.l»;o CA intljfCitpofllmgork LIBRARY ll THE FIRST CRUSADE THE FIRST CRUSADE THE ACCOUNTS OF EYE-WITNESSES AND PARTICIPANTS BY AUGUST C. KREY ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1921 Copyright, 1921, by Princeton University Press Published 1921 Printed in the United States of America To DANA CARLETON MUNRO DODGE PROFESSOR OF MEDIAEVAL HISTORY IN PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PREFACE When Henry Adams sought to triangulate the progress of modern civilization he fixed his historical transit at Mont St. Michel and Chartres in the days of the First Crusade and sighted from them across the centuries. No earlier place in the Middle Ages would have afforded a foundation of equal breadth in its description of society. The spiritual character of the Crusade lent a halo to even the most commonplace details connected with it and thus gave to them a literary immortality hitherto confined rather narrowly to matters of ecclesiastical interest. The wide- spread enthusiasm for the movement and participation in it as- sured its commemoration not only in monuments of stone but in a variety of writings as well. The authors of these accounts were neither sophisticated nor highly trained in their art. The picture of society which they drew, though relatively complete, has stood forth with all the simple and stark realism of a char- coal sketch, full of feeling, action, and scenery, but lacking in finish. The polish and finish have come with the later centu- ries. For those, however, who would understand that society even in its more finished form, a knowledge of the preliminary sketch is still essential. In these lack-o-Latin days students seeking to accomplish this find their path too much beset with linguistic obstacles. It is to ameliorate these difficulties that the present volume has been com- piled. The plan of this work will be found reminiscent of Archer's Crusade of Richard I and the Parallel Source Problems of Medmeval History. The author gratefully acknowledges in- debtedness to both. For assistance in the preparation of these V VI PREFACE translations he is under great obligation to several of his former students. Sj^ecial acknowledgment is due to Sister Frances Rita Ryan, M.A. (Sisters of St. Joseph) for her contributions of the passages from Fulcher and to Mrs. Willoughby M. Babcock, M.A. for a like service in the case of Ekkehard. Both have also as- sisted in reading the proof sheets. In the preparation of the in- troduction and notes the works of numerous scholars in the field have been placed under contribution. A few of these are mentioned, but it would be quite impossible to enumerate them all. The author must content himself with the expression of his gratitude to Professor D. C. Munro, through whose seminar he, like so many others, was first introduced to the study of this period. Finally, I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to my wife, without whose help at all stages this work would not have been completed. A. C. K. Minneapolis, Alinn. May 31, 1921. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGI Introduction i Prologue 22 Chapter I. The Summons 24 I. Conditions in Europe at the beginning of the Crusade 2. Urban's plea for a Crusade 3. The immediate response 4. Urban's instructions to assembUng Crusaders. Chapter II. The March to Constantinople 44 I. The Departure 2.; The Mar ch of the Peasan t^ 3. The Main Body. Chapter III. Alexius and the Crusaders 69 I. Alexius and the Peasants. Fate of the Peasants' Crusade 2. The Emperor's treatment of Hugh 3. Godfrey at Con- stantinople 4. Alexius and the minor leaders 5. Bohe- mund and the Emperor 6. Raymond and the Emperor ■ 7. Robert of Normandy and Stephen at the Emperor's Court 8. Siege and capture of Nicaea 9. Alexius at the sur- render of Nicaea 10. The views of Alexius on his relations , with the Crusaders. Chapter IV. From Nicaea to Antioch 112 I. Battle of Dorylaeum 2. Hardships of the march through Asia Minor 3. Baldwin and Tancred depart from the main army 4. The march through Armenia S. Beginning of the siege of Antioch 6. Summary of the march to Antioch and the beginning of the siege 7. The foraging expedition of Bohemund and Robert of Flanders 8. . Suflferings in camp before Antioch 9. Call for reinforcements 10. The erection of a fortress. Fights with the Turks 11. Capture of Antioch 12. Summary of the siege of Antioch. Chapter V. Kerbogha and the Finding of the Lance 163 I. Kerbogha lays siege to the Crusaders in Antioch 2. Dire straits of the Crusaders 3. Revelation of the Lance 4. Defeat of Kerbogha 5. Summary of events. vii viii TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Chapter VI. Dissension among the leaders 194 I. Disorganization of the army 2. Disputes between Ray- mond and Bohemund 3. Raymond finally starts for Jeru- salem. Archas 4. Continued quarrels among the leaders. The trial of the Lance 5. Another view of the revelation and trial of the Lance. Chapter VII. Capture of Jerusalem 242 I. March to Jerusalem 2. The Siege 3. Final assault and capture 4. Arrangements for holding Jerusalem 5. Bat- tle of Ascalon 6. Bohemund and Baldwin fulfil their vow 7. Official Summary of the Crusade. Epilogue 280 Notes 282 INTRODUCTION It is now more than eight hundred years since Christian Europe was first aroused to arms in an effort to wrest the Holy Land from the hands of the Infidel, and yet the interest in those expeditions still persists. Scarcely a generation has passed without demanding a fuller and fresher account of the Crusades for its own perusal. Sober historians have sought earnestly to answer the call, but, voluminous as their work has been, the fanciful poet and novelist have succeeded in keeping a pace in advance. It would require many pages to list only the titles of the books and articles which the last generation alone has produced. Apparently the subject will not cease to appeal to the interest of the world so long as the history of Syria remains a treasured memory. And the story of the first and most successful Christian effort to retake possession of the Holy Land will continue to be read with feeling by the descendants, blood and spiritual, of those first Crusaders. It seems, therefore, not out of place to make available for the English reader the story of that expedition as related by the men who witnessed it and parti- cipated in it. I. General Importance of the Chronicles Modern writers have viewed the Crusades with varying opinion. Scholarly enthusiasts have seen in them "the first great effort of mediaeval life to go beyond the pursuit of selfish and isolated am- bitions; . . . the trial feat of the young world essaying to use, to the glory of God and the benefit of many, the arms of its new knighthood."^ Others, like Gibbon, more cynical in their attitude, have seen in them only the mournful spectacle of hundreds of thousands of human beings led on to inevitable slaughter by a spirit of ignorant fanaticism.- However varied the opinion on the wisdom and the expediency of the undertaking, there is less room for difference in regard to the importance of the movement as a phase in the development of European civilization. The highly localized life of the eleventh century, in which the immediate horizon so often served to limit men's vision of knowledge, was shaken from end to end. Not all who started on this expedition to the Holy Land ever reached the other end of Europe, to be sure, but even these saw for the first time strange cities and men and returned home, if not with glory, certainly with more experience than they had had before. 2 THE FIRST CRUSADE As for the thousands who finally succeeded in overcoming the almost superhuman obstacles involved in the conquest of the holy places, what wonders did they not have to relate! Individuals and occa- sional bands of pilgrims had journeyed over the same route before the Crusaders, but they were relatively so few that their experiences were absorbed within their own limited localities and left few traces. The First Crusade, however, enlisted people of all classes, of both sexes, and every age, drawing them from practically all parts of Christian Europe. As the first bands proceeded through district after district, others caught the spirit and started after them. And thus the narrow highways were choked with a constant stream of Crusaders, some hurrying eastward, others returning home. Nor did the movement cease with the capture of Jerusalem. Ten years later there w^ere Crusaders still going East in answer to Urban's call for the First Crusade, while the actual possession of the Holy City by the Crusaders afiforded the necessary impetus for a steady stream of pilgrims between West and East. With the pilgrim and the Crusader went also the merchant, courier, minstrel, and ad- venturer. Thus wayfaring, with all its attendant good and evil, became a habit over all of Europe. What this exchange of ideas and wares meant transcends statistics and must be looked for in the accelerated progress of Europe which followed, in the so-called Renaissance of the Twelfth Century. Quite apart from the Crusade itself, the eye-witness accounts of the expedition have a peculiar value for the student of history as the first fairly full description of European society since the fall of the Roman Empire in the West. It is difficult to find in the period between the fifth and twelfth centuries any writings which describe contemporary life and society. Einhard's Life of Charle- magne is the striking exception. Just as the meagre Germania of Tacitus has been remorselessly tortured into a confession of Germanic civilization, frequently made to serve all centuries from the prehistoric to the eighth, and even beyond, so Einhard, with but little help, has been pressed into equally heroic service for the eighth and ninth centuries. The next two centuries, for lack of a Tacitus or an Einhard, have been constrained to linger under the infamy of the name "Dark Ages." This darkness, however, is effectively dispelled at the end of the eleventh century, largely through these chronicles of the First Crusades, while the steadily swelling volume of writings thereafter obviates the danger for suc- ceeding ages. The religious character of the Crusades drew the sympathetic attention of clerical writers, the only writers of the time. All that the leaders did on this journey "of the Lord," THE FIRST CRUSADE 3 whether petty or great, trivial or important, was thought worthy of commemoration for the benefit of posterity. Under the circum- stances, the varied composition of the crusading host was par- ticularly fortunate. Practically the only classes of Europe not personally represented on the Crusade were Emperor and King, Pope and Archbishop. In other words, that portion of society which alone was deemed worthy of attention in the ordinary brief annals and chronicles of the time was absent, and those who de- tailed the story of the expedition lavished their enthusiasm upon ordinary nobles, knights, and foot soldiers, even the poor being accorded a generous measure of notice. These accounts, accord- ingly, present a picture of society in which the relationship of all classes, ecclesiastical and lay, masculine and feminine, is portrayed in its intimate aspects. Although ordinary affairs are at times slighted, the extraordinary recur so frequently and with such variety as to make the inference of the ordinary fairly easy. The descrip- tions are so full and touch so many activities of society that they illumine not only the civilization of the time, but also cast con- siderable light on the preceding and following periods. As a re- sult, it has been a common practice for master historians to initiate their apprentices into the study of European history through the accounts of the First Crusade. The literary value of these writings is rather indirect than other- •vise. They have afforded apparently inexhaustible material for literature, but as literary productions themselves have been only lightly appraised. Nevertheless, they are fair specimens of the writings of that time, and, as such, they deserve some consideration in a comprehensive history of literature. Some of them, such as the letters of Stephen of Blois and Anselm of Ribemont, have a charm which entitles them to much higher consideration. Here and there in the chronicles the authors soar to fairly great heights. It would be difficult to find anywhere a more graphic description of deep despair than is presented by the anonymous author of the Gesta in his account of the reception by Alexius and his army of the fate of the Crusaders at Antioch. In like manner, the fanciful account of the interview of Kerbogha and his mother before Antioch may be ranked with many a better known piece of imagery. In general, however, the literary merit of the following accounts consists chiefly in their vivid realism, which the very crudeness of expression only serves to accentuate. The hopes and fears, mournful sorrows and exultant joys, the profound despair and terror of the army, as it marched through one trial after another, are described with the awful earnestness and sincerity of men who have actually shared 4 THE FIRST CRUSx\DF these experiences. It is this quality which causes the chronicles themselves to be read with interest long after their material has been adorned with finer language by more skilful writers. II. The Distribution of News But the absence of a polished literary finish was not wholly due to a lack of skill on the part of the writers. It was partly due, also, to the fact that these writings were intended for the information of the contemporary world. They were the newspapers of the time and in this they mark a distinct advance in the art of disseminating current information. Hitherto, writing had been almost exclusively confined to the Latin language and, hence, to churchmen. The few exceptions in vernacular tongues before the twelfth century have been deservedly treasured as rare monuments of philology. In the Latin writings only such matters as were of interest to the clergy were accorded much consideration. Theological writings. Scripture, the writings of the Church Fathers, books of Church service, text- books for the schools, and treatises on kindred subjects constituted the chief themes for writers. Laws of kingdoms and meagre entries in monastic annals composed the major portion of secular informa- tion committed to writing. Occasionally the career of some ruler was chronicled in panegyric fashion, usually because of some past or expected favor to the Church. Even the histories of nations — e.g.. The History of the Franks by Gregory of Tours, or The Ecclesiasti- cal History of England by the Venerable Bede — were ecclesiastical histories, in which the purely secular played but an incidental part. The written description of contemporary events for contem- porary men w'as left to letters. But in the narrow life of the time people were rarely so far removed from their friends that they found it necessary to resort to such means for exchanging informa- tion. The churchmen, whose organization radiated from Rome, and whose training had made them more familiar with the art of writing, alone employed letters to any great extent. Here again, however, ecclesiastical and scholastic matters received the pre- ponderant share of attention, though often current bits of general interest w-ere included. These latter items might be transmitted to Church gatherings and, doubtless, were frequently so treated. But for the most part the news of the day was passed orally from neighbor to neighbor, or wider areas were momentarily linked together by the tales of some warfaring minstrel or other traveller. As the monasteries and castles were most famous for their hos- pitality, so these were the best informed centers of the time. The Crusade, however, created abnormal conditions. ]\Iost of THE FIRST CRUSADE 5 the people who went on the expedition did so with the expectation of returning home after the fulfillment of their purpose. As a re- sult, the social interests of the local communities were suddenly ex- panded even to Palestine itself. Since, moreover, there were few regions of western Europe which did not furnish some of their people for the cause, many different lines of interest focused them- selves upon the army and were constantly crossing one another. Secular Europe was no longer limited by a local horizon ; it was ever eager for news, and more news, from the East. Neighborhood gossip could serve only as a local distributing agency in this work. Wayfarers were eagerly accosted for news and probably supplied the localities with much real information. But where the interest was great and so constant, the temptation to expand small items to magnificent proportions was too great to be resisted, and many a glib-tongued impostor exchanged the fabrication of his fertile im- agination for full fare and comfortable lodging. Some of these wild tales found their way into writing and were transmitted to a credulous posterity with all the authority which the written page could lend. Authentic information — and even the common world was soon forced to discriminate between kinds — had to be obtained through more assured channels. The service of couriers, long known to the official world, was expanded to meet the need, III. Letters In the earlier stages of the march it was a relatively easy matter to detach squires or foot-soldiers and send them back with messages and news. This continued even to the time when the army left Nicaea; thereafter this method became impracticable, if not quite impossible. Chance meetings with ships from the West then offered almost the only opportunity to exchange greetings, and, as the accounts show, these opportunities occurred but rarely. Letters alone could be used under such circumstances. It was, therefore, fortunate that the expedition represented a union of ecclesiastical and secular interests, for the churchmen, priests, or clerics lent themselves willingly to the task of drawing up letters — in Latin, of course. The churchmen in the West, upon receiving these letters, copied them and rapidly passed on the information to the waiting world. Such letters, even when addressed to individuals, were re- garded as common property, unless they were carefully sealed, and their contents were widely diffused, usually at Church gatherings of some sort. How eagerly the congregations everywhere must have looked forward to such meetings for news from relatives, friends, and acquaintances, gone so long and so far away! 6 THE FIRST CRUSADE These letters,^ of which fourteen are here translated and distrib- uted at their appropriate places in the narrative, constitute the most important sources of our knowledge of the events which they de- scribe. The authors are all men of prominence and responsibility. Two of the letters are from popes. One is from the Emperor Alexius. Five are from the leaders of the Crusade and may be re- garded as official reports of progress, while the remaining four, though also the works of leaders, are of a more personal nature. The two letters of Stephen of Blois to his wife, Adele, are among the literary gems of the period. In addition to the responsible char- acter of their writers, the letters have the further merit of greater proximity both of time and place to the events which they narrate. The emotions of the moment grip the writers irresistibly, beyond the power of epistolary formality to efface and thus lend a vividness which the later chronicles sometimes lack. Our chief regret is that there are not more of them. IV. Chronicles The interest of the world in the events of the First Crusade could not be satisfied by letters alone. Numerous motives combined to keep this interest inflamed. Patriotic pride in the achievements of countrymen, natural enjoyment of the marvelous and adven- turous, the continued need of both men and money to insure the permanence of the conquest, and, no less, the pardonable pride of the Crusaders themselves in preserving the memory of their deeds — all these influences tended to the telling and the retelling of the story. Book-making in itself offered little inducement, for the ab- sence of publishing houses and the lack of copyright laws denied prospective authors hope either of fame or wealth. Publishing, if the multiplication of copies by the laborious process of hand-writing may be so called, was done chiefly in the scriptoria of monasteries or episcopal schools. But parchment was expensive, and only the clerics could write. Ordinarily the military exploits of contem- porary men seemed too ephemeral to justify description. How- ever, the Crusade was a different matter in that its exploits, though largely military and material, nevertheless had a deep religious significance. Urban's remark at Clermont, that the re- covery of the Holy Land would be a deed comparable to those of the Maccabees, was not forgotten. The thought that he was really adding a chapter to Sacred History served to carry more than one writer over depressing periods of discouragement to the suc- cessful completion of his history of the expedition. These varied motives, both sacred and profane, combined to inspire the com- • THE FIRST CRUSADE 7 position of the f(^owing detailed accounts of the First Crusade.* ^ The first complete account of the Crusade which has come down X ^"»* ^ ^ ' to us is commonly known as the Gcsta. Its author has attained some ^5fJL. measure of distinction as the Anonymous. What is known to him, therefore, rests solely upon the inferences to be drawn from his work. He accompanied the Italian Norman prince, Bohemund, from the siege of Amalfi to the capture of Antioch. From there he went to Jerusalem with the general band under Ray- mond's leadership, whether with Raymond himself or, which is more likely, with Tancred or Robert of Normandy, who were associated with Raymond, is not clear. His book was written before the close of iioi, for Ekkehard saw and used a copy of it at Jerusalem in that year. So much may be stated fairly positively ; the rest is only inferential, for in his book personal references are singularly few. There is no preface or dedication, no parting re- mark to the reader. However, certain expressions, certain modifica- tions of the Latin which he employs, betray a high degree of famili- arity with the verbal habits of southern Italy, while his constant laudation of Bohemund, even though he abandoned him after the capture of Antioch, tends to confirm the belief that his home was in that region. He may have been a Norman ; if so, he left Nor- mandy long before the First Crusade. His somewhat secular point of view in regard to events, occasional impersonal remarks upon the clergy, or participation in battle, have led modern critics to the belief that he was a knight, though his lack of intimacy with the leaders would indicate that he was a lesser knight. The style of his work and the general lack of literary allusions do not bespeak a very high degree of education. His use of language is that of an amateur, and his vocabulary is decidedly limited. Unable adequately to describe the achievements of the various crusaders, he strains the superlative degree of his adjectives so constantly that occa- sionally he finds it necessary to lapse into the simple positive as a means of actual distinction. The Bible is practically the only work which he quotes. His real piety is sustained both in his book and in his own career, as is indicated by the fact that he chose to go on to Jerusalem, instead of remaining with his leader at Antioch. What he lacks elsewhere is greatly outweighed by his judgment in eval- uating the relative importance of events, his restraint in preventing intimate details from obscuring the perspective of his story, his unusual fairness and impartiality toward the rival Christian leaders, as well as toward his Turkish foes, and a certain native instinct for the dramatic apparent throughout the book. Guibert, Balderic, and Robert the Monk all criticized his style, but unwittingly paid him 8 THE FIRST CRUSADE the lavish compHment of incorporating nearly the whole of his work in their "literary" accounts of the expedition. The great his- torical value of the work rests not only in the fact that it was written by an eye-witness and participant, but also upon the fact that it was probably composed from time to time on the journey and finished immediately after the battle of Ascalon in September 1099, the last event which it mentions. It is the first full account of the Crusade still extant, and almost every other history of the First Crusade is based either directly or indirectly upon it. Six MS copies of it still remain, and all of the material has been pre- served in one form or another in the later accounts of the Crusade. The second chronicle listed, on the other hand, does not at all efface its author, for the preface sets forth the authorship and the purpose in full : "To my Lord Bishop of Viviers and to all the orthodox, from Pontius of Balazun and Ravmond. Canon of Puv : greeting, and a share in our labor. "We have concluded that we ought to make clear to you and to all who dwell across the Alps the great deeds which God in the usual manner of His love performed, and did not cease constantly to perform, through us ; especially so, since the unwarlike and the fearful left us and strove to substitute falsehood for the truth. But let him who shall see their apostacy shun their words and com- panionship! For the army of God, even if it bore the punishment of the Lord Himself for its sins, out of His compassion also stood forth victor over all paganism. But since some went through Slavonia, others through Hungary, others through . Longobardy, and yet others by sea, it would be tedious for us to write about each. Therefore we have omitted the story of others and have taken it as our task to write about -the Count, the Bishop of Puy, and their army." Pontius of Balazun, a knight in the Provengal army, was killed at Archas, and Raymond was thus left to complete the task alone. Raymond had been elevated to the priesthood while on the Crusade and had become the chaplain of Count Raymond of Toulouse, who was the wealthiest leader on the expedition. The expense of compil- ing the book was, therefore, a trivial matter. His intimacy with Count Raymond and with Bishop Adhemar gave him access to much information not available to such writers as the Anonymous. Critics have been exceedingly harsh in their condemnation of both the form and the content of the book. They condemn it as crude, bigoted, intensely partisan, and a mass of confused and credulous mysticism. Partisan it undoubtedly is, for Raymond was writing to correct a THE FIRST CRUSADE 9 probable impression conveyed by the returning Crusaders both as to the bravery of the Provencal host and the validity of the Holy Lance, especially the latter. He himself had been among the first to accept the visions of Peter Bartholomew, had participated in the digging for the Lance, and even the apparently adverse judgment of the Ordeal was not sufficient to shake his faith in it. A large part of his work, therefore, is a brief in defense of the Lance, in support of which he adduces vision after vision and numerous wit- nesses. The rest of his book is devoted to the part played by Count Raymond, Bishop Adhemar, and the Provencal host in the Crusade. All this is true, but it cannot be said in justice that he is totally blind to the faults of either leader or people. To the historian the book is second in importance only to the Gesta, for it was the work of an eye-witness, written possibly no earlier than 1102, though undoubtedly on the basis of notes taken during the journey. It must be regarded as an independent account, even though, as Hagen- meyer conjectures, its author may have used details from the Gesta to correct his own account. For what may be termed the sociological aspects of the Crusade, Raymond's history is the most valuable of all the accounts. Six MS copies of the work are extant. The third account of the Crusade as a whole was written by J_5,*^ljv-t' Fu lcher of Chartre s, whose career can be traced more fully than fHat of any other eye-witness chronicler of the Crusade. Born probably at Chartres in 1059, he was trained for the service of the Church, and when the Council of Clermont was held in 1095 he was a priest either at Chartres or at Orleans. The enthusiasm which swept over the land claimed him, as it did so many of his countrymen, so that when the army of Stephen of Blois moved from Chartres, late in 1096, Fulcher was one of the band. He was with % Stephen's army until October, 1097, when he became the chaplain of Baldwin, Godfrey's brother. From this time until Baldwin's death in 11 18 he remained in that capacity, closely associated with the energetic leader. As a result, he was present neither at the siege of Antioch nor at that of Jerusalem, being then at Edessa, which place he did not leave until late in 1099, when he made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem with Baldwin and Bohemund. When Bald- win was summoned to take the reins of government upon the death of Godfrey, Fulcher accompanied him to Jerusalem, where he re- mained until the time of his own death in 1127 or 1128. His Historia Hicrosolymitaiia, of which only the portion re- lating events actually witnessed by Fulcher on the First Crusade is here translated, was written upon the urgent solicitation of his 10 THE FIRST CRUSADE friends. It first appeared in 1105, and the welcome then accorded it encouraged him to go on with it. The latter part of his work takes the form of an annalistic account of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, for the early history of which it is undoubtedly the most important single source of information. He seems to have revised the earlier portions of his history at least twice, and the final version ends somewhat abruptly with the mention of a plague of rats in the year 1127. Fulcher apparently had a more extensive literary training than either of the two preceding writers. His • fondness for quotation has been charged against him as an affecta- tion by modern critics, but, as a fault, it mars only the latter portion of his work, written when he was quite old. On the whole, his book is free from either partisanship or bias. He seems to have been interested chiefly in describing the events as they occurred, with possibly an additional desire to attract soldiers from the West to the support of the needy Latin state in Syria. He displays a strong interest in nature and describes strange plants, animals, and natural phenomena in a naive manner. His interest in the intrigues of the lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, is very slight, but the general wel- fare of the people he views with all the kindly concern of a simple French cure. As a whole, the book is exceedingly valuable and very soon was widely read and copied. It was second only to the Gesfa as a mine for exploitation by later writers on the Crusade. More than fifteen MS copies of the original are still extant. Of the writings which contribute eye-witness testimony to but a portion of the history of the Crusade, the Alexiad, by Anna Comnena, is one of the most important. The writer was the daughter of Alexius, and, though she was barely fourteen years of ' age when the Crusaders came to Constantinople, it may be assumed that the presence of so many rude strangers in the imperial city made a most vivid impression on her mind. Both Anna and her husband, Nicephorus Briennius, had been highly educated, and when the palace intrigue in which they were both concerned proved un- successful and she was shut up in a convent by her brother's order, she undertook to complete the history which her husband had begun. Forty years after the first Crusaders had passed through Antioch she began her task. In the meantime there had been various bands of Crusaders from the West. Bohemund had taken Antioch in defiance of the Emperor and had even made war upon him. The relations of Alexius with Count Raymond of Toulouse had under- gone changes, and many other events relating to the Latins and the Crusades had occurred. Thus, with so' much to confuse her THE FIRST CRUSADE ii memory, her chronology is uncertain, her statement of fact often inaccurate, and her style highly rhetorical and affected. Never very certain of the identity of the Latin leaders, as she herself con- fesses, she calls them all counts and confuses one group with another in hopeless fashion. Nevertheless, her work is exceedingly valuable as a presentation of the Byzantine attitude toward the Latins, and her conception of her father's feeling toward the Westerners can probably be relied upon as correct. A MS copy of the account, corrected by Anna herself, is preserved at Florence. Other frag- ments also remain. It is necessary to include in the list of eye-witness accounts of the First Crusade the work by Peter Tudebode, a priest of Civray.^ This work, once regarded as the original of the Gcsta, has been dethroned from that position by recent criticism. It is almost h verbatim copy of the latter, with portions added from the account of Raymond of Agilles, together w^th a very few personal remarks and observations. He speaks of the death of his brother in Antioch and his own share in the funeral services. His account differs from that of the Gesta primarily in the change of adjectives qualify- ing Raymond of Toulouse and Bohemund, for Tudebode was a follower of Count Raymond. However, this policy is not con- sistently maintained. At best, the work may be regarded as an eye- witness corroboration of the Gesta. It was written after both the account by the Anonymous and by Raymond had been composed, and sometime before mi, after which date it was quoted by other writers. Four MS copies are preserved. Ekkehard o f_Aiira, who is still regarded as one of the greatest of the German historians of the Middle Ages, was a monk at Cor- vey when the First Crusade was preached. He accompanied a later band of crusaders in iioi as far as Constantinople by land, and by sea from there to Joppa. At Jerusalem he saw a copy of the Gesta, which he made a basis for his own history. This work he wrote for the Abbot of Corvey in 1112, after he himself had become Abbot of Aura. The language and the style of this book reveal a greater familiarity with classical authors than is shown by any of the preceding accounts of the Crusade. Its value rests chiefly upon his eye-witness account of the Crusade of iioi, and his brief items about the Peasants' Crusade, of which no direct chronicle has come down to us. Only the latter material has been included in the following translation. Six MS copies of the work are extant. Raoul -.If t^aen, a Norman knight too young to accompany the 12 THE FIRST CRUSADE Crusaders of 1096, enlisted in the army which Bohemund as- sembled in T 107. He reached Syria and entered the service of Tancred, then prince of Antioch, whom he served until the latter's death. In his early years he had received instruction in letters from Arnulf, who became Patriarch of Jerusalem after 11 12. He was an accomplished knight and seems to have enjoyed the friendship of Tancred. During the first five years of this relationship he learned much about the First Crusade, especially Tancred's view of events. He also visited Jerusalem and there conversed with his former teacher, Arnulf, now the Patriarch, to whom he dedicated his work, the Ccsta Tancredi. Though an important source of in- formation, this work is not, strictly speaking, an eye-witness account. It is a panegyric of the Norman princes of Antioch and is very hostile to the Emperor Alexius and to Count Raymond. It deals with the history of the First Crusade and of Tancred up to 1105, and its chief value lies in the reflection of the Norman point of view. It also contains some information not afforded by other writers. The Latin is polished and adorned with numerous passages and quota- tions from classical authors. Raoul writes chiefly in prose, but he sometimes attempts to soar to poetic form in describing unusually great achievements. On the whole, Patriarch Arnulf had reason to be proud of his former pupil's achievement. The book was written sometime between Tancred's death in 11 12 and that of Arnulf in 11 18. A single MS copy is preserved at the Royal Library of Brussels. His account of the Holy Lance, in which he takes an opposite view from Raymond, is here translated in full. Other material from the work is included in the notes. The value of the account by Albert of A ix has been much dis- puted. Little is known of the author, who is said to have been a canon of the church of Aix-la-Chapelle about the middle of the twelfth century. By his own confession he never visited the Holy Land himself. Nevertheless, he wrote a history of the First Q'usade and the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem down to the year 1120, of which twelve MS copies exist. The date of this waiting has, there- fore, been placed somewhere between 1120 and the middle of the century. He obtained his information, he says, from the oral and written testimony of participants. Much of the material is palpably legendary ; more of it, however, seems entirely probable and stands the test of comparison with well established accounts. The work contains so much not treated by other writers and, therefore, in- capable of corroboration that its value must stand or fall with the reader's attitude toward the author. It has been conjectured that THE FIRST CRUSADE 13 much of the material was taken from a Lorraine chronicle now lost, an explanation plausible enough, though thus far not substantiated. At any rate, his items of information cannot be ignored, and they may be of full value. Until further evidence is discovered, the question cannot be settled positively.*' Only excerpts on the Peas- ants' Crusade and Godfrey's march to Constantinople are here translated from Albert. The other three works included in this translation because their authors were present at the Council of Clermont may be grouped together as literary histories. None of the writers accompanied the expedition, but each wrote a history of the whole Crusade, thus illustrating the deep interest of the people of Europe in the subject. All three were churchmen of high position, and each sought to rewrite the crude account of the Gesta in more literary form. They succeeded in varying degree, but their names are remembered, while that of the original author has been irretrievably lost. Robert the Monk is generally identified as the monk chosen Abbot of Saint- Remi of Rheims in 1094, and later forced to retire to the priory of Senuc. His work was written at the request of Bernard, Abbot of Marmoutier, sometime before 1107. It adds little to the Gesta, but was very popular in the twelfth century. More than eighty MS copies of it are still extant. Balderic, Abbot of Bourgeuil, and Archbishop of Dol after 1107, added little more than Robert to the Gesta account. His work was written after 1107 and was also quite popular. Seven MS copies remain. The best of these three accounts is that of Guibert, who was Abbot of Nogent from 1 104 to 1 121. He composed his book between 1108 and 11 12 and dedicated it to Lisiard, Bishop of Soissons. Guibert was one of the leading scholars of his time, well versed in classical lore, which he used to adorn his accounts of the Crusade. He was also fairly well informed about matters in northern France. His additions to the Gesta contain many valuable items about the crusading leaders from that region. Four MS copies of his work are preserved. V. Terminology. In the translation of these accounts a conscious effort has been made to reproduce as nearly as possible the style and manner of expression of the original. Though the writers all used the same language, they employed dififerent words and idioms to describe the same occurrences, even the ordinary incidents of life. Under the circumstances, it was felt that too much would be lost if the expressions were all translated in the standard idiom of today. The person of the twentieth century who is interested in the man- 14 THE FIRST CRUSADE ners and customs of that time will find enough pleasure and profit in this treatment, it is hoped, to repay him for whatever confusion the variety of expressions may create. A brief explanation of some of the more distinctive habits in the terminology of the period may be of use. I. Names of persons and places. The names of the same persons and the same places are spelled in many different ways not only by the different writers, but often, too, by the same writer. While this is more true of Eastern persons and places, it is, also, quite generally true with regard to the West, a revelation of how much of the world was strange to the people of eleventh century Europe. It must be remembered, however, that dictionaries, gazetteers, and similar works of reference, which greet the twentieth century person at every turn, were virtually un- known, while newspapers and other periodicals, which serve to standardize so much of life today, did not then exist. Almost the only common descriptions of the world known at that time were those contained in either the classical writings or in those of the Church fathers. It is not strange, therefore, to find the names of old Roman provinces and cities applied to places by some of the more highly educated writers, such as Ekkehard, Raoul, or Guibert. Less trained writers — and most of our writers fall within this category — had to trust chiefly to their powers of hearing and their ability to reproduce in writing what they heard. They had to follow their own rules of phonetic spelling and, considering the difficulties under which they labored, their results deserve genuine admiration. In order to avoid undue confusion, a uniform spelling has been adopted for the names of places which have been identified. In most cases the mediaeval name has been employed, but where the modern equivalent is much better known that form has been chosen. The identification of the places mentioned by the writers presents considerable difficulty at times. It would be asking almost too much to expect the chroniclers to recall vividly and correctly both the name and exact location of all the strange places which they mention five or more years after they had passed through them. Important towns and places in which they spent some time, or with which they were able to associate some dramatic event, are usually located quite accurately ; other lesser places cannot always be positively identified. All places mentioned whose location can be identified appear on the accompanying maps. The others, whose location is uncertain, have been italicized. Names of persons, such as Robert, Godfrey, Baldwin, and THE FIRST CRUSADE 15 Stephen were common enough, and Httle variation occurs. But Adhemar, papal leader of the expedition, seems to have had a baffling name, probably due to its similarity to a variety of names. As a result, his name appears as Haymarus, Aimarus, Ademarus, or Adhemarus, or not at all. Guibert, in describing the Pope's appointment of a vicar for the Crusade, confesses that he does not know his name, an interesting comment on the isolation of the time. His use of the name later may be an indication that he was using his original too closely, for the author of the Gesta, too, was igno- rant of the name until later in the expedition. For the purposes of this translation, however, the names of the Western leaders are standardized. This is not the case with Oriental names, the un- usual character of which occasioned the chroniclers a great deal of trouble. The name of the Turkish ruler of Antioch may be cited as a typical instance. The common spelling of his name today is Yagi-Sian or lagi-Sian. It appears in the accounts, however, wth the Latin ending as Aoxian-us, Cassian-us, Caspian-us, and even Gracianus. Fulcher, who coined the first of these, succeeded remarkably well on the whole. In the case of less prominent men who are mentioned only once or twice, the variations have caused considerable confusion, leading even to the belief that they were different persons — e.g., Godfrey of Lastours, who appears as Gul- ferrus de Daturre, Golprius de turribus, and Gosfridus de Dasturs. This example seems to indicate the beginning of the use of surnames, but it is probably fortunate for the reader that the movement had not yet developed far. The efforts of the Crusaders to distinguish between the numerous Raymonds, Roberts, Stephens, Baldwins, and Godfreys, are of interest as early factors in the movement which led to the growth of heraldry and the multiplication of names. 2. Expressions of time. The reader will doubtless be impressed by the absence in the chronicles of precise and minute statements of time, which are such a marked feature of modern industrial life. The year seems to have been of little account as a basis for reckoning time, for the author of the Gesta mentions it only once during the whole nar- rative which extends over a period of four years, and Raymond of Agilles scarcely more often. The more learned Fulcher uses it, to be sure, but rather as an ornament than because he feels the need of such a measure of time. The great festival days of the Church constituted the chief standards of time, and here, thanks to the in- fluence of the Church, we find a fairly uniform practice among the writers. The necessity of determining the variable date of Easter i6 THE FIRST CRUSADE compelled the Church to keep a calendar, while the custom of regulating the ordinary affairs of life with reference to the chief festival days of the Church had long since become an established habit of Christian Europe. The old Roman Calendar, too, continued to exert some influence despite the efforts of the Church to supplant it with a Christian scheme. As a result, the days of the month are reckoned both by Kalends, Nones, and Ides, and by the numerical count of days from the incoming or outgoing month. Days of the week bear the old Roman names and the canonical enumeration from the Lord's Day, as well. Time of day is expressed usually by means of the canonical hours. Matins, Prime, Terce, Sext, None, Vespers, and Compline, though such expressions as cock-crow, earliest dawn, and sunrise also occur. Time of day, and day of year are sometimes noted by the psalms and prayers customary at those times. Local variations in reckoning the beginning of the year and seasons, or in expressing dates by festivals of loyal saints, a practice quite common in the West, appear rather infrequently in these accounts.'' 3. Numbers. The figures used by mediaeval writers in stating numbers of people have baffled modern investigators. In order to discover the actual numbers involved, it has become almost a rule to divide the figures of the chroniclers by ten. Perhaps it would be fairer to regard almost all numbers over one thousand as figures of speech, intended only to convey the impression of a very large number. Roman numerals alone were in use, and neither the average writer nor the average reader of the period had very much training in arithmetic. It was certainly a difiicult task to describe, if not a more difficult task to decipher, a very uneven number of six figures in Roman numerals. Quite aside from the mere mechanical diffi- culty of the task, few, if any persons, had had experience in dealing with large numbers. Neither commercial, ecclesiastical, nor military establishments dealt accurately in very large amounts or numbers at this time. As a result, when these chroniclers found themselves in the midst of the vast host which composed the crusading army they were struck with amazement. Nothing in their previous ex- perience afforded them a satisfactory basis for estimating the size of the army. The numbers implied in their frequent resort to the term "countless" and "innumerable," or "as the sands of the sea," and "as the leaves of autumn," are probably almost as accurate as the numerals which they employ. The actual number of persons who took part in the First Crusade cannot be fixed with any cer- THE FIRST CRUSADE 17 tainty. Army rosters were not yet in use. It is, furthermore, ex- tremely doubtful whether even among the better organized bands, such as those of Raymond and Godfrey, the leaders themselves knew exactly how many persons were in their following. The more adventurous knights were constantly digressing in smaller or larger companies from the main line of march; the more timid were dropping behind or deserting; and new enthusiasts were join- ing the march at almost every halting place. Thus the total number in the army fluctuated from day to day. Fulcher's statement that if all who had signed themselves with the cross had been present at Nicaea, there would have been six million, instead of six hundred thousand, armed men is probably more accurate in its proportions than in its actual figures. A modern estimate of the number in the army as it left Nicaea, ingeniously computed from the length of time required to cross a certain bridge in Asia Minor, is I05,(XX) persons.^ The combined army was then at its maximum size. It dwindled rapidly thereafter, and the figures offered by the chroni- clers themselves became more and more accurate, so that when Fulcher reports the number of Crusaders left to garrison Jerusalem as a few hundred, his statement may be accepted without great question. If they had so much difficulty in describing their own numbers, little surprise need be felt at their estimate of the enemy's forces. After chronicling battles against the Turks and Saracens for almost thirty years, Fulcher reaches the following conclusion : "As to the number of dead or wounded in this or any other battle, it is not possible to determine the truth, for such great numbers cannot be computed by anyone, except approximately. Often when different writers deceive, the reason for their deception is to be attributed to adulation; for they try to enhance the glory of the victors and to extol the valor of their own land for people present and to come. From this it is very clear why they so foolishly and falsely exagger- ate the number of dead among the enemy, and minimize, or remain entirely silent, about their own loss." This critical attitude, how- ever, was not taken by the earlier writers, not even by Fulcher himself in the period with which this translation deals. 4. Money and prices. Europe was still dealing largely on a basis of natural economy when the First Crusade started on its way. Money was regarded rather as a luxury than as a matter of general need, and even ordinary state obligations were discharged in kind rather than coin. Indeed, there was no standard coin in the West, and coinage was a i8 THE FIRST CRUSADE right exercised by all the great feudal vassals. There were expres- sions of value common to all Europe — e.g., the liber, or pound, which equalled 20 solidi, or shillings, which equalled 240 denarii, or pennies; and a marc which equalled two-thirds of a liber, or 160 denarii. But when these terms were applied to coins in actual cir- culation, their meaning varied with the character of the coin in- volved. The coin in most general use was the denarius, or penny. This was usually of silver, but might be made of an alloy, or some- times of copper alone. A large and a small denarius were known, the latter often called an obol. The intrinsic value of the coin varied somewhat according to the particular mint at which it was coined, weight constituting, on the whole, the safest method of determining value. Raymond mentions seven different denarii from a limited region of the West as current in the army. Varia- tion was caused by debasement through coin-clipping and kindred practices, which, however, appear to have been less common at this time than later. In view of such facts, generalizations about monetary matters are exceedingly hazardous. However, it is usually safe to assume when Western coins are mentioned that denarii are meant. Solidi, liberi, and marci are moneys of account, convenient in expressing large sums of denarii. The ordinary silver denarius weighed from 20 to 24 gr. as compared with the American dime which weighs 38.5 gr. In the East the Crusaders met with gold coins, the besant and per perns of Constantinople, and the gold besant of the Saracens. The besant of Constantinople weighed about 65 gr. as compared with the American gold coinage, which weighs about 25 gr. per dollar. The perperus, called also pur- ptiratus, yperperus, yperperon, and perpre, is less well known. Its value, as stated by the author of the Gesta, was equal to 15 solidi, or 180 denarii. The gold besant of the Saracens, a Latin term for the Arabian dinar, was about equal in weight and intrinsic value to the besant of Constantinople. In seeking the modern equivalents of these coins, it is necessary to bear in mind the relative value of gold and silver in the middle ages. Another coin encountered in the East was the tartaron, which appears to have been a cheap copper coin of somewhat varying value. From an economic point of view the First Crusade must be re- garded as one of the most important factors in transforming the basis of European exchange from the natural to the monetary. The change was by no means complete with the end of the Crusades, but a long step had been taken toward that goal when the first of these expeditions was launched. Money was necessary to defray the ordinary living expenses on the march, and the Crusaders re- THE FIRST CRUSADE 19 sorted to almost every conceivable device to obtain it. They tor- tured Jews, melted plate, mortgaged their possessions, and sold their goods for ridiculously small sums. Money, ordinarily scarce, rose in value until, as Albert recounts, one peasant sold seven sheep for a single denarius. Normally, a denarius was the equivalent of a workman's dinner, but the Crusade created abnormal conditions. Unfortunately, this abnormal state of affairs accompanied the Crusaders along their whole line of march, for just as their arrange- ments for departure caused the exchange value of money to soar, so the arrival of so many people at one town or another caused the limited food supply to take on incredible prices. Occasionally, in time of famine, food rose to almost impossible heights, so that the peasant who exchanged his seven sheep for one denarius in the Rhine country might have exchanged his denarius, in turn, for a single nut at Antioch during its siege by Kerbogha. The student of economics will be able to find many such equations in the following pages. The Crusaders had unwittingly become steady victims of the law of supply and demand, but for lack of such knowledge they blamed their misfortunes upon the cupidity of the Armenians and Greeks. Thus, however, they learned to esteem the possession of money, and in Saracen territory they lost few opportunities to secure it either as tribute, extortion, or plain robbery. Sometimes they even burned the dead bodies of their foes to obtain the coins which they believed these people had swallowed or secreted about their bodies. Actual money and its value was one of the most important contributions of the returning Crusaders to Western life, so much so that the besant of Constantinople and the Saracen besant became well known coins in Europe. 5. Military arrangements. A definite organization of the army as a whole did not exist. The Pope's representative, Adhemar, who met all of his charges at Nicaea for the first time, was social and ecclesiastical head of the expedition until his death at Antioch, August i, 1098. For military purposes, the Crusaders chose Stephen of Blois as their leader on the march across Asia Minor, and, after his withdrawal, Bohemund acted in that capacity for a time. Little real authority, however, was accorded these leaders, except for the brief period of Ker- bogha's siege, when Bohemund was entrusted with full powers. Ordinarily, matters of policy were decided at a council of all the leaders, both lay and ecclesiastical. For all practical purposes, each band was almost a separate army in itself, and even within each band matters were usually decided by a common council. Leaders of the separate bands frequently had to resort to all the arts of 20 THE FIRST CRUSADE persuasion at their command in order to keep their many-minded and impulsive vassals in leash. Eloquence, entreaty, offers of pay, and even threats were used time and time again. The feudal oath of allegiance of vassal to over-lord was the only basis of obedience, but the conditions under which the campaign was conducted were so different from those of the West as to render the ordinary feudal obligations quite inadequate. As a result, adventurous knights frequently went off on raiding expeditions without regard for the wishes of their lords, and companies of knights for these forays were formed from many different bands. Disorganization was further increased by the presence of great numbers of non- combatants. Persons of both sexes and all ages had attached them- selves to the army from various motives — serfs to perform menial tasks ; peasants with their families seeking improvement, material, social, or spiritual ; women, wives of Crusaders, or mere adven- turers ; pious pilgrims of all ages; and clergy, both regular and secular. At Nicaea this multitude probably largely outnumbered the fighting men, and, as a rule, they were a great hindrance to the army. The fighting men were of two classes — the mounted and armored knight, and the more or less armored foot-soldiers. At first the mounted knights were probably all of noble birth, but, as the exigen- cies of the campaign multiplied, this condition was changed. At times noble knights were compelled to ride on oxen or other beasts, or to proceed on foot, and, again, ignoble foot-soldiers found mounts and suits of armor. In the course of time, many of the latter proved themselves worthy of knighthood, so that by the time the army reached Jerusalem a great number of the so-called knights were not of noble birth. The knight, protected by his breastplate and his suit of chain- mail, and equipped with shield, lance, and two-edged sword, was the mainstay of the army. His squires, also mounted, usually ac- companied the knight in battle. The foot-soldiers, whose chief weapons were the cross-bow and javelin, were used both to break up the line of the enemy in the opening charge and to dispose of the dismounted enemy after the main charge of the knights. Non- combatants were of some service in refreshing the fighters with drinks, caring for the wounded, and helping to collect the spoils. The clergy played an important part by administering the sacra- ment before battle and offering up prayers during the course of the fighting. Such was the practice against an enemy in the open field. The tactics of the Turks, however, caused some modifications. This foe, usually mounted on swift horses and armed with danger- ous small bows, insisted upon encircling the Crusaders without coming to close quarters. Their arrows, which they shot quickly THE FIRST CRUSADE 21 and in profusion, were calculated to shatter the ranks of the Cru- saders and usually did great damage to the less heavily armored foot-soldiers. If this device failed to open up the ranks, they scattered in feigned flight, hoping thus to draw the Crusaders after them in disorganized pursuit, when it was an easy matter to turn and cut them down. The Emperor Alexius gave the Cru- saders some very valuable advice on these matters. Actual ex- perience proved an even more effective teacher, so that the Crusaders regularly placed a strong line at their rear and on the flanks, as well as in front, and did not pursue the enemy until they were actually in rout. To the Westerners siege warfare was less well known than open fighting. In most of Western Europe there was little of the heavy masonry of Roman days, such as had never gone out of use in the East. The Italians had had relatively more experience than the people north of the Alps, but both had much to learn. The military engineers of Constantinople gave the Crusaders some important lessons in siege-craft at Nicaea. The development of more power- ful hurling engines for both stones and' arrows became a necessity. These were of two kinds : the hallistae, used to shoot large arrows or bolts with great force, and the Petraria, which hurled large stones. The motive power was provided by the torsion of twisted ropes or the sudden release of a heavy counter-poise, and great ingenuity was exercised to increase their force. During the whole expedition, however, they were not developed sufficiently to make any considerable impression upon the walls. They were chiefly effective in clearing the walls of defenders, which facilitated other siege operations. Battering rams of various kinds were also used, and, as a protection for the manipulators, mantlets made of wattled stakes were constructed. Undermining the walls was an operation also resorted to, but the most effective devices in overcoming strongly fortified towns were the great movable towers and the blockade. The first was used successfully both at Marra and Jeru- salem, the latter at Nicaea and Antioch. These are fully described in the text (see pages 256, 205, 105). Scaling ladders of wood were of subsidiary value, but played a part at Marra and Jerusalem and especially at Caesarea. In all these operations there was a great demand for skilful engineers, as well as for unskilled labor. It is significant that Greek engineers were employed at Nicaea and Antioch, Italian at Antioch and Jerusalem. The Westerners had much to learn, it is true, but that they were quick to do so is shown not only by their success at Jerusalem, but also by the stronger castles and fortifications which appeared in Western Europe during the twelfth century. THE FIRST CRUSADE PROLOGUE (Fulcher.) It is a joy to the living and even profitable to the dead when the deeds of brave men, and especially of those fighting for God, are read from writings, or, committed to memory, are re- cited with prudence in the midst of the faithful. For upon hearing the pious purposes of those who have gone before them — how, re- jecting the honor of the world, leaving their parents, wives, and goods of whatsoever kind, they clung to God and followed Him according to the counsel of the Gospel — those who live in the world are themselves animated by His inspiration and aroused to love Him most ardently. It is even beneficial to those who are dead in the Lord, since the faithful, hearing their good and pious deeds, therefore bless their souls and in charity offer alms and prayers for them, whether these dead were known to them or not. Moved, therefore, by the requests of former comrades, I have re- lated in careful and orderly fashion the illustrious deeds of the Franks in honor of the Saviour, when at the command of God they made an armed pilgrimage to Jerusalem. In homely style, but, nevertheless, truly, I have recounted what I deemed worthy to be committed to memory, and I have told it as well as I can and just as I saw it myself. Although I do not dare to put this work of the Franks that I have mentioned on an equality with the distinguished achievements of the people of Israel, or of the Maccabees\ or of many other peoples whom God has honored by such frequent and such wonderful miracles, still I consider it not far inferior to those works, since in connection with it miracles worked by God were often witnessed. These I have taken care to report in writing. In what way, indeed, do these Franks differ from the Israelites and the Maccabees? In those lands, by my very side, I have seen them dismembered, crucified, flayed, shot with arrows, butchered, or killed by other kinds of martyrdom for the love of Christ; or I have heard of it when I was far away. And yet they could be over- come neither by threats nor blandishments ! Nay, even if the slay- er's sword had come, many of us would not have refused to perish for the love of Christ. Oh, how many thousands of martyrs died a happy death on this expedition ! Who is so hard of heart that he THE FIRST CRUSADE 23 can hear these deeds without being moved by deepest piety to break forth in His praise ? Who will not wonder how we, a few people in the midst of the lands of our enemies, were able not only to resist, but to live ? Who has ever heard such things ? On one side of us were Egypt and Ethiopia ; on another Arabia, Chaldea, Syria, Parthia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Media ; on another Persia and Scythia.- A great sea separated us from Christendom and shut us up in the hands of our destroyers, as if God allowed it. But His arm mercifully defended us. "Blessed indeed is the nation whose God is the Lord."^ The history which follows shall explain how this work was be- gun, and how all the people of the West, once aroused to under- take so great an expedition, more than willingly applied their hearts and hands to it. J I I CHAPTER I The Summons (After Fulcher's preface, which seems admirably suited to this account, the chapter deals with the call for Crusaders from the West. The condition of Europe on the eve of the Crusade is too large a subject to be treated adequately here, but Fulcher's brief summary contains a very suggestive survey of the situation and is interestingly supplemented by Ekkehard's contrast of conditions in East and West Frankland. Alost of the causes of the movement may be inferred from Urban's speech at Clermont. The Council of Clermont was held in November 1095 and lasted for ten days, from the eighteenth to the twenty-eighth of the month, the famous address of Urban being delivered on the day before the close of the Council. The four writers who were presumably present wrote their versions of the speech several years after it occurred, that of Fulcher being perhaps the earliest. Each may have preserved notes taken at the time, but it is ex- tremely interesting to observe that each stresses that phase of the speech which especially appealed to him. Robert the Monk seems to have responded as a patriotic Frenchman, Balderic as a member of the Church hierarchy, Guibert as a mystic, Fulcher, here, as always, as the simple cure — all as churchmen.* Enough has been added by the writers to indicate that most of Urban's audience, which consisted principally of the clergy, became un- official preachers of the Crusade when they returned to their own districts. This is indicated also by Urban's letter to the Crusaders in Flanders, written less than a month after the Council, which was half plea and half instruc- tion to men already aroused. Urban himself spoke at other places in France before returning to Italy to stir up the people there, but he did not go to Germany for the reasons mentioned by both Fulcher and Ekkehard. The appeal there, though indirect, was powerful, as the second chapter proves. The call to the Crusade was sounded and resounded by Urban, even to the time of his death, and by hundreds of others both during his life-time and long thereafter.) I. Conditions in Europe at the beginning of the Crusades. {Fulcher.) In the year of our Lord 1095, in the reign of the so- called Emperor^ Henry in Germany and of King Philip in France, throughout Europe evils of all kinds waxed strong because of vacil- lating faith. Pope Urban H ® then ruled in the city of Rome. He was a man admirable in life and habits, who always strove wisely and energetically to raise the status of Holy Church higher and higher. . . . But the devil, who always desires man's destruction and goes THE FIRST CRUSADE 25 about like a raging lion seeking whom he may devour, stirred up to the confusion of the people a certain rival to Urban, Wibert^ by name. Incited by the stimulus of pride and supported by the shame- lessness of the aforesaid Emperor of the Bavarians, Wibert at- tempted to usurp the papal office while Urban's predecessor, Greg- ory, that is Hildebrand, was the legitimate Pope ; and he thus caused Gregory himself to be cast out of St. Peter's. So the better people refused to recognize him because he acted thus perversely. After the death of Hildebrand, Urban, lawfully elected, was consecrated by the cardinal bishops, and the greater and holier part of the people submitted in obedience to him. Wibert, however, urged on by the support of the aforesaid Emperor and by the instigation of the Roman citizens, for some time kept Urban a stranger to the Church of St. Peter; but Urban, although he was banished from the Church, went about through the country, reconciling to God the people who had gone somewhat astray. Wibert, however, puffed up by the primacy of the Church, showed himself indulgent to sinners, and exercising the office of pope, although unjustly, amongst his ad- herents, he denounced as ridiculous the acts of Urban. But in the year in which the Franks first passed through Rome on their way to Jerusalem, Urban obtained the complete papal power every- where, with the help of a certain most noble matron, Matilda^ by name, who then had great influence in the Roman state. Wibert was then in Germany. So there were two Popes ; and many did not know which to obey, or from which counsel should be taken, or who should remedy the ills of Christianity. Some favored the one; some the other. But it was clear to the intelligence of men that Urban was the better, for he is righly considered better who con- trols his passions, just as if they were enemies. Wibert was Arch- bishop of the city of Ravenna. He was very rich and revelled in honor and wealth. It was a wonder that such riches did not satisfy him. Ought he to be" considered by all an exemplar of right living who, himself a lover of pomp, boldly assumes to usurp the sceptre of Almighty God? Truly, this office must not be seized by force, but accepted with fear and humility. What wonder that the whole world was a prey to disturbance and confusion? For when the Roman Church, which is the source of correction for all Christianity, is troubled by any disorder, the sor- row is communicated from the nerves of the head to the members subject to it, and these suffer sympathetically. This Church, indeed, our mother, as it were, at whose bosom we were nourished, by whose doctrine we were instructed and strengthened, by whose counsel we were admonished, was by this proud Wibert greatly afflicted. 26 THE FIRST CRUSADE For when the head is thus struck, the members at once are sick. If the head be sick, the other members suffer. Since the head was thus sick, pain was engendered in the enfeebled members ; for in all parts of Europe peace, goodness, faith, were boldly trampled un- der foot, within the church and without, by the high, as well as by the low. It was necessary both that an end be put to these evils, and that, in accordance with the plan suggested by Pope Urban, they turn against the pagans the strength formerly used in prose- cuting battles among themselves. . . . He saw, moreover, the faith of Christendom greatly degraded by all, by the clergy as well as by the laity, and peace totally disre- garded; for the princes of the land were incessantly engaged in armed strife, now these, now those quarrelling among themselves. He saw the goods of the land stolen from the owners ; and many, who were unjustly taken captive and most barbarously cast into foul prisons, he saw ransomed for excessive sums, or tormented there by the three evils, starvation, thirst, and cold, or allowed to perish by unseen death. He also saw holy places violated, monas- teries and villas destroyed by fire, and not a little human suffering, both the divine and the human being held in derision. When he heard, too, that interior parts of Romania were held oppressed by the Turks, and that Christians were subjected to destructive and savage attacks, he was moved by compassionate pity; and, prompted by the love of God, he crossed the Alps and came into Gaul. He there called a council at Clermont in Auvergne, which council had been fittingly proclaimed by envoys in all direc- tions. It is estimated that there were three hundred and ten bishops and abbots who bore the crozier. When they were assembled on the day appointed for the council. Urban, in an eloquent address full of sweetness, made known the object of the meeting. With the plain- tive voice of the afflicted Church he bewailed in a long discourse the great disturbances which, as has been mentioned above, agitated the world where faith had been undermined. Then, as a supplicant, he exhorted all to resume the fullness of their faith, and in good earnest to try diligently to withstand the deceits of the devil, and to raise to its pristine honor the status of Holy Church, now most unmercifully crippled by the wicked. "Dearest brethren," he said, "1, Urban, invested by the permission of God with the papal tiara, and spiritual ruler over the whole world, have come here in this great crisis to you, servants of God, as a messenger of divine admonition. I wish those whom I have be- lieved good and faithful dispensers of the ministry of God to be found free from shameful dissimulation. For if there be in you THE FIRST CRUSADE 2^ any disposition or crookedness contrary to God's law, because you have lost the moderation of reason and justice, I shall earnestly en- deavor to correct it at once, with divine assistance. For the Lord has made you stewards over His family, that you provide it with pleasant-tasting meat in season. You will be blessed, indeed, if the Lord shall find you faithful in stewardship. You are also called shepherds; see that you do not the work of hirelings. Be true shepherds and have your crooks always in your hands. Sleep not, but defend everywhere the flock committed to your care. For if through your carelessness or neglect the wolf carries off a sheep, doubtless you will not only lose the reward prepared for you by our Lord, but, after having first been tortured by the strokes of the lictor, you will also be savagely hurled into the abode of the damned. In the words of the gospel, 'Ye are the salt of the earth'?'* But, it is asked, 'If ye fail, wherewith shall it be salted?' Oh, what a salt- ing ! Indeed, you must strive by the salt of your wisdom to correct this foolish people, over-eager for the pleasures of the world, lest the Lord find them insipid and rank, corrupted by crimes at the time when He wishes to speak to them. For if because of your slothful performance of duty He shall discover any worms in them, that is to say any sins. He will in contempt order them to be cast forthwith into the abyss of uncleanness ; and because you will be unable to make good to Him such a loss. He will surely banish you, condemned by His judgment, from the presence of His love. But one that salteth ought to be prudent, foresighted, learned, peaceful, watchful, respectable, pious, just, fair-minded, pure. For how can the unlearned make others learned, the immodest make others mod- est, the unclean make others clean? How can he make peace who hates it? If anyone has soiled hands, how can he cleanse the spots from one contaminated? For it is written, 'If the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the pit.'^° Accordingly, first correct your- selves, so that without reproach you can then correct those under your care. If, indeed, you wish to be the friends of God, do gener- ously what you see is pleasing to Him. "See to it that the affairs of Holy Church, especially, are main- tained in their rights, and that simoniacal heresy in no way takes root among you. Take care lest purchasers and venders alike, struck by the lash of the Lord, be disgracefully driven through nar- row ways into utter confusion. Keep the Church in all its orders entirely free from the secular power; have given to God faithfully one-tenth of the fruits of the earth, neither selling them, nor with- holding them. Whoever lays violent hands on a bishop, let him be considered excommunicated. Whoever shall have seized monks, or 28 THE FIRST CRUSADE priests, or nuns, and their servants, or pilgrims, or traders, and shall have despoiled them, let him be accursed. Let thieves and burners of houses and their accomplices be excommunicated from the church and accursed. Therefore, we must consider especially, as Gregory says, how great will be his punishment who steals from another, if he incurs the damnation of hell who does not distribute alms from his own possessions. For so it happened to the rich man in the Gospel, who was punished not for stealing anything from another, but because, having received wealth, he used it badly. ^^ "By these evils, therefore, as I have said, dearest brethren, you have seen the world disordered for a long time, and to such a de- gree that in some places in your provinces, as has been reported to us (perhaps due to your weakness in administering justice), one scarcely dares to travel for fear of being kidnapped by thieves at night or highwayman by day, by force or by craft, at home or out of doors. Wherefore, it is well to enforce anew the Truce,^^ commonly so-called, which was long ago established by our holy fathers, and which I most earnestly entreat each one of you to have observed in his diocese. But if any one, led on by pride or am- bition, infringes this injunction voluntarily, let him be anathema in virtue of the authority of God and by the sanction of the decrees of this council." When these and many other things were well disposed of, all those present, priests and people alike, gave thanks to God and welcomed the advice of the Lord Pope Urban, assuring him, with a promise of fidelity, that these decrees of his would be well kept. 2. Urban' s plea for a Crusade. (November 27, 1095.) (Gesta.) When now that time was at hand which the Lord Jesus daily points out to His faithful, especially in the Gospel, say- ing, "H any man would come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me,"^^ a mighty agitation was carried on throughout all the region of Gaul. (Its tenor was) that if anyone desired to follow the Lord zealously, with a pure heart and mind, and wished faithfully to bear the cross after Him, he would no longer hesitate to take up the way to the Holy Sepulchre. And so Urban, Pope of the Roman see, with his archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priests, set out as quickly as possible beyond the mountains and began to deliver sermons and to preach eloquent- ly, saying: "Whoever wishes to save his soul should not hesitate humbly to take up the way of the Lord, and if he lacks sufificient money, divine mercy will give him enough." Then the apostolic lord continued, "Brethren, we ought to endure much suffering for THE FIRST CRUSADE 29 the name of Christ — misery, poverty, nakedness, persecution, want, illness, hunger, thirst, and other (ills) of this kind, just as the Lord saith to His disciples : 'Ye must suffer much in My name,'" and 'Be not ashamed to confess Me before the faces of men; verily I will give you mouth and wisdom,'^^ and finally, 'Great is your re- ward in Heaven.' "^^ And when this speech had already begun to be noised abroad, little by little, through all the regions and coun- tries of Gaul, the Franks, upon hearing such reports, forthwith caused crosses to be sewed on their right shoulders, saying that they followed with one accord the footsteps of Christ, by which they had been redeemed from the hand of hell. {Fulcher.) But the Pope added at once that another trouble, not less, but still more grievous than that already spoken of, and even the very worst, was besetting Christianity from another part of the world. He said: "Since, O sons of God, you have promised the Lord to maintain peace more earnestly than heretofore in your midst, and faithfully to sustain the rights of Holy Church, there still remains for you, who are newly aroused by this divine correc- tion, a very necessary work, in which you can show the strength of your good will by a certain further duty, God's concern and your own. For you must hasten to carry aid to your brethren dwelling in the East, who need your help, which they often have asked. For the Turks, a Persian people, have attacked them, as many of you already know, and have advanced as far into the Roman terri- tory as that part of the Mediterranean which is called the Arm of St. George ; and, by seizing more and more of the lands of the Christians, they have already often conquered them in battle, have killed and captured many, have destroyed the churches, and have devastated the kingdom of God. If you allow them to continue much longer, they will subjugate God's faithful yet more widely. "Wherefore, I exhort with earnest prayer — not I, but God — that, as heralds of Christ, you urge men by frequent exhortation, men of all ranks, knights as well as foot-soldiers, rich as well as poor, to hasten to exterminate this vile race from the lands of your brethren, and to aid the Christians in time. I speak to those present ; I pro- claim it to the absent ; moreover, Christ commands it. And if those who set out thither should lose their lives on the way by land, or in crossing the sea, or in fighting the pagans, their sins shall be re- mitted. This I grant to all who go, through the power vested in me by God. Oh, what a disgrace, if a race so despised, base, and the instrument of demons, should so overcome a people endowed with faith in the all-powerful God, and resplendent with the name of Christ ! Oh, what reproaches will be charged against you by 30 THE FIRST CRUSADE the Lord Himself if you have not helped those who are counted, like yourselves, of the Christian faith ! Let those who have been accustomed to make private war against the faithful carry on to a successful issue a war against infidels, which ought to have been begun ere now. Let these who for a long time have been robbers now become soldiers of Christ. Let those who once fought against brothers and relatives now fight against barbarians, as they ought. Let those who have been hirelings at low wages now labor for an eternal rew^ard. Let those who have been wearing themselves out to the detriment of body and soul now labor for a double glory. On the one hand will be the sad and poor, on the other the joyous and wealthy ; here the enemies of the Lord ; there His friends. Let no obstacle stand in the way of those who are going, but, after their afifairs are settled and expense money is collected, when the winter has ended and spring has come, let them zealously under- take the journey under the guidance of the Lord." {Robert the Monk.) . . . "Oh, race of Franks, race from across the mountains, race chosen and beloved by God — as shines forth in very many of your works — set apart from all nations by the situa- tion of your country, as well as by your Catholic faith and the honor of the Holy Church ! To you our discourse is addressed, and for you our exhortation is intended. We wish you to know what a grievous cause has led us to your country, what peril, threatening you and all the faithful, has brought us. "From the confines of Jerusalem and the city of Constantinople a horrible tale has gone forth and very frequently has been brought to our ears ; namely, that a race from the kingdom of the Persians, an accursed race, a race utterly alienated from God, a generation, forsooth, which has neither directed its heart nor entrusted its spirit to God, has invaded the lands of those Christians and has depopulated them by the sword, pillage, and fire ; it has led away a part of the captives into its own country, and a part it has destroyed by cruel tortures ; it has either entirely destroyed the churches of God or appropriated them for the rites of its own religion. They destroy the altars, after having defiled them with their uncleanness. They circumcise the Christians, and the blood of the circumcision they either spread upon the altars or pour into the vases of the baptismal font. When they wish to torture people by a base death, they perforate their navels, and, dragging forth the end of the in- testines, bind it to a stake ; then with flogging they lead the victim around until his viscera have gushed forth, and he falls prostrate upon the ground. Others they bind to a post and pierce with ar- rows. Others they compel to extend their necks, and then, attack- THE FIRST CRUSADE 31 ing them with naked swords, they attempt to cut through the neck with a single blow. What shall I say of the abominable rape of the women ? To speak of it is worse than to be silent. The king- dom of the Greeks is now dismembered by them and deprived of territory so vast in extent that it can not be traversed in a march of two months. On whom, therefore, is the task of avenging these wrongs and of recovering this territory incumbent, if not upon you? You, upon whom above other nations God has conferred remark- able glory in arms, great courage, bodily energy, and the strength to humble the hairy scalp of those who resist you. "Let the deeds of your ancestors move you and incite your minds to manly achievements ; likewise, the glory and greatness of King Charles the Great, and his son Louis, and of your other kings, who have destroyed the kingdoms of the pagans, and have extended in these lands the territory of the Holy Church. Let the Holy Sepul- chre of the Lord, our Saviour, which is possessed by unclean na- tions, especially move you, and likewise the holy places, which are now treated with ignominy and irreverently polluted with filthiness. Oh, most valiant soldiers and descendants of invincible ancestors, be not degenerate, but recall the valor of your forefathers ! "However, if you are hindered by love of children, parents, and wives, remember what the Lord says in the Gospel, 'He that loveth father, or mother more than me, is not worthy of me.'^^ 'Every one that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands for my name's sake shall re- ceive an hundred-fold and shall inherit everlasting life.'^® Let none of your possessions detain you, no solicitude for your family affairs, since this land which you inhabit, shut in on all sides by the sea and surrounded by mountain peaks, is too narrow for your large population ; nor does it abound in wealth ; and it furnishes scarcely food enough for its cultivators. Hence it is that you murder and devour one another, that you wage war, and that frequently you perish by mutual wounds. Let therefore hatred depart from among you, let your quarrels end, let wars cease, and let all dissensions and controversies slumber. Enter upon the road to the Holy Sepul- chre; wrest that land from the wicked race, and subject it to your- selves. That land which, as the Scripture says, 'floweth with milk and honey'^^ was given by God into the possession of the children of Israel. "Jerusalem is the navel of the world; the land is fruitful above others, like another paradise of delights. This the Redeemer of the human race has made illustrious by His advent, has beautified by His presence, has consecrated by suffering, has redeemed by 32 THE FIRST CRUSADE death, has glorified by burial. This royal city, therefore, situated at the center of the world, is now held captive by His enemies, and is in subjection to those who do not know God, to the worship of the heathen. Therefore, she seeks and desires to be liberated and does not cease to implore you to come to her aid. From you, espe- cially, she asks succor, because, as we have already said, God has conferred upon you, above all nations, great glory in arms. Ac- cordingly, undertake this journey for the remission of your sins, with the assurance of the imperishable glory of the kingdom of heaven." When Pope Urban had said these and very many similar things m his urbane discourse, he so influenced to one purpose the desires of all who were present that they cried out, "God wills it ! God wills it!" When the venerable Roman pontiff heard that, with eyes uplifted to heaven he gave thanks to God and, with his hand com- manding silence, said : "Most beloved brethren, to-day is manifest in you what the Lord says in the Gospel, 'Where two or three are gathered together in My name there am I in the midst of them.'-° Unless the Lord God had been present in your minds, all of you would not have uttered the same cry. For, although the cry issued from numerous mouths, yet the origin of the cry was one. Therefore I say to you that God, who implanted this in your breasts, has drawn it forth from you. Let this then be your battle-cry in combat, because this word is given to you by God. When an armed attack is made upon the enemy, let this one cry be raised by all the soldiers of God : 'God wills it ! God wills it !' "And we do not command or advise that the old, or the feeble, or those unfit for bearing arms, undertake this journey; nor ought women to set out at all without their husbands, or brothers, or legal guardians. For such are more of a hindrance than aid, more of a burden than an advantage. Let the rich aid the needy ; and, ac- cording to their means, let them take with them experienced sol- diers. The priests and clerks of any order are not to go without the consent of their bishops; for this journey would profit them nothing if they went without such permission. Also, it is not fitting that laymen should enter upon the pilgrimage without the blessing of their priests. "Whoever, therefore, shall determine upon this holy pilgrimage and shall make his vow to God to that effect and shall offer himself to Him as a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, shall wear the sign of the cross of the Lord on his forehead, or on his breast. When, having truly fulfilled his vow, he wishes to return, let him THE FIRST CRUSADE 33 place the cross on his back between his shoulders. Such, indeed, by two-fold action will fulfil the precept of the Lord, as He com- mands in the Gospel, 'He that doth not take his cross and follow after me, is not worthy of me,' "^^ . . . (Balderic of Dol.) . . . "We have heard, most beloved brethren, and you have heard what we cannot recount without deep sorrow — how, with great hurt and dire sufiferings our Christian brothers, members in Christ, are scourged, oppressed, and injured in Jerusa- lem, in Antioch, and the other cities of the East. Your own blood- brothers, your companions, your associates (for you are sons of the same Christ and the same Church) are either subjected in their in- herited homes to other masters, or are driven from them, or they come as beggars among us ; or, which is far worse, they are flogged and exiled as slaves for sale in their own land. CJiristian blood, redeemed by the blood of Christ, has been shed, and Christian flesh, akin to the flesh of Christ, has been subjected to unspeakable degradation and servitude. Everywhere in those cities there is sorrow, everywhere misery, everywhere groaning (I say it with a sigh). The churches in which divine mysteries were celebrated in olden times are now, to our sorrow, used as stables for the animals of these people ! Holy men do not possess those cities ; nay, base and bastard Turks hold sway over our brothers. The blessed Peter first presided as Bishop at Antioch ; behold, in his own church the Gentiles have established their superstitions, and the Christian re- ligion, which they ought rather to cherish, they have basely shut out from the hall dedicated to God ! The estates given for the sup- port of the saints and the patrimony of nobles set aside for the sus- tenance of the poor are subject to pagan tyranny, while cruel mas- ters abuse for their own purposes the returns from these lands. The priesthood of God has been ground down into the dust. The sanctuary of God (unspeakable shame!) is everywhere profaned. Whatever Christians still remain in hiding there are sought out with unheard of tortures. "Of holy Jerusalem, brethren, we dare not speak, for we are ex- ceedingly afraid and ashamed to speak of it. This very city, in which, as you all know, Christ Himself suffered for us, because our sins demanded it, has been reduced to the pollution of paganism and, I say it to our disgrace, withdrawn from the service of God. Such is the heap of reproach upon us who have so much deserved it ! Who now serves the church of the Blessed Mary in the valley of Josaphat, in which church she herself was buried in body? But why do we pass over the Temple of Solomon, nay of the Lord, in which the barbarous nations placed their idols contrary to law. 34 THE FIRST CRUSADE human and divine? Of the Lord's Sepulchre we have refrained from speaking, since some of you with your own eyes have seen to what abominations it has been given over. The Turks violently took from it the offerings which you brought there for alms in such vast amounts, and, in addition, they scoffed much and often at your religion. And yet in that place (I say only what you already know) rested the Lord ; there He died for us ; there He was buried. How precious would be the longed-for, incomparable place of the Lord's burial, even if God failed there to perform the yearly miracle!" For in the days of His Passion all the lights in the Sepulchre and round about in the church, which have been extinguished, are re- lighted by divine command. Whose heart is so stony, brethren, that it is not touched by so great a miracle? Believe me, that man is bestial and senseless whose heart such divinely manifest grace does not move to faith ! And yet the Gentiles see this in common with the Christians and are not turned from their ways ! They are, indeed, afraid, but they are not converted to the faith ; nor is it to be wondered at, for a blindness of mind rules over them. With what afflictions they wronged you who have returned and are now piesent, you yourselves know too well, you who there sacrificed your substance and your blood for God. "This, beloved brethren, we shall say, that we may have you as witness of our words. More suffering of our brethren and de- vastation of churches remains than we can speak of one by one, for we are oppressed by tears and groans, sighs and sobs. We weep and wail, brethren, alas, like the Psalmist, in our inmost heart! We are wretched and unhappy, and in us is that prophecy fulfilled : 'God, the nations are come into thine inheritance ; thy holy temple have they defiled ; they have laid Jerusalem in heaps ; the dead bodies of thy servants have been given to be food for the birds of the heaven, the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem, and there was none to bury them.'-^ Woe unto us, brethren ! W'e who have already become a reproach to our neighbors, a scofiing, and derision to them round about us, let us at least with tears condole and have compassion upon our brothers ! We who are become the scorn of all peoples, and worse than all, let us bewail the most monstrous devastation of the Holy Land ! This land we have de- servedly called holy in which there is not even a foot-step that the body or spirit of the Saviour did not render glorious and blessed; which embraced the holy presence of the mother of God, and the meetings of the apostles, and drank up the blood of the martyrs shed there. How blessed are the stones which crowned you, Ste- THE FIRST CRUSADE 35 phen, the first martyr ! How happy, O, John the Baptist, the waters of the Jordan which served you in baptizing the Saviour ! The chil- dren of Israel, who were led out of Egypt, and who prefigured you in the crossing of the Red Sea, have taken that land by their arms, with Jesus as leader ; they have driven out the Jebusites'* and other inhabitants and have themselves inhabited earthly Jerusalem, the image of celestial Jerusalem. "What are we saying? Listen and learn! You, girt about with the badge of knighthood, are arrogant with great pride; you rage against your brothers and cut each other in pieces. This is not the (true) soldiery of Christ which rends asunder the sheep-fold of the Redeemer. The Holy Church has reserved a soldiery for her- self to help her people, but you debase her wickedly to her hurt. Let us confess the truth, whose heralds we ought to be; truly, you are not holding to the way which leads to life. You, the oppressers of children, plunderers of widows; you, guilty of homicide, of sacri- lege, robbers of another's rights ; you who await the pay of thieves for the shedding of Christian blood — as vultures smell fetid corpses, so do you sense battles from afar and rush to them eagerly. Verily, this is the worst way, for it is utterly removed from God! If, forsooth, you wish to be mindful of your souls, either lay down the girdle of such knighthood, or advance boldly, as knights of Christ, and rush as quickly as you can to the defence of the Eastern Church. For she it is from whom the joys of your whole salvation have come forth, who poured into your mouths the milk of divine wnsdom, who set before you the holy teachings of the Gospels. We say this, brethren, that you may restrain your murderous hands from the destruction of your brothers, and in behalf of your rela- tives in the faith oppose yourselves to the Gentiles. Under Jesus Christ, our Leader, may you struggle for your Jerusalem, in Chris- tian battle-line, most invincible line, even more successfully than did the sons of Jacob of old — struggle, that you may assail and drive out the Turks, more execrable than the Jebusites, who are in this land, and may you deem it a beautiful thing to die for Christ in that city in which He died for us. But if it befall you to die this side of it, be sure that to have died on the way is of equal value, if Christ shall find you in His army. God pays with the same shilling, whether at the first or eleventh hour. You should shudder, brethren, you should shudder at raising a violent hand against Christians ; it is less wicked to brandish your sword against Saracens. It is the only warfare that is righteous, for it is charity to risk your life for your brothers. That you may not be troubled about the concerns of to-morrow, know that those who 36 THE FIRST CRUSADE fear God want nothing, nor those who cherish Him in truth. The possessions of the enemy, too, will be yours, since you will make spoil of their treasures and return victorious to your own; or em- purpled with your own blood, you will have gained everlasting glory. For such a Commander you ought to fight, for One who lacks, neither might nor wealth with which to reward you. Short is the way, little the labor, which, nevertheless, will repay you with the crown that fadeth not away. Accordingly, we speak with the authority of the prophet: 'Gird thy sword upon thy thigh, O mighty one.'-'^ Gird yourselves, everyone of you, I say, and be valiant sons ; for it is better for you to die in battle than to behold the sorrows of your race and of your holy places. Let neither property nor the alluring charms of your wives entice you from going; nor let the trials that are to be borne so deter you that you remain here." And turning to the bishops, he said, "You, brothers and fellow bishops ; you, fellow priests and sharers with us in Christ, make this same announcement through the churches committed to you, and with your whole soul vigorously preach the journey to Jerusa- lem. When they have confessed the disgrace of their sins, do you, secure in Christ, grant them speedy pardon. Moreover, you who are to go shall have us praying for you ; we shall have you fighting for God's people. It is our duty to pray, yours to fight against the Amalekites.^*' With Moses, we shall extend unwearied hands in prayer to Heaven, while yoti go forth and brandish the sword, like dauntless warriors, against Amalek."' As those present were thus clearly informed by these and other words of this kind from the apostolic lord, the eyes of some were bathed in tears ; some trembled, and yet others discussed the matter. However, in the presence of all at that same council, and as we looked on, the Bishop of Puy,^^ a man of great renown and of highest ability, went to the Pope with joyful countenance and on bended knee sought and entreated blessing and permission to go. Over and above this, he won from the Pope the command that all should obey him, and that he should hold sway over all the army in behalf of the Pope, since all knew him to be a prelate of unusual energy and industry. . . . (Guibert of Nogent.) . . . 'Tf among the churches scattered about over the whole world some, because of persons or location, deserve reverence above others (for persons, I say, since greater privileges are accorded to apostolic sees ; for places, indeed, since the same dignity which is accorded to persons is also shown to regal cities, such as Constantinople), we owe most to that church THE FIRST CRUSADE 37 from which we received the grace of redemption and the source of all Christianity. If what the Lord says — namely, 'Salvation is from the Jews — ,'-^ accords with the truth, and it is true that the Lord has left us Sabaoth as seed, that we may not become like Sodom and Gomorrah, and our seed is Christ, in whom is the salvation and benediction of all peoples, then, indeed, the very land and city in which He dwelt and suffered is, by witness of the Scriptures, holy. If this land is spoken of in the sacred writings of the prophets as the inheritance and the holy temple of God before ever the Lord walked about in it, or was revealed, what sanctity, what reverence has it not acquired since God in His majesty was there clothed in the flesh, nourished, grew up, and in bodily form there walked about, or was carried about ; and, to compress in fitting brevity all that might be told in a long series of words, since there the blood of the Son of God, more holy than heaven and earth, was poured forth, and His body, its quivering members dead, rested in the tomb. What veneration do we think it deserves? If, when the Lord had but just been crucified and the city was still held by the Jews, it was called holy by the evangelist when he says, 'Many bodies of the saints that had fallen asleep were raised ; and coming forth out of the tombs after His resurrection, they entered into the holy city and appeared unto many,'^^ and by the prophet Isaiah when he says, Tt shall be His glorious sepulchre,'^" then, surely, with this sanctity placed upon it by God the Sanctifier Himself, no evil that may be- fall it can destroy it, and in the same way glory is indivisibly fixed to His Sepulchre. Most beloved brethren, if you reverence the source of that holiness and glory, if you cherish these shrines which are the marks of His foot-prints on earth, if you seek (the way), God leading you, God fighting in your behalf, you should strive with your utmost efforts to cleanse the Holy City and the glory of the Sepulchre, now polluted by the concourse of the Gentiles, as much as is in their power. "If in olden times the Maccabees attained to the highest praise of piety because they fought for the ceremonies and the Temple, it is also justly granted you. Christian soldiers, to defend the liberty of your country by armed endeavor. If you, likewise, consider that the abode of the holy apostles and any other saints should be striven for with such effort, why do you refuse to rescue the Cross, the Blood, the Tomb? Why do you refuse to visit them, to spend the price of your lives in rescuing them? You have thus far waged unjust wars, at one time and another; you have brandished mad weapons to your mutual destruction, for no other reason than covetousness and pride, as a result of which you have deserved 38 THE FIRST CRUSADE eternal death and sure damnation. We now hold out to you wars which contain the glorious reward of martyrdom, which will re- tain that title of praise now and forever. "Let us suppose, for the moment, that Christ was not dead and buried, and had never lived any length of time in Jerusalem. Sure- ly, if all this were lacking, this fact alone ought still to arouse you to go to the aid of the land and city — the fact that 'Out of Zion shall go forth the law and the word of Jehovah from Jerusalem !'^^ If all that there is of Christian preaching has flowed from the foun- tain of Jerusalem, its streams, whithersoever spread out over the whole world, encircle the hearts of the Catholic multitude, that they may consider wisely what they owe such a well-watered fountain. If rivers return to the place whence they have issued only to flow forth again, according to the saying of Solomon,^^ it ought to seem glorious to you to be able to apply a new cleansing to this place, whence it is certain that you received the cleansing of baptism and the witness of your faith. "And you ought, furthermore, to consider with the utmost de- liberation, if by your labors, God working through you, it should occur that the Mother of churches should flourish anew to the wor- ship of Christianity, whether, perchance. He may not wish other regions of the East to be restored to the faith against the approach- ing time of the Antichrist.^^ For it is clear that Antichrist is to do battle not with the Jews, not with the Gentiles ; but, according to the etymolog}' of his name, He will attack Christians. And if Anti- christ finds there no Christians (just as at present when scarcely any dwell there), no one will be there to oppose him, or whom he may rightly overcome. According to Daniel and Jerome, the in- terpreter of Daniel, he is to fix his tents on the Mount of Olives ; and it is certain, for the apostle teaches it, that he will sit at Jeru- salem in the Temple of the Lord, as though he were God. And according to the same prophet, he will first kill three kings of Egypt, Africa, and Ethiopia, without doubt for their Christian faith. This, indeed, could not at all be done unless Christianity was estab- lished where now is paganism. If, therefore, you are zealous in the practice of holy battles, in order that, just as you have received the seed of knowledge of God from Jerusalem, you may in the same way restore the borrowed grace, so that through you the Catholic name may be advanced to oppose the perfidy of the Antichrist and the Antichristians — then, who can not conjecture that God, who has exceeded the hope of all, will consume, in the abundance of your courage and through you as the spark, such a thicket of paganism as to include within His law Egypt, Africa, and Ethiopia, which THE FIRST CRUSADE 39 have withdrawn from the communion of our belief ? And the man of sin, the son of perdition, will find some to oppose him. Behold, the Gospel cries out, 'Jerusalem shall be trodden down by the Gen- tiles until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled.'^* 'Times of the Gentiles' can be understood in two ways: Either that they have ruled over the Christians at their pleasure, and have gladly fre- quented the sloughs of all baseness for the satisfaction of their lusts, and in all this have had no obstacle (for they who have every- thing according to their wish are said to have their time; there is that saying: 'My time is not yet come, but your time is always ready,'^^ whence the lustful are wont to say 'you are having your time'). Or, again, 'the times of the Gentiles' are the fulness of time for those Gentiles who shall have entered secretly before Israel shall be saved. These times, most beloved brothers, will now, forsooth, be fulfilled, provided the might of the pagans be repulsed through you, with the co-operation of God. With the end of the world already near, even though the Gentiles fail to be converted to the Lord (since according to the apostle there must be a with- drawal from the faith), it is first necessary, according to the proph- ecy, that the Christian sway be renewed in those regions, either through you, or others, whom it shall please God to send before the coming of Antichrist, so that the head of all evil, who is to occupy there the throne of the kingdom, shall find some support of the faith to fight against him. "Consider, therefore, that the Almighty has provided you, per- haps, for this purpose, that through you He may restore Jerusalem from such debasement. Ponder, I beg you, how full of joy and de- light our hearts will be when we shall see the Holy City restored with your little help, and the prophet's, nay divine, words fulfilled in our times. Let your memory be moved by what the Lord Him- self says to the Church: 'I will bring thy seed from the East and gather thee from the West.'^^ God has already brought our seed from the East, since in a double way that region of the East has given the first beginnings of the Church to us. But from the West He will also gather it, provided He repairs the wrongs of Jerusalem through those who have begun the witness of the final faith, that is the people of the West. With God's assistance, we think this can be done through you. "If neither the words of the Scriptures arouse you, nor our ad- monitions penetrate your minds, at least let the great suffering of those who desired to go to the holy places stir you up. Think of those who made the pilgrimage across the sea ! Even if they were more wealthy, consider what taxes, what violence they underwent, 40 THE FIRST CRUSADE since they were forced to make payments and tributes almost every mile, to purchase release at every gate of the city, at the entrance of the churches and temples, at every side-journey from place to place: also, if any accusation whatsoever were made against them, they were compelled to purchase their release ; but if they refused to pay money, the prefects of the Gentiles, according to their custom, urged them fiercely with blows. What shall we say of those who took up the journey without anything more than trust in their bar- ren poverty, since they seemed to have nothing except their bodies to lose? They not only demanded money of them, which is not an unendurable punishment, but also examined the callouses of their heels, cutting them open and folding the skin back, lest, perchance, they had sewed something there. Their unspeakable cruelty was carried on even to the point of giving them scammony to drink until they vomited, or even burst their bowels, because they thought the wretches had swallowed gold or silver; or, horrible to say, they cut their bowels open with a sword and, spreading out the folds of the intestines, with frightful mutilation disclosed whatever na- ture held there in secret. Remember, I pray, the thousands who have perished vile deaths, and strive for the holy places from which the beginnings of your faith have come. Before you engage in His battles, believe without question that Christ will be your standard- bearer and inseparable fore-runner." The most excellent man concluded his oration and by the power of the blessed Peter absolved all who vowed to go and confirmed those acts with apostolic blessing. He instituted a sign well suited to so honorable a profession by making the figure of the Cross, the stigma of the Lord's Passion, the emblem of the soldiery, or rather, of what was to be the soldiery of God. This, made of any kind of cloth, he ordered to be sewed upon the shirts, cloaks, and byrra of those who were about to go. He commanded that if anyone, after receiving this emblem, or after taking openly this vow, should shrink from his good intent through base change of heart, or any afifection for his parents, he should be regarded an outlaw forever, unless he repented and again undertook whatever of his pledge he had omitted. Furthermore, the Pope condemned with a fearful anathema all those who dared to molest the wives, children, and possessions of these who were going on this journey for God. . . . 3. The immediate response. (Fidcher.) After this speech, those present were very enthusi- asttc in The cause, and many, thinking that nothing could be more THE FIRST CRUSADE 41 laudable than such an undertaking, at once offered to go and dili- gently exhort the absent. Among these was the Bishop of Puy, Adhemar by name, who later acting as the Pope's vicegerent pru- dently and wisely led the whole army of God and vigorously in- spired them to accomplish the undertaking. So, when those things which have been mentioned were determined upon in the council and unanimously approved of, and after the papal blessing was given, they withdrew to their homes to make known to those who were not present at the council what had been done. When these tidings were proclaimed throughout the provinces, they agreed under oath that the peace which was called the Truce should be kept mutually by all. Finally, then, many persons of every class vowed, after confession, that they were going with a pure intent whither they were ordered to go. Oh, how fitting and how pleasing to us all to see those crosses, beautiful, whether of silk, or of woven gold, or of any kind of cloth, which these pilgrims, by order of Pope Urban, sewed on the should- ers of their mantles, or cassocks, or tunics, once they had made the vow to go. It was indeed proper that soldiers of God who prepared to fight for His honor should be signed and fortified by this fitting emblem of victory ; and, since they thus marked them- selves with this symbol under the acknowledgment of faith, finally they very truly obtained the Cross of which they carried the symbol. They adopted the sign that they might follow the reality of the sign. It is evident that a good intention brings about the achievement of a good work, and that good work earns the soul's salvation. For if it is good to intend well, it is still better to accomplish a good work which has been planned. Therefore the best thing one can do is to provide for the salvation of his soul by a worthy action. Let each one then plan good deeds, which by still more worthy ac- tion he will fulfil, so that he shall at length receive the never end- ing reward which he has earned. So Urban, a man prudent and revered, conceived a work by which later the whole universe pros- pered. For he restored peace and re-established the rights of thz church in their pristine condition. And with a lively determination he also made an effort to drive out the pagans from the Christian lands. Therefore, since he endeavored in every way to glorify everything which was God's, almost all voluntarily submitted them- selves to his paternal direction. ( E^keha rd.) The West Franks" could easily be induced to leave their lands, since for several years Gaul had suffered, now / from civil war, now from famine, and again from excessive mor-^ tahty; and, finally, that disease which had its origin in the vicinity 42 THE FIRST CRUSADE of the church of St. Gertrude of Nivelle^^ alarmed them to such an extent that they feared for their lives. This was the nature of the disease. The patient, attacked in any part of the body by invisible fire, suffered unspeakable torment for a long time, and without remedy, until either he lost his life from the agony, or he lost both the torture and the afflicted limb at the same time. There are to this day living witnesses of this disease, maimed either in hands or feet by the scourge. Of the other nations, some peoples or individuals acknowledged that they had been called to the land of promise not only by the proclamation of the Pope, but also by certain prophets who had lately arisen among them, or by signs and revelations from heaven ; others confessed that they had been constrained to take the vows by reason of embarrassed circumstances. Indeed, the majority set out encumbered with their wives and children and all their house- hold effects. But for the East Franks, the Saxons, the Thuringians, the Ba- varians, and the AlemannP^ this trumpet call sounded only faintly, particularly because of the schism between the empire and the papacy, from the time of Pope Alexander*" even until today. This, alas, has strengthened our hatred and enmity against the Romans, as it has theirs towards us ! And so it came to pass that almost all the Teutonic race, at first ignorant of the reason for this setting out, laughed to scorn the many legions of knights passing through their land, the many companies of foot soldiers, and the crowds of country people, women, and little ones. They regarded them as crazed with unspeakable folly, inasmuch as they were striving after uncertainties in place of certainties and were leaving for naught the land of their birth, to seek with certain danger the uncertain land of promise ; and, while giving up their own possessions, they were yearning after those of strangers. But although our people are more perverse than other races, yet in consideration of the promise of divine pity, the enthusiasm of the Teutons was at last turned to this same proclamation, for they were taught, forsooth, what the thing really meant by the crowds passing through their lands. 4. Urhan's instructions to the assembling Crusaders. Urban, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to all the faithful, both princes and subjects, waiting in Flanders; greeting, apostolic grace, and blessing. Your brotherhood, we believe, has long since learned from many accounts that a barbaric fury has deplorably afflicted and laid waste THE FIRST CRUSADE 43 the churches of God in the regions of the Orient. More than this, blasphemous to say, it has even grasped in intolerable servitude its churches and the Holy City of Christ, glorified by His passion and resurrection. Grieving with pious concern at this calamity, we visited the regions of Gaul and devoted ourselves largely to urging the princes of the land and their subjects to free the churches of the East. We solemnly enjoined upon them at the council of Auvergne" (the accomplishment of) such an undertaking, as a prep- aration for the remission of all their sins. And we have consti- tuted our most beloved son, Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, leader of this expedition and undertaking in our stead, so that those who, per- chance, may wish to undertake this journey should comply with his commands, as if they were our own, and submit fully to his loosings or bindings, as far as shall seem to belong to such an office. If, moreover, there are any of your people whom God has inspired to this vow, let them know that he (Adhemar) will set out with the aid of God on the day of the Assumption of the Blessed Mary,*^ and that they can then attach themselves to his following. (Written toward the end of December, 1095.) CHAPTER II The March to Constantixople (Despite Urban's efforts to keep the expedition within the bounds of a common plan and to maintain some degree of organization, the enthusiasm which he aroused was too great to be restrained. Without waiting for the appointed day, various bands, commonly known as the Peasants' Crusade, started from the Rhine country, eager to be the first to gauT the great je- wards. Neither the character nor the conduct of the groups seems to have been such as to inspire any writer with a desire to recount their deeds. As a result, our information about them comes wholly from the none too sym- pathetic chronicles of the later writers. The versions given by the Anony- mous, who met some of the survivors at Constantinople, by Ekkehard, and by Albert, both of whom lived in the country through which these bands passed, have been selected as the most accurate and complete. The persecu- tions of the Jews, so common along the march of the Peasants, was by no means, how^ever, confined to them, being almost as widespread as the en- thusiasm for the Crusade itself. ^^ Though the final fate of the first of these companies is described in the tTTird chapter, they had all started before the main body, and their conduct had left a deep impression upon the peoples through whose lands they journeyed. The difficulties of the main army in these same regions were probably due in no small measure to the excesses which the Peasants had committed. The main armies must be followed up to Constantinople, as the leaders followed four different routes. The march of Godfrey and Baldwin is described by Albert, that of Bohemund by the Anonymous, who accompanied him, that of Raj-mond by his chaplain, Ray- mond of Aguilers, and that of Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois by Fulcher, who was with them. Hugh the Great and Robert of Flanders had no chroniclers in their following, or, at any rate, no detailed account of their journey to Constantinople has been preserved. Due to the diverse routes chosen by the leaders, this portion of the history of the First Crusade is least well substantiated, for each of the writers could render accurate account of only his own army. References to other bands are often in- accurate and confusing, and even in the story of a single route geographical allusions are fregiiently uncertain or incorrect. This can be easily explained by the fact that the Crusaders were moving fairly rapidly through strange country, without the stimulus of actual warfare to fi.x place names in their minds. Fortunately, the well worn Roman roads through the Balkan and f Danube country can still be traced, while the reco^izable places mentioned ^ by the chroniclers afford ample testimony that the Crusaders followed Ihem in / the main.) I. The Departure. (Fulcher.) Now then, I must turn to the history of those who went to Jerusalem and make clear to all who do not know THE FIRST CRUSADE 45 what happened to these pilgrims on the way, how, Httle by little, by the grace of God, their undertaking and their labor gloriously succeeded. I, Fulcher of Chartres, went with the other pilgrims, and for the benefit of posterity I have carefully and diligently stored all this in my memory, just as I witnessed it. In the year 1096, and in the month of March following the coun- cil, which, as has been said, Pope Urban held during November in Auvergne, some who were more prompt in their preparation than others began to set out on the holy journey. Others followed in April, or May, in June, or in July, or even in August, or Septem- ber, or October, as they were able to secure the means to defray their expenses. That year peace and good crops of grain and grapes flourished everywhere, by the disposition of God, lest those who chose to follow Him with their crosses, in accordance with His precept, should fail on the way for want of food. . . . What further shall I say? The islands of the sea and all the regions of the earth were shaken under foot, so that it would seem that the prophecy of David was fulfilled, who said in the psalm, "All the nations thou hast made shall come and worship before thee, O Lord"-; and that, also, which those who came later justly said, "Wc will worship in the place where His feet have stood." Of this journey, moreover, we have read much more in the Prophets, which it would be tedious to repeat. Oh what grief, what sighs, what weeping! What lamentations among friends, when the husband left his wife so dear to him, and his children, and all his possessions, his father, his mother, his brothers, or his relatives ! But m spite of such tears which those who remained shed for departing friends in their very presence, the crusaders were still in no wise weakened by this; and for love of God they left all that they possessed, firmly convinced that they would receive that hundred-fold which the Lord has promised to those who love Him. Then husband advised wife of the time of his return, assuring her that if he lived, by God's grace, he would return to her. He commended her to the Lord, he kissed her tenderly, and, weeping, he promised to return. But she, fearing that she would never see him more, was unable to stand and fell senseless to the ground and wept for her love, whom, though living, she had lost as though already dead. He, like one who had no pity — though he had — and as if moved neither by the tears of his wife nor the grief of any friends — and still in his heart he was moved — set out, keeping his purpose firm. Sadness was the lot of those who remained, those who left were gladj What then can we add further? "This is the Lord's domgs and it is marvelous in our eyes."^ 46 THE FIRST CRUSADE (Ekkehard.) Moreover, the sign which was described before as seen in the sun, and many portents which appeared in the air, as well as on the earth, stimulated many, who had been backward be- fore, to undertakings of this kind. Some of these portents I have deemed it desirable to insert here, but to tell all would certainly take too long. For we, too, about the Nones of October, saw a comet in the southern sky, its radiance extending out obliquely, like a sword; and two years later, on the sixth day before the Kalends of March, 1099, we saw another star in the east changing its posi- tion by leaps at long intervals. There were also blood-red clouds rising in the east, as well as in the west, and darting up into the zenith to meet each other; and, again, about midnight, fiery splen- dors rushed up in the north; and frequently we even saw torches of fire flying through the air, as we proved by many witnesses. About three o'clock one day some years before this, Sigger, a certain priest of exemplary life, saw two knights rushing at each other in the air, and after they had fought for a long time, the one who bore a large cross, with which he seemed to strike the other, emerged as victor. At the same time, the priest, G — , who now belongs to the monastic profession with us, having paid the sheep which is owed to Christ in place of the first born of the ass, was walking one day at the noon Lorr in a wood, with two companions, when he saw a sword of wondrous length (whicJi came, he knew not whence) carried up on high by a whirlwind. Until the great height hid it from his eyes, he not only saw the metal, but heard the crash- ing of the weapon. Some men who were keeping watch in a horse pasture also reported that they saw the semblance of a city in the air, and that they saw divers companies, both on horseback and on foot, hastening to it from dift'erent directions. Some even showed the sign of the cross stamped by divine power upon their fore- heads, or clothes, or upon some part of the body ; and by this sign they believed that they had been predestined for the same army of the Lord. Again, others, pricked by a sudden change of heart, or taught by visions of the night, resolved to sell their lands and goods, and to sew upon their clothes the sign of the cross. To all these people, who flocked to the churches in incredible numbers, the priests, in a new rite, distributed swords along with a blessing and pilgrims' staves and bags. Why should I mention the fact that in those days a certain woman continued pregnant for two years and, at last, brought forth a boy who could speak from birth? Like- wise, a child was born with a double set of limbs, and another with two heads ; some lambs, also, with two heads. Again, foals were born which possessed at birth the larger teeth which we commonly THE FIRST CRUSADE 47 call horse-teeth, and which nature does not provide until the colt is three years old. While by these and like signs all creation was being summoned into the army of the Lord, that enemy of men, the evil one him- self (ever on the watch, even while others are sleeping) did not delay to sow his own tares, to rouse false prophets, and, under the guise of religion, to mingle with the army of the Lord false breth- ren and shameless women. And so, through the hypocrisy and falsehoods of some and the gross immorality of others, the army of Christ was polluted to such an extent that, according to the prophecy of the good shepherd, even the elect were led astray. At this time, the legend about Charles the Great was invented,'' that he had been raised from the dead for this expedition, and about some one else who was living again; and also that foolish story of the goose that acted as its mistress's guide, and many tales of that kind. Yet, since each one may be known by his fruits, even as wolves are recognized under sheep's clothing, those same deceivers, especially these who are still alive, may be questioned as to what port they sailed from, according to their vows, and how they crossed the sea without ships, or in what battles and places they worsted so many pagans with their small forces, what fortresses of the enemy they took there, and, finally, at what part of the v/all at Jerusalem they had their camp, and so forth. And those who have nothing to answer as to the alms which they have hypocritically taken from the faithful, or as to the many bands which they have misled and murdered for plunder, and, above all, as to their own apostacy, may be compelled to do penance. ^ (Guibert of Nogent) : Now then, while the princes who felt ^ftVl^e need of large funds and the support of numerous followers Jy, were making preparations carefully and slowly, the common people, who were poor in substance but abundant in numbers, attached them- selves to a certain Peter the Hermit^ who appeared as a master while we were as yet still considering the project. He was from the city of Amiens, if I am not mistaken, and we learned that he had lived as a hermit in the garb of a monk some- where in Northern Gaul, I know not where. We beheld him leav- ing there, with what intent I do not know, and going about through cities and towns under the pretext of preaching. He was sur- rounded by such great throngs, received such enormous gifts, and was lauded with such fame for holiness that I do not remember anyone to have been held in like honor. He was very generous to the poor from the wealth that had been given him. He reclaimed prostitutes and provided them with \ 48 THE FIRST CRUSADE husbands, not without dowry from him ; and everywhere with an amazing authority, he restored peace and concord in place of strife. Whatever he did or said was regarded as Httle short of divine, to such an extent that hairs were snatched from his mule as relics. This we ascribe not so much to the popular love for truth as for novelty. He wore a plain woolen shirt with a hood and over this a cloak without sleeves, both extending to his ankles, and his feet were bare. He lived on wine and fish : he hardly ever, or never, ate bread. . . . 2. The March of the Peasants. A. Peter the Hermit and Walter the Penniless. (March-August, 1096.) (Albert.) There was a priest, Peter by name, formerly a her- mit. He was born in the city of Amiens, which is in the western part of the kingdom of the Franks, and he was appointed preacher in Berri in the aforesaid kingdom. In every admonition and ser- mon, with all the persuasion of which he was capable, he urged setting out on the journey as soon as possible. In response to his constant admonition and call, bishops, abbots, clerics, and monks set out ; next, most noble laymen, and princes of the different kingdoms ; then, all the common people, the chaste as well as the sinful, adul- terers, homicides, thieves, perjurers, and robbers; indeed, every class of the Christian profession, nay, also, women and those in- fluenced by the spirit of penance — all joyfully entered upon thib expedition. . . . In the year of the Incarnation of the Lord, 1096, in the fourth Indiction, in the thirteenth year of the reigon of Henry IV, third august Emperor of the Romans, and in the forty-third year of the Empire, in the reign of Pope Urban II, formerly Odoard, on the eighth day of March, Walter, surnamed the Penniless, a well- known soldier, set out, as a result of the preaching of Peter the Hermit, with a great company of Prankish foot-soldiers and only about eight knights. On the beginning of the journey to Jerusalem he entered into the kingdom of Hungary. When his intention, and the reason for his taking this journey became known to Lord Colo- man,*' most Christian king of Hungary, he was kindly received and was given peaceful transit across the entire realm, with permission > to trade. And so without giving offence, and without being .At- tacked, he set out even to Belgrade, a Bulgarian city, passing over to Malez'illa, where the realm of the king of Hungary ends. Thence he peacefully crossed the Morava river. THE FIRST CRUSADE 49 ^ But sixteen of Walter's company remained in Malevilla, that they "might purchase arms. Of this Waher was ignorant, for he had crossed long before. Then some of the Hungarians of perverse minds, seeing the absence of Walter and his army, laid hands upon those sixteen and robbed them of arms, garments, gold and silver and so let them depart, naked and empty-handed. Then these distressed pilgrims, deprived of arms and other things, hastened on their way to Belgrade, which has been mentioned before, where Walter with all his band had pitched tents for camp. They reported to him the misfortune which had befallen them, but Walter heard this with equanimity, because it would take too long to return for vengeance. On the very night when those comrades, naked and empty-handed, were received, Walter sought to buy the necessaries of life from a chief of the Bulgarians and the magistrate of the city; but these men, thinking it a pretense, and regarding them as spies, forbade the sale of any thing to them. Wherefore, Walter and his com- panions, greatly angered, began forcibly to seize and lead away the herds of cattle and sheep, which were wandering here and there through the fields in search of pasture. As a result, a serious strife 1 arose between the Bulgarians and the pilgrims who were driving | away the flocks, and they came to blows. However, while the"""' strength of the Bulgarians was growing even to one hundred and forty, some of the pilgrim army, cut off from the multitude of their companions, arrived in flight at a chapel. But the Bulgarians, their army growing in number, while the band of Walter was weak- ening and his entire company scattered, besieged the chapel and burned sixty who were within ; on most of the others, who escaped from the enemy and the chapel in defense of their lives, the Bul- garians inflicted grave wounds. After this calamity and the loss of his people, and after he had passed eight days as a fugitive in the forests of Bulgaria, Walter, leaving his men scattered everywhere, withdrew to Nish, a very wealthy city in the midst of the Bulgarian realm. There he found the duke and prince of the land and reported to him the injury and damage which had been done him. From the duke he obtained justice for all; nay, more, in reconciliation the duke bestowed upon him arms and money, and the same lord of the land gave him peaceful conduct through the cities of Bulgaria, Sofia, Philippopolis, and Adrianople, and also license to trade. He went down with all his band, even to the imperial city, Con- stantinople, which is the capital of the eritire Greek empire. And when he arrived there, with all possible earnestness and most hum- ble petition he implored from the Lord Emperor himself permission \ 50 THE FIRST CRUSADE to delay peacefully in his kingdom, with license to buy the neces- saries of life, until he should have as his companion Peter the Hermit, upon whose admonition and persuasion he had begun this journey. And he also begged that, when the troops were united, they might cross in ships over the arm of the sea called the Strait of St. George, and thus they would be able to resist more safely the squadrons of the Turks and the Gentiles. The outcome was that the requests made of the Lord Emperor, Alexius by name, were granted. Not long after these events, Peter and his large army, innumer- able as the sands of the sea — an army which he had brought to- gether from the various realms of the nations of the Franks, Swa- bians, Bavarians, and Lotharingians — were making their way to Jerusalem. Descending on that march into the kingdom of Hun- gary, he and his army pitched their tents before the gate of Oeden- , burg. . . . Peter heard this report and, because the Hungarians and Bul- garians were fellow Christians, absolutely refused to believe so great crime of them, until his men, coming to Malevilla, saw hang- ing from the walls the arms and spoils of the sixteen companions of Walter who had stayed behind a short time before, and whom the Hungarians had treacherously presumed to rob. But when Peter recognized the injury to his brethren, at the sight of their arms and spoils, he urged his companions to avenge their wrongs. These sounded the trumpet loudly, and with upraised banners they rushed to the walls and attacked the enemy with a hail of arrows. In such quick succession and in such incredible numbers did they hurl them in the face of those standing on the walls that the Hungarians, in no wise able to resist the force of the besieging Franks, left the walls, hoping that within the city they might be able to withstand the strength of the Gauls. Godfrey, surnamed Burel — a native of the city Etampes, master and standard-bearer of two hundred foot-soldiers, himself a foot-soldier, and a man of great strength — seeing the flight of the Hungarians away from the walls, then quickly crossed over the walls by means of a ladder he chanced to find there. Reinald of Broyes, a distinguished knight, clad in helmet and coat of mail, ascended just after Godfrey; soon all the knights, as well as the foot-soldiers, hastened to enter the city. The Hungarians, seeing their own imminent peril, gathered seven thou- sand strong for defense ; and, having passed out through another gate which looked toward the east, they stationed themselves on the summit of a lofty crag, beyond which flowed the Danube, where they were invincibly fortified. A very large part of these were THE FIRST CRUSADE 51 unable to escape quickly through the narrow passage, and they fell before the gate. Some who hoped to find refuge on the top of the mountain were cut down by the pursuing pilgrims ; still others, thrown headlong from the summit of the mountain, were buried in the waves of the Danube, but many escaped by boat. About four thousand Hungarians fell there, but only a hundred pilgrims, not counting the wounded, were killed at that same place. This victory won, Peter remained with all his followers in the same citadel five days, for he found there an abundance of grain, flocks of sheep, herds of cattle, a plentiful supply of wine, and an infinite number of horses. . . . When Peter learned of the wrath of the King and his very form- idable gathering of troops, he deserted Maleznlla with all his follow- ers and planned to cross the Morava with all spoils and flocks and herds of horses. But on the whole bank he found very few boats, only one hundred and fifty, in which the great multitude must pass quickly over and escape, lest the King should overtake them with a great force. Hence many who were unable to cross in boats tried to cross on rafts made by fastening poles together with twigs. But driven hither and thither in these rafts without rudders, and at times separated from their companions, many perished, pierced with arrows from the bows of the Patzinaks, who inhabited Bulgaria. As Peter saw the drowning and destruction which was befalling his men, he commanded the Bavarians, the Alemanni, and the other Teutons, by their promise of obedience to come to the aid of their Prankish brethren. They were carried to that place by seven rafts ; then they sank seven small boats of the Patzinaks with their oc- cupants, but took only seven men captive. They led these seven captives into the presence of Peter and killed them by his order. When he had thus avenged his men, Peter crossed the Morava river and entered the large and spacious forests of the Bulgarians with supplies of food, with every necessary, and with the spoils from Belgrade. And , after a delay of eight days in those vast woods and pastures, he and his followers approached Nish, a city very strongly fortified with walls. After crossing the river before the city by a stone bridge, they occupied the field, pleasing in its verdure and extent, and pitched their tents on the banks of the river. Peter, obedient to the mandate of the Emperor, advanced from the city of Sofia and withdrew with all his people to the city Philip- popolis. When he had related the entire story of his misfortune in the hearing of all the Greek citizens, he received, in the name of Jesus and in fear of God, very many gifts for him. Next, the third \ \ ■52 THE FIRST CRUSADE day after, he withdrew to Adrianopole, cheerful and joyful in the abundance of all necessaries. There he tarried in camp outside the walls of the city only two days, and then withdrew after sunrise on the third day. A second message of the Emperor was urging him to hasten his march to Constantinople, for, on account of the reports about him, the Emperor was burning with desire to see this same Peter. When they had come to Constantinople, the army of Peter was ordered to encamp at a distance from the city, and license to trade was fully granted. . . . B. Folcmar and Gottschalk. (May-July, 1096.) (Albert.) Not long after the passage of Peter, a certain priest, Gottschalk by name, a Teuton in race, an inhabitant of the Rhine country, inflamed by the preaching of Peter with a love and a desire for that same journey to Jerusalem, by his own preachings like- wise stirred the hearts of very many peoples of diverse nations to go on that journey. He assembled from the various regions of Lorraine, eastern France, Bavaria, and Alemannia, more than fif- teen thousand persons of military station, as well as ordinary foot- soldiers, who, having collected an inexpressible amount of money, together with other necessaries, are said to have continued on their way peacefully, even to the kingdom of Hungary. When they arrived at the gate of IVieselbnrg and its fortress, they were honorably received by the favor of King Coloman. They were likewise granted permission to buy the necessaries of life, and peace was commanded on both sides by an order of the King, lest any outbreak should arise from so large an army. But as they delayed there for several days, they began to roam about, and the Bavarians and Swabians, spirited peoples, together with other thoughtless persons, drank beyond measure and violated the peace which had been commanded. Little by little they took away from the Hungarians wine, grain, and all other necessaries ; finally, they devastated the fields, killing sheep and cattle, and also destroying those who resisted, or who wished to drive them out. Like a rough people, rude in manners, undisciplined and haughty, they commit- ted very many other crimes, all of which we cannot relate. As some who were present say, they transfixed a certain Hungarian youth in the market place with a stake through his body. Com- plaints of this matter and of other wrongs were brought to the ears of the King and their own leaders. . . . When Gottschalk and the other sensible men heard this, they trusted with pure faith in these words, and also because the Hun- garians were of the Christian profession, they counselled the entire THE FIRST CRUSADE 53 assembly to give their arms in satisfaction to the King, according to this command. Thus everything would return to peace and concord. And yet, when all their arms had been placed under lock and key, the Hungarians proved false regarding all the faith and clemency which they had promised that the King would show to the people ; nay, rather they fell upon them with cruel slaughter, cut down the defenceless and unarmed and inflicted upon them frightful slaughter, to such an extent (as those affirm for a truth who were present and barely escaped) that the entire plain of Bel- grade was filled by the bodies of the slain and was covered with their blood. Few escaped from that martyrdom. (Ekkehard.) Now, as has been said, a band followed Folcmar through Bohemia. At the city of Neitra, in Pannonia, an uprising took place, in which a part were killed, and a part were taken prisoners, while the very few survivors are wont to testify that the sign of the cross, appearing in the heavens above them, delivered them from imminent death. Then Gottschalk, not a true, but a false servant of God, entered Hungary with his followers, and that not without injury to East Noricum. Next, under an astonishing glamour of false piety, he fortified a certain town situated on a height and placed a garrison there and began, with the rest of his company, to ravage Pannonia round about. This town, forsooth, was captured by the natives without delay, and great numbers of the band having been killed or taken prisoners, the rest were dispersed, and he himself, a hire- ling, not the shepherd of the flock, was driven away from there in disgrace. C. Emico. (May-August, 1096.) (Ekkehard.) Just at that time, there appeared a certain soldier, Emico, Count of the lands around the Rhine, a man long of very ill repute on account of his tyrannical mode of life. Called by divine revelation, like another Saul, as he maintained, to the prac- tice of religion of this kind, he usurped to himself the command of almost twelve thousand cross bearers. As they were led through the cities of the Rhine and the Main and also the Danube, they either utterly destroyed the execrable race of the Jews wherever they found them (being even in this matter zealously devoted to the Christian religion) or forced them into the bosom of the Church. When their forces, already increased by a great number of men and women, reached the boundary of Pannonia, they were prevented by well fortified garrisons from entering that kingdom, which is sur- X 54 THE FIRST CRUSADE rounded partly by swamps and partly by woods. For rumor had reached and forewarned the ears of King Coloman ; a rumor that, to the minds of the Teutons, there was no difference between kill- ing pagans and Hungarians. And so, for six weeks they besieged the fortress Wieselhurg and suffered many hardships there ; yet, during this very time, they were in the throes of a most foolish civil quarrel over w'hich one of them should be King of Pannonia. Moreover, while engaged in the final assault, although the walls had already been broken through, and the citizens were fleeing, and the army of the besieged were setting fire to their own town, yet, through the wonderful providence of Almighty God, the army of pilgrims, though victorious, fled. And they left behind them all their equipment, for no one carried aw^ay any reward except his wretched life. And thus the men of our race, zealous, doubtless, for God, though not according to the knowledge of God, began to persecute other Christians while yet upon the expedition which Christ had pro- vided for freeing Christians. They were kept from fraternal blood- shed only by divine mercy ; and the Hungarians, also, were freed. This is the reason why some of the more guileless brethren, igno- rant of the matter, and too hasty in their judgment, were scandal- ized and concluded that the whole expedition was vain and foolish. . . . {Albert.) At the beginning of summer in the same year in which Peter and Gottschalk, after collecting an army, had set out, there assembled in like fashion a large and innumerable host of Chris- tians from diverse kingdoms and lands ; namely, from the realms of France, England, Flanders, and Lorraine. ... I know not whether by a judgment of the Lord, or by some error of mind, they rose in a spirit of cruelty against the Jewish people scattered throughout these cities and slaughtered them without mercy, espe- cially in the Kingdom of Lorraine, asserting it to be the beginning of their expedition and their duty against the enemies of the Chris- tian faith. This slaughter of Jews was done first by citizens of Cologne. These suddenly fell upon a small band of Jews and severely wounded and killed many ; they destroyed the houses and synagogues of the Jews and divided among themselves a very large amount of money. When the Jews saw this cruelty, about two hun- dred in the silence of the night began flight by boat to Neuss. The pilgrims and crusaders discovered them, and after taking away all their possessions, inflicted on them similar slaughter, leaving not even one alive. Not long after this, they started upon their journey, as they had THE FIRST CRUSADE 55 vowed, and arrived in a great multitude at the city of Mainz. There Count Emico, a nobleman, a very mighty man in this region, was awaiting, with a large band of Teutons, the arrival of the pilgrims who were coming thither from diverse lands by the King's highway. The Jews of this city, knowing of the slaughter of their breth- ren, and that they themselves could not escape the hands of so many, fled in hope of safety to Bishop Rothard. They put an in- finite treasure in his guard and trust, having much faith in his pro- tection, because he was Bishop of the city. Then that excellent Bishop of the city cautiously set aside the incredible amount of money received from them. He placed the Jews in the very spa- cious hall of his own house, away from the sight of Count Emico and his followers, that they might remain safe and sound in a very secure and strong place. But Emico and the rest of his band held a council and, after sunrise, attacked the Jews in the hall with arrows and lances. Breaking the bolts and doors, they killed the Jews, about seven hun- dred in number, who in vain resisted the force and attack of so many thousands. They killed the women, also, and with their swords pierced tender children of whatever age and sex. The Jews, seeing that their Christian enemies were attacking them and their children, and that they were sparing no age, likewise fell upon one another, brother, children, wives, and sisters, and thus they perished at each other's hands. Horrible to say, mothers cut the throats of nursing children with knives and stabbed others, prefer- ring them to perish thus by their own hands rather than to be killed by the weapons of the uncircumcised. From this cruel slaughter of the Jews a few escaped ; and a few because of fear, rather than because of love of the Christian faith, were baptized. With very great spoils taken from these people, Count Emico, Clarebold, Thomas, and all that intolerable company of men and women then continued on their way to Jerusalem, di- recting their course towards the Kingdom of Hungary, where pas- sage along the royal highway was usually not denied the pilgrims. But on arriving at Wieselhurg, the fortress of the King, which the rivers Danube and Leytha protect with marshes, the bridge and gate of the fortress were found closed by command of the King of Hungary, for great fear had entered all the Hungarians because of the slaughter which had happened to their brethren. . . . But while almost everything had turned out favorably for the Christians, and while they had penetrated the walls with great openings, by some chance or misfortune, I know not what, such great fear entered the whole army that they turned in flight, just 56 THE FIRST CRUSADE as sheep are scattered and alarmed when wolves rush upon them. And seeking a refuge here and there, they forgot their companions. Emico and some of his followers continued in their flight along the way by which they had come. Thomas, Clarebold, and several of their men escaped in flight toward Carinthia and Italy. So the hand of the Lord is believed to have been against the pilgrims, who had sinned by excessive impurity and fornication, and who had slaughtered the exiled Jews through greed of money, rather than for the sake of God's justice, although the Jews were opposed to Christ. The Lord is a just judge and orders no one unwiUingly, or under compulsion, to come under the yoke of the Catholic faith. There was another detestable crime in this assemblage of way- faring people, who were foolish and insanely fickle. That the crime was hateful to the Lord and incredible to the faithful is not to be doubted. They asserted that a certain goose was inspired by the Holy Spirit, and that a she-goat was not less filled by the same Spirit. These they made their guides on this holy journey to Jeru- salem ; these they worshipped excessively ; and most of the people following them, like beasts, believed with their whole minds that this was the true course. May the hearts of the faithful be free from the thought that the Lord Jesus wished the Sepulchre of His most sacred body to be visited by brutish and insensate animals, or that He wished these to become the guides of Christian souls, which by the price of His own blood He deigned to redeem from .the filth of idols ! . . . 3. The Main Body. A. Composition. (Fulcher.) It is fitting to keep in mind the names of the leaders of the Crusades. Hugh the Great,^ brother of the King of France, was the first hero to cross the sea. He landed with his force at Durazzo, a city in Bulgaria ; but imprudently venturing forth with too small an army, he was there captured by the inhabitants and taken to the Emperor of Constantinople, where he was kept for x long time, not altogether free. After him, Bohemund of Apulia,^ son of Robert Guiscard of Norman extraction, journeyed with his army over the same route; next, Godfrey, Duke of Lorraine,^ passed with a great force through Hungary. Raymond,^" Count of Prov- ence, with Goths and Gascons, and also with Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, crossed through Dalmatia. Peter the Hermit, gathering to himself a crowd of foot-soldiers, but few knights, first passed through Hungary; afterwards the satrap of this horde was Walter THE FIRST CRUSADE 57 , the Penniless, who, together with many of his good soldiers, was I killed by the Turks between the cities of Nicomedia and Nicaea. Then in the month of October, Robert, Count of Normandy ,^^ and son of William, King of England, started out, after having gathered a large army of Normans, Angles^^ and Bretons. With him went Stephen, Count of Blois,^^ his brother-in-law, and Robert, Count of Flanders,^* together with many other nobles. Therefore, since such a multitude came from all Western countries, little by little, and day by day, the army increased to such a very great number that, when finally convened, it formed an infinite host from many regions and of many tongues. However, they did not unite into a single army until we arrived at Nicaea. (Gesta.) Soon they departed from their homes in Gaul, and then formed three groups. One party of Franks, namely, Peter, the Her- mit, Duke Godfrey, Baldwin, his brother,^^ and Baldwin, Count of the Mount,^® entered the region of Hungary. These most powerful knights, and many others whom I do not know, went by the way which Charles the Great, wonder-working king of France, long ago had made, even to Constantinople. . . . The second party — to wit, Raymond, Count of St. Gilles, and the Bishop of Puy— entered the region of Slavonia. The third division, however, went by the ancient road to Rome. In this division were Bohemund, Richard of Principati, Robert, Count of Flanders, Rob- ert the Norman, Hugh the Great, Everard of Puiset, Achard of Montmerle, Ysoard of Mousson, and many others. Next, they went to the port of Brindisi, or Bari, or Otranto. Then Hugh the Great, and William, son of Marchisus, took to the sea at the port of Bari and, crossing the strait, came to Durazzo. But the governor of this place, his heart touched with evil design, took these most re- nowned men captive immediately upon hearing that they had landed there and ordered them to be conducted carefully to the Emperor at Constantinople, where they should pledge loyalty to him. B. Godfrey's march to Constantinople. (August 15 (?) -Decem- ber 23, 1096.) (Albert) After the departure of Peter the Hermit and the most dire destruction of his army; after the killing of the distinguished soldier Walter the Penniless, and the grievous disaster to his army ; shortly after the cruel slaughter of the priest, Gottschalk, and of his army; after the misfortune of Hartmann, Count of Alemannia, of Emico, and all the other brave men and leaders from the land of Gaul (to wit, Drogo of Nesle and Clarebold of Vendeuil) ; and after the cruel destruction of the army of Clarebold at the gate of 58 THE FIRST CRUSADE Wiesclburg in the Kingdom of Hungary — after all these things, the very noble Godfrey, Duke of Lorraine, and his brother Baldwin, Werner of Grez, a kinsman of the Duke, and Baldwin of Burg, likewise a kinsman, Reinard, Count of Toul, and Peter his brother, Dodo of Cons, Henry of Ascha, and his brother, Godfrey, set out,^^ in the same year, in the middle of the month of August. While making a journey in direct march to Jerusalem, they halted in their course near ToIIenburg in the realm of Austria, where the Leytha terminates the kingdom of Gaul ^^ and separates it from the Austrian realm. They remained there three weeks in the month of Septem- ber, to hear and to understand why sedition had arisen ; why the army had perished a few days before ; why those whom they met returning in despair had been turned from their purpose of going to Jerusalem with their chiefs and leaders. Finally, after hearing very many evil rumors, they discussed what should first be done to investigate the cruel attack which the Hun- garians had made against their fellow Christians ; and with what circumspection and deliberation the investigation should be made. After having considered the matter at length, it seemed to all i practical plan to send from those celebrated leaders only Godfrey of Ascha to investigate so wicked and criminal a slaughter. (They decided thus) because he was known to Coloman, King of Hun- gary, having been sent some time before as ambassador of Duke Godfrey to this same king. They sent with him twelve others chosen from the retinue of the Duke — Baldwin, Stabclo, it is said, and others whose names are unknown. . . . The King struck a treaty with Duke Godfrey, and all the chiefs of his kingdom were bound by oath not to do harm to the pilgrims who were to pass that way. When, therefore, these agreements had been confirmed on both sides, the King, upon the advice of his men. demanded as hostages, Baldwin, the brother of the Duke, his wife and family. This the Duke agreed to fulfil without dispute. After eight days, the embassy was dismissed, and the Duke ordered the army to hasten to the fortress Oedenburg, and to pitch their tents on the banks of the river near the marshes. . . . Finally, Baldwin, having put aside all doubt, consented to become a hostage and to be taken into exile for the safety of his brethren. And thus, when so distinguished a leader had become a hostage, and when the King had returned with him to Pannonia, the entire army, by order and permission of the King, was led over the bridge across the marsh, and camp was pitched near the river Leytha. Then, after camp was pitched, and after all were settled at rest, Duke Godfrey appointed heralds to announce to each house and tent that, THE FIRST CRUSADE 59 under sentence of death, they should neither touch nor take by force anything in the Kingdom of Hungary, and should stir up no quar- rel, but that everything should be exchanged for a just price. Simi- larly, the King commanded that it be proclaimed throughout his realm that the army was to obtain every abundance of necessary things, bread, wine, corn, oil, beasts of the field, and flying creatures of the sky ; and he commanded, under penalty of life, that the Hungarians should not burden and enrage the army by unjust sell- ing, but, rather, should make all buying easy for them. And so, day by day, in quiet and in peace, with full measure and just sale, the Duke and his people crossed the Kingdom of Hungary and arrived at the river Drave. A heap of wood was gathered and ' a large raft was made, on which they crossed the river. Without delay the King, coming from the left with a very powerful band of horsemen, together with Baldwin and all the other hostages, ar- rived at that place which is called Francavilla}^ There they re- mained three days, purchasing the necessaries of life of which the army was in need. Then they all went to Malemlla and spent five days near the Save. There it became known to the Duke and to the other leaders of the army that an intolerable force of the Emperor of Constantinople was present to prohibit the passage of the pilgrims through the Kingdom of Bulgaria. The Duke, therefore, and all the leaders entered upon a plan to send a part of the army across the river to drive back the hostile soldiers of the Emperor, while the people were crossing the river. Not more than three boats were found there. In these a thousand knights in armour were carried across to take possession of the shore. All the rest of the multitude gained the other bank of the river by means of rafts made of wood and bound together by twigs. Scarcely had the people and their chiefs crossed the stream, when, behold, the King appeared with all his retinue, and Baldwin, the brother of the Duke, his wife, and all the hostages. There he re- stored the hostages to the Duke. Next, after very afifectionately favoring the Duke and his brother with many gifts and the kiss of peace, he returned to the land of his own kingdom. But the Duke and all his army, having settled on the opposite bank, passed the night in the hospitality of the village Belgrade in Bulgaria — a cit>\ which the army of Peter the Hermit had plundered and burned nod long before. But when morning came, the Duke and his armyi arose and advanced into the immense and indescribable forests in the' Kingdom of Bulgaria. There legates of the Emperor met them, bearing a message in 6o THE FIRST CRUSADE these words: "Alexius, Emperor of Constantinople, of the King- dom of the Greeks, to Duke Godfrey and his fellow princes; sin- cere affection. I ask, most Christian Duke, that you do not suffer your people to plunder or to lay waste my lands and kingdom which you have entered, but that you secure the privilege of buying. By our order you will find everything in abundance for buying and selling." Upon hearing this message, the Duke promised to obey in all things the mandate of the Emperor. Thereupon, it was pro- claimed to all that thereafter they should touch nothing with undue violence, except food for their horses. And so, peacefully crossing over at the request of the Emperor, they arrived at his fortress, .^Nish, where a wonderful abundance of food-stuff, grain, barley, wine, and oil, and very much game were brought to the Duke as the gift of the Emperor. To the others was granted the privilege of buying and selling. There, indeed, for four days they were re- freshed with every abundance and pleasure. After those days, the Duke with all his army departed to Sofia, where he was supplied by the Emperor with gifts no less rich. Leaving there after some days, he went down to Philippopolis, a famous city; there during eight days he likewise received as gifts from the Emperor every abundance of necessary things. There a message was brought to him that the Emperor held in chains and prison Hugh the Great, brother of the King of France, Drogo, and Clarebold. When he had heard this, the Duke sent an embassy to the Emperor, demanding that the Emperor should re- store to liberty those princes of his land whom he was holding captive; otherwise, he himself could not keep faith and friendship with the Emperor. When Baldwin, Count of Hainault, and Henry of Ascha found out that an embassy was to be sent to the Emperor, they anticipated the journey to Constantinople by going out at day- break, without the knowledge of the Duke, in order that by pre- ceding the legates they might receive greater gifts from the Em- peror. The Duke, hearing this, took it ill; but, concealing his wrath, he set out to Adrianople. After crossing a river by swimming his horses, he pitched his tents and passed the night there. On the next day, a bridge which crosses a river in the middle of the city was forbidden to him and his followers by the inhabitants. Then arising and hastening to Salahria, they pitched their tents in pleas- ant meadows. There the messengers of the Duke, who had re- turned from the Emperor, reported that he had not given up the captive princes. Thereupon the Duke and all his company burned with wrath; and they refused any longer to keep faith and treaty of peace with him. Immediately, by a command of the Duke, all THE FIRST CRUSADE 6l that land was given over in plunder to the alien pilgrims and knights, who, delaying there for eight days, laid waste the whole region. But the Emperor, upon learning that the country had been laid waste, sent to the Duke Rudolph Peeldelan and Rotger, son of Dagobert, very eloquent men, who were of the region and kinship of the Franks. He asked that the army should cease from plunder- ing and devastating his realm; and he said that without delay he would give back the captives whom the Duke demanded. Then the Duke was pleased with the message of the Emperor; and, after en- tering upon a plan with the other leaders, he moved his camp and forbade plunder. C. March of the West Franks into Southern Italy. (Late Septem- ber-November, 1096.) (Fulcher.) Then we West Franks traversed Gaul, and, travelHng through Italy, came to Lucca, a far-famed city. Near there we met Pope Urban. Robert the Norman, and Stephen, Count of Blois, talked with him, and others who wished likewise. Having received his blessing, we joyfully advanced to Rome. And when we had en- tered the church of St. Peter, we found before the altar the sup- porters of Wibert, that pseudo-pope, who, sword in hand, wickedly seized the offerings placed on the altar. Others, too, ran about on the roof of St. Peter's itself and threw stones down where we were prostrate, praying. For when they saw any one faithful to Urban, they straightway wished to kill him. In one tower of the church were adherents of Pope Urban, who were guarding it well in faithfulness to him and, as far as they could, were resisting his adversaries. We grieved much to see such an outrage committed in that place; but we could do nothing except to desire that it be avenged by God. Many who had come thus far with us waited no longer, but at once, with disgraceful cowardice, returned to their homes. ^We, however, travelling through the center of Campagnia, reached Bari, a rich seaport town. There we addressed our sup- plications to God in the church of St. Nicholas. Then coming to port, we decided to cross at once. But because we lacked seamen, and because fortune might play us false, and because, furthermore, it was winter time, which exposed us to dangers, Robert, Count of Normandy, was obliged to withdraw into Calabria; and there he spent the whole winter seasonT] Robert, Count of Flanders, how- ever, with his followers crossed over, [^hen many of the Cru- saders, abandoned by their leaders, and fearing future want, sold 62 THE FIRST CRUSADE their weapons there and, taking up again their pilgrim's staves, ignominiously returned to their homes. This desertion debased them before God and man, and it redounded to their shame, y D. Bohemund's march to Constantinople. (October 26, 1096- April 10, 1097.) (Gesta.) But Bohemund, powerful in battle, who was engaged in the siege of Amalfi on the sea of Salerno, heard that a countless host of Christians from among the Franks had come to go to the Sepulchre of the Lord, and that they were prepared for battle against the pagan horde. He then began to inquire closely what fighting arms these people bore, and what sign of Christ they^ carried on the way, or what battle-cry they shouted. The following replies were made to him in order: "They bear arms suitable for battle; on the right shoulder, or between both shoulders, they wear the cross of Christ; the cry, 'God wills it! God wills it! God wills it!' they shout in truth with one voice." Moved straighway by the Holy Spirit, he ordered the most precious cloak which he had with him cut to pieces, and straightway he had the whole of it made into crosses. Thereupon, most of the knights engaged in that siege rushed eagerly to him, so that Count Roger remained almost alone. Returning again to his own land. Lord Bohemund diligently pre- pared himself to undertake in true earnest the journey to the Holy Sepulchre. At length, he crossed the sea with his army. With him were Tancred, son of Marchisus,-° Richard of Principati, and Rainulf, his brother, Robert of Anse, Herman of Cannae, Robert of Surda. Valley," Robert, son of Tostanus, Hunfred, son of Raoul, Richard, son of Count Rainulf, the Count of Roscignoio/'^ with his brothers, Boellus of Chartres, Albered of Cagnano, and Hunfred of Mt. Scaglioso. All of these crossed the sea to do service for Bohe- mund and landed in the region of Bulgaria, where they found a very great abundance of grain, wine, and bodily nourishment. Thence descending into the valley of Andronopoli,-^ they waited for his forces, until all had likewise crossed the sea. Then the wise Bohemund ordered a council with his people, comforting and ad- monishing all (with these words) : "Seignors, take heed all of you, for we are pilgrims of God. We ought, therefore, to be better and more humble than before. Do not plunder this land, since it be- longs to Christians, and let no one, at the cost of blessing, take more than he needs to eat." Departing thence, we journeyed hrough great plenty from villa to villa, city to city, fortress to fortress, until we reached Castoria. There we solemnly celebrated the nativity of the Lord. We re- THE FIRST CRUSADE 63 mained there for several days and sought a market, but the people were unwilling to accord it to us, because they feared us greatly, thinking that we came not as pilgrims, but to devastate their land and to kill them. Wherefore we took their cattle, horses, asses, and everything that we found. Leaving Castoria, we entered Pelagonia, in which there was a certain fortified town of heretics. This we attacked from all sides and it soon yielded to our sway. Thereupon, we set it on fire and burned the camp with its inhabitants, that is, the congregation of heretics. Later, we reached the river Vardar. And then Lord Bohemund went across with his people, but not with all, for the Count of Roscignolo with his brothers remained behind. Thereupon, an army of the Emperor came and attacked the Count with his brothers and all who were with them. Tancred, hearing of this, went back and, hurling himself into the river, reached the others by swimming; and two thousand went into the river fol- lowing Tancred. At length, they came upon the Turcopoles^* and Patzinaks struggling with our men. They (Tancred and his men) charged the enemy suddenly and bravely and overcame them glori- ously. Several of them they seized and led them, bound, into the presence of Bohemund, who spoke to them as follows : "Where- fore, miserable men, do you kill Christ's people and mine? I have no quarrel with your Emperor." They replied, "We cannot do otherwise; we have been placed in the service of the Emperor, and whatever he commands we must fulfill." Bohemund allowed them to depart unpunished. This battle was fought in the fourth day of the week, which is the beginning of the fast. Through all, blessed is the Lord ! Amen. The unhappy Emperor sent one of his own men, whom he greatly loved, and whom they call Corpalatiiis,^^ together with our envoys, to conduct us in security through his land until we should come to Constantinople. And as we paused before their cities, he ordered the inhabitants to offer us a market, just as those also did of whom we have spoken. Indeed, they feared the most brave host of Lord Bohemund so greatly that they permitted none of us to enter the walls of the city. Our men wanted to attack and seize a certain fortified town because it was full of all kinds of goods. But the renowned man, Bohemund, refused to consent, not only in justice to the land, but also because of his pledge to the Emperor. Therefore, he was greatly angered on this account with Tancred and all the rest. This happened toward evening. When morning came, the inhabitants of the town came out, and, in procession, bear- ing crosses in their hands, they came into the presence of Bohe- 64 THE FIRST CRUSADE mund. Delighted, he received them ; and with gladness he permitted them to depart. Next we came to a certain town, which is called Serrhae, where we fixed our tents and had a market sufficient for that time. There the learned Bohemund made a very cordial agree- ment with two Corpalatii; and out of regard for their friendship, as well as in justice to the land, he ordered all the stolen animals which our men had to be returned. The Corpalatius promised him that he would despatch messengers to return the animals to their owners in order. Then we proceeded from castle to castle and from villa to villa to the city of Rusa. The people of the Greeks came out, bringing us the greatest market, and went joyfully to meet Lord Bohemund. There we pitched our tents in the fourth day of the week before the feast of the Lord. There, also, the learned Bohemund left all his host and went on ahead to speak with the Emperor at Constantinople. He gave com- mands to his vassals, saying, "Approach the city gradually. I, however, will go on in advance." And he took with him a few knights. Tancred remained at the head of the army of Christ, and, seeing the pilgrims buying food, he said to himself that he would go off the road and lead his people where they would live happily. At length he entered a certain valley, filled with goods of all kinds that are suitable nourishment for the body, and in it we most de- voutly celebrated Easter. E. The march of Raymond of Toulouse and Bishop Adhemar of Puy. (October (?) 1096-April 21, 1097,) (Raymond.) While advancing into the land of Slavonia they suffered many losses on the way, especially because it was then winter. For Slavonia was such a desert and so pathless and mountainous that we saw in it neither wild animals, nor birds for three weeks. The inhabitants of the region were so boorish and rude that they were unwilling to trade with us, or to furnish us guidance, but instead fled from their villages and their castles. In- deed, they even butchered like cattle, or, as if they had done much harm, the feeble aged and the weak poor, who, because of their weakness, followed our army at a distance. Nor was it easy amidst steep mountains and thick woods for our armed knights to pursue the unarmed brigands who were acquainted with the country. But they suffered them constantly, unable either to fight or to keep from fighting. Let us not pass over a certain illustrious act of the Count. When the Count with some of his knights had been hedged about for some little time by the Slavonians, he made a charge upon them and captured as many as six of them. And when, on this account, THE FIRST CRUSADE 65 the Slavonians pressed upon him the more violently, and the Count was compelled to follow the army, he ordered the eyes of some of them (the prisoners) to be torn out, the feet of others cut off, and the nose and hands of still others to be slashed, so that while the pursuers were thus moved at the sight and preoccupied with their sorrow, the Count could safely escape with his companions. And thus, by the grace of God he was delivered from the straits of death and this difficult situation. Indeed, what courage and wisdom the Count displayed in this region is not easy to relate ! For we were in Slavonia for almost forty days, during which time we encountered clouds so dense that we could feel them and push them before us with a slight movement. Amidst all this, the Count was fighting constantly at the rear and ever defending his people. He was never the first, but always the last, to encamp, and though the others went to rest at midday, or at evening, the Count often did so at midnight, or at cockcrow. At length, through the compassion of God, the labor of the Count, and the advice of the Bishop, the army so crossed (Slavonia) that we lost no one there from hunger, and no one in open battle. On that account, I bear witness, God wanted his army to cross Slavonia, in order that the boorish men who did not know God, upon recog- nizing the valor and patience of His knights, might either lose some- thing of their wildness or be brought without excuse to God's judgment. And then, after many labors, we came to the king of the Slavonians at Scutari. The Count swore friendship with him and gave him a large tribute, so that the army might buy or seek nec- essaries in security. But this was a (vain) expectation, for we did penance enough for the peace we had sought when thereafter the Slavonians, raging in their usual manner, killed our men and took from the unarmed what they could. We sought not vengeance, but a place of refuge. So much about Slavonia. We came to Durazzo. We believed we were in our own country, thinking that the Emperor and his satellites were our brothers and helpmates. They, indeed, raging in the manner of lions, attacked a peaceful people who thought of nothing less than arms. They butchered them in secret places ; they stole what they could by night, in the woods, and in villages remote from the camp. Al- though they raged thus, their leader promised peace. But during the intervals of peace, they killed Pontius Reinald and mortally wounded his brother, Peter, and these were most noble princes. However, when an opportunity was presented to us for revenge, we chose to continue the journey, not to avenge our wrongs. On the way, we had letters from the Emperor about peace, brotherhood. 66 THE FIRST CRUSADE and, as I may also say, about alliance ; this, however, was a snare in words. For in front and behind, to right and to left, Turks and Cumans, Uzi, Tanaces,-'^ Patzinaks, and Bulgarians were lying in ambush for us. On a certain day, moreover, when we were in the valley of Pela- gonia, the Bishop of Puy, who, in order to find a comfortable rest- ing place, had withdrawn a little distance from the camp, was cap- tured by the Patzinaks. They knocked him down from his mule, robbed him, and beat him severely on the head. But since so great a pontifl: was still necessary to the people of God, through God's mercy he was saved to life. For one of the Patzinaks, in order to obtain gold from him, protected him from the others. Meanwhile, the noise was heard in the camp; and so, between the delay of the enemy and the attack of his friends, he was rescued. When we had come amidst treachery of this fashion to a certain fortress called Bucinat,-^ the Count learned that the Patzinaks in- tended to attack our army in the passes of a certain mountain. Staying in hiding with some of his knights, he came upon the Patzinaks, and, after killing several of them, he turned the rest to flight. Meanwhile, pacifying letters from the Emperor reached us, (and yet) by his evil design the enemy surrounded us on all sides. When we came to Thessalonica, the Bishop was ill and remained in the city with a few men. After this, we came to a certain city, Rusa by name, where, since its citizens were plainly disposed to do us evil, our usual patience was somewhat disturbed. So, taking up arms, we destroyed the outer walls, seized great plunder, and forced the city to surrender; then, having taken our standards into the city and shouted "Tou- louse !" which was the battle cry of the Count, we departed. We came to another city, called Rodosto. When knights in the pay of the Emperor there sought to carry out his vengeance upon us, many of them were killed and a quantity of plunder taken. There, also, the envoys whom we had sent ahead to the Emperor came to us and, having received money from him, promised that everything boded well for us with the Emperor. What more? The message (brought) by our envoys and those of the Emperor was that the Count, leaving his army behind, should hasten unarmed and with a few men to the Emperor. For they said that Bohemund, the Duke of Lorraine, the Count of Flanders, and other princes made this prayer: that the Count should hasten to agree with the Emperor about the march to Jerusalem; that the Emperor, having taken the cross, should also become leader in the army of God. In addition to this, they reported that the Emperor had said that he THE FIRST CRUSADE dy would make all arrangements with the Count, both about themselves and whatever else should be necessary for the journey. They an- nounced, furthermore, that a battle was imminent, and that without the support of so great a man it would probably be unfavorable; that the Count should therefore go ahead with a few men, so that when his army should arrive, everything would have been arranged with the Emperor, and there would be no delay for anyone. At length, the Count was persuaded to go ahead of his army, in this instance, alone, leaving his guard behind him in the camp. And thus he went unarmed to Constantinople. F, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois on the way to Con- stantinople. (April 5-May 14, 1097.) (Fulcher.) Then in the month of March, 1097, as soon as spring had returned, the Norman Count and Count Stephen of Blois with his followers (for he likewise was awaiting an opportune time), returned again to the coast. When the fleet was ready on the Nones of April, which happened that year to be the feast of Easter,- they embarked at the port of Brindisi."^ Oh how incomprehensible and unsearchable are the judgments of God!"® For among all these ships we saw one which was suddenly split through the middle from no apparent cause. Then about four hundred of both sexes were drowned, concerning whom joyous praises at once went up to God. For when those standing around had collected as many as possible of the dead bodies, they found on the shoulders of some signs of the cross. For since they had worn the cross on their clothes while living, it was the will of God that that same victorious sign of faith should remain on the skin of those prematurely cut ofif by death while in His service. So it was very fitting for such a miracle to prove to those who witnessed it that the dead had already received everlasting peace by the mercy of God ; thus, in very truth, that was evidently fulfilled which is written, "But the just man, even if he die too soon, shall nevertheless be at rest."^^ Of the rest of our companions already struggling with death, few survived. Their horses and their mules were swallowed up by the waves, and much money also was lost. At the sight of this disaster we were much afraid, so much so that many weak hearted, who had not yet embarked, returned to their homes, giving up the journey, and saying that never again would they trust themselves to the treacherous sea. r As lor us, however, we trusted implicitly in Almighty God and launched out upon the sea, with flags flying aloft, and many trumpets sounding, and a gentle breeze blowing. For three days the wind 68 THE FIRST CRUSADE failed us, and we were detained in the midst of the billows. On the fourth day, we reached land, about ten miles from the city of Durazzo. Our fleet, however, anchored at two ports. Then joyfully we again resumed the dry land and advanced beyond the above mentioned city. So we passed by the regions of Bulgaria, over steep mountains and desert places. Then we all came to the rapid river, called by the natives the River of the Demon,^° and appropriately so. For in this river we saw many people, who hoped to wade across step by step, perish suddenly, engulfed by the strong force of the torrent; and none of those looking on were able to save them. Wherefore, moved by compassion, we shed many tears, and had not knights with their mighty battle steeds brought aid to the foot-soldiers, many of them would there have lost their lives in the same manner. Then we pitched our tents near the bank and there we spent one night. Great mountains, uninhabited, were about us on all sides. Hardly had the morning dawned, when the war trumpets sounded, and, resuming our way, we descended the mountain called Bagora. Afterwards passing by the mountain and the towns Ochrida, Bitolia, Wodena, and Stella,^'^ we came to the river called Vardar. And what could not usually be done except by boat, we did by the help of God; we waded across. The day following we camped before the city of Thessalonica, a city rich in goods of all kinds. After a four days delay here, we travelled through Macedonia,. through the valley of the Strymon, and through Crisopolis and Christopolis, Praetoria,^^ Messinopolis, Maera, Traia- nopohs, Neapolis, Panedor, Rodosto, and Heraclea, Silivri, and Natura; and we arrived at Constantinople. Pitching our tents be- fore this city, we rested fourteen days. CHAPTER III Alexius and the Crusaders (The conduct of Alexius and the people of his empire toward the Cru- saders, as they passed through the land on their way to Constantinople, seemed incomprehensible to the Latins at the time and has been more or less baffling to all later writers. There is some doubt as to whether or not Alexius had sent a definite appeal for help to the West at this time. Chalan- don, whose study of the reign of Alexius represents probably the most authoritative modern investigation of the subject, maintains the thesis that Alexius did not call for help, and that the empire in 1096 was less in need of aid than at any time since 1071.1 Certainly, the Emperor's conduct ap- pears more intelligible if the Crusaders can be regarded as his uninvited guests. Their not infrequent acts of violence may even have led him to suspect their motives, which suspicion the presence of Bohemund and his Normans from southern Italy — old foes of the Eastern Empire — only served to strengthen. Possibly there were other causes, also, to arouse the Emperor Kohler has suggested that Urban, in arousing the expedition, cherished the hope of gaining the submission of the Greek Church, either as a reward for this help, or by intimidation and force, if necessary.^ But whether or not there was any just cause for the Emperor's suspicions, the statements of his daughter, together with his own unquestionable zeal to hasten each band away from Constantinople and across the Bosporus before the next band arrived, indicates very clearly that he did distrust the Latins. And yet, as •. one reads the Latin accounts, it is difficult to find in them evidence of guile toward Alexius or a covert design upon the possession of his empire. The constant combination of friendly messages from the Emperor and rough treatment from his soldiers aroused a good deal of distrust on the part of the Crusaders, but at first they seemed to give the Emperor the benefit of the doubt. For almost every event narrated in this chapter there is testimony from at least two independent writers. The fate of the Peasants' Crusade, though not described by an eye-witness, is quite fully treated by both Anna and Albert, as well as by the Anonymous, and Fulcher's mention of the heap of bones near Nicomedia serves as a graphic confirmation of their statements. Anna's account of Hugh's experiences is confirmed only by the brief men- tion of his plight by Fulcher and Albert. The rather brief statement of the Anonymous about Godfrey's dealings with Alexius is too condensed to settle the disparities between the accounts of Anna and Albert, and the reader must draw his own inferences. The identity of the Raoul mentioned by Anna is somewhat uncertain. He could not have been Robert of Flanders, who was with the other leaders both at Constantinople and Nicaea. The 70 THE FIRST CRUSADE shipment of troops to Syria by water did occur in the Crusade of iioi, which Anna may very easily have confused with earlier events. Her ac- count of Bohemund and of Raymond, also, is colored by her knowledge of later events, but the versions given by the Anonymous, Raymond, and the others serve to establish the actual occurrences fairly well. For the arrival and treatment of Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois at Constanti- nople Fulcher's statements and those in Stephen's letter furnish ample evi- dence. The siege and capture of Nicaea is the most fully attested event in the history of the First Crusade. Certain minor incidents In the siege, how- ever, are related by only one or two of the writers who were in the imme- diate vicinity, and the connection of the various chroniclers with one band or the other must be borne in mind. Throughout the whole chapter the contrast of western and eastern civilization, as evidenced by the frequent naive expressions of wonder and amazement, on the one hand, and blase contempt and horror, on the other, forms an interesting background to the progress of events,) I. Alexius and the Peasants' Crusade. Fate of the Peasants' Cru- sade. (August i-October 4, 1096.) (Anna.) . . . Moreover, Alexius was not yet, or very slightly, rested from his labors when he heard rumors of the arrival of in- numerable Prankish armies. He feared the incursions of these people, for he had already experienced the savage fury of their attack, their fickleness of mind, and their readiness to approach anything with violence. . . . And finally, he kept ever in mind this information, which was often repeated and most true — that they were known to be always immoderately covetous of anything they strove after and to break very easily, for any reason whatsoever, treaties which they had made. Accordingly, he did not indulge in any rest, but made ready his forces in every way, so that when occcasion should demand he would be ready for battle. I For it was a matter greater and more terrible than famine which was then reported. Forsooth, the whole West, and as much of the land of barbarian peoples as lies beyond the Adriatic Sea up to the Pillars of Hercules — all this, changing its seat, was bursting forth into Asia in a solid mass, with all its belongings, taking its march through the intervening portion of Europe. A certain Gaul, Peter by name, surnamed Kuku-Peter,^ had set out from his home to adore the Holy Sepulchre. After suffering many dangers and wrongs from the Turks and Saracens, who were devastating all Asia, he returned to his own country most sorrow- fully. He could not bear to see himself thus cut ofif from his pro- posed pilgrimage and intended to undertake the expedition a sec- ond time. . . . THE FIRST CRUSADE 71 After Peter had promoted the expedition, he, with 8o,cx30 foot- soldiers and 100,000 knights, was the first of all to cross the Lom- bard strait. Then passing through the territory of Hungary, he arrived at the queenly city. For, as anyone may conjecture from the outcome, the race of the Gauls is not only very passionate and impetuous in other ways, but, also, when urged on by an impulse, cannot thereafter be checked. Our Emperor, aware of what Peter had suffered from the Turks before, urged him to await the ar- rival of the other counts. (Gesta.) But the above-mentioned' Peter was the first to reach Constantinople, on the Kalends of August, and with him was a very large host of Alemanni. There he found assembled Lombards, and Longobards, and many others. The Emperor had ordered such a market as was in the city to be given to these people. And he said to them, "Do not cross the Strait until the chief host of the Chris- tians has come, for you are not so strong that you can do battle with the Turks." The Christians conducted themselves badly, in- asmuch as they tore down and burned buildings of the city and carried off the lead with which the churches were constructed and sold it to the Greeks. The Emperor was enraged thereat an3 ordered them to cross the Strait. After they had crossed, they did not cease doing all manner of evil, burning and plundering houses and churches. At length they reached Nicomedia, where the Lom- bards and Longobards and Alemanni separated from the Franks be- cause the Franks were constantly swelled with arrogance. The Lombards and Longobards chose a leader over themselves whose name was Reinald. The Alemanni did likewise. They en- tered Romania* and proceeded for four days beyond the city of Nicaea. They found a certain fortress, Xerogord^ by name, which was empty of people, and they seized it. In it they found an ample supply of grain, wine, and meat, and an abundance of all goods. The Turks, accordingly, hearing that the Christians were in the fortress, came to besiege it. Before the gate of the fortress was a cistern, and at the foot of the fortress was a fountain of running water, near which Reinald went out to trap the Turks. But the Turks, who came on the day of the Dedication of St. Michael,® found Reinald and those who were with him and killed many of them. Those who remained alive fled to the fortress, which the Turks straightway besieged, thus depriving them of water. Our people were in such distress from thirst that they bled their horses and asses and drank the blood ; others let their girdles and handker- chiefs down into the cistern and squeezed out the water from them into their mouths ; some urinated into one another's hollowed hands ^2 THE FIRST CRUSADE and drank ; and others dug up the moist ground and lay down on their backs and spread the earth over their breasts to relieve the excessive dryness of thirst. The bishops and priests, indeed, con- tinued to comfort our people, and to admonish them not to yield, saying, "Be everywhere strong in the faith of Christ, and do not fear those who persecute you, just as the Lord saith, *Be not afraid of them that kill the body, but are not able to kill the soul.' "^ This distress lasted for eight days. Then the lord of the Alemanni made an agreement with the Turks to surrender his companions to them ; and, feigning to go out to fight, he fled to them, and many with him. Those, however, who were unwilling to deny the Lord re- ceived the sentence of death; some, whom they took alive, they divided among themselves, like sheep ; some they placed as a target and shot with arrows ; others they sold and gave away, like animals. Some they took captive to their own home, some to Chorosan, some to Antioch, others to Aleppo, or wherever they themselves lived. These were the first to receive a happy martyrdom in the name of the Lord Jesus. Next, the Turks, hearing that Peter the Hermit and Walter the Penniless were in Civitote, which is located above the city of Nicaea, went there with great joy to kill them and those who were with them. And when they had come, they encountered Walter with his men, (all of) whom the Turks soon killed. But Peter the Hermit had gone to Constantinople a short while before because he was unable to restrain that varied host, which was not willing to listen either to him or to his words. The Turks, indeed, rushed upon these people and killed many of them. Some they found sleeping, some lying down, others naked — all of whom they killed. With these people they found a certain priest celebrating mass, whom they straightway martyred upon the altar. Those who could escape fled to Civitote; others hurled themselves headlong into the sea, while some hid in the forests and mountains. But the Turks, pursuing them to the fortress, collected wood to burn them with the fort. The Christians who were in the fort, therefore, set fire to the wood that had been collected, and the fire, turning in the di- rection of the Turks, cremated some of them ; but from the fire the Lord delivered our people at that time. Nevertheless, the Turks took them alive and divided them, just as they had done the others, and scattered them through all these regions, some to Chorosan, and others to Persia. This all happened in the month of October. The Emperor, upon hearing that the Turks had so scattered our people, was exceedingly glad and sent for them (the Turks) and had them cross the Strait. After they were across, he purchased all their arms. . . . THE FIRST CRUSADE 73 (Albert.) The Emperor was moved by compassion on hearing this humble narrative and ordered two hundred gold besants to be given to Peter ; of that money which was called tartaron he dis- bursed one measure for his army. After that, Peter retired from the conference and from the palace of the Emperor. Although un- der the kind protection of the Emperor, he rested only five days in the fields and lands near Constantinople, where Walter the Penni- less had likewise pitched his tents. Becoming companions from that very day, thereafter their troops, arms, and all necessary provisions were joined together. Next, after five days, they moved their tents and, with the aid of the Emperor, passed by boat over the Strait of St. George. Entering the confines of Cappadocia, they advanced through mountainous country into Nicomedia and there passed the night. After this, they pitched camp at the port called Civitote. There merchants were constantly bringing ships laden with supplies of wine, corn, oil, and barley, and with abundance of cheese, selling all to the pilgrims with just measure. While they were rejoicing in this abundance of necessities and were resting their tired bodies, there came messengers from the most Christian Emperor. Because of the danger of ambushes and at- tacks from the Turks, they forbade Peter and his whole army from marching towards the mountainous region of the city of Nicaea, until a greater number of Christians should be added to their num- ber. Peter heard the message, and he with all the Christian people assented to the counsel of the Emperor. They tarried there for the course of two months, feasting in peace and joy, and sleeping secure from all hostile attacks. And so two months later, having become wanton and unrestrained because of ease and an inestimable abundance of food, heeding not the voice of Peter, but against his will, they entered into the region of the city of Nicaea and the realms of Soliman.^ They took as plunder cattle, sheep, goats, the herds of the Greek servants of the Turks, and carried them off to their fellows. Peter, seeing this, was sorrowful in heart, knowing that they did it not with impunity. Whereupon he often admonished them not to seize any more booty contrary to the counsel of the Emperor, but in vain did he speak to a foolish and rebellious people. . . . But the Teutons, seeing that affairs turned out so well for the Romans and the Franks, and that they returned unhindered so many times with their booty, were inflamed with an inordinate desire for plunder. About three thousand foot-soldiers were collected and about two hundred knights. . . . And thus, after all the stronghold had been captured and its in- 74 THE FIRST CRUSADE habitants driven out, they rejoiced in the abundance of food found there. And exulting in that victory, they in turn gave counsel that, by remaining in that fortress, they could easily obtain, through their own valor, the lands and principality of Soliman ; that they would gather from all sides booty and food, and thus could easily weaken Soliman, until the promised army of the great leaders should ap- proach. Soliman, the leader and chief of the army of the Turks, having heard of the arrival of the Christians, and of their plunder and booty, assembled from all Romania and the territory of Cho- rosan fifteen thousand of his Turks, most agile archers, very skilful in the use of bows of horn and bone. . . . Next, it is said, that after sunrise on the third day, Soliman with his followers arrived from Nicaea at the fortress which the Teutons had invaded. . . . Therefore, the Turks, unable to drive out the Alemanni with this assault and shower of arrows, gathered all kinds of wood at the very gate of the fortress. They set fire to it and burned the gate and very many buildings which were within the citadel. As the heat of the flames became greater, some were burned to death ; others, hoping for safety, leaped from the walls. But the Turks who were outside the walls cut down with swords those who were fleeing and took captive about two hundred who were pleasing in appear- ance and youthful in body; all the others they destroyed with sword and arrow. . . . In the meantime, the truth was discovered and tumult arose among the people. The foot-soldiers came in a body to Reinald of Broyes, Walter the Penniless, to Walter of Breteuil, also, and to Folker of Orleans, who were leaders of Peter's army, to urge them to rise in a body in vindication of their brethren and against the audacity of the Turks. But they positively refused to go without the presence and the counsel of Peter. Then Godfrey Burel, master of the foot-soldiers, upon hearing their response, asserted that the timid by no means avail so much in war as the bold ; and in sharp words he frequently reproached those men who prevented their other companions from pursuing the Turks to avenge their breth- ren. On the other hand, the leaders of the legion, unable to endure his insults and reproaches any longer, or those of their own fol- lowers, were deeply moved by wrath and indignation and promised that they would go against the strength and wiles of the Turks, even if it should happen that they died in battle. Nor was there delay ; at dawn on the fourth day, all the knights and foot-soldiers throughout the entire camp were ordered to arm themselves, to sound the trumpets, and to assemble for battle. Only the unarmed, the countless sick, and the women remained in camp. THE FIRST CRUSADE 75 But all the armed men, to the number of 25,000 foot-soldiers and 500 knights in armor, pressed on their way together toward Nicaea, in order to avenge their brethren by provoking Soliman and the rest of the Turks to engage in battle. And so, divided and arrayed in six battle lines, with standards uplifted in each, they advanced on the right and on the left. Boasting and shouting with vehement tumult and great clamor, they had scarcely advanced through the aforesaid forest and moun- tain region three miles from the port of Civitote, their halting place, (Peter being absent and unaware of all this), when lo ! Soliman, with all his intolerable following, entered that same forest from the opposite side. He was coming down from the city of Nicaea to fall suddenly upon the Gauls in camp, intending at the point of the sword to wipe out and destroy them, unaware and unprepared. Upon hearing the approach and the violent outcry of the Chris- tians, he marvelled greatly what this tumult meant, for all that the Christians had decided was unknown to him. Finding out straightway that they were pilgrims, Soliman addressed his men as follows : "Behold the Franks, against whom we were marching, are at hand. Let us withdraw from the forest and the mountains into the open plain, where we may freely engage in battle with them, and they can find no refuge." Accordingly, this was done without delay, at Soliman's command, and in deep silence they withdrew from the forest and the mountains. But the Franks, unaware of Soliman's approach, advanced from the forest and the mountains with shouting and loud clamor. There they first beheld the battle Hues of Soliman in the midst of the field, awaiting them for battle. When they had seen the Turks, they began to encourage one another in the name of the Lord. . . . There Walter the Penniless fell, pierced by seven arrows which had penetrated his coat of mail. Reinald of Broyes and Folker of Chartres, men of the greatest renown in their own lands, fell in like martyrdom, destroyed by the enemy, though not without great slaughter of the Turks. But Walter of Breteuil, son of Waler- amnus, and Godfrey Burel, master of the foot-soldiers, having slipped away in flight through briars and thickets, turned back along the narrow path where the entire band, withdrawn from bat- tle, had gathered together. When the flight and desertion of these men became known, all turned in flight, hastening their course towards Civitote along the same route by which they had come, but with little defense against the enemy. And so the Turks, rejoicing in the pleasing success of victory, were destroying the wretched band of pilgrims, whom they followed 76 THE FIRST CRUSADE for a distance of three miles, killing them even at the camp of Peter, And going within the tents, they destroyed with the sword whomever they found, the weak and the feeble, clerics, monks, old women, nursing children, persons of every age. But they led away young girls whose face and form was pleasing in their eyes, and beardless youths of comely countenance. They carried off to Nicaea money, garments, mules, horses, and all valuable things, as well as the tents themselves. But above the shore of the sea, near the aforesaid Civitote, was an ancient, deserted fortress. Towards that fortress three thousand pilgrims rushed in flight. They entered the ruined fortress in hope of defense. But finding no gates or other obstacles, and anxious and deprived of aid, they piled up their shields for a gate, along with a huge pile of rocks ; and with lances, wooden bows, and sling- stones, they bravely defended themselves from the enemy. But the Turks, seeing that they were having but little success in killing those inside, surrounded the fortress, which was without a roof, on all sides. They aimed their arrows high, so that, as they fell from the air in a shower, they would strike the bodies of the en- closed Christians, destroying the poor wretches ; and that all the others, at the sight of this, might be compelled to surrender. In this way very many are said to have been wounded and killed there ; but the rest, fearing yet more cruel treatment from the impious enemy, could not be compelled to come out either by force or by arms. . . . The Emperor was moved with pity when he had heard from Peter about the siege and the fall of his men. So he summoned the Turcopoles and all the nations of his kingdom, and commanded them to go in all haste across the Strait to the aid of the fugitive and besieged Christians, and to drive the assaulting Turks from the siege. But the Turks, having learned of the Emperor's edict, moved from the fortress at midnight with their Christian captives and very great spoils, and so the pilgrim soldiers who had been shut up and besieged by the impious (Turks) were freed. . . . (Anna.) But relying on the multitude of those who followed him, Peter did not heed the warning and, after crossing the strait, pitched camp at a little town called Helenopolis. But since there were also Normans in his army, estimated at about ten thousand men, these, separating themselves from the rest of the body, devastated the region lying around the city of Nicaea, rioting most cruelly in every way. For they tore some of the children apart, limb from limb and, piercing others through with wooden stakes, roasted them in fire; likewise, upon those THE FIRST CRUSADE -jy advanced in years they inflicted every kind of torture. When those in the city saw this being done, they opened the gates and w^ent out against them. As a result, a fierce battle took place, in which, since the Normans fought ferociously, the citizens were hurled back into the fortress. The Normans, after gathering up all the plunder, again returned to Helenopolis. There a quarrel arose between themselves and the other pilgrims who had not gone off with them, a thing which usually happens in an affair of this kind, envy inflaming the wrath of those left behind, and a riotous fight followed the quarrel. The fierce Normans again separated (from the others) and captured Xerogord on their way at the first attack. When this was learned, the Sultan sent Elchanes against them with a suitable number of troops. When he reached them, he re- captured Xerogord, killed some of the Normans with the sword, and carried off the rest as captives, planning at the same time, also, an attack upon those who had remained with Kuku-Peter, And he set ambushes at opportune places into which, when they left for Nicaea, they would unexpectedly fall and be killed. But knowing also of the avarice of the Gauls, he had summoned two men of bold spirit and ordered them to go to the camp of Kuku-Peter to announce that the Normans had captured Nicaea and were now sacking it to the utmost. This report, brought to the camp of Peter, excited all violently; for when the mention of plunder and riches was heard, they straightway set out in tumult on the road which leads to Nicaea, forgetful of their military training and of observing dis- cipline in going out to battle. For the Latins are not only most fond of riches, as we said above, but when they give themselves to raiding any region for plunder, are also no longer obedient to reason, or any other check. Accordingly, since they were neither keeping order nor forming into lines, they fell into the ambush of the Turks around Draco aild were wretchedly cut to pieces. In- deed, so great a multitude of Gauls and Normans were cut down by the Ishmaelite sword that when the dead bodies of the killed, which were lying all about in the place, were brought together, they made a very great mound, or hill, or look-out place, lofty as a mountain, and occupying a space very conspicuous for its width and depth. So high did that mound of bones tower, that some barbarians of the same race as the killed later used the bones of the slain instead of stones in constructing a wall, thus making that fortress a sort of sepulchre for them. It stands to this day, an enclosure of walls built with mixed rocks and bones. And thus, after all had been wiped out in the slaughter, Peter returned with only a few to Helenopolis. The Turks, in their de- 78 THE FIRST CRUSADE sire to get him into their power, again beset him with an ambush. But when the Emperor heard of the whole affair and learned how great was the slaughter of men, he held it very wrong that Peter should also be taken. Immediately, therefore, he summoned Cata- calon Constantine Euphorbenus," of whom mention has often been made in this history, and sent him with suitable forces on war- vessels across the sea as a succour to Peter. When the Turks saw him approach, they fled. . . . 2. The Einperor's treatment of Hugh. (October, 1096- January, 1097.) - {Anna.) As we said above, there were among the Latins such "\ men as Bohemund and his fellow counsellors, who, eager to obtain the Roman Empire for themselves, had been looking with avarice upon it for a long time. Seeing an opening for their plans in the expedition which was promoted by Peter, they stirred up this huge movement; and, in order to deceive the more simple, they feigned a crusade against the Turks to regain the Holy Sepulchre and sold all their possessions. Moreover, a certain Hugh, brother of the King of France, who conducted himself with the spirit of a navatus on account of his wealth and power and the nobility of his birth, decided to leave his fatherland, as if to set out for the Holy Sepul- chre. Upon reaching this decision, he looked forward to a most glorious meeting and announced in letters full of swollen insolence to the Emperor: "Know, O King, that I am King of Kings, and superior to all who are under the sky. You are now permitted to greet me, on my arrival, and to receive me with magnificence, as befits my no- bility." At this time the Governor^" of Durazzo was John, son of Isaac, the Sebastocrator,^^ of whom we have spoken above. Nicolaus Maurocatacalon, in command of the fleet, had arranged his ships at stations around the port of Durazzo, so that he could make excur- sions and watch the seas, lest, perchance, pirate ships might se- cretly approach. To each of these men, therefore^ the Emperor, after hearing this letter (from Hugh), immediately sent a message, bidding the Governor of Durazzo watch closely by land and sea for the arrival of this man, upon whose coming a messenger was to be sent quickly to the Emperor. Hugh, however, was to be re- ceived magnificently. He further ordered the commander of the fleet to be constantly alert and on the watch with every faculty . awake, not with his usual negligence. Meanwhile Hugh reached the seacoast of Longobardy ; there he THE FIRST CRUSADE 79 sent envoys to the Governor of Durazzo, twenty-four in number, each decorated with gold and red breastplates. Along with them went Count Carpenter and that Helia who had fled from the Em- peror at Thessalonica. These men addressed the following message to the Governor : "Be it known to you, O Governor, that our lord, Hugh, will soon be here, bringing with him from Rome the golden banner of St. Peter; moreover, know that he is the highest leader of all the armies of France. Prepare yourself, therefore, to receive him and the army obeying him according to the dignity of his power; and gird yourself about to meet him." While they were thus commanding the Governor, Hugh, as it is said, came from Rome into Lx>ngobardy ; and leaving Bari toward Illyricum, he was caught by a most awful storm and lost the greater number of his ships, together with their oarsmen and passengers. The little boat in which he saved himself was cast up by the waves, as though they spewed it forth, on the seacoast which lies half way between Durazzo and another place called Palus. It, too, was half cut to pieces. Two men, who were on the watch for his ar- rival, met him after he had been saved and pressed him with these words : "The Governor is awaiting your arrival, desiring very much to enjoy your coming." Thereupon, Hugh immediately asked for a horse, and one of those men, dismounting from his horse, very dutifully gave it over to him. As a result, the Governor, after seeing that Hugh was safe, was the first to greet him and asked whither, and whence, and what dangers and evils had befallen him in sailing. And when he had been set upon his feet and refreshed with kind words, the Governor then put before him a well-prepared feast. After dinner he loosed him, but did not yet permit him to walk about freely, for all these things had been quickly announced to the Emperor, and the Governor was waiting to find out his commands from him. When the Emperor was informed, he quickly sent Butumites to Epidamnus, which we have often called Durazzo, with orders to bring Hugh back with him and not to return by the direct road, but, by turning aside, to bring him to Constantinople through Philip- Tj^t/ popolis; for he was afraid of the forces and throngs of Gauls who J [ followed. The Emperor treated him honorably with all kindness and gave him, in addition, considerable sums of money. He im- mediately urged the man to attach himself to him (the Emperor), and to bind himself by the customary oaths of the Latins. . . . 8o THE FIRST CRUSADE 3. Godfrey at Constantinople. (December, 1096-May, 1097.) {Gesta.) Duke Godfrey was the first of all the seignors to come to Constantinople with a great army. He arrived two days before the Nativity of Our Lord and camped outside the city, until the iniquitous Emperor ordered him to be lodged in a suburb of the city. And when the Duke had been so lodged, he used to send his squires, under pledge, day by day to fetch hay and other necessities for the horses. When now they planned to go wherever they wished, on the strength of their pledge, the evil Emperor placed a watch upon them and commanded his Turcopoles and Patzinaks to attack and kill them. Thereupon, when Bald- win, brother of the Duke, heard of this, he placed himself in am- bush and then found them killing his people. He attacked them in great anger and, God helping, overcame them. Capturing sixty of them, he killed some and presented the rest to the Duke, his brother. When the Emperor had heard of this, he was exceedingly angry. Then the Duke, seeing that the Emperor was enraged, went with his men out of the suburb and encamped outside the city. Moreover, toward evening the Emperor ordered his forces to at- tack the Duke and the people of Christ. The unconquered Duke and the knights of Christ pursued these, killed seven of them, and drove the rest even to the gates of the city. The Duke, returning to his tents, remained there for five days, until he had entered into an agreement with the Emperor. The Emperor told him to cross the Strait of St. George, and promised to have every kind of market there, just as at Constantinople, and to distribute alms to the poor, upon which they could live. {Albert.) With his entire band of pilgrims Godfrey withdrew to the city of Constantinople itself. There, after pitching their tents, they lodged, a strong and powerful band, protected by armor and all warlike equipment. And, behold, at the meeting Hugh, Drogo, William Carpenter, and Clarebold, set free by the Emperor, were present, rejoicing because of the arrival of the Duke and of his multitudes, and meeting the embrace of the Duke and of the others with many a kiss. And, likewise, the above mentioned mes- senger of the Emperor met the Duke, asking him to come to the palace of the Emperor with some of the chiefs of his army, that he might hear the word of the King. The rest of his multitude should remain outside the walls of the city. Scarcely had the Duke received the message when, behold, some strangers from the land of the Franks appeared by stealth in his camp. The strangers cautioned the Duke very strongly to beware of the wiles and al- luring appearance of the Emperor, and by no means to go to the Em- THE FIRST CRUSADE 8i peror because of some flattering promise, but to sit outside the walls and listen carefully to all which the Emperor should propose to him. Thereupon, the Duke, so warned by the strangers, and taught by the deception of the Greeks, did not go to the Emperor. _ For this reason, the Emperor, moved by a violent indignation to- wards the Duke and all his army, refused them the privilege of buying and selling. But when Baldwin, brother of the Duke, learned of the wrath of the Emperor and saw the need of the people and their very great lack of necessaries, he pleaded with the Duke and the leaders to plunder again the region and lands of the Greeks, and to collect spoils and food, until the Emperor, com- pelled by this damage, should again grant the privilege of buying and selling. Therefore, when the Emperor saw devastation and misfortune befalling the lands of his kingdom, he once more gave to all the privilege of buying and selling. It was the time of the Nativity of the Lord. At that festal time, and in those days of peace and joy, it seemed to all praiseworthy, good, and acceptable before God that peace should be restored on both sides between the household of the Emperor and the Duke and all the mighty ones of the army. And so, when peace had been made, they withheld their hands from all plunder and hurt. Ac- cordingly, during those four holy days they rested in all quiet and happiness before the walls of the city Constantinople. Four days after, the legation of the Emperor went to the Duke asking, for the sake of the Emperor and his entreaties, that he would move his camp, and with his army lodge in the houses situated on the shore of the Strait, so that their tents might not become wet and worn from wintry cold and snow, which was threatening in that rainy season. Finally, the Duke and all the other leaders yielded to the will of the Emperor, and, after moving their tents, they, with all the Christian army, lodged in the castles and turreted buildings which were along the shore for a distance of thirty miles. From that day on successively they found and bought every abun- dance of food and necessities by order of the Emperor. Shortly after, an embassy of the Emperor again appeared before the Duke, urging him to go and learn what the Emperor had to say. This the Duke absolutely refused to do, having been warned by the strangers of the craftiness of the Emperor. But he sent to him as messengers the distinguished men Conon, Count of Montaigu, Baldwin of Burg, and Godfrey of Ascha, who were to make ex- cuses for him, speaking in this manner: "Duke Godfrey to the Emperor; trust and obedience. Willingly and eagerly would I come before you to look upon the wealth and glory of your house- 82 THE FIRST CRUSADE hold, were it not that many evil rumors, which have come to my ears regarding you, have terrified me. However, I know not whether these reports have been invented and spread about from envy or malice towards you." The Emperor, hearing this, warmly protested his innocence of all these charges, saying that never should the Duke or any of his followers fear any artifice on his part, but that he would serve and honor the Duke as his son, and the Duke's associates as his friends. Then the messengers of the Duke, on their return, reported favorably on all the good and faithful prom- ises which they had heard from the Emperor's lips. But the Duke, still placing little faith in the honeyed promises of the Emperor, again refused him a conference. And so, between these messages back and forth, fifteen days rolled away. Therefore the Emperor, recognizing the firmness of the Duke and that he could not be lured before him, again took oft'ense and withdrew the privilege of buying barley, and fish, and then bread, so that the Duke, thus coerced, could not refuse to enter the pres- ence of the Emperor. The Emperor, unsuccessful in changing th^ -Duke's mind, one day had five hundred Turcopoles armed with bows and quivers taken in ships across the strait. Early in the morning, they shot the soldiers of the Duke with arrows; some they killed, others they wounded, keeping them all from the shore, so that they could not there buy the usual food. ■ This cruel report was carried immediately to the chair of the Duke. He thereupon ordered the trumpets to be sounded and all the people to arm themselves and return to the city of Constanti- nople itself, and there to replace their tents. After the trumpets had been sounded at this command of the Duke, all rushed to arms. They laid waste the buildings and towers in which they had been lodged, setting fire to some, pulling others to pieces, thus causing irreparable damage to Constantinople. Finally, when the report of this great fire and destruction had reached the palace, the Duke became excessively alarmed, fearing that when the flaming buildings and the noise of a moving army had been noticed, the knights and archers of the Emperor would suddenly seize the bridge over which they had come from the city of Constantinople to the palatial residences. Therefore, without delay he sent Baldwin, his brother, with five hundred armored knights to seize the bridge, lest any force of the Emperor, an- ticipating him, should destroy it, and thus deny the pilgrims pas- sage back and forth. Baldwin had scarcely taken a stand on the middle of the bridge, when, behold, from right and left, Turcopoles (the soldiers of the THE FIRST CRUSADE 83 Emperor brought over on the ships) rushed upon them from all sides with arrows and fiercely attacked them. Baldwin, unable to resist from the bridge, hastened to escape their arrows by going across the bridge. Along the dry shore he swiftly betook himself to the other side of the bridge, (hoping) to hold it and keep watch upon the walls of the lord and master of the city while the entire army passed over that bridge, and the Duke with his men kept guard from the rear. In the meantime, from the gates opposite St. Argenteus an infinite band of Turcopoles and soldiers of every kind, equipped with bows and arms of every description, ran for- ward to attack Baldwin and the whole band of Christian people. But in the appointed place Baldwin, immovable and unconquered, withstood their every attack from early morning even to vespers, until the people were taken across the bridge and lodged in the camps placed before the walls of the city. Baldwin, with his five hundred knights, advanced fiercely upon these same Turcopoles who had come out from the gates and were attacking the people. Both sides having engaged in heavy battle, very many fell on this side and that, and very many horses of the Franks perished by arrows. But Baldwin, conquering at last, forced these harried and fleeing soldiers of the Emperor to go inside the gates. Then the Turcopoles and soldiers of the Emperor, indignant that they had been beaten and put to flight in war, rushed forth again from the gates in larger numbers to harass and attack the army. Then the Duke arrived and, since it was night, brought an end to the fight, advising his brother to return to camp with all his forces, and to keep his men from fighting during the night. Likewise, the Emperor himself, fearing that the tempest of war would become more and more violent, and that his soldiers would fail and perish in the darkness of evening, commanded peace to be made, rejoicing that the Duke had been willing to withdraw his army from battle. But after sunrise the next day, the people, surging forth at the command of the Duke, wandered about plundering the lands and kingdom of the Emperor for six days, so that, to say the least, the pride of the Emperor and his men seemed to be humbled. When this became known, the Emperor began to grieve and lament because his lands and kingdom were being thus devastated. Taking coun- sel immediately, he sent a message to the Duke to the effect that he should prohibit plunder and fire, and that he himself would give satisfaction in every respect to the Duke. The message ran as fol- lows : "Let enmity between you and us cease. Let the Duke, upon receiving hostages as a pledge from me, advance without any doubt that he will come and return unharmed, assured of all the 84 THE FIRST CRUSADE honor and glory which we are able to give him and his people." The Duke graciously agreed, provided hostages were given to whom he could trust his life and safety ; then without doubt he would come to the Emperor, freely to speak by word of mouth. Hardly had the legates of the Emperor departed after this re- sponse of the Duke, when, behold, certain other legates, coming to the same Duke from Bohemund, greeted him, speaking thus : "Bohemund, the most wealthy prince of Sicily and Calabria, asks that you by no means enter into peace with the Emperor; but that you withdraw to Adrianople and Philippopolis, cities of the Bul- garians, and pass the winter there. You may be certain that this same Bohemund will come to your aid with all his troops early in the month of March, to attack the Emperor and to invade his kingdom." After he had heard the message of Bohemund, the Duke put off answering it until the next day. Then, upon the counsel of his followers, he replied that neither for gain nor for the destruc- tion of Christians had he left his country and kindred, but, rather, in the name of Christ to pursue the way to Jerusalem. He wished to accomplish this and to fight the designs of the Emperor, pro- vided he could regain and keep his favor and good will. The messengers of Bohemund, upon learning the reply and intention of the Duke, were graciously commended by him and returned to the country of Apulia, reporting all as they had heard it from the lips of the Duke. Learning of this new embassy and suggestion from Bohemund, the Emperor yet more earnestly urged the Duke and his friends to enter upon an agreement with him; he would give his most be- loved son, John, as hostage, on condition that they would make peace, would pass through the country quietly, and would meet him in conference face to face. Furthermore, he would favor Godfrey and his followers with the privilege of buying all necessaries. When the Duke learned that these promises of the Emperor had been made in the form of a decree, he moved his camp from the wall of the city by the advice of his council and again withdrew across the bridge to take lodging in the fortified dwellings on the strait. He admonished all his people to remain at peace, and to purchase what- ever was necessary without disturbance. On the following day, he commanded Conon, Count of Mon- taigu, and Baldwin of Burg, most noble men and skilled in speak- ing, to come before him. He then confidently directed them to re- ceive as hostage the Emperor's son, which was done. When, there- fore, the Emperor's son had been brought and placed in faithful custody under the power of the Duke and his men, the Duke was THE FIRST CRUSADE 85 carried at once by boat through the Strait to Constantinople. Ac- companied by the distinguished men, Werner of Grez, Peter of Dampierre, and the other leaders, he boldly advanced to the Court of the Emperor and stood before him, that he might hear his word and reply to him by word of mouth. Baldwin, however, by no means entered then into the palace of the Emperor, but remained on the shore with the multitude. Upon seeing the magnificence of the Duke and all his men, hon- orably clad, as they were, in splendid and rich apparel of purple and gold, bordered with ermine white as snow, with martin, and other kinds of fur, such as the princes of Gaul, especially, wear, the Emperor heartily admired their pomp and splendor. He first graciously received the Duke, then all his chiefs and companions, whom he honored with the kiss of peace. Moreover, the Emperor sat in majesty upon his throne, according to his custom, and did not rise to give the kiss to the Duke, or anyone. But the Duke, together with his men, bowed with bended knees to kiss so glorious and great an Emperor. When at last all had received the kiss, according to their rank, he spoke to the Duke in these words : *T have heard that you are the most mighty knight and prince in your land, a man most prudent and of perfect trust. In the presence of this multitude and more to come, I, therefore, take you for my adopted son ; and all that I possess I place in your power, that through you my empire and lands may be saved and freed." The Duke, appeased and seduced by these friendly and lofty words of the Emperor, not only recognized himself as his son, according to the custom of the country, but, likewise, giving him his hand, declared himself his vassal, together with the princes then present, who followed the Duke in the ceremony. Nor was there delay. Invaluable gifts of all kinds were brought from the treasury of the Emperor, both gold and silver, purples, mules, and horses, and all that he held valuable. So, indeed, the Emperor and the Duke were bound by the indissoluble bond of perfect faith and friend- ship, from the time of the Nativity of the Lord, when the agreement took place, even to a few days before Pentecost. Every week, four men, bearing gold besants, with ten measures of money called tar- taron, were sent from the palace of the Emperor to the Duke to provide sustenance for the soldiers. Wonderful to relate ! All, that the Duke distributed to his men from the gifts of the Emperor was forthwith returned to the treasury of the Emperor in exchange for food. Nor is this to be wondered at, for none but the Emper- or's wares (such as wine, and oil, as well as grain, barley, and every kind of food) were in that whole kingdom. And thus the treasury 86 THE FIRST CRUSADE of the Emperor was always filled with gold and could not be emptied by any extravagance. After peace and concord between the Emperor and the Duke had been made on the conditions we have named, the Duke, still more certain of the Emperor's faith and friendship, returned to lodge in the buildings on the Strait and sent back with honor the Emperor's son, who had remained a hostage up to this time. On the day following, it was announced through the entire army, by order of the Duke, that peace and honor should be shown to the Emperor and to all in his command, and that justice should be preserved in trans- actions of buying and selling. Similarly, the Emperor proclaimed in all his realm that no one, under penalty of death, should harm or defraud any one of the army, but that they should sell all things with just weight and measure to the pilgrims, and, indeed, should lessen the price. After these events, at the beginning of Lent, the Emperor sum- moned the Duke into his presence and begged him, on his pledge of friendship, to cross the sea and pitch his tents in Cappadocia, on account of the buildings which his incorrigible people were de- stroying. The Duke graciously assented to this, and, after cross- ing the river and pitching camp, he and his people tarried on the plains of Cappadocia. After this, everything was gradually sold more dearly to the pilgrims, but, nevertheless, the gifts of the Emperor to the Duke were not at all diminished, for he feared him greatly. But the Duke, seeing the difficulty of buying necessaries and unable to en- dure the clamor of his people, went often by ship to the Emperor and complained to him about the high price of food stufifs. Then the Emperor, as though unaware of this, and unwilling to have it occur, again lightened the burden for all the pilgrims. (Anna.) At that time, too, came Count Godfrey, who had crossed the sea with the other counts and was accompanied by an army of 10,000 knights and 70,000 foot-soldiers. He established his force about the Propontis, his camp extending from the bridge which was opposite Cosmidion up to St. Phocas. While the Emp- eror urged him to cross the strait of the Propontis, he went on from day to day contriving one excuse or another and put off the mat- ter. The real reason, to state the matter simply, was that he was awaiting the arrival of Bohemund and the other counts. For, though in the beginning Peter had aroused this great expedition to adore the Holy Sepulchre, the other counts, Bohemund above all, were cherishing in mind the old grudge against the Emperor and were awaiting a favorable opportunity to take vengeance on him THE FIRST CRUSADE 87 for the splendid victory which he had gained over Bohemund when the latter engaged him in battle at Larissa. And dreaming that if they were of one mind they could take Constantinople itself, they had combined with the same thought and purpose of which we have often made mention above. Thus, apparently they were making an expedition to Jerusalem ; in reality, however, they wanted to divest the Emperor of his kingdom and take Constantinople. But the Emperor, long since acquainted with their wiles, by letter or- dered forces of Gentiles with their leaders to be stationed by squad- rons from the Athyras river up to Philea, a seaport on the Black Sea. (He also ordered them) to watch in ambush for anyone sent, perchance, by Godfrey to Bohemund and the rest of the counts who were following, or by these, in turn, to him, and to deny these messengers all passage. In the meantime, while this was going on, the following incident occurred, somewhat in this way. The Emperor had summoned be- fore him some of the counts who had come with Godfrey, in order to urge that they consent to persuade Godfrey to carry out the promise which he had made under oath. While the time was thus being dragged out longer (than expected), for the reason that the Latin race is by nature exceedingly garrulous and wordy, there was reported to these people the false rumor that the counts had been taken into custody at the Emperor's command. Thereupon, . the Latin legions surged together in a huge crowd and moved upon Byzantium and without delay utterly destroyed the palaces which are situated toward the swamp called Argyra. At the same time they tried the walls of the city, not with siege machines, for they were not at hand, but, trusting in their multitude, they resorted to a piece of insolence : they dared to set fire to the lower gate of the palace located near the Temple, which had been built in olden times by one of the Emperors under the invocation of Nicolaus, the greatest of the holy pontiffs. At the sight of the Latin legions, not only did all of the basest class, the foolish and the unwarlike, groan, cry out, and beat their breasts in their fear, not knowing what else to do ; but even the zealous adherents of the Emperor, mindful of that Friday on which the seizure of the city had formerly taken place,^^ feared the pres- ent day lest vengeance should fall violently upon them for the deeds committed at that time. However, all who had any acquaintance with military practice and skill poured in at the regal palace, each man coming by himself. But the Emperor neither armed his sides with breastplate of scale-armor, his left hand with a shield, his right with a spear, nor girded himself about with a sword; 88 THE FIRST CRUSADE but, clothed in royal raiment, he seated himself upon the imperial throne, as though secure. Thus, on the one hand, he reassured all, injecting courage into their hearts by his happy look, and, on the other, he discussed with his advisers and military leaders plans for coming events. First of all, he absolutely refused to have any armed band led outside of the walls against the Latins, this for a twofold reason : First, because this was the most sacred of days, for it was Friday of the greatest, of Holy, Week, when the Saviour had undergone ignominious death for all. In the second place, he refused to engage in civil war between Christians. Therefore, by means of frequent messengers to the Latins he wished to bring about the cessation of the undertaking which they had begun, say- ing: "Remember that on this day there died for us the Lord, who for the sake of our salvation did not fear to endure the cross, nails and the lance, punishments befitting criminals. But if your desire for a fight is so great, we, too, will stand ready after the coming day of the Lord's resurrection." But the Latins were so far from yielding to him that they closed their ranks and threw missies in such profusion that they struck across the chest one of the men standing near the Emperor's throne. At the sight of this, most of those who were standing near fell back, here and there, from the Emperor, while he, meanwhile, remained on his throne, not only without any sign of fear, but likewise re- assuring them and chiding them greatly for their fear. All ad- mired his presence of mind. Finally, when he saw that the Latins, bereft of all shame, were invading the walls of the city and scorning his useful counsel, he first summoned his son-in-law, Nicephorus,^^ and commanded him to take with him the strongest men and those skilled in shoot- ing arrows and go to the top of the wall. He advised him, at the same time, to hurl down weapons on the Latins as frequently as possible, but, for the most part, harmlessly, with bad aim, in order to frighten them, not to kill them. For, as was said above, the Emperor respected the religious significance of the day and did not wish to engage in civil war between Christians. At the same time, he ordered some other chosen leaders (each with his co- horts, most of them provided with bows, but some armed with long lances) to charge forth suddenly from the gate which is close to St. Romanus, thus presenting the appearance of violence to the enemy. The battle line was so arranged that each spearman should march protected on each side by bowmen armed with shields. Thus arrayed, they were ordered to advance against the enemy at a slow pace, and archers, instructed to turn about frequently here and THE FIRST CRUSADE 89 there, were sent ahead to wound the Gauls at close quarters. Now, when the two lines were a slight distance apart, they were then to order those bowmen who had spearmen at their side to use their bows carefully, aiming at the horses of the enemy, sparing the riders ; and it was further ordered that the spearmen should charge with loose reins upon the Latins and with the full weight of their horses. He gave that order with this in mind, that when their horses were wounded, the violence of the Gallic attack would lan- guish and the Romans would not easily be pursued by the knights ; and this, also, which he especially desired, that as little Christian blood as possible should be shed. These men with ready courage did what they had been commanded by the Emperor, and, after the gates had been suddenly opened, they rushed against the enemy, now giving free rein to their horses, now checking them. Thus they killed many of the enemy; a few of our men were wounded in this affair that day. ... At length the Emperor sent in his own forces and scattered and routed the legions of the Latins. On the next day, Hugh set out to meet Godfrey and counselled him to make peace with the Emperor, if he did not want to try the warlike skill of the latter anew, to his own hurt, but especially to pledge that he would keep inviolate his faith to the Emperor. God- frey received him very bitterly saying, "Have not you, who came from home in the spirit and surroundings of a king, with great forces and wealth, now debased yourself from highest dignity to the condition and lot of a humble client? And then, as if this were some great and distinguished deed, you have come to urge me, too, to this same fate !" In reply to him Hugh said, 'Tn the first place, we ought not to have departed from our own lands, and we ought to have stayed away from those of others; but after we have come hither to this place, where we may have necessities by the benevo- lent care and providence of him who rules here, our business will not turn out happily unless we accede to his counsels and demands." When Hugh had returned, the matter only made worse, the Emp- eror, informed through other sources that the rest of the counts who were following Godfrey E.t a distance were already near, sent chosen leaders with their forces to the army of Godfrey with orders to persuade him, but, if necessary, to compel him to cross the Strait. When the Latins saw them coming, without delay or even question of what was wanted, they sprang up immediately to blows and bat- tle. There occurred a most bitter conflict between them, in which many on both sides fell. Those of our men who rushed too boldly into the fray were wounded, but, as the Romans were conducting themselves valiantly, the Latins turned their backs. And thus, at 90 THE FIRST CRUSADE V> length, Godfrey after a short time obeyed the Emperor. He came to him and in solemn manner took the oath which was demanded of him: that whatever cities, lands, or fortresses he should thence- forth capture from the barbarians (which cities, lands, or fortresses had formerly belonged to the Emperor) he would in good faith hand over to the military leaders or prefects who should be sent by the Emperor for this very purpose. When this had been confirmed by oath, Godfrey was enriched with great gifts by the Emperor; he was received in the imperial palace and magnificently dined at the royal table. He then crossed the Strait and pitched his camp at Pelecanuni,^* the Emperor seeing to it that an ample supply of ne- cessities was provided everywhere. 4. Alexius and the minor leaders. (February- April, 1097?) f^ {Anna.) After this, there arrived shortly a count who was ^called Raoul.^^ He encamped with the counts of his following near r^ the Propontis, close to the monastery called the Patriarch's; the }y rest of his forces he spread out even to Sosthenium itself. More- over, as he, like Godfrey, was putting off the day of crossing, await- ing the arrival of the other forces and counts who were yet to come, the Emperor, conjecturing rightly about the future, feared that they would arrive and took care with every act and counsel to hasten the transportation of these men. For this task he summoned Opus, a man second to none in valor, prudence, and military knowl- edge, and ordered him to go with other valiant troops by land to the camp of Raoul. He commanded him to use every means which necessity should demand to compel him and all his men to cross the Strait. When Opus saw that Raoul was by no means ready to obey the Emperor, nay, was even insolent and haughty, offering many threats against the Emperor, he made ready his arms and drew up a line of battle, hoping, perchance, to terrify the barbarians with this sight and thus to induce them to cross to the other shore. But Raoul and his Gauls drew up their lines quicker than the w'ord and immediately entered into a great battle with Opus. By chance Pegasius arrived at that very time with ships in which to take the forces to Asia. Watching the fight on shore from the sea, and seeing that the Gauls were charging the Roman army too fiercely, he disembarked and attacked the Gauls from the rear. Hence, many were killed, and very many were wounded. Thus it was brought about that those who survived the battle now sought pas- sage over to the other side. But the Emperor, wnth his most far- sighted caution, foresaw that when Raoul's knights should tell God- frey what had befallen them, they would arouse the latter against THE FIRST CRUSADE 91 himself. So he very freely granted their request, but when they had been placed on ship, he took them by sea to the Sepulchre of the Lord, the very thing which they especially sought. He like- wise sent messages to those counts who were even then expected and held forth words of good-will, bidding them expect every good ; and so, when they came to Constantinople, they did with alacrity all that was demanded of them. But so much for Count Raoul. Following the latter closely came an innumerable multitude gath- ered from almost all the provinces and lands of Gaul, together with the kings, dukes, counts, and even bishops, who led them. The Emperor sent his men out to meet them and received them with words full of grace, for he was conspicuous for his foresight of what was to happen and for seizing with dexterity upon the means useful for the occasion. In addition, he bade men appointed for this purpose see that there was an abundance of food-stuffs and needed articles ready everywhere for the coming armies, lest any occasion, or pretext, be afforded them for venturing upon any hos- tile act whatsoever. However, as they flowed together at Con- stantinople, one might have likened them to the stars of the sky, or to the sands which have been cast up on shores of the sea. Truly, as Homer said, there were as many heads of men as there are leaves and flowers that fall in the autumn. All these were hastening to reach the city of Constantine. Nay, even though I desire to report the names of their leaders themselves, I cannot bring them to mind to set down ; for my tongue becomes dumb, partly at the barbarous names, which it is not possible to pronounce because of their un- explained sound, and partly, as I look back, at the huge number of them. But what would be gained by taking the trouble to write the names of such a multitude, the very sight of whom wearied those who were there? The armies which reached the city at the same time were located by the Emperor's command near the monastery of Cosmidion, the camp extending so widely that it touched the Temple itself. Not nine heralds restrained this throng by shouting, as in ancient times they restrained the Greeks, but valiant sturdy knights, who fol- lowed the multitude of Latins in sufficient number, gave ample as- surance that they would heed the commands of the Emperor. He desired them to subscribe to the same oath by which Godfrey had bound himself and called them before him, one by one, to discuss wnth them separately what he wished. Those whom he found more amenable he used as intercessors in overcoming the reluctance of the more obstinate. Nevertheless, since those who were awaiting the impending arrival of Bohemund were not won over, but were 92 THE FIRST CRUSADE thinking up new demands to be made from the Emperor and adding additional demands to those already made, the Emperor very easily frustrated the designs which were concealed by them. Approach- ing them in various ways, he at length compelled them to yield to the oath of Godfrey, who had been summoned across the water from Pelecanitm in order to be present at the taking of the solemn oath. When all were assembled for this purpose, Godfrey likewise pres- ent, and the oath had already been taken, a certain one of the counts, a noble, forsooth, mounted the Emperor's throne and seated himself on it. The Emperor refrained from saying anything against the man, for he had long been sufficiently acquainted with the un- wonted arrogance of the Latins. Count Baldwin, however, ap- proached and, grasping the man by the hand, shook him and, with much cursing, said: "You are not permitted on solemn oath to do anything like this here, especially after you have professed service to the Emperor, for it is not customary for Roman Emperors to let their subjects share their throne. Sworn servants, moreover, should observe the customs of the land in which they are." Upon hearing this, the man said nothing, indeed, to Baldwin, but gazing on the Emperor with angry eyes, he muttered to himself in his native tongue words like these, "Behold, how boorish a person sits here alone, while such dukes as we stand about him!"' The motion of the Latin man's lips did not escape the Emperor, who immedi- ately called an interpreter acquainted with his tongue. When he learned the meaning of the speech, he said nothing to the Latin then, but kept his words in mind. When the ceremony was over and the counts were saying farewell to the Emperor, one by one, as they were about to leave, he had the very arrogant and impudent Latin summoned and asked him who, and whence he was, and of what race he was born. He answered : "I am a pure Frank of noble birth. Moreover, I know one (thing). In the section of the country where I was born stands a temple, built long ago, in wdiich any person who wishes to engage in battle with someone, and does not hesitate to give his name freely in professing this boldness, is wont to implore the aid of the saint, delaying there until an adversary appears who dares to join hands with him. In this meeting place I remained for a long time, awaiting someone to contend with me; but there was never anyone who dared." The Emperor, hearing these things, replied: "Well, if in your quest of an adversary you did not then find one, the time is now at hand which will afford you more than enough opponents. How- THE FIRST CRUSADE 93 ever, I advise you not to place yourself either among those who bring up the rear line of battle or among those who precede the standards, but that you take a place between the first and last ranks. For I know from long experience the manner of fighting among the Turks." And he gave this salutary advice not only to him, but also to all the others, to whom he told what was about to happen, urging strongly that they should not pursue the Turks too eagerly, since by the will of God they would conquer these barbarians anyway. He urged, also, that they should look out for ambushes, lest they fall into them and be killed. So much may be said about Godfrey and Raoul and the others following them. 5. Bohemund and the Emperor. (April lO-May, 1097.) (Gesta.) When the Emperor heard that the most honorable man, Bohemund, had come to him, he commanded that he be re- ceived with honor and carefully lodged outside the city . When he had been so lodged, the evil Emperor sent for him to come to speak with him in secret. Thither, also, came Duke Godfrey with his brother, and at length the Count of St. Gilles approached the city. Then the Emperor in anxious and fervid rage was pondering some j way by which they might seize these knights of Christ adroitly and by fraud. But Divine Grace disclosing (his plans), neither time nor place was found by him, or his men, to do them ill. At last, all the noble leaders who were at Constantinople were assembled. Fearing lest they should be deprived of their country, they decided/ in their counsels and ingenious calculations that our dukes, counts, or all the leaders, ought to make an oath of fealty to the Emperor. These absolutely refused and said: "It is indeed unworthy of us, (,Jjif. and, furthermore, it seems to us unjust to swear an oath to him.^'^^" ' ' ■ Perchance we shall yet often be deceived by our leaders. / In the end, what were they to do? They say that under the force of necessity they humiliated themselves, willy-nilly, to the will of the most unjust Emperor. To that most mighty man Bohemund, how- ever, whom he greatly feared because in times past he (Bohemund) \ had often driven him from the field with his army,^^ the Emperor said that, if he willingly took the oath to him, he would give him, in return, land in extent from Antioch fifteen days journey, and eight in width. And he (the Emperor) swore to him in such wise that, if he loyally observed that oath, he would never pass beyond his own land.^^ Knights, so brave and so sturdy, why did they do this? For the reason that they were constrained by much necessity. The Emperor also gave to all our men a pledge of security. He 94 THE FIRST CRUSADE likewise took oath that he, together with his army, would come with us, by land and by sea; that he would afford us faithfully a market by land and sea, and that he would diligently make good our losses; in addition, that he did not wish, and would not permit, any of our pilgrims to be disturbed or come to grief on their way to the Holy Sepulchre. (Anna.) But when Bohemund had arrived at Apri with his companions, realizing both that he was not of noble birth, and that for lack of money he had not brought with him a large enough army, he hastened, with only ten Gauls, ahead of the other counts and arrived at Constantinople. He did this to win the favor of the Emperor for himself, and to conceal more safely the plans which he was concocting against him. Indeed, the Emperor, to w^hom the schemes of the man were known, for he had long since become acquainted with the hidden and deceitful dealings of this same Bohemund, took great pains to arrange it so that before the other counts should come he would speak with him alone. Thus having heard what Bohemund had to say, he hoped to persuade him to cross before the others came, lest, joined with them after their coming, he might pervert their minds. When Bohemund had come to him, the Emperor greeted hini with gladness and inquired anxiously about the journey and where he had left his companions. Bohemund responded to all these things as he thought best for his own interests, affably and in a friendly way, while the Emperor recalled in a familiar talk his bold undertakings long ago around Durazzo and Larissa and the hostili- ties between them at that time. Bohemund answered, "Then I confess I was your enemy, then I was hostile. But, behold, I now stand before you like a deserter to the ranks of the enemy! I am a friend of your Majesty." The Emperor proceeded to scrutinize the man, considering him cautiously and carefully and drawing out what was in his mind. As soon as he saw that Bohemund was ready to consent to swear an oath of fealty to him, he said, "You must be tired from the journey and should retire to rest. We will talk tomorrow about anything else." So Bohemund departed to Cosmidion, where hospitality w^as pre- pared for him, and he found a table richly laden with an abundance of food and condiments of all kinds. Then the cooks came and showed him the uncooked flesh of animals and birds, saying: "Wc have prepared this food which you see on the table according to out skill and the custom of this region; but if, perchance, these please you less, here is food, still uncooked, which can be prepared just as you order." The Emperor, because of his almost incredible THE FIRST CRUSADE 95 tact in handling men, had commanded that this be done and said by them. For, since he was especially expert in penetrating the secrets of minds and in discovering the disposition of a man, he very readily understood that Bohemund was of a shrewd and suspicious nature ; and he foresaw what happened. For, lest Bohe- mund should conceive any suspicion against him, the Emperor had ordered that raw meats be placed before him, together with the cooked, thus easily removing suspicion. Neither did his conjec- ture fail, for the very shrewd Bohemund took the prepared food, without even touching it with the tips of his fingers, or tasting it, and immediately turned around, concealing, nevertheless, the suspi- cion which occurred to him by the following ostentatious show of liberality. For under the pretext of courtesy he distributed all the food to those standing around ; in reality, if one understood rightly, he was dividing the cup of death among them. Nor did he conceal his cunning, so much did he hold his subjects in contempt; for he this day used the raw meat which had been offered to him and had it prepared by his own cooks after the manner of his country. On the next day he asked his men whether they were well. Upon their answering in the affirmative, that they were in- deed very well, that not even one felt even the least indisposed, he disclosed his secret in his reply: "Remembering a war, once car- ried on by me against the Emperor, and that strife, I feared lest perchance he had intended to kill me by putting deadly poison in my food." Such a man was Bohemund. Never, indeed, have I seen a man so dishonest. In everything, in his words as well as in his deeds, he never chose the right path ; and when anyone deviates from the moderation of virtue, it makes little difference to whatsoever ex- treme he goes, for he is always far from honesty. For the rest, the Emperor then summoned Bohemund and ex- acted from him the usual oath of the Latins. The latter, knowing well his own resources, and realizing that he was neither of noble birth nor well supplied by fortune with wealth, for he had no great force, but only a moderate number of Gauls with him, and being, besides, dishonest in character, readily submitted himself to the will of the Emperor. After this, the Emperor saw to it that a room in the palace was so filled with a collection of riches of all kinds that the very floor was covered with costly raiment, and with gold and silver coins, and certain other less valuable things, so much so that one was not able even to walk there, so hindered was he by the abundance of these things. The Empcor ordered the guide suddenly and unex- 96 THE FIRST CRUSADE pectedly to open the doors, thus reveahng all this to Bohemund. Amazed at the spectacle, Bohemund exclaimed: "If such riches were mine, long ago I would have been lord of many lands !" The guide answered, "And all these things the Emperor bestows upon you today as a gift." Most gladly Bohemund received them and with many gracious thanks he left, intending to return to his rest in the inn. But changing his mind when they were brought to him, he, who a little before had admired them, said: "Never can I let myself be treated with such ignominy by the Emperor. Go, take those thing.s and carry them back to him who sent them." The Emperor, know- ing the base fickleness of the Latins, quoted this common saying, "Let the evil return to its author." Bohemund having heard this, and seeing that the messengers were busily bringing these things back to him, decided anew about the goods which he had sent back with regret, and, like a polypus, changed in a moment, he now showed a joyous countenance to the bearers. For he was quick, and a man of very dishonest disposition, as much surpassing in malice and intrepidity all the Latins who had crossed over as he was in- ferior to them in power and wealth. But even though he thus ex- celled all in great cunning, the inconstant character of the Latins was also in him. Verily, the riches which he spurned at first, he now gladly accepted. For when this man of evil design had left his country in which he possessed no wealth at all (under the pre- text, indeed, of adoring at the Lord's Sepulchre, but in reality en- deavoring to acquire for himself a kingdom), he found himself in need of much money, especially, indeed, if he was to seize the Ro- man power. In this he followed the advice of his father and, so to speak, was leaving no stone unturned. Moreover, the Emperor, who understood fully his wicked inten- tion and perverse mind, skillfully managed carefully to remove whatever might further Bohemund's ambitious designs. Wherefore, Bohemund, seeking a home for himself in the East and using Cretan scheming against Cretans, did not obtain it. For the Emperor feared lest, after obtaining power, he would use it to place the Latin counts under obligation to him, finally thus accomplishing easily what he wished. But since he did not want Bohemund to surmise that he was already discovered, the Emperor misled him by this hope : "Not yet," he said, "has the time come for the thing which you say ; but after a little it shall come about by your fortitude and trust in me." After the Emperor had bestowed upon the Gauls promises, gifts, and honors of every kind, the next day he solemnly took his seat on the imperial throne. Summoning Bohemund and all the counts, THE FIRST CRUSADE 97 he talked about the things which would happen to them on the journey. He wanted, likewise, to show what methods and means of warfare the Turks were wont to employ, and to give directions how the line of battle should be drawn up against them, how ambushes should be set, and how they ought not to follow the flee- ing Turks too far. And so, both by gifts of money and by flatter- ing speeches, he soothed the rude nature of the people, and, after giving useful advice, he persuaded them to pass over the sea, . . . 6. Raymond and the Emperor (April 21-May 16, 1097.) {Raymond.) Although events have lightly accompanied the writer so far with happy and favorable step, they now follow with so great a weight of bitterness and sorrow that it grieves me to have begun what I have vowed to finish. What, indeed, is the most important and first matter that I shall proceed to mention? The most false and detestable deceit of the Emperor's admonition? Or the most base flight and unthinkable desperation of our army? Or shall I leave a monument of perpetual sorrow by enumerating the deaths of such great princes? Let any one who desires to know this, however, seek it rather from others than from me. This one very memorable event I consider to merit excuse from silence. When our men thought of abandoning the camp, taking flight, de- serting their fellows, and leaving everything that they had brought along from such distant regions, they were brought back by the saving deeds of penance and fast to such staunch fortitude that only shame at their former desperate condition and flight most deeply afifected them. So much may be said about this. Accordingly, when the Count had been received most honorably by the Emperor and his princes, the Emperor demanded of the Count homage and the oath which the other princes had made to him. The Count replied that he had not come hither to make an- other his lord or to fight for any other than the One for whom he had left his country and his possessions. Nevertheless, if the Emp- eror would go to Jerusalem with the army, he would commit him- self and his men and all his goods to him. But the Emperor ex- cused himself from the journey by saying that he greatly feared lest the Germans, Hungarians, Cumans, and other wild peoples would devastate his empire, if he made the journey with the pilgrims. Meanwhile the Count, upon hearing of the flight and death of hi? men, believed that he had been betrayed, and through certain of our princes he vehemently charged the Emperor with having committed treason. But Alexius said that he did not know that our men had devastated his kingdom, and that he and his men had suffered many 98 THE FIRST CRUSADE injuries; that there was nothing of which the Count could complain, except that while the army of the Count in its usual manner was devastating the villages and towns, it took to flight upon seeing hi;^ (the Emperor's) army. Nevertheless, he promised that he would give satisfaction to the Count and offered Bohemund as a hostage for the satisfaction. They went to trial ; the Count, according to law, was compelled to give up his hostage. Meanwhile, our army came to Constantinople; and after this the Bishop, whom the army had left ill at Durazzo, followed us with his brother. Alexius asked (homage) again and again and promised that he would give much to the Count if he would do him the de- sired homage as the other princes had done. The Count, however, was constantly meditating how he might avenge the injury to his men, and drive away from himself and his followers the disgrace of such great infamy. But the Duke of Lorraine, the Count of Flanders, and the other princes deprecated such action, saying that it would be very foolish to fight with Christians when the Turks were threatening. Bohemund, indeed, promised that he would aid the Emperor, if the Count made any attempt against the Emperor, or if he no longer refused homage and oath. Thereupon, the Count took counsel with his men and swore that neither in person nor through another would he sully the life or honor of Alexius. And when asked about homage, he replied that he would not do it at the risk of his head, wherefore the Emperor gave him few gifts. (Gesta.) The Count of St. Gilles, however, was lodged outside the city in a suburb, and his force had remained behind. Accord- ingly, the Emperor bade the Count do homage and fealty to him, as the others had done. And while the Emperor was making these demands, the Count was meditating how he might take vengeance on the army of the Emperor. But Duke Godfrey and Robert, Count of Flanders, and the other princes said to him that it would be un- just to fight against Christians. The wise man, Bohemund, also said that if the Count should do the Emperor any injustice, and should refuse to do him fealty, he himself would take the part of the Emperor. Accordingly, the Count, after receiving the advice of his men, swore that he would not consent to have the life and honor of Alexius sullied either by himself or by anyone else. When he was called upon for homage, he answered that he would not do this at the risk of his head. Then the host of Lord Bohemund approached Constantinople. Tancred, indeed, and Richard of Principati, and almost the whole of Bohemund's force with them, crossed the Strait by stealth, to avoid the oath to the Emperor. And now the army of the Count THE FIRST CRUSADE 99 of St. Gilles approached Constantinople. The Count remained there with his own band. Therefore the illustrious man, Bohemund, stayed behind with the Emperor, in order to plan with him how they might provide a market for the people who were beyond the city of Nicaea. (Anna.) One of them especially, the Count of St. Gilles, he par- ticularly favored because he saw in him superior prudence, tested sincerity, candor of bearing, and, finally, such great zeal for truth that he never placed anything before it. He was as far superior to all the other Latins in all virtues as the sun is above the other stars. For this reason, therefore, the Emperor kept him near him for the time being. When at the wish of the Emperor all had crossed over the Pro- pontis and had arrived at Damalium, Alexius, thus relieved from care and trouble, had the Count of St. Gilles summoned and in talks showed him very distinctly what he thought might happen to the Latins on the way. At the same time, he disclosed to him what suspicions he was cherishing about the intentions and plans of the Gauls. He often spoke freely about them with the Count of St. Gilles, opening the doors of his heart to him, as it were, and mak- ing everything clearly known to him. He sometimes warned him, also, to keep close watch against the malice of Bohemund, so as to check him immediately if he should try to break his agreement, and to strive in every way to destroy his schemes. The Count of St. Gilles replied: "Since Bohemund has inherited perjury and deceit, as it were, it would be very surprising if he should be faithful to those promises which he has made under oath. However, I will try to carry out what you command, in so far as I can." Then at the wish of the Emperor he departed, joining himself to the forces of the united Gauls. . . , 7. Robert of Normandy and Stephen at the Emperor's court. May 14-May 28, 1097.) (Fulcher.) We could not enter that city, for the Emperor, fear-' ing that possibly we would do some damage to him, did not wish to let us. So it was necessary that we buy our daily supplies out- side the walls. These, by the order of the Emperor, the citizens brought to us. We were not allowed to enter the city many at a time. Only five or six per hour were permitted ; thus, while some were leaving, others were then entering to pray in the churches. Oh, what a great and beautiful city is Constantinople ! How many churches and palaces it contains, fashioned with wonderful skill ! How many wonderful things may be seen even in the streets or loo THE FIRST CRUSADE courts ! It would be too tedious to enumerate what wealth there is there of every kind, of gold, of silver, of every kind of robes, and of holy relics. There traders at all times bring by boat all the necessities of man. They have, I judge, about twenty thousand eunuchs constantly living there. Then, after we were sufficiently rested, our leaders, having taken counsel, made under oath a treaty with the Emperor at his own instigation. This treaty Bohemund and Duke Godfrey, who had preceded us, jiad already made. But Count Raymond then refused to subscribe to it. The Count of Flanders, though, took the oath like the rest. For it was essential that all establish friendship with the Emperor, since without his counsel and aid we would not be able to make the journey easily, nor would those who were to fol- low us along the same route. The Emperor himself supplied them with as much as they wished from his treasury and his wardrobe ; and he gave therh horses and money, of which they were much in need for completing such a journey. When this had been accom- plished, we crossed the sea which is called the Arm of St. George and hastened then to the city of Nicaea. {Stephen.) Count Stephen to the Countess Adele, most sweet friend, his wife; whatever more sweet or pleasing greeting her mind can conceive. Be it known, to your delight, that, after a successful journey to Romania, I continue in all honor and bodily health. I took pains to send you, by letter from Constantinople, a detailed account of the course of my life and pilgrimage, but, lest some misfortune befall that messenger, I am re-writing the letter to you. I arrived at Constantinople with great joy, by the grace of God. The Emperor, verily, received me with dignity and honor and with the greatest affection, as if I were his own son, and he loaded me with most bountiful and precious gifts. And in the whole of our army of God there is neither duke, nor count, nor other person of power whom he trusts or favors more than myself. Verily, my beloved, his Imperial Highness has very often urged, and urges, that we commend one of our sons to him; he promises, moreover, that he will accord him so great and such distinguished honor that he (the boy) will not in the least envy our own (position). In truth, I say to you there is no man today like him under heaven, for he is enriching all our princes most bountifully, is relieving all our knights with gifts and refreshing all the poor with feasts. Near the city of Nicaea there is a fortress, Civitote by name, near which runs an arm of the sea. Through this the pious Emperor's own ships rush by night and day to Constantinople, whence they carry THE FIRST CRUSADE loi food to the camp, where it is distributed daily among the countless poor. Also, in our times, as it seems to us, there has not been a prince so distinguished for general integrity of character. Your father, my beloved, gave many and large gifts, but he was almost as nothing in comparison with this man.^^ I have taken pleasure in writing these little things about him to you, that you may know a little what kind of man he is. J 8. Siege and capture of Nicaea. (May 14-June 19, 1097.) {Gesta.) And thus Duke Godfrey went first to Nicomedia, to- gether with Tancred and all the rest, and they were there for three days. The Duke, indeed, seeing that there was no road open by which he could conduct these hosts to the city of Nicaea, for so great an army could not pass through the road along which the others had passed before, sent ahead three thousand men with axes and swords to cut and clear this road, so that it would lie open even to the city of Nicaea. They cut this road through a very- narrow and very great mountain and fixed back along the way iron and wooden crosses on posts, so that the pilgrims would know the way. Meanwhile, we came to Nicaea, which is the capital of all Romania, on the fourth day, the day before the Nones of May, and there encamped. However, before Lord Bohemund had arrived, there was such scarcity of bread among us that one loaf was sold for twenty or thirty denarii. After the illustrious man, Bohemund, came, he ordered the greatest market to be brought by sea, and it came both ways at the same time, this by land and that by sea, and there was the greatest abundance in the whole army of Christ. Moreover, on the day of the Ascension of the Lord we began to attack the city on all sides, and to construct machines of wood, and wooden towers, with which we might be able to destroy towers on the walls. We attacked the city so bravely and so fiercely that we even undermined its wall. The Turks who were in the city, barbarous horde that they were, sent messages to others who had come up to give aid. The message ran in this wise: that they might approach the city boldly and in security and enter through the middle gate, because on that side no one would oppose them or put them to grief. This gate was besieged on that very day — ^the Sabbath after the Ascension of the Lord — by the Count of St. Gilles and the Bishop of Puy. The Count, approaching from an- other side, was protected by divine might, and with his most power- ful army gloried in terrestrial strength. And so he found the Turks coming against us here. Armed on all sides with the sign of the cross, he rushed upon them violently and overcame them. They 102 THE FIRST CRUSADE turned in flight, and most of them were killed. They came back again, reinforced by others, joyful and exulting in assured (out- come) of battle, and bearing along with them the ropes with which to lead us bound to Chorosan. Coming gladly, moreover, they be- gan to descend from the crest of the mountain a short distance. As many as descended remained there with their heads cut off at the hands of our men ; moreover, our men hurled the heads of the killed far into the city, that they (the Turks) might be the more terrified thereat. Then the Count of St. Gilles and the Bishop of Puy took counsel together as to how they might have undermined a certain tower which was opposite their tents. Men were assigned to do the digging, with arbalistae'^^ and bowmen to defend them on all sides. So they dug to the foundations of the wall and fixed timbers and wood under it and then set fire to it. However, evening had come; the tower had already fallen in the night, and because it was night they could not fight with the enemy. Indeed, during that night the Turks hastily built up and restored the wall so strong- ly that when day came no one could harm them on that side. Now the Count of Normandy came up, Count Stephen and many others, and finally Roger of Barneville. At length Bohemund, at the very front, besieged the city. Beside him w^as Tancred, after him Duke Godfrey, then the Count of St. Gilles, next to whom was the Bishop of Puy. It was so besieged by land that no one dared to go out or in. There all our forces were assembled in one body, and who could have counted so great an army of Christ? No one, as I think, has ever before seen so many distinguished knights, or ever will again ! However, there was a large lake on one side of the city, on which the Turks used to send out their ships, and go back and forth and bring fodder, wood, and many other things. Then our leaders counselled together and sent messengers to Constantinople to tell the Emperor to have ships brought to Civitote, where there is a fort, and that he should order oxen to be brought to drag the ships over the mountains and through the woods, until they neared the lake. This was done forthwith, and he sent his Turcopoles with them. They did not want to put the ships on the lake on the very day that they were brought across, but under cover of night they launched them on the lake itself. (The boats w^ere) filled with Turcopoles well decorated with arms. Moreover, at earliest day- break the ships stood in good order and hastened through the lake against the city. The Turks marvelled upon seeing them, not know- ing whether they were manned by their own forces or the Emper- or's. However, after they recognized that it was the host of the THE FIRST CRUSADE 103 Emperor, they were frightened even to death, weeping and lament- ing; and the Franks were glad and gave glory to God. The Turks, moreover, seeing that they could have no further aid from their armies, sent a message to the Emperor that they would willingly surrender the city, if he would permit them to go entirely away with their wives and children and all their substance. Then the Emperor, full of vain and evil thinking, ordered them to de- part unpunished, without any fear, and to be brought to him at Constantinople with great assurance (of safety). These he cared for zealously, so that he had them prepared against any damage or hindrance from the Franks. We were engaged in that siege for seven weeks and three days. Many of our men there received martyrdom, and, glad and rejoicing, gave back their happy souls to God. Many of the very poor died of hunger for the name of Christ, and these bore triumphantly to heaven their robes of martyr- dom, crying with one voice, "Avenge, Lord, our blood which has been shed for Thee, who are blessed and praiseworthy forever and ever. Amen." In the meanwhile, after the city had been surren- dered and the Turks had been conducted to Constantinople, the Emperor, more and more rejoiced because the city had been sur- rendered to his power, ordered the greatest alms to be distributed to our poor. -^ (Raymond.) Thereupon, we crossed the sea and went up to Nicaea. For the Duke, Bohemund, and the other princes had pre- ceded the Count and were engaged in the labors of the siege. The city of Nicaea is very strongly fortified by nature, as well as by art. It has on the west a very large lake flowing up to the wall ; on the remaining three sides is a moat filled with the overflow of certain little streams ; in addition, it is encircled by walls so high that neither the assaults of men nor the attacks of any machine are feared. Indeed, the hallistae^^ of the neighboring towers are so turned with reference to one another that no one can approach without danger ; however, if anyone wants to approach nearer, he is easily overwhelmed from the top of the towers without being able to retaliate. Accordingly, this city, such as we have described, was besieged by Bohemund from the north, by the Duke and the Alemanni from the east, by the Count and Bishop of Puy from the middle, for the Count of Normandy was not yet with us. But we believe this one incident should not be passed over : — that when the Count was about to encamp there with his men, the Turks, descending from the mountains in two squadrons, attacked our army. Their plan, in- deed, was that while one party of the Turks assailed the Duke and 104 THE FIRST CRUSADE the Alemanni who were on the east, the other party, entering the middle gate of the city and passing out through another, would easily drive our men from the camp at a time when they were not expecting such an attack. But God, who is wont to reverse the plan of the impious, so altered their preparations that, as if it had been arranged. He sent the Count, who was preparing to en- camp with his men, upon the squadron of Turks which was now about to enter the city. He put them to flight at the first charge and, after killing several, pursued the rest to the top of the moun- tain. The other party of Turks which wanted to attack the Ale- manni was put to flight in the same way and destroyed. After this, machines were constructed and the wall attacked in vain, for it was very firm against us and was valiantly defended by ar- rows and machines. So we fought five weeks with no result. At length, through God's will, some men of the household of the Bishop and the Count dangerously enough approached the corner tower which faced the east, and having made a testudo,^^ they began, after a struggle, to undermine one of the towers and by digging threw it to the ground. Thus the city would have been taken, had not the shadows of night prevented. However, the wall was re- built during the night, and this rendered our former labor vain. At length the city, terrified with fear, was compelled to surrender. One reason was that the ships of the Emperor which had been dragged over the land were let down into the lake. They therefore gave themselves up to the Emperor, since they now expected no further aid and saw the army of the Franks increasing daily, while they were cut oflf from their forces. The Count of Normandy had come. Alexius had promised the princes and the people of the Franks that he would give them all the gold, silver, horses, and goods within (the city), and that he would establish there a Latin monastery and hospice for the poor Franks ; besides, that he would give to each one of the army so much of his own possessions that they would always want to fight for him. Accordingly, the Franks, placing faith in these promises, approved the surrender. And so, when Alexius had received the city, he afforded the army such an example of gratitude that as long as they live the people will curse him and proclaim him a traitor. We recognized, then, that the Emperor had betrayed Peter the Hermit, who had long before come to Constantinople with a great multitude. For he compelled him, ignorant of the locality and of all military matters, to cross the Strait with his men and exposed them to the Turks. Moreover, when the Turks from Nicaea saw that unwarlike multitude, they cut them down without effort and delay THE FIRST CRUSADE 105 to the number of sixty thousand. The rest, indeed, fled to a certain fortified place and escaped the swords of the Turks. The Turks, made bold and haughty by this, sent the arms and the captives which they had taken there to the Saracens and the nobles of their own race, and they wrote to the peoples and cities far ofif that the Franks were of no account in battle. (Fulcher.) Since the middle of May, Lord Bohemund and Duke Godfrey and Count Raymond and the Count of Flanders had al- ready been besieging this city. It was then in possession of Turks from the East, a valiant race of very expert archers. These, in- deed, had crossed the Euphrates river from Persia fifty years be- fore and had subjected to themselves the whole land of Romania, as far as the city of Nicomedia. Oh, how many severed heads and bones of the dead we then found beyond Nicomedia, lying upon the plains near the sea! These people, inexperienced in the use of the arrow, the Turks had annihilated. Moved by pity at this sight, we shed many tears. ^^ When, as has been said, those who were already besieging Nicaea heard that our leaders had arrived, namely the Count of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, they gladly came out to meet them and us and escorted us to the place before the city on the southern side, where we pitched our tents. Once already the Turks had prepared to unite, hoping to drive the besiegers from the city, if they could, or at least to fortify the city more securely with their soldiers. But they were fiercely repulsed by us, and about two hundred of them were killed. When, moreover, they saw the Franks, so spirited, and so strong in brave warfare, they retreated in haste into the in- terior, awaiting an opportune time for attacking. It was in the first week in June that we came, last of all, to the siege. Then, one army was formed of the many, which those skilful in numbers estimated to be 600,000 strong.^^ Of these 100,000 were armed for battle with leathern corslets and helmets. Besides the army were those unarmed, namely clerics, monks, women, and chil- dren. What further then? If all who had departed from their homes on the pious journey had been present there, without doubt there would have been six million soldiers. But at Rome, in Apulia, in Hungary, or in Dalmatia, some, unwilling to undergo hardships, returned to their homes; in many different places thousands were killed ; and some who went with us fell sick and died. Many grave- yards were to be seen along the roads, on the plains, in the places where our pilgrims were buried. Be it known that as long as we besieged the city of Nicaea, food for sale was brought to us in ships, by order of the Emperor. Then -1^- io6 THE FIRST CRUSADE our leaders ordered machines of war to be made, rams, scrapers, wooden towers, and slings. Arrows were shot from the bows, and destructive stones were hurled. Our enemy fired at us. and we at them, each doing his best in these encounters. With our machines we often assailed the city, but because a strong wall resisted us, the attack failed. Turks often perished, struck by arrows or stones, and Franks likewise. Truly, you w^ould have grieved and sobbed in pity, for when they slew one of our men before the wall in any way, they let down iron hooks by means of ropes and took the body up. They snatched it away, and none of us dared, or was able, to wrest it from them. After stripping the corpse, they threw the body outside. Then, with the aid of oxen and ropes, we dragged some small boats from Civitote over land to Nicaea and launched them in the lake to guard the approach to the city, lest it be supplied with pro- visions. But while we were wearying the city with siege for five weeks and had often terrified the Turks with our attacks, a council had meantime been held, and through ambassadors to the Emperor the inhabitants secretly surrendered to him the city, which was al- ready hard pressed by our forces and skill. Then the Turks admit- ted into it the Turcopoles sent thither by the Emperor. They took possession of the city, with all the money in it, in the name of the Emperor, just as he had commanded. Wherefore, after all this money was taken, the Emperor ordered gifts to be presented to our leaders, gifts of gold, and silver, and raiment; and to the foot-sol- diers he distributed brass coins, which they call tartarons. On the day of the siege and the surrender of Nicaea, the month of June had reached the solstice. (Anselm.) To his reverend lord, Manasses, by grace of God Archbishop of Rheims, Anselm of Ribemont, his liege-man and humble servant in the Lord ; greeting. Inasmuch as you are our lord, and as the kingdom of the whole of France is especially dependent upon your care, we are notifying you, father, of the events which have befallen us ; how, forsooth, the army of the Lord is bearing itself. In the first place, we are aware that a disciple is not above his master, nor a servant above his lord ; yet, may it be pardoned us, we advise and beseech you in the Lord Jesus to consider what you are, what also is the priestly and pontifical duty. Provide, therefore, for our land, so that both the nobles live in concord among themselves, and the people labor in security on that which is theirs, and the ministers of Christ, leading a quiet and peaceful life, be free to devote themselves to the Lord. I likewise pray you and the canons of the Holy Mothe'^ THE FIRST CRUSADE 107 Church of Rheims, my fathers and lords, to be mindful of us, not only of me and these who are still sweating in the service of God, but also of those of the army of the Lord who have fallen in arms, or died in peace. / But these matters aside, let us return to our promise. Accord- ingly, after our army arrived at Nicomedia and we were placed at the gates of the land of the Turks, leaders, as well as followers, cleansed by confession, fortified ourselves by partaking of the body and blood of the Lord. Moving our camp thence, we set siege to Nicaea on the second day before the Nones of May. When, more- over, we had been attacking the city for some days with many machines and various instruments of war, the cunning of the Turks, as it had so often done, deceived us much. For one day when they had promised to surrender themselves, Soliman and all the Turks, seeking to attack us unawares, gathered together from regions far and near and fell upon us. However, the Count of St. Giles, mak- ing an attack upon them with some of the Franks, killed countless numbers of them; all the others fled in confusion. Our men, more- over, returning with victory, and bearing many heads fixed upon spikes and spears, offered a spectacle joyful to the people of God. This occurred on the seventeenth day before the Kalends of June. At length the enemy, beset and routed in attacks by day and night, surrendered the city, willy-nilly, on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of July. Then the Christians, advancing through the walls with the crosses and imperial standards, regained the city for the Lord, the Greeks and Latins within and without the walls crying out together, "Glory to Thee, O Lord !" When this had been ac- complished, the princes of the army went to meet the Emperor, who had come to render thanks. And having received from him gifts of inestimable value, they returned, some with kindly feelings, some otherwise. {Stephen.) But, after ten days, during which time he kept me in his company with the greatest respect, I separated from him as from a father. He, however, commanded that ships be made ready for me, by means of which I crossed very quickly the peaceful arm of the sea which surrounds the city. Some people are wont to say that the arm of the sea at Constantinople is raging and perilous, which is false ; for one need feel no more uncertainty at all on it than on the Marne or Seine. Thence we came to that other Strait which is called the Arm of St. George. Along this we ascended, since we could by no means find enough ships. We directed our march to Nicomedia, where the aforesaid arm of the sea has its source and head. This city, in which the blessed martyr, Panta- io8 THE FIRST CRUSADE leon,-* suffered for Clirist, has Ijeen made desolate by the Turks. From here we hurried on to tlie very large city of Nicaea, singing praise to God (as we marched). ^ More than three hundred towersjmy beloved. With walls of mar- velous construction enclose Nicaea.' We found the Turks within it bold fighters; here we discovered that the infinite army of God had now for four weeks been engaged in a death-dealing struggle with the people of Nicaea. Shortly before we came to the army, Soliman, prince of the Turks, had suddenly rushed upon our men with a large army prepared for battle, thinking that by a certain charge he could break into the city to aid his people. This base design, through the compassion of God, turned out otherwise than he thought. For our men, getting themselves ready most quickly,, received the Turks with fierce spirit. All the latter turned their backs in flight immediately. Our men, following them very closely, killed many of them and pursued them over a wide space of terri- tory, wounding and kilHng them; and had not the difficult moun- tains been unknown to our men, on that same day they would have driven the enemy to great and irremediable destruction. Of our men, no one perished at that time, but afterwards, as our great army together engaged in many most sharp encounters, killing many of the Turks and their leaders with hurling engines and arrows, some of our men were killed, though, truly, not many — no knight of renown except Baldwin of Flanders, Count of Ghent. When our worthy princes of God saw Nicaea so turreted, as we have said above, they constructed with great labor very high wooden towers provided with loop-holes and various engines. The Turks, upon beholding this, were overcome with fear and surrendered the city to the Emperor by envoys, on condition that he permit them to go out of the city naked, under safe conduct, and that they be held alive in captivity by the Emperor. 9. Alexius at the surrender of Nicaea. (June 22 ( ?)-June 27, 1097.) (Stephen.) When the Emperor heard this, he came near, al- most up to us. However, he dared not enter his own city of Nicaea at all, for fear that the infinite throng of inhabitants, who revered him as their benevolent father, would smother him in their exulta- tion. He established himself on a certain island of the sea near us.") All our princes, except myself and the Count of St. Gilles, ran to him to celebrate so great a victory with him, and he received them, as was proper, with very great aflfection. And, because he heard that I had remained near the city, lest, by chance, a most hostile horde of Turks should overcome our army and the city, he was THE FIRST CRUSADE 109 greatly delighted ; indeed, he valued it much more highly and was better pleased that I had remained at such a time than if I had given him a mountain of gold. On that same island on which he was staying the great Emperor so ordered the distribution of the more precious spoils of the city of Nicaea that the knights were to have such things as gold, gems, silver, robes, horses, and the like ; all victuals were to be distributed among the foot-soldiers ; all the princes he arranged to enrich from his own treasure^ As we have said before, God triumphing, the very large city of Nicaea was surrendered on the 13th day before the Kalends of July. It is read in (the history of) the primitive church that the holy fathers celebrated a synod at Nicaea and, after the Arian heresy had been destroyed, there confirmed by the teaching of the Holy Spirit the faith of the Holy Trinity. And this city, which because of its sins later became a mistress of error, now, by the mercy of God, has been made, through His sinful servants, a disciple of truth. I tell you, my beloved, that in five weeks we will reach Jerusalem from Nicaea, the city so often mentioned, unless Antioch resists us. Farewell. (Anna.) But though the Emperor wished to attach himself to the Gauls and advance with them against the barbarians, yet, fear- ing their countless multitude, he decided to go to Pelecanum, in order that by camping near Nicaea he might learn what was hap- pening to the Gauls, and also learn the undertakings of the Turks outside, as well as the conditions in the city. . . . The august Emperor tarried about Pelacanum for some time, since he desired those Gallic counts who were not yet bound to him also to take the oath of loyalty. To this end, he sent a letter to Butumites, asking all the counts in common not to start upon the journey to Antioch until they had said farewell to the Emperor. If they did this, they would all be showered with new gifts by him. Bohemund was the first to prick up his ears at the mention of money and gifts. Quickly won by these words of Butumites, he strove in- dustriously to force all the others to return to the Emperor — so greatly did cupidity move the man. The Emperor received them on their arrival at Pelecanum with magnificence and the greatest show of good-will. At length, when they were assembled, he ad- dressed them thus : "You know that you have all bound yourselves to me by oath; if you do not now intend to ignore this, advise and persuade those of your number who have not yet pledged faith to take the oath." They immediately summoned the counts who had not sworn. All of these came together and took the oath. Tancred, however, nephew of Bohemund and a youth of most no THE FIRST CRUSADE independent spirit, professed that he owed faith to Bohemund alone, and would serve him even to death. Rebuked by the loud protest of those of his own fellows who stood near, and of the Emperor's retinue, besides, he turned toward the tent in which the Emperor was then dwelling — ^the largest and most capacious which anyone has ever seen — and, as if to make sport of them, said, 'Tf you give me this (tent) full of money and, in addition, all the other presents which you gave all the counts, I, too, will take the oath." But Palaeologus,-'' full of zeal for the Emperor, could not endure the mocking speech of Tancred and pushed him away with contempt. Then Tancred, very ready with his arms, sprang upon him. Seeing this, the Emperor arose hastily from his seat and stood between them. Bohemund, too, restrained the youth, saying "It is not fitting shamefully to strike the kinsman of the Emperor." Then Tancred, recognizing the disgrace of his insolence toward Palaeologus, and persuaded by the advice of Bohemund and the others, offered to take the oath himself. . . . lo. The z'ieivs of Alexius on his relations with the Crusaders. How much you have written to my empire, most venerable ser- vant of God, abbot of the monastery of Monte Cassino ! I have read your letter which declares honor and praise to my empire. Toward me and my subjects there is, indeed, very great favor from Almighty and Most Merciful God, for many are His blessings. Through His compassion and by His grace He has honored and exalted my empire. However, not only because I have nothing of good within me, but because I sin above all men, I daily pray that His compassion and patience may be sent to sustain my weakness. But you, filled with goodness and virtue, judge me, sinner that I am, a good man, and truly you have the advantage of me. My empire, though it is praised without having work worthy of praise, holds the praise to its own condemnation. 'T beseech you earnestly to furnish aid to the army of Franks," your most thoughtful letters state. Let your Venerable Holiness be assured on that score, io^_my empire has been spread over them and will aid and advise them on all matters ; indeed, it has already co- operated with them according to its ability, not as a friend, or rela- tive, but like a father. It has expended among them more than anyone can enumerate. And had not my empire so cooperated with them and aided them, who else would have afforded them help? Nor does it grieve my empire to assist a second time. By God's grace, they are prospering up to this day in the service which they have begun, and they will continue to prosper in the future as long THE FIRST CRUSADE in as good purpose leads them on. A multitude of knights and foot- soldiers have gone to the Eternal Tabernacle, some of which were killed ; others died. Blessed, indeed, are they, since they met their end in good intent ! Besides, we ought not at all to regard them as dead, but as living and transported to life everlasting and incor- ruptiblerj As evidence of my true faith and my kind regard for your monastery, my empire has sent you an epitoricum, adorned on the back with glittering gold. Sent in the month of June, (1098) sixth Indiction, from the most holy city of Constantinople.^^ CHAPTER IV From Nicaea To Antioch (In the march across Asia Minor the Crusaders for the first time en- countered their real enemy, the Seljukian Turks. These had previously con- tented themselves with an effort to slip into Nicaea, their capital, but the odds were too great and the city was allowed to fall. Now, however, with the Crusaders on the march, the superior knowledge of the country enjoyed by the Turks and their swifter horses combined to offset the numerical advantage of the Christians. For the Latins considerably outnumbered the Turks, in spite of the fact that they were so far away from home in the heart of the enemy's territory. The explanation of this anomalous situa- tion lies in the condition of the Turkish and Mohammedan realm. The Caliph of Bagdad had become spiritual head of the Mohammedans. The Caliph of Egypt was head of the Ishmaelite section of the Mohammedans and bitterly opposed to the Caliph of Bagdad. Their fighting ground was" Syria. Sixty years before the First Crusade, a new vitality had been in- jected into the Caliphate of Bagdad by the creation of the Seljuk Sultanate. These Seljuks, who were the most advanced of the Turks, had but recently taken on the Mohammedan faith. With all the zeal of neophytes, they de- voted themselves zealously to the spread of their religion. Under their earlier Sultans, they had extended their domain across Western Asia to the very gates of Constantinople. The second of their Sultans to rule Western Asia, Alp Arslan, had won a brilliant victory over the Eastern Empire at Manzikert In 1071, which opened Asia Minor to the Turks. Their ideas of political organization, however, were as rudimentary as those of the peoples of the West, and Asia Minor was given to a relative on the feudal basis of personal loyalty and homage to the Sultan. The vast empire of the Sul- tans soon became unmanageable. The third Sultan, Malik Shah, found his vassals restless and had to suppress at least one revolt. Upon his death in 1092, quarrels arose among his sons which lasted for more than a genera- tion. During this time, the numerous feudal vassals exercised practical in- dependence. They not only participated in the wars between the rivals, but often warred with one another. It was at this juncture that the Crusaders came. The Turks were so embittered among themselves that they refused to make common cause against the invaders, and, as a result, the Crusaders were able to overcome one after another of their principalities. The first of these, called the Sultanate of Rum (Romania), included practically all of Asia Minor. This had been given to Suliman by Alp Arslan and had been extended by him to Nicaea, which he made his capital. This Suliman was well known and feared by the Greeks. His son, Kilij Arslan Daud, whom the Crusaders called SoHman, was ruling at the time of the Crusade (1092- 1106) and led the fighting in Asia Minor against the Christians. • THE FIRST CRUSADE 113 At Nicaea the various bands were formed into one army, and thereafter the different authors serve to correct and corroborate one another in the account of their common experiences. Two exceptions occur; one in re- gard to the battle of Dorylaeum, when the army was temporarily divided, and the other when Baldwin and Tancred left the main army on journeys of adventure in Cilicia. The division of the army before Dorylaeum was ended by the battle, and the digression of Baldwin to Edessa took him per- manently from the main army, while that of Tancred ended when the main army joined him before Antioch. Fulcher, who accompanied Baldwin, there- fore ceases at this time to qualify as an eye-witness of events which oc- curred in the main army. For Tancred's separate acts the account by the Anonymous may be supplemented by that of Raoul de Caen, who probably gained his story from Tancred himself.^ Events followed one another in such rapid succession as to confuse writers who delayed the composition of their narratives for some time. This is especially true of Raymond, whose story must be carefully checked by the letters and the Gesta. On most mat- ters of importance in this chapter the accounts agree. The most notable exception is that of the defection of the Greek commander Tetigus, called also Tatic, Titidns, Tatantis, and Statiuus. The divergent view of Anna de- serves consideration in view of the increased distrust between the Latins and the Greeks.-) I. Battle of Dorylaeum. (Jvtly i, 1097.) (Gesta.) Then on the first day after leaving the city, we came to a certain bridge and remained there for two days. On the third day, however, before day had begun to dawn, our men arose. Since it was night, they were unable to keep to one road, but were divided into two lines and, thus divided, proceeded for two days. In one line were the men, Bohemund, Robert of Normandy, the renowned Tancred, and several others ; in the other were the Count of St. Gilles, Duke Godfrey, the Bishop of Puy, Hugh the Great, the Count of Flanders, and many others. But on the third day the Turks rushed violently upon Bohemund and those who were with him. Forthwith the Turks began to whistle and chatter and shout at the top of their voices, uttering a diabolical sound, I know not how, in their own tongue. The wise man, Bohemund, seeing innumerable Turks whistling and shouting from afar with demoniacal voices, straightway ordered all the knights to dismount and quickly pitch their tents. Before the tents had been pitched, he spoke again to all the knights: "Seignors and bravest knights of Christ, behob! the battle is now close about us on all sides. Therefore, let all the knights advance manfully against the enemy, and let the foot- soldiers spread the tents carefully and very quickly." But after this was all done, the Turks were already encircling us on all sides, slashing, hurling, piercing, and shooting far and wide in wondrous 114 THE FIRST CRUSADE fashion. Though we could not resist them, nor withstand the press of so great an enemy, yet we (held out) there together. Our wo- men, also, were on that day of greatest support to us. They brought drinking water to our fighters, and, furthermore, ever comforted those who were fighting and defending them. Accordingly, the wise man, Bohemund, straightway sent word to the others (to wit, the renowned Count of St. Gilles, the famous Duke Godfrey, Hugh the Great, the most honorable Bishop of Puy, and all the other knights of Christ) to hurry and come to the battle as quickly as possible, saying that, if they wished to fight that day, let them come bravely. They utterly refused (at first), laughing at the messengers and saying, "Surely this is all false!" For we did not believe that those people were so impudent that they already dared to rise up and fight again with us. Finally, Duke Godfrey, bold and brave, and Hugh the Great went ahead with their armies. The Bishop of Puy also followed them with his army, and the Count of St. Gilles after them with the great host. Our men wondered exceedingly whence had arisen so great a multitude of Turks, Arabs, Saracens, and others whom I know not how to enumerate, for almost all the mountains and hills and valleys and all the level places, within and without, were on all sides covered with that excommunicate race. Accordingly, secret speech was held among us, praising and advising and saying, "Be of one mind in the faith of Christ, and in the victory of the Stand- ard of the Holy Cross, because this day, if it please God, you will all have been made rich." Straightway our lines of battle were formed. On the left side was the wise man, Bohemund, Robert of Normandy, the renowned Tancred, the most honorable Robert of Anse, and the famous Richard of Principati. The Bishop of Puy, indeed, came over another mountain, surrounding the incredulous Turks on all sides. On the left side, also, rode the most mighty knight, Raymond, Count of St. Gilles. On the right wing was the honorable Duke Godfrey, and the most fierce knight, the Count of Flanders, Hugh the Great, and many others whose names I do not know. Immediately, however, upon the arrival of our troops the Turks, Arabs, Saracens, Agulani,^ and all the barbarous nations quickly turned in flight through the mountain passes and over the level places. Moreover, the number of the Turks, Persians, Puhli- cani* Saracens, Agulani and other pagans was three hundred and sixty thousand, besides the Arabs, whose number no one knows, unless it be God alone. They fled, indeed, very quickly to their tents, but they were not permitted to remain there long. Again they took to flight, and we followed them, killing them one whole ,