avaricious, stem tTh k" ^ *^^ '^™^ ''' '""^ --tit"t-n seem to have been altered even now, as the regular offices of state, particularly that of PolemarS- were admrnistered by the dynasts; but civil life and civii liberty were extinct in Thebes Mlt ""^'^'^".^^t "P dynasties- in those places, hiill rrr""' '^ '^' P^^^^ «f Antdcida had separa ed from Thebes, e. g., Thespi^, etc. The constitution of Orchomenus seems to have been remarkable for oligarchical stability. ^^Z J'^^'^'i^i^^y^^ich were dependent upon the^ hereditary and firmly-rooted aristocracy whilst Sicyon and Achaia adhered to the oligaS kntfofV' '^Tp. ^° ^^^'^* Particularar^ Known of Tegea and Phocis. But in all the states on which oUgarchy had been forcibly obtruded, the despots acknowLged n^ "* Xenoph. Hell. 6. 2. 25. 36. ^ Plut. Pelop. 5. 11 ; Xenoph. 5. 4. 2 • 7 3 7 ^ Xenoph. 5. 4. 46. 328 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. other law than that of force, while Sparta aflForded her countenance and support to the outrages they committed ^. Hence, the warmest lovers of liberty among the citizens and demagogues sought safety in flight, whilst the refugees assembled in large numbers, and looked forward with impatience to the moment for assaihng their domestic tyrants and Sparta ; many towns were deserted by more than half their citizens. It was natural that des- potisms such as these should fall, immediately they were attacked. III. THE INTERIOR OF SPARTA. § 70. The passage of Thucydides cited above *, furnishes us with an appropriate motto for the en- suing exposition : *' Permanent usages are suited to a peaceful state, but those which are compelled to engage in vast undertakings, require a corres- ponding degree of inventive power." Now Sparta had quitted the beaten path of ancient custom, and entered upon a more extensive field of enter- prise, to which she had been stimulated by Alci- biades the stranger, and in which success could only be ensured by qualities like his, not by the ancient Spartan virtues ; moreover, the inevitable result of the novel and untried experiment of a naval hegemony was the destruction of the old Spartan supremacy. The above remark is the more applicable to Sparta as the intrinsic essence and substance of the citizenship rapidly and alarmingly declined, •• The Athenian Autocles, Xenophon. Hell. 6. 3. 8 : — rovriav rSiv apxov- nitv iirifiiXtlaOt ovx c vo/it/xwc apxtaaiv, aXX* ottwc hvviavrai (3i(f Korixciv TOQ voXtie. Conf. Diodor. 16. 5. * Thuc. 1.71. See above. $ 55. n. 5. INTERIOR OF SPARTA. $ 70. 329 while every assault from without shook to their centre, those forced and unnatural relations which existed in her internal system, and which the lapse of centuries had been unable to consolidate. An attempt was indeed made to supply the deficiency in the ranks of the citizens, by raising inferior classes of inhabitants to the enjoyment of superior rights ; but, as was observed, in treating of the nature of the various classes of persons chosen for that purpose', these were not endowed with the full and entire rights of citizenship, which alone formed the basis of the institutions of Lycurgus, and by which alone he intended that they should be re- presented and maintained. As the citizens of an- cient extraction decreased, the regulations affecting landed property, which had constituted one of the mam props of the Lycurgan citizenship, fell into disuse. The law concerning heiresses gave rise to a very unequal distribution of property ; the estates of the ancient citizens who had been swept off by war were not bestowed upon new citizens, in ac- cordance with the ancient principles of the consti- tution, and through a mean-spirited jealousy of the naturalized citizens, the state would not act up to the spirit of the law, by taking the surplus property into its own hands, and redistributing it amongst deserving individuals. Hence, the accumulation of pnvate property was encouraged to a degree before unknown ; a great part of it came into the hands of females », who grew more Ucentious, noisy, and importunate as their wealth increased *, whilst the neglect of female continence with which Ibid. 2. 6. 7. Conf. Xenoph. Hell. 6. 8. 28 ; Plut. Age.. 31. I 330 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. Lycurgus appears to have been unjustly charged ^ gained ground with the disregard of legal enact- ments. But in the time of Agesilaus an incurable wound was inflicted upon the laws for the regula- tion of property by the enactment of the Ephor Epitadeus, by which persons were authorized to make a donation of their landed property to whom- soever they pleased ^ whereby the state was wholly deprived of the little power it had still retained of rewarding the merits of new citizens by grants of land, and property entirely diverted from its le- gitimate objects. This stood in close connection with the equally injurious permission to introduce the precious metals'^ in any quantity, which an oracle declared to be the most destructive of all the evils that befel Sparta®. After Sparta had assumed the maritime supremacy once possessed by Athens she levied the contributions which had been exacted by that state, and which brought her in an annual revenue of upwards of a thou- sand talents ^. Lysander and Agesilaus brought home abundance of treasure which they had ac- quired in war; the latter dedicated a hundred talents to the Delphic Apollo, as the tenth part of his Asiatic spoiP^ This impaired the man- hood and courage of individuals, the confidence they inspired, and the moral force of the law, • Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 5. • Plut. Agis. 5 : l^iivai rbv oIkov avrov Kai rbv KXrjpov, ^ rig iOeXoi, Kai ?wvra dovvai, Kai KaraXnTtiv SiariOkfiivov. Conf. on this law Manso, Sparta, 1.2. 152; 3. 1.263, sqq. ; Tittmann, Griech. Staatsv. 660. n. 94; Miiller, Dor. 2. 194, sqq. "^ Plut. Lysand. 17. But it must be observed, that there were gold and silver in Sparta before Lysander brought home the treasure he had collected in war. • Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 623: a ifuXoxptjfiaria ^iraprav 6Xti, dXKo Sk OV06V, 9 Diod. 14. 10. 10 Xenoph. Hell. 4. 3. 21. INTERIOR OF SPARTA. $ 70. 331 without increasing the effective power of the state. It did not even furnish it with the means of purchasing the services of strangers ; for in spite of its large revenue the puWic treasury was by no means well filled ", which must be chiefly attributed to the inability of the public oflScers to adapt the financial system to the new order of things, and above all to the total absence of public honesty. Gylippus was the first who sullied the lustre of his exploits by his notorious peculations »« What availed the law forbidding private individuals to possess the precious metals '^ ? At first, those who possessed silver or gold, through fear of punishment, deposited their treasures in foreign countries, and particularly in Arcadia '' ; the state Itself was not long before it sanctioned their pos- session by imposing heavy fines, for instance, no less a sum than a hundred thousand drachmas on Phoebidas ^\ The love of gain was accompanied by an mcreased passion for pleasure and dissipation. This operated upon the pubHc disinpline still more mjuriously than the general avarice itself, and sap^ ped the very foundations of the citizenship. During a protracted residence in foreign countries the war- nor had ample opportunities of indulging in illicit pleasures; whilst the restrictions caused by the necessity of outwardly observing the laws, gra- dually estranged the minds of the citizens from their true spirit ; the effect of this was, that while they securely reveUed in luxury abroad, they pur- of his'lgr* ^''** ^* ^' ^^' "'^'' ''""^^ "^^^^ "*"" *^« ^i*»» «^» "»«« tn»* " Plut.Lys. 16; Diod. 13. 106. u P^!' S^f- ^^J " Athen. 233, F. Plut. Pelop. 6 ; conf. MuUer, Dor. 2. 210. 211. aes 382 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. sued it with equal avidity in secret at home ^^. Add to this that the laws gradually lost their secu- rity and sanction, the relation of political life to religion became powerless, and faith and confi- dence were extinguished. The Spartans delibe- rated at a meeting at Delphi concerning a peace, without consulting the oracle ^'^, Agesilaus, the favourite hero of the pious Xenophon, did not neglect to consult appearances it is true, but he made his devotion yield to his policy ^^ and his policy to his passions. Amidst this general decline of morality and na- tional feeling, it was natural that the discordances which had arisen in the legal position of the vari- ous members of the commonwealth, should produce constantly-increasing exasperation and animosity. The remnant of the ancient citizens still continued to engross all political power, and to assert the most arrogant pretensions. The Ephors stretched out their Briarean arms, crushed every attempt at independent agency in a functionary, and sup- pressed all freedom of opinion and speech, on the abuses by which the public system was disgraced. Ephors themselves or their deputies, accompanied the general to the field, or went thither to examine his conduct as before ^^. But notwithstanding the power they possessed, they did nothing to fill up the chasm which divided the conflicting elements '* Aristot. Pol. 2. 6. 16. It is impossible not to recognize an allusion to the change in the condition of Sparta in Plat, de Repub. 8. 547. 548. " Xenoph. Hell. 7. 1,27: — r^ fdv 0cy ovdkv tKOivuxravTO — avroi dk l^ovXtvovTo. '* Agesilaus had received just such a response as he desired from the oracle in Olympia ; the Ephors ordered him to consult that in Delphi too ; he asked whether the son considered advisable what the father did. Plut. Apophth. 6. 773. » Xenoph. Hell. 3. 4. 2. ubi sup. 333 INTERIOR OF SPARTA. § 7o. Of the state, and to bring worth, services, and civil rights, into just harmony and proportion. Hence, the indignation of such as had been oppressed and shut out from preferment became ungovern- able ; Cmadon declared that they detested the Homoioi to such a degree, that they could de- vour them raw ^^ Resistance was made in various quarters to the encroachments of these degenerate representatives of the privileged orders. First and foremost by those brave men who had worked their way from an humble station by their talents and courage, and had not been endowed by the state with rights proportioned to the important services they had rendered it, on which account they were eager to break down the barriers which excluded them fi^om rank and privile.ge. Secondly by the original chiefs of the government, the iangs, whose power was entirely broken, and who were subjected to frequent and bitter mortifica- tions from the overbearing insolence of the Ephors who even went so far as to try them for their ives . Nevertheless, the third Agis was the first king who attempted a restoration of the ancient constitution. Amongst the first cla^s above de- scribed we may number Brasidas, though he had neither the inclination to plot against the con- stitution, nor the same causes for dissatisfaction as the new citizens ; the same may be observed ot Dercylhdas, who was as crafty and scheming^ 4 le^UTstngK: ti:tbT:f t'^^- "^'"^.T ^^-^^^ -^ ^ -^ the long lists of iLulted DrinoPs n» f ^'°ff- ^°^ ^^^ royalists. Hence exile at^egea Oly^^^.rC^^^^llX^^^ "^^^'T' ^" Pa^samas condemned to death and forced to fly to xt^^olLn o« 'o '°'' *• Lphor.ap. Ath. U. 500. C • f,v ^A^ /'X^ ^ egea Olymp. 96. 2. o^^' aiXovv (x.v, aXXa ^oxi r6* .r«;;o^;ov:^r. x/^' "' '^ ^"'"'"^' u 334 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. as the other was bold and energetic. A more decided hostility to existing institutions was dis- played by Lysander, who had nothing of the Spartan character, but its abstinence from sensual pleasures and its perfidy ^\ and whilst he followed the steps of Alcibiades in his attempts to accustom the Spartans to the sea, he introduced all sorts of dangerous innovations, and corrupted the minds of the people who confided in him, as long as they needed his assistance. Pausanias justly declares, that with all his victories he rather injured than benefited his country '*. Formed by nature to be the flatterer of the great ^, he prevailed upon the youthful Cyrus to grant him considerable subsi- dies : but Sparta degraded herself; and the noble indignation of CalHcratidas at the haughtiness with which that prince (a Barbarian) treated him (a Greek) the commander-in-chief and representative of his nation 2^ shows how low Sparta had sunk. Besides this, after their necessities were supplied, they began to feel a rapacious craving for riches, which all the treasures of Persia were not able to satisfy. Still, in spite of the corruption of the people, and the benefits he had conferred upon his countrymen by enabling them to maintain their hegemony, Lysander could not succeed in remov- ing those constitutional impediments by which he was excluded from the chief direction of affairs at home; they accepted his gifts, contented themselves with the old establishments, and soon grew weary /.? wvarutv. » Theopomp. ap. Ath. 12. 643. B. Manso, Sparta, 3. 2. 44, saq. ** Pausan. 9. 33. 6. ^s piut. Lys. 2 : BepairevTiKbg tCjv Svv * Sec the admirable description in Plut. Lys. 6 ; conf. Xenoph. 1. 6. 6. 7, who, indeed, only mentions the order of Cyrus, that CalHcratidas should wait two days, but this is sufficient. INTERIOR OF SPARTA. ^ 70. 335 riiked'cnr?*"\"^ *^' ^'""^^'y ^«»«'-- Hence resulted collisions between the chiefs of the state and Lysander ; his endeavours were counteracted by king Pausanias ^ and with stiU greater S by Ages.laus, who with the galling ridicl^d insolence which a Spartan so welllcnew how o employ, subjected hi™ to various mortificatrons and reduced h™ to the level of a common citizen » Lysander is said hereupon to have conceived L' r3?acntr"^ *'^ constitution^or i an, rate of facilitating access to the kingly office. On the other hand, Cinadon an ancie''n[ Spartan in virtue and courage, was inspired by loftier aims than Lysander; he strove to obtain for himself and resol 7'?°"' '^' ^" "^'^^^ '^ ^^^izenship, and resolved not to occupy a lower position in the pohtical scale than those who ha^ not perfomed not to belong to the Homoioi. Wherefore leaguing with himself, he determmed to extort by force that which was unjustly withheld; but, before the plo was ripe was for execution, Cinadon and his com panionswere discovered and condemned to d.eTn" ignom,„.ous death ». Olymp. 95. 4 ; 397. B. C time Z *'''' ""'? T""'^^ ^y ^g^«"^"«' at 'that and for „,oTr* '^""P'°" "^ '""^ constitution, tv^ToTZ Z" r'''' ""' ' ^^"^-^ the main- spnng of the pohtical system. Trained up in the ancient Spartan discipline, he rigidly adhered to the ^ Xenoph. Hell. 2. 4. 29. 14 3. ' ^g««- 20, Lacon. Apopth. &. 796. 797 : Diod ^ Xenoph. Hell *? <; 1 1 i s| 336 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. external observances enjoined by the laws '^; which, added to his personal bravery, military talents, affa- bility to inferiors, and a prudent pliancy towards the Ephors '% gained him the favour and attach- ment of all ranks of the community. In less than a year after his accession he quelled the conspiracy of Cinadon, and then began to counteract the designs of Lysander. Lysander's staunchest ad- herents were without Sparta amongst the Decarchs, some of whom had gone so far as to raise altars and offer up sacrifices to him^^ and so long as Sparta thought fit to assert the more extended circle of her hegemony, she could not dispense with the aid of Lysander and his creatures. But Agesilaus ought to have endeavoured to replace the Spartan system upon its former secure basis ; instead of this, he opposed the schemes of Lysan- der in the hope of being able to occupy that place which the personal qualities of the latter enabled him to fill, on which account he strove to main- tain the foreign empire of the state, and even went beyond Lysander in his efforts to extend it. The calamities which resulted to Sparta from the measures of Agesilaus, were but ill-disguised beneath the tinsel and glare of his victories. The chief effect of his mihtary virtues, which blinded the judgment of Xenophon, was to tempt a state in need of internal reform and invigoration to embark in enterprises, which could only end in total ex- haustion. To gratify his passion for war, his thirst of fame, and above all, his hatred to Thebes, he « Plut. Ages. 3. 19. •* Plut. Ages. 4. » Plut. Lys. 18 from Duris. This must merely be referred to heroic wor- ship, "like that of a KriffTtfQ, as in the case of Brasidas, and the irpwry — iKctvy — wc 0«v must be limited accordingly. INTERIOR OF SPARTA. § 70. 337 conducted Sparta, who now began to quit the sub- stance for the shadow, and had grown insensible to the importance of fortifying herself by the virtues of her citizens at home — by a path of blood and treachery, to a height where the ground sunk from beneath his feet. His conduct at home was by no means free from reproach, and he differed from Agis at a later period, who firmly resisted all encroachments upon the royal dignity. He truckled to the Ephors, in order to deter them from throwing obstacles in his way ^*, and he was punished by them for courting the favour of the citizens ^^. Nevertheless, popular opinion was so entirely with him, that contrary to all precedent, he was entrusted with the command of the fleet ^. That he had a party against him, may be collected from various passages in the ancient writers^. Upon the occasion of his campaign to compel the Phhasians to receive back the oligarchs they had expelled, many persons declared that it was impo- litic to make war upon a city containing five thousand inhabitants, for the sake of a few refu- gees^. Antalcidas likewise judiciously observed, when Agesilaus had been wounded in an engagement with the Thebans, that he now reaped the fruits of the instructions, which he had given them in the art of war by his campaigns ^. Nevertheless, he had the multitude on his side, and was supported by the spirit of his age. Thus by entangling M i i^ m a «' I ,'l ! ** Aristotle probably refers to him when he says, Pol. 2.6. 14, Sr}fiay(M}yHv avTovQ (the Ephors) rivayKa^ovro Kai ot ^aaiXtig. ^ Plut. Ages. 4. 28. « Xenoph. Hell. 3. 4. 27 ; Plut. Ages. 10. ^ See at large Plut. Ages. 26. ^ Xenoph. 5. 3. 16. * Plut. Ages. 26 : 'H icaXd Si^affKaXia irapa Qripaitov cnroXafi^apiic, firi (iovXofikvovQ abrovg firiS' iviffrafuvovg udx^ffOai SiSa^aQ. Conf. Lacon. Apophth. 6. 801. VOL. II. Z ll 338 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. Sparta in quarrels and rash enterprises, he exposed her to a series of violent shocks, which at length so enfeebled her, that after having beheld the dov^rnfal of her foreign despotism, she began to tremble for the existence of her power at home. And yet this very Agesilaus dechned the command of the army after the hberation of the Cadmea, lest it should be said that he had involved the state in disputes, by assisting the dynasts ^ ! B. T/ie victory of Democracy over the Hegemony and Oligarchical system of Sparta. I. THE NEW DEMOCRACY OF ATHENS FROM ITS RESTORATION TO THE TIME OF PHILIP. § 71. We left Athens under the tyranny of the Thirty. The refugees and exiles having assembled in large numbers, the boldest amongst them, under the command of Thrasybulus, attacked and de- feated the soldiers of the Thirty, took up their position in the Piraeus, repulsed the assaults of the enemy, and killed Critias and others of their chiefs \ This disheartened the tyrants and restored courage to the people, who now openly revolted. The Thirty, with the exception of Phidon and Era- tosthenes % escaped to Eleusis, from whence, and from Salamis, three hundred of the most indepen- dent inhabitants had been led out and put to death ^ Democracy, however, was not immediately restored, but on account of the numerous parti- ' Andoc. de Myster. 43, has the opKog : Koi ov /tvijffuear^erw twv ttoXi- rStv ovdevi, TrXrjv rStv rpiaKOvra Kai rSiv (vSiKa (Xenoph. Hell. 2. 4. 38, has the Skxa besides, see above, and this must be added ; conf. Ullrich. Four Dialogues of Plato, 260) • ovSk rovriav, oq olv WiXoi ivQvvaq Movai Trjg " c'ritias, ap. Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 32, declares, Kai ehi fikv dfiirov iraoat ira^Xal TroXircuSv Oavarrj^opot. " See the passages in Taylor, Vit. Lys. 143. n. 11. »» Demosth. adv. Bceot. de Dot 1018. 4. 5 \—ovU tovq rSivrpiaKOVTa vuXq Avyahvtrai U TTJg iroXaoQ ij^iwirarc. ** .^P^?*^* ^^ ^'y^^' ^.^* *• Andoc. ubi sup. ; Kai ov /xvijmicaic^ffw oiiU aXXy (e conj. Reisk.) TTtiffOixai ' ypti(l>iovfxat U kuto. tovq KEififvovg vo/xovg. " Lysias adv. Manlith. 574; conf. bbckh, Pub. Econ. 1. 269. " Lysias de Evand. Dokimas, 795. 4. NEW DEMOCRACY OF ATHENS, k 71. 341 Asia '^. In order to prevent sycophancy from de- feating the provisions of the amnesty, Archinus had caused a resolution to be passed, which secured to the accused pecuHar advantages in conducting his defence ^« ; but this could not subdue the passion of the Athenians for litigation ; a number of lawsuits soon proclaimed the inefficacy of the amnesty; prosecutors even appeared against the former Four Hundred's and it was one of the charges against Socrates, that he had been the instructor of Critias ''. THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY. The Archonship of EucUd'^^. Even before the total overthrow of the oligarchs and the declaration of the amnesty, Archons had been chosen "S Euchd being Eponymus, 01. 94. 2 ; 403. B. C. The archonship of Euclid forms a most important epoch in the civil annals of the Athenians, as its effects were perceptible in every object of public life, from the constitution and laws down to the very alphabet ; every thing bears the impress of regeneration, and whatever was not stamped afresh fell into disuse. The order of things before Euclid, and that which subsisted after him, are contrasted as the old and new time^. •9 See $ 68. n. 29. 20 Isocrat. adv. Callim. 618; vo^iov IQiaQi, &v r^g SiKaKtjrai Trapd roi,g opKovg. i^uvat ry tf>n,yovTi irapaypdy\^aa9ai, rovg H apxovrag iripl Toirov TTpuiTov ei6dpa iraXaiovg. « Dionys. Halicarn. de Lys. § 32. p. 271. Tauchn. Lysias wrote a speech against it. At the same time a distribution of land was possibly made to those who had been compelled to fly, to indemnify them for the loss of their estates which had been confiscated by the dynasts. Isocrat. de Big. 620. 37 Andoc. de Myst. 39. 40 ; conf. Poll. 8. 112 ; ot Ehoai. ^ Andoc. uhi sup. 47 ; conf. 13. -^ Andoc. ubi sup. 47. 48. NEW DEMOCRACY OF ATHENS. § 71. 343 declared capital to retain possession of any office beyond the appointed term ^. On the other hand, to guard the laws against the (offsets of popular caprice, it was enacted, that no unwritten ordi- nance should be used, and that no psephism of the council or the body of the people should be para- mount to the law^\ To the same head must be referred the protection afforded to personal hberty by the statute, enacting, that no decree against a private individual should have force, until it had received the assent of six thousand citizens, who were to vote secretly ^% which, in some mea- sure, operated as a revival of ostracism. But the chief of these restorative laws was that of Diodes, which appears to have been passed the year after the archonship of Euclid^', declaring that all the laws antecedent to the time of Euclid, which had not been framed by the oligarchs, and in the next place, those of the archonship of EucUd, should have effect without exception; but that those passed subsequently to that period were only to commence operation from the day of their enactment, unless a particular day should have been specified for that purpose ^*. However, the orators no less frequently call all the ordinances of the new democracy So- lon's laws, than they omit the words *^from the archonship of Euclid." Nicomachus, who had already been a kind of archive-keeper before the government of the Thir- ty*^, was appointed Antigrapheiis of the Solonic, " Andoc. 47 ; conf. Lycurg. in Leocr. 225. ^' Andoc. ubi sup. 42. ^ Andoc. ubi sup. *» Petit V. d. Att. Ges. p. 196. ed. Wessel. =** Demosth. in Timocr. 713 ; conf. Meier de Bon. Damn. 71. n. 233. ** Lysias adv. Nicomach. 847. a » i/< 344 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. Draconic, and other laws of the new democracy ^. He was also instructed by the state formally to introduce the Ionian alphabet '^ which it was pro- posed to render general, by using it in drawing up the laws. Nicomachus was allowed four months to perform his task, but took six years to com- plete it'^ and was accused of various falsifica- tions, particularly by inserting several expensive hohdays ^ in the table of festivals. What effect these organic changes, in which the foundations of the constitution had been laid anew, produced upon the public system in Athens during the ensuing period, cannot, from the defectiveness of our sources, be stated with any degree of accuracy. Lysias and Andocides only stand, as it were, upon the threshold. Xenophon, in treating of Grecian his- tory, was not disposed to say much of the interior of Athens ; the treatise on the repubhc of the Athe- nians relates to this period of history, it is true, but its contents are still more suspicious than the name of its author; whilst the insipid Diodorus had neither perspicacity nor vigour enough to delineate a political system. The state of pubUc affairs till the commencement of Philip's career, during which interval Athens did not, even in its external relations, occupy a prominent position, may be characterized upon the whole as fluctuating between good and evil ; the revival of democracy did not restore the purity and strength of the national character ; the few noble-minded citizens who had escaped the corruption of the age and » Lysias ubi sup. 837, sqq. 37 See citat. ap. Taylor, Vit. Lys. p. 141 ; besides which, compare Suidas, 2a/itwv 6 diifJ^og. ^' Lys. adv. Nicom. 864. » Lys. adv. Nicom. 839. 854. ^^ Suid. KUaXoc. DemostLSo!* '" ^^^''^''* ^^^ '' ^°^*- ^cmoslh. dt: Coron. Dinarch. in f i H f| I I 358 PREDOMINANCE & DTCLINE OF OLIGARCHY. to the Boeotian party; in Olymp. 100. 2; 379. B. C, he drew up the psephism for sending suc- cours to Thebes ^^* ; and appeared as the enemy of Sparta as early as Olymp. 96. 1 ; 965. B. C, when he was bribed by the Persians ^^^. Amongst the democratic refugees at the time of the Thirty was Epicrates^^, whose character both in youth and age was tainted with dishonesty. When Sakesphorus he is mentioned amongst the fops of that age ^^ ; as an Antilacon he received some of the Persian money of Timocrates ^^, and obtained a still richer harvest on his embassy to the great king *^ ; correspondent to his readiness to receive a bribe was the effrontery, with which he boasted to the people of the advantages attend- ing such missions ; notwithstanding the favourable manner in which they received his proposition "° for appointing poor citizens, instead of the Archons, ambassadors to the great king, he could not pass his accounts, and fearing to be condemned to death for peculation during his embassy, he was obliged to fly, and died in exile ^^K Still more dishonest was the successor of Thrasybulus in the command of the navy ^^'^, the Poristes Agyrrhius ^^\ of whom not a single praiseworthy action has been recorded ^^\ '<*■' Dinarch.in Demosth. 31. See a proposition which he made respecting the Parian Phanociitus, who had contributed to the victory at Naxos, 01. 101. 1, in the Inscript. Bbckh, Thes. Inscrip. p. 123. "^ Pausan. 3. 9. 5 ; comp. above, § 68. n. 39. ^^ Demosth. de Fals. Legat. 430. 4. 5 : dvrip — (nrovdaiog xai iroWd XP^/ff'/ioC Ty TToXti, Kai tCjv tK TlHpaiWQ Karayayovnav tov drffiov, xai u\\ut£ SriiiOTiKog. ^'" See above, $ 64. n. 84. ws Pausan. 3. 9. 6. '°9 Plut. Pelop. 30 ; conf. Hegesander ap. Ath. 6. 251. B. "•<' Plut. ubi sup. : lykXaffiv o ^rfpiOQ. '" Demosth. de Fals. Legat. 430. 2. 3. "» Xenoph. Hell. 4. 8. 31 ; Diod. 14. 99. "' See concerning him, Bockh, Pub. Econ. 1. 246. "* The praise of Demosth. in Timocr. 742. 17. 18 : — dv^pa xpn^rov Kal SiifioTtKov Kai TTfpi TO Tr\if9o<: TO v^'tTipoi' TToXAa tnrov^daavTa — is not wholly impartial. NEW DEMOCRACY OF ATHENS. § 71. 359 The most celebrated amongst the orators of that age was Callistratus, the son of Calhcrates of Aphidna "^ joint commander with Timotheus and Chabrias, Olymp. 100. 4 ; 377. B. C."«, and Archon, Olymp. 106. 2; 355. B. C. ; he was afterwards twice condemned to death ''" and (?ach time escaped, but returning at length without permission he was executed "^ He was the friend of Iphicrates"^ and appeared with him as the accuser of Timo- theus ^*^ His attentions was more particularly directed to the external relations of the state ; he recommended the occupation of Thasus'^S and a short time before the battle of Leuctra, endea- voured to bring about a peace with Sparta '"% whither he went as ambassador himself ^^^ It was at his suggestion that troops were sent to the Peloponnesus, who afterwards fought in the battle of Mantinea^^*. His pacific dispositions towards the Thebans are attested by the speech which he made, when, Olymp. 103. 3; 366. B. C, Oropus had been wrested from the Athenians by the Eu- bcean Themison with the co-operation of Thebes ^^^, and which produced a deep impression on the youthful mind of Demosthenes ^^^ Less renowned than the precieding, and some of whom are only known to us by name, were : Me- lanopus, an unworthy antagonist of Callistratus *^, "* See Ruhnk. Hist. Or. Gr. LVIII. ; Bockh, I'ub. Econ. 1. 246. * Diod. 15. 29. i'7 Demosth. in Polycl. 1221. 18. •^ Lycurg. in Leocr. 198. i'» Xenoph. Hell. 6. 2. 39. >^ Demosth. in Timoth. 1187. 7. J2> Zenob. Prov. 4. 34. I^ ^®"**P^- ^- ^- *0.' conf. Ps. Demosth. in Neser. 1353. 19. ^ Xenoph. Hell. 6. 3. 3. 10. Concerning his meeting with Epaminondas there, see Dodwell, Ann. Xenoph. a. XXXIX. and Plut. Pracept. Reipub. ^7o^"i ^; ^^' • '" I's. Demosth, in Neajr. 1353: - Diod. 15. 76 ; Xenoph. Hell. 7. 4. 1. where see Schneid. '* F'lut. Demosth. 5; (Jellius, Noct. Att. 3. 13. '•^ Plut. Dem. 13. SB 300 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY, from whom, however, he had the meanness re- peatedly to accept money ^^ ; Leodamas, the Achar- nian, the accuser of Callistratus '^9, as well as of Chabrias '^, and himself accused by Thrasybulus ; a pupil of Isocrates ^^\ and according to the judg- ment of iEschines, upon which, however, we can- not place implicit rehance, a more powerful orator than Demosthenes, to whom he upon the whole preferred him, and likewise in the Theban inter- est ^'2 ; Androtion, the scholar of Isocrates ''% who was already of advanced age when Diodorus accused him in the speech of Demosthenes^'*. Autocles ''', Cephisodotus, Archedemus, Callias the Daduchus, Thrasybulus the Colyttian ^'^, Demos- tratus, the son of Aristophon, Aristocles, Lycan- thus and Deinias, ('Epxcevs), are, for the most part, mentioned as having belonged to the embassy which was sent to Sparta to conclude peace '^; Auto- cles had the reputation of possessing great tact and skill ^^ ; Cephisodotus afterwards drew up the terms of the confederacy between Athens and Sparta "9, and is, 01. 106. 2, recorded as Syndicus at the proposal of laws "« ; Deinias supported the law proposed by Leptines, together with the Aze- nian Aristophon, Leodamas and Cephisodotus '^\ 1^ Plut. ubi sup. i» Aristot. Rhet. 136. ed. Schwick. '* Demosth. in Lept. 501. m r-/'."/- /'^- ^''- ^''*^''- ^^^' "' ^sch. in Ctesiph. 531 . Z , '**• ^^^^Por- '^* Demosth. in Androt. 613. 24. 15 71 ^^®*^^*^^ ^** * ^^^' "°^^'" ^'^ command, Olymp. 103. 1, see Diod. 1^ Dem. in Timocr. 742. 12; ^schin. in Ctesiph. 531. '•*7 Xenoph. Hell.6. 3.2. •" Dem. iu Lept. 501. 24. See the proposal of Cephisodotus, for showbe SriOlIol^lt^'"''??^'''"^,."^ '*'''•'''■ '" ■^""•'nforapres'ent. Int^ pt! Bockh, 101— 103; Ihes. p. 126; (Bipont, 101—103.) "^ "' Demosth. in Lept. 501. 25. DEMOCRACY OF THEBES. J 72. 361 2. THE DEMOCRACY OF THEBES AND ITS CONTEST WITH SPARTA. § 72. Xenophon, in accordance with his Spartan predilections entitles the government of Sparta, after the subjugation of Thebes, well-constituted and secure ' ; and yet, according to his own show- ing, seven men managed to overturn it' The capture of the Cadmea, through its consequences to Sparta, became, according to the Greek pro- verb, a Cadmean victory. Theban fugitives filled the surrounding towns and villages, which were no less ready to receive them, than to expel their own ■nhabitants Athens especially displayed her hospitality which was so inexhaustible a theme of panegyric to the orators, and Pelopidas and his friends m Athens formed the project of liberating bparta Pelopidas was descended from one of he noblest famihes in Thebes- but his motives m the glorious conspiracy which he headed, were free from all taint of aristocratic pride or party! spirit Havmg m the silence of the night attacked and overpowered the profligate Archias, the vio- S!, «'°"*'f "'' "yP^tes and Philip, 01. 100. 2; -i/J. B. C., he was joined by vast numbers of asso- ciates, who were inspired by the noblest feelings of courage and patriotism ; the townsmen assisted him m dnving the Spartans from the Cadmea, all! ^Pr„?Pel!,p.'9^- ' '• """""•' "■«« »e« forty-eight conspirators in and Z^o:,'"^:!- '"'"" '"""''>"•>■'' ^-"o'- »'l Corn. .Xep.. l-lu,. r„„„ * I'lut. Pelop. 8. ■ M 362 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. and supplies came from the neighbouring places in Boeotia \ In Athens, Cephalus was the author of the decree for sending succours to the patriots ^ Some Theban horsemen intercepted and put to flight a body of Plataeans, who were marching to the relief of the citadeP. The garrison of the Cadmea was chiefly composed of the allies of Sparta, who felt no inchnation to expose them- selves to danger to maintain her supremacy, and evacuated the citadel without waiting till they were vigorously attacked^. Flushed with success, the conquerors in the first moment of victory sacri- ficed numerous victims to their vengeance; not even the children of the Laconistae were spared ^ and an amnesty was not upon the whole so for- mally declared as in Athens. The oligarchs took refuge in Orchomenus, whence they made several fruitless efforts to effect their return '^ No organic changes appear to have been effected in the constitution of Thebes after the downfal of the oligarchy. Certain permanent forms, which had not even been abolished by the ohgarchs, who had endeavoured to incorporate their own authority into them, now resumed all their former importance, such as the office of Polemarch ", etc. ; but the de- mocratic character, from that time forth, decidedly predominated. The liberators, says Xenophon, strove to satisfy the demus, and determined to die for the constitution, rather than again be expelled ^^ But the personal authority of those high-minded men. va 5 Diod. 15. 26. 7 Xenoph. Hell. 5. 4. 10. « Ibid. 5. 4. 11 ; Plut. Pelop. 13. •0 Diod. 15. 79. »' Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 6. " Din. adv. Demosth. 31. » Xenoph. Hell. 5. 4. 12 " Sec $ 69. n. 95. DEMOCRACY OF THEBES. § 72. 363 Pelopidas, Epaminondas, Gorgidas, Pammenes, (to whose superintendence PhiHp of Macedon was af- terwards entrusted ^^), Ismenias, Mellon, Charon, etc., by no means superseded the constitution ; but they infused into it another spirit, the body politic became animated by a new soul, and this chiefly contributed to regenerate Thebes". Military in- stitutions, as before, formed the basis of the public system ; and, as in Athens, the chief dignity con- nected with them, viz. that of Polemarch, or what was at that time the same thing — the Boeo- tarchy ^^, greatly preponderated in the internal administration. The sacred band {Upos \6x09) formed by Gorgidas ^^ consisted of three hundred chosen citizens, and was supported by the commu- nity at large ^^ as the garrison of the citadel ; they who composed it were united by patriotism, and like the men of Sparta in former times, by the love which indissolubly connected individuals ^^. They maintained in full vigour the virtues and glory of Thebes, till the battle of Chjeronea. Nothing certain is known concerning their relation to the constitution. There can be httle doubt that they were chiefly attached to Gorgidas, Epaminondas, Pelopidas, etc. ; and their patriotism may be in- ferred from the circumstance, that notwithstanding the Cadmea was in their pow Xenoph. Hell. 6. 3. 18. 19. « plut. Ages. 27. 28. « Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 2: r) S' iKKXrjffia aKovcraffa ravra tKeipov fiiv ^Xvapilv ijyriffaro- I'ldrj yap, utgtoiKe, to l^atuoviov riyev. ** Plut. Agesil. 28. t- n tOSm H DEMOCRACY OF THEBES, § 72. 369 sion. Epaminondas, great as he was as a citizen, ranks still higher as a general. He must have been one of the chief promoters of the measures of Thebes against Sparta and her Symmachia ; but it is upon this part of his pubhc 'conduct that the mind dwells with least satisfaction. Pelopidas was the worthy fellow-soldier of Epaminondas, and no less distinguished as a citizen. In their operations connected with the external policy of the state, they pursued opposite directions ; Pelopidas turned his views towards the north ; Epaminondas towards the south. The great qualities of these two men served for a time to gloss over some of the most notorious of the faults by which the Thebans had signalized themselves. It is by no means pro> bable, however, that their character, even during this period, inspired attachment and respect ; but there is no doubt that the hatred of the Athenians exaggerated their defects. The policy of Thebes reveals occasional ghmpses of a nobler feeling ; as for instance, when Pelopidas, conscious that he was fighting in a good cause, marched against Alexan- der, the tyrant of Pherae, at a tim(3 when he was in alliance with Athens, and Sparta sent succours to Dionysius of Syracuse *^ Thebes must not be blamed for following up her successes after the battle of Leuctra. Was she to remain inactive until Sparta should renew her attacks? From Agesilaus' love of war, and his implacable animo- sity, no dependence could be placed upon the con- touance of peace. After the battle of Leuctra, Thebes was, indeed, said to have transferred to the Achoeans the power of arbitrating in the internal h ^OL. n. Plut. Pelop. 31. ,8 b 370 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY, wars of the Greek states^; but the statement is too vague to be depended upon. We may safely assume, that after the battle of Leuctra, military enthusiasm became predominant in the minds of the Thebans*^ But no sooner did Thebes stretch out her athletic arms over the surrounding country, than her lust of territorial aggrandizement displayed itself in various acts of aggression and violence, and in a total estrangement from the spirit of wis- dom and moderation. Sparta suffered more from internal exhaustion than from any apparent want of external support *«; but neither neighbours, kindred states, nor those which were rendered dependent upon her authority by the nature of their constitutions, testified steady and faithful attachment to her interests ; the Pelo- ponnesian confederacy, her natural bulwark and defence, was shaken to its centre, and her aUies now only consisted of those whom the hopes or fears, inspired by the fluctuating politics of the day, induced to espouse her cause ; such were Dionysius and his son, who were most desirous of estabhsh- ing an influence in the mother-country, and who several times sent her bodies of Celts and Iberians *9. The design of Athens in remaining neuter till the moment arrived for turning the scale of victory in favour of either of the combatants it might suit her purposes to support, was not ill-judged in itself, it is true ; but she could not devise or follow up any <« Strab.8. 384: furd Sk t^iv U AevKvpoig fiaxvv iTrhpt^av Onl^am rovTOiQ Ti,v Siairav irepi rwv avriXcyo/isvwv rale iroXiai. irpo^ aWri^aC- *^ Xenoph. Hell. 6. 5. 23:— Kai ydp oi fitv Bonoroi tyvfiva^ovro iravriQ 48 See in Xenoph. 6:4. 17. 18. the imperfect fist of the confederates who furnished quotas of men for the continuation of the war. Conf. on Epidaurus, 7. 1. 25, and others, 7. 2. 2. « Diodor. 15. 70 ; Xenoph. 7. 1 . 20. 28 ; 7. 4. 12. DEMOCRACY OP THEBES. § 72. 371 regular or consistent course of policy for the attain- ment of her object. For instance, if XenophoHs to be beheved, Athens, after the battle of Leuctrl in order st.ll more effectually to weaken Sparte - made an attempt to dissolve the confedefacT of ^:iT:irrrxrtr^"^^-^^ str5tvr;iSiS-^-^^^^^ A.,f„ ^ f Antalcidas, by asserting their ut^icicy . i5ut Athens reaned vprv liffi^ j tage from their co-operation'; VeTela^, tZ Peloponnesus were shortly destined to undergo ! total revolution, in consequence of fZ f part which one section of SalTiL^t ITZl to^perform, as well as from the effects of fc^e^;^ The renown of Sparta, as well as the terrors of her name and the attachment she hadi Zed amongst her neighbours and ancient aUierhad ong ceased, and the Arcadians felt the wli a„d he power to follow the example of Theber The townships of which Mantinea had once been dm posed, and which had hitherto beeranneldTo" an-i Elis. ambassadors were JnlZ A.U ."^^ "" '""JunMion with Argos -^I'-ed Ibe offer. Bothttateme„U ma^^ w\,t.''"''^ '" "'"»»««' '»■' '^ B b2 i\ 372 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. Sparta by the bands of her oligarchical supremacy ^, shook off the detested yoke and rebuilt the walls of the common capital, Elis contributing three talents to the expenses of the undertaking ^^ Disturbances now broke out in Tegea ; Callibius and Proxenus, in concert with Mantinea, proposed to establish an Arcadian league^, which was opposed by the Lacon Stasippus; a tumult ensued, in which the Laconistae were overpowered with the help of the Mantineans, and a great number of them slain, while the remainder, to the number of eight hun- dred, escaped to Sparta^. The project of a state which should comprise the whole of the Arcadians was resumed, and, with the aid of Thebes, there seemed a probability of carrying it into effect. The noble Mantinean, Lycomedes^^ now directed all his energies to the realization of this object. The Arcadians hereupon coalesced with the Thebans, to whom a way was now opened into the Peloponnesus. At this juncture, Jason of Pherae, Tagus of the Thessalians, came from the north with a numerous army, similar to that which Gelon had once com- manded, but chiefly composed of mercenaries, in the hope of acquiring power in Greece ; his pre- mature death relieved the Greeks from any appre- hensions from that quarter, though his tyranny 57 ** See § 69. n. 76, even after the battle of Leuctra ; tpp(ofikv(i)Q — U rwv KU)ftwv avvKJTpaTtvovTO' dpiffroKpaTovfitvoi yap iTvy\avov. Xenoph. " Xenoph. Hell. 6. 5. 4. 5. According to Pausan. 8. 14. 2, it was accom- plished by Epaminondas ; — ig rrjv dpxaiav avvijyayev avBig iroXiv. This only means by his encouragement and advice. ** According to Pausanias, ubi sup. this was likewise done at the sugges- tion of Epaminondas. »* Xenoph. Hell. 6. 5. 6—10. 5« Xenoph. Hell. 7. 1. 23 ; Pausan. 8. 27. 2. Diodor. 15. 62, who before, 15. 59, inadvertently makes Lycomedes a Tegeao. " Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 27—32. BEMOCRACY OF THEBES. | 72. 373 was probably never very oppressive. But this did nof prevent the warlike races of the north lo^ttZ ing under the banners of Thebes into tl Slo ponnesus which was now overrun by the northern mbes in the same manner as at the time of the Doric migration. But destitute of the creat ve power which had been exhibited by their 27 cessors, they did not, as they had do le e 'plr tsoZtTolr::^ '^^*^"^^'- -- -rked their J"ked ab„,;,7^2» n ^rVfA '" ^^""P'- "«"• 6- 5- 23, what was re- " According r^n^ ""'''''""'^- '' *• ^'• Heraclea in ,1 "3,. i'„ ^hj.i^.he baHirr f '''"™ •""™J'«' "•« 'own „f 11 374 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. carried on by Orchomenus and Heraea against Man- tinea ^% they succeeded in appointing a general coun- cil. The dehberative and executive assembly of the collective Arcadians ^^ was henceforward composed by the Murioi, whose name does not express the pre- cise number of its members, but merely indicates the bulk of warriors contained in it. Before the close of the year in which the battle of Leuctra was fought, the want of a fortified capital becoming apparent, they began to build ^* Megalopolis, and a thousand chosen Thebans, commanded by Pam- menes ^^ kept guard during its erection ^ ; its fortifications were not completed till after the tearless battle, Olymp. 103. 1 ; 367. B. C. Several tribes were now transplanted thither ; force was employed towards some of them who had, till then, enjoyed but a very inconsiderable degree of inde- pendence, such as the Maenalians, Eutrasians, iEpytians, Parrhasians, and Cynurians. Amongst the townships which were either entirely or par- tially dissolved at the time, we may name Pallan- tium (?), Eutaea, Tricoloni, Lycaeum, Aliphera, Gortys, Alea, Orestasium ^' , Dipaea, Parorea, Aca- cesium, Methydrium, and Tripolis^. The inhabi- tants of Trapezus refusing to quit their ancient seats, some of them fell victims to the exasperation of the Arcadians, while the remainder escaped from the Peloponnesus to the town of the same name «2 Xenoph. Hell. 6. 5. 11 ; Diodor. 15. 62. *^ According to Diodor. 15. 59, they were to i^ovaiav txuv Trepi tov tto- Xkfiov Kai tipi\vj]Q ^ovKivtodai. «« Pausan. 8. 27. 2. <^' Pausan. 8. 27. 6. ^ This is the construction which must probably be put upon Diodor. 15. 72, who places the erection in Olymp. 103. 1. ^ One half of the town was called 'Opccrndc, the citizens 'Optanoi, Sleph. Byz. Meyd\i|. *« Pausan. 8. 27. 3 ; comp. Miiller, Dor. 2. 448, sqq. DEMOCRACY OF THEBES. § 72. 375 on the Pontus* Lycosura, whose citizens like- wise resisted the attempt to transplant them was spared, in consideration of the sanctuary of Deme ter and Despoina'». But the Pallantians also oc- cur as a distinct community in the year of the battle of Mantinea". It may. upon 'the whole be observed of the erection of this common capital hat It by no means abolished the separate and distmc interests of the several communities, and least of all, thoseof Tegea and Mantinea. Orcho- menus, from which several communities, such as Thisoa, Methydrium and Teuthis, detached them! selves, m order to remove to Megalopolis" seems tl trj'"! "'ni' ^"'^ *« ^^^' -tinned hot ^le to Mantmea. This was hkewise the case with Heraea' , which, till a short time before the battle of Leuctra, had consisted of several villages, whose inhabitants were then collected into I ktyZ Cleombrotus king of Sparta- The magistrates Megalopolis appear to have been of a twofold description : those for the community as such and hose for the armed confederacy; th'e lattefC' posed a federal council, wherein a majority of votes decided", and which may be compared to Hel anodic* of Elis. but certainly did not con- up n the" h( "' Megalopolitans. Megalopolis, "pon the whole, rather seems to have borne the character of a place dependent upon Tegea and Mantmea, than to have possessed the honour and ^" Pausan. ubi sup. ^' Pausan. 6. 27. 3. "* Pausan. 8. 27. 4. ,3 Jenoph. Hell. 7. 5. 5. 7, Aenoph. 6. 5. 22. '^ xl'oph.' HeV 6 "'-J"'''^ °° *V 'P^^^'P^'-' '^hes. Tnscr. p. 27. «PXo.r.,, the magistrates mMaminea:?^-^^^^ confederacy are named k a^^i 376 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. authority appertaining to the chief town of a dis- trict or confederacy. Its particular constitution will form the subject of our consideration in the following chapter. Distinct from the Murioi as a collective body, and the Megalopolitans as an indi- vidual community, were the Epariti'^ a federal force", which was paid by the confederate towns '% and comprised five thousand soldiers, whose head- quarters were, however, probably in Megalopolis. As belonging to the league, they might, when necessary, be employed against any single state included in it^^. It may not be superfluous to re- mark, that this body of men received pay ^ ; for few Arcadians were able to maintain themselves, even during a campaign ; their pay was for some time defrayed out of the Olympic spoil ; but when Man- tinea felt remorse at this appropriation of the holy treasures, and forbade it for the future, such of the Epariti as could not afford to serve without pay, deserted, whereupon high-minded Arcadians entered the band, and thereby strengthened it and secured its fidelity ^^ Besides these Epariti, there were doubtless bodies of soldiery in the several townships, who probably stood in the same relation to them, as local militia do to troops of the line in modern times. The first efforts of the Murioi w^ere marked by vmcommon energy and determi- "^^ The dissertation of Bejot, sur les Kparoetes in the Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscrip. p. 32, has not obviated the necessity for a new and comprehensive investigation of this subject, which is merely glanced at in the text. '^ Ilesych. 'ETraporiToi — Tciyfxa 'Apva^iKoi' fxaxiH^Tarov' Kai oi Tcapa 'ApKUffi dtffioffioi >pv\aK(Q, which must be considered identical. Steph. Byz. ^Eiraplrai speaks of an tOvog, whose city could not be discovered ! '" Diodor. 15. 62. 67. He calls them tovq KoXovfiivovg liriKkKTOvQ ; they were so, it is true, but they were not called so. 7» e. g. Xenoph. Hell. 7. 4. 33. so Xenoph. Hell, ubi sup. *' Xenoph. Hell. 7. 4. 34 : OTrwg fit) auroi iir' iKtivouj, tiW tKtivoi iiri DEMOCRACY OF THEBES. | 73 377 nation; their exploits- remind us of the heroc v-.ctones of the men of Appenzell on the Speic. e the Stoss and the Wolfshalde. F-^'i-iier, rq\^^''^"'\'^^' restored »^ 01. 102. 3; 370- 69. B. C, in the two hundred and eighty-seventh year after the fall of Eira. ImmediateV aftelTl^e M:ii:;rro' w'eTrttr -irt ^^ . *w wciu scattered over Italv S n'Kr Cyrene, etc., to rpfmn f^ *i, '/^'^^J^ Sicily, J y tc., 10 retum to the Peloponnesus «^ whlh th/ •'''n ^ ^'^'^ ^'^"^ *« Sparta, from which the originally Arcadian district of SciritS was at the same time disjoined <« couldtot h^peTrCrit t^ '''''''''' ''^"^ external aid wh T I "^'^^ °'' '"PP°rt from the Toads J ""'^ ^^'P "^ f«r ^ t™« the inroads of its impetuous assailants. Athens however now entered into a league with SparJa on condition that they should assume by turns he command by land and sea -. Selfishness Id pt means t7 I" '"^'"^ '^' »"««* ""^^orthy tu ned h '"='"'"' ""'' P°^^^' ^"'^ -^th this view uined her eyes towards Persia. Ambassador! vere sent to the great king to remiTh m of t:r?r/-"''^'^'p^ -d^o crariTsis;^ aZoaI ""''! r" ^'^"^^^d ^y Arcadian, wiC'pef^T"' 'f ^''^" ambassadors, amongs Oiodor 15. 66 : Pausan. 4. 27. 5 saa « d '"l^'^y. Xenoph. Men 7 4 i7 ' ^""" " '™"''' ^y ^parta as a hostile ^-pUlen.7.M_.4/uio<,..5.67. " Xeooph. „.,,,., 33. 34. 378 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. the Grecian character by humiliating themselves before the barbarian despot ^ ; and the bold Arca- dian Antiochus gratifies us by his blunt patriotism and decision of character. The king, he reported to the Myrioi, had bakers, cooks, cup-bearers, and porters, in abundance, but no men who could fight with Greeks ; that moreover great delusion existed as to his vast riches ; for the far-renowned golden platanus was not large enough to give shadow to a cricket ^. But, on the other hand, one of the Athenian envoys, Timagoras, suffered himself to be bribed in the most flagrant manner, in con- sequence of which he was, on his return, put to death ^. Thebes trod in Sparta's footsteps; she pubhshed the contents of a letter from the great king, which declared that Sparta should renounce all claim to Messenia, and ordered Athens to dis- mantle her navy ^\ Thus his commands were still more peremptory than at the peace of Antalcidas. But Thebes was not formed to intimidate her ad- versaries, nor could she so far ingratiate herself with her neighbours as to attain the rank of chief town of the district ; the answers to this summons were unsatisfactory ^\ The third incursion of the Thebans into the Peloponnesian territory was defi- cient in alacrity and spirit, but it was nevertheless followed by the establishment of democracy in Achaia, and the consequent acquisition of that province, as well as by a peace with Corinth and Phlius 9\ Nor was Thebes able to obtain a firmer footing in the north, which she so ardently desired 8« Plut. Pelop. 30 ; Artax. 22. 6» Xenoph. 7. 1. 38. 9' Xenoph. 7. I. 36. »3 Xenoph. 7. -1. 4—12. 90 Plut. Artax. 22. 9-* Xenoph. 7. 1. 38, sqq. DEMOCRACY OF THEBES. § 72. 379 to add to her dominions. Pher^ was the capital of Thessaly, and its tyrant Alexander was in alii- ance with Athens. Thebes united to her dominions Larissa, etc. In the expedition which she under- took against the treacherous and cowardly Alex- ander- the Thebans lost their brave hero Pelopi- das for which the league they eventually concluded with the tyrant was but a poor compensation ; nor, indeed did Thebes derive any solid advantage from It, as the sequel abundantly proves AVhilst the three chief states of Greece, Athens, Thebes, and after the Perioeci and Helots, who had revolted when Epaminondas invaded Laconia had been agam reduced to obedience ^^- Sparta' present the spectacle of unity, most: of the othe; states, which took part in the wars between the former, were harassed by intestine distractions which more especially applies to Arcadia and Elis! This added to the rancour and exasperation of the general war. Some Arcadian refugees having taken from the Eleans the frontier town Lasium^ a war broke out between Arcadia and Elis ; an Ai^adian party in Elis took possession of the dta- del of that place, whilst an Arcadian army invaded W/ ""IP^^"^^^^^ '^^ ^-"ctuary of the Olympic from th ' T: "''''' disengaged the Eleans irom their confederacy with Thebes ^ and re- united tliem with Sparta. At the same time the Arcadian league became divided into two conflict- ing portions, one composed of such as felt remorse ^ Aiuhe'?;habiSof cI/'^°P- ''' ^^^- = P-- ^- ''■ '' 98 Y ° i^' ®'^- C«"^- Xenoph. 7. 4. 1*9 son 'XeDoph.6.5.3;7. 1.18; 7.5.1. '^^* i I I ! 380 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. for this act of impiety and sacrilege, and wished to make atonement for it by restoring the plunder ; the other, of those who refused to surrender any part of it. The Mantineans belonged to the former, and the Tegeans to the latter^. The Theban com- mander in Tegea having soon afterwards detained for some time in custody the ambassadors of the better-disposed Arcadians ^^^ Epaminondas, httle to his honour it must be confessed, opposed the pro- posal for their liberation, and at the same time uttered menaces against the Mantineans and their fi-iends ^^^ This renewed the exasperation of the Peloponnesians. Mantinea, Elis, and Achaia entered into an alliance with Sparta and Athens ^^. Thus Epaminondas, upon his fourth expedition to the Pe- loponnesus, only had the Argives, Megalopolitans, Aseatians, Pallantians, Tegeans, and Messenians ^^^ on his side. Amongst the northern states Phocis had refused to perform military service. The battle of Mantinea, Olymp. 104. 2; 362. B. C, which was not decided in the field, could not unravel the confusion in which the political rela- tions of Greece were involved. From the question which Epaminondas, a few minutes before he ex- pired, addressed to those around him, viz., whether lollidas and Daiphantus had fallen or not, and from the advice which he gave them upon being informed that they had, namely, that they should immediately make peace ^^, we may perceive how entirely Thebes was indebted for her aggrandize- ment to a few distinguished individuals, and how 99 Xenoph. 7. 4. 33, sqq. •<» Xenoph. 7. 4. 36, sqq. •»' Xenoph. 7. 4. 40. 'o» Xenoph. 7. 5. 1—3. '^^ Xenoph. 7. 5. 5. '0* Plut. Apopth. 6. 733 ; .tlian, V. H. 12. 3. CONSTITUTION OF OTHER STATES. § 73. 331 little she owed to the people at large. The extinc- tion of Grecian independence was fast approach- ing; the glory of the Grecian arms descended with Epaminondas into the grave ; and with the battle of Mantmea - the historians Xenophon, Philistu and Anaximenes, significantly close their labours. 3. THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE OTHER STATES WHICH TOOK PART IN THE STRUGGLE § 73 The variations in the public system of hose states which took part in the conflicrbl tween Sparta and her foes, were for the most pa^ modified and determined by that conflict tS But at the same time the political fermentatTon withm was marked by increasing viruW and bitterness ; revolutions followed ih oZ ^t wiWer'^dV"^ ""' ^P^*"""^ ■' ^-^-- becTme wilder and less conscious of an aim ; their deno- nunations no longer coi-responded w th their in- nnsic essence and nature. Oligarchy, how v r tonn of government, and during the hegemony of Sparta was looked upon as a deUsmfoldyTept ^P by external force; the notion of PoUteia be a^L'rf ' f™ ''' «"S'-^ significat n and theTmusTt :,? "'^''"" ''' ^^™°--y ' •' * of its Tel ' Z'T''^''"''' «^ '^' ^^«t °^ber rank ofl r\' ^^^ '^'"'^ '^'""'^^'^ *«> the ny careless of legal order and civil prosperity. .""jjDiod. 15. 89. II 382 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. Hence, in its reckless excesses, it was continually split into new divisions and new factions, which were alternately victorious and vanquished. Even before Athens once more took the field in the Corinthian war, and before the naval operations of Conon were attended by such important results, the Decarchs of Lysander had been deposed in many of the towns, but democracy was not formally re-established after their expulsion ^ Conon's fleet no sooner appeared than Rhodes fell off from Sparta, Olymp. 96. 1 ; 395. B. C \, whereupon a democratic constitution was established there*. The defeat which the Spartan fleet sustained at Cnidos was followed by the defection of several maritime states from Sparta, and by the subversion of their oligarchies. Thus democracy arose in Cos^ and Chios ^ and, though they are not expressly enumerated, most probably in Mytilene, Erythrae, Teos, etc. It was apparently at this period that the Chian Onomademus gave to his countrymen the prudent and philanthropic advice not to expel the whole of their adversaries, lest dissensions should break out amongst friends^ Isocrates^ is said to have regulated the constitution and magistracy in Chios upon the model of those of Athens, but whether at this period, or during the new naval league, it does not appear. Thrasybulus, supported by a popular party headed by Ecphantus, set up demo- * Xenoph. Hell. 3. 4. 7 : are vvvrtrapayfievtov iv raig TroXcffi ruiv ttoXi- tjuCjv Kai ovTt SitfioKpariaQ In ovtJi]q, iitairtp irr' 'AOrivaiujv, ovrt ceKap- Xtac, wffTTcp kiri AvffdvSpov. Comp. § 69. n. 11 . 12. ' Diod. 14. 79. * Xenoph. 4. 8. 20. « Aristot. Pol. 5. 4. 1. ,. l r « Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 11, seems to speak of the dissolution of the oligarchy oi that period. ' Plut. de capiend. ex Host. util. 6. 342 ; iEliao, V. H. 4. 25. « Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Oral. 9. 329. CONSTITUTIONS OF OTHER STATES. § 73. 383 cracy in Thasos ^ and Byzantium '^ 01. 97. 3 ; 390. B. C. But it was in Byzantium only, where Ar^ chebius and Heraclides were the leaders of the people ", that it became permanently established ; in Rhodes the demus only maintained itself till Olymp. 97. 2 ; 390. B. C. - ; the demagogy there was of the most vicious character ; salaries were given to those who attended the popular assembly (?) persons were exposed to unjust and vexatious pro- secutions, etc '\ Immediately after their fall the dynasts had sent to request assistance of Sparta '* • in the same year they succeeded in overpowerin<^ the demus and expelling its chiefs. A similar spect tacle was presented in Cos ^\ Thessaly, like Athens and Argos, signalized itself amongst the states of the main-land by democra- tic commotions. Its political relations underwent a thorough change after the victory of Lycophron at Fherae over the Larissaeans, 01.94. I; 404 B C ^^ The demus of the Thessalian states had for some time been refractory against the dynasts; after that victory the power of the latter in Larissa l^T'f'^u f/^""^" ^^^ ^"^^^^^^^ consequently that of the Aleuadae and Scopad^, appears to have been broken. When Agesilaus came from Asia to the Connthian war, the inhabitants of these towns with the exception of the refugees, were hostile '^ Aristot Pol >i d. o Q , yi\o^. 14.97. po/xevaf ti^ac ZayliJn.'^^ ''°*^ rpttipapxoiQ. oi Sh hd, rag kntihe- I* Xenoph. 4. 8. 20. 24. * Anstot. Pol 5 4 1. « J hp^aytoydv. ' ' ^' ^ ' — V i>rifiOKparia fi€Tt^aKe TrovnpCiv iyyevo{ieva»v '* Xenoph. 2. 3. 4. 384 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. to him'^ Amongst these fugitives was probably Hellenocrates of Larissa, who had some time be- fore sout^ht refuge ^^ with Archelaus of Macedonia, (reigned 413 — 400. B. C) whom he had probably instigated to endeavour to establish an influence in Thessaly^^. It was possibly about this time that Larissa appointed Demiurgi as magistrates, who were so liberal in dispensing the franchise, that Gorgias called them manufacturers of Larisswans '^ Other towns, which, much to their honour, felt a desire for reconciliation, elected a mediatory archon {apxcov fi€a-lSL09)^\ a transcript of the ancient iEsymnete. Such, probably, was Lycophron of Pherje. There was in Larissa, 01. 96. 2, a dynast called Medius, who waged war against Lyco- phron ^^ ; was this, perhaps, the mediatory archon, who was chosen by the Aleuads to settle their disputes in the party-divisions of Simos, and who, having obtained the government^', conquered Phar- salus, which was occupied by a Spartan garrison '* ? Pharsalus, which had endured severe calamities, appointed to this post Polydamas, who had ad- ministered the public revenue vrith zeal and in- tegrity; he governed, 01. 101. 1; 376. B. C.*^ citizens being chosen to deliberate with him ^ 26 " Xenoph. 4. 3. 3, " Aristot. Pol. 5. 8. 12. »» To this head must be referred a passage in a speech of the sophist Thrasy- machus, preserved in Clem. Alex. Strom. 6. 624. C. : 'Apx^^V oovXevoofiev, "EXXi/vtg ovTtQ ^ap^apt^. . » Aristot. Pol. 3. 1. 9. Gorgias was still living in Jason's time. Paus. 0. 17.6. " Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 9. *» Diod. 14. 82. M Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 9. , , • '^ Diod. 14. 82. The mercenaries of Medius were afterwards slain m Pharsalus. and Aristotle says (Hist. An. 9. 31), that the ravens even came there from Attica and the Peloponnesus to feed upon their corses. Jlerewitn commences the new constitution of Pharsalus, which must be referred to Polydamas. ^ Xenoph. 6. 1. 2. * Sisyphus, 387. CONSTITUTIONS OF OTHER STATES. § 73. 335 But the Thessalian demus was not destined to attain political liberty or moral dignity, and Thes- saly soon became one of the most luxuriant hot- beds of tyranny ^. The peace of Antalcidas, as was above remarked renewed the preponderance of oligarchy; this species of authority was now likewise forced' upon states which had not accepted it after the fall of Athens. Revolutions became more frequent after the deliverance of Thebes, and particularly after the batde of Leuctra. Thebes was no sooner de- hvered from her tyrants, than she made the diffu- sion of democratic constitutions one of the main objects of her external policy. Her efforts to obtain the hegemony alarmed the jealousy of Athens, and disposed that state to make common cause with Sparta, whereupon all previous connections were dissolved, parties were deprived of their customary rallying-points and supports, and the impetuosity of Thebes increased the general dis- order The vicious and tyrannical nature of her interference in the constitutions of the surrounding states IS proved by her ruthless proclamation commanding the extradition of all fu-itives^« a proceeding which she adopted in imitation 'of Sparta ^. All the worst errors and vices of the Grecian policy, in seeking the support of barba- Z-: ITl^ ^^' P'^'" ^^ Antalcidas, etc., were destmed to be renewed, while bad examples were everywhere eagerly followed. Euphron the tyrant ot bicyon, not exactly one of the worst amon^ ^g f See $ 75. 38 ^ II n i- cc 386 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. them, was also supported by Thebes ^. However, it is obvious from the league between Athens and Sparta that the parties for or against Thebes and Sparta could not always be found in conjunction with the particular constitutions represented by these states; in some of them the animosities which broke out were solely occasioned by the dif- ference of opinion as to their external point of sup- port; as, for example, in Euboea for Thebes or Athens '^ Xenophon, indeed, takes pleasure in designating the Laconistae the best, as in Sicyon ^^ and EHs. Nevertheless Athens still continued to be the main pillar of democracy, which she had exhausted to the very dregs in its successive ^adations through which her constitution had passed; and Demosthenes^^ still in his day as- serted that her policy required her to support democratic institutions; but she had lost the in- fluence she had once possessed over the inter- nal condition of her confederates, and her autho- rity was not now, as formerly, necessarily followed by the overthrow of democracy. From this total absence of solidity and fixity in the interior of communities, it must not excite surprise if, in enumerating those states in which revolutions took place, we can no longer continue to observe the division which was adopted above, namely, into oligarchical and democratic states, and if their clas- sification should henceforward appear to be almost arbitrary. After the subversion of oligarchy in the Pelo- ponnesian war, Argos continued strictly democratic ; 30 Xenoph. 7. 1. 44 ; 7. 3. 1, sqq. » Xenoph. 7. 3. 4. »» Diod. 16. 7. ^ Dem. de Syntax. 168. CONSTITUTIONS OF OTHER STATES. | 73 397 at the time of the peace of Antaloidas it was the retreat of the expelled partisans of democmcVin the neighbounng states ». The licentiousness and aggressions of the demagogy now rose to such a p.tch that they roused the wealthier orders to plot agamst the democracy ; but the conspiracy being discovered, the rage of the multitude broke ouf jnto the most brutal and infuriated excesses dur mg which they massacred twelve hundred of the "f /"J t'^-'- -d^'-'-nts ; this butchery wa en! fZLV ^''v "^ °"*'''^"' ""^^'^ ««^med to before the TC"' '"''' ^"^'"^ *^^* "^'^ g«"e before, the Athenians caused their market-place amon*. th» A / " massacre the troubles among the Argive demus did not subside • how ever, we are only acquainted with the turbukncelf ■ts general character- the particulars of t" ex cesses are not recorded «< flowtl '^f? '"l' '^'"'^^'l °f ^t« -»-ns twice Place on Tr. . massacre which took It does w ' ^. ^^'^^^y ''^» '»»"ded to ^. eturrln f.u^^'P"^'* ""^''^'^ *»>« Laconist^, who f ^- -i, -i/t). B. C, whilst Corinth " I>lod. 15. 40. " ^V';,&'-,?''P"1'. Ge,«Bd. 9. 243. " °'"^- '^' "• ^^ . » r^^T&^l'SJT- '• "• ^«"f- Miiller. D,.r. 2. ,46 < cc2 ill f 388 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. was the faithful adherent of Sparta, some Corinthian ftidtives endeavoured from Argos to obtam pos- session of Corinth, but being frustrated m their attempt they killed themselves in despair . These must have been Antilacones, and in all probabihty democrats, for Corinth was governed by an oli- garchy at the time, which, however, like the former, appears to have been of a very moderate character". Corinth could shortly afterwards boast of possess- ing among its citizens the purest republican of that age, Timoleon, whose rigid virtue did not even spare his own brother Timophanes, who, with the help of four hundred mercenaries, Olymp. 103. 3 ; 366. B. C, had seized upon the government". In Sicyon the constitution introduced by Sparta during the Peloponnesian war maintained itself till the gi-eat Boeotian war; Olymp. 101. 2; 375. B C, an anti-Spartan and democratic party made an attempt to subvert it«, but being over- powered they were put to death. These dissen- sions, however, still continuing with unabated violence, one of the dynasts called Euphron, soon afterwards overthrew the oligarchy, and made himself tyrant *t. „ , Elis The oligarchy, which was forced upon this state by Sparta, began to totter after the Theban invasion of the Peloponnesus. A demo- cratic party tampered with the Arcadians, and en- Kat M iroXXd tSv ico.vGv Iv ry fwi- 'P'"'"7''«L, ^ the council (Diod. crimWl proceedings against Timoleon were "°f"'^''f '" 'tncirtrSvracuse 16. 65.). and that Timoleon was afterwards sent by the council to oji ^°«°PlI.tTimol. 5. Conf. Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 7 ; Di«l. 16.65 « Diod. 15. 40. who. it is true, in this chapter only speaks of ol-g'"^""^ intrigues but erroneously reckons the Sicyouian amongst the number. " Xenoph. 7. 1. 44 ; 7. 3. 4. CONSTITUTIONS OF OTHER STATES. § 73. 339 deavoured to obtain possession of the citadel of Elis ; but this scheme was frustrated by, the Three Hundred and the Knights (who were probably identical with the before-named " Four Hundred) and these were then backed by the Ach^ans of Pellene. The Pisatans now revolted, and laid claim to the presidency at the Olympic games, but the Eleans also succeeded in resisting their pretensions*". Plato's scholar Phormio is reported to have limited' the democratic council (afterwards ?) ". After the beginning of the great Boeotian war troubles broke out in Achaia. It is not impro- bable that the fugitives who were dragged from the temple of Poseidon in Helice «, belonged to a democratic party. It has already been stated that Hehce and Bura were soon afterwards de- stroyed by an inundation and earthquake «. One of the objects of Epaminondas' third campaign was to reduce Pellene, the strong-hold of the Spartan faction, which he accordingly effected ; he at first made no change in the constitution, but soon after- wards established a democracy there -, which not being properly supported, Pellene, if not the whole ^chaia, shortly afterwards assisted the dynasts Messenia enjoyed but for a short time the de- niocratic constitution which Thebes had assisted ^ Xenoph^V^'l"* 11' ^A't "".''l T'^ ^ compared Paus. ubi sup. is enumerated I'mon^stTht ^r ^" ^f'''\ ^''^^' ^'' "^'•'- "^' ^' ^^' P^gondas laws for AXtrrfforn T? ^'''"''?i''^*°'"'' '"^ described ashavin|made Bv &xvpov, can be no other man Tricaranon ; Xenoph. Hell. 7. 4. 11. *• Diod. «bi sup. t , ^ n in n Conceruine the peace with Thebes see Xenoph. 7. 4. a. lu. » Xenoph. 7. 2— a chapter written in praise of I'hlius on that account. » Diod. 15. 40. CONSTITUTIONS OF OTHER STATES. § 73. 39, in Orchomenus. Tyronidas and Pyrias «" are re- corded as law-givers in Tegea ; do they belone to tliis period ? The Platonist Aristonymus is said to have been tlie legislator of the Arcadians «' • Cercidas of Megalopolis is also renowned for the excellence of his enactments «^ ; but the accounts are inaccurate and suspicious ; the last is probably identical with the partisan of Philip, who will be mentioned hereafter. infT"";^.^'"'^*"'"" "^'•'■^t^s^ that in Olymp. • • r ^- ^' some oligarchists made an ineffectual attempt to overthrow the democracy. The democratic institutions of that place must still have been in their infancy ; for they certainly were not in existence before the liberation of Thebes and even at the period of Agesilaus' campaign to Bceotia Olymp. 100. 3 ; 378. B. C, Megara still paid obedience to Sparta"*. Isocrates speaks in favourable terms of the subsequent condition of Megara"'. The Three Hundred, as they were called are described as a superior court of justice « h-uboea. The benefits resulting from its defec- tion from Athens were but short-lived, and there is reason to suppose that oligarchies were introduced under fhe hegemony of Sparta. Upon the libera- tion of Thebes, Sparta lost her influence in Euboea, about which time it is probable that Heracleodorus set up democracy in Oreos (Histiiea) «'. Other towns of Euboea, particulariy Eretria, were soon afterwards under the domination of tyrants. L Ill !l li 092 PEEDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. Corcyra. In the great Boeotian war. Olymp 101 3 • 374. B. C, an oligarchical party applied to Sparta for assistance ^ ; hereupon the Spartan Mnasippus appeared with a fleet, and the town xnade an obstinate resistance until it was reheved by an auxiliary squadron from Athens '^. But in Olymp. 104. 4, Chares arrived with an Athenian fleet under his command, by the aid of which the wealthier class possessed themselves of the govern- Zac^thus was during the same period agitated by political disturbances. The Laconist* expelled the adverse faction, probably the partisans of demo- cracy, who had plucked up courage upon the ap- pearance of an Athenian fleet in those seas ; the latter obtained assistance from Timotheus". Among the eastern islands Samos and Corinth were doubtless democratic ; Menedemus is said to have been appointed by Plato to legislate for Pyrrha in Lesbos"; m the time of Isocrates a tyrant called Cleommis ruled in Methymna . Oligarchy was not precipitated in Cnidos till a little before Aristotle's time", when a new constitution was framed by the great Eudoxus^; m Rhodes the oligarchy was maintained by the Canan dynast Mausolus, and by Artemisia, who succeeded him ; a common capital, upon the model of Rhodes, was erected in Cos-, Olymp. 103. 3; 366. B. C aft r which the community became rich and powerful, .. Diod 15. 46. Xenoph. (J. 2. 4. sqq in narrating Ihe expedUion of Mnasippu; makes no m.n.ion of factions >° Corcyra^ „ 7. Diod. 15 45 ; _Xenoph. 6. 2. 2. 3. ^^ 5. 5. 3. 1 1. w Isocrat. Ep. 7. <4B. r . . o no » Pint. Colot. 10 629 ; D.og. Laert. 8. 89. ^ ,g M Argum. Dem. de Libert. Khod. "' NATIONALITY OF THE GREEKS. J 74. 393 but we are not informed whether the spirit in which the cwoiKta/ibs was effected was democratic or not. 4. THE NATIONALITY OF THE GREEKS IN GENERAL AFTER THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. § 74. Those master-passions of the Grecian mind, selfishness, avarice, and lust, contentious- ness, cruelty, and revenge, which found such abun- dant aliment during the Peloponnesian war, lost none of their baneful force during the period by which it was succeeded, as even in peace the per- nicious interference of Sparta in the internal regu- lations of the states dependent upon her authority, banished from them all internal concord, civil order, and stability, while they were exposed to violent and uninterrupted shocks from without. The ethico-religious basis of political and international law can no longer be recognised in the spirit and the customs of the Greeks ' ; the education of youth was neglected, the paternal and the hereditary were disregarded, native ordinances and institutions lost their most effectual foundation and support ; citi- zens ceased to be shielded by the laws— fugitives to find protection in the sanctuaries- the defenceless to mspire pity and respect. Hence resulted two remarkable characteristics of the age, viz. ex- pulsion and emigration. The former, with very ^t^VlM\f^Ti^^'"^t proverbial. Demosth. de Pac. 63. 25. The the Eleans and pUI?«"„. ? 'V^f "V **'"'"' "" "^'""^ "d ""e Arcadians, «ther improUbU ^" '"''' '°°'"*' '"' "•* »PP'>«d«l. "unds iii 394 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. few exceptions, was a consequence of every vic- tory * ; even when a reconciliation did take place it was seldom permanent or sincere, and when the first outburst of passion passed over without violence or outrage, it was not long before fresh disturb- ances arose, as was the case in Phlius, or hostile factions sought a vent for their animosity in the machinations of sycophancy. Without compulsion, however, emigration was a natural consequence of the growing indifference of the citizens towards their impoverished and joyless country, and pro- hibitory laws either did not exist at all, or had become inoperative ; selfishness and avarice found it to their advantage to have as few citizens as possible, by which means those who maintained their ground could the better consult their own profit and convenience. States were insensible to the importance of keeping together and con- centrating their energies. From these two causes of expatriation flowed two fresh phenomena. The fugitives {vydB€s)\ who had been expelled by force, or had fled in consequence of misusage or op- pression, arrayed themselves against their respec- tive cities, with the firm resolution of leaving nei- ther violence nor stratagem unemployed to effect their return. They mostly took up their position in a town or village near their native city, fortified « As in the case of Tiraotheus in Corcyra : ov fikvToi i/v^poTro^iVaro oifU avSpaQ iipvydhvoEv, oUk vofiovg fKreffTrjatv. Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 64. » The words (pvydStg, tvyovTeg, from the constant recurrence of the transactions to which they relate, attained a sort of technical impost in the political vocabulary, and were often employed for the sake of convenience, instead of more determinate expressions, the political conflicts of the age being seldom unattended by expulsion and flight; e. g. Xenoph. Hell. 7. 4. 1 : 6 'QpwTOQ virb rwv (pivyovTiov KaTi\r]l 396 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. and were induced by their natural predilection for the career of arms and by the ruggedness and steri- lity of their native mountains, to forsake peaceful occupations and embrace the profession of mercena- ries. This gave rise to the proverbial expression, {*ApKdBas fiLfjLovfievoL)^. We read with regret that a body of Arcadians went to Xerxes and offered to serve for hire^. The mercenary soldiers in the pay of the tyrants, Pisistratus and his sons Polycrates, Gelon% etc., do not appear to have been genuine Greeks ; it is probable that the greater part of them were barbarians. After the great Persian war it became usual to pay the civic force ; and when during the Peloponnesian war one state allowed its own troops to serve another for pay, it must not be supposed that these were always genuine mercenaries, as they were fre- quently furnished in conformity to the provisions of a confederacy; the essential mark of which species of obligation was that the force designed to serve for pay was furnished by the state, and con- tinued dependent upon the same. In this light must probably he regarded the Peloponnesians in the Corinthian pay ^, as well as those who followed Brasidas^^ Auxiliary forces of this nature, sup- plied conformably to the conditions of a confederacy, were first designated by the word 'EirUovpoc: the same name was afterwards applied to auxiliaries who received pay, and at last to real mercenaries ". * Vol. i. p. 91. n. 11, on which compare, Diogen. Prov. 1. 29. ' Herod. 8. 26. ' Thucyd. 6. 55 ; Herod. 3. 39 ; Diod. 11. 67. 72, etc. » Thucyd. 1. 60. ><> Thucyd. 4. 80. ^' Herod. 5. 63 : ol JlfttriffTpaTiSai — l-TreKaXtovTO Ik QtffffaXirjQ Ittikov piriv : iTTiiroirfTo yap e Kai KpuTTovg ffuvTaUtg arpaTotnCtav •yiyvofikvag Ik twv 'ir\avfitv(t}v ^ rdv TroXiTtvoiaviov, ^ On the subject of the mercenaries who served for and against Persia, see Diod. 16. 42. 44. NATIONALITY OF THE GREEKS. | 74. 4«i freedom, independence, and security of a state existing in the patriotism and affection of its citi' zens, were graduaUy destroyed, while their stren-th was measured by the wavering standard of riches alone ^. At the same time it was a very sli^rht mitigation of the evil, that certain states, hke Athens, endeavoured to secure the zeal and fideUtv of the mercenary hordes in their pay, by appointing native warriors to command them. Iphicrates! though assuredly a virtuous citizen, introduced the custom of inscnbing the name of the general upon the spoil instead of that of the state only as be- fore =* Moreover, the services of various distin- guished generals, who commanded legions of mer- cenaries, were not dedicated to their native cities only; Chabrias and Iphicrates took mercenaries to Egypt on their own score » Again, examples are not wanting to prove that the commanders of hese Itinerant bands sometimes made attempts to attam sovereign power". Lastly, this venal soldiery, as may easily be supposed, did not fail to commit frequent outrages on the peaceful inha. bitants of the places where they resided " While the effects of emigration and flight con- spired with the increasing degeneracy of those who remained in their own country to promote the general and rapid decay of citizenship, pubUc eco- nomy and constitutions, and to render them in- capable of renewing themselves from within, and irom their own roots, as it were, certain lofty spirits Suidas, 'I^iKpdrt]g. ',!Sf7^ih.inPhil.4. 139.17.sqn. * Plut. Ages. 32 ; Diod. 15.41. ^ • ■ - Isocra^Ep's. 72^*°"- ^^'' ^'' ^^ ^^^^^o^' ^- Anstot. Pol. 5. 5. 9; '' Isocrat. Paneg. cap. 33 ; Ep. 9. 762. VOL. II. z>d \t^ . II I 402 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. soared into the regions of speculation, and endea- voured to discover an antithesis to the corruption of the real world in the ideal theory of a perfect state. Coincident in order of time with the diffu- sion of the mercenary profession, were the deve- lopment of political theories in the schools of the philosophers and the commencement of poUtical authorship. It cannot, indeed, be affirmed, that this retirement from the duties of pubUc hfe de- prived Greece of the mental aid and co-operation of those thinkers, in the same proportion as the mercenary system exhausted her physical sub- stance and support ; but while the ancient sages had held public offices, occupied themselves with the active duties of the administration, and directed and applied their principles to existing institutions, the present philosophers busied themselves with speculations concerning the best state abstractedly considered, and neither shared in the public ad- ministration themselves'% nor immediately deduced their political principles from any actual system. The sophists in an inferior sphere had formed the transition from the political wisdom of a Thales, Solon, Demonax, Damon, to that of the present schools; they had inculcated general political maxims, which were, however, for the most part borrowed from institutions in actual being, and had aimed at Uttle more than imparting dexterity in the arts of political life, and especially in eloquence, the most influential of them all ; they rarely de- voted any attention to the cultivation of political feeling, the investigation of the nature of law, w Aristot. Pol. 2. 5. 1 : 'iTnro^a^oc— MtX^ffioc—^pwroc rwv firj ttoXi- Ttvoiiivuiv lv(X^ipri Diod. 13. 91. 11 See above, § 67. ad fin. " Xenoph. Hell. 2. 3. 24, but without stating whether he was the renowned Hermocrates or not. He was probably a different person; but Dionysius certainly accompanied the former (see above, § 67. n. 76.), and when tyrant married his daughter, Plut. Dionys. 3. '=» According to Demosth. in Lept. 506. 21, be had once been a ypanaarivc, " Diod. 13. 92—96. ^^ f*f*uTtv^^ 410 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. a peace with Carthage, which was by no means unhke that of Antalcidas, and to induce her to recognise his tyranny, he abandoned to her many of the Grecian states '^ and having thus secured his authority externally, had ample leisure to pro- vide for its safety within '^ Amongst those who co-operated in the foundation of the tyranny, the first place belongs to Phihstus, its subsequent historian'^ and panegyrist'^; in the mother- country Sparta was the chief ally of Dionysius ^K In his treatment of the neighbouring towns, he adopted the poHcy of Gelon ; he had already trans- planted the inhabitants of Gela and Camarina to Syracuse in the year before the peace with Car- thage*^; he afterwards seized Catana and Naxos, reduced the inhabitants to slavery, laid the latter in ruins, and filled the former with mercenary soldiers^'; Leontini, whither its former citizens, who had been settled in Syracuse, had returned, and which at a still earlier period had become the retreat of Agrigentan, Geloan, and Camarinaean refugees ^^ was reduced to submission, and received ten thousand mercenaries as inhabitants *\ Some fugitives from Naxos and Sicuhans now founded the town of Tauromenium ^^ All this was accom- plished in the first five years of the tyranny, Olymp. »* Diod. 13. 114: the Carthaginians recovered Selinus, Agrigrentunri, and Himera ; Gela and Camarina were to remain unfortified, and pay them tribute ; Autonomia was secured to Leontini, Messana, and the Siculians j and the Syracusans were declared subject to Dionysius. >6 Diod. 13. 91 ; 14. 8. " Diod. 13. 103. " Plut. Pelop. 34. ^» See above, i 68. n. 7. On the subject of the succours sent by Dionysius, see Xenoph. 5. 1. 26 ; 6. 2. 33 ; 7. 1. 20. 28 : Diod. 15. 69. On the attempt of Athens to affect a disjunction between Dionysius and the Spartans consult Lysias, de Aiistoph. Bon. 625. «> Diod. 13. 111. '*' Diod. 14. 4. M Comp. $ 68. n. 53. » Diod. 14. 16. 78. « Diod. 16. 7. THE NEW TYRANNY. § 75. 411 93. 3 ; 406. B. C— Olymp. 94. 3 «.. The whole of the subsequent career of Dionysius is marked by unceasing activity; the restlessness of his cha- racter*^ impelled him to create opportunities for exertion and enterprise when they did not offer of themselves. But Syracuse, from the very first, was far from bearing the tyrant's yoke with patience, and broke out into open rebellion— first with the aid of some fugitives, and again when he was threatened by the squadrons and armies of Car- thage^. Philistus and the Spartans Aristus and Pharacidas, the former sent to his assistance by Sparta, the latter the commander of a detachment of mercenaries, assisted him in suppressing them ^. Some horsemen who had fled from Syracuse had occupied the town of JEtna, which was, however, speedily reduced '9. In Sicily Messana was the only place that was not in the hands of the tyrant ; allied with Messana was Rhegium, which had granted a retreat to the fugitives from Syracuse ^^, and disdainfully rejected Dionysius' application for the hand of one of its daughters ^\ Messana soon fell into the power of the tyrant ^^ who assailed the Italiots at the same moment that they were attacked by the Lucani; the Italiots'^ now formed " The town of Adranus, near Mount ^Etna, was founded bv Dionvsius I. Olymp. 105. 1, Diod. 14.37. ^ ^ '-* Aiovv .^lian, V. H. 12. 61. -•0 Diod. 15. 13. The Etym. M. in v. 'A^piag makes mention of a town called Adrias, which Dionysius was said to have founded on the Ionian sea. THE NEW TYRANNY. § 75. 413 and alacrity *^ they increased the sufferings and the misery of the Grecian population of Sicily to a dreadful extent. His internal government was characterized by all the vices for which tyrannies have ever been notorious. In the debasement and systematic discouragement of citizenship he was second to none of the tyrants of Greece. At the beginning of his reign he emancipated the slaves, who were thereupon denominated Neopolitae, granted lands to his adherents, as wcjU foreigners as natives, gave dwellings to the populace *^ and bestowed upon the Neopolitae the daughters of ancient citizens in marriage *\ The removal of the inhabitants from town to town increased the mix- ture ; , the Syracusans could no longer recognise one another ; no feeling of union could be kept up in the minds of the ancient citizens, dispersed as they were among strange and ill-assorted masses : many of the new citizens enjoyed special privileges and immunities; e. g. the Caulonians were ex- empted from the payment of taxes for five years **, Still the tyrant did not mingle with the towns- men ; mercenaries, forts *^, and the stores and im- plements of war surrounded him ; the mercenaries consisted of a mixture of Grecian and barbarian nations, Lacedaemonians *^, Campanians *% Ibe- rians *«, and Celts *^ ; his suspicion ^ and distrust ^ became proverbial ; the Otacoustae and Potagogides, from the time of Hiero ^\ were not sufficient for « Diod. 15. 74. « Diod. 14. 7. « Polyaen. 5. 2. 20. « Diod. 14. 106. . P»onysius made extensive alterations in Syracuse by fortifying of Nasos building the wall of Epipolae, etc. Conf. Goller, de Situ ec Oria. Urb! Syracusar. 1818. 46 Diod. 14. 58. Z Jwd. 14.9. 15. « Diod. 14.75. « Xenoph. Hell. 7. 1. 20. . " See Plut. Dion. 9, etc. Anstot. Pol. 5. 9. 3. Conf. xpoffaywycTc, Plut. Dion. 2 and 28. 414 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY, the system of espionnage which he carried on; there was a popular tradition that he himself listened at the opening in the acoustically- constructed dungeon called ''the ear^'." His brother Leptines fell a sacrifice to his suspicion '' ; his object in habituating his son to the most de- grading occupations, and unfitting him for all ele- vation of thought, was to render him incapable of thwarting his purposes^*. No less notorious are his artifices, exactions, and cruelties; in the space of five years he obtained possession of all the property of the Greeks in his dominions ""; he plundered temples without remorse^. His cruelty, however, rather resulted from the desire of intimidating those whom he feared, than from any natural pleasure at the sight of tortures ; but his kindness, too, was solely the offspring of calcula- tion. Finally, he shared with Nero the wish to be considered an artist ; but this, instead of minister- ing to the gratification of those around him, was a source of torture to them ; the poet Philoxenus was condemned to the Latomiae for criticising the tyrant's bad verses *^ Dionysius the younger succeeded his father, 01. 103. 1; 367. B, C^. The lapse of thirty-eight years had firmly cemented the throne, and numer- " ous bands of mercenaries kept watch around it ^ ; innumerable parasites awaited an abundant harvest from the continuance of the tyranny, and at the «« Conf. D'Orville, Sicula, p. 180—182. and 194. *» iElian, V. H. 13. 45. " Plut. Dion, 9. ** Aristot. Pol. 5. 9. 3. ^ iElian, V. H. 1. 20. *' His dTrayi is well known. See Suidas, 4>i\o$. ypafifi. *» Diodor. 13. 75. Piut. Dion. 14; Diodor. 16. 9; ^lian, V. H. 6. 12. THE NEW TYRANNY. § 75. 415 death of the elder tyrant no bold and ingenuous patriot raised his voice in the cause of freedom. Though the mind of the younger Dionysius had been neglected, it was not depraved^; virtue and vice struggled within him for mastery: the latter was encouraged by the parasites, who had obtained an ascendant over him, and incited him to the most reckless dissipation ^\ to which num- ber belonged Philistus ^ Dion, brother of the Syracusan consort of the elder Dionysius, Aris- tomache (one of whose daughters, Sophrosyne, was married to the younger Dionysius, and the' other. Arete, to Dion,) endeavoured to expand the seeds of virtue in his breast. Plato was; summoned to impart to the young ruler the moral instruction which was to render him a good king^«. Plato whose hopes of success in the task he had under^ taken were most sanguine ^ was recieived with princely splendour and with cordial aflection, and Dionysius immediately commenced his studies^. But it was not long before Dion was banished - the love of the tyrant for Plato amounted to a species of enthusiasm, and the ruling passion of his soul was the jealousy with which he regarded Plato's attachment to Dion ^ ; never was the per- nicious efficacy of courtiers and parasites, in cor- rupting the character of a ruler, more strikingly exemplified than in the case of Dionysius ^. The Dion. 7* ^'*''°^' *^'*°^ P*^"**^ °'"^^y successive days in drinking, Plut. ^ Plut! DioS*. 10. ,^**''''^*'**»'=*^^««f Athen. 6. 249. F. : 10. 435. E. l-lut. Dion. 16. w pg. piat^ Ep 7 4^g 416 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. precepts of Plato ^ and the connection which he brought about between the Pythagoreans^ and the tyrant, were all in vain. On his second visit to Syracuse, he narrowly escaped misusage ^^ Mean- while, the tyranny began to totter ; Dion arose to deliver his country from the yoke under which it groaned, and the revolution was accomplished about the same time that violent commotions arose in the mother-country. We are but imperfectly acquainted with the constitutions of the Italiot states during the reign of the two Dionysii, but it may be assumed that democracy had universally attained maturity. The party-feeling in favour of Sparta probably lasted no longer than the Peloponnesian war. Under the democracy in Tarentum^S as under all the demo- cracies of that age, Strategi were the chief offi- cers'^; and the same state is celebrated for having, seven times, confided the office of Strategus to its noblest citizen, the Pythagorean Archytas, the jfriend of Plato '\ He was also chosen generalis- sin>o of the combined Italiots '*. In Thurii'^ there was a law which provided that the same citizen could only be reappointed Strategus at intervals of five years '^ At the same time, it appears that a number of citizens had been especially selected for •« Ps. Plat. Ep. 3. 410. « Ps. Plat. Ep. 7. 454 ; Plut. Dion. 16. . y,-,^ 70 Ps. Plat. Ep. 7. 476 ; Plut. Dion. 19, relates that AnsUppus likewise went to his court and opposed the efforts of Plato. 7» See§59. n. 17. , , ,, • u- «o«, " Demosth. Erot. 1415. 9, describes Archytas (most probably m his capa- city of Strategus) as r^v Tapavrivwv TroXiv— icaXwc icai ^XavtfpwJrwg 73 Diog. Lacrt. 8. 79 ; M\. V. H. 7. 14 : Strab. 6. 280. » 7* Suidas, 'Apx- 7* See $ 59. n. 12. 7« Arist. Pol. 5. 6. 8. THE NEW TYRANNY. § 75. 417 military service, and denominated guards {^povpoty^ Some enterprising young men belonging to power- ful families, ingratiated themselves with these, trampled on the laws, and by repeatedly obtaining the Strategia, eventually established a dynasty ^s. Hereupon all the magistrates were appointed ac^ cording to a valuation, at the same time that nearly all the landed property was in the hands of the leading families. Nevertheless, the people, who were inspired with confidence by the remembrance of what they had achieved, succeedejd in over- throwing the dynasty .-xna making a more equal distribution of property 'K In conseque^nce of inju- dicious attempts to impart extreme exactness to the laws, they are said to have become insecure and wavering ««. Crotona retained its Ach^an in- stitutions «\ In Rhegium, after the termination of the dissensions which had prevailed there, it is probable that the constitution of Chairondas was revived, as was that of Zaleucus in Locri. In Heraclea on the Siris and Metapontum we are only acquainted with the names of magistrates be- longing to a later period ^\ Equally scanty is our information respecting Cuma, Palaeopolis and Nea- polis, and Massilia. The former already began to be threatened by the Samnites and the Romans. It is probable that in the latter, the government of noble houses, whose oppressive effects were felt in 37 Arist. ubi swp. These can hardly have been mercenaries. '" Anst. ubi sup. fJH ^"^Vr^^*^;?-^- ^®°^- "®y"«' ^P- 2. 148, who justly regards the € 8 "'^h^V^ ^t""'' ^ci-t ^'. ^' "» ^ consequence of IhatLnfroned 5! * Jru fZT^""^ °J Schneider on 5. 6. 6, are less perticent. 8a TK " Ephorus. si Polyb. 2 39. «f hJL 1 ^*^" ^^f^cleens. has an akia, Ephors, a Polianomos, etc. A tyranl of Heraclea ,s mentioned in Parthen. Erot.*7. (from Phanias the Eresian.j vox.. II. £ e 418 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. later times, was at this period in Ml vigour". On Lipara finally, there was a brave and virtuous Strategus, called Timasitheus <«, when the Romans sent a votive offering to Delphi after the conquest of Veii ; but the island had once before fallen un- der the power of the Carthaginians, Olymp. 96. 1 ; 396. B.C". , X V . The nationality of the Siceliots and Italiots, which had shown evidences of debasement before the time of the Dionysii, became still more cor- rupted by their influence, though not every where in the same degree. The Syracusans are especially stigmatized for immorality, gluttony, and lust«'; Tarentum was probably not much better, and after- wards sunk still lower ; it was remarkable for its drunkenness, gluttony, luxury in dress «, etc. Last- ly, the daughters of the once moral Locri were notoriously venal™. THE TYRANTS OF PHER^. Pherje, of little importance before the end of the Pelsponnesian war, raised itself by means of its tyranny above all the Thessalian states. This tyranny appears to have grown out of the powers of the mediatory Archon^^. Perhaps Lycophron him- 83 "- Cic. de Repub. 74, Stuttg. where see Mago. 8* Liv. 5. 28 ; Diodor. 14. 93 ; Plut. Camill. 8. » SllM'*.a"i^«. A.hen ,2 518. C. 527. C; conf. Plat, de Repub 3 404 ; Epist. 7. 353. E. sqq. On the culinary art of MithaBCUS. see uo b '''•see Plat, de Legg. 1. 637 ; Theopomp TLo ''^Vi; T'/i'/'sO ; Clearchus apud eund. 12. 522. D.; Strab. 6. 280 ; il^han. V . H- i^- » prpTr'rh.^ie: conf. Heyne. Opusc. 2 224, sqq. ; Hemdorf^^ a^^^^^^^^^ 2 4 34. The number of barbarian words in use amongst the /^^^ "f Ly remarkable (in Hesych. in A alone there are nearly ihirtv) i /rom t»»^J.e rna^ infer that the Oscans and other adjacent nations were admitted m consi derable numbers. «« Athen. 12. 516. A. «> Conf. §. 73. n. 21. TYRANTS OF PHERiE. § 75. 419 self was a tyrant. Jason, his son ^, the scholar of Gorgias ^\ and a brave soldier, succe" '^"'^^'^ '^^' f"^ Tvpavvol. fint de Tuenda banitate Praecepta. 6. 514. 'W Pdysen. 6. 1. £62 :! ■ ^ ■ . 420 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. sensual indulgences he was moderate '^. He was murdered by seven young men belonging to the cavalry of the country, Olymp. 102. 3 ; 970. B. C ^^^ After his death his brothers ^^ Polydorus and Polyphron, became tyrants of Pherae and Tagi of Thessaly ; the former was murdered by the latter after the lapse of a year, whereupon the Tageia assumed a more despotic character; the brave Polydamas in Larissa was killed, and many of the inhabitants expelled ^^. Still greater atrocities were committed by Alexander, Polyphron's nephew ^^« and murderer, who oppressed his own country and committed constant aggressions upon his neigh- bours for the space of eleven years'^. The Aleuads of Thessaly apphed to Alexander of Ma- €edon to assist them in repulsing him, after which he for some time possessed Larissa and Crannon"^; they next had recourse to the The- bans"'; but it was not till these had marched at the head of a powerful army into Thessaly, to avenge the death of Pelopidas, that the tyrant was con^ned within the precincts of Pherae, and his garrisons compelled to evacuate the territories of the Phthiotan Achaeans and Magnesians ''% He ordered the inhabitants of the towns Scotussa and Melibaea to be sabred "' ; he caused his victims to be put to death amidst the most dreadful tor- tures ^^* ; he felt ashamed of the emotion which he '0* Xenoph. Hell. 6. 1.4. . , ,, ^« . , »»» Xenoph. 6. 4. 31. 32. The account of Diodor. 15. 60. is less accurate. «o« Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 33. '"^ Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 34. •08 Plut. Pelop.29. '"® t>'od- 15- 61. no Dlod. ubi sup. *" Plut. Pelop. 26, sqq. "5 Uiod. 15. 80 ; Plut. Pelop. 35. J -3 Plut. Pelop. 29 -, Diod. 15. 75 ; Paus. 6. 5. 2. ^ ^, >•* Plut. Pelop. 29: Kiovrag fikv dvOpioTTovg KartopvTTfv, tTtpoig Ckitp- fiara v aypuov Kai apKTutv TrfpiTiOfiQ Kai tovq OripivTiKovQ tirayiov KvvaQ Siiffira, «c. r. X. THE NEW TYRANNY. § 75. 421 had testified at the representation of a tragedy "^ ; and looked upon every one with suspicion and dis- trust ''^. He was killed by his wife, the daughter of Jason "% in concert with her brothers, Olymp. 105. 4; 357. B. C.^^ The last, Tisiphonus, Pi- tholaus, and Lycophron"^^ possessed themselves of the government, Pitholaus as the eldest reign- ing first ^^^ ; the names of Lycophroo and Pitholaus occur during the holy war ^". No exact particu- lars have been transmitted respecting a tyrant of Craniion, called Denius, who had raised himself to despotic power from the condition of a fowler '^. 3. THE TYRANTS ON THE PONTUS. After the power of Miletus had been broken by domestic tyranny and Persian domination, its poli- tical influence amongst the colonies on the Pontus ceased ; it is probable that tyrants soon arose in several of these states; their nationaUty was no longer purely Grecian, and democracy was no- where sufficiently solid and matured. Hence, in this quarter the tyranny still retained the character of the kingship. On the Cimmerian Bosphorus, the dynasty of the Archaeanactids subsisted forty- two years, from Olymp. 75. 1—85. 3 ; 480—438. B. C '2^, in Panticapaeum, Phanagoria, etc. A "* ^^^^' ubi sup. 116 cic. de Off. 2. 7. »" Plut. Pelop. 28. ul 2f°®P^- ^*«"- ^' ^' 35, sqq. ; Plut. Pelop. 35 ; Diod. 16. 14. Plut. Pelop. ubi sup. The reading here is UvOoXdov, Diod. 16. 39 conf. 16. 52 ; Diodor. 16. 39 has n«0o\dov, couf. 16. 52. * Xenoph. 6. 4. 37. m Diod. 16. 39 ; conf. below, § 78. '*» Polyaen. 2. 34. ' ' V '*» I^iod..l2. 31. See at large, Boze, in Mem. dc: I'Acad. des Insciip. t. IX.; Souciet s Dissertat. Par. 1736. Gary, Hist, des Rois de Thrace et de ceux du Bosph. Cimm. Par. 1752. Raoul-Rochette, Antiquites Grecques di- I'i I 422 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. modern race, whose fame was recent, began with Spartocos^'^ who governed from Olymp. 86. 4; 433. B. C ''\ ; he was succeeded by Seleucus '"\ who reigned till Olymp. 87. 4. There is a blank ^^ till the accession of Satyrus, who held the govern- ment from Olymp. 93. 2—96. 4 ; 407-393. B. C^^., and who, like his father (Spartacus 2. ?) favoured the Athenians ''^. His son and successor Leucon, who ruled from Ol. 106. 3 ; 354. B. C '^., is known to us as the commercial ally and citizen of Athens"^ and as the founder of Theodosia "' ; besides which he is said to have been warlike '"' and generous '^ ; yet even he'^* was surrounded by mercenaries'^ and flatterers ''^ and committed exactions. His successors do not come within the scope of our enquiries. In Sinope there was, in the age of Pericles, a tyrant called Timesileus. The inhabitants deposed him in Olymp. 83. 4 ; 445. with the help of some Athenian Cleruchi'^. Heraclea, which had from its first foundation beqij distracted by the feuds between the upper order and the demus'^ in Olymp. 104. 1; 364. Bosphore Cimmerien. Par. 1822, with the critiques of P. v. Koppen (Alterth. am Nordgestade des Pontus. Wien, 1823) and v. Kbhler. «2< That this, and not Spartacus, is the proper orthography of the word is proved by inscriptions. See Biickh, Thesaur. Inscr. p. 147. Ji5Diod.l2.31. '=* Died. 12. 36. •" Doze inserts Spartacus here, whose reign lasted twenty years. '*-» Diod. 14. 93 ; Lysias pro Wantith. 571. <» Isocrat. Trapezit. 646. '** Diod. 16. 31. ^ ^ ^^ >3» Demosth. in Lept. 466. 467. '^a Demosth. ubi sup. ; Strab. 7. 309. 'M Polyaen. 6. 9. 3. 4. ''* Plut. de Stoicor. repugn. 10. 314. '3* ^neas, Pol. 5. Concerning the Scythians, see Polyaen. 6. 9. 4. '* He said to a person of this description who had committed sonie crime : dTTficrctvo dv ae vrl roi'c 9tovg, €i fin) novrjpCjv dvSpiov ri rvpavvig ihlro* Athen. 6.257. D. •37 Polyjen. 6. 9. 1 . '=^ Plut. Pericl. 20. >» Vol. i. p. 268. n. 77. See at large, Memnon, ap. Phot. Cod. 224, and the stateraenU of other ancient writers in OrelU's edition of Memnon, pp. 119 —124. THE NEW TYRANNY. § 75. 423 B. C, fell under the tyranny of Clearchus '*^, a pupil of Socrates ^^\ who had been appointed to the com- mand of a body of mercenaries after the citizens had delivered themselves from the power of a faction ^*2. The little value which he set upon the lives of others '*' corresponded with the suspicious solicitude with which he guarded his own ^** ; but in spite of his precautions he was assassinated, Olymp. 106. 4 ; 353. B. C ''\ His brother Saby- rus maintained the tyranny, as the guardian of his nephews. Timotheus died in the year of the bat- tle of Chaeronea ; after a reign of fifteen years he was succeeded by Dionysius who ruled thirty-two years **^. 4. LESS POWERFUL TYRANTS. After the first invasion of the Peloponnesus by Epaminondas, Sicyon was distracted by the quar- rels of the partisans and opponents of Sparta and Thebes; in Olymp. 103. 2 ; 366. B. C, Euphron, by means of the demus and some mercenaries, effected a junction between Sicyon and Thebes, expelled forty Lacones (in Xenophon ^eXrcaToc), and made himself tyrant '*^ But he was unable to maintain his position : the expelhid citizens oc- cupied the harbour and the town, whilst a Theban garrison was in possession of the citadel **«. Eu- phron went to fetch mercenaries from Athens, and '« Diod. 15. 81. »« Isocrat. Ep. 7. 749. '<» Polyaen. 2. 30. I ; conf. .En. Pol. 12. '*3 Theopomp. ap. Athen. 3. 85. A. B. ^ \** Plut. ad Princip. inerudit. 9. 125 : eig Ki^utrbv h^voutvoc utyirip odnc '« Diod. 16. 36. "* Diod. 16. 88. On his gluttony and corpulence, see Athen. 12. 549. A. B. His wife, Araastris, founded the city of the same name, Strab 12. 544 '*' Xenoph. Hell. 7. 1. 43—46; 7. 3. 8 ; Diod. 15. 70. •** Xenoph. 7. 3. 4. ' f 424 PREDOMINANCE & DECLINE OF OLIGARCHY. then repaired in search of assistance to Thebes, where he was murdered by some of his adversaries from Sicyon '*^. The demus honoured his memory ^^. In Corinth Timophanes was enabled by means of his mercenaries to obtain the tyranny, Olymp. 103. 3; 366. B. C ^^\ Timoleon, his brother became the liberator of his native city. In Oeanthe, a town of the Ozohan Locrians, there was a tyrant called Phrico- demus ^^% about 01. 101.4; 373. B. C. In Eubcea, Eretria and Oreus (Histiaea) were more especially the seats of tyranny ; to the period which inter- vened before the island and its pohtical system became dependent upon Philip, belong : Neogenes tyrant of Creas ^^\ Themison of Eretria who occu- pied Oropus, Olymp. 103. 3 ; 366. B. C^^. Plu- tarch, in whose time the influence of Philip began to predominate '*^ will be mentioned hereafter. There were also tyrants in Lesbos, but probably not before Philip's time, though they do not appear to have stood in any connection with his political operations ; to these belonged Cleommes or Cleo- menes in Methymna, of whom Isocrates speaks in terms of commendation ^^ ; he, like Periander, ordered that all prostitutes should be drowned ^^^ Cammes reigned in Mytilene at the time of Demos- thenes ^*. It was afterwards governed by tyrants »*» Xenoph. Hell. 7. 3. 4. 5. '«« Xenoph. 7. 3. 12. >" Twenty years before Timoleon's expedition to Sicily, Plut. Timol. 7. Hence must be corrected, Diod. 16. 65. '" Polyaen. 8. 46. This story, however, has rather a mythical air. >M Diodor. 15. 30, where Oropus is also erroneously stated to belong to him. >54 Diodor. 15. 76. Conf. Wessel. and above, § 71. n. 119. Demosthenes de Corona, 259. 10, also alludes to the circumstance, but besides Themison mentions a Theodorus. •« Plut. Phoc. 11. '»• Isocrat. Epist. ad Timoth. 748 (written after Olymp. 107. 1). »" Theop. ap. Ath. 10. 442. F. ^ Demosth. adv. Boeot. de Dot. 1019. mm ^-^ THE NEW TYRANNY. ^ 75. 425 who were dependent upon Persia ^^'. Such were probably Hecatomnus, Mausolus, Artemisia, Idrieus and Ada in Hahcarnassus ^^. Evagoras and Nicoles in Salamis on the island of Cyprus, must be ex- cepted from the number of those tjTants who be- longed to the state-system of Greece. In Cyrene, lastly, Ariston was, in Olymp. 94. 4 ; 401. B. C, at the head of a numerous party ^^^ ;; some Messe- nians arriving there from Naupactus an engage- ment took place between the hostile factions, after which a reconciliation was effected. Cyrene was governed by tyrants in the time of the Ptolemies, such as Magas, etc. '*> Arrhian.2. 1. '" Concerning this dynasty, see Sainte-Croix in tlte M6m de I'lostitut. class. d'Hist. t. ii. »«• Diod. 14. 64. K < COMPLETION OF THE INTERNAL CORRUPTION, AND SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES OF GREECE. THE AGE OF PHILIP OF MACEDON. I. INTERNAL CONDITION AND EXTERNAL POLI- TICAL RELATIONS IN GENERAL. § 76. The history of this, like that of the preceding period, presents no union of a more intimate nature between the states of the mother-country and those of the west and the remote east. The first, whose connection was merely local, obstinately adhered to their former state of separation, and the more sensibly they felt the oppressive effects of those despotisms by which they had already been united, the more averse they became from forming larger and more general associations. The Grecian states of this period are too various in their character and policy to admit of that classification which his- torical investigation requires, whilst our chief atten- tion is engrossed by the operations of Philip, their enemy and destroyer. Their interior, however, exhibits an equal degree of corruption in the gra- dual extinction of patriotism, strength, and virtue ; on which account the states, whose political condi- tion was not determined by the measures of Philip, must also be included in the ensuing survey. When Philip of Macedon arose, Olymp. 105. 1 ; 360. B. C, the ethical and political ties of the Grecian states had grown relaxed, and they had lost EXTERNAL RELATIONS. § 76. 427 the nourishing and preserving strength of true citizenship. Military service for hire^, debauchery, and venal treachery were the characteristics of the age. Though the military courage of the Greeks was by no means extinct, states had lost the power of assembling the great body of the citizens for their defence, while individuals had grown indif- ferent to the obligation of fighting for their coun- try. Many thousand warriors had long been in the pay of the Syracusan tyrants, the great king, and his satraps ; and after the battle; of Mantinea, large bodies of the still-remaining soldiery dispersed in various directions. From the bej^nning of the holy war, Phocis had been one of their principal rendezvous. In Olymp. 106. 4; 353. B. C, Pam- menes the Theban, led five thousand able-bodied soldiers to Artabazus, the Persian satrap ^ who was in rebellion against the great king. Agesilaus, 01. 104. 3; 361. B. C, accompanied by thirty Spartan Symbuli, led a body of mercenaries to the assistance of the insurgent Tachus in Egypt ^. His example was followed by Chabrias \ Mentor the Rhodian quitted Egypt and joined the rebellious Phoenicians with four thousand Greeks, Ol. 107. 2 ; 351. B. C *. On the other side, Artaxerxes Ochus was assisted in his expedition against Cyprus by Greek auxiliaries under Phocion^ a detachment of Thebans under Lacrates ^ and a body of Argives under the Hercu- lean warrior Nicostratus^ Even thej Carthaginians ' Diodor. 16. 34. ' Plut. Ages. 36, where the disgraceful character of this expedition is well described. Conf. Diodor. 15. 92. 3 Plut. ubi sup. 37. " Diodor. 16. 42. * Diodor. ubi sup. 16. 43, and Wessel. * Diodor. 16. 44. ' Ibid, ubi sup. 16. 48. Compare on the number of the Greeks who had quitted their own country, and were ready to sell their services to the various captains, see above, § 74. n. 24. J ff - ' ! , !'>■ .. 428 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. had Grecian soldiers in their pay ^ By this means military honour departed from the civic banners; the number of citizens at musters ^ and on marches {iroXcTiKal 8vpafjL€t,s)^^ had dwindled almost to no- thing, whilst that of the mercenaries daily in- creased"; it became more and more the policy of states to purchase the services of mercenaries for money ; and the fact that a considerable portion of the public revenue passed into the hands of foreigners, operated alike injuriously to the public economy and to private interests. The craving for pleasure in the citizens was not a little promoted by the luxurious lives of the mercenaries, who, unlike men who fought for their own hearths and altars, and had a stake in the welfare of their country, spent the wages of blood in the purchase of present gratifications, not knowing how much time might be left them for enjoyment ^^. The less capable the citizens became of wielding the sword in their own defence, the more deeply did they sink into the vortex of dissipation. The Athenians attained the most disgraceful celebrity by the manner in which they squandered the pub- lic revenue on festivals, pageants, and banquets ^' ; but still more notorious for their gluttony and de- bauchery were the inhabitants of Byzantium, Chal- cedon^*, Zacynthus^^ Syracuse, Tarentum^^ etc. • Plut. Tim. 30. 9 See abo^e, $ 74. n. 22. *® ^sch. in Ctesiph. 488. 537. » Concernia ; Athens, see Isocrat. Symmach. 267 ; ^schin.de Falsa Legal. 249. 250. ^^ On the degeneracy of the Spartan king, Archidamus, in Tarentum, see Theoporop. ap. Ath. 12. 536. C. '» Isocrat. Areop. 224. 225 ; Demosth. Phil. 1. 50. de Synt. 169 ; A then. 4. 166. E. ; Justin. 6. 9 ; Plut. Quaest. Symp. 8. 896. The subject is treated at length by Buckh, Pub. Boon. 1. 232, sqq. •* Athen. 12. 626. E. from Theopomp. >^ Agatharcides apud. Athen. 12. 528. A. '• See above, $ 75. n. 81, sqq. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. \ 76. 439 This indulgence in luxury and revelry, as un- manly and enervating as it was, did not, however, diminish their insolence or allay their animosity; the general extravagance and the poverty that resulted from it, made men reckless as to the means they employed to gratify their love of pleasure '^ ; and amongst the most disgraceful, and, at the same time, the most calamitous of its effects, was their eagerness to betray their country into the hands of the dynasts, in order to obtain the gold they so liberally dispensed. Numerous lists of traitors have been handed down to posterity ^\ These were not Uke the contending factions of former days, impelled by the implacable spirit of political partisanship : they cared nothing for the state and its interests, and only thought of their own advantage. It was of little avail that indivi- dual states made occasional attempts to repress the evil, as for example, Corinth, when she in- terdicted her subjects from accepting the gold of the dynasts '^. The few citizens who still retained the better spirit of the olden time, had lost all courage, and despaired of beholding the political system of their country renewed and invigorated from within. Isocrates, who looked with a jealous eye upon the growing power of Persia, was of opinion, that the only hope of salvation for his Qol'.S"^*®^ considered their feasting as a main source of discord, Plut. de n«t ? L I" •.^- ^l^: ^^^^^ accounts remind us of the quarrels which arise out ot the dancing, dnnking, and gaming of modern times. But one of Pan- dWne^r/' "^^^ ''^°^*''^' °^"^^^' ^^^ ^"^^' ^^ ""^^ ^' ^ " reparation coif ^H™*"***"- ^^''^' ^- *^^- ^^5 126. 17. 28; de Coromi, 24), sqq. 324; WeLd .'■^"^J.''*"',.^^^"^' ^•^^°'"- ^^' ^3. 54; comp. HimeJius, 34 a^inn nff/Ti'^*'i*T".*^'' ""* '^"*'''" ''" '■'/**<^'-ara vofii^ovffu The extenu- ation offered by Polybius (17. 14) is partiaL Plut. Apophth.6.672. » 430 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES, country was in the supremacy of a native prince; and such he considered Phihp to be. And it must be confessed that that monarch not only knew how to purchase the services of corrupt citizens and venal declaimers, but also possessed so many brilliant qualities, that he might well inspire even upri-ht and patriotic Greeks with confidence and hope, and the rather as they had wholly ceased to place any dependence upon themselves. In such a posture of affairs it was impossible that the intercourse of the various states could be marked by amity or good faith. This was another source of advantage to Philip. The relative posi- tion of the belligerents after the battle of Mantmea became complicated and confused ; but though the victory had remained undecided, it was self-evident, that no one of the states which had taken part m that engagement could henceforward attempt to assert a military supremacy over the rest^^ Though neither Sparta, Athens, nor Thebes evmced any desire to prolong the contest, with the view of obtaining a general hegemony, they had no sooner recovered from the eff*ects of the great Boeotian war, than they severally began to exhibit their lust of power in a narrower sphere. Sparta once more endeavoured to establish a confederacy among the Peloponnesians under her own protectorate, and then assailed her old enemy Argos. Upon the defeat of the Argives at Orneae^S Olymp. 106. 4; « The reason which Ephorus assigns for the decay of the Theban power (ap. Strab. 9. 401.) is : r! Xoy.v Kai o.^in, rf;. .po, av9p-.ov^ oX^. Xcu6v i-r., Li ^p6, y. rove (iap(idpovg /3m X6yot; .parru>v itrn. 31 Diod 16. 34. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. «, 76. 431 353. B. C, the Megalopolitans, Sicyonians, Mes- senians, and Thebans entered into a league with Argos ^, which soon after concluded a truce with Sparta. The last, either impelled by her love of war, or by the hope of renewing those ties of affinity which had grown relaxed, still persisted in wasting her strength in the quarrels of the trans- marine states ; Gaisylus was despatched to Syra- cuse in order that, like Gylippus, he might assume the command, but was rejected by Dion*^; a detachment of auxiliaries was sent to Lyctus in Crete ^* ; at a subsequent period king Archidamus himself went to Italy and fell fighting for Taren- tum against its barbarous neighbours on the same day, that the liberties of the mother-country re- ceived their death-blow at Chaeronea^^ The in- fluence of Athens having prevailed over that of Thebes in the quarrels of the Eubceans^^ the former effected a new league amongst the maritime states, and soon began to pervert her power to the purposes of oppression and exaction. Cleruchiae had been established in the Chersonc^se, Olymp. 106. 4 ; 353. B. C, and on Samos in Olymp. 107. 1, (if not as early as Olymp. 104. 4 ; 361. B. C.)^ ; but the man whose oppressions and misusage chiefly served to make the name of Athens de- tested in all the islands and maritime districts was the broad-shouldered debauchee Chares ^, who pos- sessed no single excellence becoming a commander, and whom Timotheus declared fit for no other » Diod. 16. 39. 2< Diod. 16. 62. * Diod. 16. 7. Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 2. 88. =" See B6ckh, Pub. Econ. 1. 460. » Plut. Dion. 49. 2* Diod. 16. 88. 2« Diotl. 15. 95. t^fmrmt 432 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES, purpose than to carry the general's baggage ^. He was accompanied by several others as worthless as himself^. The confederates put themselves in a posture of defence upon the approach of another general, Phocion ". The war which now broke out, Olymp. 105. 3.— 106. 1 ; 357—355. B. C, is known by the name of the social war, and its result once more annihilated the Athenian power at sea. The towns of the Chersonese fell into the hands of the Thracian Cotys '\ Thebes strove to extend her dominion over the adjacent states in the north, west, and east, but she could not succeed in subjecting to her authority either Euboea or Thes- saly ; the wretched artifice of representing her allies the Locrians and the mountain-nations around Thessaly as Amphictyons, and thence endeavour- ing to borrow pohtical importance, was one of the causes which led to the eruption of the (third) holy war, during which Boeotia itself was visited with severe calamities. Thus no inconsiderable number of states were in possession of the independence guaranteed to them by the peace of Antalcidas ; Messenia was free from the control of Sparta, Pellene severed from Achaia'', the Perioeci of Elis were enfran- chised, the naval league of Athens dissolved, the supremacy of Thebes in Boeotia on the wane, Pherae no longer possessed an undue preponder- » Plut. an Seni Respub., etc. 9. 151 : aKfiaZovra rtp (Twfiart Kai pwff^- \tov, K. T, \. Diod. 16. 85 : oUkv Ut^ipi ribv TVXovTotv iSnorwv Kara ti]V iv TV CToaTnyelv ivepyuav Kai ^ov\r)v. Conf. Theopomp. ap. fth. i-^. 532. C. D. Against this the observation of Dem. Ep. 1481. 5, that Chares was ^nvLOTiKOQ, has little or no weight. » ^schin.de Fals. Legat.250. " Plut. Phoc. 11. 32 Demosth. in Aristocr. 668. 8, sqq. See the continuation of these q^a^eis under Cotys' sons, Cersobleptes, Amadocus, and Bensades, Demosin. Aristocr. 623. 17, sqq. ; and 676. 24, sqq. *» iEschiu. in Ctesiph. 553. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. § 76. 433 ance in Thessaly, etc. ; but whilst the mutual in- difference of the nations, and the favour of cir- cumstances in general had conduced to keep up separation and independence in the early age, and the various communities of Greece, though un- willing to coalesce, had formed so many compact and consistent wholes, Greece now resembled a body torn into many conflicting parts, which, in- capable of subsisting singly, and unwilling to unite, exhausted their still remaining strength in attacks upon each other. States were less occupied with the task of ameliorating their own condition, than in devising plans for injuring one another, and animosity and discord universally prevailed ^*. A disposition to revive ancient national associations is perceived in the efforts of Corinth alone, to recover the friendship and attachmcjnt of its colo- nies '^ ; and the interest which it testified in the fate of Syracuse was honourable to its feelings; but on the other hand, this division of the strength of the mother-country during the perilous stand she made against Philip was ill-timed and injudicious, and, as might have been expected, it produced no salutary fruits. Hellas was ripe for a foreign yoke. The relation in which she stood to Persia had long been wavering and unfixed through the effects of the mercenary system. This exempted the Persian monarch from the necessity of enter- ing into regular treaties with states, and even when he did so, his object was merely to obtain permission from them to levy soldiers within their r^KKi)(fiv tpig Kai rapaxi). ^ Plutarch, Timol. 3. 23. 24. 53. VOL, II. ,, f * t\ 434 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES, territories ; but similar advantages were granted to rebellious satraps ^, so that the relation between Philip and the states of Greece was constantly fluctuating between friendship and enmity, like that which existed between Switzerland and France in the time of the emperor Maximilian ; upon the whole, however, Thebes may be said to have been most closely connected with the great king", who afterwards entered into a coalition with Athens against Philip. Philip of Macedon**, whose lineage was ac- counted Grecian from Alexander, Philellen down- wards '», had been trained up in the manners and customs of Greece, and resided long enough in Thebes to know that the political condition of that country was past all cure. He ascended the Macedonian throne, 01. 105. 1 ; 360. B. C, and having, in a short but severe struggle, esta- blished his authority over his paternal dominions and the adjacent provinces, he endeavoured to subject all Greece to his power by a series of attacks from without, and by skilfully availing him- self of her corruption within. Few princes in history have exhibited that inflexible perseverance and unwavering fixedness of purpose which he did. As it is not my purpose, however, to make his policy in itself the principal object of inquiry, Frrorumin Hist. Phil. Commissor. Gemtnce, 1»1B. "i?\\«v w — tKpMri y*y J-"^ ""'W „.., «*'|io ffivps a verv different account : UarnA «> 11 But Demosthenes, rnil. 6. no, gives a wiy umcic"* o"",tot- o'x "EXX..OC Svroc, om ^Po^^-^lljlx^^^^^^^^ 2«- oU'UpdLsov anovSaXov omv i^v rcportpov icp^aaQau Conf. Olyntn. 3. 35 ; de Symmor. 186 j de Coron. 290. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. ^ 76. 485 however calculated it may be to throw light upon the picture of dissension, treachery, and imbecility presented by the Grecian states, I j)roceed to show how, on the one hand, the latter promoted their own degradation by voluntarily lending themselves to the crafty designs of PhiUp, and how, on the other, his plans encountered resistance from two opposite quarters, viz., from Athens and Phocis, both of which states were supported by numerous allies. Philip's first message to the Athenians was well calculated to produce a favourable impression upon their minds. Having succeeded in humbling his opponent Argaeus, to whom they had sent suc- cours, he released the Athenian prisoners, saying, that he wished to be on friendly terms with their city*^. His attack upon Amphipolis took place when Athens was engaged in the social war, and whilst, however great might have been her inclina- tion to assist that city, her intcirference could have availed but httle, Olymp. 105. 3 ; 357. B. C. Moreover, her attention was still engrossed by the overgrown power of her hereditary foe in Asia; and the dangers to be apprehended irom any other foreign power still appeared too remote to induce her suddenly to abandon a hue of policy she had so long pursued. Isocrates, who may be looked upon as the representative of this opinion, still felt indignant at the disgrace which his country had incurred by subscribing to the conditions of the peace of Antalcidas. It was not till after the lapse of several years, and only in consequence of repeated aggressions from Philip, that the Athe- ^ Piod. 16. 3 ; Demosth. in Aristoc. 660. 13, sqq. F f? 436 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. nians became alive to the dangers which were to be apprehended from his designs *^. The easy creduhty with which they hearkened to his promises and insinuations *^ during the siege of Amphipolis, were well adapted to inspire the wily monarch with san- guine hopes of future success. The Athenians had, moreover, lost their bravest champion *^ Chabrias, in the social war, and had deprived themselves by their own imprudence of the services of the valiant Iphicrates and Timotheus*^, so that they were constrained to make their choice between Phocion and Diopeithes, and Chares and Chari- demus'*^ when unfortunately it generally fell upon the two last ^. As the plans of Philip in this quarter were promoted by the social war, so he found a convenient handle for his designs upon the conti- nent in the contentious character of the Thebans. The accusation brought by Thebes and the so- called Amphictyons *^ against Phocis, viz., that it had tilled sacred ground, is ascribed by Pausanias to the inveterate hatred which the Thessahans bore tl\e Phocians*®. But it is the conduct of Thebes that we must more particularly examine. *• Sec the warning of Detn. de Lib. Rhod. 197. 25, sqq. *' Demosth. ubi sup. 659. 4: — ote fikv kiroXiopKU 'A/i0i7roXiv, 'iv vfilv 7rapad<^, TToXiopKiiv l0i| * ItthSi^ ^ ?Xaj3e, Kai UoriSaiav Trpoffa^ciXtro. The Athenians were much given to political forebodings: the prospect of secret concessions always had the greatest charm for them. Dem. 01. 2. 19. 24 : — rriv fitv rjfiertpav svfjBiiav — r^ rb QpvXKovjitvop rrort a-TTopprjTov tKiivo KaraaKivaaai, k. r. X. « Diod. 67. 7 ; Corn. Nep. Chab. 4. *< Diod. 16. 21 ; iElian. V. H. 14. 3. *« See concerning this worthless wretch, between whom and the demagogue Charidemus I see no reason for drawing a distinction, Theopomp. ap. Ath. 10. 436. C. ; and in particular Dem. in Aristocr. 669. 20, sqq. Comp. Rumpf de Charidemo Orita. Giessen, 1815. ^ The proverbial ai Xap^roc viroaxkaiiQ, Diog. 2. 1, is very expressive. The people seem in his case to have forgotten such an action as that against the betrayers of the demus. « See Tittmann, v. d. Arophikt. 170, sqq. *« Paus. 10. 2. 1. #: EXTERNAL RELATIONS. § 76. 437 Phocis had refused to perform military service under that state in its war with Sparta, and to this must be ascribed the implacable hostility which it displayed. Little dependence can be placed upon the statement of Duris, that it was occasioned by the conduct of a Phocian who had carried off a Theban woman called Theano *9 ; but Aristotle also alludes to a dispute concerning an heiress^. Hostilities broke out, Olymp. 106. 2 ; 355. B. C. Thebes was supported by the Locrians, Thessalians, Per- rhaebians, Magnesians, iEnianes, Phthiotan Achse- ans, Dolopians, and Athamanes^\ But amongst the towns of Thessaly, Phera? must be excepted. Phocis had indeed once made war upon Jason, and according to the ancient practice of these hostile borderers (without sending a herald to give notice of its intention ^^) ; but Pherae* was now upon the side of Phocis. In spite of the dreadful character which the war assumed in consequence of the spoliation of the oracle ^^ Athens^ and Sparta made common cause with Phocis; they were both hostile to Thebes, the former in con- sequence of the apprehensions it entertained of a conjunction between Thebes and the Macedonian king, and the latter because it had been adjudged by the council of the Amphictyons to pay a fine for having occupied the Cadmea " ; but although Phocis succeeded in bribing Deinicha, the wife of Archidamus ^, Sparta did not take? an active part ^ Athen. 13. 560. ^ Arist. Pol. 5. 3. 4 J 5. 3. 3, and Plut. Praecept. E.eipub. Gerend. 9. 280, appear to relate to different circumstances. " Diod. 16. 29. -3 Xenoph. Hell. 6. 4. 21. ^ Diod. 16. 30 ** Diod. 16. 25. 57 ; Demosth. de Coron. 230. 28, !sqq. : Paus. 3. 10. 4. « Diod. 16. 29. ^ Theopomp. ap. Pau&an. 3. 10. 4 ; Diod. 16. 30. / 43S SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. in the war : the campaign which Archidamus made at the head of a small army effected nothing *^ Amongst the Boeotian towns, Coronea, Orchome- nus, and Chaeronea successively fell into the hands of the Phocians^. The effective force of the Phocians themselves was inconsiderable, but the treasures of the oracle for some time enabled them to keep on foot large bodies of mercenaries. The dissensions in Thessaly brought about the inter- vention of Philip, who took the fortress of Ithome, Olymp. 106. 4 ; 353. B. C. "^ and thereby com- manded the whole line of coast as far as Thessaly. Like Archelaus, Amyntas, and Alexander in former times, Philip was now called upon to assist the Aleuads of Larissa in their contest with Pherae, the ally of the Phocians^. The Phocians and Pheraeans suffered repeated defeats, and all Thessaly eventually fell under the dominion of Philip ^\ Meanwhile the attention of Athens had been turned to the Thracian coast and Euboea, and in the events which ensued, we have ample oppor- tunity to admire the greatness of Demosthenes, contrasted as it was with the utter imbecility of the people at large. Athens endeavoured to se- cure the passage of the Hellespont for her corn- vessels, by means of conquests in the Chersonese, and Chabrias took Sestos^^ Olymp. 106. 4; 353. B. C. ; the Thracian king Cersobleptes gave up to the Athenians the whole of the Chersonese " Diod. 16. 58. ** Diod. 16. 33. 35. 39. w Diod. 16. 34 , Deraosth. Olynth. 1. 12. 28. •0 Diod. 16. 14. 35. •' Diod. 16. 35. •» Diod. 16. 34. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. § 76. 4SD except Cardia ^^ Philip thereupon prepared to at- tack Heraeum in the vicinity of Byzantium ; where- upon the Athenians became alarmed. But being informed that Philip was dangerously ill, and that his death was hourly expected, they gradually relaxed in their preparations, and seemed wholly incapable of availing themselves of the favourable conjuncture that presented itself. Too much im- poverished by their luxury and extravagance to purchase the services of mercenaries, and too ener- vated personally to share in the toils and dangers of an expedition, they had not the courage to attack their enemy with vigour and determination ; and the general conduct of the war, and the single undertakings displayed an equal degree of feeble- ness and irresolution*^. Some time afterwards, when it became necessary to send succours to Olynthus, instead of collecting forty ships and sixty talents, and arming all the citizens up to forty-five years of age, they could only bring together ten vessels and five talents ^^ in all. (jenerally speak- ing the Athenians never resolved upon an under- taking till after an unprofitable and stormy discus- sion in the popular assembly ^, and most frequently, when the favourable moment had (^lapsed ; besides which their measures themselves were discon- nected and detached, and not adopted in confor- mity to any systematic or well-concerted plan of operations ; Philip on the other hand not only ^ Diod. ubi sup. The account in Argum. Dem. in Aristocr. 618, sqq., is more circumstantial. «* See Demosth. Phil. I. 51. 20, sqq. - ^ Demosth. Olynth. 3. 29. 20. sqq. ** Demosth. Olynth. 3. 29. 23 : iroXXoiv Sk Xoywv Kai Oopv^v ytyvofuvov Trap' vfilv, K. T. X. iEschin. de Fals. Legat. 261 : — fKK\ri 440 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. resolved and executed with equal promptitude and decision, but derived the greatest advantage in the prosecution of his enterprizes from his local posi- tion, v^hich enabled him to send forth his armies and fleets, when the Etesian winds ^^ prevented the Athenians from saihng towards the north. Hence, although the Athenians for a short time exulted at their success, in frustrating his prema- ture attempt to force a passage through the straits of Thermopylae ^, it was not long before their fears were renewed and redoubled. Philip had availed himself of the dissensions which prevailed in Eu- boea to carry on his intrigues, and by dispensing his gold with a liberal hand, had succeeded in setting up several tyrants and gaining over others to his interest^. In the mean time Olynthus was threatened with an invasion from Philip, who had formerly given it Anthemus and Potidaea in order to induce it to enter into a league with him against Athens ^°, and in its emergency it had recourse to Athens, 01. 107. 4; 349. B. C^^ The three (Olynthian) orations of Demosthenes produced three expeditions in its favour ^^ ; but their result is well known. Chares set sail with a fleet of thirty ships and two thousand men, extorted sixty talents from the Phocians,. •^ Demosth. Phil. 1. 48. 24: — rdig irvivfiaai Kal toiq aJpatc tov irovQ TO. TToWd irpo\afi(5dvwv SiairpaTTtrai ^iXiinTog' Kai (pvXd^ag tovq htj- aiac. n T^v xct/iwva kirixiipti, ijviK av vi^^~^€ M Svvu)UE9a tKti(Tt cubiKtaOau Conf. 44. 23. ^ Diod. 16. 38 j conf. Dem. de Coron. 236. 15 ; de Falsk Legat. 367. 21, sqq. i Ulpian, 93. ed. Wolf. See below, 6 77, on Diophantus. <» See § 78. '» Argum. Demosth. Olynth. 1. p. 7. 8. and 10; Deraosth. in Aristocr. 656. 9. '» Argum. Demosth. Olynlh. I ; Dionys. Halicarn. ad Amm. 6. p. 6, Tauchn. ; Justin. 8. 3 ; Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 361. 7* Philoch. ap. Schol. Demosth. 2. 23. ^ EXTERNAL RELATIONS. § 76. 441 and plundered Chalcidice '^^ ; his successor the pro- fligate Charidemus, was still more worthless than himself^*. It was at length resolved to assemble an army of two thousand heavy-arraed troops and three hundred horse '^ but all in vain ; Olynthus, Ol. 108. 1 ; 347. B. C, fell through domestic trea- chery into the power of Philip ^^ who reduced the inhabitants to slavery ^^ destroyed it together with Apollonia, and thirty-two other towns in Chalci- dice, and on the adjoining coast of Thrace, which he captured within a year ^^ though several, such as Torone and Mecyberna ^^, had fallen into his hands before the reduction of Olynthus ; whilst so completely were they demolished that their sites could scarcely be discovered ^. Phihp next made a descent upon Lemnos and Imbrus^^ and even went so far as to capture and carry off the Sala- minian trireme ^'^ near Marathon, after which he once more established himself in Eubcea. The indignation of the Athenians being roused by these events, and by the second philippic of Demos- thenes ^\ they had, immediately upon the fall of '3 Theopomp. ap. Athen. 12. 532. C. D.; Philoch. ap. Dionys. ad Amm. 6. 14. Tauchn. ">* Theopomp. ap. Ath. 10. 436. C. " Dionys. ad Amm. 6. 14. '« Demosth. Phil. 3. 125. 10. sqq.; de Cherson. 99. 22; de Coron. 241. 25, etc. 77 Diod. 16. 53 ; Demosth. de Falsi Legat. 439. 3. '8 Deraosth. ubi sup. 426. 14, sqq. w Diod. 16. 53. w Demosth. Phil. 3. 117. 19, sqq. ^' The departure of the Athenians sent in search i)f Chares took place at this time ; Antiochus was instructed ^rjrfiv rbv arfurtiybv — Kq,v IvTvxjf^ irov pdZeiv, on Oavfidl^u 6 Srjfiog rwv ' KQriva'nt)v , d ^iXnriroc /ifv ^rri Xtpp6i/T}(Tov tS)v 'ABt]vai(uv Troptverai, 'AOijvaToc I'i ovdk tov arparriybv Itramv, ovdk Tt)v Svvafiip, ifv i^eTreix^l/av, oirov iariv. «2 Demosth. Phil. 1. 49. 25, sqq. *3 I entirely agree with Dionys. Hal. (ad Amm. 6. 15. Tauchn.) in look- ing upon the second part of the so-called first speech, as a separate and dis- tinct oration, Trepi riJQ ipvXaKJjg rStv vrjffivjTwv (Lemnos, Imbrus, Sciathus)- Kai Ttov iv 'EXXiyerTroi/ry voknav, Conf. Fr. Jacob:i : Demosthenes Staats- reden, 1805, p. 46, sqq. 2:3: \ 442 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. Olynthus, sent iEschmes to the Peloponnesus, in order to obtain the co-operation of Megalopolis ^*, but were appeased^ by the representations of Neop- tolemus and Aristodemus, two actors whom Philip had bribed over to his purposes, and who first ad- vised them to make peace ^; whilst the account which Phrynon, who had been taken prisoner by some Macedonian soldiers, gave of the clemency with which he had been treated, entirely removed from their minds any remains of animosity they might still harbour against Philip ^ ; wherefore hoping to obtain peace from that monarch as a matter of favour and friendship, and not by means of a regular treaty, they suspended all their war- like preparations. PhUip, in the mean time, Olymp. 108. 2; 347. B. C, having been summoned by the Thebans to assist them against the Phocians^, who had re- duced them to great straits, intimidated the ex- hausted Phocians by his preparations. Athens entertained hopes that the peace which she was about to negociate with Philip, would likewise include the Phocians. Two embassies were now sent to him. In the first, his gold^ corrupted the fidelity of iEschines, Philocrates, etc., whilst the presence of PhiUp so humbled and abashed De- mosthenes, that his self-possession entirely forsook him, and he could not utter a word^; the second " Demosth. de Fals^ Legat. 344. 12, sqq. 439. 3, sqq. ; ^schin. de Falsft Legal. 257. ^ Argum. Demosth. de Fals^ Legat. 334. 16, sqq. » Dem. ubi sup. 344. 7.21; conf. 442. 27 : «I>i\i7r7rog — Tovg tu ^tXav- Opotrra XtyovTac Uttvovg cLTrkoTeiXiv vwkp avrov, tov NcoTrroXt/iov, rbv 'AptffTodrifiov, TOV Krtfffi^iJVTa. ^ Argum. ubi sup. 335. 12, sqq. ; ^schin. de Fals^ Legat. 196, sqq. w Diodor. 16. 58. & > «ih » Dem. de Falsa Legat. 439. 18, sqq. Argum. ^ .Eschin. de Fals^ Legat. 219, sqq. EXTERNAL RELATIONS. § 76. 445 consisted of iEschines and Eubulus, whom Demos- thenes was appointed to attend as an ambassador extraordinary 9^; Demosthenes tried in vain to accele- rate the movements of his faithless and dilatory col- leagues, who remained absent three entire months, during which Cersobleptes ^^ and the Thracian towns Serrion, Doriscus, Hieron Oros 9', etc., were reduced 9^ by PhiHp, who gave them fair words indeed 9^ but no solid assiu-ances c^f a favourable issue of the holy war. But iEschines kept up the confidence of the Athenians in the amicable ter- mination of the war, by declaring that Philip had whispered in his ear, that he durst not, on account of Thebes, declare openly in favour of the Pho- cians, and that, for the same reason, they could not be expressly named in the articles of the peace ^, etc. But they were soon undeceived : be- fore a third embassy could reach Philip ^, a Mace- donian army, in conjunction with some Thessahans, Thebans, etc., entered Phocis, which offered no resistance, as it had, in Olymp. 108. 2 ; 346. B. C, in confident expectation of peace, dechned the as- sistance of Archidamus the Spartan, who was march- ing to its rehef ^ ; the so-styled council of the Am- phictyons passed sentence upon the Phocians as temple-robbers^, after which, all the towns in the •• See Taylor ad Argum. Demosth. de Falsa Legat. jp. 340, on the singular words ovK atniXOtv, which can only be explained by his having been deputed to follow them, or to accompany them in an extraordinary capacity. »* Demosth. de Coron. 235. 17, sqq. ; Phil. 3. 148. »3 Demosth. Phil. 3. 114 ; de Coron. 234. 12. ** See the dates in Taylor ad Demosth. de Coron. 196—205. ®* Argum. Dem. de Pac. 55. 6, sqq. ; Ibid. 59. 12, sqq. ; Argum. Dem, Phil. 2. 65. 4, sqq. ; Dem. de Fals4 Legat. 346. 12, sqq^. *> Dem. de Fals^ Legat. ubi sup. et Argum. 337. 17. ^ Dem. de Fals^ Legat. 379. 18, sqq. »8 Dem. de Fals^ Ugat. 366 ; .tschin. 302. » Diodor. 16. 60 j Paus. 3. 10. 2} Dem. de Fal»a Legat. 362. 19, sqq.j conf. Append, ix. u 444 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. district were laid in ruins, the inhabitants dispersed amongst the villages, and many of them dragged into Macedonia ^^^ Olymp. 108. 3; 364. B. C^«\ Philip was now received into the Amphictyonic league in the place of the Phocians, and invested with the promanteia of the oracle and the superin- tendence of the Pythian games '^. These measures were effected with the zealous concurrence and at the instigation of Thebes '^^ Athens did not consume much time in vain and unprofitable re- pentance; her first step was to protest against Philip's admission into the Amphictyonic league, after which she offered an asylum to the Phocian fugitives, and prepared to fortify the Pirseus ^*^ and the fortresses. Upon this occasion the ardour of the Athenians made them disregard the advice of Demosthenes, who was opposed to a rupture '*^^ But he, too, was soon after roused to make a last and desperate stand against the restless aggressions of the Macedonian. Philip now spread out his snares more widely than before, and sought to gain over the Pelopon- nesus and the states on the Ionian sea on the one side, and those in the Chersonese and on the Thracian Bosphorus on the other, with the view of detaching Athens from its allies, and then investing and reducing it by famine. In the third year after the conclusion of the peace, Olymp. 109. 1 ; 344. B. C, Demosthenes dissuaded his fellow-citizens •«> Justin. 8. 5. '«» This is the date in Diodorus. Paus. 10. 3. 1, fixes it in Olymp. 108. 1. during the archonship of Theophilus. Corsiui (Olymp. 108. 2-3) correctly decides for the first. loa ]^iodor 16 60 « Dem. de Pac. 61. 27, sqq ; Ulpian, 94, ed. Wolf. "" Orat. de Pac. HI 112 EXTERNAL RELATIONS. JJ 76. 445 from infringing its provisions. Against Philip him- self he directed the thunders of his second philip- pic ^^ and then, Olymp. 109. 2; 343. B. C, im- peached the domestic traitor ^schines'^, whilst Hyperides accused Philocrates ^^ ; but the Athe- nians having capital prosecutions to engage their attention, could spare no time from these all-en- grossing pursuits to obstruct the progress of Philip, who now partially executed his intentions with regard to the states of the Peloponnesus and those on the western sea. As a preliminary step, he had induced Ehs ^^, Sicyon "^ and Megara by bribes, and Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia by the offer of his friendship and alliance, to make a joint attack upon Sparta. Before Demosthenes pronounced his oration against iEschines "^ a san- guinary conflict broke out between Philip's parti- sans and opponents in Elis "* ; this was followed by his attempt upon Ambracia and Leucas "^ and the occupation of Naupactus, Cassiopea, and Pan- dosia "^. He now began to attack Athens in her most vulnerable point, viz., by directing his force against the places on the northern straits ; he cap- tured Cardia on the Chersonesus "^ which the valiant Diopeithes had closely invested. This roused the Athenians to increased exertions. OL '«« Dionys. ad Amra. 6. 15. When I say the second Philippic, I mean ac- cording to the order in which they are usually printed, (omp. n. 83. ^^ Conf. Taylor ap. Reiske, appar. ad Demosth. 1. 330. '08 Dem. de Falsa Legat. 376. 16. »<» Paus. 4. 28. 3. "0 Demosth. de Coron. 242. 2. m S®.""* ^H^^P-' ^°°^* I*h»l'PP- 3. 118. 6. •» Argum. Phil. 2. • * Ihis results from Dem. de Fals^ Legat. 424. 24. But compare Weiske de Hyperbole, 1.35. 36. ^ "* Dem. Phil. 4. 133. 29; de Falsa Legat. 424. 24 (rdc iv 'R\ih Vipayag) ; conf. Paus. 4. 28. 3. "^ Dem. Phil. 3. 1 19. 29, sqq. ; conf. Weiske de Hyperb. 2. 40. "• Ps. Dem. de Halonn. 84. 22. nu' ^«'^- PWl. 3. 120. 5 ; de Cherson. 104. 3; 105. 16; Argum. Orat. de Cherson. 88. " » > b 446 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. 109. 3; 342. B. C.*^ Demosthenes succeeded, by means of the third philippic, and his speech on the posture of affairs in the Chersonese, in counter- acting the impression which was produced by an epistle from Phihp "^ as well as in baffling the insidious machinations of his hirelings ^*°. Dio- peithes retained the command of the forces in the Chersonese, whilst Phocion drove out the tyrants of Eubcea, Chtarchus, etc., Ol. 109. 4; 341. B. C^^*. Philip now prepared to attack Perinthus and Byzantium ^^% whereupon Demosthenes pro- nounced his fourth philippic ; Philip's assault upon Perinthus was repulsed by a body of mercenaries, sent there by Artaxerxes Ochus*"\ Diopeithes, indeed, some time afterwards fell in an engagement in the Chersonese; but the letter which Phihp sent to the Athenians, in Ol. 110. 1., and in which he offered a justification of his own conduct, and reproached Athens for having made common cause vrith the Persian monarch ^^, failed to produce the desired effect ; public opinion still continued to be with Demosthenes, and the war was vigorously pro- secuted. Chios, Rhodes, and Cos, sent succours ^"^. The Athenians committed a signal error in nomi- nating Chares to the command ; he accomplished nothing ^^ ; but Phocion made ample amends for the ill success that had attended his operations, by preserving Byzantium ^^, whereupon the Byzan- tines and Chersonesians testified their gratitude to . "" Dionys. ad Aram. 6. 16. "• Argum. Dem. de Cherson. 89. •«> Dgm. Phil. 3. 129. 16. '" Diodor. 16. 74 ; Plut. Demosth. 17 ; conf. Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 2. 111. •** This is the date in Philochonis, ap. Dionys. ad Amm. 6. 18. Diodorus, 16. 74, has 01. 109. 4 : both may be right. '» Dem. de Phil. Epist. 153. 20, sqq. ; conf. Diodor. 16. 75 ; Paus. 1. 29. 7. '« Demosth. p. 158, sqq. Jas Diodor. 16. 77, '« Plut. Phoc. 14. w Plut. ubi sup. 'I n EXTERNAL RELATIONS. ^ 76. 447 the Athenians by pubhc decrees to their ho- nour and advantage*^. The incandiary Antiphon, whom Phihp had bribed to set fire to the dock- yards and the fleet in the Piraeus, and who had been acquitted upon his first trial, was once more summoned by Demosthenes to appear before the Areopagus ^*^. A new war upon the main-land, the^ last of those denominated holy wars, decided the event. The Locrians of Amphissa, hke the Phocians before them, had tilled some of the Delphic lands, where- upon iEschines accused them at the bar of the Amphictyons, Olymp. 110. 1; 339. B. C. ^^; this produced hostilities, which at length led to a regular war ; after an unsuccessful campaign of the Amphictyons, Philip was chosen their generalissimo. Athens sent ten thousand mercenaries to the as- sistance of the Amphisseans "\ The treachery of the Theban Proxenus, who commanded the mer- cenaries at Amphissa '^^ paved the way for the eventual triumph of Philip's arms, who now sud- denly occupied Elatea"^ and thereby gave the Athenians to understand that his next attack would be directed against themselves. Athens was startled, but not dispirited. Demosthenes threatened to drag by the hair to prison the first man who should dare to speak of peace "*, and formed a lejigue between Athens, Megara (which contained an Athenian garrison, and whose long walls had been rebuilt by Phocion "^), Euboea, Corinth, Achaia, Corcyra, and •^ Demosth. de Coron. 255, sqq. '* I^emosth. ubi sup. 261. 6, sqq. ; Plut. Demosth. 14. * ^schin. in Ctesiph. 505, sqq. »« ^schin. ubi sup. 536. ^^ Demarch. in Demosth. 52. *=» yEschin. in Ctesiph. 532 ; Diodor. 16. 84. •** iEschin. in Ctesiph. 39. ^^ PIuU PhtK:. 15. "■ " »«IWip» I 448 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. Leucadia ^^ ; even Thebes, where his eloquence had to sustain a severe struggle against the power and subtlety of the Byzantine orator Python ^^\ was pre- vailed upon to break off its alliance with Philip, and to join the standard of the patriots ^^. The battle of Chaeronea, 01. 110. 3; 338. B. C.^^^ secured the dominion of Bceotia to Philip, who, finding that the Athenians were preparing to renew the con- flict '*^ prevailed upon them by his lenity to desist from all further preparations and thereby put an end to the war. Nearly all the states of Greece recognised Phihp's hegemony de facto, whilst some, and Thebes amongst the number, experienced its oppressive effects '*'. Sparta was invaded by Philip, and constrained to relinquish her military supre- macy in the Peloponnesus, and to restore to the Argives, Tegeatae, Megalopolitans, and Messenians, those places which she had formerly wrested from them '*^. II. ATHENS. § 77. The foregoing outline of the proceedings of the Athenians in their contests and negociations with Phihp, has thrown sufficient light upon their public system in general to confirm the truth of what has been several times advanced with regard to the deep degradation at which the national cha- racter had arrived \ Nevertheless, the democracy^ of this period, wild and disorganized as it was, still >* Plut. Demosth. 17. i" Diodor. 16. 85. J» Plut. Demosth. 18. »» Diodor. 16. 86 ; Plut. Dem. 18. 19. 20. "« Lye. in Leocr. 164. 170. »« Justin, 9. 4. »« Polyb. 9. 28 ; 17. 14; conf. Manso, Sparta, 3. 1. 245. n. ' Conf. § 76. n. 12. * In the series of Aristotle it is entitled veiardrij—PoVn. 6. 4. 6 ; vtaviKio- rarri — 4. 9. 8 ; likewise, k ^\"«^' ^^T^f A. '* H i5em. in Lept. 466. 15. '^ Dem. »« Aristocr.659. 22. •6 Philip's letter in Demosth. 160. 20 ; conf. Dem. in A"stocr 688. 8. »7 Phil. Epist. 161. 11. " I^em. in Lept. 482. 27. ATHENS. § 77. 451 Phoenician prince Straton, who had done them a service, and on whom, though they testified their respect for him in various ways, they refused to confer their citizenship '^ ; they hkewise evinced a feeling of shame at having granted it to the Thes- salian Pitholaus and the Olynthian Apollonides, and accordingly deprived them of it again ^\ Gradations in civil rights according to a valua- tion still existed, and this formed the basis of Demosthenes' institution of the Symmorias. Even after the bitter experience of the soc;ial war, pro- vision was made for citizens by means of Cleruchiae, as, for instance, in Samos and the Chersonese ^K Family nobility, notwithstanding th(3 priesthoods which were still annexed to it, could scarcely have retained any degree of exclusive authority after having been so long stripped of its hereditary rights and immunities ; but illustrious ancestry was still regarded with respect, and ancient families took pride in carefully continuing their pedigrees*^. Marks of honour conferred on deserving citizens, or such as were considered so, became more nu- merous tlian before '3; besides presenting them with crowns, it became usual to erect statues to them, which honour was conferred upon Conon, for the first time after the days of Harmodius and Aristogiton ^. It was scarcely possible that a division of parties based upon any political difference, the opposition between the optimates and the popular party, '^ See Inscript. Bockh Tbe«iiir. Inscript. p. 126, and see Bockh, ad eand. ^ Ps. Dem. in Neasr. 1376. 5. ^1 See above § 76. n. 25. 2 Concerning Lycurg. see Vit. Dec. Orat. Plut. 9. 355. See the particulars of the manner in which this was done Dem.deCoron. and ^schin. m Ctesiph. Conf. Taylor's introduction to the Speech of ^schines. -" Dem. m Lept. 478. 5. G g 2 452 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. should exist after the last remnants of aristocracy had been extirpated ; there were still Laconistae ^ indeed, of whom we have already spoken, but their pursuits were as insignificant as before. Still even at this stage a difference may be perceived between the friends of the constitution and the laws, and those selfish and unprincipled plunderers who only regarded the constitution as a source of advantage to themselves; as well as between the patriotic supporters of the freedom and independence of the state — the zealous defenders of the republic as such, and the hired partisans of Philip on the one side, and the supporters of monarchy on the other ^^. The patriots in general may be divided into such as were opposed to the Macedonian, and such as were opposed to the Persian interest. Finally there were, as was before observed, various associations destitute of a political character, some of which had been formed solely with a view to festive objects, and only rendered themselves liable to censure by occasional acts of levity and wantonness, such as the Sixty ^^ ; this association appears to have conduced to bring about the treaty of peace with Philip after the battle of Chaeronea ; whilst others were united for the purpose of carry- ing on the most abominable system of chicanery and intrigue, sycophancy, etc ^^ The condition of the non-citizens appears to have undergone no change. The slaves were » See $ 71. n. 76. Conf. Plut. Phoc. 10. ^ Perhaps Isocrates alone united the characters of a monarchist and a patriot ; that he was the latter is proved by his voluntary death after the battle of Chaeronea. Ps. Plut. Viu Dec. Orat. 9. 330. Conf. Pausan. 1. 18. 7. ^ Athen. 14. 614, D. E. '' Demosth. in Zenothem. 885. 1 : — ivtiv Ipyaarrjpia ^i.o\QripS)v dvGpui' TTWV ffVViffTTIKOTiOV iV Ttfi Tleipaul. ATHENS. § 77. 453 allowed the same licence of speech as before*^; the example of their masters appears to have in- fected them ; buton the other hand it is probable that, from the constant increase of sycophancy, and the total inability of the judges to distinguish between truth and falsehood, it became more usual to put those unhappy beings to the rack in order to extort the truth from them ! Enfranchisement appears to have been permitted even in opposition to the will of the master ^^ The ordinance enact- ing that no slave should be called Harmodius or Aristogiton ^\ probably dated from a remote age. In consequence of the considerable trade which was still carried on in Athens, the Metoeci continued to form a numerous class, to which belonged the money-changers {rpam-e^hat) ; Pa- sion^S on whom the rights of citizenship were deservedly conferred, was the most considerable amongst them. The orators have left us a highly -coloured pic- ture of the disgraceful conduct of the demus in the popular assembly. Seriousness, calmness, and con- sistency were alike foreign to their proceedings; bursts of rage and frivolous jests alternately di- verted them from the path of sober deliberation. A new means had been adopted since Timarchus' pugilistic contest with his adversary to preserve order in the assembly, and to restrain the turbu- ^ » Demosth. in Phil. 3. 111. 7 i—vfitig rijv irapp^mav liri fiiv twv aXKfov ovTut roiv^v oU Isocrat. Areopag. 233 : — rovg ivrpaTrkXovQ Si cat v vofwOiTdv laaaiv, ov fikvToi rovg vofiovg, is applicable here. ** See $71. n. 6. *» Demosth. de Chers. 98. 10. sqq. « Demosth. in Phil. 4. 131. 10. sqq. ; de Falsk Legat. 383. 9. *^ Demosth. de Pac. 57. 10 : oiutv yap dXXoi irdvriQ dv9pu)7roi vpo rwv irpayfidritiv tidjOacri xprjcrOai Ttp ^ovXiviaOai' vfiilg 5i- /icra rd irpdyfiaTa. Comp. de Chers. 92. 25. sqq. ; in Phil. 4. 137. I. sqq. « Demosth. in Nicostr. 1246. 16 ; in Theocr. 1322. 5 ; in Neair. 1345. 7 ; Lysias in Agor. 447. 469 ; in Alcib. 519. 569. ^ Demosth. in Phorm. 913. 6: 6pyi) fitydXr} \ Lye. in Leocr. 158. 232, etc. *' Demosth. in Timocr. 702. 11 : dSidXXaKrov tx^poi^ ijyovfiiiv. i 456 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. ~ before the law can be administered, according to its true spirit and intention ; still the rancour and malignity with which these wretches laboured to effect the destruction of their fellow-citizens, must excite the utmost detestation and abhorrence ; the lives of others had no value in their eyes. Here, too, the assembly appears to have shown much of its usual listlessness and negligence ^^ ; it patiently endured the violence and clamour of the prosecutors, listened with pleasure to the jests and ribaldry of the speakers, and lent itself to the frauds of those who sought to attain their ends by illicit means". The baseness of the sycophants coin- cided with the effrontery of the orators ^^ ; and we can form no conception of the evils which resulted from their unprincipled audacity, supported as it was by the corruptness of the judges, and not unfrequently screening itself behind the most ex- cellent provisions of the constitution. Compared with this flagitious tribe, the accusers of Socrates appear spotless and pure. It was no longer possi- ble to oppose any effectual obstacle to their ini- quitous career. As, formerly, distinguished citizens had seldom escaped ostracism, so now the most unimpeachable integrity was not safe from the accusations of sycophants ; and honest citizens who " Amongst the means used to rouse the attention of the assembly, may be mentioned such expressions as occur, Demosth. in Callicl. 1274. 11 : dXXd TrpotrkxtTe, at dvSpeg 'AOtivaioi, Trpbg Aiog fcai Oeiov rov vovv. *3 Demosth. in Aristocr. 689. 4, sqq. : vutXg — rovg rd /itytor' dSiKovv- rag xai v. Conf. iEschin. in Ctesiph. 516 : datXGutv ti'j: to jiovXevTrjptov Kai HiratTTTiadfitvog rovg iSn>)Tag. *« iEschin. in Timocr. 126. *» iEschia. ibid. 458 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. the more easily, as the whole administration of the public revenue was regarded with suspicion, owing to the habitual malversations of the Poristae; but although these peculations were exercised with the utmost publicity, it was still the favourite oc- cupation of the Athenians to detect and to punish them. The once important office of strategus had lost all consideration, since the citizens had ceased to perform military service themselves. Natives of Athens no longer aspired to command the armies of the state, as the citizens did not take part in the expeditions ; but the Athenians still exhibited the same eagerness to impeach their generals ^. Few men were now found, who were willing to expose themselves to the fickleness of the people, when they saw that it was their enemies alone that they could terrify. The brave and worthy Phocion ^\ the scholar of Plato and Xenocrates ^% was as austere as Peri- cles and Socrates ; stern and hardy as the Mara- thonians, smiles and tears were alike foreign to his nature. He was chosen strategus forty-five times^^ His conduct merits particular attention, inasmuch as he did not renounce the pursuits of the states- man, but combined with an influence upon the people at home, the duties of strategus abroad ^\ without attempting to gain their favour by dema- gogy. Though not a regular orator, he possessed a certain racy vigour of expression, which he could apply with singular energy and effect ^. Both in *> Demosth. de Cherson. 97. 12. *' XpTjaro^. iElian. V. 11. 3. 47 j 4. IG ; 12. 43. ^2 Plut. Phoc. 4. «a Plut. Phoc. 5. 6< Plut. Phoc. 7. « Plut. Phoc. 20, sqq. Conf. Apophth. 6. 711 ; de Vitios. Pub. 8. 110. ATHENS. § 77. 459 his countenance and words the people constantly saw their faults reflected as in a true and faithful mirror; and he sternly and harshly reproached them with their unworthiness, instead of endea- vouring to raise them to the moral elevation and dignity of his own character ; thus he kept aloof from the people, and uniformly repulsed their approaches, except when they adventured their lives against the enemies of their country. The fault of this estrangement did not lie with the demus alone; Phocion himself was deficient in that humane and high-minded patriotism, which generously bears with the foibles and infirmities of others, and strives to amend them by exhorting them to virtue and inspiring them with loftier aims ; the incisions he made were ke^en and deep, but they brought with them no cure of the evil. Lastly, the office of ambassador was of great importance from its connection with demagogy. From the time that Gorgias had appeared at Athens as the ambassador of the Leontines during the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians had selected their most able orators as envoys to other states. Thus CaUistratus, etc., were sent to Sparta ; De- mosthenes, iEschines, Lycurgus, and Hyperides were charged with similar duties at other places. Other states imitated the example of Athens; even the short and pithy sayings of the Spartans became somewhat extended after the time of Bra- sidas, Lysander, and Antalcidas. In fact no Gre- cian state could dispense with the aid of oratory, that powerful lever of Grecian diplomacy, in which the use of writing was almost unknown. The demagogues, in the invidioiis sense of the 460 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. word, still continued to oppose the legally-appointed functionaries, and maintained their unconstitutional power by the same base arts as their prototypes in antiquity had done, viz., by flattering the people and pandering to their love of luxury and plea- sure. How estranged from all dignity and de- corum, the intercourse of the people and the orators had become, is proved by the freedom with which even the more dignified among them, Hke De- mosthenes, who disclaimed all community of feel- ing with the corrupt demagogues of his time ^, expostulated with the people upon their faults, and the patience with which the latter listened to their reproaches. It would almost seem as though the Athenians, upon the restriction of the comic licence, had conceded to the orators the right of indulging in a strain of sarcasm and abuse, which, like the attacks of comedy in former days, without refer- ence to its justice or injustice, gratified them by its violence and asperity. An anthology of vitu- perative phrases might doubtless be culled from the speeches of Demosthenes and iEschines^^ which would probably exceed any thing that was ever uttered by a modern orator. If it should excite ^ ^ Demosth. in Aristocr. 687. 19: — Std Tijv Tuiv Karaparejv Kai 9eoXs txOpwv priTopojv — TTovripiav. Conf. in Aristog. 772. 2, sqq. He also says m his speech against Aristog. 782. 7. Kv(ov tov Srjfiov. In Lept. 508. 6 : joXXci yap v^Ciq, tb dvSpeg 'A0i;i/aToe, TroWciKig oifK idiSaxOnre, dig tan CJKaia, dW dypt9riT€ vtt^ rng rwv Xeyovrojv KpavyTJg xai 3iag Kai dvaiaxwrlag. ^ ^ Demosth. de Coron. 281. 1 : — iroXu r« OKorog, Ctg lotKtv, kari Trap vjuv irpb rqg d\ii9uag ; in Phil. 2. 72. 16 : ovnag tj TrcoavriK ridovri cai patrruvri jutl^ov iVxi'ti rov iroff vartpov avvoitruv fxs)^ovrog ; in Phil. 4. 133. 1 : dWd ^avlpayopav TrfmoKomv, rj ri (l)dpnaKov dWo toiovtov, iotKOfitv dvOpwiroig-, ibid. 136. 23: — ycXtig Itrrtv, ujg xPWMC^a TO~ig Trpaynamvi ibid. 140. 9: n)v d^Xriplav, in And rot. 618. 1 : ijuiig S' dg TovTo — yrporixOriri tvri9tiag Kai pa9vp.iag ; in Phil. 3. 124. 23 : iig tovto a(ptx9i ^wpmc ^ Trapavoiag ri ovk txat ri Xcyai/, k. r. X. Still stronger are such expressions as w iravrutv dvOpwiruiv fpavKoTUTot, de Cheison.98. 22 ; io fftdripioi, iEschin. in Ctesiph. 544, etc. :- - -V ■^■' ■ ->«« ATHENS. 5 77. 461 surprise that these reproaches were patiently en- dured, it is still more astonishing that such bitter truths should require to be enforced ^. The popu- lar assembly and the HeUaea were of course highly delighted when the orators loaded each other with abusive epithets ^, of which, as well as of invec- tives against other Greeks, numerous examples occur in the ancient writers ^^ They seldom omitted to support their cause by personal attacks upon their adversary, which, though rather charac- terized by noise and vehemence than by cunning and deception, opened a wide field for the exercise of sycophancy, from which even the nobler of the orators can by no means be absolved. In enumerating the demagogues of this period, nearly the whole of them may, conformably to the twofold direction of the politics of the age, be ranged under two classes, viz. those who were for Philip, and such as were against him; in «8 Conf. the words of Hyperides, Plut. Phoc. 10 : 'Avdpig 'A9Tjvaloi, fiij 96viw r/ aKutfifiarog ^ ^(TTivogav TvxnT 'ivtK ahiag, dv9p^7rovg fii(r9toTo{)g — Xkyeiv KeXeveTi Kai yeXdre, dv tkti XoLSopT}9wai. '* Demosth. de Coron. 297. 21 : w Kardpari rat ypapfiaroKiKptov ; 236. 23 : TOV KaTdTTTvoTov TovTovi ; in Timocr. 762. 8 : a* Kardpart ; de Falsa Legat. 345. 1 ; tov fxiapbv Kai dvaidrj — ^iXoKpdnjv ; ibid. 6 : ht^9ap' fuvog Kai ireTTpoKioQ eavTov ; 23 : tov KaTaTTTvffTov ^iXoKpdTovg ; in Phil. •i! a^iKTov ; in Macart. 1678. 29 : vwh t&v fiiapHv rovrttv 9j]pi(av, conf. in Lacrit. 925. 14. ^schines is no less partial to the word 9ripittv, e. g. with refer- ence to Demosthenes to 9ripiov tovto, de Fals^ Legat. 219 ; conf. in Ctesiph. 571, and Deinarch. adv. Demosth. 9. Kivadog, >i:sch. sidv. Ctesiph. 557, and even in Andoc. de Myster. 49 : tTrirpiTrrov Kivadog. KaTdpuToi and KardiTTVffToi are favourite expressions of Demosthenc^s for the Thessa- lians, de Coron. 240. 10 ; Megarians, in Aristocr. 691. 4; Thebans, de Coron. 240. 10 ; Euboeans, de Fals& Legat. 364. 24. What a strange contrast to the refinement of phrase, which, according to Plutarch, was afterwards intro- duced, Sol. 15 : — Tovg 'A9rivaiovg Xkyovm Tag Ttav TrpayfidTiov dvax^ptiag ovofiacTi xpiJfTTolg Kai I * [ 466 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. Metoeci into citizens, and the slaves into Metoeci ^^^ He subsequently rose against Alexander, and pro- bably pronounced the speech against him which has reached us with the name of Demosthenes attached to it'^'; he was one of the orators whom Alex- ander required to be delivered up to him ''K After the death of that monarch he was one of the pro- moters of the Lamian war ^«^ on which account he incurred the hostiUty of Antipater, who caused him to be barbarously executed ''^. Polyeuctus '^^ the Sphettian, a friend of De- mosthenes ''\ and an admirer of the vigorous con- ciseness of Phocion's eloquence ^^^ was one of the promoters of the war against Phihp "' ; he like- wise accompanied Demosthenes to the Peloponne- sus ^'\ and during his exile was sent on a similar errand into Arcadia "^ Diophantus, a distinguished orator "% was the friend of Demosthenes, and his witness against iEschines^S Olymp. 107. 1 ; 352. B. C. ; he pro- posed the institution of a festival out of gratitude to the gods who had prevented Phihp from effect- ing a passage through the defile of Thermopylae '''. It is probably to him that Aristotle alludes, in his loa Demostb. in Aristog. 2. 803. 27. sqq. Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 374. ^?J-sW.um ' 03"- '''• '''' ^"' '^^^^PlrDe^.osth, .3. Z pfut E'23 • Justia. 13. 5 ; Ps. Plut. 9. 377. In Stoba^us, Serm. 123. p 618. Orl. A fragment Of a funeral oration is attributed to Hypendes j with what justice I know not. ,,. ^ A^ » o 07^ ><» Plut. Demosth. 28 ; Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 376. »07 Ruhnken, Hist. Cr. 80. iw Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. R.9. 359. iw Plut. Phoc. 5 ; Demosth. 10. . "« ^^^^^'.^n o'.o* u. Dem. in Phil. 3. 129. 18; Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 349. n3 Demosth. de^Falsk Legat. 436. 13 ; adv. Lept. 498. 26. ii* Demosth. de Fals^ Legat. 403. 11- ii» Demosth. ubi sup. 368. 6 ; Ulpian, 93. ed. Wess. ATHENS. § 77. 407 observations on a law relative to pubhc slaves "^ and he was perhaps the leader of a corps of mer- cenaries in the pay of the .Egyptian chieftain Nectanebus ^^^ Hegesippus, generally called Crobylus by iEschi- nes and the grammarians "«, was in ail probability the author of the speech on Halomiesus ^^^ . he accompanied Demosthenes to the Peloponnesus '"% and incurred the violent aversion of Philip ^"^ Mcerocles was by no means undistinguished as an orator ^^^ but he was an enemy to Lycurgus, whose children he persecuted ''\ and also described censure in other respects '''; he perhaps embezzled the public monies ''', and even allowing the charge to have been well founded, it was somewhat extra- ordinary that he should have been accused by Eubulus^^^ whose delinquencies in this respect were so notorious; as one of the Macedonian party he was demanded of the Athenians by Alexander*^. The following appear to have been of inferior importance : Callisthenes, who, when the news of the destruction of Phocis arrived, urg(?d the Athe- nians to prepare for war ^^ and belonged to those whom Alexander requested to be delivered up ^-9 ; Democrates, one of the ambassadors to Philip 130 '" Diodor. 16. 47. "« Aristot. Pol. 2. 4. 13. "8 Harpocr. 'Hyi/(Ti7r7r. seventh Phihppic (now the second) was also considered his work. '*^ Demosth. Phil. 3. 129. '2' Demosth. de Fal&a Legat. 447. 9, sqq. »=» Harpocr. MoipoKXrjg — tCjv Trap' 'AOrivaioic oiic idtavwc iroXi- Ttvffafisvijjv. '23 Demosth. Epist. 1478. 15. '^* Photms MvpoKXfjg—TcJv wapd. 'AOrivawig ov KaXdr, rroXirevffausvatv. Hut I regard the caXwf with suspicion (comp. the oijK a^a va»c in Harpocr.). Z P,^"^^- de Falsa Legat. 435. 6. •» Den-osth. ubi sup. *; P "t- Denaosth. 23. >«« Demosth. de Coron. 238. 5. •* Plut. Demosth. 23. *» Demosth. de Coron. 235. 18. Hh2 468 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES, and who was afterwards in Thebes with Demos- thenes '"'; Timarchus, the unworthy protege of Demosthenes '"'; Hegesander, Hegesippus' brother, his confederate, and an opponent of Aristophon the Azenian'"; Ephialtes, who brought gold from Persia"*, and was afterwards included amongst those whom Alexander required to be delivered up to him ''^ ; Damon and Charidemus, who were also of the number '^, etc. Aristophon, the Colyttian, has already been mentioned *^. The opposite party did not become fiiUy esta- blished till after the first embassy to Phihp, when the system of disgraceful treachery commenced. From that time their chief was i^schines^^, who had formerly been remarked amongst the opponents of Philip ^^, and even during the siege of Olynthus ex- erted himself to raise up the Peloponnesians against him ^^ ; but he soon afterwards sold both his con- science and his full-toned voice '*^ to the Macedo- nian monarch, and became one of the chief authors of calamity to the Athenians and the Greeks in general, and more particularly to the Phocians. Eubulus, the Anaphlystian '*% who must not be confounded with a Probalisian '*' and a Cyprian of the same name'**, was a Poristes, outvying in '" Demosth. ubi sup. 291. 7. Plutarch, Pracept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 205, says, respecting him: ava^alvtav yikv yap eiQ UKXriffiav t^ij, KaOdirep n iroXiQ, uiKpbv iVx^**" *«* M^T" fpvaav* >M Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 433. 6. »*» iEschin. in Tim. 85, sqq. "* Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 371. 373. »»» Plut. Demosth. 23. Compare Demosth. Epist. 1 482. 6. »» Plut. ubi sup. "^ $ 71. n. 96. »» See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ed. Harl. 2. 850, sqq. »» Demosth. de Fals^ Legat. 428. 6. 24. 343, sqq. >« Demosth. ubi sup. 438. 23. ><* Demosth. ubi sup. 405. 16. »« See Ruhnken, Hist. Cr. 65, sqq. Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 1. 242. »« Ps. Demosth. in Nerer. 1361. 20. »** Demosth. de Coron. 249. 13. ATHENS. % 77. 469 iniquity all his predecessors ^^, and was indebted for the influence he possessed to infamous cabals and revolting propositions ; amongst other things he proposed that every one should be put to death who should recommend the Theoricon to be applied to the objects of the war '*^ ; he was moreover stig- matized as a glutton ^^^ ; still he was an influential party-leader. He opposed Demosthenes by sup- porting Midias'*«. iEschines, whose hostility to Philip he originally shared, had once been his scribe ^*^, and he assisted him in drawing up the psephism for sending an embassy to the Pelopon- nesus '^ ; he was afterwards chosen ambassador to Philip ^^\ whose hireling he became ^^\ and accord- ingly recommended the Athenians to make peace with him ^^\ He supported iEschines when he was accused of malversation during his embassy, and it was chiefly through him that he was acquitted ^^, Philocrates, who as much surpassed ^" Eubulus in infamy as Hyperbolus once had surpassed Cleon, advised the Athenians to make pe ce with Philip at the very time he was besieging Amphipolis '^ ; he afterwards exceeded in effrontery all the accom- plices of his treasons, and all who participated with him in the bribes of Philip '^\ He and ^Eschines settled the terms of the peace, and in so doing '♦« Ruhnk. 66. •*» Ruhink. 65. '** Theopomp. ap. Harpocr. Ev^ovXog. •♦"^ Theopomp. ap. Ath. 4. 166, E. '*« Demosth. in Mid. 580. 24 ; 581. 7. '«> Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 438. 23. •" Demosth. de Coron. 235. 17. '«« Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 435. 4. '*-' Demosth. de Coron. 232. 14. »♦ Ruhnk. 65. "* Demosth. de Fals^ Legat. 405. 11 : riva rdv tv ry woXii (pr\pias Kai dvaiSiiag fitarov ; k. r. X. Conf. in Aristog. I. 783. 21, sqq. '^ Ps. Demosth. de Halonn. 1. 82. 23 : 83. 2. '*' Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 375. 17 j 405. 14 ; Argum. Orat. de Peg. 56. 19. 20. A iJii y 470 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. committed fraud to secure certain advantages to Philip ^^. It was notorious that he was rewarded for his perfidy with estates in Phocis, Olynthian prisoners *^, etc. ; he himself boasted of it *^, and indulged in all sorts of luxury, bought courtesans, etc ^^\ He was the first who paid the penalty of his treachery, and upon an eisangelia being laid against him ^^^ he fled from Athens. Aristodemus, the tragic actor ^^^ the first citi- zen who recommended peace and friendship with Philip ^^*, and his accomplice Neoptolemus ^^^ may here be classed together with Philocrates, although they cannot be strictly enumerated amongst the orators. Demades ^^, originally a ferryman ^^\ became an orator without any regular instruction whatever ^^ ; he possessed distinguished powers as an extem- porary speaker, and frequently overcame Demos- thenes^^ whom he opposed in the Olynthian affair ^^^ and was, after the battle of Chaeronea ^'^ rewarded by Philip, with land in Boeotia ; but he did not attain the zenith of demagogy till the time of Antipater, and his abandoned character must therefore be described afterwards. Stratocles, who, after the time of Demades, played a prominent part in the intrigues of the »** .^schin. in Timocr. 170; Demosth. de Falsi Legat. 356. 14, sqq. ; 395. 25, sqq. '*» Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 386. 2, sqq.'; 440. 4, sqq. »<» Demosth. ubi sup. 377. 17. >«' iEschin. de Falsa Legat. 232 ; Demosth. de Falsi Legat. 232 ; Plut. de Garrulit. 8. 30 ; de Fato, 6. 368. '6=^ ^schin. in Ctesiph. 470. Conf. § 76. n. 94. '«3 Demosth. de Falsi Legat. 418. 8. >«* Demosth. ubi sup. 344. 21 ; 371. 15; de Coron. 232. 7. '<» Demosth. de Pac. 58. 15 ; de Falsa Legat. 442. 29. '«* Conf. Hauptmann de Demade ap. Reiske, Or. Gr. 4. 243, sqq. ; Ruhnken, Hist. Cr. 71, sqq.; Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ed. Harles 2. 868, sqq. »?' Suidas, Ai//i. '«« Sext. Empir. adv. Math. 67. B. »» Plut. Demosth. 9. 10. "" Suidas, A»j/i. "> Suidas, Arju. ATHENS. § 77. 471 time, was even at this period renowned as a skilful rhetorician ^^^. Subordinate members of the same party were Hegemon, who, besides his accessibility to bribery "^ was notorious for his sycophancy *^* ; Cephiso- phon who supported Philocrates ^^^, and afterwards joined iEschines in opposing Ctesiphon ^"^ ; Phry- non who, when peace was concluded with Philip, was a party to the frauds of iEschines and Philo- crates ^". Amongst those who arrived at eminence with- out any immediate connection with the Macedo^ nian quarrels were Leptines, an honc^urable man upon the whole, but whose proposal for abolishing every sort of exemption from public obligations was fraught with danger to the commonwealth. He as well as the following orators are known to us from the speeches which Demosthenes made against them : Androtion ^^^ who had attained cele- brity before the age of Philip, was esteemed for his remarkable eloquence, and who during the social war was ambassador to Mausolus; Timocrates, the author of a law relating to securities in the case of public debtors, which struck at the very root of the constitution; Aristocrates, whose protection of C haridemus of Oreos had material influence upon the political importance of Athens on the Cherso- nesus ; Aristogiton a coward and a sycophant ^"^, "* Demosth. in Pantsnet. (about Olyrap. 108. 3) : SrparoicXcT, r^ iriOa- vutTUTi^ iravTbiv a.v9pu)Tru)v cat 7rov;/jOorar Demosth. Megalop. 212. 26. de Coron. 324. 12 ; Argum. Demosth. de Feed. Alex. 211. ^ Diodor. 15. 94. » Demosth. de Falsa Legat. 344. 13 : 403. 10. » Paus. 8. 27. 7. ^ Heraea, which is mentioned in Aristotle Pol. 5. 2. 9. as having introduced the custom of appoiuting its magistrates by election, instead of by lot, was probably still unimportant. THE OTHER STATES. EUBCEA. | 78. 477 was kept up, and amongst the evil fruits which sprang from it was an understanding between cer- tain chiefs and Philip of Macedon. Amongst these are recorded Cercidas and Hieronymus ^, the for- mer of whom seems to have been called one of the legislators of the Arcadians '^, unless the state- ment perhaps apphes to a Cercidas who lived at the time of Aratus ^ ; Hieronymus was attacked as a partisan of Philip by iEschines, in a speech which he delivered during his mission to Megalopolis, and whilst he was still faithful to the interests of his country '\ 4. ELIS. Whilst the people were still inconsolable for the loss of Triphylia **, they became a prey to all the horrors of discord, which Philip did every thing in his power to foment ^. Its outbreak w as fearful : the bloodshed and calamities ^ of the Eleans be- came proverbial ^. The democracy was dissolved at the end of this period ^. 5. EUBCEA. During the dependence of Euboea upon Thebes, the various states of the island seem to have en- tered into federal relations with one another, and to have estabhshed a joint council, called the Eu- boean Synedrion ^'^. Eretria and Oreus were the leading states of the confederacy ; Chalcis was of » Demosth. de Fals^ Legat. 324. 9. » See above, $ 73. n. 60. ** Polyb. 2. 48. 3« Demosth. de Fals& Legat. 344. 14. » Demosth. Megalop. 206. 5. 33 p^us. 5. 4. 5 ; Diod. 16. 63. 2 Dera. de Falsa Legat. 424, 22 : rdg kv'HXih tri^aydg, in Phil. 4. 133. 29. Td HXeia Swrvxrijiara, Himer. 26, Wernsd. * Dem. de Fals^. Legat. 435. 18, " T6 KoKovtiivov EiffidtKdv crvviSpiov, ^schin. in Ctesiplt. 486. *' 1 1 ! 1! 478 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. less importance. A short time before the com- mencement of the Athenian social war, Olymp. 105. 3 ; 358. B. C, a party was formed against those who were suspected of being in the Theban in- terest; the latter sent to Thebes for help, whilst the former had recourse to the Athenians, who, at the instigation of Timotheus, sent them succours ^. The war which ensued was of the most destructive character, but was soon terminated by a conven- tion ^^ whereupon the Boeotians and Thebans eva- cuated the island^. About five years afterwards, Olymp. 106. 4; 353. B. C.*^ Philip began his intrigues, to frustrate which, Plutarch, tyrant of Eretria, applied to Athens for assistance. In con- sequence of this, Phocion was sent with an army under his command to Euboea, and conquered in the battle of Tamynae *". Plutarch himself was soon afterward expelled for having plotted against the Athenians*^ The important consequences of Phi- lip's interference daily became more apparent**, and by the aid of the supplies of men and money which were furnished by him, there arose dynasts in Eretria and Oreus*^ Those of Eretria were Clitarchus, Automedon, Hipparchus *^, and Sosis- tratus*^; in Oreus, Phihstides, Socrates*^, Chari- genes*^, etc. Clitarchus was, however, driven out '" Demosth. de Cherson. 108, 10. * ^sch. in Ctesiph. 479, represents the Athenians as having been victori- ous. The Thebans had been obliged to quit the island, vTroinrovSoi, *^ Diod. 16. 7 ; compare above, $ 76. n. 27. *' Bbckh, Pub. Econ. 2. 62. 109 : compare Bbckh, iib. d. Zeitverh. d. De- mosth. R. g. Mid. in Berl. Abh. 1818, 1819, Hist. Philol. CI. p. 82, sqq. *» Plut. Phoc. 11—13; Demosth. in Mid. 567, sqq.; JEsch. in Ctesiph. 480. « Plut. Phoc. 11—13 ; conf. Bbckh, 2. 110. n. 375. ** Dem. in Phil. 3. 113. 24, sqq. « Dem. in Phil. 3. 115. 2. « Dem. in Phil. 3. 125. 17, sqq., 128. 6. « Dem. deCoron. 324. 17. « Dem. in Phil. 3. 126. 2, sqq. ; Strab. 10. 445. *' ^sch. in Ctesiph. 495. THE OTHER STATES. PHOCTS. § 78. 479 by Phocion, Olymp. 109. 4; 341. B. C.^, and Philistides was about the same time ^^ (expelled by a body of Athenians, Megarians, and C-halcidians ; some free states of Euboea sent soldiers to the bat- tle of Chaeronea. 6. PHOCIS. The ancient enmity between Phocis and Delphi still prevailed. But it cannot be ascertained whether Thebes or Delphi was more immediately concerned in the quarrel respecting an heiress which is said to have led to the eruption of the sacred war ^^. The hostile parties were respectively headed by Euthy crates, the father of Onomarchus, and Mnaseus, the father of Mneson ^\ It is pro- bable that Delphi had no inconsiderable share in causing the revengeful decree of the Amphictyons against Phocis, which was carried into effect by Thebes. Other motives than the mere desire of obtaining spoil, must have animated the Phocians when they took possession of Delphi, under the command of Philomelus, Olymp. 105, 4 ; 357. B. C '\ the slaughter of the Thracidse '', their wild design of murdering all the Delphians and de- stroying the town, which Archidamus of Sparta ^ prevented them from executing, and lastly, the oppression which they made the Delphians suffer. I *» Diod. 16. 74, and Wessel. ; conf. Bbckh, 2. 111. n. 378; see above. § 76. n. 120. " Steph. Byz. 'Qptog, from Charax Chron. sa g^ ^ jq ^ ^q^ 49^ " Arist. Pol. 5. 3. 3. This Onomarchus was not the same person who was afterwards a general : this one and his brother were the sons of Theotimus, Pans. 10. 2. 1. Diod. 16. 38, mentions a Mnaseas who was afterwards guar- dian to the youthful Phalaecus ; was this one and the same person with th« Mnaseas alluded to above, to whose party Philomelus, etc., belonged ? ^ Pans. 10. 2. 2. " Diod. 16. 24. »• Paus. 3. 10. 5. 480 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. are proofs of inveterate and implacable hatred ^^ The supreme power in Phocis and Delphi was successively held by the brothers Philomelus, Onomarchus and Phayllus^; then by Mnaseas, the guardian of Phalaecus, the son of Onomar- chus^; after which it devolved for some time to three captains, and lastly to Phalaecus^. It is probable that the form of this supreme authority, which is merely called dynasty by the ancient writers ^S was Strategia. The consequences of the war occasioned the temporary dissolution of the Phocian state, but it is again mentioned at a later date ^^. 7. THESSALY, Pherae and Larissa were still at enmity with each other ; the former was subject to the tyranny of the lasonidae, the latter to the dynasty of the Aleuadae. The Aleuadae united themselves to Thebes and Philip ^^ the Pheraeans to Phocis. Those amongst the former who were in the Mace- donian interest, consequently in the language of Demosthenes, traitors, were Eudicus, Simus^, Dao- chus, Cineas, and Thrasydaeus ^^ Philip marched to their assistance, Olymp. 105. 4 ; 357. B. C, and drove out the Pheraeans, Lycophron and Pitho- laus^: Pitholaus seems to have returned, but was w Diod. 16. 28. " Diod. 16. 32. 35. 38 ; Paus. 10. 2. 3. 4. *" Diod. 16. 38 ; Paus. 10. 2. 5, calls Phalaecus the son of Phayllus. ^ Diod. ubi sup. •» Demoslh. in Aristocr. 661. 12; Paus. 10. 3. 5: 4. 5. 1. «» Liv. 33. 32. ^ Diod. 16. 14. •* Dem. de Coron. 241. 27. Harpocr. "Ztfjiog' — elg r&v 'A\evaSo)v ; conf. Phot. 'SifioQ. Schneider and Gottling, ad Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 9. 1, where the reading is raiv Trspi Idfiov, have only adverted to the error in the notes ; but no one can feel any hesitation in altering the spurious name in the next. » Dem, de Coron. 354. 7. ^ Diod. 16. 39. THE OTHER STATES. THESSALY. § 78. 481 once more expelled, Olymp. 107. 4; 349. B. C^^ Philip occupied Pherae and Pagasse ^ and bestowed Magnesia and Nicaea upon the Aleuadae ^. Phar- salus, which was at enmity with Halos^^ sided with Larissa; Halos was likewise conquered by Philip, who delivered over the ruins to the Pharsa- lians^* ; Philip having now, by means of the Aleuadae, obtained a firm footing in Thessaly, took no further notice of them7^ but in Olymp. 109. 1; 344. B. C. ^\ introduced into Thessaly a constitution suited to his own purposes, viz., Tetrarchies 7*, and received the public revenues himself ^^ He appears to have appointed Thessahans by birth as his lieu- tenants, and amongst others whom he selected for the office was Thrasydaeus, his flatterer "'^. Ac- cording to Aristotle, there was, in his time", a moderate oligarchy at Pharsalus^^; if he hereby means before the domination of Philip, the state- ment may be correct ; but after Phihp's authority was established there, his lieutenants might be looked upon in the same light as the tyrants who reigned in Ionia, etc., under the protection of Persia, while the Thessalians might be considered doubly enslaved. aftlr oi°m ^^io^9 'l ^"*^^' ^^* ^^' '^^^* ""^ ^°°*''" expulsion of the tyranU 2 Dem. Olyntii. 1. 12. 27 ; conf. Dem. de Halonn. 84. 19. Dem. Ph.l. 71.11. 7o £,era. de Fals. Legal. 352. 17 : 353. 13. Dem. ubi sup. 353. 15. ..!• ^,''"™^°°- ^- ^; Aleuad. 209, sqq. Concerning an attempt of Philip againstthem, see Polyaen. 4. 2. II. » f P ^^Consequently in the year when Diodorus (see n. 67) records another ex- pulsion of the tyrants ! He means the Aleuadae after all '* Dem. in Phil. 3. 117. 26. That the word SeKapxiav, Dem. Phil. 2. 71. u, in commemoration of the institutions of Lysander, is employed figurativelv lor cvvaoTeiav, is self-evident from the use of the singular (conf. 3 117 26 riTpaSapxiag), conf. Fr. Jacobs. Demosth. Staatsv. 368. * ' '* Demosth. in Phil. 2. 71. 14. ^^ Theopomp. ap. Ath. 6. 249. C. ,1.,! J^l^'t*? ^^^' ^^ *^® ^'""^ ''® "^^^^^ *^e Politics, therefore, after Philip's tleath, which is mentioned, Pol. 5. 8. 10. '^ '* Aristot. Pol. 5. 5. 7. VOL. II. 1 1 482 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. 8. BYZANTIUM. Byzantium, wholly independent after the social war, ruled over Chalcedon, and even claimed au- thority over Selymbria'^9; its federal relations with Perinthus were of the most intimate character^. An abundance of luxuriant natural productions, and the profits of an extened trade, conspired to cor- rupt the manners of the natives. The commander, Leon, was conspicuous for his civil virtues, and instead of perishing with his fellow-citizens hke Nicias, chose rather to die for them «\ Philip suc- ceeded in engaging the services of the powerful orator Python. Was the latter perhaps born at iEnos, and the murderer of Cotys ^-, and called a Byzantine because he had long resided at Byzan- tium «^ ? Philip sent him to Athens «^ for the purpose of negociating a peace, and at a later period to Thebes, that he might exhort that state to remain faithful to its federal engagements «^ ; here he al- most bore away the prize of eloquence from his great rival Demosthenes^. Python gained over the Thebans to the interests of Philip, as much by the dexterity and address with which he distributed his largesses, as by the powerful and commanding character of his oratory^. We can form but a very imperfect idea of the nature of the magistracy 8» Plut. Nic. 22 ; Suid. h'nav. T9 Demosth. de Lib. Rhod. 198. 12. 14. •* See the psephism below, n. 88. «a Dem. in Aristocr. 659. 27 ; 674. 21. " Menag. ad Diog. Laert. 3. 46, considers the ^nian and the orator to have been the same person, but on no other ground than the identity of name. The .-linian and his brother Heraclides were, according to Demosth. ubi sup. honorary citizens in Athens. «♦ De Halonn. 81.24 ; 82. 17. ^^ Diod. 16. 85, and Wessel. •• Dem. de Coron. 272. 19 : Opaffvvofi^vtft Kai 7roXX

Diod. 16. 31. "» Corn. Nep. Dion, 8 : Callicrates. »» pj^^ j) 53. "a Diod, 16. 36. THE OTHER STATES. SICELIOTS. § 78. 487 and expelled him^^*; the better-disposed citizens of Syracuse requested Hicetas of Leoiitini to lead them against Dionysius ; the Cathaginians at length interfered, and in a short time Syracuse was par- celled out amongst several masters ^"\ Meanwhile tyrants arose in the surrounding states, several of which were inhabited by barbarians and mer- cenaries, who did nothing to prevent a change in the constitution, and were fully prepared to wel- come a dynast. Amongst these dynasts may be enumerated Mamercus, a Campanian, in Catana ^'^^, Leptines in ApoUonia and Engyia^^^ and An- dromachus, the father of the historian Timaeus in Tauromenium, and a brave man ^'^ Desolation reigned in the towns of Sicily, deer and wild- boars traversed their streets, grass grew in their market-places, and in the general poverty statues were sold in Syracuse to the highest bidders ^"^, At this juncture the friends of legality and order in Syracuse sent to Corinth for help ^^^ Olymp. 108. 3; 346. B. C. Timoleon, who, since his brother's death, had taken no part in public affairs ^^\ was appointed to the command of the Corinthian auxiliaries ; Co- rinth and Leucadia both shared in the expedi- tion ^^^. It was crowned with the most brilliant success ; Hicetas was beaten, Dionysius compelled, Olymp. 109. 2 ; 343. B. C, to evacuate the citadel, and the Carthaginians were driven out of the "* Plut. Timol. 1. '« Plut Timol. 2; Diod. 16. 67. ^^ Plut. Timol. 13 ; Corn. N. Tim. 2. '« Plut. Timol. 14 ; Diod. 16. 72. '" Plut. D. 10 ; Diod. 16. 68. Conf. Raoul-Rochette, sur I'Etabl. d. Col. Gr. 4. 91. '» Plut. Timol. 22. 23. '^ Diod. 16. 68. '3» Plut. Timol. 5. '32 Plut. 8. 488 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. harbour ^^\ Timoleon razed the citadel, the bulwark and symbol of tyranny, and erected upon its site a common hall destined for the meals of those who composed the popular tribunals ^^. Freedom being restored, the liberators now bes^an to work at the regeneration of the state. Corinth issued a pro- clamation inviting settlers to Syracuse, with the promise of freedom and equality ^^\ Six thousand colonists assembled in Syracuse *^^ ; Timoleon re- gulated the possession of the houses and estates ; Cephalus and Dionysius, who came from Corinth ^^^ revived the laws of Diodes '^ ; the Amphipohos of the Olympic Zeus, an officer who had been re- cently created ''^, was appointed Eponymus and authorized to take precedence of all the other magistrates. The victory gained by Timoleon over the Carthaginians near the river Crimesus, Olymp. 110. 1 ; 339. B. C. ^^ affixed the seal to the liberties of Syracuse, and in the peace with Carthage, which was a consequence of it, the river Halycus was fixed as its boundary ^*\ The other towns were now freed from their respective tyrants, Hicetas was expelled from Leontini '*", Mamercus from Catana, Hippon the tyrant of Messana was killed '*\ and those of Centoripa, etc., and the Campanians in iEtna reduced ^*\ Agrigentum and Gela once more arose from their ruins, some Leontines removed to Syracuse, the population of »M Plut. 9—21 ; Diod. 16. 70. «3* Plut. 21. '" Plut. 23: — t\€v9epovQ Kai avroi'ofiovg iw' ivoiq xai StKaioig r^v Xutpav SiaXaxovrag. >3« Plut. ubi sup. Diod. 16. 82, has 14,000. "^ Plut. 24. 138 Diod. 16. 82 ; 13. 35. '» Died. 16. 70. MO Diod. 16. 77, sqq. ; Plut. 25, sqq. '»• Diod. 16.82; Plut. 34. •« Plut. 32. •« Plut. 34. 144 Diod. 16. 82. THE OTHER STATES. ITALIOTS. § 78. 489 Camarina w^as increased, and ten thousand citizens were sent to Agyrium^**. The government of Timoleon in Syracuse, from this time forward till his death, Olymp. 110. 4; 337. B. C.^^, is the noblest example of iEsymnety on record, whilst the gratitude of the Syracusans '*7 was commen- surate with the benefits they derived from it ; and yet this glorious fabric was so soon destined to be destroyed " " 148 11. THE ITALIOTS. The towns on the Bruttian coast, Rhegium, Locri, and Caulon '^, which had been restored by the younger Dionysius, were in the possession of the tyrant, when Dion went forth to oppose him. Rhegium expelled the garrison of Dionysius, Olymp. 107. 2; 351. B. C.^^^ with the help of Leptines and Calhppus, Dion's murderers; the latter continued to reside there for some time after these events, but was at length kille(P^\ After being driven out of Syracuse, Dionysius took re- fuge in Locri, where he committed the most bar- barous and revolting atrocities '^« ; having violated the chastity of the virgins of the place, the en- raged Locrians retaliated in the most horrible manner upon his own wife and daughters. The Greeks, just about the time that Dion set sail for Syracuse, had to contend with some new enemies >*^ Plut. 35 ; Diod. ubi sup. >« Died. 16. 90. "^ Plut. Timol. 37. 38. Plut. 39 : — Avroi 8k xp^fi^voi iroXirti^ cat vofjioig, ohg iKtivoQ Kare- (TTTiffev, k-rri ttoXvv xpovov eifSaifiovovvTeg durkXetTav reminds us of the rlaudite at the end of the comedy. ;« Heyne, Opusc. 2. 204. im Diod. 16. 45. '*' Diod. ubi sup. ; Plut. Dion. 58. '*=» Strab. 6. 259 J Athen. 12. 541, D. ; Justin, 21. 3; JEl V. H. 6. ^'-^ J 9- 8. 'w Strab. and Athen. ubi sup. I 490 SUBVERSION OF THE EXTERNAL LIBERTIES. in the Bruttians, who had originally been runaway slaves of the Lucanians, and from a horde of robbers had formed themselves into a people'^*. They obtained possession, Olymp. 1 06. 1 ; 356. B. C, of Terina '^, a settlement of the Crotoniats, Hipponium, a colony of the Locrians '^, Thurii '^\ etc. Amongst the other towns Crotona appears to have sustained a conflict with the Bruttians, whose encroachments probably extended almost to the walls of the town. The Tarentines main- tained peace and friendship with the younger Dionysius, who presented them with a costly can- dlestick for their council-house ^^« ; Tarentum in- terceded with the Locrians in favour of his family'^, though without effect. Upon the death of Archy- tas the internal corruption seems to have advanced still more rapidly than before ; the external enemies, whom the greatness of Archytas had before held in check, now assailed it with irresistible impetuo- sity. As the Syracusans had applied to the parent- town Corinth, so the Tarentines now sent to Sparta for assistance; Archidamus obeyed the summons ^^ Olymp. 110. 3, and perished in the vain attempt to defend them. Of the towns on the Campanian coast, Cuma, Palseopolis, and Naples, the two last were shortly afterwards in- volved in the Samnite war ^^\ (U. C. 427 • 327 B. C. ' * »** Strab. 6. 255. isi djj^ jg 15 thJlul?^^:^^^' ^•'^^^^^•^P- ^''^' 16. 15, has restored 'iTTTruivtov in ine place ot ApTrioviov. '« Diod. ubi sup. Strab. 6. 263 : v^rb AiVKavwv ^v!^pa^o^itT9v(Tav. This must not be construed too literally. Thurii occurs at\ later period a an independent community. p^i*"« J«Athen.l5.700,D. '^' Strab. 6. 259. '^ See § 76. 161 Liv. 8. 22. . > i. THE SERVITUDE, DELIVERANCE, RELAPSE, AND POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. THE MACEDONIAN-ROMAN PERIOD. 1. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS OF THE STATES OF GREECE. a. The Mother Country and the Eastern States, § 79. Though the battle of Chaeronea sealed the dependence of Greece upon Macedonia, the general subjection of the Greeks ^ was not con- summated till after the battle of Crannon in the Lamian war. Philip does not appear to have en- tertained the serious design of subjugating Athens^ for he not only concluded peace and contracted friendly relations^ with that state, but made it a present of Oropus, the possession of which it had formerly disputed with Thebes*. But the latter, the faithless ally of Philip, was treated with greater severity ; she was compelled to receive back three hundred of her fugitives ; the government was delivered into the hands of such as were known to be in the interests of Macedonia ^ and Orcho- menus and Plataeae were rebuilt ^ But Thessaly alone seems to have had a strictly Macedonian ' See the pertinent observations of Plut. Alex. 1 1. ^ So apparently thought the Athenian captives, whom Philip had released without a ransom, and who demanded their baggage into tbe bargain. See Philip's jest on the occasion, Plut. Apophth. 6. 676. ^ Justin. 9. 4. * Schol. Demosth. de Coron. 259. 10. (L. 2. 148. ed. R.) * Justin. 9. 4. • Paus. 4. 27. 5. 1 \n it 492 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS, administration, and to have been occupied by a Macedonian garrison \ In the congress at Corinth, from which the ambassadors of Sparta alone were absent «, Phihp merely appeared in the character of Hegemon ; he required the assistance of the Greeks in the war against Persia. Though the latter only proposed to serve as mercenaries, their offers possibly corresponded with Philip's expec- tations; but it is a gross delusion to speak of twenty myriads of infantry and fifteen thousand horse ^ ; all the Grecian states together could not have mustered half the number. Philip's death inspired the Greeks with hopes of regaining their independence, and Demosthenes conceived the most sanguine expectations of suc- cess ^ the Thebans armed for a last and desperate struggle", and the iEtolians prepared to assist them. The resistance which Alexander met with before the walls of Thebes '\ the last, and at the same time the most glorious effort of Theban valour, was followed by the final destruction of that state. The Arcadians and .Etohans soon testified their contrition '\ and the intervention of Phocion and Demades alone averted from Athens the vengeance of the conqueror ^ Athens was declared free '', and made a most honourable use 'JT'^l!'^' ^' n u » Justin, ubi sup. " iEschm. m Ctesiph. 546. 547. ^ ^ '^^Dinarch. in Demosth. 14, sqq., unless a later insurrection be meant (conf. "htnA^l,!^^^"-^^^-^^^^"^-'^ EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 493 of her liberty, by pubUcly mourning the disasters of Thebes, and granting an asylum to the Theban exiles '\ Some Macedonian galleys soon after this attempted to run into the Piraeus ^^ ; but the Athe- nians repulsed them, and held themselves upon their guard against any further attempt of the same nature. The liberty of Sparta was likewise respected, but tyrants ^« were imposed upon many of the other states '\ e. g. upon Sicyon '^ and Pel- lene '\ Very few Greeks fought in the ranks of Alexander's army against Persia ^^ ; but on the other hand there were large bodies of them in the Persian pay, who did honour to the national name by their conduct in the field, and testified greater fidelity and attachment to the despot whose bread they ate, than to the country which had given them birth ""{ Now, as in the time of Agesilaus, it was attempted by means of Persian gold, to excite disturbances m Greece -\ Some wandering Thebans and Arca- dians took up arms, but no hostilities ensued; Agis the second, the son of Archidamus, king of Sparta, who was likewise gained over by Darius ^*, and after the example of the Spartans, the Eleans,' Achaeans, with the exception of the Pellenaeans, and all the Arcadians, except those of Megalopo' lis ^, were induced to arm ^^ ; but the alhed army '^ ^schin. in Ctesiph. 544. '^ Ps. Demosth. de Foed. Alex. 219. 28, sqq. nvvQi^l ^"^l^""' ^""^ >^^ -^'^'Z'^^ Foed. Alex p. 213. 24: - i^^rdrrn ^ 'Mbid.216.12. « Ibid. 214. 19. « ^"T"' ^'^A . . *" ATih\?.n, 2. 10 ; 3. 23. 2 ^schin. in Ctesiph. 633 ; conf. n. 11. Ts ^J ^l^ ^^"V^'* 9'"®*^ ^""^ ^^^^ purpose, Olymp. 112. 1 ; Diodor. 17. 48. '* ^schin. in Ctesiph. 553. Plut.^A'tl*°15^' ^^' ^^ ' ^''^^''' ^^' ^^' ^*'°''"X''« '" Alexander's opinion. »:■ 494 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. was defeated by Antipater, Olymp. 112. 3; 330. B. C^., whereupon Sparta sent an embassy to declare her submission *^. Harpalus, who escaped to Athens in Olymp. 113. 4; 325. B. C, found the Athenians very willing to accept of his bribes, it is true ; but the official enquiry which was after- wards instituted, sufficiently shows how intimi- dated the Athenians were, and how incapable of an effi)rt for the recovery of their liberty and in- dependence. Alexander's order that all the Grecian states should receive back their fugitives, a pro- ceeding ^^ as well meant as it was impolitic, would have occasioned violent distractions ; but through his death which soon after occurred, Olymp. 114. 1 ; 323. B. C, the execution of it became de- pendent upon other circumstances. Leosthenes, a bold and experienced captain of mercenaries'^, vied with Demosthenes, who had been recalled from banishment '^ in rousing the Athenians to revolt; a large body of able mer- cenaries*^ inspired them with confidence: the Athenians rose in arms, and their example was followed by the ^tohans, Argives, Epidaurians, Eleans, Messenians, Thessahans ^\ (who were com- manded by Menon ^,) Locrians, Phocians, etc. The defeat of the confederates at Crannon, Olymp. 114. 3; 322. B. C, reduced them to the most galling servitude under Antipater. Athens was constrained to deliver up her orators, Demos- thenes, Hyperides, etc*^., and here and in other " Diodor. 17. 62. 63. » Diodor. 17. 89. 3' Plut. Demosth. 27. M Diodor. 18. II. 12. '* See the following section under the head of Thessaly. » Diodor. 18. 17. *® ^schin. in Ctesiph. 525. =» Diodor. 18. 9. « Diodor. 18. 9. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 49* states dynasties were estabhshed, composed of men in the Macedonian interest, whose aut:hority was maintained by Macedonian gari'isons. This system was continued for several years under Cassander, the son of Antipater, nor did any change of im- portance result from Polysperchon's proclamation of freedom to the Greeks, Olymp. 115. 2; 319. B. C^. In the mean time, Cassander, to the great joy of the Athenians, rebuilt Thebes ^, Olymp. 116. 1 ; 315. B. C. ; a town was erected upon the site of Potidaea, from him named Cassandreia ^, which was shortly afterwards subject^ to the tyranny of the tremendous Apollodorus, whose name is usually classed with those of Phalaris and Dionysius ^. Cyrene, however, fell under the power of the Lagid Ptolemy *^ Olymp. 114. 2. With the view of supporting an attack upon Cassander, Olymp. 116. 2 ; 315. B. C, Antigonus and Ptolemy once more declared the Greeks free *% and the former soon afterwards sent a general named Ptolemy to drive out Cassander's garrison ^, Olymp. 117. 1 ; 312. B. C. But a body of troops * Diodor. 18. 56. " Diodor. 19. 54. Concerning the share which the Athenians had in it, see Pans. 9. 7. 1 j Plut. Prascept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 243. ** Diodor. 19. 52 ; Pans. 5. 23. 2. * According to Polyaen. 6. 7. 2, Apollodorus was still a demagogue at the time Lachares fled from Athens (Olymp. 120. 1 ; 299. B. C. ) : the establish- ment of his tyranny was probably coincident in time with tbe anarchy after Cassander's death (297—294. B. C.) ^ Polyaen. ubi sup.; Diod. Fragm. v. 9. p. 294. Bipont ; ^Jian, V. H. 14. 41. and Penz. ; Plut. de Sera Numin. Vindict. 8. 202 ; Polyb. 7. 7. 2 • Seneca de Irac. 2. 5; de Benef. 7. 19; conf. Heins. ad Ovid. Epist., Pont. 2. 9. 43 ; Clavier in the M4m. de I'Inst. Hist. v. 4. As an appendage to the brutality of the Macedonian age, we may here mention one of those wild vaga- ries which are no less characteristic of Us spirit. Cassander's brother, Alex- ander, founded a town, called Uranopolis, where he introduced a new dialect ; a cock was called opOpofioaQ, a herald airvrtig, etc. See He raclides Umbos ap. Athen. 3. 98. D. E., where there is a letter written by this Alexander, in this new jargon. \[ Diodor. 18. 21. « Diodor. 19. 61. 62. *' Diodor. 19. 78. 87. IT 496 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. was likewise despatched by Ptolemy the Lagid, to make the freedom which had already been pro- claimed subservient to his own objects ; they accord- ingly occupied Sicyon and Corinth, Olymp. 118. 1 ; 308. B. C *^. Antigonus, Olymp. 1 1 8. 2 ; 307. B. C, now sent his son the youthful and heroic Deme- trius Pohorcetes, to replace the first-named Ptolemy who had gone over to Cassander*^. He soon de- livered Athens from the garrison of Cassander *'^, and made it his chief seat of government, and from hence Megara*^ and Salamis*^, and some time afterwards, particularly in Olymp. 119. 2; 303. B. C, no inconsiderable number of towns situate in the northern districts and the Pelopon- nesus, namely Heraclea in Trachis, the towns of the Acte in Argolis, those of Arcadia, with the exception of Mantinea, Sicyon and Corinth *^, re- ceived new hberty and a new yoke. Rhodes, which had expelled the Macedonian garrison immediately upon the death of Alexander ^^ and Olymp. 118. 4 ; 304. B. C, united itself with the Lagid Ptolemy, victoriously supported a contest with Demetrius, and in the following year obtained real hberty ^\ After the battle of Ipsus, Olymp. 119. 4; 301. B. C, several states, and Athens amongst the number, threw off their allegiance to Demetrius for a time, whereupon some of them fell under the power of Cassander ; Demetrius returned, recovered ** Diodor. 20. 37 ; Plut. Demetr. 15. « Diodor. 20. 19. <6 pjut. Demetr. 8 ; Diodor. 20. 45. *' Plut. Demetr. 9. <" According to Taus. 1. 35. 2, the Salaminians were expelled by the Athenians; this can scarcely have happened yet. (Conf. § 80. n. 112)j but Salamis fell into the hands of Demetrius. ^ Plut. Demetr. 15. 23. 25. ^ Diodor. 18. 8. *' Diodor. 20. 82. sqq. ; Plut. Demelr. 21, sqq. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 497 all that he had lost ^ and after the de^ath of Cas- sander even added Macedonia to his other con- quests. From hence Demetrius erected the fortress Demetrias on the Pagasaean gulf^\ which was called one of the three fetters of Greece ^ ; Pyrrhus and Ptolemy were the means of overturning this despotism ; the latter inveigled the Greeks to re- bel ; Olympiodorus the Athenian beat the Mace. donians^^ and with thirteen men stormed the Musaeum which had been fortified and converted into a citadel, and to which the remainder of them had retreated^. Ptolemy thereupon celebrated the Isthmian games, and the Greeks were obliged to appear as spectators adorned with palm-boughs, in honour of their newly-recovered hberties ^\ He left Leonidas^ as his Ueutenant, who could not, however, long maintain his ground. Some Celtic hordes issuing from the heart of Macedonia to invade Greece, Olymp. 125. 2; 279. B. C.^ the Greeks resisted them with an energy and resolution which, in their then ex- hausted state, could hardly have been expected of them^. Bceotia furnished 10,000 (?) Hoplitae, and ftve hundred horse; iEtolia 7,000 HopHtse,' and ninety (?) Kght-armed soldiers, Athems a thou- sand foot^ etc. They attacked the barbarians with vigour and determination, and gained a com- plete victory over them ^ But after the discom- fiture of their barbarous invaders the (creeks fell Z T"*' V*."™^*': ^^' ^qq- " P^»»t- Demetr. 63 ; Strab. 9. 436. J See vol. u p. 6. « Paus. 1. 26. 1. ouw. ubi sup. M Paus 10 23 9 T^ ■^'i^''!' ^J»g"- 9. 300. Bipout. ; Paus. 10. 1*9. 4, sqq. evidently corripl '*'''"'"' ^° ^'"'"- ''' '^^ ' ' *^"' '^'"^ """^^ ^^<^ " Paus. 10. 21—24. VOL. II. K k 498 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. out among themselves. The supremacy of the Grecian states was contested by the son of Deme- trius PoHorcetes, Antigonus Gonnatas, and Pyrrhus the iEacid, who had returned from Italy ; the latter chose to take part in the party dissensions of the Greeks ; Olymp. 127. 1 ; 272. B. C, he endea- voured to effect the restoration of Cleonymus who had been expelled from Sparta; but the women defended the city, and some Messenians came to their assistance ^^ ; at length fighting for a faction in Argos he was slain ^. Almost the whole of Greece now sunk into subjection under Antigonus ^^ who after reducing Alexander the son of Pyrrhus, re- tained uninterrupted possession of the sovereign power in Macedonia. Athens having sided with Pyrrhus, was compelled to receive a Macedonian garrison in the Musaeum ^ ; this was, however, soon afterwards withdrawn, so that Athens was no.w re- garded as a free town ^L Corinth, which was in the hands of Nicaea, the heroic widow of Alex- ander, was taken by stratagem and garrisoned with Macedonians ^. Almost all the Peloponnesus was subject to the dominion of tyrants under the pro- tectorate of Antigonus ; the ancient provinces were dismembered, all former ties dissolved, and the fugitives and mercenaries formed themselves into bands ^ of robbers, like the fuorusciti and sbanditi •• Paus. 4. 29. 2. After that time the hatred between Sparta and Messenia ceased ; but he states, 4. 31.2, that in the war between Antony and Octavius the Messenians sided with the former, whilst the Lacedaemonians adhered to Octavius. ^ riutarch, Pyrrh. 26, sqq. ; Paus. 413. 3, sqq. ; Justin, 25. 4. 5. « Justin, 26. 2. ^ Paus. 3. 6. 3. *' Paus. ubi sup.; conf. Euseb. Can. Olymp. 131. 1 : Antigonus Athenien- sibus reddidit libertatem. «8 Plut. Arat. 17. * The apx'f^t.^^. Plut. Arat. 6, has an analogon in the archipirata of Liv. 37. 11 ; herein we already perceive the prototypes of the Klephts. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 499 of Italy in a later age, and when nothing was to be earned by mercenary warfare, committed de- predations upon the surrounding country 7^; legal freedom was to be found in Rhodes and Byzan- tium alone. The festal and federal unions of (xreece, with the exception of the Olympic, Pythian and other panegyres, had, since the rise of the hegemonies, sunk into utter insignificance ; whilst many of them had become altogether extinct; the more recent confederacies, which were the offspring of external force alone, and not of any natural and inherent tendency to unity and friendship, and were for the most part of a miUtary character, fe?ll to pieces as soon as the power by which they had been created and held together ceased to exist. But amidst this general decay of the national institu- tions, two confederacies arose, through whose efforts Greece recovered for a time some degree of her former liberty and political importance. The JEto\mns'^\ in the earlier age only known as mercenaries and robbers ^% did not assume the character of a people till after the age of Philip, during the contests which they supported with Thebes, etc. against Alexander ^% and afterwards against Antipater ^* and the Celts ^^ To this period must probably be referred the first rise of a regu- larly-organized league amongst the ^Etolian tribes ^^ ; for we cannot give that name to those occasional alliances which they contracted in ibrmer ages ^ ^ Plut. Arat. 6 : 'H fikv ovv oTrXwv TrapaffKtvri (TvvrjBriQ »/v, Trdvrutv, ut£ tirogtiTTtiv. Tore KXoirtiaig xpo^fi^Viov Kal KaTaSpoualQ in' dWiiXovc. ' " Vol. i. p. 93. "Arrh.l.lO. " Above, n. 32. 73 ^^ gj^ '^ It was not a confederacy, but the iEtolians' Kara tOvn, who sent deputies to appease Alexander, Arrh. I. 10. K k2 ( 500 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. against an invading enemy, as for instance, against the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war. The league began to feel greater confidence in its own powers, after Antipater and Craterus had made an unsuccessful incursion into iEtolia, soon after the Lamian war, Olymp. 114. 3; 322. B. C, and entered into a formal convention with them". The iEtolian arms were soon after turned against Thessaly ; in the year before the Celtic war Hera- clea in Trachis had been occupied by the JEto- lians ^^ ; at a later period the Phthiotan Thebes "^ Lamia ^, etc., as well as Naupactus in the Ozolian Locris, are called ^tolian ^\ The conquered town- ships entered the league ^^. They made incursions into the Peloponnesus, in the hope of obtaining booty ^% but some time afterwards several places in the Peninsula, as for instance Phigalia^*, united themselves to the iEtoHans. On the other side Acarnania appears to have been separate from iEtolia; Olymp. 114. 1, the treaty, which the JEto- lians had concluded with the Epirot Alexander for the partition of Acarnania^, was probably never carried into effect. Dorimachus and Scopas ^, who lived in the age of the younger Philip, are com- memorated as legislators of the ^I^tolians ; but they might probably, with greater propriety, be deno- minated the regulators of the league ; however, the greater part of their ordinances, which are re- '7 Diodor. 18. 25. " paus. 10- 21. 1. "^ Polyb. 5. 99. •» Liv. 36. 25. 8» Polyb. 5. 103. " Paus. 10. 21. 1, has avvriXeiv, consequently they probably did not possess equal rights ; but the expression of Pausanias must not be interpreted strictly, conf. 10. 8. 3. •* Before the time of Cleomenes the ^tolians had carried "off nearly 60,000 helots. Plut. Cleom. 18. «* Polyb. 4. 3. 6. » pdyb. 9. 34. 7 ; conf. 2. 45. 1. « Polyb. 13. 1. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 501 corded in history, existed in the earlier times, and the iEtoUans never lost the rudeness, rapacity and contentiousness for which they had always been conspicuous ; the legislation in questi(m aimed at remedying the corruption and disorders which pre- vailed within, by the enactment of wise and salu- tary laws of debt. The federal council, the Panse- tolium«^ entirely democratic in its nature and constitution ««, was generally held at Thermos, and upon extraordinary occasions it assembled at other places, as for instance, at Naupactus, Hypata, La- mia«9; afterwards the assembly at Thermopylae also became .Etolian ^. The chief officer was the Strategus, who there officiated as president^^ The Apocleti formed a sort of lesser council ^ ; they are also occasionally called Archons^', and may be compared with the Prytanes, but they likewise occur in the character of deputies of the assem- bly^; the Synedri seem to have been a judicial body 95; the office of the Grammateus^^ was of great importance, as in all the younger states of Greece. All the officers were elected in the fede- ral council ^ where matters relating to peace and war, and to alliances and negociations with foreign powers, were discussed and decided upon^^. Amongst the military force of the iEtolians, the cavalry was distinguished by peculiar excellence ^. ^ Tittmann, Griech. Staatsv. 722. n. 32. ^^ Tittmann, ubi sup. 726. ^ Pnl^K^o^o "d"''' ^° PaniEtolico et Pylaico concilio ageretur. littmann, ubi sup. 724. n. 49. »» Liv. 33. 7. I 502 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. The ancient Achaean league, which had been en- tirely broken up in consequence of the destruction of Helice and Bura ^^, the separation or encroach- ments of Pellene, and lastly, through the despotism of Antipater and Polysperchon ^^\ was revived about the time that Pyrrhus went to Italy, Olymp. 124. 4 ; 280. B. C. ^^^. In the same year Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae renewed the confede- racy ^^^ ; these were soon joined by the other towns, with the exception of Olenus ^^ ; but it continued unimportant for nearly thirty years, and its opera- tions were limited to the restoration and mainte- nance of internal concord. Sicyon had hitherto, like its neighbour Pellene, obeyed the tyrant who had been imposed upon it by the Macedonians ^""^ ; Aratus, who when a child had taken refuge in Argos^^ from the persecutions of one of the tyrants, and enjoyed the paternal hospitaUty of this city and the neighbouring places till he had attained the age of manhood, assembled a band of daring adventurers, surprised Sicyon, his native place, which was very badly guarded, expelled its tyrant Nicocles, and annexed it as a republic to the Achaean league ^^, twenty-nine years after its revival ^^«, Olymp. 1. 132; 252. B. C. Aratus now became the soul of the confederacy ; no one was considered more fit than himself to be en- trusted with the Strategia ; skilful in negociation, and enterprising in war, though not possessing in '«> Vol. i. p. 3. n. 17. '0* Strab. ubi sup ; Polvb. 2. 41. '°3 Strab. ubi sup. ; Polyb. ubi sup. >o* Strab. 8. 384. '** Plut. Arat. 2. 3. »o« Polyb. 2. 43. »«' Strab. 8. 384. ^'^ Plut. A rat. 2 ; Paus. 2. 8. 2. '<" Plut. Arat. 6—10. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 50a a remarkable degree the qualities of the general and the soldier, he incited the peaceful Achaeans to pass their own narrow confines ; whereby they eventually succeeded in driving out tlie Macedo- nian chiefs and garrisons from most of the towns of the adjacent districts, and annexing them to the league. The capture of Acrocorinth, Olymp. 134. 2; 243. B. C.^% and the accession of Megalo- polis '^^ whose tyrant Lydiades had voluntarily resigned his authority, were most important in their results; besides these, the lea^^e, in the zenith of its independence and power, included nearly the whole of Arcadia, viz., Tegea, Man- tinea, Orchomenus '^^ and Herae ''*, Messenia"% Hermione, Trcezen, Epidaurus, Phlius'^*, Argos"^ CleonaB"^ Megara^^^ JEgiua. and Athens, for which Aratus, by bribing the Macedonian commander, recovered Salamis, Sunium, the Piraeus and Mu- nychia"^ However, Athens does not seem to have stood upon an equal footing with the Achae- ans, or to have been united to them so closely and permanently as the other states '^9. In the Peloponnesus the Eleans were adverse to them, and Sparta watched their proceedings with jealousy. The internal constitution of the league had been partly determined at the period of its renewal, and partly perfected and matured upon its subsequent extension, and through the influence of Aratus,. '<» Polyb. 2. 43 ; Strab. 8. 385 ; Paus. 2. 8. 4 ; Plut. Arat. 18, sqn. '"» Plut. Arat. 30. '" Polyb. 2. 46. "» Polyaen. 2. 36 ; Ann. Pol. 28. "3 Paus. 4. 29 ; 2. 3. "* Polyb. 2. 44. lis pim, Arat. 29 ; Paus. 2. 8. 5. « Polyb. 2. 44. "7 Polyb. 2. 43. "« Plut. Arat. 34. ^ "^ This must be considered in estimating the sentence of the Achaeans in the contention between Athens and Delos, Polyb. 32. 1 7 ; as well as the political rank of Athens afterwards. b04 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. etc. It also possessed a federal assembly of a democratic nature ^^ which was held regularly twice a year ''' in JEgium ''' ; every citizen had a right to be admitted to it upon attaining his thirtieth year^^^ and at the same time became entitled to speak, which he was called upon to do by a herald ^«*; the Strategi presided and con- ducted the proceedings^^, and the Demiurgi^^^, who were either associated with them, or distinct from and co-ordinate with them, assisted them in the discharge of this duty. A Bule ^^ which must be looked upon as a permanent body, and not as a committee specially selected from the general body upon every fresh occasion, was charged with the preparation of the subjects for discussion, and sometimes probably represented the assembly. The chief functionaries of the league were two Strategi, afterwards one only ^^ a Grammateus ^^, and De- miurgic^. Special judges were sometimes chosen^'^ The league was more closely united than a mere armed confederacy, on which account the duties of the assembly were more diversified ; still the individual communities were by no means dissolved. Peculiar features in the constitution of this league were not only the mutual representation of its members and its federal tribunal ''', but likewise '»' Polyb. 5. 1. 9. S^\mh ^K^^^'^' ""[ ^^ sanctuary Homarion (?) consult Tittmann, Staatsr. o«l. B9, and above, vol. i. p. 171. n. 27. " P^l^h' V%- ^ '" L'"- 32- 20 ; Polyb. 29. 9. 10. ' P" yo- 28. 7. etc. m Liv. 32. 22. '« Paus. 7. 9. 2. 3. ^ ^* ^^' ^^' EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 505 the introduction of uniform coins, weights, and measures ^^. No one of the former federal unions had been so closely united in its interior. The Achaean league was superior to the? iEtolian in external extent, in internal order, .and in the justice of its proceedings. It was useless to at- tempt keeping up a sure or lasting alliance with the latter, which always retained somewhat of its disorderly and lawless character. But Aratus, not- withstanding his excellent qualities, was not free from mean-spirited jealousy, or from wilfijilness and passion ; for being opposed by an antagonist, his superior in courage and military genius, he sacri- ficed the true feelings of liberty and patriotism to personal pique and resentment. Sparta had, under the victorious Agis III., the son of Eudamidas, shown a disposition to make common cause with the Achaeans against the ^Eto- lians^^*; but hostilities ensued a short time after, and broke out into open war ^^, under Cleomenes, Olymp. 138. 4 ; 225. B. C. Cleomenes, in con- junction with the iEtolians^^ and Eleans, several times beat Aratus in the open field; Mantinea, Argos, and the towns of the Acte, Phlius and Me- galopolis, were severed from the Achaea.n league. It was in vain that the conqueror made overtures towards a reconciliation with Aratus, in order that the whole Peloponnesus might be united ^^^; Aratus called in the assistance of the Macedonian king ^^ Polyb. 2. 37. 10. Compare in general, on the constitution of the .Etolian and Achaean leagues, Tittmann, Gr. Staatsv. 673—688 ; 721—728. Drumann, Gesch. des Verfalls d. Gr. Staaten. 461 , sqa. On the chronology, Bayer, fasti Achaici in the Comment. Acad. Petrop. vol. v. '=» Plut. Agis, 14, sqq. »» Polyb. 2. 46, sqq. '» Polyb. 2. 45 ; Plut. Cleom. 3, sqq. ; Arat. 53, sqq. '" Plut. Cleom. 17. I ) I 'it II 506 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. Antigonus Doson '^, and, as might easily have been foreseen, he soon obtained an authority over the league, which hereupon threw itself into his arms ^'^. Antigonus arrived in Olymp. 139. 1 ; 224. B. C. He proclaimed his despotic principles by setting up the statues of the tyrants in Argos, his barbarity by destroying the town of Mantinea, whose inha- bitants were killed or sold '^, and his power by a victory over Cleomenes at Sellasia, Olymp. 139. 2 ; 222. B. C, and by the occupation of Sparta ^*\ The restoration of the constitution of Sparta was the surest guarantee of her weakness. Antigonus now entered into a confederacy with the Achseans, Boeotians, Phocians, Thessalians, Acarnanians, and Epirots ^*\ But the power of the Achaean league was broken, and it was no longer able to guard its territories against the aggressions of the rapacious iEtolians^«. The iEtolians, who were at that time headed by Dorimachus and Scopas'**, kept up relations with EHs '^ and Sparta ^*^, and Mace- donian assistance now became" doubly needful to the Achaeans. Such was the condition in which the younger Philip found the states of Greece. No sooner had he appeared upon the scene than the confusion in- creased ; he was supported by the Achseans, and opposed by the .Etolians and their confederates. The social war ^^ Olymp. 140. 2 ; 219. B. C, and Olymp. 140. 3, increased the enmity which the •» Plut. Aral. 42 j Polyb. 2. 47, sqq. '* Plut. Arat. 45. ^^ '«• Polyb. 2. 69, sqq. ; Plut. Cleora. 28. '« Polyb. 4. 25. »*^ Polyb. 4. 9. •" Polyb. 4. 1—5. 105. »*« Plut. ubi sup. »*=» Polyb. 4. 9. 4. •** Polyb. 4. 3, sqq. '^ Polyb. 4. 16. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS, ij 79. 507 .Etolians bore him, and opened the eyes of the Achaeans to their own dishonour in bowing to the caprices of a despot whose tyranny daily grew more oppressive. The poisoning of Aratus by Philip ^«, Olymp. 141. 2 ; 215. B. C, was a dreadful warning to them. Philopoemen, a friend to his country, and eminently distinguished as a statesuian and a warrior, was less subject to the influence of pre- judice and passion than his predecessor Aratus; and as lo^g as he remained at the head of affairs, the league struggled hard to preserve its inde- pendence '*K But it was now too ranch en- tangled in the quarrels and disputes of the sur- rounding states to be able to stand alone, and assert its own freedom. Prusias, king of Bithy- nia, and Attains, king of Pergamus, had taken part in the commercial war between Rhodes and Byzantium ^^ Olymp. 139. 4; 321. B. C, and the whole of the Greek states were involved in the contest between Philip and the Romans. As long as the Romans had to contend with Hannibal, from Olymp. 142. 3; 210. B. C, they kept Philip employed against the iEtolians, who eagerly offered them their co-operation, vrith the understanding that Acarnania and all the towns from i'Etoha to Corcyra were to be given up to them ^^^ ; but when they had been compelled by Philip to make their submission, the Romans concluded peace with the latter, three years before the end of the second Punic war *^-, which peace included the Achseans, Boeotians, Thessahans, and Acarnanians as his ^ ^ '« Polyb. 8. 14; Plut. Aral. 52. '« Plut. Philopoem. 8. ''• Liv. 26.24. •^ Polyb. 4. 47. sqq >^' Liv. 31. I. r /i08 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS, allies; and Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, the Eleans, Messenians, and Athenians'^* as the allies of Rome. Hereupon six thousand iEtolians went to Egypt as mercenaries ***. The Macedonian Hegemony over Greece was now only maintained by the possession of places of strength, particularly the three fetters, to which allusion has repeatedly been made, viz., Demetrias, Chalcis, and Corinth'^; individual cities, not to mention the towns of the ^tolians, wer6 exceed- ingly exasperated against Philip; the Athenians, who were obliged singly to carry on a war against him, and were thereby reduced to great extremi- ties, made the most bitter complaints at Rome '^, The Rhodians and their confederate Attains of Per- gamus '^7 did the same. Byzantium likewise hence- forward attached itself to the Romans '^. In the third year of the war, Olymp. 145. 3 ; 198. B. C, the majority of the Achaeans declared themselves hostile to Philip '^. Flaminius '^ by his blandish- ments only decoyed the Achaeans from their de- pendence upon Macedonia that he might impose a new yoke upon them. But they were far from fore- boding their future servitude ; when the former had by the battle of Cynoscephalae forced Philip into a peace, and he had withdrawn his garrisons from all the towns of Greece, the freedom of the Greeks, that is to say, of such as had been subject to Philip, namely, the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhcebians, •" Liv. 29. 12. '** Liv. 32. 37; Polyb. 17.11. «" Liv. 31. 15. '^^ Liv. 32. 32. 33. '** Liv. 31. 44. »« Liv. 31. 14. "« Tacit. Anu. 12. 62. '«» Plut. Flamin. 2. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 509 Phthiotan Achaeans '^', was once more proclaimed at the Isthmian games, Olymp. 146. 1 ; 196. B. C, and the proclamation was hailed with demonstra- tions of the most unbounded joy^^^^ Flaminius made war upon Nabis the tyrant of Sparta ^^^ but did not depose him. However, the slighting manner in which Flaminius '^ treated the .^toliansi whose rapacity had not been satisfied by the war, rankled in their minds, and they soon afterwards endeavoured to revolt from Rome. Antiochus, the Seleucid, prepared for a war with Rome, and was supported by the iEtolians '^, and by the Boeotians ^^, who displayed still greater alacrity in his cause ; the Achaeans, Rhodians, etc., sided with the Romans '^\ The war began Olymp. 147. 1 ; 191. B. C. The ^Etolians soon had cause to repent of the step they had taken ; but their courage was not entirely broken till Antiochus was finally reduced ^^; they retained their liberty in name, indeed, but the heavy tribute imposed upon them by Rome in time of peace, produced the ut- most distress and embarrassment in the interior ^^. In the peace with Antiochus, several of thei Grecian towns in Asia, which had been subject to his authority, such as Miletus, Colophon, Cuma, etc., were declared free ; others, like Ephesus, devolved to Eumenes of Pergamus ; the Rhodians, who had '«' Liv. 33. 32. Conf. 30 ; Polyb. 18. 29. »« Liv. 33. 32; Plut. Flamin. 12. Valer. Max. 4. 8. 5 : tanta coeluin clamons alacritate compleverunt, ut certo constet (as in the case of the pro- digies,) aves, quae supervolabanl, attonitas paventesque decidisse. ;^ Liv. 34. 35 ; Plut. Flamin. 13. 'w Uv, 33. 11—13. « Liv. 35. 32. 166 Polyb. 19. 4. "" Liv. 35. 50. '«« Polyb. 20. 10; 21. 3 ; 22. 11. 5. To the corresponding sUtement of uvy m this instance, as well as through the whole of this narnition, applies what he himself says, 33. 10 : Nos Polybium secuti sumus, iion incertum auctorem, etc. •& Polyb. 30. 14. I 1.1 i 1 510 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. carried on and decided the naval war almost alone, were rewarded with Lycia and Caria as far as the Maeander ^^.^. The little political dignity which the Greek states still retained, centered in the Rhodians and in Philopoemen. But the Achaeans suffered more and more beneath the iron rule of their despotic allies, and from the intrigues of the embassies which thronged their cities ; but Philo- pcemen marched against Sparta, Olymp. 147. 1 ; 192. B. C, after the murder of Nabis, without having previously obtained the consent of the Romans to the expedition, and annexed it to the Achaean league ^'\ Sparta was, upon the death of Philopoemen, united with the league ^^% which thereby, and by the accession of Heraclea in Trachis^^^ attained its largest extent. Philopoe- men, however, was not only unable to frustrate the cabals of a wretch called Dinocrates, or to prevent the defection of Messenia from the Achaean league, but he himself was defeated and taken pri- soner, and died a violent death in a Messenian dungeon, Olymp. 149. 2-; 183. B. C ''\ Lycortas, the father of Polybius, who had ever been the faithful and worthy ally of Philopoemen, supplied his place, revenged his death, and once more united Messenia to the league ^^^. Meanwhile, the Rhodians tried their strength in wars with the Cretans '^^ The prostration of the Greeks, and their utter in- "« Polyb. 22. 27. "« Polyb. 22.23. Still more fully in Li v. 38. 34; Plut. Philopoem. 16; Paus. 7. 8. 3. "« Polyb. 25. 1.2. •" That this belonged to the league is proved, Paus. 7. 14. 1. «7< Plut. Philop. 18, sqq. ; Polyb. 24. 9. 12 ; Liv. 39. 49. 50. »7* Polyb. 24. 12. 25. 1. "^^ Polyb. 33. 14. 15. 511 EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. ability to defend themselves against aggression, were so apparent, that the Romans thought they might trample upon them with impunity ^"^ The par- tisans of Macedonia existed in by no means in- considerable numbers when the war broke out, and many of the Grecian states refused to bear arms against Perseus ^^«; but the Achaeans sent Polybius with offers of assistance to the Romans ^^9. In the course of the war, the numbcir of the malcontents increased, owing to the oppression and exactions of the Roman generals ^^ ; whilst the Roman party, emboldened by the protection of Roman functionaries and soldiers, committed with impunity ^«^ the most dreadful outrages against their adversaries, and wickedly calumniated all who attempted to offer any obstruction to their pro- ceedings '^\ At the head of this base faction was CalHcrates, who may be compared with .Eschines, Philocrates, etc., though he was still more aban- doned than they were^«^ Olymp. 153. 2; 167. B. C. ; he delivered up more than a thousand Achaeans, and Polybius amongst the number, upon pretence of sending them to take their trial at Rome ^^ The Rhodians, who, like the .Etolians in the first Macedonian war, had deluded them- selves into the arrogant belief that the issue of the contest depended upon themselves '^, and had sent ♦ '",,"^*^*iv?v\^^*, ^^^ Peloponnesus had some years before hardly been able to collect 6000 talents ; Pelyb. 2. 62. ^ m S^°1®'^o ^,^**''°''®* *°*^ Haliartus see Polyb. 27. 5. Coiif. Liv. 42. 56. iQ oJ ? "^^V^^ *^*'^ '° ^"^^'^^ ^^ ^^^'y *s the time of Flaminius: Polyb. J». 2b. In ^toha, 550 of the anti-Roman party were slain, durin? which Koman soldiers kept guard, Liv. 45. 28. ^ j^" See Liv. 45. 31. A passage pregnant with matter. 3 On his treachery see Polyb. 26. 1—3 ; 30. 10 : 33. 15. "* Paus. 7. 10 ; Liv. 35. 31. »85 pojyb. 28. 15. ! ! ' Jll i! I 512 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. haughty messages to the Roman generals and senate *^, soon paid the penalty of their insolence, by the loss of Lycia and Caria, and of the toll they had hitherto levied in the sound between their island and the main-land ^^. Another twenty years passed amidst internal treason and distractions, and Roman insult and oppression ; Sparta had detached herself from the Achaean league, and was supported in her opposi- tion to it by the Roman arbitrators ^^. At length the Achaeans gave vent to their long-suppressed rage, when the Roman senate declared that Sparta, Corinth, Argos, Heraclea on CEta, and the Arca- dian Orchomenus, should no longer form part of the Achaean league^. Though the feeling by which they were animated was just and laudable, those who encouraged and fomented it, Diaeus, Critolaus, and their associates, were worthless wretches ^^. The war was as rashly undertaken as it was injudiciously conducted ^^^ The un- skilfulness of the commanders, Diaeus and Crito- laus, was no less remarkable than the cowardice of their troops. The overthrow of the Greeks was complete ; unable to recover from their consterna- tion, they laid down their arms, and in the hundred AND SIXTEENTH OLYMPIAD, during the archouship of Antitheus, 146. B. C, Mummius laid Corinth in ashes and sealed the servitude of Greece ^^. '* Liv. 42. 14: Per quos stetisset, quo minus. belli finis fieret, adversus eos, quid sibi faciendum esset, Rhodios consideraturos esse. '" Polyb. 30. 5. «8a paug. 7. 9_i3. "» Paus. 7. 14. 1. I'**'^^: ^®* ^ • — ^^ eKOffrijc noXeitte kut UXoyrjv ol xapwrrot Kai roig Otoig ix^Po'^ fat Xoifidv aiTioi. '»• Paus. 7. 14. 3 : rovrov Spifivg Kai aiiv ovdevi XoyifffHf rbv KpiroXaov iroXefiiiv irpbg 'Pojfiaiovg ipiag i(T\i, >«» Paus. 7. 14—16. Conf. Polyb. 40. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. §. 79. 513 Athens, Rhodes, Crete and Byzantium still re- re ?;r ;?"'"* .°^ "'^'^ f«™er independ- ence. The first remained free from attacks tiU the war of M.thridates and the Romans; the de- T M,>h . r"" '' ^"^*^°» '^"^ Athens to side with Mithridates, and thereby drew upon her the vengeance of Sylla. which was fearful in the extreme- But even in the time of Strabo Athens was a republic, and enjoyed Autonomia >»*. Crete suffering from the effects of intestine discord '^»' and the desertion of its able-bodied wairiors who wandered about as mercenaries ■<«, selling their services to the highest bidders, dearly expiafed the share it had taken in the piracy carried on in those seas and the favour it had shown to Mithridates by the extermination of nearly the whole of its inhabitants -. Rhodes was stripped of its inde! pendence by a decree of Claudius '*>. Bvzantium suffered the most dreadful oppression during the first civil war ■^. The proclamation of Grecian mdependence by Nero, is one of those melancholy caricatures m history which only provoke a smile 01 pity and contempt ^. The states on the Pontus, Heraclea, Sinope. and the Bosphoran kingdom, did not, during the Macedonian age, come into contact with the con- tinent, and the revolutions which occurred in the states of the Diadochi only partially affected it. '" Polrt 'i '^li ^'^Ik T • „ .„ "" S'"''- 9- 398. i9e f ■ ^ „■„ • ^ ' °- ■*6 ; Lit. 37. 60 ; 41. 25. « L.V 33. 14 ; 37. 41 ; 38. 22 ; 43. 7 ; Polvb 17 Ifi 2 fVemshein,, Suppl. Liv. 99. 47. ' ^^^ "' '®- Pk J- "??*"• ^- ■■**• ""' soon afterwards Tac Ann 12 id . p^ i-. I VOL. n. I i 11" i 514 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. But Sinope afterwards fell into the hands of the Pontic king Pharnaces ^^^ and became the capital of the great Mithridates ^^. The kingdom of the Cimmerian Bosphorus was infested by the Scy- thians : king Pserisades called in the assistance of Mithridates the great, who seized upon the govern- ment himself ^^ From that time these states shared the vicissitudes of those on the Pontus 2^. An enumeration of the Grecian towns and con- federacies which continued to subsist under the Roman domination, would be foreign to the pre- sent purpose. Still it is cheering to observe that many places rich in glorious remembrances, such as Athens, Ephesus, Byzantium, Cyzicus, Chalcis, Eretria, ^gina, Patrae, Rhodes, etc., yet enjoyed a certain degree of prosperity ; whilst others, like Smyrna, recovered from their prostration and flourished afresh ^^, and unions of remote antiquity, such as the Amphictyonic league'^, and the Olym- pic festival'^ still continued to exist ; but on the other hand, what desolation did Strabo and Pausa- nias find in their time ! Thespiae and Tanagra the only places in Bceotia that could be called towns '*^ ; the lower town of Thebes in ruins, the Cadmea alone inhabited and called Thebes '^ ; in Achaia, Rhypae, etc., deserted in order that the population of Patrae might be increased ^''^ ; in Arcadia, Mantinea, Orcho- «>» Strab. 12. 545; Mithridates, 4, made war upon Sinope, 01.139.4; Polyb. 4. 66. . , . «« « «» Strab. ubi sup. **» Strab. 7. 310 : Conf. Justin, 37. 2. «>♦ On the subject of Heraclea see § 80. n. 5. *» Concerning its restoration by Antigonus and Lysimachus, see Strab. 14. 646. »« Pans. 10. 8. 3. w In the imperial times a Upd ailyrXi/roc often occurs, and Srffiog and Koivov were favourite designations for a community. See the ample collection of matter relating to this subject in Tittmann's Griech. Staatsv., particularly 433.441.740. »8 Strab. 9. 410 : — rwv S' dWiov Ipiiiria Kai ovofiaTu MMiirrai. «» Paus. 9. 7. 4. *'• Pans. 7. 18. 5. EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 515 menus, Clitor, Pheneus. Stymphalus, Maenalus, Me- thydnum, Caphyae, Cynaetha -, and Midea and Naupha in Argolis «- in ruins ; on the gulf of Am- bracia the old towns dilapidated and deserted, and their inhabitants transplanted to the Roman city of Nicopohs-; amongst the islands Delosdepopu- ated, and an Athenian guard-house near the sanc- tuary - ; Gyarus abandoned by its inhabitants in consequence of the mice by which it was i„- Tv ? " ' .r[!f '^"'^"^•^ ^"^ "^^d ^ ^ pasture by Samos -", Myus abandoned on account of the gnats - ; not to mention the devastations com- mitted m earlier times, particularly by Philip. Plutarch states it as his opinion that the whole of Greece could not have mustered three thousand Hophtae - Megara alone once sent that number o the battle of Platae^. Hence, well might it be said of this unhappy country, even after its reck- less spoliation by the Romans, that it contained more statues than men. b. The Western States. These became politically extinct, still earlier than the states of the mother-country. The relations of the states in the west with the latter were very lax- and no ties of an intimate or permanent nature existed between them. Their internal decay was ;;= strab. 10. 450. ^'""- ^- ^- * • *• 38. 2. ' had"b«r; coimo'n sa„"ctuar;7Lw"'44"29';' Romans and Perseus, Delos laid in ruins; Paus 3 23 3 ^ ^ ' "* ""* ^'-'l-ndatic war it was draTh.^al"i- "ti«s'^'s.r'?b m "''"''' ""' "■' '^'-'' ""W ■"" ™'« '50 - PWt'dl'b'rat Defect. 7. Z.^'"'' '■ '■ '• ^""f' S'-". .4. 636. lI2 I I f r I 516 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. precipitated by civil dissensions, the violence of a mercenary soldiery and tyranny; whilst without they were exposed to the attacks of the Cartha- ginians, Lucanians, and Romans. The history of the Sicehots must once more be annexed to that of Syracuse. Upon the death of Timoleon, Ol. 110. 4; 337. B. C, the spirit of discord hurst forth anew, and these dissensions were fomented by the party-leaders Sosistratus and Agathocles. The former was overcome and ex- pelled, together with a large body of Optimates ; after a council of six hundred citizens, hkewise of an oligarchical character, had held the reins of government for a time, Agathocles attacked the council and its adherents to the number of four thousand men, with a body of mercenaries and a mob, slew them, expelled nearly six thousand citi- zens, and made himself tyrant, Ol. 115. 4; 317. B. C. ^^^. His mode of government resembled that of the elder Dionysius ; but in consequence of the ex- haustion of Syracuse, he could not exercise the same important and destructive influence upon the politi- cal destinies of Greece as that tyrant had done. The subjugation of the neighbouring states and his wars with Carthage were the main objects of his foreign pohcy; and whilst these served to endanger the state externally, his exactions and barbarities^"^ banished civil order and security within. Agii- gentum, to which a number of Syracusan fugitives had retired, united itself with Gela and Messana, Ol. 116. 3; 314. B. C, and invited Acrotatus, the son of the Lacedaemonian king Cleomenes, to com- EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. 517 mand them ; but he being an abandoned profligate, plundered the public treasure, revelled like a Per- sian, and at length murdered Sosistratus ; the peo- ple expelled him, and through the inter\ention of the Carthaginian Amilcar a peace was concluded between the Agrigentans and Agathocl(?s -\ Mes- sana and Gela now fell into the power of Agatho- cles, Olymp. 117. J. 2.^^^ but Leontini asserted its freedom ''\ After the expedition against Carthage, Olymp. 117. 3; 310. B. C.^^ which brought this hereditary enemy of the Greeks to the very verge of destruction, Agathocles, following the example of the Diadochi of Alexander's empire, assumed the title of king, Olymp. 118. 2; 307. B. C.-^ Like Dionysius he sought to extend his authority over the Italiots, and the nations who dwelt along the borders of the Ionian sea, occupied Corcyra"^^ Crotona^^% and made a harbour nc^ar Hippo- nium ''\ Soon after his death, which happened, Ol. 122. 4 ; 289. B. C, democracy was re-estabhshed m Syracuse 2^9. The feud between the party of Maenon, who had poisoned Agathocles, and then aspired to tyranny, and the patriots, was terminated by a decree of the mighty Carthage. The ItaUan mercenaries, called Mamertini, thereupon left Syra- cuse, seized Messana, murdered the men of the place, and took their wives to themselves, Olymp 124. 3 ; 282. B. C. -\ Soon after this tyrants arose m almost all the towns of Sicily, viz. Hicetas in Syracuse, formerly general against Maenon, Phin- 2» Diod. 19. 102. 107. ^ Diod. 20. 5, sqq. ; Juslifi, 22. 2, sqq. 2'9 Diod. 19. 2—9 ; Justin, 22. 1. *» Diod. 20. 4. 19 J 1.20.71. "' Diod. 19. '70, sqq. ^ Diod. 20. 32. ^"' Diod. 20. 54. 2 Tv"!i P;.^^^- "^ Strab. 6. 256 ^'^ ^^«g™- 9. p. 273. .31 jbid. p. 280, sqq. i i » 518 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. «31 tias in Agrigentum, Tyndarion in Tauromenium etc. After Hicetas, Thynnion and Sosistratus ob- tained possession of sovereign power in Syracuse, but shortly after disagreeing, and being hard pressed by the Carthaginians, they called in from Italy the assistance of Pyrrhus, who had married Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles «'^ Olymp. 125. 3; 278. B. C. ^'\ Amongst the Italiots, Tarentum had hitherto as- serted the supremacy, and revelled in luxury, at a time when many of the surrounding towns began to decay, and the Romans were subjugating the warlike nations who dwelt between them and the Greeks. Alexander of Epirus was called in to assist them against the Lucanians and Bruttians; he fell in bat- tle, Olymp. 113. 3 ; 326. B. C ''\ Soon afterwards, in Olymp. 119. 2 ; 303. B. C, the royal adventurer Cleonymus, from Sparta, arrived in Lower Italy, and occupied Thurii, but was driven out again by the Romans '^^^. In the mean time the Samnite war had not only brought Roman armies into the neighbourhood of Tarentum, but a Roman fleet, though without hostile intentions, appeared in sight of the harbour. The brutality and violence with which the Tarentines fell upon these ships ^^, the insulting behaviour of the popular assem- bly towards the Roman ambassador Posthumius Megellus, whose pronunciation of the Greek lan- guage called forth bursts of laughter, and above all their delight at the vile ribaldry of the jester «» Diod. p. 291. ^ Plut. Pyrrh. 9. «» Diod. p. 295. »* Liv. 8. 24. »» Liv. 10. 2. Conf. Diod. 20. 104. ** Zonaras. 8. 2 ; Appian, 3. v. i. p. 56, sqq., cd. Schweigh. 519 EXTERNAL POLITICAL RELATIONS. § 79. Philonides *^, sufficiently show what a low rabble the citizens of Tarentum had become. They ex- pected that Pyrrhus would shield them from the vengeance of the Romans. His arrival only entailed upon them privations'^ and a military despotism, and after his departure they fell under the do- minion of Rome. Nor did any of the other towns, Locri^ Rhegium, Crotona, etc., preserve their Uberties ; Rhegium, as had been the case with Messana, was moreover compelled to endure the outrages of a legion of Campanians '^. In the Samnite war the Campanian Cuma and the' neigh- bouring towns had already sunk into dependence upon Rome**^. Cuma became a municipium in the second Punic war *^^ The expedition of Pyrrhus to Sicily^** neither wholly freed the island from the rule of the Cartha- ginians nor the towns fi'om that of the tyrants. It was not the greatest misfortune which befel Syracuse, that Hiero, in Olymp. 127. 3; 270. B. C, took possession of the government without any act of violence^*', and retained it till his death, viz., for more than half a century. The terri- tories of Hiero were very limited in extent ; the greatest part of the island was in the power of the Carthaginians, and through the conscjquences of the first Punic war it fell under the dominion of the Romans. The second Punic war extinguished the small »37 — rriv iaBrira aviavparo rriv kavrov tcai ri)v rov rrpeff^vrov Kari;ctv. Plut. Phoc. 17. 526 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. the gold of Harpalus^*, and would have don6 so even had he entertained different sentiments towards the Macedonians. In the Lamian war he once more appeared as the general of the demo- cracy^, and in that character displayed qualities which commanded admiration and respect; after the disastrous termination of the war he could not dissuade Antipater from throwing a garrison into Munychia, and restricting the democracy by ex- cluding the poorer class from office ; still, as chief of the administration under the new constitution, he endeavoured to the utmost of his power to ameliorate the lot of Athens ^^. It may easily be supposed that the man who had refused the gifts of Alexander would reject with disdain the offers of Antipater^. The judicial proceedings which were instituted against him ^, and in which aliens and slaves were even allowed to take part, after the death of Antipater, when upon the faith of Polysperehon's assurance that the democratic con- stitution should be respected, he had endeavoured to persuade the fickle and turbulent people to keep up the same relations with Cassander as had existed between them and Antipater, were a repe- tition of the wild outrages committed against the generals in the battle of the Arginusae. Upon a par as to political influence with Pho- cion, the most upright, was Demades, the most abandoned of his party. It almost seemed as though Demades, who had successively been the f) »« Plut. Phoc.21. « Plut. Phoc. 27—29. ^ Plut. 35, sqq. y Diod. 18. 54, sqq. ^ Plut. Phoc. 28. 27 Plut. 30. ■ 1 ; I i THE INTERIOR. § 80. 527 hireling of Philip, Alexander, and Antipater, had only interceded in favour of Athens, with those three rulers, in order that he might have a wider and more conspicuous stage to display his baseness upon. He had no equal in extravagance and low sensuality^; Antipater, with all his mtunificence, could not satisfy him ^ ; the treasures of the great king himself would not have sufficed for his waste- ful prodigality. Probably Alcibiades alone could have been compared with him for wanton extra- vagance. Like him, Demades sent coursers to the Olympic races ^^ ; there was a law which de- clared that every one who allowed a stranger to appear upon the stage should pay a fine : Demades brought forward a hundred, and paid the fines'*. Hence we may form some idea of the manner in which he administered the oflSce of inspector of the Theoricon ; and we cannot be surprised that, owing to his extravagance, the triremes could not be fitted out ^\ He moreover committed numer- ous illegal acts ; at the beginning of the war he was indebted to the people in the fines he had in- curred for seven unconstitutional measures ^. De- mades was the author of the proposition for deify- ing Alexander, and declaring him the thirteenth of the Olympian gods ^ ; he also drew up the psephism for the destruction of Demosthenes ^. Antipater, who jestingly said of the glutton, that he had nothing left but tongue and belly '^ discovered a » Athen.2. 44, F. ; .Elian. V. H. 14. 10. Comp. Biickh, Pub. Econ. 1. 243. 30 Plut. Phoc. 30. '• Suidas, ArifiaSric. ^ Plut. Phoc. 30. » Plut. Precept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 259. =»* Plul;. Phoc. 27. i£lian, V. H. 5. 12. A fine of a hundred talents was imposed upon him on that account. The people adapted the prices to the p«»rsons. * Plut. Demosth. 28. ^ Plut. Phoc. 2 j Apopth. (>. 698 ; 8. 83. « ' 528 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. short time before his death that he was faithless to him, whereupon he caused both him and his son to be put to death, Olymp. 115. 2 ; 319. B. C ^. The most influential of the followers of Phocion was Dinarchus, a native of Corinth^. There is reason to suppose that there was another Corinthian of the same name, and likewise the fiiend of Pho- cion ^. The latter was put to death at the com- mand of Polysperchon, when Phocion was dragged to Athens to receive sentence of condemnation *^ ; the former, who was the friend of Theophrastus and Demetrius Phalereus, became an esteemed orator after the death of Alexander, and dwelt in Athens during the sway of Antipater and of his successor Cassander ; when the town was taken by Demetrius Poliorcetes during the archonship of Anaxicrates, Ol. 118. 2 ; 307. B. C, he escaped to Chalcis, and did not return to Athens till fifteen years afterwards, under the archon PhiHppus *S and died a natural death there at a good old age. He accused Demosthenes in the affair of Harpalus, as well as Polyeuctus, Lycurgus, Himeraeus*\ etc. Those who were executed with Phocion were He- gemon, who has already been signalized as a man of worthless character **, Nicocles, Thudippus, Py- thocles"*^ ; sentence of banishment was passed upon Demetrius Phalereus, Callimedon and Charicles, 38 Diod. 18. 48. 39 A Dinarchus of Corinth took succours to Timoleon ; Plut. Tiraol. 21, Demosthenes commemorates a man of this name amongst the agents of Philip in Corinth ; de Fals^ Legat. 324. 14; Epist. 1491. <» Corsini, F. Att. 4. 75. *' Or is this perhaps an error of Plutarch's, who was thinking of the ead of Hyperides, which stood in connection with the destruction of Demosthenes? (Vit. Dec. Oral. 9. 374.) *^ On the subject generally see Dionys. Halic. Dinarch. vol. v. p. 334, sqq. j Tauchn. and Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 378, sqq. "•3 Dion. Hal. ubi sup. 344. ** See § 77, n. 172. « Plut. Phoc. 35. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 529 during their absence ^. The most active amongst the enemies of Phocion was the sycophant Agnoni- des, whom he had once extricated from a very dangerous predicament *7. Pytheas, though not amongst the adherents of Demades, may neverthe- less be compared with him, inasmuch as he became an orator through natural talent alone, unaided by the instructions of the schools ^ ; whilst even De- mosthenes ^ smarted from the effects of his ready and pointed wit ^. The citizenship of Pytheas was not genuine, and he was denounced as an alien by Dinarchus ^' ; he wavered in his political opinions ; in the matter of Harpalus he was one of the ac- cusers of Demosthenes '% opposed the apotheosis of Alexander ^^ and during the Lamian war fled to Antipater ^*, Demetrius the Phalerean^^ was, under Cassan- der, Ol. 115.3; 318. B.C.— 01.118.2; 307. B. C, what Phocion had been under Antipater^; his manners were less austere ^^^ his love for his country was equally great, and his benevolenct? was per- haps still more active ^. He had been instructed in political knowledge by Theophrastus % and ex- ercised his talents as a v^riter ^, a legislator, and a statesman. When Demetrius Pohorcetes took pos- *' Plut. Phoc. 29. 33 ; conf. 38. *« Plut. ubi sup. *' Ruhnk. ad Rutil. p. 40. Z u® examples, Plut. Apopth. 6. 711 ; ^lian, V. H. 14. 28. AT TT J ^^ *^^' *"® Orations of Demosthenes smelt of the lamp, see iElian, > . rl. 7. 7. ^ Dionys. Hal. 5. 344. Tauchn. « Demosth. Epist. 1481. 13. *" Plut. Praecept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 207. " Plut. Demosth. 27. Do" rnTrriS? "^^'^"^ dissertation de Vita et Rebus Dem(jtrii Phalerii by ^ Plut. Demet. Pol. 10. * *' Duris, ap. Ath. 12. 542. C. *• Strab. 9. 398 ; Diod. 18. 74 ; Diog. Laert. 5. 75. Strab. ubi sup. ; Diog. Laert. ubi sup. " Dohrn, ubi sup. $ 28. VOL. II. il 530 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. session of Athens, the Phalerean fled to Crates in Thebes ^\ and from thence into Egypt, where he neither lost his characteristic openness and can- dour ^^ nor his attachment to his native country ^\ He was replaced by Stratocles^, who, in a moral point of view, bore the same relation to him as Demades did to Phocion. Demetrius Poliorcetes had announced to the Athenians the restoration of their democracy ; Stratocles practised his base arts during this so-called popular government, and ren- dered himself no less despicable by his adulation and servility to the arbitrary and oppressive re- storer of that democracy, than by the profligacy and effi-ontery with which he pandered to the luxury and extravagance of the demus^^ The truth of the first charge is attested by his proposi- tion for sending Theori ^ to Antigonus and Deme- trius Pohorcetes, thus treating them as gods; and by the flattery and obsequiousness which cha- racterized all the pubhc transactions with Demetrius and his father ; for though the name of Demades is not expressly mentioned in connection with the whole of these decrees, still the share he had in framing them may easily be perceived. In confirm- ation of the last we may refer to the accounts of the extraordinary piece of deception he played off, after the defeat of the Athenian fleet at Amorgus ; he declared that a victory had been gained, ordered a two or three days' feast to be celebrated, and afterwards represented to the Athenians that they «» Plut. Demetr. 9. ** Plut. Apopth. 6. 717: — irapyvti rd irepi (iaaiXdag cat yyifioviag ^i^- \ia KTaffOai Kai dvayivoxTKeiv d yap ot tpiXoi toXq (iaffikevffiv ov Oappovffi irapaiviiv, ravra iv toXq (3i(5\ioig yky patrrai. « Plut. de Exil. 8. 364. «♦ Conf. above, $ 77. n. 171. » Plut. Demetr. 10. U. ^ Plut. Demetr. 11. 531 THE INTERIOR. § 80. had been the gainers by it^^ Democlides^ was the rival of Stratocles, and tried to outdo him in cringing subservience to Demetrius; the oppo- nents of Stratocles were Demochares, whom he expelled ^ and the comedian Philippides, who wrote some satirical verses against him in the spirit of the old comedy '\ It is probable that Sophocles arose about this time^^; his proposition for re- straining the philosophers from giving instruction to the Athenian youth was adopted, but Phillion ^~ caused it to be repealed in the following year. After the battle of Ipsus, Lachares made an at- tempt to establish tyranny in Athens " ; he was a sacrilegious plunderer, who stripped the statue of Athene of its ornaments 7*. Upon the return of Demetrius he fled, and perished in Boeotia^^ The dependence of Athens on the Macedonian rulers was repeatedly interrupted after the expul- sion of Demetrius from Macedonia ; in consequence of the hostility the Athenians bore him, he granted to the younger Pyrrhus permission to sacrifice at the Acropolis 7^; Athens afterwards contracted an alliance with Demetrius' son, Anti- gonus Gonnatas, but showed great indifference- towards his successors, Demetrius and Antigonus Doson, while she was entirely hostile to the younger Philip. The name of no demagogue? of import- ance during this period has reached us, but there r« SI"** ^^* ^"P- ' ^'•^cept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 191. 7 p^!* S""''*''- M' P- ^ See above, n. 19. 7° Plut. Demetr. 12. 26. tnPl^f ''*'''*'''! ^'^T.^^*^*' ^^rch^r, Corsini 01. 118. 3: 306. B. C; according to CIm on, under Demetrius the Phalerean, which appears less probable. ^ 74 P., o\ l^' ^- ' ^'^S- ^^'*- ^- 3«- '' Pi^t. Demetr. 33. - Plut! Pyl* k ^^"" "'^ ^"P- ' P«»^-- ^- '' '-''' M m 2 I 532 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. is little doubt that they were still sufficiently numerous". The last of the Athenian dema- gogues whose names are expressly recorded, was the above-named Athenion or Aristion, in the time of Mithridates, who induced Athens to revolt from Rome '^. The feelings of the multitude during the period we are considering, were, as may be supposed, far more in accordance with those of the depraved than of the virtuous demagogues. Of their ancient virtues they still retained their hospitality and com- passion, both of which were experienced by the Thebans^^, whilst the latter was displayed in con- junction with a regard for propriety and delicacy in their conduct towards Cleopatra, Philip's daugh- ter, to whom they sent an embassy to express their condolence upon the death of the Molossian Alex- ander ^°. They never wholly ceased to honour and confide in virtue, wherefore Xenocrates was se- lected to accompany Phocion to Antipater ^^ ; the privilege of partaking of the public meals in the Pry- taneum^^ was conferred upon the descendants of Demosthenes, and Zeno was honoured with a crown ^^. Their delicacy of perception rendered them more fastidious from day to day as regarded their choice of expressions ; the use of an improper inflection or incorrect accent in public declama- tion rarely passed unnoticed^. The mobility, which, from the earliest ages, formed so prominent '^ Liv. 34. 4 : — nee unquam ibi desunt linguaj promptae ad plebem con- citandam. '8 Athen. 6. 211, sqq. ; Wyttenbach ad Plut. de Sera. Num. Vindict. 71. 79 Plut. Alex. 13. 80 ^schin. in Ctesiph. 634. " Plut. Phoc. 27. w Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 380. w Diog. Laert. 7. 10. ** Phot. Lex. depifai. During a scarcity of money a rich Metoecus arose, THE INTERIOR. § 60. 533 a feature of the Athenian character, still displayed Itself m the joy with which they hailed every change that seemed favourable to democracy, in the immoderate favour which they showed to those who appeared in the character of liberators and benefactors of the state, and the suddenness with which their enthusiasm cooled as soon as they perceived their error, or the charm of novelty had passed away. No less than three hundred and sixty statues were erected to Demetrius Phalereus ^ within the space of three hundred days ; these were all pulled down upon the entrance of Demetrius Poliorcetes, as were also the statues of Demades, which were moreover melted down into chamber- utensils ^. The decrees in honour of Demetrius and his father almost bordered upon insanity ; besides deifying them, they set apart a whole month, De- metrion, as a Hieromenia, initiated Demetrius into the mysteries, and assigned to him as a re:sidence the Opisthodomus of the temple of Athene, in order that he might have opportunities of familiar con- verse with the goddess ^ etc. Now and then they seemed to remember that they had a constitution which was at least nominally a democracy ; a per- son who had been sentenced to pay a fine into the Xtyutv. '6 Ttlyu, ifiivjavud; a disturbance ensued on account of the use of this unusual form ; the orator corrected h.mself by saying daveicru,, and then Z a^'a^^T' he was commended, and his offer accepted. Cthis it mav' be added, that Demosthenes was laughed at for saying 'aV.X^t^coc' insS t:ctrA7jI'\: ""'' K^^^' '• ^'^- Concerning i^be'ridieute't blown u;oo yaxlT' ? Pi u!""!' "^^u' ^°;^«»l>"? t»»e verse, U Kvi^an^v ydp aie^rai yaXgv opu, ost his breath and prolonged the word into yaXiiv from yax7 ^1^?.H- Anstoph. Ran. 304, and Eurip. Orest. 279. ^ ^' encefnXnrbefs-.''^ Strab. 9, 398 ; Plin. 34. 6. etc., with some differ- the'sti^:;rf%Xt^??'hai?r^^^^ '^^^ ^^^^ ^^^-^^ ^^ -^^^^^ ^^ KnJlT' ^T^'' '^: 2^ ' 2^- ^^ ' Schol. Find. Nem. 3. 2. Two ships I I I ( 534 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. public treasury, obtained from Demetrius a remis- sion of the same, whereupon the demus declared that such appeals should in future be punished by fine ; but it must be confessed, as soon as Deme- trius had expressed his dissatisfaction with this resolution, those by whom it had been framed were either killed or banished, and it was then decreed that whatever Demetrius uttered should be regarded as consecrated ^. But after the battle of Ipsus, it was declared capital, to speak of a re- concihation with him^^. The proceedings of the Athenians continued to display this alternation of disgusting serviHty and overbearing arrogance for some time after these transactions, though, it must be confessed, examples of the latter quaUty after- wards grew less frequent. As examples of the former, it is only necessary to refer to the rejoicings caused by the premature intelligence of Aratus' death ^, and the manner in which Attains was re- ceived by the Athenians, Olymp. 145. 3; 198. B. C. ^^; they breathed nothing but scorn and defiance against the younger Philip, and exhausted their ingenuity in framing decrees to insult and revile him ^^. The same tendency to scurrility and the same garrulity continued to characterize them till the latest times ; they gave a loose to the former in their transactions with Sylla^^ whilst it was 88 Plut. Demetr.24: — irphq Otovq oaiov /cat Trpog dvOpojTrovg dvai SiKaiov. Plutarch's remark applies here : roiavra lirpaTTOv 'AOrivaloi, 6priffaV' »' Polyb. 16. 25. »* Liv. 31. 44. It will be sufficient here to give the conclusion of the ple- beian hostile decree : — Si quis quid postea, quod ad notam ignominiamque Philippi pertineret, ferret, id omne populum Atheniensem jussurum; si quis contra ignominiam prove honore ejus dixisset fecissetve, qui occidisset eum, jure caesurum. ^^ Plut. de Garrul. 8. 12. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 535 owing to the latter that he discovered the weakest part of the fortifications, and thereby became mas- ter of the town ^, The constitution itself, without reference to the alternate independence and subjection of the state, underwent various changes during this period. Through Antipater, after the Lamian v^^ar, Olymp. 1 14. 3; 322. B. C, admittance to the rights of citizen- ship was regulated according to the condition of a new valuation, by which means more than twelve thousand citizens, who did not possess the mini- mum assessment of ten thousand drachmas, were disfranchised; many of them went to Thrace^ where land was apportioned to them by Antipater ^^ But at the same time the popular tribunals, if not wholly abolished, were confined within very narrow limits, and political eloquence, if not entirely prohibited, was greatly restricted^. The tumultuous outburst of democratic feeling upon the death of Antipater, to which Phocion fell a victim, soon subsided; Cassander made himself master of Athens, and introduced a lower census than had before existed; every one who claimed to exercise civic rights was required to possess a thousand drachmas ''^^ The forms of the ancient democracy were revived under Demetrius Polior- cetes ^, but out of adulatory complaisance to him, several of its institutions underwent considerable alteration ; two new Phylae, the Antigone and De- H '^ Plut. ubi sup. 11. 95 Diod. 18. 18 ; Plut. Phoc. 27 ; Demetr. 11. * Suidas Atjfiddne' (Antipater)— KartXvffc to. SiKaffrfipia Kai roi>g ptiro- ptKovg dyijvag, "" Diod. 18. 75. »« Plut. Demetr. 10. i ti ii 536 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. metrias,were established, the number of the Buleutae raised to six hundred^, and a dignitary, called the priest of the preservers of Antigonus and Demetrius, was appointed in heu '^ of the Archon Eponymus. All these regulations were not abohshed upon the fall of Demetrius ; the two new Phylae were de- dicated to Ptolemy and Attains ^^\ The Areo- pagus still existed, nor were its labours, even now, altogether inglorious; it conducted the investiga- tion respecting the gold of Hai-palus '°' ; it refrained from searching the house of Callicles, because he had recently married ^^^ ; it asked Cleanthes how he gained his livehhood, and upon discovering that he worked by night, proposed to reward him*^^; and it exhorted Demetrius, the descendant of the Phalerean, to desist from his vicious courses ^^^. It is probable that amongst the higher offices of state, the Strategia always retained its importance ^^^ ; but after the time of Phocion and Leosthenes, we are only acquainted with the name of Callippus, the leader against the Celts ^^. Samos, whither Cleruchi had been sent, Olymp. 107. 1 ; 352. B. C, belonged to the Athenians till after the death of Alexander ^*^, after which it was wrested from them by Perdiccas '^, and again guaranteed them by Polysperchon "^^ ; but they could not maintain possession of it ; Salamis re- » Plut. Ubi sup. 100 piut, uIjJ sy oi E*"o?- hr^' ij ^*^P'*- ^y^' '^'■''«^- ^"^^l nroXt/x. Liv. 31. 15. •°2 Ps. Plut. Vit. Dec. Orat. 9. 364. J*^ Plut. Demosth. 25 ; PraBcept. Reipub. Gerend. 9. 243. Z g»o?- Laert. 7. 168. »05 Athen. 4. 167. E. F. Z l^i^'^'^iP^'R^m^- Gerend. 9. 240. 107 pa^san. 1 . 4. 2. 1 S'^'^.^^n ".^' ^'^'''** ^- ^^^- °- ^35 i Panofka, Res Samior. p. 97. •"» Diod. 18. 18. *»o Diod. 18.56. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 537 volted from Athens, Olymp. 115. 3; 318. B. C, whilst she adhered to Polysperchon "^ and was not restored to the Athenians till Aratus made them a present of it about Olymp. 134 ; 243. B. C, whereupon the Salaminians were driven out "^ Lemnos, Imbros, and Delos were made over to the Athenians by the Romans, after they had subdued Perseus "^ 2. SPARTA. An extraordinary diminution had taken place in the number of the citizens "* ; there were only seven hundred of them in the middle of the third century before the Christian aera "^. This explains the circumstances that most of the landed pro- perty was in the hands of females ^^^. The de- parture from the spirit and customs of the olden time was still more striking than in Athens ; but the Spartans were still remarkable for their scru- pulous adherence to outward forms, and their con- ciseness and sententious brevity of expression"^. What operated most injuriously to the nationahty and constitution of Sparta, was her restless desire to enlarge her natural boundaries ; and this she never ceased to display while she had strength enough to assail her neighbours, or means to pur- chase the aid of mercenaries. Moreover, the bar- rier between Laconian austerity and foreign licen- tiousness was entirely removed ; those military adventurers who quitted their countiy to seek "• Paus. 1. 35. 2 ; Polyaen. 4. 11. 2. "2 Conf. Bockh, Thes. Inscr. p. 148. •" Polyb. 30. 18. Conf. Vitruv. 7. 7. »'* Compare above, § 70. n. 1 "* Plut, Agis, 5. "• Ibid. 6. '" e. g. the AiKa in answer to Philip, Plut. de Garrul. 8. 32. ft i, ll I 538 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. employment as mercenaries, returned to it liber- tines and profligates ; even kings like Acrotatus "« and Leonidas "^ abandoned themselves without re- serve to the most unbridled revelry. On the other hand, the women exhibited the most determined spirit of bravery ^-° when Pyrrhus attacked the town, whereas, on former occasions, they had only signahzed themselves by noise and clamour ^2*. The appearance of the two kings, Agis and Cleo- menes, marks an important aera in the Spartan annals: they were actuated by the noble and patriotic wish to restore the vitality and vigour of their native state ; whereas Athens, though pos- sessed in a much greater degree than Sparta of all the elements of nationality, suffered herself to be influenced by external causes alone. Agis III., the son of Eudamidas^^% ascended the throne about Olymp. 134 ; 244. B. C. The ancient disciphne was still observed in the educa- tion of youth, and Agis himself had been trained up in it^2\ He was deeply grieved to behold the radical decay of the national institutions- riches in the hands of the few, grinding poverty the lot of the many, the women possessed of un- bounded power in consequence of their wealth '-*, and the Ephors, though destitute of the civil virtue of their predecessors, nevertheless assert- ing despotic authority. The mother and grand- mother of Agis, who both possessed extensive property '-', were inspired by the same sentiments. "« Diod. 19.71. •» Plut. Pyrrh. 26. m Sf '"* genealogy, Plut. Agis, 3. "» Plut. Agis, 4. •«^ Plut. Agis, 4. >•» Plut. Agis, 3. "' See above, § 70. n. 4, "* Plut. Agis, 7. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 589 whilst he was supported by the young men who gladly hailed the prospect of innovation ^^. His mother's brother, Agesilaus, promised to co-operate with him in framing a new constitution, or rather in restoring that of Lycurgus*^; but his conduct proved that he was not sincere in his professions. The plan contemplated by Agis was to remit all debts, to make a new distribution of land, to admit Periceci and aliens as new citizens, and to suffejr them to possess landed property, and finally to restore the Syssitia and other ancient ordinances in general. All these points were embodied in a rhetra, and submitted to the Gerontes. Agis gave up his own hereditary estates to be distributed with the rest*^. The preliminary steps were taken for carrying those measures into effect, when Leonidas, the degenerate colleague of Agis, had the baseness and effrontery to endeavour to defeat them ; though he was assisted in this disgraceful attempt by the wealthier orders, he was soon obliged to seek safety in flight ^'^. But sound and healthful seed could not thrive in this exhausted soil. Agis was obliged to undertake a campaign, Olymp. 135. 1 ; 240. B. C. ^^, but did not obtain that glory which he had hoped would proved a support to his work at home ; and meanwhile the execution of his pro- ject fell into improper hands. Agesilaus, actuated by a sordid love of money, grossly abused the powers confided to him ^^K Leonidas was recalled '« Plut. Agis, 6. 's' Plut. ubi sup. •«> Plut. 8. 9. •» Plut. 10—12. '* Manso, 3. 2. 259; Plut. Agis, 14. 15. Concerning the accounts in Pausanias (8. 8. 6 ; 8. 10. 4 ; 8. 27. 9), of a war which Agis carried on agaiust the Achaeans, the taking of Pellene, and the defeat and death of Agis at Mantinea, see Manso, 3. 2. 123, sqq. »3' Plut. Agis, 16. 5) j'i 540 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS, by the adversaries of Agis, and the latter, upon his return, fell a sacrifice to an infamous cabal, Olynip 135. 1 ; 240. B. C '''. Cleomenes IIL, the son and successor of Leo- nidas, Olymp. 136. 1 ; 236. B. C, who reigned alone as his father had done, after the murder of Agis, was, both by the boldness of his character and the energy of his proceedings, better qualified to remodel the constitution than the unfortunate Agis had been. He began his work ten years after his accession, when the successes he had ob- tained in the wars with the Achaeans, had secured him the esteem and confidence of the people, Olymp. 138. 3 ; 226. B. C. His first step was tJ rid himself of the Ephors^^^ and the measures which followed were for the most part a repetition of what Agis had attempted to effect ; land was dis- tributed, including the private property of Cleo- menes ; Perioeci were admitted to the citizenship, and all Helots who were able to raise five miuce were enfranchised ^^\ Patronomi were appointed instead of the Geronia ''' ; Cleomenes chose his brother Eucleidas to reign with him^^^. The restoration of the ancient abuses after the defeat of Cleomenes at Sellasia, and his flight over the sea, Olymp. 139. 2; 222. B. C. "% may be compared with the guarantee of the anarchy of Poland by the neighbouring powers in the eighteenth century. But the Ephors and Gerontes of the Ach^an party were slain directly after the departure of Antigonus ^^\ "a Plut. Agis, 17, sqq. "* Plut. Cleom. 11. •^ Plut.Cleom.il. • '» Polyb. 4. 35. >=» Plut. Cleom. 8. '^ Paus. 2. 9. 1 . •^ Plut. Cleom. 28, sqq. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 541 Only one more Heraclid king, Agesipolis HI., occupied the throne after Cleomenes ; and during his reign Lycurgus, who was not of royal descent, contrived, by bribing the Ephors, to make himself king, Olymp. 139. 4; 221. B. C "9. But violent convulsions ensued. Chilon, who was of noble and perhaps of Heraclid descent, attempted to overthrow Lycurgus, and killed the Ephors who were devoted to his interest, Olymp. 140. 2; 219. B. C. ; but being overpowered, he was forced to seek safety in flight ^*«. Both Lycurgus ^*^ and Agesipohs'*- were also compelled to fly, and re- mained absent for some time ; meanwhile the at- tacks of Philip of Macedon ''^ served to increase the confiision. Upon the death of Lycm-gus, Ma- chanidas took possession of the government***. He was the first tyrant of Sparta, and by him the town was first surrounded with walls **^ ; he was defeated and killed by Philopcemen, Olymp. 143. 2; 207. B. C.**^ Nabis was still more despotic ; his covetousness was notorious '^^ ; in proof of his cruelty it is recorded that he in- vented a murderous instrument in a human form'*«; and finally, he endeavoured to root out the last remains of the ancient Laconian manners ^^. Phi- lopcemen, who occupied Sparta after the assas- sination of Nabis, was adverse to the institu- tions of Lycurgus, and in order to assimilate the Spartans to the Achaeans, to whose league he was I '» Polyb. 4. 35. "' Polyb. 5. 29. 8, sqq. •« Polyb.5. 18. sqq. "0 Polyb. 4. 81. »" Polyb. 24. 11.1. 145 T- -o. 00 'o«'^- '*' Liv.27. 29. m J;-"'*/!' ^^- ^®- . "' P°^yb. 11. 9-18 ; Plut. Philop. 10. Diod. Fragm.v. ix. 374. Bipont; Polyb. 13.6; J7. W; Liv. 32. 38, ^U9n,u .X.. "« Polyb. 13.7. •*' Polyb. and Died, ubi sup. i i 542 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. desirous of uniting them, he abolished those few Lycurgic ordinances which still survived ^^. Not long afterwards the Lycurgic constitution was re- stored by the Romans, who had previously received an application from the Spartans to that effect ^^\ There were, in the time of Augustus, Eleutherola- cones, who had formerly been Helots, and who had either been declared free by Augustus, or by the Roman people before him^^^ Dicaearchus' treatise on the constitution of Sparta was, till a very late period, read once in every year ^^\ The severe discipHne of the Ephebi was still kept up in the time of Plutarch ; he himself saw several of them scourged to death upon the altar of Artemis Orthia ^^. 3. THE OTHER STATES OF THE MOTHER COUNTRY. These present but scanty materials for consi- deration. Domestic tyrants supported by foreign force, or the lieutenants of Macedonian despots, suspended or wholly arrested the internal develop- ment in most of these communities. The Arca- dians, collectively considered, continued to form the most important state in the Peloponnesus after Sparta, and the chief of its individual members was Megalopolis. At the time of Polysperchon, the able-bodied citizens, slaves, and aliens of Me- galopohs, amounted to fifteen thousand persons '^^ The tyrants Aristodemus and Lydiades, at a later period, were good and brave men ; the former was •» Plut. Philop. 16; Paus. 8. 51. 1 ; Liv. 38. 34. Z Plut. ubi sup. 152 strab. 8. 366 ; Pausan. 3. 21. 6. "3 Suidas, AiKaiapxoe. im pim. Lye. 18. '*5 Diod. 18. 70. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 543 surnamed Xprjaihs'"^, the latter abdicated at the instigation of Aratus ^^^ Aristodemus was op- posed by Ecdemus and Demophanes, pupils of the philosopher Arcesilaus and the guardians of Philo- pcemen ; they subsequently assisted Aratiis in over- throwing the Sicyonian tyrant Nicocles, and regu- lated the political institutions of Cyrene ^^, Durino- the age of Aratus, and from that period till the final extinction of Grecian independence, no state in Greece could boast of a brighter array of able statesmen and generals than Megalo})ohs. Cer- cidas'^ and the peripatetic Prytanis are recorded as eminent legislators ^^ ; Philopoemen, Lycortas, and Polybius, the last heroes and statesmen of Greece, would have been ornaments to any age or country. In the time of Cleomenes, besides IVIegalopolis, mention is also made of Tegea, Orchomenus, and Mantinea '^' ; but the most important record that has been preserved of Mantinea, is at the same time the most melancholy one, viz., the account of its destruction by Antigonus ^^'^. Concerning the rough Cynaethi, with the exception of the statement of Polybius, that they were even insensible to the charms of music '^'\ we only know that they had Polemarchs '^. Messenia was compelled, by the command of Alexander, once more to receive the children of the tyrant Phyliades '^^ ; but it is very doubtful whether they really succeeded to the tyranny or not. Messenia was afterwards a re- '" Polyb. 2. 44 ; Plut. Philop. 1, '^ Pausan. 8. 27. 8 ; 8. 36. 3. »" Polyb. 10. 25 ; Plut. Philop. 1. •"^ Conf. §78. n. 29. Polyb. 2. 48, where Nicophanes is mentioned as nis colleague. ;^ Polyb. 5. 93. »6i Plut, cieom. 4, et pass. '" Pausan. 8. 8. 6. •« Polyb. 4. 20. "^ Polyb. 4. 18. «w Ps. Demosth. de Foed. Alex. 212. 25. i ^ i 544 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. public, and its most important magistracy an Ephoralty^^. The decline of Messema was power- fully promoted by the proceedings of the younger Philip ^^. EHs was still convulsed by the feuds of the upper orders and the demus during the life of Alexander ^^ ; after his death one party relied upon the help of Sparta, the other upon that of Messenia, and the Messenians succeeded in obtain- ing possession of the town by a stratagem ^^^. In the time of Antigonus (Gonnatas?) there was a barbarous tyrant called Aristotimus ^^^ Triphylia belonged to Elis during the social war^^^ Argos was successively governed by the following tyrants : Archinus, who obtained the tyranny by supplying the people with arms^^" ; Aristomachus, the contem- porary of Aratus, who forbade any one of the citi- zens to possess a sword ^^^ ; Aristippus, Agis, and a younger Aristomachus ^^*. Hereupon Argos became, for a time, the residence of the barbarous Nabis and his impious wife ^'^^. The single states of Achaia, Corinth, and Sicyon, have already been spoken of; with the exception of the mention of a tyrant called Cleonymus ^^^, history is silent on the subject of Phlius. Megara boasted that it had conferred its citizenship upon the Macedonian Alexander, an honour which it had never granted to any one before ^" ; all the slaves of this little district were »« Polyb. 4. 4. 2. 3 ; 4. 31. 2 ; 4. 32. 1. >«7 Plut. Arat. 49. '» Pausan. 3. 8. 2. '<» Pausan. 4. 28. 3. >'« Plut. de Mulier. Virtut. 7. 27, sqq. >'» Polyb. 4. 77. '72 PolyaBD. 3. 8. "^ Plut. Arat. 25. "* Plut. Arat. 25. 29. "« Polyb. 17. 17 : Liv. 39. 25, sqq. "• Polyb. 2. 44. 6. "^ Plut. de Monarch, etc. 9. 285. Compare, on the subject of their former refusal to give the freedom of their city to Lysander's steersman, after the battle of iEgos Potamoi, at the recommendation of Sparta, Demosth. in Arist. 691.4. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 545 dispersed by Demetrius Poliorcetes '^\ after which its name scarcely occurs again. On the island of Euboea, Chalcis and Eretria were occupied by Macedonian garrisons till Phihp was conquered by Flaminius; Eretria enjoyed independence more frequently and for longer periods of time ; Strategi and Probuli were its chief magistrates '^'-^ ; the phi- losopher Mendemus was once charged with an embassy ^^, Boeotia. When Alexander took Thebes six thousand of the inhabitants were put to the sword, and the rest of the population, to the number of thirty thousand, sold into slavery '^\ The Boeo- tian league was continued by the other states, amongst which we must again reckon Plataese and Orchomenus. The restoration of Thebes by Cas- sander produced but Httle change in the condition of the country ; Thebes was soon afterwards twice taken by Demetrius Pohorcetes ^^ and vi'as unable to recover from the effects of these shocks. As soon as the Romans set foot upon Grecian ground, violent party dissensions arose in Boeotia; the Romans did every thing in their power to foment these disturbances, and to promote the ruin and misery they occasioned ; so that it was not long before the condition of Boeotia was as deplorable as that of .Etolia ''\ Nevertheless the Boeotian league still continued in existence '^. Thessaly, which under Philip and Alexander had been almost a Macedonian province^ showed "» Diog. Laert. 2. 142. "' Plut. Demelr. 9. ;^^ Ibid. 2. 140.142. '« pif'K'^i?^ '00 . «, '" Plut. Demetr. a9. 40. m Ij^- ^^' S'. ^^- 7 ; 27. 1. 2 ; Liv. 35. 6 ; 42. 38. 43. iittmann, Gnech. Staatsv. 702. VOL. II. \ r N D 4 I 546 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. some signs of reviving ardour in the cause of free- dom during the Lamian war. Menon, who was undoubtedly descended from the noble house of Pharsalus^^, and brother-in-law to the Molossian king iEacides, who had married his sister, and con- sequently uncle to Pyrrhus, the issue of that mar- riage '^, distinguished himself as one of the gene- rals of the Grecian league in that war '^\ Thes- saly again fell for a time under the yoke of Mace- donia; the iEtolians subsequently obtained pos- session of several fortified places '^, and, hke the Threspotian Thessalians of the olden time, the Atha- manes now pressed forward over the Pindus ^"^ from Epirus. Unbounded confusion ensued ; still till the latest times we constantly read of assem- blies of the Thessahans^^o^ of Strategi^^i^ etc. The proclamation of Flaminius for restoring freedom to the Thessalians and several of the adjacent mountain peoples came too late '^^ ; they could no longer enjoy it. Honourable mention occurs of the Acarnanians, whose capital was Leucas '^^ ; but their internal condition never attained to true poli- tical culture and civilization, and it was moreover greatly endangered by the attacks of the iEtolians, against whom they still nourished their ancient enmity ^9*, as well as by the Macedonian-Roman wars. »«* See above, § 62. n. 53. m p\^^ py^rh 1 ^^ Plut. ubi sup. and Phoc. 25; Diod. 18. 15. 17. 39. Z V^' "• 78-7?. 189 uv. 36. 13. "» fittmann, Griech. Staatsv. 702. "' Compare with Eusebius, who gives a list of them, Niebuhr on the Ar- ?!fo"^^'Jol[?"^'^*'°" °^ ^"^**" Abhandl. d. Hist. Philol. CI. der Berl. Akad. ^®20. 1821. p. 76. sqq. i9. ^ 79. ^^ 159. ««Liv.33.17; 36.11. .94 biod. 16.67. THE INTERIOR. 5, 80. 547 9. THE STATES ON THE EASTERN ISLANDS AND COASTS. The first place amongst these belongs to Rhodes ^^^ whether we regard the degree of inde- pendence which it asserted during the Macedonian- Roman age, and the length of time it re;tained that independence, its external power and authority, or the solidity and strength of its nationahty, and the excellence of its political regulations. The life of the Rhodians was simple; their disposition com- posed and serious, yet active and enterprising 'y^; they seem to have possessed at once the taciturnity and the alertness of northern mariners. Their honesty and liberality are attested by the law enacting, that children should pay the debts of their parents, even though they did not inherit their property *97^ and by that imposing upon the wealthier class, which was in possession of the chief power, besides its other obligations, the charge of pro- viding for the indigent, a noble manner of employ- ing the superfluities of the rich '^. Hence though the constitution was not democratic, (for oratory, which was introduced into Rhodes by illschines '^, did not become an engine of demagog),) still the demus was tranquil and contented. But the Rho- dian government was very oppressive in those mari- time parts of Asia Minor, situate opposite to the island, which belonged to the Rhodians from the overthrow of Antiochus till that of Perseus'^. '** See besides Metirsii Rhodus, the excellent treatise of Paulsen on the subject of Rhodes in the time of the Romans (Gott. Preisschr. 1818). and Hosts Rhodes, an Histor. Archieol. Fragm. 1824. Dion. Chrys. Orat. 31 ; conf. Meurs. Phod. 1, cap. 20. m Jt "^^* "^' ^"P- ^*P- ^1- "' ^trab. 14. 653,. Meurs. ubi sup. cap. 1 1. aw j[y^ 41 q V u 2 54« POLITICAL EXTI^XTION OF THE GREEKS. The chief officers of state were Prytanes and Nar varchs. Two Prytanes were chosen annually, and officiated six months each -'^^ The Navarch -^- was entitled to conclude treaties without special instructions to that effect ^% and amongst his other duties, was probably charged with the superin- tendence of the harbours, which it was forbidden to show to a foreigner, upon pain of death ^"^l The Rhodian maritime laws were so excellent, that they were even adopted by the Romans-*"*. The Buleutae were entitled Mdarpoi "^\ from their office of examining. Crete, on the contrary, was agitated by intestine dissensions ; its inhabitants were notorious as mer- cenaries and pirates, and were, moreover, distin- guished by their vicious and malignant cunning ^^. Gortys, Gnossus, and Lyctus, were engaged in continual hostilities with each other ^^\ and these contests assumed a more ferocious character as soon as the Romans began to interfere in them ^^\ Some inscriptions appear to have been preserved from the second century before Christ, relating to treaties between single states, the grant of rights and honours, etc. -^ The constitutions of the single states seem to have been oligarchical, and Cosmi were their chief magistrates till the revolu- tion, which happened a httle before Polybius' time ; this led to the establishment of democracy 210 »» Polyb. 27. 6. 2. «« Polyb. 30. 5. 5. »' Strab. 14. 653. ao4 Meurs. Rhod. 1. cap. 21 ; conf. Pastoret : Quelle a kie I'influence des loix maritimes des Rhodiens sur la marine des Grecs et de Romains? 1785. *** Hesych. and Harpocr. Maarpot. «« Polyb. 4. 47.53; 6.56; Plut. Philop. 13; Diod. Fragm. ix. p. 374. Bipont. aw Liv. 41. 25 : Polyb. 4. 53, sou. »« Polyb. 23. 15; 27. 16. ** Particularly in Chishull, Antiquitat. Asiat. See the particulars in Titt- mann, Gr. Staatsvf. 414. n. 19; conf. 734. n. 14. '»» Polyb. 6. 46. 3. u THE INTERIOR. §, 80. . 549 Byzantium successfully maintained its indepen- dence, which it probably was enabled to do by the mutual jealousy of the neighbouring kings, who were all desirous of adding to their dominions a town so remarkable for the beauty of its situation ; besides which its prosperity was promoted by the very considerable revenue it derived from the sound dues 2^\ Nothing of importance has been trans- mitted concerning the character and constitution of the Byzantines, after the time of the elder Philip. Cyrene was violently distracted by the quar- rels of Thimbron and his party at the beginning of the Macedonian age "'*, and these, it is not improbable facihtated the conquest of the country by the first Ptolemy. Ophelias, who is recorded as the ruler of Cyrene ^'\ was at first the^ heutenant of Ptolemy, but afterwards raised himsnen are spoken of. V I .f' I 552 POLITICAL EXTINCTION OF THE GREEKS. she had been stripped of those fair ornaments in which painting and sculpture had arrayed her— - though her sanctuaries had been profaned — her inhabitants transplanted — and her ancient cities made desolate, still she not only preserved that nationahty pure from external admixture in itself, but disseminated the humanizing influence of her eivihzation over the wide regions of the east, through the realms of the Macedonian Diadochi and Epigoni, as far as the barren steppes of central Asia and the sandy deserts of Africa, imparting a Grecian colouring to political institutions, religion, language, science, and art. Still it cannot be denied that certain genuine Greek states exhibit premature evidences of degeneracy. The deputation of the Italian Cumaeans to Rome, U. C. 574 ; 180. B. C, for permission to make use of the Latin language in proclamations and public proceedings has attained a melancholy celebrity ^^\ Tarentum, Rhegium, and Naples were the only towns of the Italiots that had retained their Grecian manners and customs''- in the time of Strabo; whilst the institutes of Crete were almost exclusively Roman'^l On the other hand, we are surprised to behold the characteristics of Grecian Hfe still existing after the birth of Christ at Olbiopolis on the Dnieper "^^K Though it is but too true that the Greeks had become divested of all greatness and dignity, that the consequences of that ruin which they had brought upon themselves, as well as of the un- heard-of misusage and oppression they afterwards endured from others, had contracted and de- ^' Liv. 40. 42. 5" Strab. 10. 484. «' Strab. 6. 253. »« Tiltmann, Gr. Staatsv. 403. THE INTERIOR. § 80. 553 based their feeUngs, and that the restless activity and excitability which could never be entirely eradicated from their nature, now exerted them- selves upon worthless and contemptible objects'^; still is there any one who does not exclaim against the ruthless and bloodstained Romani?, who re- proached them with their debasement, and yet did every thing in their power to promote and per- petuate it. And when, at length, after another two thousand years of wrong and suffering, spent beneath the scourge of foreign and domestic mis- rule and oppression, their descendants have arisen to reclaim the holiest rights of man — rights which God bestowed upon them, and the iniquity of Asiatic despots has too long withheld from them, is it for us to taunt them because they call up with pride the glorious remembrance of their illustrious ancestors, though they may be unable to equal them in virtue and in greatness ? And if that discord, to which they would almost appear to have been foredoomed, has unrelentingly pursued them from their earliest appearance in history till the present moment, should we not rather pity than condemn them, and strive to ex- tinguish rather than fan this unhallowed flame ? *» See, for example, Ath. 1. 19. B— E. APPENDIX. I I. On the use of the expression Trpoa-rarr^s rov hrjfiov and other political appellations, § 54. n. 19. 20. Before the political phraseology of the schools of the philosophers, and more particularly that of Aristotle, at- tained scientific fixity and precision, there arose among the writers of the democratic period, and especially among the Attic historians, orators, and poets, a method of em- ploying words which may be regarded as a practical in- troduction to the scientific vocabulary of the schools, and which imparted to certain political designations of com- mon and constant occurrence, a definite and specific cha- racter in lieu of the more vague and general one they had till that time borne. Most important in thist respect were, after Pindar and Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, the tragedians, Aristophanes, Lysias, Andocides, Isocrates, De- mosthenes, iEschines, and Lycurgus. It must, however, be remarked of these appellations in general, that they were for the most part borrowed from actually-existing institu- tions: but, on the other side, it sometimes happened that a word, which had maintained itself in common use with- out immediate reference to a political object in real being, was afterwards employed to designate some individual and determinate object, and thereby attain(id a narrower and more precise signification. Both these observations hold good of the expression irpotnarrjs rov htj^ovy and the cognate participles. Not to mention the very general sig- nification of presiding over, being at the head of, a party for instance, Herod. 1. 59, to)v fikv TrpoeoTecoTos Meyar- KXeovs, etc. ; Thuc. 3. 82, oi iv rals troXetn Trpoaravres, i I 556 APPENDIX I. in which sense it was applied to democratic as well as to aristocratic party-leaders— the appellation Trpoardrrfs rod hrj^ov appears to have originated in an extension of the meaning of that peculiar word which was originally used to express the person who officiated as the patron and legal representative of a Metoecus, as was customary in Athens and other places. As the Prostates defended the interests of a Metoecus, so it was the duty of the TrpoaraTTjs rov Stjfiov to act as the representative of the demus. The king, in the Supplices of Euripides, 964, calls himself irpoaTdrrjs as the sovereign of the country. Speaking of Sparta, Herod, i. 69, says with still greater latitude of meaning, irpoeardvai rijs *EX\d8o9; Xenoph. Hell. 5. 1. 36, TrpoaTdrac yevofievoi, rrj^ vtto fiaacXicos KaTa7r€fi avyKXrjrov. Hence then conversely Brj^a^oyySs was used in the sense of 7rpoT€9 are opposed to each other. From this general signification a definite one, viz. that of an office, a magistracy, gradually evolved itself. The word BvficovpySs is analogous. It cannot be determined with accuracy whether, and in what states TrpoaTdTvs tov Br^tiov was the title of a regular officer; in the age of the matured democracy those writers who were either un- acquainted with the exact titles of the superior officers of a democracy, or purposely avoided naming them, could hardly have found a more convenient or appropriate de- signation; in this respect it may be compared with r^ Te\77, 01 ev TiXec, which occur so very frequently in the writers of that age, particularly in Xenophon, and which are never used as regular titles. HpoefTTc^Tes, in the above- quoted passage of Xenophon, Hell. 6. 4. 6, is applied to the magistrates in Thebes; and already in Herod. 6. 74, KXeofiiprjs-^T(2p 'ApKdBaveis\ Herod. 8. 1^5, with re- ference to Timodemus, an opponent of Themistocles, says, ov t5>v iinff>aveayv dvBpoov. Compare Hesych., Ka7n]Ttoi> oi 'ir€pi>ff>av€ls TrJ9 Kvprjvr)9. Ba0vxa2o9, (from x^^^> ^^^' APPENDIX III. 5^1 cestors, Theocr. 7. 5. and Schol.), /Eschyl. Suppl. 855; (Aristoph. Lysistr. 90, irah-x^ta, and 1157, oilira yw ULK OTrcoira xaicorepap, must be explained from the La- conian x^09, i. e. brave; (Schol. Theocr. ubi sup., conf Hesych. x^)- To the same class belongs ae^po^ an epithet expressive of a noble and lofty bearing, so frequent amongst the Attic writers (see above, p. 42) ; irXovrovirre^ Kal irdvv aefivoi, Aristoph. Ran. 627.— The notion of that refinement of manners which was peculiar to the upper classes is conveyed by x^pl'^vre^, Aristot. Nicom. Eth. 1 13; Plut. Phoc. 29, Toi,, dcrrelov^ Kal xapUmas. Conf. Dion. 28. Xapaa-raroi, in Diod. 11. 86. 87, are the pa^ triotic friends of order {KaXol KayaOoC). Allied with this IS eirteiKeh, Aristot. Pol. 2. 9. 4, of the partisans of Cimon; as well as yvcopi^oL (see above, p. 128), those who stand high in public opinion, or who have a high opinion of themselves). Pi/^^^.^^oi and x^^P^^^-res, Plut. Dion. '2S, TrXovaLot Kal yvtopifjiOL, Plut. Nic. 2. Conf. Dion. Chrys. 2. S2. AoKLfjLo^, Herod. 3. 143, and Xoyiixos, Herod. 9. 16, must be referred to the same class. -The most usual epithets for persons of distinction were taken from their riches, ir\o6aLOL, TrXovrovvres ; with these must be classed ol ^ixovre,, Soph. Ajax, 157, see the comment. ; their fulness of wealth appears to have led to the use of iraxm, Herod. 5. 30; dvhpe9 r&v irayka^v, conf 5. 77; 6. 91 ; 7. \^^, Aristoph. Pac. (>39, ^ax^l. Kat -rrXovalovs, Hence jestingly in Aristoph. Vesp. 853, avbpe^^ fieydXoc Kal TerpainfixeLS (they are called, ol irXarets and €{,p{,i;coTOL, Sophocl. Ajax, 1237).— KaXos- K^ados, does not so much convey the notion of honour- able extraction, ancient citizenship, as of integrity, con- sequently the contrary to irovrjp69, as in Aristoph. ^quit. 186. 87, /jLa)v €k KaXwv el KdyaO^u; etfi Sk fTovr^pwv-a person of purely patriotic ^way of thinking, legality and moral conduct (conf. above, p. 58) ; so far fcaXoL Kdyaeoi are opposed to the populace, as in Aris- toph. Ran. 719. 728; or to the demagogues, as in Plut. iJemetr. 24. On the one hand, indeed, it is probable ^fiat the notion of oligarchical rank became associated VOL. ir. o .* 562 APPENDIX III, 'Ml M'^ ■I ' with it, as the KokoL KayaOoi were always less numer- ous than the ttXtjOos, as in Plut. Pericl. 11. Thucy- dides, the opponent of Pericles, assembles rovs koXovs KwyaOovs Ka\ov/ii€vov9 dvhpas (compare above, p. 58. n., the passage from Thuc. 8. 84, and Plut. Pericl. 7. 8; but concerning Pericles see Plut. de Stoic. Repugn. 10. 396, where Cleon's avwywyia and Pericles' KoXoKayaOla are contrasted with one another). But on the other side, it was also used to signify a man of cultivated manners in general, and was in this sense applied to foreigners, and equivalent to ' gentleman,' JionnHe homme : thus Aristo- phanes calls the Carystians avhpas koKovs re KayaOovs, — The case is wholly different with the words apLo-roc, ^eX- TicTToc ; with these, it will almost invariably be found, that the intrinsic meaning of the words themselves was less regarded than the political position of the persons to whom they were appHed. For example ; Alcibiades, ap. Thuc. 8. 47, sends to the hwarwraTovs of the Athenians, who were in the fleet, atare fivrjaOfjvac irepl avrou is tovs fieXTLarovs tcov avOpayrrcov, otl iir 6\Lyap')(^ia fiovXrjrai ^vfjL7ro\cT€veiv, BiXriaToi is the favourite expression of Xenophon, Hell. 7. S, 4, (naaLacravrcov iv toJ St'tcvcjvL TcjPTe ^eXrlo-Tcop koI tov hrjfxov. Compare, on the sub- ject of Corinth, 4. 4. 3. (to which belongs the Laconian- oligarchical varnish, 4. 4. 6 ; speaking of Mantinea, 5.2,(j\ comp. Sturzlex. Xenoph. fiiXTioroSf n. 2. and dpLo-Tos, n. 4. and 5. The Homeric dpLoL, Pindar, P. 2, 159. 160. — irapii rvpavvlBL, '^dyiroravo Xd^pos (npa- T09, 'xwrav ttoXiv ol o-ool TrjpioyvTL, From the words already enumerated must be distinguished those which imply eminence of rank or power, without any secondary meaning. Such are xmeLpoxot, Herod. 5. 92, 7 ; hwajol, Thuc. 5. 4, and 5. 31, in contradistinction to the hrffios] Svvaarai (comp. above, p. 128, and 315. n. 15. on Sum- OTeia) ; Herod. 2. 32, dv8pa>v BvvaaTicov iralBas v^pt'- APPENDIX IV. 5(53 ards, besides hwaarevovras dvhpas, 9. 2 ; 6. 39, and 6. (jQ • conf. ihvvdareve, 6. 35, of Miltiades the elder, whereas' Pisistratus, elx^-rh irdv Kpdros, Thucydides only uses hwaareia, e. g. speaking of Syracuse, 6. 38, rvpavvihas Ka\ hvvaarreias dhUovs ; of Thessaly, 4. 78, of Thebes, 3. 62. (Conf. Kortum, ubi sup. 19. n. 36).-The coming together and combining for anti-democratic purposes'*, {^vviajdvaL, Thuc. 8. 48; conf. 8. QQ: rh ^vpear^KSs, the' conspirators. Lys. in Nicom. 847. Confl Demostli. in Eubuhd. 1316. 28.) constituted a iracpela (see p 198 n. 129.) Thuc. 3. 82; Xenoph. Hell. 5. 2. 25; Lys. in Eratosth. 412, (mb tcov KaXovfiivcop eralpwu (after the battle of Mgos Potami). IV. On the restriction of the comic freedom hy popular decrees and by circumstances, §64. n. 221. This subject has already been discussed by Petit, de Legib. Attic. 150, sqq. ed. Wessel.; Bockh, Public Economy of the Athenians, 1. 345. n. ; Kanngiesser, the ancient Comic Stage in Athens, 467, sqq. ; Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, Introd. xxxviii. sqq.; Meineke, Quaestion. J^cen. 1 . 34. n. In the observations 1 am aboiat to make, I merely propose to glance over the statements in the' ancient writers upon the above subject, and have no higher object in view than to furnish a collection of the passages in question. Nor am I even certain that that will be complete. 1. That the attacks of comedy upon well-known and distinguished living characters were in the first instance not only permitted but encouraged by the people, results ^om the statement of the Scholiast before Aristoph., duster's edition, p. xi. : to iraXavhv ol iv rals fcc;)fiai9 ^(>iKo{,fievoL imo twp woXitcov vvktos dir^pxovro wapd o o 2 % 56 i APPENDIX IV. Tov Srjfiov eKelvov, evSa 6 dSiKrjaas ^i/, Kal eXeyov otl €(TTL t\s evravOa ttolwv eh roi/s yecopyovs rdBe' koI tovto iroLQvvTes inr€')((i)Tovv Xiyovres koI Tovvofia. fieO' rjfiepav Se 6 Spdaas i^rjrd^eTO Kal ovrco alo")(vvdfievos dveareK- Xero Tov dSiKelv, opSvres ovv ol TroXlrai tovto 'xpv^^f^ov Tjj TToXei Kal d^LKias dTroTpeTTTipov, cKeXevaav tov9 aSt- Kovfiivovs iirl ^i(T7)s dyopds tov9 dhtKrjo-avTas KcofiaBelv. 01 Be BeBcore^ avrovs ojs re irXovo-iovs, TrrjXtp 'x^plomes Kal Tpvyia iirl fiearjs dyopas rovs dBiKovvras eKcofiwBovv' iirel Be fieydXa rj ttoXcs ox^eXetro €k tovtov, Trocrfrds eVa- ^av iirl TOVTO) (lege to5) Kco/ntpBelv op dv ^ovXcovTaL a/cw- XvT(09. It is obvious that this account represents the first appointment of comic poets as too exclusively the result of intention and design. A more probable origin is as- signed to the comic licence by Platonius, who says that it was the natural and spontaneous offspring of the humour of the people; Praef. Aristot. ed. Kuster. x., ttjs larjyo- plrj9 ovv waa-'qs VTrap^ovarjSf dBecav ol Tas Kc^ficpBlas avy- ypd(f)0VT€s el'X^ov tov aKcoTTTeiv Kal aTpaTrjyovs Kal BvKa- aTas Touy KaKws BiKd^ovTas Kal tcov ttoXctoov TLvds, rj (j)i' XapyvpovSy rj avt^oyvTas daeXyeia. 6 yap Bfjfios — i^ypei TOV (jyofioV TWV KCO/JLfpBoVVTOyVf (pLXOTLflCOS TWV iirl TOIOU- Tovs fiXa(Tr}/jLovvTOi)V dKovcov Xafxev yap d)s dvTLKenat ^vcrei T0L9 irXovaLOLs ef dp)(^fJ9 6 Bfjfios, Kal Tals Bvairpa- yiais avTcov ijBeTai. 2. That it was unlawful to ridicule the people at large is stated by Xenophon (?) de Repub. Ath., Kco/KoBelv 8' av Kav KaKtas Xiyecv tov fiev Brjjjbov ovk icoaLVi Xva fir] avTol dKovaxTL KaKws' IBla 8e, k. t. X. That this is er- roneous is evident from the foregoing examples in the text. 3. A popular decree, prohibiting the comic satire, is said to have been passed in the archonship of Morychides Olymp. 85. 1), but to have remained in force only three years, viz. till the archonship of Euthymenes. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 67, Ovtos 6 dpx(ov {Ev0vfiivr)9), i ov KaTeXvdrj to yjn]ev iirl Mo- pvx^Bov Kal Xo")(ya-ev eKelvov re tov iviavTov, Kal Bvo tovs e^rjsf eVl TXavKiBov 'Ve (sic lege pro ^Einyivov re) Kai APPENDIX IV. 565 ee(oB6pov, iieff ovs iir EvOvfiivovs (Olymp. 85. 4.) KaTe- Xvdv The fMTj KCDfiaBelv seems to have been construed into a total suspension of comic exhibitions; Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, Ann. 440. Olymp. 85.) brings forward, from former references, two pieces, which were said to have been performed at the time that the prohibition in ques- tion was in force, and endeavours thence, as Larcher has done before him, to prove a contravention of the law; but this can scarcely have meant that the exhibition of comedy was wholly prohibited : it is more probable that Tivd must be understood after tov fju^ KcofitpBetv, therefore that the satirizing of individuals only was forbidden; e. g., the Schol. Av. 1298: BoKel Bk (a certain I,vpaKo{>\vaev, It is probably safer to refer both these statements to the psephism of Antimachus. 7. The parabasis, the chief element of the old comedy, appears to have ceased at the end of the Peloponnesian war, it is true : but this must not be ascribed to a de- cree of the people, or even to the oligarchy of the year 411: it rather appears to have resulted from the un- favourableness of circumstances, which incapacitated the Choregi from providing for the exigencies of the Liturgy, and eventually led to the omission of the chorus. Platon. Praef. Aristoph. ed. Kiist. xi. : — twv x^pvy^v ovk ixov- Tcov Ta9 Tpoffids, vire^ripedrj ttjs KOifjucphias tcl x^pevTm fieXr) K. T. \. However, it cannot be denied that the influence of the oligarchy is also adverted to in a former passage. 8. Meanwhile pieces with the character of the middle and new comedy were brought upon the stage, such as the Cocalus of Aristophanes, etc. See Platon. ubi sup. p. XI., and the Life of Aristophanes, p. xiv. ; but the liberty of ridiculing persons by name continued unre- stricted till the time of the Macedonians, as well as of imitating them on the masks. (Comp. Kanngiesser die alte Kom. Biihne, 128, sqq.) Examples of attacks upon individuals by name are Aristophanes, Plut. 84. 174. 176. 177. 179. 303. 319. Anaxandrides, Alexis, and Anaxilas, APPENDIX V. 567 who had attacked Plato by name, Diog. Laert. 3. 26 27 28. Isocrat. de Pac. 5. 161. D. W. remarks, oi, eVr. 'ira^'. pvala, ttXtjv ivOdhe fi^ev (in the popular assembly) toIs ^pOV€fia>BLBa6fiovs, Xva fjirjBe e/c tvxvs tlvos o/ioLOTTjs irpoawTTOV avfiTriarj Ttvl MaKeB6viaavTo, koX eXrus aWo tl olhev aai^rj/jia yeyevrjfiepov, fiijvveiv dBecos rov ^ovXofievov koL olgtwv Kal ^evcov kol BovXcov), The meeting for the Strategi was now held. Meanwhile nothing had been elicited respect- ing the mutilation of the Hermae; but the enemies of Alcibiades had prepared themselves to charge him with another grave offence, namely, with the profanation of the mysteries ; and in the sitting of the assembly in ques- tion, Pythonicus laid an Eisangelia against him, while his most inveterate enemy Androcles brought forward wit- nesses. The order of the several accusations I consider to have been as follows : 1. The Eisangelia of Pythonicus in the popular as- sembly, that Alcibiades and his associates had ffiven mimic celebrations of the mysteries in their houses, Andoc. de Mys. 6. 7: the person to whose testimony he appealed was Androniachus, the slave of Alcibiades. It APPENDIX VI. 569 is, however, probable that Androcles brought forward his charge at this time (Plut. Alcib. 19, ip Be to6t

i(r^7}Tovjj,evov aypiafjLevrjs d^Lcocrac rcfioDplas. Com- pare what Ephorus ap. Strab. 6. 200. relates of Zaleucus — Kacviaac rovrov tov ZdXev/cov, otl, to)v irpoTepov Tas ^Tjfiias Tols BtKaa-Tois eTnTpeyjrdirrcop, opt^eLv ev vo^wv is commended by Aristotle, Po- lit. 2. 9. 8, also in speaking of Charondas. The succeed- ing statements leave it doubtful whether this transference is to be ascribed to Diodes himself (as Wesseling ad Diodor. 12. 21. conjectures) or to the writers who have treated of his life and actions. Phylarchus apud Athen. 12. 521. B. says, otl irapd SvpaKoalois vofios rjv Tas yvv- OLKas fiT) Koa-fielaOai XP^a^, fjL7)B" dvOovd opelv, fnjB' iadrJTas exetv 7rop(l>vpds ixovaas 'Trapvv read vtft vfidv. •241, note 77, for dvOpCiirov read dvOpCJTruiv. 259, — 177, for ovr read 6vd', ■ 260, line 16, /or Entioneia read Eetioneia. 389, note 50, /or eff". rearf aff. 447, /or dockyards read dockyard. 471, line 1 3,/or were read was. 655, — 1,/or phraseology read nomenclature. y '■ »' R ..'^ itP 0^\^ ^ COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY ■* '*■ . i n032207077 VslVi \ -r" | * |i , * ii iuno t mm